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OF THK
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LIBRARY
Date Due
OCA
Heroes of the Nations
A Series of Biographical Studies presenting the
lives and work of certain representative histori-
cal characters, about whom have gathered the
traditions of the nations to which they belong,
and who have, in the majority of instances, been
accepted as types of the several national ideals.
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foeroes of tbe nations
EDITED BY
Evelyn Bbbott, flD.H.
FELLOW OF BALL10L COLLEGE, OXFORD
PAOTA DUCI8 VI VENT, OPEROftAQUE
GLORIA RERUN OVID, IN LIVIAM, 265.
THE HERO'S DEED9 AND HARD-WON
FAME 8HAU LIVE.
JULIAN
Coin of Rhodes. Head of Helioa.
STATUE OF JULIAN.
FROM THE THERME8, PARIS.
JULIAN
PHILOSOPHER AND EMPEROR
AND THE
LAST STRUGGLE OF PAGANISM AGAINST CHRISTIANITY
BY
ALICE GARDNER
LECTURER AND ASSOCIATE OF NEWNHAM
COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
AUTHOR OF ** SYNESIUS OF CYRENE n
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
NEW YORK LONDON
87 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND
1906
COPYRIGHT, 1895
BY G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
Entered at Stationers' Hall, London
Cbe fmfcfterbocfcer pteei, Hew Uork
TO THE
RIGHT REVEREND M. CREIGHTON
D.D., D.C.L., LL.D., ETC.
LORD BISHOP OF PETERBOROUGH
AND SOMETIME DIXIE PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED
WITH MANY GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCES
BY
THE AUTHOR
PREFACE
kHE responsibility of including Julian
among the " Heroes of the Na-
tions " rests with the Editors of
this Series. For myself I would
only say that Julian has been a
r most fascinating figure to me from
early youth, and that his character
has lost none of its attractiveness with the
more serious study of later years, while
his relations to his times have seemed
to me to grow more and more instructive in many
ways. Julian is not well known to the reading pub-
lic at the present day, though Mr. Kendall's able
little book, written from a point of view somewhat
different from mine, ought to have helped to set him
in a clearer light.
It is always a pleasant task to acknowledge one's
obligations to those who have helped one's work by
counsel, criticism, or direction. I must be allowed
in the first place to express my thanks to my brothers,
Professor Percy Gardner of Oxford, and Mr. Ernest
Gardner of the British Archaeological School at
Athens : the former for much general advi9e, and for
assistance in selecting the illustrations ; the latter for
very useful criticisms while the work was in manu-
vi Preface.
script, and especially for help in rendering difficult
passages in the Greek text. Dr. J. S. Reid, tutor of
Gonville and Caius College, has directed my atten-
tion to many useful books, chiefly German, on por-
tions of the subject, and has taken trouble in helping
to elucidate some of Julian's laws preserved in the
Theodosian Code. On this subject I have also re-
ceived suggestions and information from Mr. Monro,
likewise of Caius College. Mrs. Archer-Hind, of
Cambridge, has kindly read my proofs and made
some very helpful criticisms. I have to thank the
Arundel Society for kind permission to obtain
photographs of the fictile ivories at South Kensing-
ton. Mr. Collinson, who has travelled much in Asia
Minor, has most kindly given me photographs taken
by himself in or near Tarsus, with interesting com-
ments. Messrs. Longmans have kindly allowed the
reproduction of some curious Persian figures in
The Seventh Monarchy of Canon Rawlinson. And
the gentlemen in the Medal Room of the British
Museum, especially Mr. George Hill, have been most
kind in helping me to select my coins, and in pro-
curing me casts of them.
I would here say a word as to my chief object in
selecting my illustrations. Holding that their chief
function was to illustrate the text rather than to
adorn the book, I endeavoured to choose such as
might make the story more vivid by enabling my
readers to construct in imagination as much as pos-
sible of the environment in which Julian and his
contemporaries lived, their personal appearance and
dress, the most striking places where they dwelt, the
Preface. vii
scenes in which they habitually moved. I have not
confined myself to contemporary art, which was dur-
ing my period in a state of weakness and decline.
One art, however, seems to have suffered less, and
to have had a more continuous existence than the
rest that of carving in ivory. The ivory diptychs
I have chosen, many of them from this period or a
little later, give a clear notion of the dress and ap-
pearance of the men and women of the time. Some
mythological subjects seemed a suitable addition,
though belonging to an earlier period. Similarly, in
addition to portraits and other coins of the period,
I have selected some fine specimens of turreted and
chariot-driven goddesses and radiant gods, struck in
the great Asiatic cities, which help us in some meas-
ure to realise the Hellenic conceptions which Julian
endeavoured to revive.
I have given, in suitable places, references to the
chief authorities I have used. Of course the chief
authority for the student of Julian must always be
Julian himself.
ALICE GARDNER.
NEWNHAM COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,
5th February, 1895.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
THE ROMAN WORLD UNDER CONSTANTINE . . I
Public recognition of three great facts, how far already made
Its relation to the career of Julian, (i) That the Govern-
ment had become monarchic System of Diocletian Func-
tionaries and ranks Administration in dioceses and provinces
Separation of civil and military authority. (2) Rome no
longer the one capital Extension of citizenship Impor-
tance of other great cities Founding of a new Rome by Con-
btantine Failure of Diocletian's schemes of division Con-
flicts which led to supremacy of Constantine. (3) Christianity
the religion of the Empire Last persecution under Diocletian
Religious policy of Constantms Chlorus and Constantine
Edicts of Toleration Other laws in favour of Christians
Constantme's actions with regard to the Donatist and the
Anan controversies Athanasius and the Council of Nicsea
Arian reaction Synod of Tyre Athanasius demands
justice His changes of fortune Effect of these controver-
sies on the education and later position of Julian General
character of the period.
Notes.
CHAPTER II.
PARENTAGE OF JULIAN. HIS BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD.
CAREER AND END OF HIS BROTHER CALLUS . 24
Birth of Julian His three names His pedigree Death of
his mother Family massacre on death of Constantine
ix
Contents.
PAGE
Escape of Julian and Gallus New division of empire Civil
strife Death of the younger Constantine Conflicts with the
Sassanid kings Sapor invades Mesopotamia Battle of Sin-
gara Revolts of Magnentms,Vetramo, and Nepotian Death
of Constans Success of Constantius Battle of Mursa Con-
stantius sole Emperor His need of a colleague Educa-
tion of Gallus and Julian in Constantinople, Marcellum, etc.
Julian instructed in Homer by Mardonius Intercourse with
maternal relations Lonely youth Gallus made Caesar and
married to Constantina Sent to Antioch His failure
Domitian sent to make inquiries Tumult, alleged con-
spiracy, severe punishments Mission of Ursicinus Death
of Constantina Reckless conduct of Gallus He starts for
Italy Is put to death in Istna Relations of the two
brothers.
Notes on genealogical tree, etc.
CHAPTER III.
JULIAN'S ACADEMIC EDUCATION. . . . .48
Intellectual tastes and studious habits of Julian Was he
ever a Christian ? Intellectual life of the great Asiatic cities
Of Athens Character of a literary education at this time
Subjects of study Predominance of rhetoric Influence of
Rhetoric on the study of literature, mathematics, medicine,
law, and philosophy Representative leaders of thought
Maximus and the theosophical circle at Pergamun Libanius
of Antioch His career and character Themistius His
works, his religious attitude Christianity and Paganism in
education Student life in Athens Lack of discipline Its
effects on Julian.
Notes.
CHAPTER IV.
JULIAN'S ELEVATION TO THE C^ESARSHIP . . 73
Effects of fall of Gallus Character of Constantius and of
Eusebia Influence of sycophants Julian summoned to
Milan Exile to Como Retirement to Athens His life
Contents. xi
PAGE
e His personal appearance Fresh troubles in the East
Disturbances on Rhine frontier Constantius in Gaul
His campaign in Rhaetia Revolt of Silvanus treacherously
suppressed Constantius feels the need of a colleague-
Julian summoned from Athens to Milan Mental struggles
He is made Caesar and marries Helen Leaves for Gaul-
News of fall of Agnppina Winter in Vienne.
Notes, Helen and Eusebia, etc.
CHAPTER V.
JULIAN'S C^ESARSHIP IN GAUL 94
Julian and his colleagues Sphere of his authority and
character of his task His barbarian foes Campaign of jj6
March to Autun, Rheims, and the Rhine Recovery of fort-
resses Of Cologne Romans retire to Sens Irruption of
barbarians Misconduct and recall of Marcellus Julian's
attention to judicial and financial affairs His mode of life
Rhetorical compositions Campaign 0/357 Julian thwarted
by Barbatio The Laeti attack Lyons Julian tries to inter-
cept their retreat Restoration of Rhine fortresses Great
invasion of Allemanni They are beaten at the battle of
Strasburg Advance into the enemy's country Winter in
Pans Financial reforms Campaign 0/jjtf March towards
the lower Rhine Defeat of the Sahan Franks and of the
Chamavi Communication with Britain restored Recall of
Sallust Julian again crosses the Rhine Successes Cam-
paign of J59 Fortress building and expedition into Ger-
many Submission of chiefs remarkable nature of Julian's
achievements.
Notes.
CHAPTER VI.
MILITARY MOVEMENTS IN EAST AND WEST. JULIAN
BECOMES EMPEROR 1*7
Intimate connection between events in East and West
Rival interpretations of breach between Constantius and
xii Contents.
PAGE
Julian Constantius visits Rome New regulations Adorn-
ment of the city Alarm from the Danubian provinces Ex-
pedition (358) against Quadi and Sarmatians Massacre of
Limigantes Renewed conflict Negotiations with Sapor
Necessity of war Revolt of Antoninus and expedition of
Ursicinus into Mesopotamia Loss of Amida Demand of
troops from Gaul Difficult position of Julian Objection
raised by the soldiers Farewell dinner at Pans Tumultuous
night Julian saluted as Augustus Alarm of the soldiers for
his safety Attempts at compromise Julian addresses the
soldiers and writes a letter of explanation to Constantius
His second (doubtful) letter Answer of Constantius The
army rejects its terms Further unsuccessful negotiations
Various views of Julian's conduct.
Notes.
CHAPTER VII.
WARS IN EAST AND WEST CONTINUED. DEATH OF
CONSTANTIUS, AND THE BEGINNING OF JULIAN'S
REIGN AS SOLE AUGUSTUS . . 145
Reasons for delay on both sides Persian war Fall of Sin-
gara and of Phoenice Constantius advances against Persians
His third marriage Attempts to gain allies in the East
and to secure Africa against Julian Sapor retreats Con-
stantius turns westward Campaign 0/360 in Gaul Subju-
gation of Attuanan Franks Julian again crosses the Rhine
He assumes imperial insignia Celebrates the Epiphany
Death of Helen Letters written to Athens and other cities
Campaign of 361 Expedition against Vadomar, a chief
of the Allemanni Julian's fifth crossing of the Rhine He
addresses the soldiers and marches eastward Threefold
march Sirmium taken The pass of Succi seized Dis-
affection in Rome Meeting at Sirmium Unexpected death
of Constantius His melancholy career The corpse brought
to Constantinople Julian enters the city and assists at the
obsequies End of mutiny Julian's immediate objects
commission to punish offenders Cases of just and of unjust
Contents. xiii
PACK
punishment Palace reforms Favours to philosophers Im-
provement of the city Religious schemes.
Notes.
CHAPTER VIII.
JULIAN'S RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY . . . 169
Difficulty of grasping Julian's religious position Excuses
made for his so-called apostasy Influence of Arianism
Of defective religious education Positive sides of his religion
more important than negative His ardent Hellenism At-
titude of early Christian teachers towards the pagan culture
Oriental elements in Julian's religion Mithraicism Its
origin, development, and significance at this time Cosmo-
politan character of religion in the Roman Empire Reasons
for growth of Mithraicism Julian's devotion to King Helios
Its connection with the other elements of his theology
With the theories of Neo-Platonism Hierarchies and agen-
cies Absence of morality Julian's attempts to rationalise
and moralise the old mythology Difficulty of the task.
Notes.
CHAPTER IX.
JULIAN AS RELIGIOUS REFORMER AND CONTROVER-
SIALIST 193
Destruction and reconstruction Attempt to graft humane
and moral ideas on pagan institutions Four letters on re-
ligion to the priestess Callixena Fragment to a priest, on
duties of his office Julian's ideal of the priestly life To
Arsacius, high-priest of Galatia To a priest guilty of assault
Judgment of Gregory Nazianzen on Julian's reforms Con-
troversial writings against Christians How far original ?
Their present form Different kinds of argument used by
Julian in dealing with what is capable or incapable of ex-
amination Hellenic and Jewish theories of Creation Points
in which Christians differed both from Jews and from Hel-
lenes Strictures on Jewish and Christian moials Jewish and
Christian worship Julian's failure to understand the Chris-
tian stand-point.
Notes.
xiv Contents.
CHAPTER X.
PAGE
JULIAN'S POLICY AGAINST THE CHRISTIANS . .218
Religious toleration Under what conditions possible In-
difference or laissez-faire Julian's idea of the supreme im-
portance of religious truth, and of his own responsibilities as
ruler Means of ascertaining his policy His determination
not to persecute Limits to his toleration Withdrawal of
privileges from clergy Restoration of temple property
Cases of iconoclasm Equal indulgence to all sects Effects
on religious parties Return of exiles Varied career of Ae-
tius of Antioch Party conflict in Alexandria Murder of
Bishop George Return of Athanasius He is again exiled
Julian's letter to the Alexandrians Julian's edict against
Christian schoolmasters Its effect Indirect influence
against Christianity.
Notes.
CHAPTER XI.
LEGISLATIVE LABOURS AND ADMINISTRATIVE RE-
FORMS 245
Practical and theoretical elements in Julian's character and
work Various sources of law in the Roman Empire
Julian's efforts towards judicial and financial reforms His
personal interest in administration and judicature Laws
to regulate appeals and facilitate fair trials Laws to moder-
ate public burdens The public post Attempts to check
abuses of the system Concessions of immunity to impover-
ished districts Special exemptions Endeavours to improve
municipal organisations Various laws Policy towards the
Jews Project to rebuild the temple Its mysterious failure
His probable design.
Notes.
CHAPTER XII.
LITERARY RECREATIONS. CONTROVERSY WITH THE
CYNICS 268
Character of Julian's literary work Chief remains Verses
on Beer and on the Organ. " The Caesars " Sketch of the
Contents. xv
PAGE
composition Procession of Emperors Contest and award
Oration "Against the Cynic Heraclius " Objection to
Cynic treatment of mythology Julian's model allegory
Oration " To the Unmannerly Dogs" Character and origin
of Cynicism Its chief features in this period Why Julian
disapproved it Relations of Cynics and Christians.
Notes.
CHAPTER XIII.
JULIAN AND THE ANTIOCHENES .... 295
Preparation for Persian war Julian crosses into Asia He
visits Nicomedia and Pessinus His letter to Aristoxenus
Arrival at Antioch Character of city and citizens Inter-
course of Julian and Libanius Judicial measures Dispute
with Senators as to religious rites Transference of bones of
St. Babylas Burning of temple at Daphne Attempt to regu-
late price of corn The Senate ordered into custody In-
effectual relief measures and grants Julian writes the Mis-
opogon Death of his uncle Julian He leaves Antioch
Bitter feeling.
Notes.
CHAPTER XIV.
JULIAN'S PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. HIS DEATH . .314
Julian's objects and plans The fugitive prince Hormisdas
March to Beroea, Batnae, Hierapolis, Carrhae Troops
detached for Armenia Advance down the valley of the
Euphrates Beginning of hostilities at Anatho Difficulties
of march Storming of Pirisabora Capture of Maogamalcha
The fleet brought from the Euphrates into the Tigris
Troops cross the Tigris Decision not to blockade Ctesiphon
Julian strikes eastward Great difficulties of march
Julian burns his ships Progress towards the north The
Persian army appears Harassing march Indecisive battle
Truce Omens The march resumed Sudden attack of
Persians Julian rushes against the enemy His wound and
death History and tradition.
Notes.
XVI
Contents.
CHAPTER XV.
PACK
OUTCOME OF JULIAN'S ENTERPRISE. HIS POSITION
IN HISTORY 338
(i.) The East State of the army Election of Jovian as Em-
peror Disastrous march and ignominious peace Evacu-
ation of Nisibis Burial of Julian at Tarsus Death of Jo-
vian Succession of Valentinian and Valens Subsequent
affairs in the East, (ii.) The West : unwise measures of Jovian
Valentinian revives the policy of Julian in Gaul Results
of Julian's work there. (Hi.) Civil government : general wish
' to continue a policy of economy Suspicious character of
Valens Rebellion of Procopius Legislative policy of Julian
continued, (iv.) Religious affairs Restoration of Christian
symbols and privileges, but not much persecution Valen-
tinian in favour of non-intervention Different policy of
Theodosius Concluding survey of Julian's life and char-
acter.
Notes.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
HEAD OF HELIOS. (COIN OF RHODES) Page preceding frontispiece
STATUE OF JULIAN FROM THE THERMES, PARIS,* Frontispiece
CONSTANTINOPLE PERSONIFIED AND A GALLEY. 1 PAGB
(COIN OF THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE) . . I
A WARRIOR. (iVORY DIPTYCH, 4TH CENTURY) a . 8
MAP OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, WHEN DIVIDED BY CON-
STANTINE AMONG HIS SONS IO
A CONSUL. (IVORY DIPTYCH, 5TH OR 6TH CEN-
TURY) a 14
A CONSUL, BETWEEN TWO COLUMNS. (iVORY DIP-
TYCH.) a l8
ROME PERSONIFIED WOLF AND TWINS. (COIN OF
THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE) l . . . .22
GOLD MEDALLION OF THE SONS OF CONSTANTINE * . 24
GAMES IN CIRCUS. (iVORY DIPTYCH, 2D CENTURY) a 26
BAS-RELIEF OF SAPOR II. AND SAPOR III. IN KER-
MANSHAH 8 30
COIN OF CONSTANTIUS GALLUS * . . -45
* I am bound to say that Bernoulli!, in his Iconographie Romaine,
throws doubt on the ascription of this statue to Julian. But the
argument in favour of it seems pretty strong.
1 Reproduced from Cohen's Description historique des Monnaies
frapp fas sous I* Empire Romain.
9 Reproduced by permission of the Arundel Society.
8 Reproduced, by permission, from Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy,
xviii List of Illustrations.
PAGE
PEDIGREES OF JULIAN'S FATHER AND MOTHER . 46
COINS OF NICOMEDIA. (THREE TEMPLES AGONISTIC
URNS WITH BRANCHES OF PALM) ... 48
COIN OF NIC/EA. (IMPERIAL TIMES) ... 48
A MUSE. (IVORY DIPTYCH, 4TH OR STH CENTURY) ' 54
A BUNDLE OF MANUSCRIPTS ROLLED UP. 8 A COIN OF
CONSTANTINE II. 8 7O
COIN OF MAGNENTIUS 8 73
EMPRESS AND SON PERHAPS PLACIDIA AND VALEN-
TINIAN. (IVORY DIPTYCH) z . . . 74
RUINS OF IMPERIAL BUILDINGS, MILAN ... 86
COIN OF CONSTANTINE II. (CONSTANTINE RECEIVING
A CROWN FROM HEAVEN ; ONE OF HIS SONS, TO
THE RIGHT, RECEIVING A CROWN FROM VICTORY;
THE OTHER, TO THE LEFT, BEING CROWNED BY
A SOLDIER) 8 91
A FOUR-HORSE CHARIOT a 94
MAP OF GAUL 98
THE THERMES, JULIAN'S PALACE AT PARIS . . I IO
ROMAN ENSIGNS OF THE CELT^E AND OF THE PETU-
LANTES 8 117
CHARIOT RACE BEFORE A CONSUL. (iVORY DIPTYCH,
30 OR 4TH CENTURY) l 120
COIN OF JULIAN. (THE BULL APIS ; ABOVE, STARS) 3 143
COIN OF KING SAPOR II., A.D. 340-370 . . . 145
TRIUMPHAL ARCH AT RHEIMS 156
CONSUL WITH DIGNITARIES. (iVORY DIPTYCH, 5TH
CENTURY) 1 162
CONSUL BETWEEN TWO DIGNITARIES (iVORY DIP-
TYCH, STH CENTURY) * 166
1 Reproduced by permission of the Arundel Society.
9 Reproduced from Boeckmg's Notitia Dignitatum.
8 Reproduced from Cohen's Description historique des Monnaies
frafp/es sous r Empire Romain.
List of Illustrations. xix
PAGB
HEADS OF SARAPIS AND ISIS. REVERSE I ISIS AND
NEPHTHYS FACE TO FACE. (COIN OF JULIAN) ' 169
HEAD OF HELIOS. (COIN OF RHODES) . . 169
ASKLEPIOS. (lV"ORY DIPTYCH, 2D OR 30 CENTURY) 3 l86
HYGIEIA. (IVORY DIPTYCH, 2D OR 30 CENTURY) a l88
COIN OF SMYRNA. (HEAD OF CYBELE) . . . 190
HEADS OF SARAPIS AND ISIS. (COIN OF JULIAN AND
HELEN SO-CALLED.) REVERSE : VOTA PUBLICA,
ISIS WITH SISTRUM AND VASE * . . . 193
HEAD OF ISIS PHARIA. REVERSE : ISIS PHARIA ON A
GALLEY. (COIN OF HELEN) ' .... 216
CYBELE IN HER CHARIOT, DRAWN BY LIONS. (COIN
OF SMYRNA, IMPERIAL TIMES) . . . . 2l8
COIN OF JULIAN. REVERSE : ISIS SUCKLING HORUS ' 242
COIN OF HELEN, MOTHER OF CONSTANTINE. REVERSE:
SECURITAS REIPUBLICM 245
TYCHE OF TARSUS IMPERIAL TIMES. (A COIN) . 245
COIN OF CONSTANS I., 1 AND COIN OF ANTIOCH. (viC-
TORY) 262
COIN OF SMYRNA (CYBELE ON HER THRONE), AND
COIN OF TARSUS (IMPERIAL TIMES) . . . 262
HEAD OF ISIS PHARIA, COIN OF NISIBIS (IMPERIAL
TIMES), AND COIN OF TARSUS .... 262
MEDAL OF MAXIMIAN. HEAD WITH ATTRIBUTES OF
HERACLES. REVERSE : THREE FEMALE FIGURES
WITH CORNUCOPIA 268
PRIMITIVE ORGAN 8 272
A POET OR PHILOSOPHER (POSSIBLY A CYNIC). (iVORY
DIPTYCH, 4TH OR 5TH CENTURY) a . . . 286
1 Reproduced from Cohen's Description historique des Monnaies
frapp fas sous V Empire Romain.
2 Reproduced by permission of the Arundel Society.
* Reproduced from Hopkins's History of the Organ. Messrs.
Robert Cocks & Co.
xx List of Illustrations.
MEDALLION OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. RE-
VERSE : SEATED FIGURES RECEIVING TROPHY
AND GIFTS 292
COINS OF ANTIOCH, A GODDESS IN HER TEMPLE (iM-
PERIAL TIMES), AND TYCHE OF THE CITY . 295
STATUE OF ANTIOCH AND THE ORONTES . . 296
THE CILICIAN GATES* 298
COIN OF ANTIOCH, TYCHE OF THE CITY. REVERSE :
A SPRAY (OF LAUREL ?) 312
COIN OF SAPOR II., OF PERSIA. REVERSE I FIRE-
ALTAR WITH WORSHIPPERS .... 314
MAP OF MESOPOTAMIA 316
PERSIAN BATTLE-SCENE. (FROM A BAS-RELIEF) ' . 322
COIN OF JOVIAN 335
COIN OF VALENTINIAN THE ELDER. REVERSE : EM-
PEROR HOLDING STANDARD AND VICTORY 1 . 337
AN ANCIENT GATEWAY OF TARSUS* . . . 342
THE TOMB OF JOVINUS AT RHEIMS (FROM A PHOTO-
GRAPH) 346
COIN OF VALENS AND VALENTINIAN a 355
* From a photograph by Mr. Collinson.
1 Reproduced, by permission, from Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy.
8 Reproduced from Cohen's Description historique des Monnaies
frappdes sous V Empire Romain.
1 ^
Coin of Constantinople : age of Constantine. Reverse, VICTORIA AVG:
Victory on the prow of a galley.
JULIAN,
PHILOSOPHER AND EMPEROR.
CHAPTER I.
THE ROMAN WORLD UNDER CONSTANTINE.
305-337.
" The time is out of joint, O cursed spite
That ever I was born to set it right ! " Hamlet \ i., 5.
" oXiyov 8etv aitavra aittTpditrj dtd <5 TTJV rcSv
QetSr Ev/ueveiav (yao^o^eOa itdvT$." JULIAN, Ep. 7.
URING the early years of the fourth
century of our era, the fortunes of
the Graeco-Roman world were con-
siderably modified by the frank and
official recognition of three facts,
which hitherto, though patent to
thoughtful observers, had been more
or less successfully hidden, under a mass of venerable
fictions, from the eyes of the people at large. 1
2 Julian^ Philosopher and Emperor. [305-
The first of these three facts was that the govern-
ment of the Roman Empire had ceased to be a
republic.
The second was that the Eternal City of Rome
was no longer the one centre of the whole political
system.
The third was that the worship of the ancient
gods of Greece and Rome, neither in its earlier and
simpler forms, nor in its later combinations with
Oriental mythology and ritual and with theosophic
accretions from the schools, could any longer be
regarded as the religion of the people and their
rulers.
The recognition of these three momentous facts
was not simultaneous nor made by one person. It
may be regarded as representing the chief lines of
the policy followed by the Emperors Diocletian and
Constantine. Yet Diocletian was so far from recog-
nising the inevitable character of the religious revo-
lution going on in the Empire, that his reign marks
the last effort to check by stern persecution the ris-
ing tide of Christianity. In political and military
affairs, on the other hand, some of the changes
made by these great Emperors had been anticipated
by others of earlier date. Thus the great soldier-
Emperor, Aurelian, in his brief reign of less than five
years (A.D. 270-275), had inaugurated several of
the changes adopted during the succeeding period.
But the reforms of the years with which we are now
occupied are sufficiently homogeneous, and were
carried out within a short enough period of time to
enable us to draw here a line separating two his-
3371 The Rom&n World under Constantine* 3
torical epochs, which some German historians dis-
tinguish as that of the Princedom and that of the
Absolute Monarchy.
It is, of course, far beyond our present purpose to
examine and narrate, even in barest outline, the
external fortunes and the internal developments of
the Empire under the rule of Constantine and his
immediate predecessors. Such a task would require
powers equal to those of the great English historian
who has written of this time, and whose work, in
spite of its blemishes is not likely to be soon
superseded. For although in many of our modern
writers of history we may reasonably look for a more
judicial impartiality, for a more scrupulous accuracy
in detail, and for a greater breadth of sympathy, we
should hardly dare to expect from the pen of any
one of them as weighty, as impressive, and as inspir-
ing a work as that of Edward Gibbon. Of late
years, however, while some learned French and
German writers have endeavoured to follow in
Gibbon's footsteps, taking up his great subject as a
whole, useful work has also been done by more
special investigators of various nations who have
restricted their labours to one or other of the sec-
tions into which that vast field may be divided.
Those who would master the history of the Roman
Empire, if not endowed with colossal powers, must
adopt the maxim of the Romans themselves, and
divide that they may conquer. But here the
biographer finds his task simpler than that of
the historian ; for him the division is ready-made,
and his standpoint is definitely marked. He has to
4 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. 1305
regard all the historical events of his period solely as
constituting the environment in which his hero
lived and laboured. Thus for us, in our present
study, no more of the Roman world and of contem-
porary history has to be considered than is absolutely
essential for those who would understand the life
and character of Julian.
Julian's career was greatly influenced by the
recognition of the three great changes. It exhibits
in a striking manner the dominant tendencies of the
age, tendencies against which, for the most part,
Julian felt himself bound to maintain a vigorous
resistance. Not that he was unwilling to follow the
policy of his predecessors in so far as it was condu-
cive to the energetic defence and the efficient admin-
istration of the Empire. But in his quick sympathy
with the aspirations of past ages, and his entire devo-
tion to ideas which had ceased to sway the minds of
men, Julian felt himself out of harmony with the
world in which he lived, and thus he came to throw
all his powers and affections into the scale of
reaction. Perhaps some English and American
readers, to whom the cause of progress and the
cause of the right may seem to be identical, would
regard the phrase " a reactionary hero," as a contra-
diction in terms. Whether or no Julian deserves to
be called a hero, we may be better able to judge at
the close of our enquiry. Here we would only say
that the fact of his being a reactionary ought not
unduly to prejudice us against him at the outset.
For even if the upward progress of mankind were as
sure and as steady as some optimistic philosophers
337] The Roman World under Constantine. 5
would have us believe, yet such philosophers cannot
deny that in the course of the march some good
things are often dropped by the way, in order, per-
haps, that yet better things, incompatible with the
older, may be securely grasped. And if this is so,
the passing generation has no right to undervalue
the services of those who would call its attention,
sometimes, perhaps in overstrained and querulous
tones, to the glories of the treasures which are being
lost, but of which, perchance, some fragments may
yet be recovered.
Now each of the three changes, or acknowledgments
of change, which we have to consider, was abhorrent
to the mind and character of Julian. Hating pomp
and show, impatient of the petty, hampering rules of
Court etiquette, constantly dwelling in thought on
the ancient glories of democratic Athens and sena-
torial Rome, he could hardly view the orientalising
and inordinate exaltation of the Imperial dignity in
the light of a reform. Yet his almost single-handed
efforts to revive the great days of the Roman Senate
and of Greek municipal freedom were not productive
of very great results, either for good or for evil. Of
Rome herself, in spite of an antiquarian deference,
he was not as zealous a champion as he was of the
Graeco-Roman culture which seemed to be bound up
in its fortunes with those of the great Empire,
threatened as both were in his day by adversaries on
the border and by discontented classes and nations
within. A prince whose two chief victories were
gained one on the Rhine and the other on the Tigris,
who devoted equal care to the military maintenance
6 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [305-
of Roman defences and to the verbal championship
of Greek letters and ideas, may certainly be regarded
as having done his part in keeping up the integrity
of the Empire. As to the change in spiritual condi-
tions, this was to him not merely an adverse element
of the environment in which he had to work ; it was
the destruction of all that he held dear and believed
to be most necessary for the common good. He
felt bound to prevent such a destruction at any cost,
or to perish in the attempt.
To avoid vagueness, let us now consider very
briefly, and in relation to the main subject of our
narrative, how these great changes, political and re-
ligious, were being brought about, and what was the
exact significance of each one of the three.
I. Gibbon has defined the 'government of Au-
gustus and his successors as " an absolute monarchy
disguised by the forms of a commonwealth." To
investigate the character of the monarchy and the
methods of its disguise does not belong to our pres-
ent task. All who have even a slight acquaintance
with the history of the Roman Empire have read how
after the comparatively prosperous days of the Anto-
nines, the real power came into the hands of a vio-
lent and rapacious soldiery, destitute of national feel-
ing, impatient of any attempts to enforce order and
discipline. Anarchy within and perpetual hostilities
on the frontier had brought the fortunes of the Em-
pire to a low ebb, when there arose a succession of
strong rulers, beginning with Claudius II., an ances-
tor of Julian (268-270, A. D.), who were capable of
restoring discipline, of beating back insolent invaders,
337] The Roman World under Constantine. 7
and of taking steps towards the consolidation of the
Empire. Still, the Imperial finances were on the
verge of bankruptcy, and the Imperial defence in des-
perate need of a thorough reorganisation, when, in
285 A.D., Diocletian was called to the throne. This
great Emperor, whose deep and powerful nature
has been somewhat of an enigma to all historians,
was not a Roman nor even an Italian by birth, but a
Dalmatian of low descent, and was perhaps the bet-
ter able to effect the necessary reforms in that he was
but lightly bound by the traditions of the past. When
he had overcome the rebellions that disturbed the
earlier years of his reign, he devoted his energies to
a series of administrative arrangements that should
bring all parts of the Empire more directly under the
control of the autocratic ruler, should increase the
resources of the government, and diminish opportuni-
ties for usurpation and insurrection. He judged it
expedient to surround the Imperial person with all
the pomp and ceremony of Oriental monarchy, to in-
sist that subjects admitted to his presence should kneel
and kiss the border of his purple robe ; he assumed
the title of Dominus, and accepted even that of Deus.
The great functionaries of old time, the Consuls, had
long ceased to have any but an ornamental existence.
The Senate had lost all legislative power, and all
freedom of speech. Imperial edicts and Imperial
rescripts were the only forms of legislative action.
The Emperor was supreme over the legislative, judi-
cial, and administrative systems. His Court officials,
especially the Master of the Offices, were among
the greatest functionaries. His private fortune was
8 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [305-
hardly to be distinguished from the public treasure.
His Council of State was presided over by an officer of
his Court. The pompous and ceremonious etiquette
with which Diocletian and his successors surrounded
themselves was extended to all who took part in the
government. The ranks in which men of high
standing were placed the Illustres, the Spectabiles,
the Clarissimi, etc. were clearly defined and
minutely observed. The nobility was for the most
part of an official rather than of an hereditary
character. Even the title of Patrician became un-
der Constantine a merely personal distinction. In
the lower grades of society trade and industry were
fettered, and individual enterprise and liberty were re-
duced to a minimum by compulsory hereditary mem-
bership in the various corporations (of ship-owners
down to those of bakers and chalk-burners) which
enjoyed the privilege of carrying on their business
in return for heavy dues rendered to the state.
Under the all-powerful and ubiquitous authority of
the Emperor, the administration was bureaucratic,
and generally carried on by men who had begun
their career with the study and practice of the law.
The disorders of later times had often proceeded
from the inordinate power of successful generals.
A remedy to this danger was found in the diminu-
tion of the powers that could be held by any one
man. The Praetorian Praefects who had at one time
been at the head of the army and also of the judica-
ture were, under Constantine, deprived of all mili-
tary command. As an able modern historian has
said,* " the separation of the civil from the military
A WARRIOR (THEODOSIUS??.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
337] The Roman World under Constantine. 9
power becomes the foundation and corner-stone of
the new administrative organisation."
This organisation was based on the division of the
Empire into fairly large administrative areas, called
Dioceses. Of these there were seven in the eastern
and five in the western portion of the Empire, each
under the rule of a Vicar, except such as came under
the direct authority of the Prcetorian Prefects, of
whom we find two under Diocletian, four under
Constantine. The Provinces which went to make
up the Dioceses had their own governors, who gen-
erally bore the title of Presides, and it seems to
have been in the interest not only of the public
peace but also of the comfort of the provincials,
that a regulation was passed forbidding such office
to be held by a native of the province over which
the rule was to be exercised. The military govern-
ors who held command on the borders and else-
where, and who generally bore the names Duces and
Comites, had, as already stated, no connection with
the civil administration. The army was not in any
sense national in character. Some of the best regi-
ments of the Guards were of barbarian race, and the
defence of the borders was often entrusted to alien
settlers, who held their land on a kind of military
tenure.
II. The shifting, so to speak, of the centre of
gravity of the Empire was a result gradually neces-
sitated by a long course of events. The privileges
of Roman citizenship, so ardently coveted and jeal-
ously guarded during the later days of the Republic,
had been by degrees extended with ever increasing
io Julian* Philosopher and Emperor. [305-
liberality, till by an edict passed some time in the
reign of Caracalla (211-217, A.D.) they were granted
to all free-born subjects of the Empire. Italy her-
self had been reluctantly subjected to the necessity
of paying the land-tax formerly required from
provincials only, and Rome, though retaining her
municipal officers, saw, with the decline of the power
of the Senate, the reduction of her prerogative to a
level little above that claimed by some other lead-
ing cities of the Empire. Thus for instance Diocle-
tian undertook measures for supplying to Alexan-
dria the corn and other necessaries which the
government had always secured to the capital.
Diocletian himself had no capital, in the sense of a
permanent royal residence, though Milan and Nico-
media were frequent resorts of himself and his col-
leagues, and as royal abodes enjoyed the munificence
he loved to display in public buildings and shows.
Even the founding of a new royal residence on the
Bosphorus, one of the most notable acts of Constan-
tine (about 330 A.D.), was probably not the result of
a direct design against the dignity of Old Rome.
The curious legend that Constantine abandoned the
ancient city to the government of its bishops, is, of
course, a fiction of much later times. Yet the facts
remain that Constantinople did become politically a
successful rival to Rome, and that the power of the
Roman bishop was greatly increased by the unique
position in which the act of Constantine had placed
him.
Again, though the tendency to separation be-
tween East and West was furthered by the found-
. TW IAN EMPIRE ,
WHEN DIVIDED BY CONST ANTINE AMONG HIS SONS & NEPHEWS
/ MO aw MO 1
337] The Roman World under Constantine. 1 1
ing of a new residence in eastern lands and also by
local separation in administration, yet it would be
a mistake to suppose that any so-called division,
effected by Diocletian or by any of his successors,
was intended to create two or more states out of
one. When, in 286 A.D., Diocletian associated Max-
imian with him as Augustus ; when, soon afterwards,
he adopted as his son, and forced Maximian also to
adopt, a young Caesar who should be regarded as
the colleague and heir of each Augustus respectively,
there was still no notion that the Empire itself was
to be divided. Laws still ran in the names of both
Emperors, and titles of honour were borne by both
alike. Even in much later days, at the division
made on the death of Theodosius (in 395), there
was no project of establishing two entirely distinct
and separate governments, and one may almost say
that the final division into East and West became
permanent by accident. Nevertheless, in any state,
and especially in an absolute monarchy, two sover-
eigns imply two Courts and two administrative
centres, and if there be already any tendency to
political separation (due to differences in religion,
in language, or in national character), such tendency
must needs be strengthened and hastened in its
operation by the sharing of the supreme authority
among two or more colleagues.
But Diocletian's plans even for a personal division
of Imperial authority and functions were doomed to
failure. In 305 he and Maximian, his colleague
in the title of Augustus, abdicated, and their places
should, according to preconceived plans, have been
1 2 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [305-
filled by the two Caesars, who again should have
been assisted and afterwards succeeded by two more
regularly appointed Caesars. The practical result,
however, was a general scramble, a series of usurpa-
tions, and a destructive civil war. At one time six
persons simultaneously asserted, and to some extent
maintained, claims to the Imperial authority. But
in the course of a few years, most of the pretenders
had fallen in the field or otherwise disappeared from
the scene. In 324 Constantine was sole master
of the undivided Empire, and although he subse-
quently conferred the title of Ccesar, with some of
the administrative functions pertaining thereto, on
three of his sons and on some other relations, he
maintained a position of supreme authority until his
death in 337, when, as we shall see, a new division
of territorial powers was accomplished. At that
time Julian was about seven years old.
III. The relations of Diocletian and Constan-
tine to the Christian Church, the semi-Christian
sects, and the cults of Paganism, and the causes
which determined those relations, form a large and
attractive field of study. Here we can only notice
a few points of immediate interest and importance.
Diocletian, though certainly not cruel by nature,
nor unsusceptible to the softening and civilising in-
fluences of his time, was the last of the great per-
secutors of the Christians. The first objects of his
rigorous measures were the Manichees, whose doc-
trine seems to have been a strange medley of Chris-
tian teaching with the tenets of the old Persian
dualism as to the everlasting strife between the
337] The Roman World under Constantino. 1 3
powers of light and of darkness. It was not till
comparatively late in his reign that the Christians,
after a considerable time of security and of grow-
ing influence, felt his heavy hand. In 303 ap-
peared the great persecuting edict, which ordered
all churches and Christian books to be destroyed,
and all Christians holding office at Court to take
part in some heathen sacrifice, or else give up
their civil and political rights. A second edict was
specially directed against the Christian clergy. A
third, in 304 affected Christians generally ; all who
refused to do sacrifice were made liable to imprison-
ment and torture.
The motives of Diocletian are, of course, not easy
to discover. He may have thought that the celi-
bacy, asceticism, and indifference to public affairs
professed by some of the Christians were detrimental
to the material and military interests of the state.
This might at least easily account for his harshness
to the Manichees. Or he may have considered the
organisation of the Church, as it grew more power-
ful and spread more widely, likely to interfere with
his administrative reforms. Or he may have been
actuated, as was most probably his Caesar, Galerius,
by a genuine fear lest the decay of the old worships
should alienate the favour of the heavenly powers.
However this may have been, the persecution of
Diocletian was short and sharp. Even before his
abdication, in 305, it had considerably slackened,
and the rivalry of the contending claimants to
authority was favourable to Christian interests. Two
of these claimants, Constantius Chlorus and his
14 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [305-
son Constantine, have often been represented as
already attached to the Christian faith. With re-
gard to Constantius (who died in 306) this seems by
no means probable, though the Christianity of his
wife Helen, the mother of Constantine, is beyond
doubt. With Constantine himself the case is some-
what different, yet we should greatly err if we at-
tributed to him, now or at any time of his life, the
Christian zeal which was leading barbarian chiefs
to abandon and to cause their people to abandon
the superstition of their fathers. Constantius and
Constantine seem both to have been philosophical
monotheists, and their position in this respect was,
as we shall see later on, quite compatible with con-
formity, even with sincere and devout attention, to
ancient pagan rites and usages. The story of the vi-
sion of the Cross with the inscription, " By this sign
conquer/' is not now generally accepted as historical,
and does not accord with what we know of the
character and position of Constantine. A few his-
torians have regarded as due to Christian influence
the greater severity shown in the laws which bear
his name against crimes of impurity ; but some legis-
lation on behalf of morality in this sense was begun
by Diocletian, and the dealings of Constantine,
especially with his ill-fated eldest son, are hardly
to be viewed as uniformly those of a strictly moral
and religious man. We may add that he postponed
his baptism till he was at the point of death. It is
also of great importance to observe that Christian
and pagan symbols occur together on his coins till
towards the close of his reign.*
CONSUL, BETWEEN TWO COLUMNS.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
3373 The Roman World under Constantine. 1 5
But whether a Christian or not, Constantine was
a statesman, who hated all sources of division, and
wished to unite all factions in loyal obedience to the
Government. He was also by no means unsusceptible
to religious impressions, or unaware of the importance
of the spiritual factor in men's minds and lives. His
edicts generally show a tolerant and liberal spirit,
and his letters to contending ecclesiastics, if not
always wise, are refreshingly redolent of a lay
mind, perhaps a rather blunt one. It seems most
probable that, if circumstances had permitted, Con-
stantine would have taken up and maintained an
attitude of entire neutrality in all religious questions.
The First Edict of Toleration, drawn up with the
consent of the two colleagues (311, A. D.), which
granted freedom of worship and commanded all
men to pray for the Emperor, seems to show a dread
lest pernicious results should follow the cessation of
all worship on the part of those who were forbidden
to exercise their proper cult. This view is yet fnore
prominent in the Second Edict of Toleration, issued
by Constantine and Licinius from Milan in 313,
which granted complete freedom to the Christians,
and promised the restoration of such churches as
had been seized. The Emperors regard the granting
of these privileges as a pious act, but they do not
seem, if we judge from the words of the statute, to
consider themselves as standing within the pale of
the Christian Church.
Other laws of Constantine in favour of the Chris-
tians may be interpreted in accordance with the view
that he desired to remain entirely neutral and
1 6 yulian> Philosopher and Emperor. [305 -
tolerant. The grant made to the Christian clergy of
privileges similar to those enjoyed by the pagan
priests seems consistent with this policy, and even
the regulation for the observance of Sunday (Dies
Solis) may have a bearing on the worship of Mithras
as well as on the Christian holiday. The prohibition
of sacrifices, however, though probably not strictly
enforced, as well as the decided position assumed by
the Emperor in ecclesiastical disputes, and also the
Christian education which his children seem to have
received, point to the fact that strict neutrality had
proved impossible, and that the Empire must hence-
forth reckon with the Church either as a close ally
or as a powerful and dangerous foe.
In two greaj controversies, we see the Imperial
power invoked and applied. In 313, the secular
authority was appealed to by the faction of the
Donatists. The real grounds of dispute in this case
and the nature of the principles involved are not
perfectly clear. The immediate cause of disaffection
was a disputed election to the Bishopric of Carthage.
The question was complicated by a controversy as
to the rightful status in the Church of those who
had not held firm during the late persecutions.
Constantine evidently regarded the cause of Donatus
as that of insurrection and disorder, and therefore
gave all the weight of his personal and Imperial
authority to the suppression of the party that main-
tained it. It is a notable fact that he committed the
enquiry to the Bishop of Rome. The efforts made,
however, on behalf of peace and unity were not
effectual. The Donatist sect continued for some
337] The Roman World under Constantine. \ 7
time an existence of violent and disorderly opposi-
tion to ecclesiastical authority.
The next occasion of Imperial intervention is of
far greater interest, and had much more widely
reaching results. The controversy between Athan-
asius and Arius presents great difficulties to the
modern student ; partly from the subtle discrimina-
tion required in those who have to discover the facts
of the case from documents inspired by party hatred ;
partly from the extraordinary effort of historical im-
agination demanded of any person who would really
put himself in the position of the metaphysical Alex-
andrians of the fourth century. We may, however,
endeavour here to sketch in very brief outline the
chief external events of the conflict, especially with
reference to the indications they afford of the rela-
tions between the Church and the Empire. 4
At the time when the great controversy first arose,
the episcopal see of Alexandria was occupied by
Bishop Alexander, a man apparently of no very
extraordinary strength of character, but capable of
taking up a very decided position through the influ-
ence of his secretary, the deacon Athanasius. Now
Athanasius was a born ruler of men. He was also
an Alexandrian of the Alexandrians, and as we shall
see later on, the air of that city was, so to speak,
impregnated with theological ideas of a highly meta-
physical kind. His own belief was early formed and
tenaciously held through life. His work on The
Incarnation of the Logos seems to date from a time
previous to the great dispute. Arius, an elder con-
temporary of Athanasius, was a presbyter in the
1 8 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [305-
Alexandrian Church, but by birth a Libyan, and had
derived his education from Antioch, a city which
generally represents an essentially different school
of thought from that of Alexandria. The first con-
troversy in which Arius was concerned arose as to
the relative positions which should be held by
bishops and presbyters. But the great Christological
dispute soon made the other sink into insignifi-
cance.
The doctrine of Arius brought upon him and his
followers the denunciations of Bishop Alexander,
and a sentence of excommunication against them
and of condemnation against their teachers which
was passed by a synod of about a hundred bishops ;
yet it was not in form exactly like any modern
denial of the divinity of Christ. The distinctive
creed of Arianism may best be stated in the words :
" there was once a time when the Son of God was
not." After this doctrine and its upholders had
been condemned, Arius used such means to gain
partisans and to work towards his re-instatement as
brought down the wrath of his opponents. In par-
ticular he is said to have tried to gain over the
populace by embodying his doctrines in softly melo-
dious verse, and he seems to have used in the inter-
ests of his party the jealous rivalry felt by various
cities against Alexandria. The dissensions soon
assumed dangerous proportions.
Now the Emperor Constantine was neither a theo-
logian nor a metaphysician, but from the standpoint
of a statesman, and of one duly appreciative of the
connection between unity in the Church and quiet in
A CONSUL, BETWEEN TWO COLUMNS.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
337] The Roman World under Constantine. 1 9
the State, he was bound to hate and suppress, if pos-
sible, everything that tended in either sphere to fac-
tion and disorder. On hearing of the dissensions,
he first endeavoured to pour oil on the troubled
waters by exhorting both parties to come to an
agreement. When his letters and commissions had
proved ineffectual, he took a step of momentous
import in its consequences and summoned the
(Ecumenical Council which met at Nicaea in Bi-
thynia in June, 325. At this council he was present,
and in spite of his professions of humility, there can
be no doubt that his influence was strongly felt. If
at first, as seems probable, he intended to hold the
balance between the contending parties, he was soon
led, by motives into which we cannot now enquire,
to support the policy of those who were most anx-
ious to avoid all compromise and to find a symbol
the rejection of which might brand the holders of
the Arian doctrine as heretics. This symbol was the
term Homoousios (rendered in the English version:
" being of one substance with the Father/') and it
was accepted by all present except the African
bishops, though the Bishops of Nicomedia and Nicaea
refused to accept the accompanying anathema against
dissentients.
Athanasius and those who held with him seemed
to have triumphed ; Arius and his adherents were
banished. Yet soon afterwards a reaction set in,
mainly owing to the efforts of Eusebius, Bishop first
of Nicomedia and afterwards of Constantinople, the
ablest and most statesmanlike leader of the party.
The Emperor returned to his previous attitude of
2O Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [305-
neutrality, and sent for Arius, who satisfied him by
presenting a confession of faith from which the
crucial word was omitted. Meanwhile, Athanasius
had succeeded to Alexander, as Bishop (or Patriarch)
of Alexandria, and he was now ordered by Con-
stantine to reinstate the banished Arians. This,
however, Athanasius persistently refused to do.
And however much the modern reader may re-
gret the want of forbearance and of kindliness
on both sides during this unhappy struggle, it
is refreshing to find that there lived at least one
man who dared in the name of law and order to
oppose the arbitrary command of the great autocrat.
The spirit of liberty and independence had not en-
tirely taken flight from among men.
We cannot enter into the charges brought against
Athanasius by his enemies. They appear gener-
ally to have been of a malicious or of a trivial nature.
Summoned to the Imperial Court, he maintained his
ground, and was sent back to his diocese without
dishonour. Nevertheless, the behaviour of the
Emperor changed once more, and Athanasius was
forced to attend the Synod of Tyre, where his oppo-
nents had the upper hand. Having no hope of obtain-
ing justice, he left the city, came to Constantinople,
and boldly confronting the Emperor in the street,
demanded an investigation of his cause. His re-
quest was partially granted, but the Emperor con-
sented still, perhaps cherishing a hope of restoring
peace and order, that Athanasius should be exiled to
Treves. Arius was invited to Constantinople, and
though he died suddenly just before the time ap-
337] The Roman World under Constantine. 2 1
pointed for his restoration to the Church, his faction,
or rather a faction based chiefly on his teaching,
prevailed generally through the rest of the reign of
Constantine and during the period which followed.
Athanasius recovered his see for a time on the death
of Constantine, but had to go into exile once more
from 341 to 346, and yet again from 356 to 361.
Some biographers of Julian would attribute con-
siderable importance to the fact that during the
years of his education and at the dawn of his intelli-
gence, not the Catholic but the Arian party and doc-
trine were in the ascendant. We shall perhaps see
cause to doubt this importance, but another fact
should certainly be noted in this connection ; that the
activity of the Imperial authority in settling religi-
ous disputes afforded a precedent for decided inter-
vention on the part of an Emperor of widely different
views and character from those of Constantine. The
earlier Emperors had exercised some sacerdotal func-
tions and had held the office of Pontifex Maximus.
In days when theological strife ran high, the relig-
ious professions of the monarch were by no means
unimportant.
This brief survey may leave on our minds the im-
pression that the age with which we have to deal is
not strikingly heroic in character. In the state we
have an absolute monarchy served by a sordid
bureaucracy ; in society, ranks and cliques, close cor-
porations, and a grinding, benumbing system of
supervision and taxation ; in art and letters, little
originality, a love of words, a paucity of ideas ; in the
Church, distractions and bitter divisions. Yet below
22 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [305-337
the surface, forces were at work which bore in them
the seed of better days. And those who could not
reach forward into the future might escape from the
ignoble present to rejoice in the greatness of the
past, for they had within their grasp all the treas-
ures of ancient civilisation, the literature and the
monuments of older and grander times. What
wonder if a sense of the worth of those treasures and
of the poverty of contemporary life should force into
the ranks of reaction one at least of the most eager
and aspiring minds of the age?
Coin of Rome : age of Constantine. Reverse, Shepherds discovering Romulus,
Remus, and the she-wolf.
Notes on Chapter L 23
NOTES ON CHAPTER I.
1 It is, perhaps, unnecessary to specify, as it would be a lengthy
business to discuss, the different sources which might be referred to
as affording material for this sketch The political and social state
of the Empire at this time is set forth very clearly and thoroughly by
Hermann Schiller in the third book of his Geschichte der Romischen
Kaiserzeit. For ecclesiastical affairs, the general reader may be re-
ferred to Professor Gwatkin's little book on The Arian Controversy
in the Epochs of Church History and to the translation of Gieseler's
Ecclesiastical History^ or to Cheetham's Early Church History
Also I would express my appreciation of Bohringer's Athanasius
and Anus Tillemont is, of course, a mine of wealth to students
of this period. Gibbon is, or should be, the universal introducer
to the subject.
9 Schiller: Gcsch. dcr Rom. Kaiserzeit , bk. iii., ch. I, section 5.
8 Schiller Gcsch der Rom. Kaiserzeit, bk. in., ch. 3.
4 Perhaps, for the sake of any readers unacquainted with Church
history, it maybe permitted here to make two remarks : (i) That
Arianism in its original form is as different as possible from modern
Unitariamsm. Channing or Martmeau could no more easily have
subscribed the creed which Anus professed than they could have
accepted the Nicene. (2) The Quicunque vult, commonly called
the " Creed of St. Athanasius," was not drawn up by him, but origi-
nated in the West, at a much later date. The real " Creed of St.
Athanasius " is the original Nicene, (not precisely the one so-called
by us), for which he contested manfully all his days.
Gold Medallion of Constans I. Reverse, SALUS ET SPES REIPUBLICAK ;
Constantme, Constans, and Constantius standing
CHAPTER II.
PARENTAGE OF JULIAN. HIS BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD.
CAREER AND END OF HIS BROTHER CALLUS.
331-354.
" Fair seed-time had my soul, and I grew up
Fostered alike by beauty and by fear."
WORDSWORTH.
? IJLQI deiroS IK rtatdaoy TGOV avycav TOV Qeov
JULIAN, Or. iv., 130.
ILAVIUS CLAUDIUS JULIANUS
was born, according to the generally
received account, in or near Constanti-
nople ' in the year 331 A. D. a As the
changes which made this city in a sense
the capital of the East were completed
about 330, his birth and that of New
Rome may be regarded as almost exactly coincident
in time.
24
331-3541 Parentage of Julian. 25
The full name which Julian bore, but which is
rarely mentioned, is a combination of several family
names. The old Roman custom by which every
man bore three names, that of the individual, of the
gens, and of the family respectively, had long broken
down, at least in the case of Imperial families. The
frcenomen (such as Marcus, Gains, and the like) had
dropped out of use, and though the nomen or name
of the gens was retained, it was eclipsed by the
names belonging to illustrious and distantly related
gentes or families with which it was desirable to as-
sert kinship. Thus, in Julian's case, the Flavins was
a gentile name inherited from Constantius Chlorus,
the Claudius was adopted by Constantine's family to
bring them into connection with the Thracian Em-
peror, Claudius Gothicus (see Genealogical Table),
and the Juhanus was bestowed upon him by his
maternal grandfather, who bore the same name
himself.
A glance at the accompanying genealogical table
will make Julian's relations to the other members of
the Imperial family much clearer than a lengthy de-
scription could do. Of his father, Julius Constan-
tius, son of Constantius Chlorus and of Theodora,
step-daughter to the Emperor Maximian, we know
very little. Libanius remarks that though (in con-
sequence presumably of his legitimate birth and
royal descent) he had a better right to the Empire
than his brother who actually obtained it, he yet
preferred to remain loyal to Constantine and to live
on friendly terms with him. This observation shows
either a confusion of mind or an affectation of igno-
26 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
rance on the part of the sophist of Antioch with re-
gard to the elective character of the Empire, and it
is not without interest as pointing to the growth of
a dynastic idea and policy in the Imperial family.
In a fragment of a letter* from Julian to the Co-
rinthians, we find it stated that his father found re-
pose in their city after a season of many wanderings.
Julius Constantius was married twice, at least, and
both his wives seem to have been ladies of good
family and of considerable fortune. Basilina, the
mother of Julian, was of the powerful and wealthy
family of the Anicii. Her father, Anicius Julianus,
was Praetorian Praefect at the time of the struggle
between Maxentius and Constantine, and though he
was on the losing side, he retained life and property
under the conqueror. 4
It seems probable that Julian owed more, both by
inheritance and by influence, to his relations on the
mother's side than to those on the father's. He
bore, as we have seen, his grandfather's name, and
this same grandfather provided for his early educa-
tion. We have more than one reference in his let-
ters to the property of his grandmother (almost
certainly his maternal grandmother), and especially
to a delightful little estate in Bithynia, in which he
took pleasure from the days of his early boyhood. 5
The one kinsman to whom he writes as if expecting
sympathy in his religious intentions (even before
they were publicly declared) is his uncle Julian, in
whom he also reposed political trust. 8 And beyond
all this, we know that Basilina herself was educated
in Greek literature, and thus it was probably to
GAMES IN CIRCUS.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
354] ffis Birth and Childhood. 27
her that Julian owed his strong literary aspirations.
Tastes like his are not prominent in his father's
family, and are conspicuously absent from the dis-
position of his half-brother Callus.
In affording to women opportunities of acquiring
a good education, social influence, and scope for
various kinds of activity, the fourth and fifth cen-
turies of our era were more favourable than many
other periods more brilliant and in some respects
more morally sound.
Basilina's tutor was a certain eunuch, Mardonius,
with whom she used to read Homer and Hesiod.
Julian calls him a Scythian, but this title is used in
the vaguest way by all writers of our period. A
story is told of her, 7 that a little while before her
son was born, she dreamed that she had given birth
to Achilles. This is probably as mythical as most
legends which gather round the birth and early days
of great men, but if there is any truth in it, the
dream probably followed a reading in the Iliad with
Mardonius. But whatever Julian may have derived
from his mother must have been physically inher-
ited, not consciously imparted. Very soon after the
birth of her only child, she was, in his words, " with-
drawn in the bloom of youth from many sufferings
by the Motherless Maiden-goddess." 8 Such a loss
to a child of Julian's eager and susceptible tempera-
ment, and in his isolated position, was quite irre-
parable.
For while Julian was struggling through his
motherless infancy, being probably brought up in his
father's house in Constantinople, events were occur-
28 Julian^ Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
ring which gave a peculiar colour to his whole life.
In 337, Constantine the Great died at Nicomedia in
Bithynia, after vainly trying a water cure at the
neighbouring baths of Helenopolis. Now the policy
of Constantine's later years was distinctly dynastic
in character. Before his death, he arranged for a
partition of the Imperial dominions among his sur-
viving sons, and he included in this arrangement the
two sons of his half-brother Dalmatius, Dalmatius
the Younger and Annibalianus. Probably this par-
tition was on the lines marked out by Diocletian,"
and would not have involved such a complete sepa-
ration of the different spheres of authority as a
territorial distribution seems to imply. The project,
however, was never carried out. Constantine had
been essentially a soldier-Emperor, rejoicing in the
good-will of the legions which he had often led to
victory. His brothers and their sons seem never to
have been conspicuous in military affairs. This con-
trast, being apprehended, was probably the chief
cause of a movement among the troops (which was
at least not checked by the sons of Constantine)
against the sons of Dalmatius and all the other mem-
bers of the Imperial family except the direct
descendants of the late Emperor. The result was
one of those horrible occurrences that so frequently
darken the history of Oriental dynasties : Constantius,
who seems to have been the favourite and the most
able son of Constantine, after celebrating his father's
obsequies, in very magnificent style, at Constantino-
ple, either instigated or sanctioned after the event a
general family massacre. In this way his two
354] His Birth and Childhood. 29
cousins, who had received a claim to part of the
Imperial authority, two uncles (including Julian's
father), and some other kinsmen (including Julian's
eldest brother) fell victims to the rage of the sol-
diery and to the jealousy of the eldest branch of the
family. Julian himself only escaped in consequence
of his extreme youth, his brother Callus through a
fortunate sickness which seemed likely to secure
his removal without involving anyone in blood-
guiltiness. According to Julian's statement, made
long afterwards, Constantius subsequently re-
proached himself for these murders, and regarded his
own childlessness as a divine judgment on his crime.
But for the time, the absence of rivals made the three
brothers secure in their possession of authority,
while their cousins, Callus and Julian, having lost
their nearest and most natural protectors, led from
the first a precarious life, at the mercy of those who
had deeply injured them, and against whom they
needed to be ever on their guard.
A new division of the Empire followed. The pre-
cise nature of this division, the mutual relations of
the joint rulers, and the frontier lines of their spheres
of government are not easy to determine, though it
is clear that the East remained under the second
brother, Constantius, the northern and western
regions under the eldest, Constantine, and the
youngest, Constans. But the arrangement was
not lasting. Before very long, war broke out
between Constantine and Constans. Constantine
was entrapped into an ambush, near the city of
Aquileia, and put to death. Constans now added
30 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
his brother's dominions to his own. Meantime, Con-
stantius was sufficiently occupied in distant parts.
We shall have occasion later on to examine the rela-
tions between the Roman Empire and the only other
far-reaching power of those days that had any claim
to an inherited ancient civilisation, the revived
monarchy of Persia. This nation, or rather agglom-
eration of nations, which formed the last of the great
kingdoms of the East, is sometimes called by the
name of the Parthian, but those who ruled over it
claimed to be successors of Cyrus and of Darius, and
endeavoured to attach to their rule the prestige of
ancient glories. The dynasty of the Sassanids
(founded 226 A.D.) had frequently come into deadly
conflict with the Roman power, which could only
keep the enemy at bay by means of a chain of strong
frontier fortresses, on the Euphrates and the Tigris.
The Sassanid king contemporary with Constantius
and Julian was Sapor, who began to reign at his
birth (being a posthumous child) about the year 310.
Very soon after the death of Constantino, Sapor took
advantage of the change in government to invade
the Roman province of Mesopotamia, and to lay
siege to Nisibis and other important towns. Con-
stantius, however, seems to have shown some ability
in maintaining a vigorous resistance, and some of
the sieges, especially that of Nisibis, were raised after
an heroic opposition to all the resources which engi-
neering science could then command. Several battles
were fought, in one of which (that of Singara, in
Mesopotamia, 348) the Romans, though victori-
ous at first, suffered a severe defeat. The general
354] His Birth and Childhood. 3 1
results of the campaigns of Constantius in the East
were not very favourable to the Roman arms.
Meantime, events had occurred in the West which
imperatively demanded his presence, and (possibly
after signing a truce with Sapor) he returned to
Europe.
These events were two insurrections, in Gaul and
in Illyricum, and the tragic death of the Emperor
Constans. The youngest of Constantine's sons was
energetic in his habits of life and orderly in his
government. The chief grievance raised against
him was that he promoted barbarians in the army,
to the disparagement of the old legionaries. The
disaffected faction found a champion in a certain
Magnentius, (who was, strange to say, himself of
barbarian extraction), and a serious rebellion broke
out in the Imperial Court at Augustodunum (Autun).
Magnentius assumed the purple. Constans fled
southwards but was captured and murdered in the
town of Helena, at the foot of the Pyrenees.
Meanwhile, a general of respectable reputation,
Vetranio, raised the standard of revolt on the
Danube, and in Rome itself young Nepotian, first
cousin to the Emperor [see genealogical table, p.
46], assumed the Imperial title, and maintained an
ephemeral state by the help of a band of gladiators.
Constantius was more successful against his rivals
in the West than he had been against his foes in the
East. In fact, the only insurgent who proved a
capable or dangerous opponent was Magnentius.
The speed with which Vetranio was induced, at a
peaceful colloquy with the Emperor, to return with
32 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
all his soldiers to his former loyalty, has led some
historians to think that in his case, at least, the
rebellion was not seriously meant. This view seems
to be borne out by his coinage. 10 Magnentius, how-
ever, had strengthened himself by assuming the
championship of various lost or distressed causes.
He posed as representing not only the cause of
Romans against barbarians in the army, but also
that of Bishop Athanasius and the Nicene Creed
against the Arians, who were generally favoured by
Constantius. At the same time, with a curious in-
consistency, he asserted some old claims of paganism
against Christianity. But the forces of Constantius
were superior, especially in cavalry. In a decisive
battle fought at Mursa on the Drav (September,
353) Magnentius was defeated with great loss, and
forced to fly. Two years afterwards the remnant
of his adherents were overpowered at Lyons, and
he fell on his own sword. Meantime the faction
of Nepotianus in Italy was speedily quelled. Con-
stantius stood alone at the head of the Roman
world.
But though no Augustus shared his honours,
necessity had already forced Constantius to appoint
a subordinate with the title of Ctcsar. Even the
lordship of the world cannot confer the gift of
ubiquity, and recent events had proved that a vigor-
ous exercise of the sovereign power might be re-
quired in Gaul and in Mesopotamia at the same
time. Constantius was still childless. A tempera-
ment naturally jealous might, one would suppose,
have shrunk from reposing power in the hands of
354] Career and End of His Brother Callus. 3 3
almost the last scion of a deeply injured family. On
the other hand, a genuine repentance for the ills
inflicted might have suggested full and loyal com-
pensation to the surviving sufferers. But Constan-
tius seems to have been of that uncertain tempera-
ment which always prefers half measures. In want
of a colleague he thought of his cousin Callus. But
subsequent events do not allow us to regard the
authority with which Callus was invested as having
been bestowed in full and entire confidence.
Let us now go back to inquire how Callus and
Julian had fared during these stormy years. Al-
though we have information from various sources,
including some of first-rate authority, as to the
character of Julian's education and the places where
it was begun and continued, it is impossible to map
out with chronological accuracy the vicissitudes of
his childhood and youth. It seems on the whole
most probable that his early boyhood was passed in
Constantinople, though it is not unlikely that he may
have resided for a time in the city in which he after-
wards prosecuted his studies, Nicomedia in Bithynia.
But however this may be, the chief part in his early
education was taken by the eunuch Mardonius, who,
as we have seen, had been tutor to his mother.
At the age of seven, Julian was placed under the
care of this man, who was to act as \\\spcedagogue.
This term indicates an office somewhat above that
of an upper servant and below that of a private tutor.
The pedagogue's duty was to escort his charges
to school, to the games, and to the other resorts
permitted to them, and perhaps also to see that they
34 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
prepared their lessons at home. The character of
Mardonius is one respecting which we have difficulty
in forming a judgment. Libanius speaks of him in
terms of high praise; Julian himself, on the other
hand, has drawn a by no means pleasing picture
of him and of his dealings with his pupil ; but as this
picture occurs in a writing, the chief object of which
is to satirize Julian himself and to lay the blame
of his idiosyncrasies on his educators, it is hard to
see how much is meant to be taken in earnest. Two
facts, however, are quite clear : that Mardonius was
very strict in discipline, and that he both loved
letters himself and strove to instil, on every occa-
sion that arose, similar tastes and feelings into the
mind of his pupil. On the walk to the school in
which, without any special privileges or ceremonies,
Julian shared the tasks of the other boys, he was
always taken along the same streets. He was told
that it was bad manners to stare about him as he
walked along, and he was not allowed to go to the
theatre or the games except on rare occasions. It is
possible that Julian's grandfather was quite willing,
with a view to the boy's security, to agree to such a
mode of life for him as was prescribed by the suspi-
cious jealousy of the Emperor. On the child him-
self the effect of so much loneliness and repression
was to throw him upon his own resources, to stimu-
late an almost morbid delight in nature and in stories
of the past. The fact that his childhood was passed
under clear skies and by sunny seas was certainly of
importance in the formation of his mind and char-
acter. He took an intense delight in observing the
354] Career and End of His Brother Gal/us. 3 5
path of the sun and in contemplating the stars at
night. 11 Meantime his imagination was being nour-
ished on the most wholesome food that it could
have found in that or in any other age the poems of
Homer.
Homer was the standard text-book of Greek
education. The first subject taught to boys was
grammar, which included a good deal that we should
put under the head of literature. The lessons learned
at school were enforced by Mardonius at home,
and he used to tell the boy, if he felt his life monoto-
nous and wished for a change of scene, to take the
book and read about the games of the Phaeacians or
the flowery gardens of Calypso ; he would never
find anything more beautiful in real life. Perhaps
we might take a hint from Mardonius, and when we
regret our inability to discover the details of Julian's
early life, fall back upon the book on which he was
brought up, and endeavour to realise the impression
made on his susceptible mind by its pictures of
heroic life and enterprise. Julian's intimate knowl-
edge of Homer is shown by the frequent quotations
he makes, even when writing hastily and at a dis-
tance from his books. This knowledge was accom-
panied by an enthusiasm almost religious in character.
Homer has been called the Bible of the Greeks.
This does not of course imply that Greek moralists
never went beyond the primitive notions of the
Homeric age, or that they did not freely interpret
Homeric myths so as to adapt them to more recent
modes of thought. Still Homer was always their
starting-point, and their indispensable treasury of
36 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
illustrations and ideas. Dwelling comparatively near
to the very spot where the great deeds of Greeks and
Trojans were supposed to have been done, and
familiar with those deeds by daily readings, Julian
may well have seemed to himself at times to be
living rather in the world of Agamemnon and
Achilles than in that of Constantius and Athanasius.
It might have been supposed that the Christian
teachers and Christian influences by which Julian
was surrounded would exercise some force to coun-
teract his passionate love of epic poetry. But of
such teaching and influence, we can find hardly any
trace. Whether Mardonius was a pagan or a Chris-
tian we do not know. If he was brought up in the
family of the Anicii, and was allowed by Constantius
to be always about his young cousin, Mardonius can
hardly have been an active opponent of the new
faith. Yet from what both Libanius and Julian say
of him, we can feel sure that he was penetrated with
the spirit of Hellenic paganism. According to Am-
mianus, 13 Julian's education was also in part con-
ducted by Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia and
afterwards of Constantinople, the doughty champion
of the Arians, and distantly related (probably through
the Anicii) to Julian himself. Some historians have
found in the Arian belief of those who first under-
took to impart to Julian the elements of Christianity,
the cause of his strong and bitter antipathy to
the Christian religion. Some form of that religion
which left more scope for mysticism might,they think,
have been both attractive and satisfying to him.
But when we come to examine the grounds of Julian's
354] Career and End of His Brother Callus. 3 7
anti-Christian feeling, we shall not see much to sup-
port this opinion. We may, however, observe that
when party feeling runs high, the best of men are
often apt to insist more on party principles than on
deeper truths. Eusebius was a strong and skilful
party leader, a faithful friend, and probably a sin-
cerely convinced controversialist. If he did not make
Julian a good Christian, it may be alleged in his ex-
cuse that at the time of his death Julian was only
ten years old. In after days Julian looked back
upon this time as one of spiritual darkness. His
natural impulse would doubtless have been to yield
to the religious ideas which dominated the literature
in which he delighted. His teachers could to some
extent restrain such an inclination, but they could
not or certainly did not replace it by a counter-
enthusiasm in favour of Christianity.
Yet these dark days were not without brighter
moments. From Constantinople or from Nicomedia
it would be but a short journey to the little Bithynian
estate already mentioned, probably still in the hands
of Julian's maternal relatives. Here he seems to
have spent some pleasant visits. The letter in which
he describes the place is interesting, as showing what
we might consider a modern and refined taste for
natural scenery, though of course in any man of the
ancient world we must expect to find a preference
for Nature in her tamer moods: " It is situated not
more than twenty stadia (about two and a half miles)
from the sea, so that no talkative merchant or quar-
relsome sailor comes there to vex you, yet the gifts
of Nereus are not wanting. There are fresh-caught
38 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
fish to be had, and from a height near the house you
can see the Propontid Sea, the islands, and the city
which bears the name of the great Emperor [Con-
stantinople]. And you can look out on all this, not
standing on slimy sea-weed, offended by the sight
and smell of the refuse thrown out on the sandy
beach, but with bindweed and thyme and sweet-smel-
ling meadow grass beneath your feet. It is very
restful to recline with a book, and to refresh the eyes
from time to time with the pleasant view of the sea
and the ships. When quite a young boy I delighted
in the place, with its good springs, and pleasant bath*
orchard, and shrubbery, and after I had become a
man, I still felt drawn to the old way of life there,
and I often visited the place again."
For a season, however, intercourse with school-
fellows and relatives, and free rovings in favourite
spots, were to be forbidden to Julian and his brother.
Whether any fresh suspicion actuated the mind of
Constantius we do not know, nor is the exact time
of the change certain. But we learn from Julian's
testimony, as w r ell as from that of others, that he
and Callus were taken away from their studies and
condemned to a lonely sojourn of six years, without
friends, companions, or exercises suitable to their
age or station, in the remote castle of Macellum in
Cappadocia. Where Callus had passed his early
youth is not quite certain. He is said to have
studied for a time at Ephesus, and his sojourn there
may have coincided with Julian's schooldays in Con-
stantinople and Nicomedia. But wherever he may
have been sent to school, he does not seem to
354] Career and End of His Brother Callus. 39
have been carefully trained, and he certainly never
acquired much intellectual culture.
The site of Macellum has been identified as that
of a spot at the foot of the magnificent Arghi Dagh,
in a wild and romantic region. But romantic
scenery had little charms even to those among the
ancients who felt most keenly the beauty of the
sea, the heavens, and the exuberant life of nature.
Had it been otherwise, the absence of teachers
and friends would still have been an occasion of
painful longing to Julian. His only companions
were his brother Gallus and the attendant slaves.
The way in which he mentions Gallus shows
that he felt for him a strong brotherly affection, but
he was fully aware of his glaring faults of character,
and attributed them to his bad education. It must
be borne in mind that the slaves with whom, in the
want of other society and of congenial pursuits,
Gallus was compelled to associate, would probably
be people of low character and demoralising ante-
cedents. Between the two brothers, whose dissimi-
larity reminded Ammianus (who knew them both)
of Titus and Domitian, there cannot have been
much real companionship. For himself, Julian says
that the Gods preserved him from being corrupted
by leading him to the study of philosophy. If, as
seems probable, Mardonius accompanied him in his
exile, the continuity of his studies was not entirely
broken. Mardonius was not a mere grammarian,
but an enthusiastic admirer of the works of Plato,
Aristotle, and Theophrastus. Perhaps the depriva-
tion of the best attainable teaching was not alto-
4O Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
gether an evil for Julian at that time, if he was
already storing his mind with the works on which
he should afterwards hear comments, and preparing
himself, by solitary reading and thinking, to profit
all the more hereafter by the academic training that
was to fall to his share.
It seems probable that the retirement of the two
youths at Macellum lasted till the year 350, when
Gallus, then twenty-five years old, was summoned,
as his brother says, from the field to the palace, to
receive the dignity of Ccesar, and the hand of the
Emperor's sister, Constantina, in marriage. Mean-
time, Julian was allowed to prosecute at Nicomedia
those academic studies which we shall consider more
fully hereafter.
There is no reason to suppose that Constantius in-
tended from the first to place Gallus in such a posi-
tion that his rude, untamable nature must needs
bring him into difficulties and lead ultimately to his
disastrous fall. A course of that kind would have
been at least as dangerous to the interests of Con-
stantius himself as to those of his cousin. Yet, if he
had been acting with the most malicious designs,
he could hardly have used more effectual means.
In the first place, Constantina, was a woman of the
kind certain to acquire a pernicious influence over
a weak and passionate nature like that of Gallus.
She must have been considerably older than he was,
as she had previously been married to her cousin
Annibalianus, who perished in the massacre of 337.
The experiences of that time had not tended to
sweeten her temper According to one account,
354] Career and End of His Brother Gallus. 4 1
she had a large share in the insurrection of Vetranio. 11
Ammianus calls her a monster in human form, a living
megcera, and the stories which that usually calm and
impartial witness tells of her violence, cruelty, and
avarice, go far to justify the comparison. Nor was
Gallus much happier in the place of residence, than
in the wife appointed to him.
Antioch, the seat of his rule, was a gay, pleasure-
loving city, where he could indulge all the worst
proclivities of his nature, while the irascible, tu-
multuous character of the inhabitants afforded facili-
ties both for the perpetration and for the punishment
of violent deeds. And even had his immediate sur-
roundings been less unfavourable, the task entrusted
to Gallus the pacification and government of the
East was one hardly suited to an ill-trained young
man, unused to the ways either of the camp or of
the council-chamber. The Persians were again in-
vading Mesopotamia. The predatory inhabitants of
the Isaurian mountains were plundering and killing
their neighbours. The town of Antioch itself was
suffering from a famine, the blame of which was,
as usual, laid by the poor to the charge of the
wealthy.
Gallus can hardly be said to have made a vigor-
ous effort to resist these calamities. He did not
take the field, though he despatched an expedition
against the Isaurians, which seems to have had some
success. His efforts against the famine consisted in
an arbitrary edict to fix the price of provisions, vio-
lent threats against all who remonstrated, and the
sacrifice to the rage of the people of certain officials
42 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
whom he chose to regard as responsible for the
deficient food supplies. Meantime he amused him-
self by holding boxing matches of the most violent
and brutal kind, deprived the law courts of all
respect by acquitting the guilty and condemning
the innocent for bribes, and encouraged espionage
of all kinds, even going about the streets incognito,
to listen for disaffected speeches against the govern-
ment.
Constantius, now residing chiefly at Arelate
(Aries), in Gaul, was informed of the turn things
were taking by the Praetorian Praefect Thalassius,
who seems to have been left as a spy upon Callus.
Beginning as usual with tentative measures, Constan-
tius sought a remedy by gradually diminishing the
number of troops under Callus's command. A little
later, he sent a high official, Domitian, who had been
treasurer and was now praefect, to bring about the
Caesar's recall and retreat from Antioch. Domitian
acted bluntly and without tact. Callus, indignant
at his rudeness, seized his person, and when one of
the quaestors attempted to mediate between them,
Callus appealed to the soldiery, and a disgraceful
tumult ensued, in which both Domitian and the
quaestor lost their lives. Callus now declared that
a conspiracy had been set on foot against him, and
torture was employed to make suspected persons
reveal the names of accomplices. By such means,
many innocent persons were arrested, and several
were executed without any but a mock trial.
Among these were two who had been seized in mis-
take for others who happened to bear similar names.
354] Career and End of His Brother Callus. 43
A new person now appears upon the scenes, Ursi-
cinus, Governor of Nisibis, whom the Emperor had
ordered to go and investigate matters on the spot.
He was accompanied by the historian Ammianus,
from whom we have a graphic account of all the
transactions at Antioch. Ursicinus was shocked at
the violence and levity with which the trials for
treason were being conducted, and wrote to inform
Constantius of the state of affairs. But the suspi-
cious ear of the Emperor had been gained by the
rivals of Ursicinus at court, and the upright soldier
was withdrawn from Antioch, on an artificial pre-
text, before Callus was formally summoned thence.
Meantime, Constantina was persuaded to leave her
husband and pay a visit to her brother, probably in
the hope of bringing about an understanding be-
tween them. But before she could cross from Asia
into Europe, she fell ill of a fever and died. Per-
haps the only good thing to be said of her is that
her husband acted more foolishly (though certainly
not more wickedly) after he had lost her. He seems
now to have entertained designs of seizing the Im-
perial power. Nevertheless, he was persuaded by
treacherous counsellors to leave Syria and come to
the Emperor in Italy. He stayed in Constantinople
on the way, behaved with foolish self-confidence,
and held a chariot race, to the great indignation of
Constantius. But so headstrong a man was sure to
fall a prey to subtle courtiers covetous of his prop-
erty rather than of his office, for Callus, like Julian,
had inherited considerable estates in Asia Minor.
He proceeded on his journey, and only found that
44 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [331-
he had fallen into a trap when it was too late to
retreat. When he had reached Petavio in Noricum,
he was met by an officer who had formerly served
under him, and who now came with a band of sol-
diers to arrest him. He was taken to the tower of
Pola, in Istria, the scene, many years before, of the
murder of Constantine's eldest son, Crispus. There
he was subjected to an enquiry as to his violations
of justice, and laid the blame of them on his wife.
But his cowardice could not delay his punishment,
and he was beheaded forthwith.
Callus was at the time of his death twenty-nine
years old, and had held the Caesarship for four years.
In external appearance he was handsome, tall, with
well-proportioned limbs, soft yellow hair, and short
beard. His vices seem to have been rather those of
a weak and uncontrolled than of an actively evil
character. Unlike his brother, he never rejected
the religion in which he had been brought up, not,
assuredly, that his moral proclivities were more nat-
urally Christian than Julian's, but rather because he
was totally without those intellectual aspirations
which made Julian a votary of Hellenism.
It seemed desirable to narrate the history of Gal-
lus in this place, partly because it illustrates the
character of some of the persons and the complica-
tions of circumstances with which Julian himself had
to deal, and partly because the wretched career and
sudden fall of the elder brother made a deep and
melancholy impression on the mind of the younger,
whom it seemed likely to involve in a common ruin.
But the Caesarship of Gallus had not, while it lasted,
354] Career and End of His Brother Callus. 45
much immediate effect on Julian's life. The broth-
ers corresponded occasionally and probably met
once. During those four years, however, Julian was
but little concerned with matters of court and of
state, being absorbed in those studies which seemed
to him of infinitely greater importance, living in an
intellectual world which he regarded as far more
real than any material environment.
Com of Constantius Callus Reverse, GLORIA ROMANOKVM-
Victory with wreath and palm
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Notes on Chapter If. 47
NOTES ON CHAPTER II.
The best authorities for the childhood of Julian are his Letter to
the Athenians and the funeral oration of Libanius, with which may
be compared Misopogon, and the Hist. Eccles. of Socrates, Bk.
iii., c. i. The history of Gallus is recorded at length in Bk. xiv. of
Ammianus, who was eye-witness of some of the scenes which he
describes, and in the concluding chapters of Zosimus, Bk. ii. Among
modern authorities, see, besides those already mentioned, Mtlcke's
Juhanus.
1 See especially Ep. f 58.
9 Socrates, the ecclesiastical historian, would place his birth two
years earlier. This would make it possible for his exile to have fol-
lowed speedily on the general massacre of 337 (as he seems to imply
in his Letter to the Athenians], and yet for him to have passed part
of his school time at Constantinople, as Libanius (Epitaph :) and
others relate (Though Libanius says that at the time of the mas-
sacres, Julian was only just weaned.)
8 Fragment 5 in Hertlem.
4 See Libanius, Epit.^ and Reiske's note thereon. The Anicii
were Christians, and Count Julian is said to have changed his religion
in order to please his nephew. I do not think this probable, as such
change must have occurred before Julian became Emperor
6 Ep., 46. Compare Fragment of Letter to a Priest, in which
Julian mentions that he recovered his grandmother's estate after
doing a kind turn to somebody.
6 Ep., 13 Also one of the lately discovered letters of Julian
published in the Maurogordateion Bibhotheke. Cf. Ammianus,
Bk. xxiii., c. I.
I By Zonaras.
8 Misopogon t 352.
9 The dominion of Annibahanus over Pontus and the neighbouring
countries would seem to have been more independent, as he bore the
title and insignia of King.
10 On the coinage of Vetramo and Magnentius, and especially on
the adoption by Magnentius of the symbolic letters A and 1, see H.
Schiller, /. c. iii., 3, sec. 21.
II See beginning of Oration in Praise of King Helios.
19 Book xxii., c. 9.
13 Philostorgms, iii., 22. See also Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs^
Constance ^ Art. 1 8.
Coins of Nicomcdia.
Three temples Agonistic urns with branches of palm.
Coin of Nicsea.
A walled city.
CHAPTER III.
JULIAN'S ACADEMIC EDUCATION.
350-354
t( El' rz? vjuaS 7t7fsiHf,r on rov q)iXo6ocpEiv kill
JULIAN, Ep. 55.
*' What do you read, my lord ? "
*' Words, words, words ! "
Hamlet, i., 2.
[HE years during which Callus held the
dignity of Caesar, with the months that
immediately followed his fall, consti-
tute a very important period in the
life of his brother. Julian henceforth
found himself partly, at least, liber-
ated from the restraints under which
he had passed the preceding six years of his life,
and able to follow more freely his own intellect-
48
350-354] Julians Academic Education. 49
ual bent. Not that he was even now entirely his
own master. We hear ' of allegations made against
him, that he quitted Macellum for purposes of study
in the Asiatic towns, and that he had held inter-
course with his disloyal brother. There can be little
doubt, however, that Constantius, whether influenced
by friendly feeling or by self-interest, was not sorry
to see his young cousin's eager longing after a learned
and intellectual life. The pursuits on which his
heart was set would be less likely than any others to
bring him into opposition and rivalry to the ruling
powers. There was indeed the chance that he might
fall in with some theosophic oracle-monger, who by
playing upon his youthful enthusiasm might instil
into his mind the belief that he had a special voca-
tion to constitute himself the champion of the an-
cient gods and their votaries. The fear of such
influences may have crossed the mind of the suspi-
cious Emperor, but, if so, the result was to make
him insist that Julian should openly profess adhesion
to the Christian faith and should avoid teachers
known to be zealous in the cause of reaction. It
certainly did not prompt him to endeavour by en-
ticements or threats to draw away his cousin from
his academic studies.
Accordingly Julian, who seems, at least before his
rise to power and supremacy, never to have been
deficient in worldly prudence, early perceived the
need of caution and dissimulation, if he were not to
be debarred from following his ruling passion. As
Libanius says (in one of the few bright remarks that
occasionally enliven his wearisome and bombastic
50 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
pages), Julian reversed ,/Esop's fable, and became a
lion in an ass's hide. His mental disguise was so
successful that not only was Constantius disarmed,
but serious doubts have been caused among eminent
writers, down to our own days, as to what the
earliest religious beliefs of Julian really were, and
whether they were changed at the time when he
decidedly embraced Hellenism. Though the matter
cannot be regarded as settled beyond dispute, I think
that most students of Julian's life and works will see
little ground for the opinion a that his zeal in after
days was that of a pervert who had once been a
warm adherent of the opposite cause. The state-
ment he makes in a letter to the Alexandrians 8 that
he " followed the way " of the Christians till he was
twenty years old does not imply any very sincere
adhesion to Christian beliefs and practices, nor do
we find traces of such early attachment in any of his
later works. He shows, it is true, considerable ac-
quaintance with several books of the New Testa-
ment. This lends probability to the statement,
made by some Christian writers, that Julian at one
time held the ecclesiastical office of Reader. He
may also 4 have contributed, with his brother, to the
construction of the shrine of St. Mammas in Cappa-
docia. A silly story is told of supernatural forces
which caused the part undertaken by Julian to crum-
ble away and the part built by Callus to stand
secure, a proceeding which showed little discernment
of character on the part of the saint, so far at least
as Gallus is concerned. All that Julian himself tells
us of his early habits and thoughts shows him to us
354] Julians Academic Education. 5 1
as a dreamy boy, devotedly fond of Greek poetry,
and soon aspiring to the study of philosophy. His
enthusiasm for Greek letters may naturally have de-
veloped into a zeal for Greek religion, or rather, may
have itself become a religion to him, without any
critical revulsion of feeling.
Still we have to face the knotty question, whether
he had ever been baptised, since if it were so, it is
the less easy to clear him in the eyes of the world
from the opprobrious epithet that has clung to his
name through all the ages. The statements of his
fellow-student Gregory Nazianzen and those of Sozo-
men and the other ecclesiastical historians cannot
count for much where their knowledge was imper-
fect and their hatred intense. Against their asser-
tions, we may set the example of Constantine him-
self and of the members of his family, especially of
Constantius, who only received baptism when at the
point of death. The hard penances imposed for
sins committed after baptism had led to this habit
of delay, which we find very prevalent, especially
in high quarters. But on the other hand we have it
recorded of Julian, as already stated, that he was
admitted to the ranks of those who received com-
mission to read the Scriptures in church to the peo-
ple. It was not customary to bestow this office on
those who were as yet only in the grade of catechu-
mens, though we are told that in at least one church*
such cases were not unknown. Still, if Julian was
formally admitted as a Reader, it seems probable
that he had been baptised, even without the pressure
of a dangerous illness ; and once at least in his
52 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
childhood he must have been in peril of death. Of
course the matter would not afterwards appear to
him as of great moment, though the story of his
using occult means for counteracting the efficacy of
the baptismal water is not at all inconsistent with
his habit of mind and character.
The years of Julian's academic training (or, as we
might say, of his university life) cannot be assigned
with chronological precision to the various places at
which we know him to have studied. He probably
spent a considerable part of the time at Nicomedia,
and also stayed in Constantinople. Towards the
end of the period, he was a student at Athens, and
he had probably made another sojourn there earlier.
He also visited Ephesus, Pergamum, and other cities
in Asia Minor, and it was the teaching acquired in
these regions that seems to have influenced him the
most profoundly. Some of the great Asiatic cities
maintained at this time learned and eloquent men,
who trained their youth at the public expense. Nor
were endowments such as we know them entirely
wanting. Marcus Aurelius had established four pro-
fessional chairs of philosophy at Athens, to be held
by the Platonists, Peripatetics, Stoics, and Epicureans
respectively, and also chairs in politics and rhetoric.
Athens retained her prestige for many generations,
but the existence of the separate chairs for the four
sects cannot be traced in the time of Julian. Mean-
time other endowments were founded in other cities,
and students eager to sit at the feet of a noted pro-
fessor would migrate from city to city like the wan-
3541 Julians Academic Education. 53
dering members of the mediaeval universities, and
many German students of our own day.
Our want of precise chronological data as to
Julian's early days is partially compensated by the
abundant information we can procure as to the man-
ner of men by whom he was taught and the kind of
life which he and his fellow-students had to live.
Without attempting, then, a complete narrative of
this period of his life, we may endeavour to picture
to ourselves some of its episodes and to judge of its
general results. We will therefore consider here
very briefly the nature of the academic studies of
the time, the character of some of Julian's principal
teachers, and the habits of his friends and fellow-
students."
The system of education in vogue during the fourth
century was, on its intellectual side, entirely based
on literature. Grammar, logic, and rhetoric consti-
tuted both then and later on well into the Middle
Ages, the basis of a liberal education. In grammar
was included the elementary study of literature.
Logic had already been developed into a very elab-
orate art, with its three branches of apodeictic, bias-
tic, '*\\¶logistic. Rhetoric had expanded in such
fashion as to make all other arts and sciences subsi-
diary to herself. The physical and mathematical
sciences were not a very important branch of ordi-
nary education. Medicine was considered a necessary
study for those whose health was not very robust.
Arithmetic was in great part occupied with the mys-
tical properties of numbers. History and politics, and
54 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
even the lofty regions of metaphysics and theology
were now dominated by the science and art of elo-
quence. The charge often brought against a purely
literary education at the present day, that it tends to
make men overvalue the power of expression, and
undervalue the pursuit of hidden truths and lofty
ideals, applies with ten-fold force to the system
which prevailed before literary studies had been
leavened with scientific method, while philology and
historical criticism were yet unknown. To Greek
school-boys it must have seemed as if the Athe-
nians had conquered at Marathon, the properties
of numbers had been investigated by the found-
ers of mathematics, the immortality of the soul
and its high destinies had been propounded by
Plato, chiefly in order to furnish material for ele-
gant and highly applauded themes. In the rhetori-
cal exercises of which, \\e may well be thankful, not
many have come down to our days, the youth-
ful " heirs of all the ages," and the trainers of
their minds eagerly sought to eulogise the great
deeds of the past, or to show how those deeds might
have been done better, to trace rambling analogies
along conventional lines, and to prove the most vital
of truths by the weakest of logical arguments. Illus-
trations of this perverse method of treatment are to
be found in the works (still extant) of the Sophist
Himerius, under whom Julian may possibly have
studied at Athens. Among his elaborate discourses
are some of a quasi-historical character which suffi-
ciently display the tendency (ineradicable, perhaps,
in the human mind) to regard all history not as a
A MUSE.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
3541 Julians Academic Education. 55
field for patient labour and research, but rather as a
happy hunting ground full of moral illustrations and
fanciful analogies. Among them are orations sup-
posed to have been delivered respectively by Hype-
rides for Demosthenes and by Demosthenes for
^Eschines, under circumstances that never arose nor
were likely to arise, and one in the name of Themis-
tocles, advising the Athenian people to reject cer-
tain Persian propositions of peace, of a kind that
Xerxes most assuredly never could nor would have
offered.
The more exact sciences suffered no less than the
historical from the ubiquitous tyranny of rhetoric.
Arithmetic furnished scope for fine-drawn disquisi-
tions of fancied properties of numbers. We have an
instance of this in a paper which appears among
Julian's letters 8 and which may, perhaps, be a school-
boy exercise. It was to accompany a present of a
hundred figs, and is devoted to a eulogy of the number
ten, and of the figs of Damascus. Even medicine
could not entirely hold her own. Considerations of
practical expediency induced men of delicate health
to make themselves acquainted with the ordinary
methods of bodily regimen, as did Basil, the future
Bishop of Caesarea, while a student at Athens. But
for such purposes a merely empirical knowledge suf-
ficed, while among the masters of the art, some, at
least, were enthralled by the all-powerful spirit of ora-
tory. Thus we are told of a certain physician, Magnus
of Antioch, that he excelled in rhetoric as well as in
medicine, and rendered applicable to himself a story
previously current concerning Pericles. As the rival
56 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
of Pericles complained that if he had thrown the
great orator, Pericles could persuade the people that
he had never been carried off his feet, so Magnus
could maintain an argument that those cured by
other physicians than himself were still sick. 9 The
reporter of the saying does not go on to infer that
Magnus, by his powers of persuasion, could argue
his patients into the belief that they had recovered.
Still more curious and more dangerous was the
supreme influence of rhetoric in the law-courts. Two
anecdotes of Athenian university life in Julian's day
illustrate this fact. There had been in Athens one
of those not uncommon frays, of which we shall say
more presently, between the bands of pupils attached
to two rival professors. When the matter was
brought before a magistrate, both professors ap-
peared to defend their quarrelsome disciples. They
were both armed with long speeches and with all the
paraphernalia for creating a sensation. The pro-
consul, however, cut short the scene by insisting that
the student who appeared as prosecutor should speak
for himself, and that the defence should be made by
a student from the opposite gang. The prosecutor,
being a youth readier with his fists than with his
tongue, failed miserably, and so brought down jeers
on the head of his professor, who, it was sarcastically
said, taught the Pythagorean virtue of silence. Then
came the turn of the defendant, Proaeresius, after-
wards an illustrious professor in the same university.
He rose to the occasion, implored the compassion of
the audience, praised the glories of his master, ad-
dressed a personal appeal to the proconsul, made a
354] Julians Academic Education. 57
telling allusion to the name of the prosecutor, (which
happened to be Themistocles), and threw all his
remaining energy into an eloquent peroration. This
brought the proconsul bounding from his judgment
seat, shaking his purple robe in wild excitement.
Then, amid the applause of the audience and the
happy tears of the gratified professor, the accused
were honourably acquitted, and the accusers were
sentenced to the lashes which, in this case, they
t probably deserved.
In later days, this same Proseresius, by an eloquent
speech in honour of the Emperor, obtained the
restoration of the tribute formerly due from certain
islands to the city of Athens. But his oratorical
powers were put to a severer test on another occa-
sion. The machinations of a rival faction had caused
him to be sent into exile. On a change of proconsuls,
he was recalled, and the newly arrived magistrate
bade him display his oratory in rivalry with all his
foes. Secure in his ability to defeat them, he asked
his enemies to choose themselves a subject for his
discourse. When they had done so, he not only
spoke with most entrancing eloquence both for and
against the motion proposed, but on coming to an end,
repeated entirely both his speeches, so that the short-
hand reporters could not detect one verbal change.
The result was that he received almost divine hon-
ours, and was conducted home with military pomp. 10
Furthermore, in the very highest regions of human
thought, the excessive power of words was largely,
though not universally, prevalent, A few deeper
thinkers there were who realised that questions of
58 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
life, morals, and religion are not to be settled by
verbal jugglery or by pompously sounding phrases.
But among the sophists, especially at Athens, and
also to a great extent in Asia Minor, a discourse in
elegant form was regarded as sufficient refutation of
a whole reasoned system. Nothing, for example,
can conceivably be weaker than the arguments
directed by Himerius against the doctrines of Epi-
curus. Into the subject of the schools of philosophy
then prevalent we cannot now enter. We must
return to consider it in relation to the philosophic
views of Julian himself. Here, however, we may
mention two prominent characteristics of fourth-
century philosophy : its eclecticism, and its close
connection with religious belief and occult practice.
We look in vain for representatives of the great
philosophic sects. Everybody seems to hold more
or less the views of them all, except those of the
Epicureans, who never receive fair treatment at this
time, nor yet in some subsequent periods. The
sinking of formerly prominent distinctions may be
diversely explained. We may attribute it to a lofty
cosmopolitanism which recognises the unity of truth
under a multitude of interpretations. Or it may
seem more probable that a cloud of words has
enveloped and obscured distinctions that are never-
theless radical. As to the second characteristic
mentioned : the craving after some manifestation
of the supernatural is everywhere apparent, and njay
be largely traced to that Oriental influence which,
ever since the conquests of Alexander, had been
continually streaming into western lands.
354] Julians Academic Education. 59
But Julian himself was, during his academic life,
preserved by his earnestness of character from the
worst tendencies to logomachy and sophistry preva-
lent all around him. This is shown in a very pleas-
ing letter subsequently addressed (probably from
Gaul) to two former fellow-students. 11 After some
playful expressions of envy at their delightful occu-
pation, and regret at his own danger of falling into
utter barbarism, he gives them some sound advice as
to their studies : " Do not despise light literature,
nor neglect rhetoric and poetry. But pay more
attention to mathematics, and give all diligence to
learning the doctrine of Plato and Aristotle. Let
this be your main work, your edifice from founda-
tion to roof. Additional subjects may come in by
the way, and should be prosecuted by you with more
diligence than others show in the pursuit of what is
really important."
Let us now briefly glance at the character and
career of some of the men to whom at this time
Julian seems to have owed most. We may thus
perhaps grasp more vividly the characteristics which
we have noticed in the general academic teaching of
the time, as well as the particular influences that were
most potent in the formation of Julian's mind and
character. We will take representatives of three
distinct and prominent classes : Maximus, the occult
philosopher and pagan martyr; Libanius, the pro-
lific orator and renowned trainer of youth; and
Themistius, the sober-mindedperhaps rather cold-
hearted upholder of eclecticism.
Maximus, 1 * at the time when Julian first made his
60 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
acquaintance, belonged to the band of eager pupils
that clustered round the famous sophist ^Edesius at
Pergamum. This city seems, from the days of the
Attalids downwards, to have been a lively centre of
Greek thought, art, and society, and it probably still
contained a remnant of its once famous library. At
this time, the tendency in Pergamene society seems
to have been towards theosophy and occult mysti-
cism. This disposition is especially manifest in some
eminent ladies, a fact not surprising when we con-
sider the liberty and consideration enjoyed by Ionian
ladies in very early times, and also the freer life
which Greek women generally began to enjoy under
the successors of Alexander. The wife of Maximus
seems to have been an ornament of this intellectual
and spiritualist circle, but a yet more distinguished
leader in it was a widowed lady, Sosipatra, of whose
childhood strange tales were told. She had been
given up, it was said, for five years to the charge of
two ancient men who afterwards proved to be gods
in human form. By them she was trained in the art
of discerning things at a distance and of foretelling
the future. Her receptions, or, as we might almost
call them, stances, were as popular as the lectures of
^desius himself, who lived on friendly terms with
her, and educated her sons.
It was the fame of ^Edesius that first attracted
Julian to Pergamum, and this visit is regarded by
some as marking the period in his life when he
decisively made up his mind to renounce Christianity.
It seems to coincide with the time when, as Julian
declares, he " ceased to follow the former ways."
354] Julians Academic Education. 61
But if the story as told by Eunapius is in the main
correct, Julian must have come with a clear notion
of what he wanted, and quite emancipated from any
shackles that his early education might have cast
about his mind. yEdesius was at this time well
stricken m years, and Maximus was at Ephesus,
which seems to have been his native place. 11 Julian
therefore consorted chiefly with two pupils of ./Ede-
sius, the genial high-flown Chrysanthius and the more
rationalistic Eusebius. These told him tales of the
wonderful doings of Maximus, especially how on one
occasion he had caused a statue of Hecate to break
into laughter, and the torches in her hands to kindle
spontaneously. On hearing of these marvels, Julian
cried, " He is the man for me," and started off to
meet him. From that day to the hour when Maxi-
mus stood by Julian's death-bed, the relation between
them was one of close and (on Julian's side, at least)
of respectful friendship. It was to Maximus that
Julian showed his works when he wanted a judgment
on their merits, just as, he said, Celtic women tested
their new-born babes in the waters of the Rhine.
He slept with the letters of Maximus under his
pillow, and found time, even when very busily occu-
pied, to write to the philosopher a full account of all
his doings. 14 One of the first results of his inter-
course with Maximus seems to have been a desire
for initiation into the Eleusinian mysteries, and this
he was able to gratify. The solemn ceremonies, the
mystic words, meaningless enough to the outsider,
but fraught with power to the believer, the encour-
agement given (during this period, certainly, if not
62 Julian^ Philosopher and Emperor, raso-
in the prosperous days of Greece) to the religious
aspiration after purity and immortality, must have
deeply impressed the mind of the young votary.
He now felt that though he might still have to dis-
simulate for a time, yet for him the die was cast.
It is a curious fact that Maximus, with all his
reverence for oracular and theurgic rites, when he
sought responses from the Gods had no scruple in
repeating his inquiries till the answer came in ap-
proximately the form he desired. We may also feel
a little startled to learn that his chief literary work
was a commentary on Aristotle's Logic." The
sanest and the insanest philosophic methods seem to
have been blended in the mental operations of these
eclectics of the fourth century. Maximus was a
man of remarkable voice and appearance, with very
piercing eyes and (in his old age, when Eunapius
knew him) a venerable white beard. The favours
which Julian subsequently conferred upon him will
be recorded in a later chapter. His end was tragic.
He continued the practice of occult arts after they
had been authoritatively prohibited, and thereby
brought down on his head the wrath of the Emperor
Valens, and prepared for himself a martyr's death.
Libanius, the sophist of Antioch, was also a friend
and correspondent of Julian in later days, though
probably they did not meet often during this earlier
period. Libanius expressly says that Julian had
been forbidden by the Emperor to attend his lec-
tures at Nicomedia. " He characteristically adds
that Julian surreptitiously obtained copies of his
works, and modelled his own style on them. To
354] Julians Academic Education. 63
this statement we may demur, yet the regard in
which Julian held the great sophist is amply attested
by the correspondence between them and also by
their public relations.
The voluminous works of Libanius which 1T are
still extant, including a minute autobiography, might
be expected to afford us a clear view of his life
and character, such as we cannot hope to obtain in
the case of Maximus. " Unfortunately, however,
Libanius was not distinguished, even among his con-
temporaries, by an unbiassed pursuit of truth and
accuracy, and the chief impression we derive from
his works is of the profound respect he entertains for
rhetoric or " words," and of his yet deeper respect
for his own genius. Left fatherless in his boyhood,
Libanius ran wild and unfettered by teachers till, in
his fifteenth year, his master-passion took possession
of him, and all things seemed worthless in compari-
son witfr the study of eloquence, and of literature as
an auxiliary branch of that study. To the object of
this passion he remained faithful throughout his long
life ; during his unhappy student days, at Athens
(where, by force of sheer bullying, he was obliged to
attach himself to another professor than the one he
had come to hear) ; during the four years in which
he held a subordinate position among the teachers
of the Athenian University ; during a short period
of professional life at Constantinople, five happier
years at Nicomedia, and the forty years throughout
which he ruled supreme, as king of eloquence, in his
native city of Antioch. He had many difficulties to
contend against : delicate health, the insubordination
64 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
of pupils, the treacherous machinations of rival
teachers, the factions of a tumultuous populace. Yet
he weathered all storms, and maintained his reputa-
tion and his own pleasure in it to the end of his
prolonged career.
In religion, Libanius was an adherent of the old
Gods, more perhaps from taste and temperament
than from conviction. There was no trace in him of
fanaticism, and the letters he wrote on behalf of op-
pressed Christians reflect great honour on his name.
Human kindliness, and a certain degree of sound
sense in matters where he was not personally con-
cerned, redeem his character from the charge of
triviality. One letter which he wrote on behalf of a
poor man oppressed by a cruel governor is truly ad-
mirable. We must also respect his championship of
the bakers of Antioch during a time of famine, when
people were about to avenge the general sufferings
on their powerless heads. His view as to the rela-
tive importance of religion and oratory is strangely
shewn in a letter which he wrote to congratulate a
friend on being made bishop, an office which afforded
fine opportunities for applying the art of rhetoric.
The blindness of such men as Libanius to the real
import of the religious changes going on around
them is curious and somewhat suggestive.
In estimating the deserts of Libanius and his
school, we must not overlook their services to litera-
ture. It may be that ancient books appeared to
them rather as a quarry furnishing raw material for
manufacturers of discourses than as a mine contain-
ing treasures of the highest intrinsic value. But
354] Julian's Academic Education. 65
whatever their opinions and feelings might be, they
helped to keep those treasures in existence for the
men that were to come after them, and we are even
now enjoying the fruits of their labours.
Themistius, 18 a Paphlagonian by descent, who lived
and taught in Constantinople, Nicomedia, and else-
where, differs from Maximus in being free from
fanaticism, and, from Libanius in having a more just
appreciation of the subordination in which words
should stand to thoughts. The little treatise which
Julian addressed to him, in answer to one which he
had sent to Julian, on the Duties of Monarchy, would
by itself suggest that Themistius was no common-
place man. Although in those days of oration-mak-
ing he could hardly avoid being frequently called on
for speeches, such as those which, revised by him,
have come down to us, he set philosophy high above
rhetoric. The work to which, by preference, he de-
voted himself, was the elucidation of Aristotle,
though he did not neglect the study of Plato. The
appointments which he received and retained under
a variety of emperors, orthodox, heretical, and pagan,
might suggest that he was of the fellowship of the
Vicar of Bray. Such a judgment, however, would
be very unfair, since Themistius probably never pro-
fessed a religion that he did not hold, though his
opinions were such as to make it difficult for some of
his contemporaries to bring them within the range of
any party or creed." While believing in the truth
and necessity of the fundamental principles under-
lying all religions, he held that different local and
national rites ought to be maintained, as bearing
66 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
witness before the multitude to deep-seated verities.
In subsequent days, when the Emperor Valens was
persecuting those Christians that held to the Nicene
symbol, Themistius opposed his attempts on philo-
sophic grounds. " The Emperor/' he said, " ought
not to be surprised at the difference of judgment on
religious questions existing among Christians, inas-
much as that discrepancy was trifling compared with
the multitude of conflicting opinions among the
heathen, which amounted to above three hundred.
Dissension, indeed, might be an inevitable conse-
quence of this disagreement ; but God would be the
more glorified by the diversity of sentiment, and the
greatness of His majesty would be the more vener-
ated from its being thus made manifest how difficult
it is to know Him." 30 Themistius was on friendly
terms with Gregory Nazianzen, and seems to have
been tolerant in deed and not only in word.
We may thus note the fact which we shall have to
consider more fully later on, that the relations be-
tween the professors of the old philosophies and the
adherents of the new religion were not always or
necessarily hostile. One, at least, of the philoso-
phers at Athens in Julian's time was a professed
Christian, though apparently not very ardent for the
faith. Gregory Nazianzen and his friend Basil were
both fellow-students of Julian in Greece. Christian
and Pagan teachers had at least one large field to
cultivate in common, the art of rhetoric, which de-
manded the labours alike of the candidate for the
sophist's chair and of the aspirant to the bishop's
throne. Whether the churchman desired to attain
354] Juliatis Academic Education. 67
ecclesiastical preferment, or aimed primarily at the
salvation of souls and the edification of the faithful,
the rhetorical training of the Athenian school was for
him equally necessary. Whether he could, with
whole-hearted simplicity, receive at the same time
all the best that the ancient culture had to offer him,
is another question, the answer to which was made
in the days that came after.
If we turn now from the teachers of the middle
part of the fourth century to consider the life of the
students, we may form a vivid picture of it, espe-
cially of life in the University of Athens, from the
writings of Gregory Nazianzen al and of Eunapius.
The chief feature which strikes us is the extraordi-
nary want of discipline, which is all the more re-
markable when we see the careful regulations to
which the Attic Ephebi were subject in earlier
times." The professors were more like condottieri
leaders than like the ruling authorities of a consti-
tuted educational body. Their pupils attached
themselves to the person of their master rather
than to the course of study he recommended, and
were always ready to wage war on his behalf and to
add to his band of scholars, by fair means or by
foul. It has been supposed that non-paying pupils
were turned to account by the professors (who were
not always entirely dependent on their endowments)
by being made recruiting sergeants to bring others.
At Athens, as in the mediaeval universities, the usual
division was into nations, men from each particular
province or region seeking out some eminent fellow-
countryman under whom to study. But this rule
68 Julian^ Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
was not universal. We have seen that Libanius was,
on his arrival, forced by a tumultuous band to at-
tach himself to a master of whom he had no desire
to learn. The experiences of a " freshman " at our
universities are mild indeed compared with those of
the luckless, often sea-sick youth, on his arrival at
the goal of his innocent hopes. His first journey to
the baths seems to have been made the occasion of
a rude initiation, trying to nerves and temper and
probably sometimes dangerous to the bones. Two
men are, by different authorities, recorded as having
been exempted from this ordeal by special request.
Basil, whose constitution was delicate, escaped by
the influence of his friend Gregory. Eunapius, who
was suffering from a dangerous illness, at the time
of his arrival, was the object of a special appeal on
the part of the gentle Proaeresius to the good feeling
of the ringleaders among the students.
Sometimes, as we have seen, free fights between
bands of students furnished cases for the law-courts.
Possibly better discipline might have been enforced
if the professors had cared to use all their powers.
Some, like Libanius, believed in the use of the rod.
But such use, on the backs of young men at a dis-
tance from any parental control, would soon have
led to empty lecture-rooms. What should we say
to the appeal made by Himerius to the lazy stu-
dents who failed to return on the right day after the
vacations ? "
" Presumptuous and overweening, heedless of my
affection. Gladly would I have asked them : What
for them is a sweeter hearing than my voice ? What
354] Jidiaris Academic Education. 69
sight more cheering than my radiant aspect ? What
tuneful birds of spring utter such sweet and pleas-
ant strains ? What melodious, rhythmical chorus,
tuned to the flute or pipe, can touch their hearts as
the sound from this pulpit of mine ? For indeed I
blame those shepherds who neglect to lead their
flocks with music and the pipe, but threaten with
chastisement and scourging. For my own flock
and my own nurslings never may I see them with
sullen brows ! reason shall conduct them to the
meadows and groves of the Muses. Songs are for
them, not blows. Thus may our mutual love grow
and flourish, and my rule be ever guided by music
and by harmony."
A striking instance, surely, of faith in the supreme
power of persuasive words ! Unfortunately we see
that in practice such power did not suffice to main-
tain order among a community of youths brought
together from all quarters and emancipated from
parental control.
Yet with all its drawbacks, university life had in
the fourth century both the present charm and the
germs of future profit which such a life must always
have while youth is youth and while the roads of
knowledge lie open. Those who had studied at
Athens felt for their Alma Mater in their after life
that loyal affection which we associate with the
widely different universities of modern times. The
excitement of a new and independent life, the first
realisation of the glorious inheritance bequeathed
by the past to the present age, the warm and stimu-
lating influence of teacher on pupil, the influence
70 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-354
yet more rousing, to body and mind alike, of con-
genial fellow-students, the lively play of mind on
mind in places hallowed by centuries of noble
associations ; such was the joy of university life at
Athens in those days as among us now. And if in
any way Julian had reason to complain that the
jealousy of his cousin excluded him from some
spheres of life suitable to his rank and station, he
might well thank the Gods that it was not in the
forced atmosphere of a court, but in the intellectual
freedom of great centres of culture, that he first
learned to test and use his mental powers, and
formed the most lasting friendships of his life.
Bundle of Manuscripts rolled up.
Coin of Constantine II.
Plan of a camp on which stands
the Sun-god.
Notes on Chapter II L 71
NOTES ON CHAPTER III.
1 Ammianus, ZY. , 2.
Cf. Mr. C. W. King and others.
Ep. 51.
4 According to Greg. Nazianzen, and Sozomen, v., 2.
That of Alexandria, Socrates, His. Eccles., v., 22.
6 For much interesting information about the contemporaries and
teachers of Julian at Athens, as well as about the whole system of
University education at that time, I am indebted to M. Petit de
Julleville,Z'.ft7& d * Athene* pendant lequatrieme slide.
I See Greg. Naz., Oration in Praise of Basil.
8 Ep. 24. This letter is however, regarded by Cumont as the
work of the same author who wrote those to Jamblichus. (Sur
r Authenticity de Quelques Lettres, etc. See infra}. But in any case
it may serve as a specimen of the models set before Julian for imita-
tion.
9 Eunapius, Vita Sophistarum^ 180. The saying against Pericles
is here given to Archidamus, not, as by Plutarch, to Thucydides son
of Melesias in answer to a question of Archidamus.
10 These stories are told by Eunapius (Vit. soph. : Julianus and
Proarenus)) and are also given in Petit de Julleville.
II Ep. 55.
19 In his life by Eunapius. Cf. Zeller, Philosophic der Griechen,
2, 661.
13 So says Ammianus. Eunapius does not mention his birthplace,
but says that he was of good family.
14 Epp. 15, 16, 37. The first two of these are disputed by Cumont.
11 See Zeller, loc. cit. Also newly discovered series of letters by
Julian (Mavrogordateion, etc.), No. 4.
15 This statement might throw some doubt on the possibility of
Julian's intercourse with Maximus. But we have already seen
(supra, note i), that one of his student journeys in Asia-Minor did
bring Julian into trouble.
17 Ed. Reiske. The autobiography is translated at the end of
Petit de Julleville's charming essay, Sur la Vie et la Correspondence
de Libanius.
18 See Zeller, Phil, der Griechen^ vol. iv., p. 739, and Brucker,
Hist. Phil. , ii. , p. 434, et seq.
19 Thus he has been claimed as a Christian, and confused with the
72 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
leader of sect called Agnoeti, who professed ignorance as to whether
Jesus Christ were or were not the Logos. The identification is
tempting but will not stand. (See Brucker).
10 Socrates, Hist. Eccles., English translation, iv., 32.
sl See especially his Eulogy of Basil. Petit de Juleville is excel-
lent here, and he is followed by Mr. W. W. Capes in his bright little
book on University Life in Ancient Athens.
M See Dumont, L'EphMe Attiqiu.
M Oration* xv., I, 2.
Coin of Magnentius.
Reverse, SALUS DD NN AVG ET CAES. The Christian Monogram, between
A and CO.
CHAPTER IV.
JULIAN'S ELEVATION TO THE C^ESARSHIP.
355-
" E&TI de . . . TO Kq>a\caor, OTI fiijTE TOY itovov
TJJV fjoovr}v OypEvody, ^ITJTE aitpay/4O<5vvT)S xal pccorwrr/*
r 9 TOY EV Tfl Ttofarfiq dv(5xp<xiv<*> ftiov alA. . . . ovre
eiccv E/LKXVTGO 6vYEtda>$ TotiavTrjv OVTE (pvtieaoS tiTrepoxrfr,
nai itpotieTt de8i<&$, JUT) <piXo6oq)iav , fa kp&v OVK Eqnxo/UTjr,
$ TovS vvv drtipobrtovS ovdi a/lAo^S EvSoxtjuovo'av 5zar/?aAA(."
JULIAN, Ep. to Themistius, 266, C.
" The forward youth that would appear
Must now forsake his Muses dear . . .
'T is time to leave the books in dust,
And oil the unused armour's rust." A. MARVELL.
his first intercourse with Maximus
and his initiation into the Eleusinian
Mysteries marked a mental crisis in
Julian's life, a similar crisis was
soon to follow in his outward cir-
cumstances. The one may be re-
garded as preparatory to the other,
since it is evident from Julian's writings, as well as
73
74 Julian, Philosopher and y Emperor. [355
from the testimony of his friends, that his firm be-
lief in his vocation to a divinely appointed task sup-
ported him as nothing else could have done in the
difficulties and trials that he had to undergo.
The death of Gallus and the painful circumstances
which attended it furnished a golden opportunity to
the contemptible sycophants who abounded at the
Imperial Court. Of the harassing persecutions and
the judicial murders that disgrace this period, the
chief responsibility must, of course, rest with the
Emperor Constantius. Yet we should be wrong if
we regarded Constantius as an exceptionally wicked
man. Neither is he, in some ways, to be regarded
as utterly weak. He had so far resisted the enervat-
ing influences of an Oriental court as to maintain an
unblemished reputation for chastity and temperance.
His habitual self-control was reflected in an imper-
turbable manner of look and behaviour which con-
trasted with the eager restlessness of his young
cousin. He seems to have been guided by consci-
entious motives in the affairs of government, civil,
military, and even ecclesiastical. But where his
suspicions had once been aroused, he was as inac-
cessible to the dictates of pity as he habitually was
to the sounds and sights around him. One per-
son, indeed, could withstand the influences of the
courtiers, not so much, apparently, by appealing to
his better feelings as by cleverly flattering his self-
interest. This was the brilliant and beautiful Em-
press Eusebia, Julian's good genius at the Court.
Constantius having lost his first wife, Galla, had
married Eusebia probably not long after the defeat
AN EMPRESS (PLACIDIA ?) AND HER SON.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
355] Julians Elevation to the Casarship. 75
of Magnentius, 1 She was a Macedonian by birth, of
a consular family, had been educated in Greek litera-
ture, and was singularly discreet in her behaviour.
She used her influence over her husband, an in-
fluence which she probably owed more to her men-
tal than to her physical attractions, in favour of her
family, several members of which received promo-
tion. This seems to have moved no great animad-
version against her, probably because in other ways
she advocated moderate courses, and was always in
favour of clemency and opposed to the corrupt in-
fluences of the eunuchs. If serious charges have
been brought against her by some historians, they
may be shown to rest on no very solid ground.*
Her habitual attitude in Court factions, as well as
her natural sympathy with a young Greek scholar,
constituted her the champion of Julian at Court,
and to her he owed his escape from peril, and his
rise to a position of power and importance.
Meantime, many suspected persons fell victims
to the vengeance which overtook the partisans of
Callus. Ursicinus, the honourable soldier whose
mission in Syria has been already mentioned, and to
whose person the historian Ammianus was specially
attached, had a narrow escape from execution on a
charge which amounted to little more than a recog-
nition of his capacity and popularity. The most
dangerous foe to all men of standing and ability was
Arbetio, consul in the year 355, whose serpent-like
wiles devised against his rivals were too often suc-
cessful. Among the lesser functionaries who de-
voted themselves to the congenial task of tracking
76 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355
out real or imaginary conspiracies, the most noto-
rious were a Persian of the name of Paul and a
Dacian called Mercurius. The former acquired the
nickname of "The Chain,' 1 because of his skill in
linking together every circumstance that could tell
against his victims. The latter was known as the
" Count of Dreams/' owing to his habit of extract-
ing treasonable intentions from reports of nightly
fancies. At the same time Rufinus, who held the
office of Chief Apparitor of the Praetorian Praefcc-
ture, 8 was eager to welcome any secret or treach-
erous information. One catastrophe caused by these
sycophants seemed likely to implicate Julian in its
issue. A dinner had been given at Sirmium, on the
Save, by the governor of one of the districts of
Pannonia. Talking freely over their wine, some of
the guests complained of the violent measures of
the Government, others spoke of a coming revolu-
tion, other lighter heads told stories of family fore-
casts which seemed applicable. But a Government
official was sitting among them. The hasty words
were speedily reported to Rufinus. The spy was
rewarded, the indiscreet talkers seized and brought
in chains to Milan, with the exception of one, who
contrived to commit suicide on the way. On this
occasion, however, they were so fortunate as to suf-
fer only imprisonment and threats. 4
Julian had meantime been summoned to Milan.
The weapons that his enemies sought to turn against
him were his alleged intercourse with his brother and
his journey in Asia of which we have already spoken.
355] Juliaris Elevation to the Casarship. 77
Julian said afterwards that he had not seen Callus at
all during the time in question, though he had occa-
sionally corresponded with him. Ammianus says
that he was in Constantinople when Gallus passed
through the city. The statements are not contra-
dictory, and in any case Julian seems to have been
successful in clearing himself when he had an oppor-
tunity of so doing. But it was long before such an
opportunity was granted. For seven months he felt
himself a prisoner. Six months he spent in Milan,
without being once admitted to an interview with
his cousin, whom he had only once seen before,
namely, during his stay in Cappadocia. The Sirmium
troubles prolonged, most probably, his time of
duress. Libanius says that he behaved with much
discretion, not demeaning himself by denouncing
his dead brother, yet not bidding defiance to the
powerful Emperor. At length he was sent for a
time to Como, but he did not remain there long.
He soon found an opportunity of requesting the
Empress to use her influence so that he might be
permitted to return to his maternal estate in Asia
Minor, which he seems to have regarded as his home.
The permission was almost granted when events
occurred which made the Emperor anxious to loosen
the ties which bound his cousin to Asia Minor, and
perhaps also to keep him nearer to himself. Conse-
quently, Julian was sent to study in Athens. The
months of seclusion and anxiety had occupied the
autumn and winter of 354 and the spring of 355.
They were probably of service to him in the oppor-
78 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355
tunities they afforded of acquiring practical acquaint-
anc y e with the Latin language, such as Libanius tells
us he afterwards possessed.
If in after days* Julian declared that he desired
nothing more than to live and die in the glorious
city of Pallas Athene, he need not be suspected of
affectation. Apart from the pleasantness of univer-
sity life in the great centre of Hellenism to a young
man of studious habits, genial temperament, and
almost morbid sensitiveness to historical associa-
tions, the glimpses Julian had had of court life had
not been such as to make the other seem less desira-
ble in comparison.
Constantius was the one successful man of his
family, yet his lot cannot have seemed a particularly
happy one, while he lived surrounded by rapacious
courtiers and hampered by perpetual cares. Of the
numerous male posterity of Constantius Chlorus, he
and Julian alone survived, the others having perished
by violent deaths. Meanwhile, sophists like Proae-
resius and Himerius lived to a green old age, and
the troubles which factious jealousy might arouse
against them were easily quelled. There was an
atmosphere of freedom in action and speculation
among the student bands of various nations and
creeds, which must have been most welcome to
Julian after his forced dissimulation and caution.
Nor were the leadings of ambition altogether in
favour of a more active life. We have seen the
extraordinarily high esteem in which the leading
sophists of the age were held, and Julian, himself, in
spite of his youth, was beginning to enjoy a high
355] Julian's Elevation to the Casarship. 79
degree of consideration and popularity among the
students. Even if we discount the extravagant
remarks of Libanius on the great sensation which
his brilliant abilities and wide range of knowledge
caused among his peers, we can easily believe that
he had soon gathered around him a devoted circle
of friends and admirers.
We cannot with certainty date any of Julian's
writings as belonging to this period of his life, yet it
was undoubtedly for him a time of great mental
activity. The malicious pen of Gregory Nazianzen
has drawn a portrait of Julian as he appeared at this
time. It is a coarse caricature, yet if we compare it
with the description given by Ammianus Marcellinus,
and with what we might otherwise suppose, we may
discern in it some foundation of fact. It was the
eager, nervous restlessness of his gait, his unme-
thodical outpourings of excited speech, his sudden
bursts of laughter, that seemed to the future bishop
unworthy of a sober and dignified person. Ammi-
anus, 8 who must have been very familiar with his
appearance, describes it thus : " He was of middle
height, with soft, fine hair, a bushy, pointed beard,
beautifully bright and flashing eyes which bespoke
the subtlety T of his mind ; fine eyebrows, a very
straight nose, a rather large mouth with full lower
lip, a thick arched neck, large broad shoulders, a
frame compact from head to finger tips, whence his
great physical strength and agility/' To his physical
culture, however, he would probably not have devoted
much attention but for the sudden change in his pros-
pects, the causes of which we have now to trace.
8o Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355
We have already seen that the eastern provinces
of the Empire were by no means pacified, nor a
permanent barrier set up against Persian encroach-
ments at the time when Constantius had to turn and
face his foes in the West. Musonianus, an Antio-
chene of eloquence and culture, had been appointed
Praefect of the East. He had secured the favour of
Constantius by the clearness with which he had ex-
plained to him the distinctive dogmas of the Mani-
chees and of other sects. 8 In some respects he was
worthy of his high post, but his besetting sin of
avarice led him into courses detrimental to the
eastern provinces and to the whole Empire. Mean-
time though the Persian king was, happily for the
Romans, occupied in the far East, his lieutenants
were making incursions into Armenia and Mes-
opotamia. It seemed probable that before long the
presence of the Emperor would be required at the
head of an army in Asia. Meantime, yet more
pressing dangers threatened from the West.
.The troubles from the German nations were per-
haps in part an after-wave of the rebellion of
Magnentius. Constantius has been accused* of
cowardice and treachery in trying to stir up some
barbarian tribes to invade the provinces at the crisis.
If he did so, the act was not alien to Roman policy
in dealing with barbarians and insurgents, and he
did his best to repair the folly of it by taking the
field in the spring of the year 354. The object of
his attack was the tribe, or congeries of tribes, called
the Allemanni, from whose ravages the Empire had
suffered on many occasions since the reign of Cara-
355] Julians Elevation to the C&sarshtp. 8 1
calla, or possibly from an earlier period. The Em-
peror Aurelian, and in more recent times Constantius
Chlorus, had dealt them severe blows, and they had
been more or less held in check by the lines of for-
tresses along the Rhine frontier which had been
raised and maintained by Diocletian and his col-
leagues. Now, however, they had broken through
the barrier, and established themselves in the regions
known in modern times as Alsace and Lorraine.
Constantius set out from Arelate (Aries) near the
mouth of the Rhone, and marched north to Val-
entia at the junction of the Rhone and the Isere,
expecting reinforcements from Aquitaine, the arri-
val of which was delayed by excessive rains. The
troops which had been mustered about Cabillona
(Chalons-sur-Saone) became impatient and even mu-
tinous. The arrival at last of money and pro-
visions w r as more effectual than the persuasions of
the Praetorian Prefect, Rufinus, in inducing them to
continue the march, and after many difficulties, ow-
ing to the early time of the year, they reached the
Rhine not far from the site of Basel. An attempt
to make a bridge of boats was frustrated by the
enemy, who had been warned by some fellow-tribes-
men holding office in the Imperial army. Owing
however to reasons which cannot be with certainty
assigned, the Allemanni were not eager to avail
themselves of their own advantageous position or
of the distance of the Romans, and envoys arrived
in the Imperial camp from the brother-kings Gundo-
badus and Vadomarius desiring conditions of peace.
Constantius set forth, in an address to the army, the
82 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355
grounds for deciding to accede to this request. A
treaty was concluded with solemn rites, and Con-
stantius returned to Milan, where, as we have seen,
Julian also spent the following winter.
Next year, another tribe of the nation of the
Allemanni made an incursion into Roman territory
in the neighbourhood of Lake Constance (then called
Brigantia), and Constantius again took the field. He
did not, however, advance in person against the foe,
but stayed in Raetia, while Arbetio, holding the title
of Magister Equitum, penetrated with a large force
into the mountain home of the barbarians. Here, in
ignorance of the difficulties of the country, he was
taken at unawares, and suffered a severe defeat.
The credit, however, of the army was retrieved and
the safety of the remnant secured by the gallant en-
deavours of three tribunes on the Roman side, who
turned the fortune of the campaign. The uncouth
barbaric names of these rescuers of Roman honour
remind us how, for better or for worse, the mistress
of the world had come to depend upon those she
might affect to despise but could not afford to ignore.
Such as this victory was, Constantius regarded it as
entitling him to the honour of a triumph.
Arbetio seems thus to have been no general him-
self, and he pursued with revengeful envy those
whose talents were conspicuous above his own. His
machinations against the Prankish general Silvanus
brought the western provinces into serious peril.
This brave soldier, whose desertion of Magnentius
at a critical moment had helped to secure the victory
of Constantius at Mursa, had been sent in the capa-
355] Juliaris Elevation to the Gzsarship. 83
city of Magister Peditum 10 to make head against the
invaders. An underling of his named Dynamius
entered into a conspiracy with Arbetio to compass
his destruction. Letters of recommendation were
obtained from him on plausible pretexts. The con-
tents of them were then erased and treasonable
matter substituted, and the transmuted epistles with
the signature of Silvanus, were brought before the
Emperor as evidence of his guilt. He was, however,
not without friends at Court, and it was decided to
send a commissioner who should induce him to return
to Milan, that he might, if possible, clear himself.
Unfortunately the mission was entrusted to a courtier
of the lowest type, who assumed the guilt of Silvanus
as certain, and made matters in Gaul much worse.
Silvanus regarded himself as a lost man. He would
have fled to his own people, the Franks, but feared
lest their desire to stand well with the Emperor
might lead to his betrayal. In desperation he threw
himself on the personal loyalty of his soldiers, and
in the city of Agrippina (Cologne), he assumed the
Imperial purple.
Meantime the astonishing trickery that had been
practised against him was brought to light. It is a
curious instance of the manner in which such affairs
were regarded at the court of Constantius, that one
of the prime intriguers shortly afterwards received
promotion. The practical problem now was to
secure the person of Silvanus. The mission was
entrusted to Ursicinus, whose ability and fidelity
made him so necessary at such a crisis as to silence
the tongues of the envious. With him were asso-
84 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355
ciated ten tribunes, one of whom was the historian
Ammianus. They were to assure Silvanus as to the
security of his person and the continuance of his
dignities, provided that he returned to Court at once,
leaving Ursicinus to carry on his duties in Gaul. It
is with regret that we see honourable men like
Ursicinus and Ammianus condescending to the mean
deception of a culprit whom they regarded with pity
rather than with aversion. They were hospitably
received by the usurper, whose authority they judged
it prudent to acknowledge. Silvanus, with the levity
of a barbarian soldier, vented, in conversation with
Ursicinus, his indignation against the manner in
which both he and his principal guest had been
habitually treated by the Court. Ursicinus now felt
justified in meeting treachery with treachery. Some
of the soldiers of Silvanus were bribed to turn against
him. A tumult ensued, the usurper's guards were
put to the sword, and he was himself slain after he
had been dragged from a church into which he had
fled for refuge.
Proceedings such as these, though they might
temporarily avert an impending danger, did not tend
permanently to check the inroads of the Germans or
to encourage any generals who might be sent against
them. And while the horizon to East and West
was heavy with clouds, the sky was by no means
clear in the immediate neighbourhood of the Imperial
presence. In Rome, the Praefect Leontius, a man of
stern character, had with difficulty quelled a popular
commotion due to scarcity of wine. At the same
time, the Bishop Liberius had fallen into disgrace
355] Julians Elevation to the C&sarship. 85
through his championship of the Nicene party.
Hampered by difficulties on all sides, Constantius,
still childless, saw the need of taking a step that
might secure the dynasty, and render the Imperial
house more popular with the army and with the
people.
This step was the elevation of Julian to a position
similar in honour and title to that formerly held by
Callus, in order that his military abilities might be
tested, and if found considerable, might be turned
to the use of the Empire in its time of need. Darker
motives have been attributed to Constantius in this
course of action. He may have reflected that if
Julian were not successful, many opportunities would
arise for his convenient removal from the scenes.
The conduct of Constantius on other occasions does
not militate against such suspicions, and it must
have seemed a most unlikely chance that a youth
bred without any military training or acquaintance
with the ways of the world, should prove capable of
holding his own in a position which required a rare
combination of practical talents. It is quite possible,
however, to give Constantius the benefit of the doubt,
especially since the course was urged by Julian's
steady friend, Eusebia, and since the promotion was
not intended in the first instance to carry with it
very grave responsibilities.
When Julian was summoned from Greece to Milan
he obeyed with great reluctance and gloomy fore-
bodings. Not only was he obliged to leave, perhaps
for ever, his favourite pursuits, his most esteemed
friends, and all but a traveller's quantum of books ;
86 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355
the future was as dark to him as the immediate past
had been bright. He felt, he afterwards said, 11 as
if he were called to drive four spirited horses with-
out having learned the art of the charioteer. He
held up his hands towards the Acropolis, and be-
sought Athena not to desert her votary. Then he
travelled to Milan, and took up his abode in one of
the suburbs. Julian afterwards described, with some
humour, the process which he had to undergo in the
transmutation from student to soldier and prince.
Not only must his beard be shorn 1S and his sophist's
gown exchanged for a soldier's cloak ; he must also
unlearn his student's irregular gait and affect the
strut of the courtiers around him, on whom, all the
while, he looked as the executioners of his family
and as his own personal foes. The practice of mili-
tary exercises, however necessary, was at first very
irksome to him, and he was heard to mutter, " O
Plato ! " as he tried to catch the step of an elaborate
military movement. Perseverance, however, made
up for long neglect. A characteristic stoiy was told
of him afterwards, how, when he was engaged in a
military exercise, his shield broke away in his hand.
Without being disconcerted, he held up the handle
before the by-standers, exclaiming: u I keep what I
had hold of/'
Meanwhile Eusebia reassured him both by mes-
sages and by kindly words spoken in a personal
interview : " You have received somewhat from us
already," she said, "you shall have more by-and-bye,
with God's help, if only you are loyal and fair in your
dealings with us." Her good-will was shown yet
i
3553 Juliaris Elevation to the Casarship. 87
further in the highly-appreciated gift of a good
library, to supplement the meagre stock of books
that he had brought from Athens.
It was naturally to Eusebia that Julian felt dis-
posed to apply in seeking some way of escape from
the responsibilities and perils that awaited him in his
new career. His actions, as well as the workings of his
mind at this crisis, were afterwards described by him
in his Letter to the Athenians. The passage may be
quoted at length, as illustrating alike the painfulness
of his position at the time, the means to which he
commonly resorted in search of supernatural direc-
tion, and the Stoic sense of duty imbibed from the
teachings of Socrates and of Julian's hero-model
Marcus Aurelius.
" Eusebia sent me friendly messages on several oc-
casions and bade me write freely to her concerning
my desires. Accordingly I wrote her a letter, or
rather a petition, containing such vows as these;
' May you have children to succeed you, may you
receive all good gifts from God, if only you will send
me to my home as quickly as possible/ But I
doubted whether it were safe to send to the palace
a letter addressed to the Emperor's wife. I prayed,
therefore, that the Gods would declare to me at
night whether or no I should send my letter to the
Empress. But they warned me that if I should send
it, the most disgraceful of all deaths awaited me. I
write the truth, and call the Gods to witness. Ac-
cordingly I refrained from sending the letter. And
from that night a thought possessed me which is
worth imparting to you. ' I have in my mind ven-
88 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355
tured/ I said to myself, ' to resist the Gods, and have
thought to devise better schemes for my welfare than
those of the All-Knowing Powers. Yet human
reason, its eyes fixed on the immediate present, can
but at best and with difficulty avoid errors for a
short space. Wherefore no man takes thought for
the things which are to come thirty years hence, nor
yet for those which are already past. As to the
future, deliberation is impossible, for the past it is
superfluous. Man can only take counsel for what lies
near at hand, or on that which he can already see in
potentiality and in germ. But the Divine Reason
stretches far, nay, it comprehends all things, so as to
indicate rightly, and to accomplish what tends to good.
For the Gods, as they are the cause of all that is, are
likewise the origin of all that shall be. Thus must
they needs have understanding as to the things of the
present/ And as I thought thus, it seemed to me that
my second determination was better than my first.
And considering the justice of the matter, I reflected :
' Would you not be angry if one of your beasts were
to deprive you of its services, say a horse or a sheep or
a calf, and were to run away when you called it ? And
seeing that you wish to think yourself no beast but
a man, and not even a man of the common herd, but
one belonging to a superior and reasonable class,
would you deprive the Gods of their use of you, and
not be ready to accomplish whatever their will might
demand of you ? Beware lest you not only fall into
this great folly, but also neglect your rightful duties
towards the Gods. Where is your courage? A
sorry thing it seems to be ; you are ready to cringe
3M] Juliaris Elevation to the Casarship. 89
and flatter from fear of death, when it is possible for
you to cast all anxiety aside, and to leave the Gods
to work their will, dividing with them the care of
yourself, as Socrates did ; thus in all things in your
own power doing what you find possible ; leaving the
whole in their hands ; seeking not your own gain ;
seizing nothing for your own use, you might receive
in all security the gifts they bestow upon you.
This course seemed to me not only safe, but suitable,
to a man of reasonable mind, especially as it had
been pointed out by the Gods. For to rush open-
eyed into an unseemly course of present peril in
order to escape from dangers in the future seemed
to me unwise in the extreme. I yielded and obeyed.
Soon after, the title and the garb of Casar were
conferred upon me.*'
The ceremony of investing the new Caesar with
the purple robe was performed in a great military
assembly at Milan, on the 6th of November, 355.
The soldiers applauded the Emperor's speech, and
were pleased at the modest bearing and animated
countenance of the young Csesar. But while they
clashed their shields against their knees, he thought
less hopefully of the issue of the proceedings, and
repeated to himself a line of Homer :
" Him purple death obtained, remorseless fate." u
A few days afterwards, Julian married Helen, the
sister of Constantius. Of this lady we know almost
nothing, either for good or for evil. She was prob-
ably no longer very young, but if she was the child
of her father's old age, she may have been no older
90 Julian* Philosopher and Emperor. [355
than Julian himself, who is said to have attained his
twenty-fifth year on the day of his elevation to the
Caesarship." We have occasional mention of her in
some of Julian's letters, but not any that can enable
us to judge whether or no the marriage was a happy
one. Her influence over him was probably nil. In
any case, her death at the most critical period of his
life prevented her from acting much on his conduct,
either as a stimulus or as a restraint. They had one
child, who died at birth. 16
On the ist of December, Julian left Milan for
Gaul. The Emperor accompanied him as far as
Pavia, whence Julian struck west for Turin. He
had been obliged to remodel his household, and
only retained four of his former personal attendants,
of whom two were mere boys. Of the other two,
one, the only member of the party who shared
Julian's feelings as to religion, had charge of his
books. The other was the physician Oribazius, 17 a
pupil of the rhetorician-doctor Magnus, whom we
have already mentioned. How far the changes were
necessary, it is not easy for us to judge. The other
grievances which Julian felt, the restrictions placed
upon his own authority, are fully justified by the
total inexperience and the untried ability of the new
Caesar.
At Turin bad news awaited the party. The great
colony of Agrippina (Cologne), in which Silvanus
had previously assumed the purple, had fallen into
the hands of the barbarians. No decisive action
could be taken before the beginning of spring, and
meantime Julian went into winter quarters at
355] Juliaris Elevation to the Casarship. 91
Vienne. He received a warm welcome from the in-
habitants of that city, and one blind old woman
declared that he was destined to restore the temples
of the Gods. It is not impossible that in some
minds the late misfortunes were associated with the
non-observance of the national cults.
Ammianus, in sketching the character of Julian
at this time, compares him to the Emperor Marcus,
whom he followed in his whole-hearted devotion to
the cause of duty and of right reason. Julian,
eagerly continuing his studies while preparing to
attack the Franks and Allemanni, may remind us
of his philosophic predecessor, noting down, in his
camp among the Quadi, his reflections on the gov-
ernment of the universe and on the laws of moral
life. If in some respects Julian may fall short of his
ideal, he was probably more successful than was
Marcus in arousing his energies from a life of con-
templation to one of action. As a philosophic
idealist who was also a great military leader, there is
hardly a name, except perhaps that of Epaminondas,
that we can place beside his. His military achieve-
ments will occupy us in the following chapter.
Coin of Constantius II. Reverse, GAUDIUM ROMANORUM. Conatantine receiving
a crown from heaven.
92 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
NOTES ON CHAPTER IV.
1 For the probable date of the marriage of Constantius and Eusebia,
see Tillemont, note xxi., on Constantius. Cf. also Art. xxvi. See
Zosimus, bk. hi., ch. i., Julian's Oration in Honour of Eusebia,
his references to her in his Letter to the Athenians, and several
passages in Ammianus.
f See infra, note 16.
* Adparitionis prefecture pratoriana principem, Am.,xv., 3. He
is elsewhere called Praetorian Praefect (or is it a different person ?).
4 Am. Marc., he cit., cf. Julian's Letter to the Athenians 273,
C. D. I cannot see that MUcke (Julian's Leben und Schriften p.
29) is to be followed when he infers that Julian was himself present
at the Sirmium dinner.
6 Libanius, Epitaph. Cf. Letter to the Athenians.
e Am. Marc., xxv. , 4
I (Or a look of perpetual inquiry.) Venustate oculorum micantium
flagrans, qui mentis ejus argutias indicabant (some MSS., angustias).
9 Am. Marc., xv., 13. He was also called Strategius.
* By Libanius and Zosimus.
10 Or, perhaps, Magister equiturn et peditum, Schiller, in., 3, sec.
25. For the rebellion of Silvanus, see chiefly Am., xv., 5. Cf.
Julian, Or. n.
II Or. hi., 122.
18 It must have grown again pretty rapidly, as it appears on his
coins and medals.
18 Letter to the Athenians. This would seem to show that
Julian regarded the massacre of his relations as originating in the
Court rather than in the Army. Letter to the Athenians, 275-7
14V E/U.tt/? rtoptpvpeos AdvaroS xal iioipa Hparairj. See ac-
count of the proceedings in Am., xv., 8.
u This has been conjectured, perhaps on insufficient grounds ; see
Tillemont, note i.
16 We may here dispose of the unpleasant story, related by Ammi-
anus, that Eusebia, by the use of pernicious drugs, caused the un-
timely death of Helen's children, and afterwards of Helen herself.
The statement is entirely at vanance with what we know, not only of
the character, but of the lines of policy attributed to Eusebia. Of
course, jealousy may incite to dark deeds women who are otherwise
estimable. Yet in this case, we may be permitted to doubt the state-
Notes on Chapter IV. 93
ment of Ammianus. It is quite impossible that Julian should have
written as he did concerning Eusebia, after both she and Helen were
beyond reach of flattery or of vituperation, had he known of any such
hateful machinations on her part. Nor could her practices have re-
mained permanently unknown to him. At the same time, we are
told that Eusebia suffered greatly, and shortened her own life,
through the use of drugs taken to produce fecundity, a gift, as Chrys-
ostom says, which she should have expected only from Heaven.
What more probable than that being in the habit of using quack
medicines herself, she should have recommended them to her sister-
in-law, and that malicious tongues should have twisted an act of
kindly-meant imprudence so as to give it a terribly criminal character ?
17 Cf. with Letter to the Athenians, Eunap., Oribaxius.
A Four-horse Chariot.
Reproduced from Boecking's Notitia Dignitatum*
CHAPTER V.
JULIAN'S C^ESARSHIP IN GAUL.'
356-359.
9 AjLKp6rspov 9 fiatiihevt r dya&oS xparepot r
(//., ///., 179. Chosen for inscription on Julian's Tomb. Zosimus
iii., 34-)
" Thine, Roman, is the pilum ;
Roman, the sword is thine,
The even trench, the bristling mound,
The legion's ordered line ;
And thine the wheels of triumph,
Which with their laurelled tram
Move slowly up the shouting streets,
To Jove's eternal fane."
Lays of Ancient Rome.
|HE new and arduous duties which be-
gan for Julian in the early months of
356 were not facilitated by any very
clear and intelligible arrangements de-
fining the character and extent of his
authority. The system by which
Diocletian had marked out the sphere
of activity belonging to the Augusti, the Caesars,
94
356-59] Juliatis Ccesarskip in Gaul. 95
and the civil and military authorities that acted
under them, had, as we have already seen, scarcely
survived his abdication. The partial division of Im-
perial authority among the sons of Cbnstantine, and
the delegation made in the more recent and equally
unlucky case of Constantius and Gallus, can hardly
have been looked on as furnishing convenient or
safe precedents. The authority of the Caesar was
not regarded as entirely superseding either the civil
powers of the Praetorian Praefect, or the military
command of the Magister Equitum et Peditum. The
Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls was the same Rufinus
who has been already mentioned. 2 He was brother
to the first wife of Julian's father, and therefore
uncle to his brother Gallus, and probably well in-
clined to the new-made Caesar. But we shall see that
Julian had serious difficulties to encounter from the
Praefect appointed in 357. In military matters he
was supposed to act conjointly with the Magister
Equitum Marcellus, and with Sallust, the holder of
some military office which is not specified. 1 Of these
Sallust was an able and loyal man, Marcellus was
either incapable or perfidious probably both. No
reasonable person can blame Constantius for not at
once entrusting full powers to an entirely untrained
and untested man. But he seems, in accordance
with his character, to have subjected Julian to a
system of espionage irksome to his feelings and
detrimental to his efficiency. As Julian afterwards
said, Constantius sent him not to rule, but to bear
about the image of the Imperial ruler to represent,
we may say, in his person the majesty of the
g6 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355-
pire. Yet, if the speech before the soldiers, which
Ammianus, in Thucydidean fashion, puts into the
mouth of Constantius, may be taken as indicating
the nature of the charge given, Julian was not to
serve as a mere figure-head : " Come and share my
labours and my perils, and take upon yourself the
care of the Gauls, that you may by beneficent action
alleviate the pains with which they are stricken. If
you are called to go against the enemy, your place
is close to the standard-bearers. Be wise in inciting
to opportune action, lead with caution while you
arouse the courage of the soldiers, be at hand to sup-
port the wavering, moderate in reprimand, a faithful
witness alike of good deeds and of short-comings/'
"The Gauls," of which the charge was thus en-
trusted to Julian, did not constitute one very definite
territorial area. The Prefecture of the Gauls, which
coincided almost, if not entirely, with the regions
over which Constantius Chlorus, Julian's grand-
father, had ruled as Caesar, comprised not only
modern France and Belgium, but the British Isles,
Spain, 4 and parts of Germany and Holland. On the
other hand, the Diocese of the Gauls did not include
Aquitaine nor yet the old province of Narbonne.
Julian's power was certainly exercised in these latter
parts, but he seems to have had no concern with
Spain, nor yet with Britain, except in so far as
Britain constituted the granary of Gaul in the nar-
rower sense. The Gauls, in ordinary speech, com-
prised all the country between the Pyrenees, the
Alps, the Rhine, and the Ocean, and included many
provinces in very various stages of civilisation.
359] Julian's Ccesarship in Gaul. 97
In the south-east was the earliest Roman province
in Gaul Gallia Narbonensis, sometimes called
Viennensis. These regions were as thoroughly
Romanised as was any part of Italy, and contained
the flourishing cities of Arelate (Aries), Valentia
(Valence), and Vienna (Vienne). Aquitania was,
roughly speaking, in the form of a square, of which
the sides were respectively formed by the Pyrenees,
the Ocean, the Loire, and the Rhone. To the north
was Lugdunensis, an irregular triangle, having its
apex near the great city of Lugdunum (Lyons), and
its base in a line running from the mouth of the
Seine to that of the Loire. Further north was Bel-
gica, and still further north the two Germanise, the
home of independent warriors who still, especially in
the further parts, disdained any kind of subjection to
Rome, though they often served for Roman gold in
the Imperial armies, and held lands on the border
on condition of military service.
At this moment, however, the system of border
defence had utterly broken down. Devastating hosts
of free Germans had destroyed the fortifications on
the frontier from Cologne to Strasburg, overthrown
forty-five walled cities, and established themselves
considerably to the south of their former boun-
daries. The losses and the misery caused to the
peaceable provincials were very great. Men of gen-
tie birth and official rank, with their wives and chil-
dren, were often led away in captive trains. Perhaps
the most hopeful feature of the situation lay in the
hatred felt by the Germanic tribes for life in walled
towns, which prevented them from repairing and oc-
98 Jidian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355-
cupying the fortifications they were able to seize, and
so rendered the recovery of the strong positions a
less desperate task.
The three provincial tribes, or unions of tribes,
whose ravages had worked the greatest confusion in
Gaul, bore names which in the course of history
have been at times associated with the three great
nations of modern Europe : the Allemanni, the
Franks, and the Saxons. Of the Allemanni and
their encroachments from their early abodes on the
Upper Rhine and the Danube we have already
spoken. The Franks, who were likewise a nation,
or incipient nationality, had in early times inhab-
ited the country to the north of the Allemanni, on
the right bank of the Rhine, from the Maine almost
to the vicinity of the North Sea. The expeditions
they sent out, however, traversed very great extents
of territory. In the middle of the third century, we
find that a band of them have passed through Gaul,
seized Tarragona in Spain, and even sailed across to
Carthage. The victories obtained over them by
energetic Emperors, such as Claudius, Aurelian, Pro-
bus, and Constantius Chlorus, might for a time check
their advance or compel them to retreat, but did not
avail to break their power. Meantime their valour
was used and their fidelity tested in the Roman
armies. The case of Silvanus, which we have just
considered, is an instance of this policy and of its
consequences.
With the third great Teutonic foe of Rome, the
Saxons, Julian was not much concerned, except in
so far as their invasions had caused other tribes to
359] Juliaris Casarship in Gaul. 99
adopt a migratory life. They dwelt between the
mouths of the Rhine and the Elbe, and were the
terror of the opposite coast of Britain, where a
special officer (the Count of the Saxon Shore) had
been appointed to withstand their ravages, which
often rendered it difficult for the Gallic provinces to
obtain the supplies of British corn and other pro-
duce on which they depended.
Julian arrived at Vienne, as we have seen, about
midwinter, 355-6. Next spring, while he was en-
grossed with harassing business and distracted with
conflicting rumours, tidings came that the city of
Augustodunum (Autun) had been attacked by a
host of barbarians, probably Allemanni, and had
only been saved from capture by the prompt aid of
a band of Roman veterans. This news determined
Julian to take active measures as soon as possible,
and having made the necessary arrangements for
the campaign, he set out from Vienne, and arrived
at Autun (for familiarity's sake we will give the
modern names), on the 24th of June. He had de-
cided to carry the war into the enemy's country,
and a rendezvous had been arranged for his forces
and those of Marcellus at Reims. At Autun he held
a council of war, in order to select the safest route.
On hearing that the road leading through Auxerre
and Troyes was the shortest, he resolved to follow
it, and though much harassed by flying bands of the
enemy, against which he had to be continually on
his guard, he reached Reims in safety, and was met
there by Marcellus and also by Ursicinus, who was
to remain with him for that one expedition. After
ioo Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355-
a good deal of deliberation, the army pursued its
way to the Rhine. While on the march, it encoun-
tered imminent danger from an attack of the Alle-
manni on its rear. From this time forward, Am-
mianus tells us that Julian became more cautious, a
statement which, with the record of previous dan-
gers and escapes, has led later historians to read
between his lines the story of sundry small disasters,
at the cost of which the general's experience was
purchased.
Now began the main work of the campaign, the
recovery of the towns and fortunes on the Rhine
recently lost, or, where that was impossible, at least
of their sites. Brumath (Brucomagus) was the first to
come into Julian's power, after a conflict with the
Allemanni, in which he obtained the advantage by
arranging his forces in crescent form and enclosing
the enemy between the two horns. But his greatest
success was the recovery of Cologne from the
Prankish kings or chiefs, who were forced to sign a
treaty favourable to Rome. This town seems to
have suffered less than others from the barbarian
conquest and occupation, probably on account of
the superior strength of its fortifications. No other
of the Rhine fortresses was left standing, except
Remagen, and perhaps a part of Coblentz.*
The Roman army now retired through the terri-
tory of Treves to take up its winter quarters at Sens
("apud Senonas"). It soon became evident how
slight and superficial any conquest or recovery must
be unless confirmed by the settling of garrisons in
strong posts. The need was also seen of a large
359] Julians Casarship in Gaul. 101
army that should not be materially weakened by
the loss of such forces as Julian was obliged to leave
in places like Cologne, Brumath, and Remagen, or
in the more flourishing towns in which, for econ-
omy's sake, they were quartered. A host of bar-
barians speedily overran the country that Julian had
just traversed, and even ventured to besiege him in
Sens. They retreated after thirty days, but Julian's
deliverance was due rather to the unskilfulness of
the Germans in siege warfare than to any measures
which, in his newly-acquired virtue of military pru-
dence, he was able to take, or to any succour from
outside. Marcellus, who was quartered in the neigh-
bourhood, never attempted a diversion. He seems
to have let Julian have his way in the summer cam-
paign, but to have been by no means eager in saving
him from personal inconvenience and danger. In
fairness to Constantius it must be said that as soon
as he heard of the misconduct of Marcellus, he re-
called him, and sent out in his place one Severus, a
man of capacity and merit. It was probably at the
same time that Julian received, through the inter-
cession of Eusebia, a considerable extension of his
powers, and was permitted to summon volunteers to
his standard. His guard of three hundred and sixty
he regarded, according to Zosimus, as good for little
else but praying ; a strange criticism, if it is really
Julian's own, seeing that he more often reproaches
the Christians with lack than with excess of devo-
tion. On the departure of Marcellus for the Impe-
rial Court, Julian sent thither a faithful eunuch,
named Eutherius, an Armenian by birth, and singu-
IO2 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [356-
larly free from the faults supposed to be generally
engrained in men of his class. Eutherius was suc-
cessful in averting any blame that might have been
thrown on his master, and Marcellus was ordered
not to remove from his native town of Sardica.
Between the campaigns, in the winter months,
Julian had sufficient occupation in making prepara-
tions for the next expedition, and in examining into
the affairs of the provinces, while he strengthened
body and mind with military exercises and literary
studies. He earned the affection of the soldiers by
his thoughtfulness in providing for their welfare.
Giving a military turn to his Stoic principles, after
the example of his hero-model, Marcus Aurelius, he
reduced the list of luxurious dishes to be provided
for his table by striking out pheasants and other
delicacies, and himself partook of the fare of the
common soldiers. It may be mentioned that strict
temperance, or rather ascetic abstinence, marked his
behaviour now and throughout his life. 8 Although,
as we have seen, his authority did not supersede that
of the ordinary civil governors, he was often besieged
by petitioners for redress of private grievances. In
judicial matters he seems to have erred rather on
the side of clemency than on that of sternness, but
before taking action in answer to petitions, he
ordered full inquiry to be made by the provincial
governors. He devoted considerable attention to
financial affairs, and determined to effect an allevia-
tion of the heavy taxes, by steadily declining to
grant such exemptions as might benefit the rich at
the expense of the poor.
359] Julians C&sarship in Gaul. 103
For his studies he had little time except what he
stole from the night by his habit of rising before the
dawn. He generally slept on a kind of rug, and
after a very brief time of rest, arose and invoked the
aid of Hermes before he passed to his tasks of busi
ness or of literature. It is at about this time that
we must date three long orations of his that have
come down to us, written in honour of Constantius
and of Eusebia. 7 We have already had occasion to
refer to these, especially to the panegyric of Euse-
bia, as furnishing material for the personal history
of Julian and for that of his family. In his lauda-
tions of the Empress there is nothing that clashes
with the views expressed in those letters of his which
seem to convey his undisguised feelings. With re-
gard to the two orations in honour of Constantius,
the case is otherwise, and those who feel respect for
the high moral qualities of Julian's character must
regret that he was capable of writing them. At the
same time, we must remember that complimentary
orations were at that time so much in vogue, and
the composition of them was regarded as so essen-
tial a part of the work expected from a young
rhetorician, that no one would be likely to take the
adulatory expressions as seriously meant, or to inter-
pret the high-sounding comparisons as representing
the genuine feelings and sober thoughts of the
orator. Still, there is a demoralising tendency in
the art by which a rhetorician describes as superior
to all the Homeric heroes, and as uniting in his own
person all virtues and all talents, a character which,
when writing freely, the same orator reproaches as
IO4 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355-
arrogant, cruel, and unjust. The orations are, of
course, overloaded with literary and historical illus-
trations. They are, however, marked by considerable
vigour of style, and they afford scope for bringing in
a good many of the author's own sentiments. Thus
he sketches the character of an ideal monarch, to
which sketch the features of Constantius have to be
accommodated. We observe the importance Julian
attaches both to the dignity and to the responsi-
bilities of the Imperial position, and the stress he
lays on the gentler and more private virtues, such
as clemency and chastity. In the oration in praise
of Eusebia, the permission he had obtained by her
means to study at Athens affords an excellent oppor-
tunity for eulogising the city which stores up and
distributes fertilising knowledge for all the world,
as the Nile fructifies the thirsty land of Egypt. Her
gift of books suggests a similar digression on the
value of literature generally. More interesting how-
ever, in this oration, is the evidence it affords of the
high esteem in which Julian held the character and
dignity of women, and his especial admiration for
the more domestic types of female virtue. This
respect for women also appears in those letters of
his still extant which were written to various ladies.
We may add that since all rhetorical compositions
of this kind were cast in old Hellenic forms, Julian
was free to express his own views as to the duty of
piety towards the Gods, and as to the relations of
man to Gods and daemons, without borrowing at all
from Christian phraseology or conceptions. Thus
if perhaps an excessive dissimulation is to be found
3591 Julians C&sarship in Gaul. 105
in these orations, they are at least free from any
taint of religious hypocrisy.
Although Julian was a great gainer by the sub-
stitution of Severus for Marcellus, a new difficulty
presented itself in the campaign of 357. He had to
co-operate with another colleague whose sphere of
authority lay to the east of his, and who was there-
fore independent of his command and unwilling to
contribute to his success. According to some his-
torians, Constantius himself took the field against
the Allemanni in 356, starting from Rhaetia and
advancing along the Upper Rhine. 8 If so, he did
not accomplish much, but soon returned to Milan,
and thence to Rome, where he and the Empress
were received in great splendour. Alarming move-
ments of the Quadi and other tribes in the Danubian
countries required his presence in Illyria. Mean-
time he despatched Barbatio, the Magister Peditum,
from Italy to Basel, with an army of 25,000 men.
Barbatio was a much older man than Julian, he had
contributed as much as anyone to the fall of Gallus,
and being in direct communication with the Em-
peror, he had no intention of taking commands, or
even advice, from the young Caesar. The design
was to restrict the field in which the Allemanni
roved and devastated at will, by means of a precon-
certed march of two Roman armies from opposite
sides. However, the tribe of the Laeti were too
swift to be taken in this way. They advanced be-
tween the armies and came as far as the neighbour-
hood of Lyons, which town, however, was able to
make a defence. Julian at once took steps to secure
106 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [356-
the three passes by which the barbarians could effect
a retreat. This plan was on the whole successful.
In one pass the Laeti suffered a defeat, and had to
relinquish some of the booty. But the pass nearest
to the army of Barbatio was purposely left unde-
fended, and two military tribunes, Valentinian (after-
wards Emperor) and Bainobaudes, whom Julian had
sent to secure its occupation, were falsely accused
to the Emperor, and removed from their posts.
In other ways Barbatio continued to thwart
Julian's plans. Rather than let the Caesar have
certain boats required for a bridge over the Rhine,
he preferred to set them on fire. When a convoy
was on its way to Julian, he intercepted it, and
burned all that he could not use. Julian made
up for the want of boats by ordering an attack on
one of the islands in the Rhine, where the stream
was fordable. Rafts and booty were obtained, and
a terrible slaughter followed, which caused the Ger-
mans to decamp with their families and property
from the neighbouring islands. The missing convoy
had to be supplied by the gathering in, on the part
of Julian's soldiers, of the corn which the Germans
had sown for themselves. Meanwhile the restora-
tion of the fortifications on or near the Rhine,
especially those of Zabern, was actively carried for-
ward. But the Allemanni had taken alarm and
determined on an invasion en masse. Barbatio was
severely defeated and forced to fall back on Basel,
with the loss of great part of his supplies. Unable
to attempt anything in reparation or in revenge,
the inefficient general sent his men into winter
359] Julians Qzsarship in Gaul. 107
quarters, and himself repaired to the Imperial
Court. 9
The barbarian host which was advancing towards
Julian's position consisted of thirty-five thousand
men under the command of King Chnodomar and
his nephew Agenaric or Serapio, who had received
the latter, rather incongruous name in token that
his father had been initiated into certain Greek mys-
teries. Five lesser kings followed with their contin-
gents, and there were other tribal leaders of high rank.
Before attacking the Romans, Chnodomar, who had
been informed by a deserter of their comparatively
small number, sent an offensive message to Julian,
bidding him restore to the Germans the territory that
properly belonged to them. 10 Julian kept the envoys
by him until he had finished the fortifications of
Zabern, then marched in careful order, the infantry
protected by the cavalry and light-armed troops, in
the direction of Strasburg (Argentoratum). They
arrived in sight of the enemy after a march of twenty-
one Roman or about nineteen and one-third Eng-
lish miles, and Julian wonld have preferred to stay
for the night, to give his men rest and refreshment.
But the feeling of the army and the advice of the
Praetorian Praefect Florentius were for instant
action, and with vigorous exhortations to the
soldiers Julian agreed to give battle. The day was
hotly contested, and the result seemed for a long
time doubtful. Julian's cavalry on the right wing
began to give way, and needed all his efforts to keep
it from wild flight. He afterwards punished the
cowardly band by making them show themselves in
io8 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355-
the camp in women's dress. Their panic seems to
have been caused partly by the Germans' device of
mixing a few foot-soldiers among the horsemen, who
inserted themselves between the enemy's lines, and
wounded the horses from beneath. The Roman in-
fantry, especially the Praetorian band, stationed in
the middle of the host, stood firm, and finally the
better discipline and arms of the Romans, aided by
the ubiquitous activity of Julian, the military skill
and energy of Severus, and the fidelity and courage
of the Gallic allies, prevailed over the superior num-
bers and great physical strength of the barbarians.
Six thousand Germans fell, and only 247 of the
Romans. Many of the fugitives dashed into the
waters of the Rhine, and Julian had to issue strict
orders that they were not to be pursued further.
King Chnodomar was taken prisoner in a wood near
by. His courage had deserted him, and he dis-
gusted Julian by pleading for his life. He was sent
captive to the Imperial Court, as a tangible proof to
Constantius of the result of the conflict.
This great victory, 11 won in trying circumstances,
and against great odds, was momentous in its effects,
principally, perhaps, from the terror it struck into
the German tribes all around. Julian sternly re-
pressed the acclamations of the soldiers which would
have conferred then and there upon him the title of
Augustus. It was more prudent for him to allow
the Emperor to assume to himself the honour of the
victory. This was not contrary to Roman Imperial
usage, yet in the credit he took for a battle fought
hundreds of miles from the place where he then was,
359] Julians Casarship in GauL 109
Constantius reminds us of the belief into which (as
report says) George IV. persuaded himself, that he
had been personally present at Waterloo.
After the victory, Julian returned to Zabern. He
left his prisoners and his booty in the neighbour-
hood of Metz, and begun an advance into the ene-
my's country, crossing the Rhine near Mentz. Like
all expeditions of the kind, this march was of a de-
structive and devastating character. The houses of
the natives were burned down and all their property
wasted. The Romans marched on till they came
to a thick wood, probably in the neighbourhood of
Aschaffenburg on the Main. But the autumnal
equinox was past, snow was beginning to fall, and
the attempt to make further progress in a difficult
and hostile country would have been decidedly rash.
The Allemanni were at last willing to retreat. Julian
granted them a ten months* truce, and received
humble submission from three kings who had fought
at Strasburg. He now prepared to go into winter
quarters, but he had first to dislodge a company of
six hundred Franks, whom Severus had come upon
in his march towards Reims, and who had occupied
two fortresses on the Meuse. It was not till after
a long siege, in frosty weather, that they were
obliged to yield themselves prisoners of war.
The place in which Julian passed the winter of
357-8 is one that had been of some slight import-
ance from much earlier times. Yet he must be
credited with having perceived the peculiar advan-
tages of its position, and contributed not a little to
its future greatness. " Beloved Lutetia, as the Gauls
1 10 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [356-
call the little city of the Parisii," comprised as yet
little more than the island in the Seine, now covered
by Notre Dame and the adjacent buildings, and the
palace to the south of the river where Julian took
up his abode, and which is still associated with his
name. 18 It was near the junction of several military
roads, and as a French historian has said, " the town
was becoming what Paris is to-day, the centre of
resistance to Germany.*' In later times, writing in
the far-off East, Julian remembered its good situa-
tion, the purity of its water, the even flow of the
river, and the temperate climate, which allowed of
the culture of the vine and the fig, if their roots
were covered with straw in winter. He told a story
against himself how, confiding in that agreeable
climate, he had, in Stoic fashion, refused to have
his rooms warmed with a furnace, till, when the cold
became intense, he sent for braziers, and narrowly
escaped asphyxiation from the steam which exuded
from the damp walls. 1 *
While in Paris, Julian threw himself with energy
into the work of financial reform. Here he was
hindered by the Praetorian Praefect Florentius. We
have already seen this man in the camp before the
battle of Strasburg, giving advice which, though
justified by the event, was contrary to the judgment
of Julian and to the ordinary calculations of pru-
dence. Florentius declared that some additional
imposts were imperatively required. Julian denied
the necessity, and refused to entertain the sugges-
tions. Florentius appealed to Constantius, who
wrote to Julian, bidding him place confidence in
3591 Julian's Casarship in Gaul. 1 1 1
the experience of the Praefect. Thereupon Julian
replied that, wasted as the province had been, it
could not possibly afford to raise more than the or-
dinary revenue. His firmness had the desired result,
and at the same time he asked and obtained power
to rearrange the method of collecting taxes in the
second province of Belgica, greatly to the allevia-
tion of the distress from which the provincials were
suffering.
In the spring of 358, Barbatio, assisted by a compe-
tent cavalry officer, was sent into Raetia to chastise
the Juthungi, a tribe of Allemanni who had appar-
ently not been comprised in the truce. Meantime Ju-
lian had gathered from Aquitaine supplies (including
biscuit, which seems to have been a novelty), sufficient
for a long expedition, and now led his army towards
the mouths of the Rhine. On the way he met a
deputation of Salian Franks, which tribe had lately
settled in Zealand, or perhaps in the country more
to the south. These had come to demand terms of
peace. Julian dismissed them with presents, then
fell suddenly on the main army, and reduced them
to sue for peace on more humiliating conditions. 14
The Chamavi, another tribe of Franks, next felt his
strong hand, and that of Severus. Having granted
them peace on condition of retreat, he proceeded
to fortify the line of the Meuse. At the same time
he re-established the water communication between
Britain and the Rhine country, which had for a time
been interrupted. For this purpose he had to cause
the building of a new fleet, in spite of difficulties
which Florentius regarded as insuperable. It was
112 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [356-
apparently through the machinations of this disap-
pointe4 financier that some of the soldiers, being
defrauded of their pay and worked upon by agita-
tors, showed dangerous signs of insubordination.
Even Severus seemed to be wavering in his loyalty
and courage. Julian's intimate friend, Sallust, was
recalled on suspicions received against him, a blow
bitterly felt by Julian, as he showed in an apparently
sincere though elaborate farewell address. Never-
theless, the result of the campaign was favourable to
the Roman arms, both on the Upper and the Lower
Rhine. The stream was crossed, and a king of the
Allemanni, named Suomar, who seems to have ruled
between the Maine and the Rhine, was obliged to
sue for peace. A barbarian free-lance, Charietto, was
induced to enter the Roman alliance, and afterwards
proved very useful. Another barbarian king, Hor-
tar, was forced to deliver the Romans whom he
had captured in his devastating raids, including
some that he tried to keep back, till Julian sus-
pected his attempted fraud and speedily defeated it.
The winter months were again given to inquiries
into civil affairs, and to judicial proceedings which
Julian regulated with great attention, insisting on
publicity, and on acquittal in absence of adequate
proof of guilt. The next year (359) was marked
by the establishment of corn magazines, the erect-
ion of fortresses on the Rhine (at Bonn, Ander-
nach, Bingen, and other places), and by another
expedition across that river, in which Julian pene-
trated further than he had done before, and reached
the confines of the Burgundii and the Allemanni.
359] Julians C&sarship in Gaul. 1 1 3
It is noticeable that in marching through the terri-
tories of those kings who had made peace the year
before, Julian studiously avoided all kinds of plunder
or vexation. The submission of the several chiefs
of the more distant tribes was now secured.
The story of wars of civilised against semi-bar-
barous peoples is generally distinguished by deeds of
cruelty and of perfidy. The Gallic wars of Julian are
not an exception to this rule. But they had the
merit of success. At the end of his fourth campaign,
Julian may be regarded as having accomplished the
task he had been sent to perform. The Gallic prov-
inces were not likely to be soon again disturbed by
the barbarians who had received so hard a lesson.
The frontiers were again protected by fortresses;
food was secured to the provincials who dwelt in-
land. The oppressive taxation could now be light-
ened. Peace and security reigned in Gaul, and the
distant Germans again reverenced the majesty of the
Roman name. If Julian received no gratitude from
his cousin, he probably expected none. Yet his
achievements were none the less profitable to the
Empire, and may strike us now with admiration, and
seem, considering the character and education of the
man who did them, almost unique in character.
History knows of young military geniuses, like Alex-
ander the Great, or Charles XII. of Sweden, who ob-
tained wonderful victories without previous experi-
ence. Yet the bent of Julian had been distinctly
non-military, and he had been summoned from the
lecture-room to the camp. History knows also of
men of riper years, such as Epaminondas, Timoleon,
U4 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [355-59
and Oliver Cromwell, who only began a military
career after their minds had been formed in other
pursuits. But Julian became a great general while
still full of youthful ardour for the studies which he
was compelled to lay aside. There is in his character
and powers a wonderful diversity, which seems, as it
were, to blend several lives in one. He had become
a general, a statesman, and a man of the world,
without ceasing to be a student, an ascetic, and a re-
ligious idealist. If, in his letters to his friends, he
lamented the literary leisure of by-gone days, if he
constantly asserted that the contemplative life was
worthier than the active, and the merit of Socrates
infinitely above that of Alexander, he let no such
preferences appear openly, and shunned no irksome
tasks in the camp or in the council chamber. If he
stole hours from sleep to spend them in devout med-
itation, aspiring speculation, and elaborate composi-
tion, his daily life showed, at this stage of his career,
no trace of pedantry or of indecision. His success
on new and strange ground may be accounted for
partly by the versatility of his mind. The man who
could write the Oration on the Mother of the Gods in
one night must have been able to move swiftly with
brain and pen. But the main cause of that success
lies deeper. The secret of it is to be found in the pos-
session of an iron will, controlled by a stern sense of
duty, and in an unswerving faith in the final triumph
of good over evil.
^For designs of coins stltcttdas illustrations for this chapter , seepagt a6a.)
Notes on Chapter V. 115
NOTES ON CHAPTER V.
1 For this narrative, we have Ammianus, books xvi., xvii., and
xviii., Zosimus, book iii. (apparently a far less trustworthy account),
Julian's Letters to the Athenians, Libanius* Funeral Oration^ etc.
Of recent accounts, I have made most use of Mttcke's Julians
Kriegsthaten (Gotha, 1867), a careful and valuable study, though,
perhaps, not quite fair towards Constantius, and H. Schiller's
Ronnsche Kaiserzeit, in. , 3 A considerable difference of view pre-
vails as to the extent to which the story of Julian's achievements is
based on his own narrations. Mr. Hecker regards Julian's lost
Commentaries as the source whence Ammianus, Zosimus, and Li-
banius alike drew their statements. It does not seem probable,
however, that the sober and impartial Ammianus blindly followed
such records, even if they existed in as complete a form as Mr.
Hecker supposes.
8 Tillemont, Constance^ xxxv., xxxix., etc.
8 Afterwards Praefect of the Gauls, not the Sallust that accom-
panied Julian in his last campaign.
4 Jul , Or. ii , 51, D. Cf Tillemont, Notes sur Diocletian, xii.
6 Ammianus seems to confound Remagen and Coblentz. His
language is here not quite clear. Miicke regards the important for-
tifications of 7 res 7*abern<z, mentioned by Ammianus on several
occasions, as the lines connecting Zabern in Alsace, Bergzabern, and
Rheinzabern.
6 Of Julian's earlier life we have hardly sufficient knowledge to
assert this positively, though the very slightest tendency to licen-
tiousness would undoubtedly have been made matter of accusation in
the invectives of Gregory Nazianzen and others
7 Mllcke (Julian s Lcben und Schnften) considers that the first
oration in honour of Constantius was delivered in Milan, near the
end of the year 355 ; that the second was worked up from the first
while Julian was in Gaul ; and that the one in honour of Eusebia
was composed just after her arrival in Rome, in the spring of 357.
(Possibly Eusebia visited Rome in 356).
8 See Tillemont, notes xxx\ui , xxxix., etc. It is difficult to ac-
count for all the movements of Constantius at this time.
9 1 follow the account of Ammianus, who, however, was not pres-
ent at these events, as Ursicinus, to whose service he was attached,
had been sent to the East.
1 1 6 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
10 Not only Libanius (Epit. Jut.) but also the church historian
Socrates (in., i) represent the barbarians as producing letters on this
occasion by which Constantius had authorised this march. What
the letters really amounted to is uncertain. But Chnodomar probably
interpreted them in very liberal fashion.
11 The circumstances and topography of the battle of Strasburg
have recently been the object of a thorough study by M. Wiegand,
in Beilrttge zur Landes und Volkeskundt von Elsass-Lothringen. He
considers that the accounts of Libanius and of Ammianus are prob-
ably from Julian, and he finds them remarkably exact, and easily
fitting in with indications of topography. He would place the bat-
tle-field more to the south-west than the generally accepted site.
18 The '* Thermes de Julien," near the Luxembourg and Palais de
Clugny.
13 Mtsopogon, 340, 341.
14 MUcke's version of this affair would acquit Julian of bad faith
towards ambassadors, but I cannot reconcile it with Ammianus.
Roman Ensigns.
That to the left that of the Celt ; that to the right that of the Petulant**.
Reproduced from Boecking's Notitia, Difnitatunt.
CHAPTER VI.
MILITARY MOVEMENTS IN EAST AND WEST. JULIAN
BECOMES EMPEROR.'
359-360.
xP*i v SrjicovBev Tti6TvovTa TV (prfvavri Oca? rd
Oappeiy. aA/l ^6^wo!J.rjr SeirwS nal xareSvofiriv^ li
JULIAN, Letter to the Athenians ^ 285.
11 Perfidus ille [Julianus] Deo, quamvis non perfidus urbi."
PRUDENTIUS.*
jHILE we are tracing the fortunes of
Roman arms and the efforts towards
civil reform of upright Roman gov-
ernors in one corner of the vast
Empire, we are apt to forget that,
thousands of miles away, events may
be happening pregnant with results
to the Imperial house and to the whole Imperial
system. In fact it may seem that at no time
* A Spanish Christian poet, contemporary with Julian.
117
1 1 8 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359.
between those days and our own has there been
such a close sympathetic connection between the
frontier fortresses in the heart of Asia and the
political capitals of Western Europe. Now, as then,
no place in the civilised world can be regarded as
entirely shut out from the influence of political dis-
turbances or military movements that may occur
in distant regions. All countries are again bound
together, for good and evil, though not with the
ancient cords.
Thus, to understand the crisis which arrived in
Julian's life while he was still occupied with the
reconquest and the administration of Gaul, we
must turn our attention to the course of affairs
on the Danube and on the Tigris. Indeed the
causes of the breach between Julian and his cousin
seem to have been determined too superficially by
those who have not grasped some important factors
in the problem. By some, Constantius has been
accused of a superfluous assertion of authority in
making unreasonable demands. To others, Julian
appears as an ungrateful subordinate, preferring his
own ambitious plans to the welfare of his patron
and to the interests of the whole Empire. A careful
examination of the general conditions of the case
may lead us to the conclusion that the demands
of Constantius, though not made with a prudent
regard to time and circumstances, were not deter-
mined upon without pressing need, while Julian's
opposition had also its grounds of justification,
apart from its unforeseen and far-reaching results.
It has been already remarked that it is not easy
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 1 1 9
to account for all the movements of Constantius
during the years of Julian's campaigns in Gaul.
His principal residence was at Milan, whence several
of his laws are dated. Whether or no he made an
expedition against the Allemanni in 356 is a ques-
tion we must leave on one side.* The matters
which chiefly occupied him were a ceremonious
visit to Rome, sundry expeditions against the tribes
to the north of the Danube, and some ineffectual
attempts at negotiation with the Persian king, fol-
lowed by preparations for active hostilities.
The object of the Emperor's visit to Rome was,
according to his detractors, a childish desire to
make a notable display of pomp and power in
celebrating, some time after the event, his triumph
over Magnentius. And there seems some reason in
the complaint that a moment at which war was
either imminent or actually being waged, in several
provinces, was hardly the one to choose for ex-
travagant expenditure on meaningless ceremonies.
Yet it is quite possible that Constantius may have
acted with some statesmanlike purpose when he
determined on making this progress. Even if it
were not so, it was surely a laudable curiosity that
made him desirous of a personal inspection of the
great sights of the Eternal City. Political prudence
would suggest the expediency of showing himself,
with all the paraphernalia of Oriental majesty, to the
sight-loving populace that still considered them-
selves as par excellence the Sovereign People of
Rome, and to the wealthy dilettante officials who
seemed to themselves to perpetuate the glories of
1 20 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359-
the Roman Senate. The enthusiasm with which
he was received might be considered to justify
some munificent expenditure, for though it may not
have been a matter of great moment what the actual
denizens of Rome thought of their ruler, yet the
dignified associations which clung to the ancient
names might still be, as they again became centuries
afterwards, a source of strength to the Imperial
power. The attitude which Constantius took up
towards the pretensions of his ancient capital is
shown by two laws which date from about this
time : by one, he withdrew from the Praefect of
Rome the cognisance of cases of appeal from Italian
and Sicilian courts; by another, all senators were
bidden to reside in or near the city.' Thus Rome
was not to hold a position of political headship in
Italy, but at the same time Roman municipal dig-
nities were to involve definite civil and financial
duties, and not to be regarded as a mere ornament.
Constantius was accompanied on this occasion by
his wife Eusebia and his sister Helen, who seems to
have come on a visit from her husband in Gaul, as
we find her there before and afterwards. The entry
into the city was very imposing. The Emperor was
seated alone in a golden chariot, preceded by legion-
aries with their standards held aloft and surrounded
by guards in brilliant plate-armour. He preserved
his usual imperturbable demeanour in countenance
and manners, though startled once or twice at the
loud roar of the cheering multitude and at the nov-
elty of the spectacle before him. He condescended,
however, to allow some indulgence to the fancies of
CHARIOT-RACE BEFORE A CONSUL.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 121
the Roman people in the manner of holding the
equestrian games, and he made a public speech from
his seat in the Forum as well as one to the nobles in
the Senate-house. He devoted some time to visit-
ing all the principal buildings, baths, theatres, and
temples. Though desirous of purging the city from
pagan rites, to which end he had lately caused the
removal from the Senate-house of the altar to Vic-
tory, on which incense used to be offered, neither he
nor those with him seem to have felt any scruple in
admiring the temples which, even if according to
law no longer used for religious purposes, must still
have been full of religious symbols and works of art.
In fact, the monument with which Constantius de-
termined to enrich the city, in memory of his visit,
was one of a distinctly pagan character. Constan-
tine had issued orders for the removal to Rome of
an obelisk which had adorned the city of Thebes in
Upper Egypt, and which was connected with the
worship of the sun, and bore inscriptions in honour
of a solar deity and of one of the Egyptian kings.
Augustus had once thought of bringing it away, but
had refrained in order to spare the religious feelings
of the people. Constantine, however, had no such
scruples, for he considered, as Ammianus says, "that
it was no injury to religion to remove a religious
object from one temple to dedicate it in Rome, the
temple of the whole world." The attempts of Con-
stantine to remove it were cut short by his death,
but Constantius carried out the project. With vast
labour it was brought to Rome and set up. In later
times it was thrown down, but was re-erected by
122 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359.
Pope Sixtus V., and stands to this day before the
church of San Giovanni Laterano.
The original idea of Constantius had been to give
an equestrian statue to the city, like that in the
Forum of Trajan, with which he had been much im-
pressed. But a Persian fugitive who accompanied
him suggested that such a steed would require a
stable to correspond, and Constantius did not intend
to construct another Forum. If Hormisdas had
suggested that the rider also should be of Trajanic
mould, the remark would have been equally to the
point. This same Persian, on being asked what he
thought of Rome, replied that he was glad to learn
that men died there as elsewhere. Whether the
remark was dictated by a spirit of Oriental fatalism
or by dislike of an overpopulated city, we are not
told.
Constantius was obliged to abridge his agreeable
visit to Rome and hasten northwards, because of
alarming news received from the regions of the
Danube.
The vast plains of the southern and western parts
of the country known to us as Russia-in-Europe,
with some regions more to the south, including the
district between the Danube and the Theiss, were at
this time the abode of wandering hosts of fierce and
predatory horsemen, belonging to the race known as
Sarmatians. These had given a good deal of trouble
to preceding emperors. Diocletian and afterwards
Constantine seem to have flattered themselves that
they had reduced them to subjection, but people of
their character and habits of life are not easily sub-
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 123
dued, as King Darius had experienced long before.
According to the ordinary lines of Roman policy,
the people of the Thracian Chersonesus had been
engaged to make war on the Sarmatians, and had
been rewarded for their successful intervention, and
subsequently, when the Gothic power in those coun-
tries became more formidable, Roman aid was given
to the Sarmatian tribes, into which a Vandal ele-
ment seems to have been received, against the yet
more dangerous foe. When, however, the Sarma-
tians found that the Romans were either unwilling
or unable to give them much help, they adopted the
imprudent course of placing arms in the hands of a
subject race, or of subject races, known as the Limi-
gantes. These were successful not only in defeating
the Goths, but in establishing their own indepen-
dence against their former masters, and obtaining
fixed territories for themselves. When thus weak-
ened, the Sarmatians received more encouragement
from the Romans, and were permitted to settle in
Pannonia and other border provinces. Some of
them, however, preferred the alliance of other bar-
barian hosts, especially the Quadi, who seem to
have been of Germanic race, and while Constantius
was in Rome, he heard that the Quadi and the
Sarmatians, as well as the Suevi, were ravaging the
Danubian lands. He does not seem to have ac-
complished much against them that year, but he
wintered at Sirmium, a town on the Save near the
Sarmatian frontier, so as to be ready for military
operations in the spring.
Early the next yeajr (358) news came that the
124 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359,
Quadi and Sarmatians had joined their forces and
were doing great mischief in the provinces immedi-
ately to the west of the Danube, below the point
of its great bend southwards and to the south of its
lower course (the Pannonias and Upper Maesia). At
the same time the not far distant province of Raetia
was being invaded by German forces, with which, as
we have seen, Barbatio had to contend. The Em-
peror himself, at about the end of March, crossed
the Danube and marched into the enemies' country.
The barbarians fled to the mountains. But the sight
or the tidings of their burning homesteads (as they
had something to burn they cannot have been en-
tirely nomadic) induced both Quadi and Sarmatians
to sue for peace. Constantius prudently contrived
to keep the two sets of negotiations distinct. After
some difficulties, terms were arranged. Hostages
were to be given, captives restored, and the hosts to
retreat. A fine young barbarian named Zizais, who
had taken an active part in bringing about the agree-
ment, was acknowledged by the Emperor as King of
the Sarmatians, and that formidable race was thus
made to own the authority of Rome. This authority
involved the duty of protecting the client people
against their foes and former slaves. The Limigantes
had not been behind their quondam superiors in
taking advantage of the opportunity given of invad-
ing the Roman provinces. Nor were they behind
the others in making professions of submission and
requests for terms of peace. The Emperor had deter-
mined to insist on a wholesale migration of the tribe.
But he consented to a parley first, and even invited
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 125
them to cross the Theiss and come to his camp for
that purpose. They arrived en masse in warlike
array, and their formidable mien, together with a
real or assumed attempt to attack the sacred person
of the Emperor, seemed to the Roman generals to
justify an onslaught which degenerated into a mas-
sacre in which neither age nor sex was spared. The
remnant of the Limigantes retired humiliated to the
distant lands assigned to them, while the Romans
advanced up the rivers into the territory of those
Sarmatian and allied tribes that yet held out, and
reduced them to some kind of subjection. Constan-
tius again wintered at Sirmium. He had taken the
title of Sarmaticus, but his task was by no means
complete. Next year news came that the Limi-
gantes were wandering away from their new quar-
ters. The Emperor advanced into north-eastern
Pannonia. Here another conference with the host
was projected, and this time the treachery seems to
have been on the side of the barbarians. When they
perceived that the Romans were unprepared for an
attack, they raised their war-cry and advanced tow-
ards the Imperial throne. Constantius only escaped
by riding off at full speed. Subsequently, the bar-
barians were very severely defeated in the encounter,
but there was also some loss on the Roman side.
The success of the Roman arms seemed, however, to
have rendered the frontier in these regions fairly
secure. The Emperor returned to Sirmium, and
thence proceeded to Constantinople, to devise means
for meeting the yet more serious dangers that threat-
ened the Empire from the East.
126 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [339-
Meantime, Paul, " the Chain," was doing more
damage probably than any barbarian chief to the
reputation and authority of his master, by instituting
a series of prosecutions based on reports of dreams
and oracular responses. Constantius has the credit
of certain measures for putting a stop to soothsaying
and other pagan superstitions. It would not be easy,
however, to determine how far his zeal against such
practices was aroused by a jealousy on behalf of
Christianity, and how far by the more personal jeal-
ousy of his restlessly suspicious temperament.
At the same time, negotiations had been going on
between Constantius and the great ruler of the East,
in which probably both parties desired rather to
gain time than to establish a permanent understand-
ing. These negotiations were begun, apparently,
without direct Imperial authorisation, by the Praefect
of the East, Musonianus, and the Dux of Mesopo-
tamia, Cassianus. Sapor, as already stated, had gone
to repel an invasion on his eastern frontier, and it
was long before he could receive the letter from hi3
general, Tamsapor, respecting the Roman overtures,
In 358, however, he made peace with the chiefs of
the warlike tribes, against which he had been con-
tending, and some of which especially the Chion-
ites, acted as very valuable allies in the war which
ensued. Feeling now at liberty to turn his attention
to his western provinces, he sent a certain Narses
with presents and a letter for Constantius. The em-
bassy arrived at Sirmium in March, 358. The letter
(given by Ajnmianus) is thoroughly Oriental, both
in style and in significance. It begins : " Sapor
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 127
King of Kings, Sharer in the Stars, Brother of
the Sun and the Moon, to my brother, Constan-
tius Caesar/* The King goes on to congratulate
Constantius on his having renounced the desire to
acquire the goods of others, and after making the
questionable statement that it is the great privilege
of those in high rank always to speak their own
minds, he roundly requests him to give up Armenia
and Mesopotamia, as rightfully belonging to Persia,
the ancient boundary of which had been the river
Strymon. He dwells with complacency on his
own virtues, declaring that he never from early
youth has done any act of which he has had to re-
pent, advises the Emperor to consult for the well-
being of the whole by cutting off the superfluous
parts, and finally declares that if his ambassador
does not bring back a favourable answer, he will pre-
pare to take the field, with all his forces, next spring.
Constantius, in reply, could not but repel the insinua-
tion that Mesopotamia was a " diseased limb to be
cut off/' He rejected the humiliating terms offered,
and expressed his confidence in the ultimate success
of the Roman arms. Nevertheless he sent compli-
mentary presents to Sapor, and an embassy of three,
one of whom, Eustathius, belonged to the rhetori-
cal philosophers of Asia Minor, whose influence in
education and in the ornamental part of public
affairs we have already noticed. But in this case,
in spite of the pleasure which the eloquence of
Eustathius is said to have given to the Great King,
the breach was too wide to be filled by a load of
rhetoric. The proposal that the status quo should
128 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359*
be maintained was rejected. The embassy re-
turned disappointed from Ctesiphon in Babylonia
where Sapor had given them audience. One more
mission was sent, with no better success. It was
evident that a serious war was at hand.
It was fortunate for the Romans that the Sarma-
tians had been subdued and that Gaul was well-nigh
pacified. It was probably at this time that Julian
sent to the Emperor a considerable force, both of
infantry and cavalry, that had acquired experience
and glory on the Rhine. But two serious disadvan-
tages made the Roman cause less hopeful. One
was the desertion of a certain Antoninus, who had
been an official in the finance department of the
eastern provinces, and whose fortunes had been
broken by ruinous law-suits and unfair decisions.
Having vainly attempted to recover them at the ex-
pense of the State, he fled with his family, his
possessions, and what was far more important, his
knowledge of government secrets, to the army of
the Persians, where he was received with open arms.
The other misfortune which befell the Romans at
the outset was the withdrawal of power from the
one man likely to be able to meet the storm.
Ursicinus had been holding command in Comma-
gene, the most north-easterly province of Syria.
Meantime, his foes at Court were plotting against
him, the suspicions of the Emperor were aroused,
and he received a sudden summons to return to
Europe. When hostilities broke out, however, he was
quite indispensable. He was accordingly sent back
to Mesopotamia with the office of Commander of the
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 129
Infantry lately held by Barbatio. That General,
with his wife, had, in consequence of foolish tamper-
ings with diviners, met with the same fate which
during this reign overtook many much worthier
people. But though entrusted with some military
authority, Ursicinus was placed in subordination to
a wealthy and inert old man named Sabinianus, who,
though totally incapable of conducting a campaign
himself, was able to thwart the measures of his abler
colleague.
In all his military expeditions, Ursicinus had a
devoted supporter, and, except when the fortunes of
war parted them, a constant companion, in the his-
torian Ammianus Marcellinus. Thanks to his
literary labours, we are able to realise the character
of a war which, in its romantic incidents and cir-
cumstances of pomp and show, suggests to us other
wars carried on in much the same regions many
centuries later. The hostilities between Sapor and
the generals of Constantius can hardly be considered
as a crusade, though they were waged between
Christians and fire-worshippers. But though the
religious element was not prominent in the conflict,
it forms part of the unending struggle between East
and West. The romantic character is partly due to
Sapor himself, who shows touches of chivalrous
feeling in his courtesy towards ladies, both in the
case of dedicated virgins, and of the beautiful wife
of a Roman official who fell into his hands. Ursi-
cinus also has interesting traits of character. We
are told of his efforts to save a stray child, and of
a dramatic interview between him and the traitor
9
1 30 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359-
Antoninus. The story is full of hair-breadth escapes
and of deeds of daring, especially on the part of the
Gauls, who abhorred the slow work of defending
besieged towns, and could only be kept in subordina-
tion by being allowed to indulge their appetite for
warlike exploits. On the other side are splendid
Asiatic barbarian leaders, like old Grunbates, King
of the Chionites. The details need not be given
here. Ursicinus and Ammianus left their superior
to his inert leisure and hurried into Mesopotamia,
where they put the city of Nisibis in a state of de-
fence. The town of Carrhae was abandoned and the
surrounding country wasted by fire, to check the
progress of the Persian and allied hosts arriving up
the Tigris from Nineveh. Amida, a very important
town on the Tigris, near the borders of Armenia,
Cappadocia, and Mesopotamia, was taken after a
siege of seventy-three days, during which great
valour and great engineering skill were shown on
both sides, and the efforts of Ursicinus to relieve the
city were foiled by the excessive caution of Sabini-
anus. Further insult and injury were heaped upon
Ursicinus, in that the loss of Amida was punished
by his degradation from his military rank. He in-
dignantly protested against the false view which
Constantius derived from his courtiers of the state
of affairs, and exhorted him to take the field him-
self. Constantius had probably made up his mind
to do so soon after the Sarmatian war was over.
Meantime Sapor retreated with the booty of Amida
and went into winter quarters.
From this brief narrative some points are manifest
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 1 3 1
which we must bear in mind in forming our judg-
ment as to succeeding events. More troops were
certainly wanted in the East, and also a capable com-
mander. And far the best troops were those that
came from Gaul. One detachment from Illyria had
been ignominiously cut to pieces early in the cam-
paign. In Gaul at this time was a numerous and
well-seasoned army. And if "that goat," as Con-
stantius called his bearded cousin, had achieved all
the victories, of which the court was tired of hearing,
he could surely spare some soldiers to his hard-pressed
superior and imperial colleague. The praefect Flo-
rentius, who, as we have seen, had reasons of his
own for not loving Julian, offered advice which Con-
stantius was only too ready to follow. Possibly, as
Julian afterward asserted, their ultimate project was
to divest the Caesar of all his military authority.
The immediate demand was that four of the best
companies of auxiliary troops, the Heruli, Batavi,
Petulantes, and Celte, together with a detachment
of picked men from the other forces, should be at
once despatched under the command of Lupicinus,
for the Persian War.
Libanius, who does poor service to Julian by per-
sistently blackening the deeds of Constantius, asserts
what is simply absurd when he would make us be-
lieve that there was no special need for soldiers in
the East, and that Constantius had no serious inten-
tion of making an oriental campaign. The Emperor
probably wished to test Julian's fidelity to the ut-
most, and it is not probable that he thoroughly real-
ised the difficulty of obeying his commands. The
Julian> Philosopher and Emperor. [359-
orders were not likely to be the more agreeable from
being entrusted to commissioners whom Julian be-
lieved to be personally hostile to his interests, es-
pecially to the tribune Decentius. Had Constantius
merely signified, in a confidential manner, his needs
and desires, without specifying the regiments or the
commander, it would have been only right and rea-
sonable for Julian, his colleague and possible succes-
sor, to show himself forward in considering the needs
of the East as of the West. But in the way of exe-
cuting these specific commands there lay difficulties
familiar enough to Julian, with which Constantius
was but imperfectly acquainted. In the first place,
the pacification of Gaul was not so completely ef-
fected that so large a contingent of troops could be
safely withdrawn. Had that pacification been com-
plete, the commissioners would not have found
Julian without crossing the British Channel. A de-
vastating raid of the Picts and Scots across the
border of the British provinces demanded the
projnpt intervention of Roman troops under a
Roman general. Had Julian considered it prudent
to leave Gaul at this juncture, it is not impossible
that London, instead of Paris, might have witnessed
his elevation to the Empire. Under the circum-
stances, however, he thought it wiser to send over
an efficient force under the Magister Armorum
Lupicinus, a man of ability and experience. This
created a further difficulty in the way of executing
the Emperor's orders, since Lupicinus had been
nominated to the command of the soldiers who were
to go to Asia, and among those under his command
3603 Julian Becomes Emperor. 133
in Britain were some of the bands expressly
demanded, especially the brave Batavians, whose
ancestors had given great trouble to the Roman
authorities, and who are commonly regarded as the
progenitors of the doggedly heroic Dutch nation.
Some of the Germanic auxiliaries had only joined
the Roman armies on the special condition that they
should not be sent South of the Alps, and Julian
might well complain that it would be impossible
ever to obtain recruits if Rome refused to keep her
plighted word to her barbarian allies. Many of the
men, too, had wives and children, whom, if they left
them now, they had faint hopes of ever seeing
again.
In fact it would seem that Constantius, though
head of a military monarchy, failed to realise the
conditions on which supremacy can be exercised
over the whole extent of a vast empire. Soldiers
who were well aware that on their shoulders rested
the whole effective power of the reigning house, were
not likely to consent to be moved like pawns across
the Imperial chess-board to subserve the interests of
nobler pieces, or of the immoveable director of the
game. Of the three motive powers by which masses
of armed men can be readily swayed, patriotism, the
hope of glory and gain, and loyalty to a personal
leader, all were in this case either absent or opera-
tive in the opposite direction from that indicated in
the Imperial commands. What patriotism existed
in Julian's army was Gallic, not Roman. His men
knew and cared nothing about Mesopotamia, but
they felt the importance of not suffering Gaul to
1 34 yulian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359,
become the prey of barbarous northern hosts. The
advantages they might gain for themselves in the
East were very shadowy. Roman arms had not of
late been very successful there, the country was un-
known to them, and the risk great, while Constantius
had no military prestige to attract them. They
were ready enough, most of them, to follow Julian,
because he had shared in their hardships, and led
them to glorious victories. They, or their officers,
saw in the projected movement the beginning of a
process by which their beloved leader was to be
deprived of all credit and authority, and possibly
brought before long to share the fate of his luckless
brother Callus.
Julian was placed in an exceedingly difficult posi-
tion. Though not prepared for opposition, he con-
sented under protest, at least so far as the auxiliaries
from beyond the Rhine were concerned. He
requested the commissioners to wait till Florentius,
who was at Vienne in South Gaul, and Lupicinus
coqld be summoned to Paris to give their advice.
But Florentius preferred to leave his superior alone
in this extremity. The fidelity of Lupicinus, too,
was doubtful, and he had work to do beyond the
sea. The commissioners meantime urged haste, and
the tribune, Sintula, began to raise levies, paying no
heed to warnings or remonstrances. Julian, in des-
pair, offered to throw up his authority altogether,
and retire into private life, but the suggestion seems
not to have been taken seriously.
The act which brought about the crisis is (accord-
ing to Zosimus) to be attributed to some of the
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 135
officers in the army. Inflammatory notices were
anonymously drawn up and circulated in one of the
chief bands commanded to march, the Petulantes.
They ran somewhat in this fashion : " We are ban-
ished, like condemned criminals, to the ends of the
earth. Our dear ones, whom our swords have
rescued from captivity, will fall again into the hands
of the Allemanni." A disturbance was naturally
aroused, and tidings of it were brought to Julian,
who had not left his winter quarters in Paris. He
hastened to avoid dangerous consequences, as well
as to satisfy the justice of the complaints, by mak-
ing arrangements for the wives and children of the
soldiers to accompany them on the march. At the
same time, he advised Decentius not to arrange the
route so that the forces should pass through Paris.
This advice, like the rest which Julian had offered,
was disregarded.
When the troops arrived before Paris, Julian went
out to meet them, and endeavouring to make the best
of a bad business, spoke cheerfully to the soldiers of
the great rewards for which they might hope in the
East, and invited the officers to a farewell dinner, at
which he encouraged them to make any parting
requests of him that they desired. Of course it
might easily be alleged afterwards by Julian's ene-
mies that he was secretly at the bottom of the
resistance of the soldiery, that the anonymous
papers were drawn up at his instigation, and that
the farewell dinner gave an excellent opportunity
for an outbreak of insubordination. On the other
side we can place Julian's most solemn assertions,
I 36 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359-
to friends such as Maximus, as well as to public
bodies, that what was done occurred without his
connivance, and even against his will. And, con-
sidering all the circumstances, this seems the most
probable view of the case, though we may never be
able to decide, and perhaps Julian himself scarcely
knew, exactly to what extent personal ambition, the
belief in his special vocation, and a profound dis-
trust of the Emperor, may have influenced him in
permitting what he was after all powerless to
prevent.
During the night, the excitement in the camp
waxed high. Julian retired to the apartments in
the palace which he occupied with his wife, but was
soon aroused by the din of arms and of many voices
uttering the momentous cry " Julian Augustus." He
endeavoured at first to pacify the men by assuring
them that he would secure the withdrawal of the
Imperial order for their removal. As he prevailed
nothing, he kept the bolts of his room fastened, and,
looking through an opening in his chamber to the
starry skies, he besought Heaven for a token. Some
sign, probably a meteor, at once appeared, yet with
the inconsistency of most people who consult oracles
and observe stars, he did not at once resign himself
to the decision. After a while, however, the door
was broken open, the soldiers forced their way in,
and hoisted him on a shield. A cry was raised for
a diadem with which to crown him. No such thing,
of course, was at hand, and it was proposed to take
a necklace or coronet from among his wife's jewelry.
But Julian rejected what would have seemed to
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 137
prognosticate an effeminate character for his reign.
Finally a standard-bearer belonging to the Petulantes
unbuckled his military collar and placed it on Julian's
head. This rough act of coronation accomplished,
Julian, in fear for his life, as some said, or wishing
to prevent the Imperial honour from being accepted
by another, as he afterwards said to Constantius,
yielded to the storm. The die was cast and he was
Emperor.
Yet the partisans of Constantius made at least an
effort, by bribing the ringleaders, to create dissen-
sions among them or to reverse their act. An officer
of Helen's household discovered their machinations.
There was a fresh rush of soldiers to the palace, and
the cry resounded : " Soldiers, both strangers and
citizens, never give up the Emperor ! " When they
found him alive and safe in the council-chamber,
their joy knew no bounds. They next prepared to
wreak their ill-will on the leaders of the opposite
party, but Julian succeeded in saving their lives.
Decentius was permitted to escape, and he returned
at once to the Imperial court. Florentius, when he
heard at Vienne what had been done, departed, as
might have been expected, in the same direction.
His family and his property were scrupulously re-
spected by Julian. Lupicinus, on his return from
Britain, was placed under temporary arrest.
The first tasks which lay before Julian under these
changed circumstances were to make sure of the
disposition of the whole Gallic army, and to attempt
to come to some sort of understanding with Con-
stantius. Of these, the first undertaking was far
1 38 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359-
easier than the second. The smaller band which,
under the command of Sintula, had already begun
its march, returned to the main body, and the new-
made Emperor, who had, on accepting the diadem,
already promised the usual donative to the soldiery,
made a harangue to the army, expressive of his
gratitude to them and of the community of fortunes
which bound them together, and announcing his
intention of making all military appointments with
regard solely to the merits of the candidates, with,
out giving ear to personal recommendations. He
immediately put this rule in practice by refusing
promotion to some members of the commissariat-
staff of the Petulantes and Celtae whom their com-
rades wished to see in higher offices. He seems,
however, to have given no umbrage by this refusal.
He next drew up a careful letter to Constantius,
who, he doubted not, had already heard from De-
centius and others of the unexpected turn which
affairs had taken in Gaul. He protested his own
loyalty, to which his labours and conflicts since his
elevation to the Caesarship had abundantly testified.
He showed the great provocation under which the
army had acted, and his own unwillingness to accept
the dignity violently forced upon him. He urged
the necessity, in the present circumstances, of avoid-
ing a breach between the rulers, and the expediency
as well as the wisdom on the Emperor's part of par-
doning what had been done and accepting the con-
ditions offered. These were that Julian should
furnish him with Spanish horses and with certain
contingents of barbarian forces that could be spared ;
360] Julian Becomes Emperor. 1 39
that the Emperor should appoint men of worth to
the post of Praetorian Praefect, and leave other
appointments, civil and military, in the hands of
Julian himself, who also claimed the selection of his
own guards. He again warned Constantius against
the scheme of removing the flower of the Gallic
Army into Asia. Finally he expressed his desire
not to insist on his new dignity, as he preferred to
appeal to past experience and future prospects in
urging a course which might make for peace.
This letter as Ammianus gives it (though he does
not profess to make a perfectly literal translation)
agrees in the main with what is told us by Julian
himself. But now comes in a rather puzzling diffi-
culty. Ammianus says that with this reasonable
and modest letter was sent another, drawn up in
very different terms, and full of biting reproaches.
This document he declines to publish, as he would
not consider such publication to be seemly.* Now
Ammianus generally aims at giving an honest and
impartial account of the events he is narrating, he
is not slow to reproach Constantius on his own
account, nor does he try to hide Julian's faults when
he considers him unfair or undignified. What could
have prevented him from telling us more about so
important a document? Again, we can hardly be-
lieve that Julian was likely to spoil the effect of a
carefully written letter by sending with it a childish
ebullition of petty spite. His great desire, according
to his own writings and to the probabilities of the
case, was to avoid a rupture as long as possible.
* Or because he had not been allowed to see it.
140 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359-
Why should he have gone out of his way to give
perfectly gratuitous provocation to the Emperor?
That some private letter was written seems indubi-
table, if our text of Ammianus is correct. Three
hypotheses may be suggested : (i) That we have a
confusion here between the communications made
by the embassy and those which came later, after
Julian's offers had been rejected. (2) That the second
and secret letter was sent with the other, but not to
be delivered if the first were favourably accepted : or
(3) That the secret letter was a part of Julian's orig-
inal communication but that it contained matter on
which Ammianus preferred to be reticent. Here I
would hazard a conjecture : May it not have related
to religious affairs, and have insisted, as an additional
demand, on freedom of ritual and profession to
Julian himself and to those who with him adhered
or wished to adhere to pagan ways ? Ammianus
always seems to have been a sober-minded neutral
in religious matters ; he had no sympathy with
Julian's ruling passion, and would probably have
regarded his demands as very unreasonable ; he was
desirous, moreover, that his work should be read by
men of all parties, and should steer clear of burning
controversies ; thus he might have regretted that
such a letter was ever written, and seeing that it
had been written, might wish to say as little about
it as was consistent with his love of truth and fair-
ness. But however this may be, there can be little
doubt that the primary object of Julian in sending
the embassy was to make a satisfactory accommo-
dation.
360] yulian Becomes Emperor. 141
To our notions of military subordination and ad-
ministrative authority, it may seem that Constantius
could not, consistently with the dignity of his posi-
tion, acknowledge the result of a mutiny as if it
were a lawful act. But the experience of centuries
had forced the rulers of the Empire to regard the
preference of the soldiery as a factor seldom omitted
in the elevation or destruction of potentates and
dynasties. There were examples, too, like that of
the rise of his own father, Constantine, in which the
forcibly expressed choice of the soldiery had subse-
quently received the sanction that could not safely
be withheld. But either Constantius, or those
whose influence prevailed with him, felt too bitterly
against Julian to receive his advances in a pacific
spirit.
His friend and well-wisher, the Empress Eusebia,
was already dead, and he had now probably no
friends at court. Constantius, in his progress, had
reached Caesarea in Cappadocia when the ambassa-
dors arrived. Having received their despatches, he
exhibited such wrath as to strike terror into them,
and refused to give them audience. They were,
however, permitted to return in safety. At the
same time the quaestor Leonas was sent with a
letter to Julian, bidding him confine himself to the
authority he had previously held, and making sun-
dry appointments in the government of Gaul. In
particular Nebridius was to succeed Florentius as
Praetorian Praefect.
When Leonas arrived at Paris, Julian received
him with personal friendliness, but as the letter
142 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [359-
from Constantius was received and read aloud in the
presence of the whole army, there was not much
likelihood that the conditions, especially as to the
proposed abdication, would be accepted. Leonas
was sent back with a description of the opposition
made by the army to the Emperor's suggestions.
Of the new appointments, that of Nebridius alone
was recognised.
Other negotiations, the details of which are
unknown, were carried on, both parties being unwil-
ling to begin a civil war. A certain bishop Epic-
tetus was commissioned to assure Julian, from
Constantius, that at least his life would be secure if
he complied with his cousin's requirements. But,
ambitious motives apart, Julian had to consider his
duty to the soldiers and the provincials who had
entrusted themselves to his care. He declared at
once his political intentions and his religious belief
in proclaiming openly that he preferred to trust
himself and his life to the Gods rather than to the
words of Constantius.
Different stories are given as the ground of
Julian's confident assurance that the events which
had raised him to the Empire were a call to a
divinely appointed task. According to his own nar-
rative, he saw, at the critical moment, the sign he
had prayed for in the heavens. Others tell of his
dreams, or of his enquiries, made by means of the
occult sciences. Modern readers can hardly justify
a usurpation for which no higher sanction can be
brought. Nor can they easily discern a vox dei in
the shouts of an insurgent army. But if we must
360] Jidian Becomes Emperor.
acknowledge Julian's accession to be, in a sense, a
departure from the legitimate order, we must also re-
member how little legitimate principle was to be
found in the common practice of succession to the
Imperial throne, and how hopeless it was to find any
orderly means of discovering and enthroning the
man whom the crisis of events demanded. The
Petulantes and the Celtae boldly cut the knot, and
decided that he alone who had driven away the
devastating hosts of the enemy deserved to hold
supreme power over the lands he had saved.
Coin of Julian.
Reverie, SECURITAS RHiPVBlicae. The Bull Apis ; above, start.
1 44 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
NOTES ON CHAPTER VI.
1 The chief authonties for the circumstances of Julian's elevation
to the empire are his letter to the Athenians, and Ammianus, Book
xx. The accounts given in Libanius, Epitaph andZosimus, hi., 9,
are apparently based on Julian's own accounts. We have no detailed
narrative written from the opposite standpoint. Ammianus is excel-
lent for the Persian War. 1 have followed him closely also for that
with the Sarmatians.
* See Tillemont, Constance , Note xxxviii.
1 Cod. Theod. xi., 30, 27 ; vi., 4, n.
Coin of King Sapor II.
A.D. 340-370. Reverse, Fire-altar.
CHAPTER VII.
WARS IN EAST AND WEST CONTINUED. DEATH OF
CONSTANTIUS AND BEGINNING OF JULIAN'S
REIGN AS SOLE AUGUSTUS. 1
360-361.
Ov 7ta)7fors t^v^dnrjv aTtoKTZivoa Kaovdravrtov,
6e a.7C7}v^d/LiTjv. Ti ovr rjXQov ; kitEi&rf /.tot oitisol
ixehevdar 6<*>rrjpiav nkv IxayyeMoiieroi TteiQofi
Qecov notifaetev.
JULIAN'S Letter XIII. (to his uncle, Julianus).
" By my prescience,
I find my zenith doth depend upon
A most auspicious star, whose influence
If now I court not, but omit, my fortunes
Will ever after droop." Tempest, I., 2.
5 HEN we read the narrative of the
exciting events in Paris described
in the last chapter, the elevation of
a successful general to the supreme
Imperial authority by the uncon-
stitutional and unauthorized conduct
of a scarcely national army, and the
acceptance of that authority by the man of the
1 46 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [360-
soldiers' choice, as of a vocation direct from heaven,
we are prepared to pass at once to the story of a
disastrous civil war. And, in fact, if Julian had
marched eastward or Constantius westward in the
spring of 360 A.D., backed as each was by an ex-
perienced, brave, and devoted army, hostilities must
have ensued of a most destructive and demoralising
character to the whole Empire. It is, perhaps, to
the credit of both rivals, though partly owing also
to propitious circumstances, that this was not the
case. Neither was animated by a feeling of good-
will or a conciliatory disposition towards the other.
Neither can have hoped for a successful issue to the
negotiations that had been set on foot. But both
had enough of the spirit of military rulers to prefer
not to leave undone the tasks still in hand, nor to
risk, in a struggle of personal rivalry, the safety and
resources of the great empire which was the stake
for which both were contending. Both wanted to
gain time. Julian had his work to finish in the
West. Constantius desired to make a serious begin-
ning of what he had undertaken in the East. Thus,
between the elevation of the rival Augustus at Paris
and the beginning of the internecine war which
seemed its necessary consequence, we have two
campaigns, or p?rts of two campaigns, both in Gaul
and in Asia, in which the Roman armies contended
against barbarians, not against one another.
Early in the year 360, before Constantius arrived
on the scene of war, Sapor crossed the Tigris and
laid siege to the already memorable town of Sin-
gara. Like the other sieges of the war, this one
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 147
was conducted with much engineering skill and for-
midable artillery, and sustained with great deter-
mination. The town was taken by storm, there was
a general massacre, and the survivors of the gar-
rison, consisting of two legions and a company of
cavalry, were captured, led forth with hands bound,
and sent off to a distant part of the Persian empire.
The chief part of the Roman forces, however, were
stationed at a little distance from Nisibis, which
town Sapor made no attempt to take. Pressing on
northwards, he laid siege to another important
frontier port, Bezabda or Phoenice, situated on the
Tigris near the border of Mesopotamia and Armenia.
The garrison consisted of three legions, which
received the assailants with storms of arrows. In
self-defence, the Persians placed in the front the
prisoners taken at Singara. After a good deal of
fighting and an ineffectual attempt at accommoda-
tion made by the Bishop, the fate of the town was
decided by the fall of a much battered tower. The
massacre and pillage which ensued seems to have
been more extensive than at Singara. The town
was refortified and strongly garrisoned against any
Roman attempt at reconquest. Another strong
place, Virta, an old fortress of Alexander, was
the next object of attack, but the King's army
had probably been considerably weakened in the
course of the other sieges, and he thought best
to retire.
Constantius, meanwhile, was trying to obtain
allies in his projected campaign for the next year.
He advanced into Cappadocia and secured the
148 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [360-
friendship of Arsaces, King of Armenia, by giving
him the hand of a noble lady formerly betrothed to
the Emperor Constans. He then set out in the late
summer or early autumn, crossed the frontier into
Armenia, and then struck south to Edessa. In
September he advanced northwards to Amida, now
a heap of ruins, and determined to attempt the
recapture of Bezabda. This important post proved,
however, no more easy of attack by Romans than
by Persians. In spite of the use they made of an
enormous battering-ram, which had previously
belonged to the Persians, and had been left behind
at Carrhse, all attempts to storm the walls were
frustrated by the courage and energy of the defend-
ers, who made vigorous sorties and set fire to the
Roman machines. Constantius determined to turn
the siege into a blockade, but when the rainy sea-
son came on, the discomfort felt by the besiegers,
combined perhaps with a superstitious dread of the
frequently appearing rainbows, led him to abandon
the*attempt for the present, and retreat to Antioch
for the winter. There he married his third wife,
Faustina. Before the next campaign he sent rich
presents to the kings of Armenia and Iberia, whose
alliance he felt to be of great importance. Another
measure imperatively required was the despatch of
some trusty person to take precautions against any
attempt that Julian might make on the coast of
Africa. The man chosen for this task was Gauden-
tius, who had formerly been an Imperial agent
attached to Julian's establishment in Gaul, and
who bore him no good-will. Gaudentius accom-
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 149
plished what was required of him promptly and
efficiently. He speedily raised a force of Mauri-
tanian cavalry, with which he watched the coast, and
prevented any invasion which might have been
made from East Gaul or from Sicily. Early in May,
Constantius left Antioch and marched to Edessa, as
he had heard that Sapor was again about to cross
the Tigris. He was, however, in a doubtful state of
mind. Julian, he heard, had left Gaul and marched
through Illyria, on his way to Constantinople. It
would not be safe to weaken the army in the East
by a very adventurous campaign. Fate seemed gene-
rally to declare for Constantius when he contended
with internal foes, against him when he strove
against foreign potentates. Yet he could hardly
have left affairs in Asia to go and meet his enemies
in Europe, if Sapor had taken advantage of his em-
barrassed position. Why he failed to do so, we can-
not tell. The hostilities in Mesopotamia lasted but
a short time, and the Roman officers had special
directions to run no unnecessary risks. Sapor
seems to have found the auspices unfavourable, and
probably also his presence was required elsewhere.
He retreated, and Constantius feeling able to do the
like, moved back to Hierapolis, about midway be-
tween Edessa and Antioch, and there, in a great
military meeting, he set forth his own deserts, the
ingratitude and enormity of Julian's conduct, and
his hope of speedily crushing the insurrection. The
army expressed its readiness to march against Julian,
and light troops were sent on ahead to prevent, if
not too late, the occupation of the pass of Succi
1 50 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [360-
which the usurper must cross in his march on Con-
stantinople.
Julian meantime had been actively occupied in
the West. As has been already said, he felt the
necessity of completing the pacification of Gaul
before marching against the Emperor. The sum-
mer campaign of 360 was chiefly occupied with the
punishment of the Attuarian Franks, who occupied
the territory about Cleve, and had made incursions
over the Gallic border. This involved another ex-
pedition across the Rhine which was entirely success-
ful. Having taken many captives, and imposed
conditions of peace, Julian marched along the fron-
tier to make sure of all the important posts, and
passed by Besantio (Besanon, a place vividly des-
cribed in one of his letters and to judge from its re-
mains, an important town under the Roman Empire),
to Vienne, where he stayed for the winter. During
the winter months, it was necessary for him to ma-
ture his plans for the future. He soon resolved to
postpone no longer the assumption of the Imperial
pomp and dignity, the symbols, in the eyes of the sol-
diers, of the authority which they had conferred upon
him, and which the Emperor did not seem inclined
to recognise. Thus he celebrated the completion
of the fifth year of his Caesarship in solemn fashion,
wearing a magnificent diadem. In religious matters
he seems to have advanced tentatively. In a letter
written in the course of the next year,* he expresses
his delight that public sacrifices are being offered,
and that the army is devoted to the ancient cults.
Yet we are positively told by Ammianus that while
361] Events to Death of Canstantius. 151
at Vienne he went publicly to church and took part
in the celebration of the Feast of the Epiphany. It
is not impossible that he may have been thinking
of carrying out an idea of Constantine, and of join-
ing together men of various religions in a common
ceremonial. The Feast of the Epiphany was one of
the very earliest ever observed in the Church, and
the precise nature of its significance only came to
be defined much later. In Julian's day it was not
specially commemorative of the Adoration of the
Magi. It was generally associated with the baptism
of Christ, although in some churches it was not distin-
guished from Christmas, and regarded as part, if
not the whole, of the Festival of the Nativity.
This confusion is not found in the Gallic churches,
but probably existed in those with which Julian was
acquainted in the East. Now we shall see later on
that there was another festival occurring just at
Christmas time which Julian most strongly desired
to have celebrated with due honours, the " Birth-
day of the Unconquered Sun." He probably
thought that to the day set apart " in honor of the
manifestation on earth of creative and life-giving
power " he might hereafter give a Mithraic character
without destroying all the associations that it had
for the Christians.
It must have been about this time that Julian lost
his wife. She probably died in her confinement,
but, as we have already shown, nothing definite can
be stated as to the manner of her end. Neither
politically nor personally had her influence been of
importance, and her removal seems to have made
I 5 2 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [360-
no change in the plans and prospects of her hus-
band. Her body was sent to Rome, to be laid beside
that of her sister Constantina.
In his anxiety to ascertain the course he should
pursue, Julian had recourse to the various arts of
divination. The results seem to have been favour-
able, and the historians have preserved some rude
hexameter lines, 8 communicated to Julian in the
visions of that night, in which a sudden and speedy
end to Constantius was attached to certain planetary
conjunctions.
Meantime, the world must be prepared for the
coming changes, and partisans must be secured.
There was hardly anything like a public opinion to
which Julian could appeal to judge between himself
and his cousin. If there had been such an opinion,
he would probably not have treated it with deference.
But he strongly desired to have on his side the sym-
pathy and the counsel of those who represented, in his
eyes, the collective wisdom of the world. It is very
characteristic of his mental attitude that he issued
manifestos not only to the Senate of Rome (to
which some kind of address might seem necessary),
but to the " Senate and People " of the Athenians,
the Spartans, and the Corinthians. These letters
were not issued till the next summer, but it seems
probable that they were prepared during the winter.
The appeal to the Roman Senate was, as we shall
see, a lamentable failure. Julian's intercourse with
Greek and oriental philosophers and with Gaelic
soldiers had not fitted him to deal with Romans
who thought themselves statesmen. The very fact
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 153
that he thought it worth while to appeal to the
venerable cities of Greece shows how far his mind
always was from comprehending the distance be-
tween the present and the past. It can surely not
have mattered greatly to Juli0i what the fourth-
century Spartans thought of his proceedings, and
the opinion of the commercial city of Corinth, if it
had any opinion, was not representative of any influ-
ential society. These two addresses have perished,
except, perhaps, a fragment of that to Corinth, 4 and
we can only guess at their substance and character
by that which survives, the letter to the Athenians.
We have already seen Julian's extravagant regard
for that unique city, the brightness of whose ancient
glories has often blinded the eyes of enthusiastic
admirers to her later decrepitude. And to Julian
Athens was not only the great city of the past, she
was the headquarters of sophists and scholars. It
was not unnatural that his long pent-up feeling
should find an outlet in the little autobiographical
treatise which he wrote to justify himself in the eyes
of the fellow-citizens of Aristides the Just, and in
which the rhetorical form does not entirely hide the
burning passion beneath. We have already had
several occasions to cite this letter, which is one of
the most important sources of information about
Julian's early life and his Gallic campaigns. Not
that he writes with the idea of drawing up a com-
plete autobiography. He only dwells upon those
points which are likely to secure for him the sym-
pathy of those to whom he is writing, and the style
is that of a rhetorical manifesto, not of a sober his-
1 54 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
tory. In apology for his usurpation of the Imperial
authority, he urges the shameful treatment he had
received from Constantius, the compulsion used by
the soldiers, and the manifest will of the Gods. He
expresses his willingness even yet to come to terms
with Constantius, but he has evidently given up
hope of a peaceable settlement, and therefore sees
no reason to be reticent on the expression of his
feelings both towards his so-called benefactor and
towards the Gods of Hellas.
One of the charges brought by Julian against
Constantius is that of stirring up barbarians to in-
vade a Roman province. The last enemy with
whom he had to cope in Gaul was a chief of the
Allemanni, who was either in communication with
Constantius, or seeking to secure his own ends by
trimming between the rivals. We have already seen
that in the year 354, Constantius forced terms of
peace on two brother-chiefs, Vadomar and Gundo-
mad, who dwelt on the borders of Raetia. Gun-
dornad was now dead, and Vadomar, who bore a
great reputation for cunning, wrote very subservient
letters to Julian, addressing him not only as Em-
peror, but as a god. A messenger of his was, how-
ever, seized, and a despatch to Constantius was taken
from him, in which the warning was given : " Your
Caesar is becoming insubordinate." This must have
been before the great event at Paris. But early in
361, Julian, at Vienne, received tidings that the
Allemanni were pillaging the province of Raetia.
Accordingly he sent the brave Petulantes and Celtae,
under a certain Libinio, to chastise the barbarians
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 155
and restore order. The Roman commander, how-
ever, was taken at unawares, and in an engagement
fought near Sanctio (probably Seckingen, in the
Aargau), Libinio was killed and his troops put to
flight. Julian determined to secure the person of
the slippery chieftain. For this purpose, he sent
his trusted and able secretary, Philagrius, on an
embassy to Vadomar, furnishing him with secret
instructions which he was not to look at until Vado-
mar had crossed the Rhine. On finding that this
was already the case, Philagrius consulted his direc-
tions, and found that he was ordered to make
Vadomar his captive. This was accomplished with-
out difficulty at the conclusion of a social meal.
Vadomar was conveyed into the presence of Julian,
who treated him with more clemency and forbearance
than he seems to have expected, and merely ordered
his withdrawal to Spain. 6 We afterwards find him
acting as Dux in Phoenicia. This step was followed
on Julian's part by another crossing of the Rhine
(the fifth he had made during his government of
Gaul), and by a brief campaign which led the bar-
barians to sue for peace.
Julian now had leisure to turn his attention east-
wards. Before he began his march, he made a
spirited harangue to the soldiers, in which, after
recapitulating the work of conquest and of settle-
ment which they had accomplished together, he
showed them how desirable it was to take possession
of Illyria, while it was so scantily supplied with
troops, to advance to the frontier of Dacia, and
there to await the course of events. Throwing
1 5 6 Jidian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
himself on their loyalty and sympathy, he besought
them to identify their cause with his by taking an
oath of fidelity. He further requested them to
respect the property and all the rights of private
citizens and the safety of the provinces. The speech
was received with loud applause, and the desired
oath taken with great fervour. One man, Nebridius,
the Praetorian Praefect lately appointed by Con-
stantius, and approved by Julian, had the courage
and the loyalty to his old master to refuse it at the
peril of his life. Julian interposed between him and
the infuriated soldiers, and while refusing him any
demonstration of confidence, permitted him to retire
into Tuscany.
It would thus seem that many of the very soldiers
who had remonstrated so loudly against being with-
drawn from Gaul to serve under Constantius in the
East, were ready to follow Julian to the ends of the
world. Yet he must have found it necessary to
leave a considerable force behind him, and his con-
tinued care for the Gallic provinces was shown by
the appointment of his friend Sallust c as Praefect
over them. Other promotions were made, both in
the army and in the civil government, to fill the
places of those whose fidelity was doubtful. Nevitta,
a Frank, was set over the cavalry, and a certain
Dagalaif over the guards. It is evident that in spite
of the reproaches that Julian directed against the
promotion by Constantius of barbarians to offices of
trust, he could not escape from the necessity of
following the same policy himself.
His forces amounted altogether to about twenty-
3613 Events to Death of Constantius. 1 57
three thousand men. Feeling anxious lest this
small number might appear contemptible, and lest
they might be surprised on their way, he divided
them into several detachments, and impressed on
the leaders of each the necessity of taking abundant
precautions. Jovius and Jovinus were to lead one
division through North Italy. Nevitta was to con-
duct another portion of the army through the Swiss
passes and the land known as Rhaetia. He seems
himself, 7 with a band of picked troops, to have
penetrated northwards through the Black Forest
to the sources of the Danube, on which he embarked
as soon as he came to a navigable part of the river.
The divided forces were to be concentrated near
Sirmium, which lay, as we have seen, on the Save,
near its junction with the Danube. This important
post had been left in the care of Lucillianus, while
the governments of North Italy and that of Illyria
were in the hands of Taurus and of Florentius
respectively, both of whom were consuls for this year
361. Both these officials fled as Julian's army ap-
proached. Lucillianus, in Sirmium, was surprised by
Dagalaif with a chosen band, seized in his bed, and
brought into Julian's presence. He seemed scared
out of his wits, but on being allowed to kiss the
Imperial purple he recovered sufficient voice and
confidence to volunteer some good advice to the
adventurous leader who was pressing on so rapidly
among unknown dangers. Julian replied with a
smile : " Keep your wise counsels for Constantius ;
I did not reach the purple to you because I wanted
your opinion, but to remove your fright." Lucil-
1 58 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
lianus was withdrawn and Julian proceeded to the
city, where he was received with much enthusiasm.
The next day he rewarded the good-will of the
people by delighting their eyes with a chariot race.
Immediately afterwards, he proceeded to occupy
the important pass of Succi, between the mountain
chains of Rhodope and Haemus. Leaving it under
the care of Nevitta, he retreated for a time to Nais-
sus, in Upper Dardania.
Hitherto, his progress had been continuous and
easy. But now unexpected dangers arose in two
different quarters. We have already mentioned the
letter which he addressed to the Senate of Rome.
Though it has not been preserved, it seems to have
contained a justification of Julian and an arraign-
ment of Constantius of much the same kind as are
found in the Letter to the Athenians. We can
imagine that it was couched in flattering terms and
was bristling with rhetorical illusions, and that the
old Roman hatred of tyrants was appealed to as in
the other document the Athenian love of fairness.
But there yet remained more ballast in the Roman
Senate than in the so-called " Bould and Demos "
of the Athenians. The recent visit of the Emperor
had probably increased his popularity, and the ex-
penditure which Ammianus blamed as lavish had
thus, after all, achieved some result. The Praefect,
Tertullus, read the letter to the senators, who indig-
nantly uttered in one breath the laconic reply : " We
require you to respect your superior." Two senators,
Symmachus and Maximus, were deputed to go to
the Court of Constantius. At Naissus they were
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 1 59
intercepted 8 and well received by Julian, who made
Maximus Praefect of Rome in the place of Tertullus.
We may regret that he did not see his way to con-
tinue in office so bold an opponent as Tertullus, but
the appointment of Maximus, said to have been
dictated by private motives, is partly justified by
results, seeing that he was able successfully to cope
with a serious famine that threatened Rome.
Far more dangerous, however, was the action of
two legions of soldiers who had been quartered in
Sirmium, when he acquired that city. Strangely
unmindful of his late experience with the Gallic
army, or perhaps acting on an exaggerated impres-
sion of his own powers over soldiers that had not,
like the Gallic legions, shared his fortunes for better
and worse, he ordered the troops from Sirmium to
march westward into Gaul. But the terror of the
German enemy and of the chilly and unknown west-
ern lands was as formidable to these eastern troops
as was the dread of the dry desert and of Asiatic
siege-warfare to the Petulantes and the Celtae. To
complete the turning of the tables, the ringleader in
the military agitation, Nigrinus, was a native of
Mesopotamia. The determination to resist was,
however, kept secret till the legions reached Aqui-
leia, at the head of the Adriatic Gulf. They then
swooped upon the city, the inhabitants of which
were favourable to Constantius, and summoned all
the disaffected in Italy to join them. Julian felt his
position to be critical, especially as he had heard
that forces were being raised against him in Thrace.
Jovinus, with the portion of the army that had taken
1 60 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350,
the most southerly route, was ordered to go to
Aquileia, and if possible to bring the rebels to reason
without resorting to force. His efforts at negotiation,
however, proved futile, and the siege began in ear-
nest. The assailants, finding a difficulty in bringing
their machines against the walls, stationed in the
river and bound firmly together three vessels on
which towers could be raised, so as to give a vantage
ground for the hurling of missiles. The defenders,
however, succeeded in firing the towers, and in other
ways inflicted great loss on the besiegers. How the
affair would have ended, apart from startling news
that arrived from the East, it is useless to conjecture.
This news was of no less an event than the sudden
death of the Emperor Constantius. He had already,
as we have seen, determined to march against Julian,
and in the autumn of 361 he left Antioch and travelled
through Cilicia. But his health seems to have been
weakened by the anxiety and fatigue he had lately
undergone, and at Tarsus he was attacked by a fever,
such as, in the very same spot, had well-nigh cut short
the career of Alexander the Great. At first he
hoped to drive away the malady by exercise, or per-
haps rather by removal from an unhealthy region,
and proceeded on his way, but when he arrived at
Mopsucrene, not far to the north of Tarsus, he was
forced to make a final halt. Feeling the approach
of death to be near, he had recourse, as his father
had before him, to a death-bed baptism. The rite
was performed by Euzoius, the Arian bishop of An-
tioch. According to one report he left directions
that Julian should be appointed his successor. His
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 161
young wife gave birth, shortly after his death, to a
little girl, who was in course of time married to the
Emperor Gratian.
Though the death of Constantius occurred at a
most opportune moment for his far more interesting
kinsman, and perhaps also for his own reputation, it
is natural to feel a passing regret at the sad and dis-
tressing circumstances in which the last male de-
scendant of the great Constantine ended his days.
Constantius was not by any means a great man, nor
yet a man whom we greatly esteem, yet he seems to
have acted under a sense of duty in his military and
civil government, and even in his unfortunate eccle-
siastical policy. Cool and self-controlled in his
demeanour and chary with his favours, he could not
stir much enthusiasm, though it is evident that there
was a strong feeling in his favour both in Italy and
in the army of the East. His good intentions were
foiled by the want of an independent mind resolved
to see things for itself and not only through the
eyes of overbearing and interested persons, while
his natural inclination to justice and forbearance
was entirely counteracted by the vice, so constantly
besetting the despotic ruler, of jealousy and suspi-
cion. And his whole reign, with its record of foreign
wars and civil rebellions, of failure and exhaustion,
forms a dark setting to a somewhat pitiable per-
sonality. His efforts to alleviate the financial dis-
tress of the Empire riveted yet more closely the
bands which attached the mechanic to his art and
the peasant to the soil. His attempt to restore
unity in the Church had borne, as we shall see, no
1 62 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
better fruit than had his military expeditions against
the Persians. "Such as he was, he was," wrote
Julian, " may the earth lie lightly on him."
Some of the courtiers who had devoured the
Imperial resources under Constantius, especially
the infamous chamberlain Eusebius, saw their only
hope of safety in the project of setting up another
rival candidate to Julian. But no such scheme
could be set on foot, and two military legates, who
bore the barbarous names of Theolaif and Aliguld,
were sent to inform Julian of what had happened
and to recognise him as Emperor. Meantime, the
corpse was conveyed to Constantinople in a funeral
car, on which was seated the " Protector Domes-
ticus," Jovianus, who from his somewhat ghastly
elevation celebrated games and received gifts in the
towns through which he passed. In later times,
this circumstance was regarded as a prognostic of the
high dignity to which Jovian was destined to rise,
and the brief period during which he was to hold it.
Julian was still in Dacia when the messengers
came. We have already seen that certain omens
had made him inclined to hope for a speedy issue to
the conflict. Another which is recorded at this
time is like many which illustrate the skill of a ready-
minded leader in giving an encouraging interpretation
to little accidents. When he had one day mounted
on horseback, the soldier who had assisted him fell
to the ground. " He who helped me up is fallen
himself," said Julian. Whether expected or not, the
news was accepted thankfully, as delivering him
from the necessity of further bloodshed, yet without
A CONSUL, BETWEEN TWO DIGNITARIES. BELOW, CAPTIVES.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 1 63
any unseemly exultation. He speedily marched
through the pass of Succi to Philippopolis and
thence to Constantinople. His easy and triumphant
march made his pagan friends think of the progress
of Triptolemus. He entered Constantinople on the
nth of December, and was received by senators
and people with great demonstrations of delight.
When the corpse of the Emperor arrived, he received
it with all honour and acted as chief mourner in the
funeral ceremonies. It seems probable that he was
then present at Christian rites for the last time.
The peaceable acquisition of Constantinople led,
as might have been expected, to the surrender of
Aquileia. The besieged legions were not easily
convinced of the genuineness of the message sent to
them, but as soon as they were satisfied on that
point, they gave themselves up. The ringleaders
were punished with that refinement of cruelty which
marks the executions of this period. The bulk of
the men were allowed to depart unhurt.
Julian had now three great tasks to accomplish
before he could think of an eastern campaign or of
my but the most pressing affairs of the Empire.
The first was to visit with condign punishment the
detested ministers of the late Emperor. The second
was to purge the palace and the whole city of the
miserable hangers-on that sucked the blood of the
provinces and infested the palace and the government
offices. The third was to establish on a sure basis
those religious changes which he had long contem-
plated. We must postpone these latter changes till we
can interpret them in the light of Julian's religious
1 64 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
system and ideals. The first measure that he under-
took seems to have been executed more summarily
than was desirable or necessary. A special com-
mission of six, at the head of which was the new and
worthy Praefect of the East, Secundus Sallustius(not
to be confounded with the other Sallust, Julian's
friend in Gaul, 8 ) held sessions at Chalcedon, on the
Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, to hear charges and
pass sentence against several notable officials of
Constantius. Some were undoubtedly deserving
of the hard fate that was measured out to them.
Paul " the Chain " and Apodemus the Sycophant
perished by the hideous death, which seems to have
been a not uncommon sentence, of burning alive. The
chamberlain Eusebius also suffered death, and there
were numerous sentences of banishment. The dig-
nity of ancient Rome was offended by the banish,
ment of the fugitive Taurus in the very year of his
consulship. The other consul, Florentius, had hidden
himself, and did not reappear during Julian's reign.
The hardest sentence was that pronounced against
the finance minister Ursulus, who, it was said, ought
to have been an object of Julian's gratitude, since he
had secured supplies to him in Gaul. But Ursulus
had incurred the anger of the soldiery by some
scathing remarks about the loss of Amida, and
several officers of the army took part in the pro-
ceedings at Chalcedon. When Julian heard that he
had been put to death, he declared that the sentence
had been carried out in consequence of military
demands and without his own knowledge. The
strangest part of the affair is that the moving spirit
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 165
of the commission was the miserable Arbetio, who
had been mixed up with many of the least creditable
proceedings of the late reign. The most plausible
hypothesis is that Julian allowed Arbetio to sit on
the tribunal for the sake of fair play, and as repre-
senting different factions and interests from those
of the other judges, and that he trusted to the re-
spected Sallustius to maintain order and justice, but
that Sallustius, being a very old man, was not
equal to coping with Arbetio. In a letter written
at this time, 9 Julian vehemently denies (what some
one must have asserted) his intention of visiting the
crimes of these men too harshly. The many-headed
hydra, he says, must be dealt with, and where there
are charges, judges must be appointed to hear them.
The difference between his spirit in administering
justice and that of Constantius was shown in his
indignant refusal of an offer made to reveal the
lurking-place of Florentius. After all, the cases of
capital punishment inflicted were few, and probably
almost all were very richly deserved. 10
A like indifference to vested interests and public
opinion was shown in Julian's palace reforms. A
sudden reduction of the numbers of those directly
and indirectly nourished at the public expense,
must, however just and expedient, inflict some losses
on innocent people and lead to charges of oppression
and favouritism. Doubtless the fact that many of
these schemers and idlers bore the reputation of
having waxed wealthy on the spoils of temples com-
bined with Julian's hatred of government by espion-
age in leading him ruthlessly to thin their ranks.
1 66 yulian, Philosopher and Emperor. [350-
Long accustomed to plain living, and combining a
philosophic with a military aversion to luxury, he
had little tolerance for the costly paraphernalia of
Court life. When he sent one day for a barber, and
a pompous individual in costly clothing entered his
apartment, he exclaimed in feigned surprise : " I sent
for a barber not for a finance minister/' Nor did
the "artist" rise in his esteem by admitting that he
expected as remuneration twenty rations of food per
day with the like for his horses, an annual salary,
and various extras. Julian's disgust at all which
savoured of pomp and effeminacy dictated a policy
not unlike that which a cold-blooded economy would
have recommended.
But if Julian wished to economise in the salaries of
personal servants and of useless dependents, he was
only too demonstrative and lavish in favours he con-
ferred on his philosophic friends. He eagerly in-
vited several of his former teachers or fellow-students
to come to him, and allowed them free passage by
the public conveyances. One of them was his revered
master, Maximus of Ephesus." He arrived while
Julian was presiding at a meeting of the Senate, and
the Emperor seemed to some critics oblivious of his
Imperial dignity, as he rushed out to meet the old
man and bring him into the illustrious assembly.
The sophist Chrysanthius had been summoned at
the same time, but he, finding omens adverse, had
declined the invitation. No omens were sufficient
to deter Maximus, who persisted in his enquiries till
the gods gave the desired answer. Priscus likewise
came from Greece, and Himerius followed in about
A CONSUL, BETWEEN TWO DIGNITARIES. BELOW, CAPTIVES.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
361] Events to Death of Constantius. 167
a year's time. Among those promoted to high
offices, we find several whose literary tastes and pro-
fession had recommended them to the Emperor.
Thus the rhetorician Mamertinus was one of the
consuls for the year 362.
During his stay in Constantinople, Julian did much
to increase the dignity and beauty of the city, which
he regarded with much affection as his native place.
He increased the powers of the Senate, enlarged the
port, and built and furnished a library. The defence
of the Thracian provinces and the reorganisation of
the army also occupied his attention. He celebrated
the inauguration of the consuls with due solemnity,
and having performed an act of manumission which
properly belonged to the new consuls, acknowledged
his error by paying the judicial fine. He received
embassies from many remote peoples, from Armenia,
Mauritania, and far-off India. But no part of his
work was in his own eyes and that of his sophist
friends so important as the restoration of the ancient
worships, and the remodelling of the religious sys-
tem in accordance with the ideas of which we have
now to take a brief survey.
(JFor designs of coins selected as illustrations for this chapter \ seepage a6s.)
1 68 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
NOTES ON CHAPTER VII.
1 The chief authority for this chapter is Ammianus, books xxi.,
xxii. Zosimus gives a few additional particulars (bk. iii.), but is
slight and brief ; Libanius (Epitaph.) agrees in the main, but is, as
usual, rhetorical and indefinite.
8 Letter 38.
8 Ammianus gives them as follows, and there is hardly any differ
ence in the version of Zosimus :
ZevS orav fiis nXarv rlppa poky H\VTOV vdpoxotno,
JJapQEYiKrjS dk KpovoS noipy ftaivy kill rtfyrtry
EfaoGry, fiatfihevS KoortirdvnoS'Atfido'S ouy$
Tepjua qnhov fltorov 6rvyEp6v yux.1 krtcd&vvov e.
4 Given in Hertlein, Fragment.
* There is perhaps here a discrepancy between Ammianus and
Libanius.
6 For the two Sallustii, see Tillemont, Notes sur Julien, v.
1 This seems to be the usual interpretation given to the statements
of Ammianus, which are not perfectly clear.
8 Or possibly they passed through Illyria on their return journey.
'Letter 23. Hermogenes is not mentioned by Ammianus as a
member of the commission, and I see no ground in the Letter for
regarding him as such.
10 For stringent measures to secure the wealth of the proscribed,
see Cod. Theod., ix., tit. 42.
lk According to Eunapius, Maximus had already visited him in
Gaul, and Julian seems to have hoped to meet him there. See
Latter 38.
Coin of Julian and Helena: Heads of Serapis and
Isis. Reverse, VOTA PUBLICA : Isis and
Nepthys, face to face.
Coin of Rhodes.
Head of Helios.
CHAPTER VIII.
JULIAN'S RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY. 1
Eijui
ov 8e
rrfv TtopevojueQa.
JULIAN, Or. iv. t 130.
ia, ovroo 6 xal <piA.o0o(pi<z juice,
year aA/la5 xal aX\.a$ 6$oi)S it'
Orat. vi., 184.
" We needs must love the highest when we see it."
TENNYSON.
5 N a letter which Julian wrote to the
philosopher Maximus,* most likely
during the latter part of the year
361, from which we have already
had occasion to quote, he expressed
his gratitude to the Gods that his
success in the office which he had
unwillingly accepted had hitherto been free from
bloodshed or spoliation, and that he was now able
169
1 70 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
to sacrifice publicly hecatombs of oxen, his army
entering sympathetically into his religious changes.
He also stated his purpose of resolutely carry-
ing out the work from which he had reason to ex-
pect good results. The attitude of mind shown
in this letter, and very frequently throughout his
writings, is one which cannot be apprehended
without difficulty, yet it is that which chiefly at-
tracts the student of human nature to the career
of the reactionary theosophic emperor. There is
sufficient paradox about that mental attitude and
that career to have tempted historians of all ages to
try to solve the problems they offer. How was it,
it has been asked, that a man whose moral standard
was, to say the least, higher than that of his contem-
poraries, had no respect for the morals of the Ser-
mon on the Mount ? How could the follower of a
highly spiritualised theology and cosmology prefer
in religious worship the sacrifice of hecatombs of
oxen, which some of the Neo-Pythagoreans already
felt to be brutal and disgusting,* to the prayers and
praises offered in the Christian assemblies? How
could a reformer, painfully aware of the religious
and moral degradation of his own times, be so blind
as he was to the real character of the only forces by
which a healthier society could be erected? We
may set aside the justification he has received at the
hands of some strongly anti-Christian writers,
especially of some " philosophers " of the last cen-
tury, whose patronage has probably been worse for
his reputation than the invectives of his foes. To
those in any degree familiar with the high-flown and
Julians Religion and Philosophy. 1 7 1
imaginative strain of his religious musings and with
the violence of all his attractions and repulsions in
regard to persons and things of religious character,
the idea that even the force of a common hatred
could induce the rationalist opponents of supersti-
tion to claim him as an adherent is almost ludicrous.
Modern friends of Julian's fame are perhaps likely
to err in another direction and to minimise that ab-
horrence of Christianity which, it cannot be denied,
was one of the ruling passions of his life. It has
been suggested that his earliest ideas of Christianity
were of a religion in the name and the strength of
which his Imperial relatives had persecuted his near-
est and dearest, and had murdered the chief mem-
bers of his house. Again, it is said that Christianity
was always presented to him in an uninteresting and
unattractive manner, and some, as we have seen,
have laid on the Arian bishops of the Court the bur-
den of his apostasy. None of these reasons is with-
out some weight, yet none of them goes to the root of
the matter. We have seen that the poems of Homer,
in which Julian from childhood took such keen
delight, were presented to him by Mardonius in as
unattractive a guise as were ever the narratives of
Bible story to children of strict Puritans. He showed
himself quick enough, when dealing with the apathy
or with the crimes of those who shared his views, to
distinguish between the logical and the practical
results of religious beliefs and between the offices and
the persons of religious authorities. Again, in his
polemics against Christianity, he boldly attacked the
Christian Scriptures, not any imperfect or mislead-
1 72 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
ing interpretation of them. With those Scriptures
he was well acquainted, and he had at least as good
facilities as most men of his generation for separa-
ting the grain from the chaff, a process he was well
able to perform with regard to all systems save the
Christian. If he had been a mere visionary, without
any practical acquaintance with men and with life,
his enthusiasm for an effete system might have been
less surprising. But, as we have seen, the perils,
vicissitudes, and responsibilities of his early life had
developed in him a high degree of mental energy
and promptness in thought and action. Then again
his views of life and duty seem in some respects
much more like those which have grown up under
Christian teaching than like those of the joyous, life-
loving paganism of the best days of Greece. Yet
nowhere is he more bitter in his denunciations of
Christian depravity than where he is exhorting to
what we are accustomed to regard as peculiarly
Christian virtues.
In fact we can only approach the question with
any hope of success if, without any thought of accu-
sation or of apology, we study his beliefs, first on
their positive and afterwards on their negative side.
The great problem is not so much why he was not a
Christian as what made him such an ardent Hellene.
For it was the ideas of Hellenic mythology and
philosophy which so entirely possessed his mind as to
make the reception, or even any faint comprehension
of the Christian ideal a total impossibility to him.
While he was yet in his student days, his young and
enthusiastic mind, saturated with Greek culture, mov-
Julians Religion and Philosophy. 1 73
ing in a world peopled with the imaginations of Greek
poets and illumined by the splendid speculations of
Greek philosophers, felt a bitter scorn and indigna-
tion in seeing this culture and this world receding
before the inflowing tide of new principles totally
foreign to his whole view of life. For whatever may
have been the case with less ardent souls or with
more quiet minds, with him, at least, no compromise
between Christianity and Hellenic culture was in
any degree possible. It is interesting to observe
the inconsistency in the feelings expressed at dif-
ferent times by the more cultivated of the Fathers
of the Church as to the value of the old records of
pagan wisdom and the character of the philosophers
and poets of ancient Greece. Gregory Nazian-
zen, Julian's fellow-student at Athens, denounces
the greatest names of antiquity with the scurril-
ity of a fish-wife, yet he is driven to quote the
writings of those very men in illustration of his mean-
ing, and had thought it worth while to undergo a
costly training in order to familiarise himself with
their methods of thought and speech. Nobler and
gentler spirits like Origen showed some respect for
the philosophers, and would derive part of their
wisdom from Palestine, yet even they scorned the
tragic writers and regarded the Olympic deities as
actually existing malicious demons. Augustine, with
all his contempt for secular learning, expressed a
hope that the great men of old might have been the
" spirits in prison " to whom the Gospel was preached.
One is almost driven to relinquish any attempt to
discover the mind of the early Church on the subject,
1 74 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
and to fall back on the hypothesis that in so rhetori-
cal an age, the alternate invectives and laudations
represent not so much the conflicting views of a
divided society or the varying moods and phases of
individual minds, as different fashions of speech, cor-
responding to the various methods according to
which subjects of this kind had to be handled. Now
Julian was himself something of a rhetorician, else
he could not have been a fourth-century Hellene.
But at the same time he was imbued with a whole-
hearted loyalty to the great men of the past and to
the teachings and the mode of life that had come
down from them. The heathen writings which his
Christian contemporaries regarded as a dangerous
though necessary article of diet, only to be taken
with copious antidotes, were to him the staff of life
and the medicine of the soul. He could not divide
his allegiance. With all his short-sightedness, he
perceived some things that were hidden from most
men of his time. In the triumph of Christianity he
foresaw the Dark Ages. We cannot wonder that he
did not see the Renaissance on the other side.
But apart from his attitude toward Christianity,
there is yet another paradox in the position taken
up by Julian as to the beliefs of his day. His reli-
gion was Hellenism ; he aspired to be a Greek of the
Greeks. Yet both in his religious philosophy and in
the religious cults which he chiefly preferred, there
is a very strong admixture of Oriental thought and
feeling, and the philosopher whom he most deeply
reveres, Jamblichus, 8 of Chalcis, was more than half
a Syrian. But we must remember that for centuries
Julians Religion and Philosophy. 1 75
the process had been going on by which Oriental
elements were being assimilated into the substance
of Greek thought. The Egyptian Alexandria had
been the great meeting-place of eastern and western
ideas. At one time it may have seemed as if the
Greek mind would perish under the weight of a more
ancient civilisation, as it had in its turn overborne
and diverted the current of culture in Italian lands.
But in the Neo-Platonists of Alexandria the Hellenic
intellect asserted its supremacy and its powers of
receiving and recasting things new and old.
If, however, we desire to leave generalities and to
endeavour to attain some knowledge as to what
Julian's religion actually was, we must study his own
obscure and hastily written but pregnant little
treatises on King Helios, and on The Mother of
the Gods, especially that on the deity to whom he had
peculiarly devoted himself. The religion of Julian in
his public capacity was Romano Hellenism. In his
private observances and dominant thoughts he was a
follower of Mithraicism, or the philosophy of Solar
Monotheism. The origin and character of this strange
system need some preliminary explanation before
we see how it was developed in Julian's hands.
The worship of Mithras was, according to Plutarch, 4
introduced into the Roman world by the Cilician
pirates, who were put down by Pompeius Magnus in
the year 70 B.C. Before that date, Mithraicism had
already passed through many phases. In the simple
nature-worship of the early Aryans, Mithras held a
high place as one of the gods of light and of benefi-
cence. The stern dualism of the Mazdean religion
I 76 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
of the early Persians reduced him to a subordinate
station. For them, Ormuzd, the creative god of light
and of good, constantly thwarted by Ahriman, the
power of darkness and of evil, was separated by a vast
interval from the nearest members of the celestial
hierarchy. But not even among these, the six Amesha
Spentas, did Mithras find a place. He was merely
a Yazata, a personification of the natural phenomenon
of solar light. But the inherent tendency to poly-
theistic nature-worships which seems to characterise
a certain phase of social and intellectual develop-
ment, soon undermined the simplicity of the Mazdean
religious system. The early Persian kings ascribe
generally their strength and their success to Ormuzd.
From the first part of the fourth century B.C., to the
reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, Mithras holds a place
of almost equal honour. Ormuzd might still be re-
garded as superior Creator, but Mithras ranked as the
strongest and the holiest of divine creatures. His
qualities of purity and of ubiquity made him the
special protector of honest men and guarantor of
oaths. Later on, he becomes identified with deities
of more distinctly solar character, who had their seats
in Phrygia, notably with Atys and Sabazius. Both
of these deities were closely associated in their
honours with Cybele, the Mother of the Gods. Ac-
cording to legend, Atys had been beloved by her,
had proved unfaithful, had suffered mutilation and
death, had been transformed into a pine-tree, and
had finally risen, purified, to a new life. All this
story was commemorated in the Mysteries of Cybele
and Atys, with hideous orgies, which the symbolic
Juliaiis Religion and Philosophy. 1 77
interpretation of the learned might justify, but could
never render generally instructive and wholesome.
In monumental art, the attributes of Mithras and of
Atys are hardly to be distinguished. Sabazius, too,
though possibly in his origin a lunar deity, loses his
distinctness, and becomes another form of Atys and
of Mithras. The connection between Mithras and
the goddesses of fecundity worshipped in Phrygia
and in Babylon is shown again in the curious confu-
sion made by Herodotus, who identifies the Persian
Mithras with the Assyrian Mylitta, a goddess closely
analogous to Cybele. But while to the Semitic or
partly Semitic races that bowed under the Persian
yoke this process of syncretism emphasised the
naturalistic side of the early Aryan deity, a somewhat
similar process was, in the Persian theology, bringing
into prominence the more spiritual attributes of his
character. In the Mazdean system, one of the Ame-
sha Spentas 6 called aoshyant, was regarded as the
redeemer from death, and the giver of immortality.
This being likewise seems to have become identified
with Mithras, as indeed it is in accordance with the
instinct of man all over the world to associate in
thought the loss of light and life during the winter
and their recovery in the spring with the death of
the body and the hope of a resurrection." Thus
when the Romans first became acquainted with the
Mithraic cult, it had already acquired those charac-
teristics which rendered its appeal to the religious
consciousness of Imperial times so forcible and
effective.
With the spread of Roman military power all over
1 78 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
the known world and with the gradual assimilation
by Roman society of all the elements that it could
contain of Greek culture, there set in a current of re-
ligious thought and sentiment, which is easily traced
and accounted for, among the uneducated towards
sensationalism, among the educated towards mono-
theism, among all towards mysticism. That cosmo-
politan spirit, which had resulted from the conquests
of Alexander and which was among the chief gifts of
Greece to Rome, had so far broken down national
barriers that national religions had well-nigh lost
their raison d'etre. Religious observances had come
to be regarded rather as a means of satisfying the
aspirations of the individual than as a compliance
with the requirements of the State. The highly ar-
tificial character of the society in which men and
women of the upper classes lived, the equally artifi-
cial and generally precarious life of the lower classes
in overcrowded cities, were favourable to the growth
of self-consciousness and of a morbid desire for nov-
eky. A reaction had set in against the incredulity
we see in the companions of Ciesar and of Cicero, and
the once widely prevalent scepticism seemed to have
paved the way for a similarly prevalent superstition.
A wider knowledge of nature and of man had led
nobler minds up to the wide and comprehensive
doctrine set forth in the Hymn to Zeus of the Stoic
Cleanthes. For Stoicism, based as it was on the idea
of universal law in nature and of ever-binding duty
among men, was the only form of Greek philosophy
that the narrow, legal mind of the Roman could
adequately grasp. The later Mithraicism appealed
Julians Religion and Philosophy. 1 79
both to the better and to the worse sides of the re-
ligious consciousness of the times. It satisfied the
desire for universality, for it was confined to no one
nation and to neither sex. It gratified also the long-
ing for mystery and for obscure symbolism. It set
forth, when expounded by the worthiest of its pro-
fessors, the all-importance of moral purity. It sup-
plied exciting and extravagant ceremonies to the
morbid imagination of the weak-minded. It had,
in its further development, acquired that strong hi-
erarchical organisation which has enabled some reli-
gious societies to hold their own through all vicissi-
tudes of fortune. It seemed to point back to those
days of primeval simplicity so dear to the fancy of a
decadent civilisation ; for is not the sun one of the
earliest recipients of religious honours among all peo-
ples, was not all-seeing Helios appealed to alike by
the suffering Titan groaning under the tyranny of
Zeus, by the heroes swearing solemn oaths under the
walls of Troy, and by Greeks and Romans of later
times when undertaking obligations under the most
sacred, that is, under the most primitive sanctions?
And when once the cult of Helios had gained a foot-
ing in the Roman Empire, the frequent transfers of
the legions were sure to spread it over all the length
and breadth of the known world.
The development of Mithraicism after it had be-
come one of the principal religions of the Empire
was still in the direction of comprehensiveness, of
mystery, and of closer organisation. Mithras became
more frankly identified with the sun, and altars to
him often bore the inscriptions Soli invicto. At the
1 80 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
same time he aggregated to himself the attributes
of almost all the other deities of the pantheon. He
was worshipped in subterranean grottos with mystic
rites, and a whole system of symbolism grew up in
connection with his worship. The most familar
form of Mithras in art is that of a young man, in
Phrygian cap, stabbing a bull. But many other
animals besides the bull the scorpion, the owl, the
lion, the dog are regularly found in artistic repre-
sentations of Mithraic import. The mysteries be-
came more and more severe in their demands on
candidates for initiation, more significant in the
teachings as to immortality and metempsychosis.
Neophytes were admitted by a bath of blood. The
tongue was purified by honey. Severe tests were
applied to those who would join the inner circle of
worshippers, or would rise from a lower to a higher
grade in the society. All members, or perhaps all
who attained to a certain dignity, regarded them-
selves as soldiers of Mithras, and signified their
relation to him, in one of their rites, by thrusting
aside a proffered garland and grasping a sword,
while uttering the words : " I will have no crown but
Mithras." The passage of the soul from a lower to
a higher state of existence was represented in their
mysteries by a ladder leading from one to another
of the planetary spheres. 7 A strict discipline was
enforced among all men and women who joined the
society. But while the weaker were kept to their
allegiance by the iron yoke of authority, and the
superstitious gratified their cravings by the excite-
ments of a sensational worship, some at least of the
Julians Religion and Philosophy. 1 8 1
philosophers of the day regarded chiefly the doctrinal
side of the religion, and adapted it to the expression
of their highest thoughts on the substance and origin
of all things, and on the relation of human nature to
the divine.
Of this philosophy of sun-worship, Julian is the
most notable exponent. In those habits of thought
and feeling which had favoured the growth of solar
monotheism, he was the child of his age. In his be-
liefs and philosophic principles he was a disciple
of Jamblichus of Chalcis in Ccele-Syria, who had
developed and added to the doctrines of Plotinus
and Porphyry. In personal character and habits
of mind he was, as we have seen, swayed by a
passionate devotion to the traditional wisdom of the
past, and by the conviction that his great task in life
was to restore Greek culture and to save the treasures
of old time from the inroads of barbarism and of
oriental superstition. And for this mission he nerved
himself by constantly thinking that he was bound to
the service, and strengthened by the protection of
King Helios. In many passages of his work Julian
shows by apparently voluntary ejaculations or by
express statements how constantly and habitually he
regarded himself as the servant of Helios or of
Mithras, and the idea of his special mission from
that deity is worked out in the form of a fable in
one of his Orations against the Cynics.
Although single-hearted in his Hellenism, Julian
found most of the purely Greek gods, like Apollo
and Hermes, too anthropomorphic to satisfy his
mystic aspirations. Zeus might be identified with
1 82 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
the supreme unity or with the chief creative force.
Athene might be regarded as a personification of
Divine Providence, but most of the other gods of
the Greek pantheon, though always to be honoured
and kept in mind, were necessarily relegated to a
subordinate position. Nor was the spiritual nature
of Julian's theology, any more than his Hellenism,
irreconcilable with sun-worship. He always carefully
distinguishes, especially when he is controverting
the Mosaic story of creation, 8 and again when he is
setting forth the nature of King Helios, 9 between
the visible solar disc and the real supersensual sun.
The compatibility of Mithraicism with Hellenism,
with idealism, and with monotheism, can be realised
only after a careful study of Julian's oration in
honour of King Helios. But in order to grasp, even
in slight measure, the meaning and the language of
that oration, it is necessary to have in our mind some
notions of the theories of Plotinus and his followers
as to the divine nature and the divine power and
attributes.
Plotinus (who lived from 204 to 269 A.D., and
studied and taught at Alexandria and later in Rome),
always considered himself a disciple of Plato, and
was probably hardly aware of the extent to which he
modified the teachings of his master and of the dif-
ference in tone which they acquired through his
elaborations and interpretations. The splendid Pla-
tonic myths hardened, in the hands of the Neo-
Platonists, into systems of dogma, whence weapons
were often produced for fighting against the doc-
trines of the Church. The writings of Plato which
Julians Religion and Philosophy. 1 83
they chiefly preferred were the most speculative,
such as the Timceus, and they dwelt most willingly
on the most obscure elements of his teaching. Thus,
unlike some followers of Plato, both of ancient and
modern times, who prefer to fix their eyes on
human life, set against a mysterious background of
divine and supersensual existence, and deriving all
its reality and all its nobleness from communication
of the divine energy, Plotinus turned his gaze from
earth to heaven, started from the conception of a
supreme Unity, identical with the supreme Good,
descended thence to the realms of pure Reason, of
Novs, comprehending within itself the Platonic Ideas,
the archetypes of all sensible things, and thence
down to the second emanation, Vvxrfy the animating
soul of the universe. The chief development which
the doctrine received, at the hands of Jamblichus, was
in the first place the removal of To f 'Ev one step
further from all human thought, the supposition of
a yet more exalted Unity, above that Unity, iden-
tical with the Good, which was regarded as the
parent of Nov$. Of this development, however, I
have not met any trace in the writings of Julian.
The second development in the Plotinic school, im-
portant in relation to the philosophy of Julian, is the
separation of NovS into two XOGJAOI (orders), the
vorjros and the roepot, the designations of which
have been not quite adequately translated as
the intelligible and the intellectual worlds. It
seemed to the Alexandrian philosophers that any
act, even the act of thinking, was unworthy of the
denizens of that highest ideal world, who possessed
1 84 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
merely passive attributes, who might be contem-
plated, but who performed no action save the crea-
tion or the generation of an order of intelligent
creatures, the voepoi. These beings, according to
the Neo-Platonic system, on the one hand, are ever
contemplating the archetypes of the KoffjJios ro^roV,
while on the other hand they create, according to
those archetypes, not directly the physical universe,
but the psychical, of which the physical is a faint
copy. Now to give unity to these conceptions of a
primordial divine existence, a world of archetypes,
another world of creative agencies, and yet another
of generative forces among phenomena, some medi-
ating spirit or agency is required, and this mediation
Julian finds in the being and functions of King He-
lios. He is a perfect manifestation of the Divine
Good, whence he has proceeded. He gives being,
unity, and beauty to the intelligible or archetypal
deities (vorjroi). He rules among the intelligent and
creative, whose power is derived from him. He gives
form to matter, bestowing at once knowledge and the
faculty of knowing, just as from the sun in the
heavens are derived both the faculty of vision and
the light by which we see. In short, being an
exact image of the superintellectual Idea of the
Good, the highest being of the intelligible order
and the archetype of the great source of light
and order in the sensible universe, he stands to
the creative intelligence in the relation held by
the Idea of the Good to the archetypal principles
of being and in that of the solar disc to the
creations of the universe of space. Most of the
Julians Religion anc( Philosophy. 1 8 5
gods known to the Greeks and the Egyptians may
be regarded as special energies or manifestations of
" Helios, the King of all," though, as Julian sugges-
tively remarks, in treating of a divine being we
cannot entirely separate nature from power or from
functions. It is because of the imperfection of hu-
man nature that man often wills to be that which he
is not, and fails to achieve that which he wills. With
the divine nature it is otherwise: "Whosoever he
willeth, that he w, that he can, that he doth" Yet
we who judge of things imperfectly and symbolically
may divide his power, identifying the creative force
with Zeus, the harmonising with Apollo, the life-
giving or healing with Asclepios, the distributive
with Dionysos, the generative and joy-inspiring with
Aphrodite, the soul-liberating with Hades or Sarapis.
Likewise Athene, who has sprung not, according to
the fable, from the head of Zeus, but from the whole
nature of Helios, derives from him her functions as
teacher of arts and of wisdom. By superintending the
mixtures of the four elements, the gods subordinate to
Helios create bodies and souls and give good gifts to
both. From the heavenly motions, men derive their
knowledge of mensuration and mathematics. From
the divine orders upheld by King Helios, Greeks and
Romans have derived their orderly systems of gov-
ernment and all their civilisation. The Romans
show their gratitude to Helios by worshipping him
under the names of Jupiter and Apollo, by rever-
encing as their founder's mother Aphrodite, who is
one of his manifested forces, by their care for the
sacred flame kept up by the Vestal Virgins, by mak-
1 86 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
ing the beginning of their year coincide with the
return of the sun from the south, and by keeping
the festival of Mithras, or Helios, immediately after
the Saturnalia.
From this slight sketch of a very obscure and
difficult treatise may be gleaned some notion of
Julian's use of Greek mythology and also of the
stronger and the weaker sides of philosophic sun-
worship. On the one hand, that worship afforded
sublime objects of contemplation ; it left the mind
free to recast the old myths so as to explain away
any ugliness and make them vehicles of sound in-
struction, it gave a meaning to life and a hope in
death. With one element in some of the oriental
systems Julian had no sympathy, the belief in
metempsychosis. He abhorred the doctrines of the
resurrection of the body and of successive rebirths of
the soul, and regarded it as one of the noblest func-
tions of Helios to deliver the soul after death from
all its bodily fetters. And this freedom from the
body was always associated in Julian's mind with the
conquest of all low and base desires, such a conquest
as might in the present life be attained by those who
endeavour to rise to a state of philosophic calm.
But here we see the weaker side of this religion.
Essentially and apart from strained interpretations
of its rites and customs, it was, if not immoral,
entirely non-moral in character. Not only was its
teaching dark and symbolic; all religions must deal
largely in symbolism, and any which embraces
various classes of votaries must, in its symbolic
teaching, convey different meanings to different
ASKLEPIOS AND TELESPHOROS.
Julians Religion and Philosophy. 187
types of mind. But in the cult of Mithras or of
Helios, there was, we may say, no moral substruc-
ture. What moral meaning it was subsequently
made to convey was an artificial addition due to
conscious adaptation by individual thinkers who had
no claim to represent a common tradition, no influ-
ence on the life and thought of the common people.
A religious enthusiast himself, Julian could not per-
ceive the horrible perversions which must arise
where religious enthusiasm is not tempered by re-
spect for the moral law. He felt no fear of familiar-
ising the people with the loathsome stories perpetu-
ated in some of the Mysteries, such as those of the
Great Mother. Nay, it even seemed to him a posi-
tive advantage that stories about the gods should be
strange and monstrous in character. Noble and
dignified representations of divine beings give, he
said, a lofty but still a purely human conception of
their character, while these grotesque myths lead
men to think of the mysterious and supernatural.
In dealing with the story of Cybele and Atys, both
of which deities are very closely associated with King
Helios, he guards against any acceptance of it in a
literal sense. Since the gods cannot go astray, Atys
has never fallen, but rightly interpreted the whole
story may be taken as an allegory of the relations be-
tween the Supreme Cause and the natural world, of
the duty of the soul to moderate its excessive desires
and to rise towards the Gods, while from each stage
in the ritual celebration, and in each rule of absti-
nence practised during the ceremonies, may be de-
rived some valuable rule for the guidance of life.
1 88 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
In the treatment of this and of some other myths,
Julian shows an eager desire to make the pagan
traditions of the Gods a vehicle of moral and reli-
gious instruction in rivalry to the teachings of
Christianity. The word used for the descent of Atys
from the upper world to organise and vivify the
world of matter (avyKardpaGts) is the very one
sometimes used by Christians to describe the incar-
nation of their Lord. Again, in his exposition of
the Labours of Heracles, 10 he represents him as a
divine but suffering and struggling son of man, over-
coming the resistance of the elements and of all
human woes, through the aid of Athene Pronoia and
of his father Zeus, who had brought him forth as a
deliverer to the world, and received him home with
thunder and lightnings. Julian goes on to contrast
Heracles, the hero apotheosised after his human life
with Dionysus, who has, if the myths are wisely ap-
prehended, no human side, but is to be identified
with certain creative powers of the Divine Intelli-
gence. He refers in another place " to Asclepios as
a divine messenger from Zeus and Helios, who as-
sumed a human form, walked on the earth, and
cured, both during his earthly course and subse-
quently by special inspiration, the diseases from
which men suffer in soul and body.
Thus the habit of meditating upon and of endeav-
ouring to analyse the Divine Power, manifested in
nature and in man, made it possible for Julian and
other Alexandrian philosophers to keep to a polythe-
istic mythology, while maintaining a monotheistic
position in their serious belief and in their most
HYQIEIA AND EROS.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
Julians Religion and Philosophy. 1 89
cherished religious practices. To Julian, polythe-
ism implied not merely an analysis of the divine
attributes. It also supplied a hypothesis for ac-
counting for different races of men and different
forms of civilisation. To this point we shall re-
turn in considering Julian's controversial writings
against the Christians. Here we may remark the
unfitness of Mithraicism or any similar system to be-
come in any sense a universal religion. It needed
a peairr}? as powerful as Helios himself, to bring
into harmony the minds of the rude soldiers, who
raised an altar to the Unconquered Sun, and of the
fiery fanatic who exhausted himself in the degrading
rites of Atys and Cybele, with the high aspirations
of the philosopher, who found in the conception of
Mithras a consistent and satisfactory account of
the origin of all things, and in the half-orientalised
mythology of the late Greek civilisation a source of
worthy motives which continually urged him for-
ward in the path of duty. The orgies which had
disgraced the reign of Elagabalus, that devoted
priest of a solar deity, might have shown how much
force the arguments on behalf of moral cleanliness
drawn from the veneration of the pure sunlight were
likely to exert on a fundamentally unclean mind.
It is possible that some survivals of the old Mi-
thraic worship still linger among us. The pine-tree,
once sacred to Atys, is in the form of the Christmas
trees still honoured with joyous rites on the day
once kept as the "birthday of the Unconquered
Sun/' although the honour paid to both may date
from far earlier days. Some writers are inclined to
190 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
see elsewhere influences of Mithraicism ** in Chris-
tian ritual. And whether or no this last effort of
pagan theosophy had aify permanent results on the
organisation of the Catholic Church, it has been
clearly shown that many Mithraic symbols and
modes of thought and worship are to be found
among the heretical bodies, especially the Gnostic
sects, of the half-Christianised provinces of the East.
But it is time to turn from this twilight of obscure
speculations and aspiring dreams, and to observe
how Julian contended, in words and deeds, against
those religious teachers whose impiety and barba-
rism, according to his judgment, forced him into
action both as a religious controversialist and as a
sacerdotal reformer.
Coin of Smyrna. Head of Cybele.
Notes on Chapter VIII. 191
NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII.
1 Besides Julian's own writings, especially Orations IV..V., and VII.,
and the authorities already referred to, among the books which throw
most light on this subject are Vacherot's cole d' Alexandne (espe-
cially the chapter entitled ' Successeurs de Plotine"), Jean ReVille's
La Religion a Rome sous les Se'veres, which contains a good account of
the Mithraic cult, and Maury's Religions de la Grece, vol. ni. ;
Ueberweg and the other historians of philosophy give, of course, an
outline of the Neo- Platonic system. Since writing most of the above
chapter I have read M. Adnen Naville's little treatise on Julien
V Aposlat et sa Philosophic du Paganisme^ which is interesting and
appreciative, but does not trace the connection between Julian's
doctrine and that of the other philosophers of his school. This
would, however, be an almost impossible task, seeing that so much
of the work of Jamblichus, Porphyry, and the rest is hopelessly lost.
For this reason, we cannot determine how much of Julian's thought
is original and how much is directly borrowed from others. But
where he borrowed, even, as he said he did, from Jamblichus in the
treatise on Helios, he probably did not merely copy without rearrange-
ment and adaptation to his special objects. For the influence of
classical education on the pagan reaction, I would refer to the inter-
esting work of M. Boissier La Fin du Paganisme.
8 Notably Apollonius of Tyana. See the curious life of this
oriental mystic by Philostratus.
3 There can be little doubt that the letters purporting to be from
Julian to Jamblichus are spurious. See Cumont, Sur V 'Authenticity de
quelques Lettres de Juhen, also Schwarz, De Vita et Scnptis Juliani
imperatons. According to one theory, these letters were written
by Julian to the younger Jamblichus (of Apamea), but their style
is against this supposition. For the two Jamblichi, see Brucker
Hist. Phil., vol. ii., pp. 268, 269. In the new collection of letters at-
tributed to Julian published by Papadopoulos in the Maurogord-
ateios Bibliotheke^ there is one (No. 4) which mentions both uncle
and nephew, and seems to say that the latter excelled in theosophy
as the former in philosophy. Probably the works of the two have
become hopelessly mixed. See pamphlet by F. Cumont just referred
to, p. 4, note 6.
4 De Iside et Osiride. Plutarch mentions a way of regarding
Mithras as mediator between Ormuzd and Ahriman. This idea may
1 9 2 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
be brought into harmony with Julian's if we take Ahriman to repre-
sent waiter and Ormuzd pure spirit.
OraYazata?
De Iside et Osiride.
T Origen Against Celsus, vi., 22. For Mithraic symbols, see C. W.
King, Early Gnostic Gems.
8 Contra Christianos^ 65.
9 Oration iv., 132, etc.
10 Oration vii., 219 et seq.
11 Contra Christianos, 200.
" Such as C. W. King.
A further interesting point in Julian's Oration in honour of the
Mother of the Gods is that the allusion in it to the mystic sacrifice of
unclean animals (CV. v., 176) has led to, or at least assisted, some
notable theories on the subject of sacrifices generally. See Robertson
Smith : Religion of the Semites % Lecture viii.,/. 272.
Coin of Julian and Helena. Heads of Serapis and Isis. Reverse, VOTA FUBLICA.
Isis with sistrum and vase.
CHAPTER IX.
JULIAN AS A RELIGIOUS REFORMER AND CON-
TROVERSIALIST.
JiSov ita6i jukv drQpooTtotS ev8cniioviar y ffiTdK<pcl\a.iovft
Tear Oecov yvQjtiiS l&n, notvirj dh r&'Poojuaiaov 6*77/10? /udfadra.
fiikv drtorpi-fiaCtQat rij$ dQsdrTjroS ri)r HtjXida.
JULIAN, Or. v., 180. (From concluding prayer to the Great Mother.)
" Great God ! I 'd rather be
A pagan, suckled in a creed outworn,
So might I, standing on this pleasant lea,
Have glimpses that would make me less forlorn ;
Have sight of Proteus rising from the sea ;
Or hear old Triton blow his wreathed horn."
WORDSWORTH.
, have insisted on the necessity for all
those who would attain some insight
into the mind and character of Julian
to study the positive and constructive
elements in his religious philosophy
and governmental policy, before ap-
proaching the negative and destructive
parts of his work. But in practice, this course is not
s 193
1 94 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
always easy to pursue. True, we can, as a rule, sep-
arate his controversial from his didactic or devotional
treatises, and distinguish the prohibitory from the
regulative orders which he issued on religious affairs.
Even here, however, we are not free from apparent
interpolations and ill-fitting adjustments in the text,
and from the difficulty of deciding how much, in
satirical or rhetorical sketches, is meant to be taken
literally. And on a nearer view, there appears a con-
servative tendency in what is most destructive, while
in the defence of the old, so much seems to have
been borrowed from the new, that the product has
the effect of a grotesque patchwork. Julian was too
wise to think that he could by a series of enactments
make men cease to feel those religious needs which
they sought to satisfy in the ways he did not favour.
Nay, he was himself in sympathy with those very
tendencies towards spirituality in religion and a
broader humanity in ethics which were both cause
and effect of the rapid spread of Christian doctrine
arid institutions. Accordingly, he endeavoured con-
sciously and of set purpose, to engraft on the old
pagan system all that in the new teaching which
most powerfully appealed to the better instincts of
man. No doubt it seemed to him that in so doing
he was only developing the hidden and neglected
meaning of the old poets and sages. And certainly
there is much in Homer, not to mention the more
didactic writers, which can bear interpretation in a
rationalist and moralist sense. Even in our days, a
Christian scholar has found in Helen of Troy some
features of the Magdalene, and in Apollo and Athene
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 195
types of the Divine Word. And without soaring so
high, we may gather from the Homeric poems both
examples of heroic virtue and intimations of the ulti-
mate triumph of the better cause. If such moral in-
struction is only to be obtained by neglecting other
phases of Homeric life and thought which would
tend in a contrary direction, we must remember that
Julian's eye was less capable than ours of judging
works in all their relations, and indeed perhaps few
eyes can judge in an impartial and critical spirit any
books which it regards as peculiarly sacred. Sim-
ilarly, no society, and no man deeply imbued with
the religious ideas of his society, can judge quite
fairly the character and the tendency of the docu-
ments and observances of any religion which is re-
garded as a dangerous rival. To Julian, all the
professions and even the practice of active philan-
thropy on the part of Christians savoured of im-
posture and charlatanry. Nowhere does he show
less practical sense, yet nowhere does the great aim
of his life more clearly appear than in his laudable
efforts to raise the paganism of his day to a moralis-
ing and spiritually elevating power in the world. His
aims and methods appear throughout his correspond-
ence and his various writings, but are most clearly
set forth in four letters of injunction and exhortation
to different officials in the hierarchical system. We
purpose therefore to give here a brief sketch of these
most interesting documents.
One of them ' is to a lady named Callixena, who
seems to have kept staunchly to her functions as a
priestess of Demeter all through the time of Chris-
196 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
tian domination. In a style of graceful compliment,
Julian asserts the superiority of the faithful priest-
esses to Penelope, whose virtues like theirs bore well
the test of time. For piety is an even higher virtue
than conjugal fidelity, and again the trial of the
priestesses had been twice as long as that of Pe-
nelope. In recognition of her merit, Callixena is to
receive, in addition to her previous office, that of
priestess to the Mother of the Gods at Pessinus.
More important as elucidating all Julian's ideas
and plans is a very important fragment 8 addressed
to some unknown priest in a high and responsible
position. At the point where the extant portion of
this letter begins, Julian is in one of those digressions
common in his longer letters, and in his treatises,
which has led him astray from his main subject the
duties and privileges of the priesthood. He is in-
veighing against the life of solitary asceticism which
he holds to be contrary to the social nature of man.
Returning to his subject, he remarks that as civil
rulers have to see that the laws of the State are
obeyed, it belongs to those who have authority over
priests 8 to cause them to follow the laws of the
Gods. The first necessary qualification in a priest is
philanthropy. The Gods love those men who love
their fellows. Their love is to be shown in divers
ways, it may be even in chastisements. In nature
it is like the love of the Gods to men, which love
has bestowed all the gifts by which man is superior
to the beasts, gifts far richer, and less directly be-
stowed than the " coats of skin/' with which, accord-
ing to the Jewish story, the Creator clothed Adam
Julian as a Religious Reformer.
and Eve. Men selfishly appropriate these gifts, and
cause the poor to blaspheme the Gods. They even
ask for more, and if a shower of gold were to fall,
they would try to keep it each for himself. Yet
if they distributed to the poor, they would not
become losers thereby. Julian bears witness that
he has never had cause to repent an act of generosity.
It was just after relieving some poor people from his
scanty means that he recovered the inheritance of
his grandmother. We should give more liberally to
the good, yet relieve even the bad and our personal
enemies, according to their wants, in virtue of their
humanity. Prisoners should be treated kindly, es-
pecially seeing that they are often innocent. The
names by which the Gods are known should be suf-
ficient to inculcate this duty. How can a man less
kindly and hospitable than the Scyths dare to ap-
proach the temple of Zeus Xenius or of Zeus
Hetaerius? And how inconsistent it is to worship
family deities and neglect the fact that all men are
of one family ! For this truth stands whether all
men are descended from a single pair or whether, as
Julian himself believes, men are of divers origins and
fashioned by many divinities, but inspired by Zeus
with a common life.
Starting them from the performance of their duty
towards their brother men, priests should add to
their philanthropy piety and purity. The presence
of the Gods must by them be ever clearly realised.
The images of the Gods should be reverenced, not
with idolatrous regard, but as symbols conceded to
our fleshly nature, one degree removed from those
198 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
visible manifestations of the Gods which we see in
the starry heavens. We may not excuse ourselves
from serving the Gods by saying that they do not
need our services ; neither do they need our praises,
which nevertheless we are bound to render, accord-
ing to immemorial custom. Veneration for the
images of the Gods is not more idolatrous than is
the affection of a child for the portraits of his
parents. One argument used in disparagement of
such images is that they are perishable. But if they
were not, they would not be the work of man at all.
It is sometimes permitted by the Gods that even
great and good men, those worthier images of God,
may be destroyed by evil men, although the Gods
ever watch over the good. But the divine vengeance
overtakes murderers ultimately, not always immedi-
ately ; and so it is with profaners of temples and
images. A proof that even sacred things are subject
to irretrievable decay is shown in the failure of
Julian's late attempt (made in all reverence and
sincerity) to restore the Jewish Temple. For Julian
reverences the God of the Jews, though he despises
that race for their want of culture and for their
indistinct ravings, so different from the poetry of
the Greeks.
Everything to do with the divine service should
be respected, and the persons of the priests held
in honour, as was that of Chryses by the host of
Agamemnon.
Julian now returns to the subject from which,
with his usual tendency to fly off at a tangent, he had
wandered, and resumes the consideration of the
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 199
duties of priests. He guards, however, against the
idea that the reverence due to a priest should depend
on his moral character. So long as he performs his
functions, he should be respected by virtue of his
office. If he is an evil-doer, he should be convicted
and degraded, but while he is a priest at all, those
who despise him incur the wrath of the Gods, as
certain oracular verses plainly teach.
To return then : What should the character of the
priest be? The immediate recipient of this letter
needs no admonitions, but it may be useful for him
to feel the support of Julian's authority as Pontifex
Maximus, in his endeavours to maintain discipline
among his subordinates. Speaking as a priest to
priests, Julian says that he feels unworthy of his
office, but he trusts in the Gods, who, even during the
life of the body, are able to bring order out of dis-
order, and yet are more certain to fulfil the hopes of
the soul after death. These hopes should enable
priests to stand towards the people as sureties on
their behalf with the Gods, and as examples of
virtuous living. As was said before, piety, a con-
stant recognition of the invisible presence of the
Gods, should be found in every priest. Hexameters
attributed to Apollo are quoted as showing that
the eye of the God penetrates both Olympus
and Tartarus, and rejoices in the good deeds of
pious men. Surely if the Gods can see through
stones and rocks, they can see into our souls, which
they are able to deliver from the realms of the dead.
This piety involves purity, in thought, word, and
deed. No coarse jesting, no reading of impure
2OO Jidian, Philosopher and Emperor.
poems, can ever be permitted to those of the priestly
order. They should study Plato, Zeno, and other
philosophers who have taught the existence and the
providence of the Gods. Mythological tales, whether
of Greek or Hebrew origin, which represent the Gods
as envying, fighting, or otherwise acting unworthily
of the divine nature, are to be shunned. Histories
should be read, but not fictitious love stories. Nor
may priests read sceptical works like those of Epi-
curus and Pyrrho, which, however, have (thank*
Heaven !) mostly disappeared. For the guarding of
the thoughts from evil is even more important than
that of the tongue. Hymns in honour of the Gods
should be learned, both such as have been composed
by the Gods themselves, and such as men have writ-
ten under their inspiration. Three times, or at
least twice a day, the priest should pray and offer
sacrifices.
As, however, priests are after all men in the flesh,
the nature of their service must depend partly on
circumstances. When not on actual duty, the priest
should purify himself night and morning. He must
dwell in the temple the prescribed number of days
(in Rome thirty), and during that time he must give
himself to meditation, and not go to his own home
nor to the market-place. After he has given over
his charge to another, he must still regulate his life
carefully. He may only frequent the society of
worthy people. He may occasionally go to the
market-place, and may hold intercourse with the
magistrates, and he must administer relief to the
poor. When officiating, let the priests wear splen-
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 201
did vestments, but in private life they should dress
as ordinary men, and imitate the modesty of Amphi-
araus, which, as ^Eschylus relates, won the favour of
the Gods. Common use of priestly garments brings
them into dishonour.
Priests should not go to the theatres, though if
the stage could be purified, the case would be other-
wise. But such purification, though a noble work,
seems impracticable. The company of dancers and
actors is to be avoided, as well as wild-beast combats
and all spectacles and contests, except those of a dis-
tinctly sacred character, at which the presence of
women is prohibited, 8 both on the stage and in the
audience.
Passing on to the mode of selecting candidates
for the priestly office, Julian lays down the principle
that men should be chosen according to their merit,
and especially their reputation for piety and active
benevolence, not for birth or wealth. They should
be such as guide their own households in ways of
piety, and are also eager to relieve the poor. It is
the neglect of the poor by the priesthood that has
incited the wretched Galilaeans to simulate philan-
thropy, as kidnappers decoy children with sweet-
meats. In the midst of a bitter invective against
the Christian love-feasts, the fragment suddenly
ends.
It seemed desirable to paraphrase this document
at some length, in spite of its fragmentary character
and the many imperfections of the text, because it
contains several points very characteristic of Julian's
mode of thought and schemes of action. It is an
2O2 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
example of the rambling style in which he generally
wrote, constantly pulling himself up after wide di-
gressions suggested by a passing thought, especially
by some allusion to the habits of Jews or of Chris-
tians. There is a striking approximation to the
Christian standard of morals, especially in the incul-
cation of active benevolence and of kindness to ene-
mies, and in the insistence on purity, in thought,
word, and deed. Other interesting points are his
justification of Hellenic paganism from the charge
of idolatry ; his mention of the attempt (which we
shall consider later on) to restore the temple at
Jerusalem ; his separation, in thought, of the person
from the office of priest ; his remarkable anticipa-
tion, in the part relating to the choice of religious
officers, of the democratic tendency of the Catholic
Church ; and, chief of all, his attempt to derive from
the heathen poets and the popular beliefs the same
kind of incitement to good works that the Christians
found in their Scriptures, combined with the reluc-
tant admission that such motives had not been very
successfully applied, and that the hated Galilaeans
bore at least the semblance of active philanthropists.
The same principles as to priestly duties and a yet
more strongly marked disappointment as to what
had thus far been accomplished, in comparison with
the works of the Galilaeans, are to be found in a let-
ter addressed by Julian to Arsacius, high-priest in
Galatia, 4 as well as in a very imperfect fragment to
Theodorus,* who seems to have held priestly au-
thority in the province of Asia. Arsacius is ordered
to enforce discipline among the Galatian priests, and
as a Religious Reformer. 203
to insist that they with their wives and families
frequent regularly the religious services. He is also
to see to the maintenance of inns for strangers,
for which purpose the Emperor has made special
provision.
All people are to be exhorted to kindliness and
hospitality by the example of Eumaeus in the
Odyssey. The priests are not to flatter the civil
magistrates with unbecoming servility.
The fourth letter* of Julian which we shall cite is
addressed to some person, probably in a priestly
office, who had been guilty of an assault on a priest.
Julian points out the heinous character of the offence,
which is not to be excused by any alleged misconduct
on the part of the priest who has received the blow.
Whatever his actions, his sacred character ought to
have protected him. In virtue of his own sacerdotal
authority, both as Pontifex Maximus and as custo-
dian that year of the Didymaean oracle, Julian pro-
hibits the offender from undertaking any service
about the temple for three months. At the end of
that tinK, if the high-priest gives a satisfactory
report of him, the oracle shall be consulted with a
view to his restoration. But Julian forbears to curse
him, as he disapproves of such a practice, and would
rather pray, and exhort him to pray, that his sin may
be forgiven.
In all of these letters, we see Julian acting in a
priestly capacity, using, for the purposes of religious
discipline and reform, those offices which had of old
been attached to the Imperial dignity, but not always
regarded as an important branch of the Emperor's
2O4 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
prerogative, and still less as conveying a far-reaching
spiritual authority. It is natural to suppose that the
active part taken by Constantius and his sons in
assembling church councils and trying to settle
ecclesiastical disputes, may have prepared men for
the exercise of a similar power on behalf of the
ancient institutions and cults. Before we pass on to
see the nature of the efforts made by Julian as liter-
ary controversialist and as supreme lawgiver, to win
men from Christianity to Paganism and to edify
pagans in their faith, we may compare with the tone
of these letters the general indication of his intentions
which caused great alarm among some Christians.
The invectives of Gregory Nazianzen are not unex-
ceptionable authority for Julian's motives and actions,
but he had some real ground to go upon when he
denounced the Emperor's projected reforms. For,
as we have seen, one of Julian's chief ideas was to
bring about an alliance between a pure and en-
lightened morality and a devotion to the worship of
the Hellenic deities, by infusing into Hellenic edu-
cation an element of religious instruction, based on
the old mythology and literature and designed to
train the character and the affections of men up to
the purest Hellenic ideal.
Gregory says : 7
" He [Julian] also, having the same design [as
that of Sennacherib], was intending to establish
schools in every town, with pulpits and higher and
lower rows of benches, for lectures and expositions
of the heathen doctrines, both of such as give rules
of morality and those that treat of abstruse subjects,
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 205
also a form of prayer alternately pronounced, and
penance for those that sinned proportionate to the
offence, initiation also and completion, and other
things that evidently belong to our [the Catholic]
constitution. He was purposing also to build inns
and hospices for pilgrims, monasteries for men, con-
vents for virgins, places for meditation, to establish
a system of charity for the relief of prisoners, and
also that which is conducted by means of letters of
recommendation, by which we forward such as re-
quire it from one nation to another, things which
he had specially admired in our institutions." There
may be some exaggeration in this statement, but in
the main it is probably correct.
We pass on to consider the controversy in which
Julian engaged against the doctrine, discipline, and
worship, of the Christian Church. This portion of
his work has not the unique interest of that which
we have considered or of that which will concern
us hereafter. Destructive criticism does not require
great originality of mind or strength of character,
whereas the reconstruction of an ancient system in
rivalry to an encroaching new one demands the
powers of a philosopher and of a statesman in one.
Arguments seldom make converts, and even in their
historical aspect they interest us rather in showing
what men regarded as the chief bases of their faith
than as indicating the ground on which that faith
actually rested. It is important for us, however, to
observe the nature of the charges brought by Julian
against Christianity, since they both illustrate the
kinds of proof to which the Helleno-Roman world
206 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
(here very unlike our own) would submit a religious
system, and also help us to understand the attitude
taken up in these matters by Julian himself.
A question here meets us to which it is difficult to
give a satisfactory answer: How far were Julian's
arguments against Christianity original and how far
were they derived from previous writers ? The chief
reason why we cannot arrive at any degree of cer-
tainty on this point is that very little of the ancient
controversial writings against Christianity has escaped
the hands of pious opponents who thought, perhaps
rightly, that their best refutation was to be found in
the " ordeal by fire." The arguments of the philoso-
pher Celsus have been preserved for us in the replies
of Origen. Occasionally they run along the same
lines as Julian's, but the resemblances are merely
such as one would expect to find between the rea-
sonings of two Hellenes against the new faith. It
does not seem probable that Julian studied Celsus.
If, as Origen says, that philosopher was an Epicurean,
Julian would not have felt much respect for his au-
thority. He is much more likely to have read the
works of Porphyry, no longer extant. But even if
he borrowed from them, it is not probable that he
did so to any large extent. He was no doubt far
better acquainted with the Christian Scriptures and
Christian usages than Porphyry was. But whether
borrowed or original, these arguments represent his
own convictions. We see clearly in them, what we
have observed already, that Julian's main quarrel
with Christianity was simply that it was non-Hellenic,
that it was a barbaric religion which, unlike a
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 207
national cult like that of the Jews or of the Egyp-
tians, aspired to universality, and that, in spite of
any compromise that might be made between luke-
warm Christians on the one hand and half-educated
Greeks on the other, the two systems of thought and
life could not long exist side by side without one of
them either secretly undermining or else absorbing
the other.
Julian's work against the Christians was probably
written 8 during the winter 362-3 A.D. According to
Jerome there were seven books, but Cyril, who exam-
ined and confuted them, only mentions three. Of
these the second was probably occupied with the
Gospels and the third with the other books of the
New Testament. The first is more general in its
scope, and is devoted to an examination and com-
parison of Hellenic, Jewish, and Christian theology.
It has been restored almost entire from the quota-
tions of Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, who wrote about
432, and has been examined and published in an
excellent edition by Dr. Neumann. The general
drift is clear enough, though of course we cannot be
sure that we have all the thoughts and reasonings in
the order and fashion in which they first appeared,
and we have probably lost a good many connecting
links.
In approaching Julian's objections to Jewish and
Christian doctrine, we must not expect to find a
similar idea of doctrinal proof to that which prevails
in our own age. The modern mind has generally
become sceptical by steeping itself in the methods of
the inductive sciences, till it has come to demand,
208 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
for every theory whether of sensible or supersensuous
things, an absolutely verifiable basis of fact. Many
of the modern difficulties with which Christianity has
to contend are altogether out of harmony with the
spirit of Julian. The miracles, for example, recorded
in the Old and New Testaments, are so far from pre-
senting to his mind a stumbling-block to faith that
he speaks scornfully of the small number and unim-
portant character of the mighty works attributed to
Christ. But here, perhaps, we may draw a distinc-
tion. Where he is dealing with things that are said
actually to have happened, or to be about to happen,
in the material world, and which are amenable to
the evidence of the senses, Julian argues very much
after the fashion of a modern sceptic. Thus in treat-
ing of the story of the Tower of Babel, he naively
remarks that if all the earth were made into bricks,
it would not furnish material sufficient for a tower
reaching only to the orbit of the moon. Again, he
asks, fromwhat source St. Luke could have derived
his information as to the angel strengthening Christ
in the garden, since the only possible witnesses were
asleep. He complains of the want of agreement be-
tween the pedigree given by St. Matthew and that
in St. Luke, and of the confusions and contradictions
in the narratives of the resurrection of Christ. In
one passage, too, probably referring to the resurrec-
tion of the saints at the Second Advent, 9 he remarks
that not to distinguish, in forecasting the future, be-
tween the possible and the impossible, marks the
very summit of human folly.
But in judging of all such matters of religious
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 209
belief as lie beyond the regions of observation and
experiment, past, present, or future, the proofs which
Julian demands are of another character. In his
eyes any abtruse religious doctrine handed down by
tradition or thought out by a great and original
mind is worthy to be received if it be sufficient to
acccount for known facts, and if it harmonises with
our innate ideas of the character of God and the
duty of man.
Thus in combating the Jewish account of the
creation of the world, Julian does not ask for evi-
dence or appeal to physical probabilities, but tries to
show that the story is inconsistent with itself, that it
is insufficient to account for the facts, and that it
presents unworthy notions as to the character of the
Deity. In Genesis, he says, we have nothing stated
about the creation of angels, and certain things " the
waters/' " the darkness/' and " the deep " are left
wholly unaccounted for as to origin. Again, the
Creator is said to have made some things and simply
to have commanded others to be. And how could
an omniscient being have framed woman to be a
help-meet for man, knowing all the while that she
would be the cause of his fall from Paradise ? Still
more serious are the two objections to the story of
the first disobedience ; the notion that God would
withhold from man so excellent a gift as the knowl-
edge of good and evil, and the malignant jealousy
supposed in the exclusion of Adam and Eve from
the Tree of Life. Julian gives no rival theory of the
origin of evil. He seems, from some passage in his
works, to regard it as an imperfection due to the
2 io Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
connection of soul and body, but the absence of
belief in an active power of evil is one of the causes
or signs of his inability to apprehend thoroughly
either the Jewish or the Christian religion. In the
Jewish story of the confusion of tongues, again, be-
sides criticising, as we have seen, the possibility of
building a sky-reaching tower, Julian objects to the
narrow view that must needs account somehow for
differences of speech among nations, but sees no
need to explain the origin of far deeper distinctions
in customs and character. And even if the Babel
story be 'accepted, it is insufficient to account for
the facts. Natural distinctions are not to be attrib-
uted to an arbitrary fiat, but the commands of God
must always be in accordance with the essential
nature of things.
For these reasons Julian greatly prefers, as a reli-
gious explanation of the origin of man and the
world, and of the differences among men and
nations, the splendid myth in the Tim&us, where the
Demiurgus is represented as delegating to the inferior
and derivative deities, the creation of the various
orders of living beings, to which, within certain limits,
the divine element or the rational soul is to be dis-
tributed. This myth both affords a theory of the dif-
ferences existing among various orders of life and
various races of men, and also shows more clearly than
the Jewish story the universal beneficence of the Cre-
ator. The point in Jewish theology which most deeply
stirs Julian's ire is its exclusiveness, and that in two
ways : the siipreme God is represented as jealously
refusing to share His glory with the inferior deities,
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 211
whom from the use of the plural number (in Gen.
xi., 7, and other passages) the Jews must have sup-
posed to exist ; and again, He is supposed to have
squandered all His favours on one little race in one
corner of the world, to the neglect of the rest of
mankind. " I, the Lord thy God, am a jealous
God/' What more unworthy notion of the Almighty
could be formed than this ? Jealousy is a hateful
passion in man ; is it not blasphemous to attribute it
to God ? And has not Divine Providence bestowed
on Greeks, Egyptians, Babylonians, as good gifts as
those possessed by the Hebrews? Arts, sciences,
politics, all those elements of Greek life and culture
which the devout mind associated each with the
idea of a particular divinity ; were they not a stand-
ing protest against all Hellenes who abandoned the
faith of their fathers for the worship of an arbitrary
and capricious tyrant and of a dead Jew?
Against the Christians, in addition to the objections
urged to those points of theology held by them in
common with the Jews, Julian asserted that in their
interpretation of prophecy and in their elevation of
Jesus to the rank of a divinity, they were taking un-
warrantable liberties both with the Hebrew Scriptures
and with the Gospel narrative. The " Prophet like
unto Moses " (of. Deut. xviii., 15), the " Shiloh " (of
Gen. xlix., 10), the " Star out of Jacob " foretold by
Balaam (Numbers xxiv., 17), the " Virgin-born " (of
Isaiah vii., 14) are not to be identified with Jesus,
and, even if they were, they would not prove his
divinity. This doctrine is entirely contrary to the
Mosaic insistence on the unity of the Godhead. He
2 1 2 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
refers also to the passage in which Israel, not Christ,
is called the first-born of God (Ex. iv., 22). It is St.
John, he says, who first asserts the divinity of Christ,
and even he does it in such ambiguous language that
we cannot tell whether he entirely identifies the
Word of God with the man Jesus. The doctrine
of the hoyos was by no means strange to Julian's
theology, but the conception of the " Word made
flesh " was to him a gross absurdity. He pre-
ferred, as we have seen, to regard as the perfect
image and the manifested power of the Changeless
One, the life-giving and ever-active Helios, 10 whose
functions in the world of ideas and among the sub-
altern gods correspond to those of the revolving sun
in the natural universe.
If we proceed next to Julian's views as to Chris-
tian practical morality, we find here, as in the theo-
retical portion of his work, some strictures directed
against what is common to the Christian and the
Jew, others against what is peculiar to Christians.
He regards the Decalogue as unworthy of the high
estimation in which it has been held. With the ex-
ception of the commands not to worship strange
gods and to keep the Sabbath, it contains, he says,
no elements which are not to be found in the codes
of all peoples, and the exhortation against polythe-
ism is enforced by the assertion of the doctrine, so
hateful to Julian, of the jealousy and revengefulness
of God. For the rest, the laws of the Jews are far
inferior in justice and gentleness to those of Lycur-
gus, of Solon, or of the Romans. Indeed, the Jew-
ish stories of vengeance taken, or allowed to be
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 213
taken, on innocent and guilty alike (especially the
story of Phineas and the Israelites in Num., xxv.),
tend to confuse all notions of calm and deliberate
justice.
But to the Jewish law, whatsoever it may be
worth, the Christians have not kept faithful, in spite
of the saying of their Founder that he came " not
to destroy but to fulfil." They have rejected the
mild institutions and customs of the Greeks, but
they have only learned to combine Jewish presump-
tion with Gentile impurity. With a strange unfair-
ness, Julian tries to prove the loose lives of Chris-
tians by citing St. Paul's description of what some
of the Corinthians were before their conversion
(i Cor., vi.), and when he comes to the words
(v. 1 1), " but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified,"
he asks, contemptuously, how such washing can
have been effected by the rite of baptism, which is
unable to cure the diseases of the body, and surely
incapable of reaching the soul. This protest must
be taken in connection with the fact that, as we
have seen, in Julian's day, baptism was often de-
layed till the last illness, in order that with the pros-
pect of purification before death, the catechumen
might feel no fear of free living. Julian's indigna-
tion at this pernicious idea is very strongly expressed
in a passage at the end of his satire, The Ccesars
(of which we shall say something later on), where
he represents Jesus as standing and crying in words
which are a parody on Matt, xi., 28 : " Come unto
me, all ye that are corrupters, bloodstained, impure,
and shameless, and I with this water will make you
2 1 4 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
clean. And if ye again become subject to the same
ills, I will grant unto him that beateth upon his
breast and striketh his head that he shall be
purified."
This passage shows, perhaps, more clearly than
any other how far Julian was from recognising in
the Gospels any power to reclaim from evil or stim-
ulate to good. He believed, as we have seen, in the
possibility of repentance and amendment, even in
the case of great offenders, but in the Christian
Scriptures he saw nothing which could by any pos-
sibility make any man better. If in one or two pas-
sages he quotes the authority of Christ against his
professed followers, it is merely an argumentum ad
hoc, and does not show that personally he felt any
respect for that authority. When, for instance, he
upbraids the Christians for their quarrels among
themselves, and says that neither Jesus nor Paul left
any rules for persecution, he hastens to explain that
fact by declaring that when Christianity was first
set on foot, its promoters had no notion that it
would ever spread much beyond the miserable little
set of fanatics who had first received it. It is not
surprising, therefore, that Julian could see nothing
but simulation in the apparent virtues of the Chris-
tians around him, and that he was but too ready to
believe in all the vices attributed to them by their
adversaries.
It is in matters connected with religious worship
that Julian has the least fault to find with the Jews
and the most with the Christians. In all such mat-
ters, he always shows himself strongly conservative,
Julian as a Religious Reformer. 2 1 5
and though he is willing to acknowledge the essen-
tial identity of the spiritual beings venerated in
widely different places and in very diverse forms, he
would yet have each nation keep to its peculiar tra-
ditional observances. He admires the fidelity with
which the Hebrew law and ritual have been main-
tained. He tries to find traces of augury and astrol-
ogy in the history of Abraham, and acknowledges
himself as a worshipper of the God of Abraham, of
Isaac, and of Jacob. But the Galilaeans have re-
jected all the Jewish ritual, and accepted from the
Gentiles one thing at least : the license to eat what
they will and never to fear defilement. They refuse
to sacrifice and to venerate the images of the gods,
either those made by man, or those shining upon us
from the everlasting heavens. They do not practise
circumcision, saying that " circumcision is of the
heart," as if, forsooth, they were really separated
from other men by superior virtue ! Yet by what
authority was the Jewish law ever annulled for the
followers of the Jews? What right had Paul, that
supreme charlatan, ever hovering between a Jewish
and a universal interpretation of his doctrines, to
declare that " Christ is the end of the law " ? But
the Galilaeans depart most decisively from both
Hebrew and Hellenic modes of worship in their
degrading reverence for the tombs of martyrs and
for dead men's bones. Christ himself spoke of
sepulchres with manifest aversion, and bade the
dead bury their dead, and Isaiah prophesied against
those who " sleep in the graves and in the tombs
that they may dream dreams " (Is., Ixv., 4. Sept.).
2 1 6 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
And, again, the worship of Christ seems to him
directly contrary to Jewish monotheism.
It will be readily acknowledged that though these
controversial writings are not destitute of suggestive
thoughts and instructive side-lights, yet in them J ulian
is not seen at his best, perhaps, indeed, theologians
seldom are so seen in their most combative efforts.
Yet on behalf of the history of religious thought, we
cannot regret that they were written and have been
in some measure preserved. For Julian affords a
conspicuous illustration of the fact, not easily grasped
and borne in mind, that it is possible for a man of
devout spirit, subtle mind, and strong love of truth
and justice, to fall far short of comprehending the
most essential characteristics of a religion in the
documents and institutions of which he has been
carefully instructed. The question as to what quali-
ties of heart and head are further requisite for such
comprehension lies, of course, very far beyond the
scope of our present investigations.
Coin of Helena. Head of Isis Pharia. Reverse, VOTA
PVBLICA Isis Pharia on a galley, holding a sail.
Notes on Chapter IX. 217
NOTES ON CHAPTER IX.
1 Ep, 21, Spanheim, 388-9.
9 Sp. 288-305.
* This seems to me the natural meaning. Talbot renders it differ-
ently.
4 Ep. 49.
6 Ep. 63.
6 Ep. 62.
7 First Invective, c., in, C. W. King's translation.
8 See introduction to the valuable edition by Neumann. These
writings are not to be found in Hertlem, and are not treated of by
Mttcke. The earlier attempts to piece the fragments together were
not quite satisfactory.
9 Fragment from Suidas referred by Neumann to this connection.
10 Besides Contra Chris, and Oration in Honour of King Helios,
see Letter to the Alexandrians.
Coin of Smyrna. Imperial Times. Cybele in her chariot, drawn by lions.
CHAPTER X.
JULIAN'S POLICY AGAINST THE CHRISTIANS.
o /no. rovS 0ot) ovre XTEirstiQai rov$ Pa\t\aiov$ ovre
itcxpd TO SIKCCIOV ovre a/l/lo n Tfdd^ety KCXKOV
, xportjuaGBai juerroi TOV$ QeodefieiS nal itavv (prjjul
JULIAN, Ep. vii.
detr."
" In dealing with religious sectaries there is no middle course be-
tween the persecution which exterminates and the toleration which
satisfies." HENRY HALLAM.
2T seemed desirable to make some
study of Julian's religious princi-
ples and ideals, his aspirations and
the motives of his efforts in work-
ing for himself and for his subjects,
before attempting to understand the
legislative and administrative meas-
ures which he used to effect the ends set before
him. It is chiefly through these measures that he
has been held up to the obloquy of all ages, as it
218
Julian's Policy against the Christians. 219
was by them that he incurred the violent hatred of
his opponents and unfavourable criticism from some
who were otherwise favourable judges of his conduct.
Rhetoricians have delighted to point out the incon-
sistency of a profession of calm and philosophic im-
partiality with a practice of religious exclusiveness in
bestowal of trust and privileges, and of an insidious
proselytism accompanied by something very like
persecution, in the army and in the State. Sober
men of ancient and of modern times have regretted
that Julian did not maintain the attitude of strict
neutrality which would, they consider, have best be-
come him. Yet if we realise the man and his en-
vironment, the inconsistencies seem to explain
themselves, and the strictures, if not wholly unde-
served, to need modification and allowance. Re-
ligious toleration, as we understand it now-a-days,
must rest on one or other of two bases : on the opin-
ion that differences in religious feelings and beliefs
are of subordinate importance in the life of individ-
uals and of societies ; or on the experience, which
men in office are ever slow to acquire, that the put-
ting down of error and the establishment of truth
had better be left to other powers than those which
hold supreme authority in the state. The former
ground might be taken by some thinkers and by
some politicians in Julian's day. We have seen that
it was eloquently set forth, in the cause of humanity,
by the philosopher Themistius, and it even finds
expression in the earlier edicts of Constantine, who,
though not quite indifferent himself, yet preferred
that aid should be invoked on his behalf from rival
22O Julian, Philospher and Emperor.
heavenly powers rather than that a portion of his
subjects should cease to pray for him at all. But, as
has been already shown, to maintain the position of
strict neutrality was found impossible by Constan-
tine himself and by his sons after him. What we have
learned of the mind and character of Julian is suffi-
cient to convince us how utterly removed were his
thoughts and feelings from everything that savoured
of indifference or of an equal regard or non-regard
to all religious forms. To him the one thing worth
having in life was the consciousness of a close
relation to the Divinity. This relation might, of
course, be realised in divers forms, but the " Gali-
laean superstition " tended to obscure it altogether,
to give men unworthy thoughts of the Divine, and
to cause an ungrateful neglect of all the manifesta-
tions of a heavenly presence and power throughout
the past life of the Hellenic and Roman peoples.
Julian considered, as Libanius says, that " were he
to make all men richer than Midas, every city greater
than Babylon of old, and overlay with gold the walls
of each city, yet should reform none of their errors
in religion, he would be acting like a physician who,
having taken charge of a person full of maladies in
every part of his body, should doctor everything
except the eyes." 1
Nor was it possible for Julian to accept the second
basis of religious equality : the strict limitation, in
matters spiritual, of any authority that can effec-
tively be asserted by the civil power. He saw, to
his credit be it said, that a policy of persecution is
worse than useless ; that (to quote again the words
Juliaris Policy against the Christians. 221
of Libanius) " a false belief in matters of religion
you cannot eradicate by cutting and burning ; but
even though the hand burns incense, the conscience
blames and accuses the weakness of the body and
holds to the same things as at first." Yet this be-
lief did not hinder him from using the vantage-
ground of his Imperial position to counteract the
influence and the teaching which he regarded as per-
nicious. It is a trite saying that autocrats do not
easily recognise the bounds which must always exist
to their absolute power. And when we consider
the exalted position of a Roman Emperor, summing
up in his person the authority of all the ancient
magistrates, and of the sovereign people as well ;
the one head of the civilised world, dispensing mercy
and justice to all men, fighting and caring for them
in life, and worshipped by them after death, we re-
alise how the only check to his authority that such
a potentate could readily conceive would be one of
those revolutions that so frequently brought an end
to authority, title, and life at the same moment.
Julian, with his Greek conceptions of political pow-
ers and relations, recognised the supremacy of law
as above the individual will of the ruler, and re-
garded the sovereign as bound to guard and rever-
ence the constitution of the State. Yet finding
himself in possession of the helm of the common-
wealth, with practically unlimited powers in legisla-
tion, administration, foreign politics, and appoint-
ment of officials, and accepting these powers as
instruments given to him from Heaven, to effect
a radical reform in morals and religion, he was not
222 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
likely to minimise his functions. His high ideal of
the kingly office is shown not only in the sentiments
attributed to him by Libanius, but in his own wri-
tings, especially in The Casars, the Epistle to The-
mistius, and the Second Oration in Praise of Const an-
tius. He likes to dwell on the Homeric idea of
kings as " shepherds of the people," and the office
of a shepherd does not leave much scope for laisser-
faire. Nor was it probable that the more zealous
among the Neo-Platonic philosophers whom he had
called to aid him by their counsels would help him
to forget that he was a Hellene and a philosopher
while seated on Caesar's throne. If he had adopted
a far more fanatical policy than he did, he would, if
we consider both the character of his advisers, and
the absence of all reasonable critics, have been en-
titled to the same kind of excuse as is accorded to
more than one mediaeval monarch who proved " ane
sair saint for the crown." Let him receive due hon-
our in that he not only abjured every directly vio-
lent means of action, but also in general strove to
follow the lines of a fair and economical policy inde-
pendently of any religious considerations. This
policy we shall see when we consider his general
legislation.
That Julian should endeavour, by peaceable means,
to lead men to embrace his own views, is what we
must naturally expect. But the modern reader can-
not but regret that with his intense belief in the
pernicious effects of Christianity and in his own
mission as philosophic despot, he should have some-
times tolerated or even sanctioned measures which
Juliaris Policy against the Christians. 223
we regard as undignified and unfair. That he was
actuated throughout by a radical misconception of
Christianity in itself and in its relation to the Hel-
lenic world, must likewise be acknowledged, and
need not be excused. The bearing of these con-
siderations will become more evident if we take up
separately the chief points in which, as Emperor, he
directed his policy against the Christians, their insti-
tutions and doctrines.
In trying to understand this policy, however, we
meet with difficulties in the documentary and liter-
ary evidence before us. Several of his laws are ex-
tant, in the Theodosian Code or in the collection of
his letters, but many must have been expunged, and
of those which we have, investigators are not quite
agreed as to how far some of them were framed with
directly anti-Christian intentions. A good deal of
what has been written on the subject by contempo-
rary churchmen is marked by gross improbability
and sometimes by pure childishness. In trying to
use both the statements of his enemies and his own
professions, we need to read carefully between the
lines. In the one case, we have to notice what are
the kinds of unfairness and intolerance of which
Julian's enemies do not venture to accuse him. In
the other, we need to reflect on the indirect con-
sequences, painful and unjust to Christian individuals
and communities, yet very likely to follow the
measures which he, acting in all integrity, considered
legitimate and reasonable.
In the first place, Julian declared his intention not
to persecute anyone for religious opinions. So far,
224 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
he seemed to go back to the principle of the Milan
decree. There is something almost naif in the in-
dignation expressed by the leading Christians at his
adoption of a course which allowed no scope for
honourable suffering on the part of confessors. " He
begrudged the honour of martyrdom to our com-
batants," wrote Gregory Nazianzen, " . . . that
we might suffer, and yet not gain honour as suffering
for Christ's sake." a There certainly was an irritating
contempt in the manner in which the boon of re-
ligious liberty was granted. There might even seem
an element of superstition in his fear lest sacrilege
should be committed, if unwilling persons were
dragged to the temples and altars of the gods. Two
of his letters show how he understood and inter-
preted the grant of liberty he was making. One is
directed to a certain Artabius, and runs thus : " In
the name of the gods, I do not desire that the Gali-
laeans be killed or beaten contrary to justice, or that
they suffer any other evil, but I emphatically assert
that god-fearing persons are to receive greater
honour ; for it is through the Galilaeans' folly that all
things have been well-nigh overturned, but it is by
the favour of the gods that we are all preserved.
Wherefore we should honour the gods and god-fear-
ing men and cities/' 8 The other letter, which we
shall have to cite again, is to the people of Bostra
(probably the Arabian city of that name), and con-
tains these words : " We do not permit anyone of
them [the Galilaeans] to be dragged unwilling to
the altars, but we expressly command them, if any-
one wishes to partake with us in purifications and
Juliaris Policy against the Christians. 225
libations, first to offer the expiatory sacrifices and
to supplicate the gods who avert evil. So far is It
from us to desire or dream that any of the im-
pious should, while still unpurified, share in our holy
sacrifices, before he have purged his soul with sup-
plications [\iTavsiat] to the gods, and his body
with the appointed offerings." Further on, after
complaining of the presumption and unruliness of
the clergy and their partisans (to which we shall
recur), he says that he has given them public per-
mission to meet as they will, to offer what they are
pleased to call prayers on their own behalf, but that
they are not to abuse the privilege by deeds of
violence and sedition. He has already held up his
own policy in contrast to the partiality and persecu-
tion of Constantius, and we cannot wonder that some
of the Christians while accepting the grant of toler-
ation, felt no great thankfulness, but were inclined
to attribute it less to any really liberal policy on
his part than to a hatred of his predecessor com-
bined with a desire to sow dissensions among them-
selves and to deprive them of the prestige of digni-
fied suffering. The typical agitator of all times
will " prefer the grievance " to its removal.
With the edicts of toleration there went a number
of arrangements by which Christian symbols were
removed and pagan ceremonies restored in all public
places and functions. Not that the extirpation of
all signs of paganism had been as yet accomplished.
Some tokens, however, especially the Labarum
which was borne before the army, had publicly sig-
nified that Christianity was the religion of Emperor
226 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
and Empire. These were of course, removed. Public
sacrifices were again offered and temples everywhere
reopened, though, as we have seen, no one was com-
pelled to take part in the worship of the Gods. An
exception is mentioned by Gregory Nazianzen 4 which
may possibly be due to a voluntary or involuntary
misunderstanding. Julian seems to have restored
the thuribulum or incense altar which had previously
been one of the Imperial insignia, and to have ex-
pected every soldier (or perhaps only each member
of his own guard) who was entitled to receive the
Imperial donative, to throw a few grains of incense
on the fire. The ceremony implied little more than
the kind of reverence which kneeling to perform
homage used to betoken in feudal times, or bowing
towards the mace in our House of Commons.
There can be little doubt, however, that such an act
could not have been performed without qualms by
conscientious Christians, and Gregory relates how
some soldiers, who had fallen into the snare, on dis-
covering that some of their messmates regarded
the act as a renunciation of Christianity, rushed in
horror to the Emperor to implore the honour of
martyrdom which, of course, though he banished
them for their sedition, he had no desire to confer.
Among the pagan symbols which replaced the
Christian, the most remarkable are the heads of
Egyptian deities, or his own head with divine sym-
bols, on some of his coins. These coins, are, how-
ever, considered 6 to belong to the later part of his
reign.
Another and very important part of his religious
Julian's Policy against the Christians. 227
policy consisted in the withdrawal of a good many
privileges that had of late come to be enjoyed by
the Christian clergy. The cutting down of immuni-
ties by which an important part of the well-to-do
classes escaped their obligation to contribute towards
the expenses of the government, is part of the system
of finance reform which we shall consider hereafter.
Other provisions follow from his idea of entrusting
to pagan officials the administration of public doles,
and from his principle of recognising no official rank
among the different classes or orders of Christians.
On this part of his action, the testimony of his
laws and letters and of the writings of pagans and
Christians is tolerably consistent. We have a letter
of his to the Byzantines 8 in which he orders that no
man who ought to discharge the duties of a senator
shall be excused by reason of " the superstition of
the Galilaeans." Again in the letter to the people
of Bostra, he declares that the liberty granted to
the clergy does not mean that they may exercise
special judicial functions or draw up wills. He nat-
urally associates this latter power with a desire to
secure to themselves the wealth of the superstitious.
In the Theodosian Code 6 we have special orders that
Christians who are trying to escape from the charges
to which they were liable as Decurions are to be
recalled to their duties, and if they have sought
refuge in the houses of powerful persons, such
persons are to be heavily fined, while slaves or clients
who, unknown to their masters or patrons, have aided
and abetted such evasion, are to suffer capital
punishment. Sozomen 7 says that he " compelled the
228 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
virgins and widows, who, on account of their poverty,
were reckoned among the clergy, to refund the pro-
vision which had been assigned them from public
sources.'* This demand cannot possibly have been
made from the poor who were recipients of charity,
and seems to point to a politic restriction of " benefit
of clergy " as well as to a design for withdrawing
the monopoly of charitable relief from the Christian
communities and officers. Another of the advan-
tages now withdrawn from the clergy was that of
the frequent use of public means of conveyance.
Ammianus 8 mentions the journeys of the clergy to
their synods as sometimes, in the reign of Constan-
tius, entailing serious damage to the finances of the
state. The retrenchment might be commendable,
yet we cannot wonder that it was felt to be hard,
especially as free use of the public post was accorded
by Julian to many of the philosophic friends whom
he summoned to his court.
Few things, perhaps, caused more intense dissatis-
faction, or led to more of the violent local tumults in
which some enthusiasts sought and found the glory
of martyrdom, than the Emperor's orders for the
restoration of the temple property of which the
Christians had taken possession and the rebuilding
of temples that had been destroyed. It is not easy
to determine with accuracy the limits of the process
of refunding, which, as is natural, some of Julian's
enemies represent as a case of shameful spoliation.
That what had been unlawfully seized should be
restored does not seem unreasonable. That no new
endowments should be made from the Imperial
aris Policy against the Christians. 229
treasury, is what we must necessarily expect. How
far recent gifts were to be resumed, our authorities
do not agree in telling us. The Emperor's wish to
be fair is shown in the fact that not only heathen
temples, but churches belonging to sects that had
been recently oppressed were to be rebuilt, as was
especially the case with a church of the Novatians
at Cyzicus. This had been destroyed by the Arian
bishop, Eleusius, who was now compelled to rebuild
it, within two months, at his own expense." Any
such orders, were, of course, attributed by Julian's
detractors to his eagerness in sowing dissension
among the Christian parties. With regard to the
pagan restoration, it seems most probable that no
uniform rule was followed, and that the execution
of the Emperor's orders was modified by the discre-
tion, or indiscretion, of the various provincial gov-
ernors. Probably the very divers degrees in which
the different regions were by that time christianised
made the task much easier of accomplishment in
some cities or districts than in others. On one
point, however, we can have no doubt : that neither
Julian's officials, nor Julian himself (who had not
personally, before the days of his freedom, been
withheld by conscientious scruples from assisting at
rites which he hated), could quite understand, or
see the justice of tolerating that compunction which
made it impossible for some fiery souls to do or
help to do anything that might tend to encourage
or promote the " worship of devils." Hence the
cases of persecution and martyrdom which must
wear in the eyes of the civil government the appear-
230 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
ance of just punishment necessitated by obstinacy
and insubordination. One of the sufferers on whose
treatment the church historians and the orator
Gregory chiefly dwell, was Bishop Marcus of Are-
thusa. He had, says Sozomen, demolished a costly
and magnificent temple, and was now ordered to
rebuild it. Difficulty in raising the funds, combined
with religious scruples, induced him to fly. On
hearing, however, that his friends were suffering on
his account, he returned, and allowed himself to be
brutally lynched by the mob which, by a refinement
of cruelty, anointed his bruised body with honey,
and exposed him, in a rush basket, to the stings of
bees. His fortitude is said to have moved the ad-
miration of the Praefect. A small amount would
have at the last been accepted in commutation of
the penalty, but he persisted in refusing even a
penny to what he considered the idolatrous cause.
In Arethusa, we see, the people were fanatically
pagan. In Caesarea of Cappadocia, 10 situated in the
regions where Julian had spent many dreary years
of boyhood, it was the inhabitants of the city that
had themselves been guilty of wholesale iconoclasm
and sacrilege. Here, as was not unnatural, strict
inquisition for the stolen property was made among
the citizens, orders for rebuilding were peremptorily
issued, and meantime the fiscal privileges of the city
were reduced.
Elsewhere the orders for temple restoration led to
iconoclasm and to consequent suffering for con-
science* sake on the part of zealous persons of pri-
vate station. Thus, at Merus, in Phrygia, 11 three
Juliaris Policy against the Christians. 231
brothers broke into a temple at night, and destroyed
the newly polished statues. We are told that they
were tortured with a view to compelling them to
offer sacrifice, and that they perished in agony
rather than soil their consciences by complying. But
if this is true, the governor of the province must
have been acting on his own responsibility, and
contrary to the Emperor's declared and customary
policy.
The point, however, about Julian's behaviour tow-
ards the Christians which is of most importance in
its results on ecclesiastical history, is the equal in-
dulgence accorded to the representatives of jarring
sects, which led to changes in the balance of ecclesi-
astical parties. We have already seen, that, in the
Arian reaction, the party opposed to the Nicene
creed acquired the ascendency which it held to the
death of Constantius. This party, however, was by
no means united in itself. Arius, and his statesman
supporter, Bishop Eusebius, had both been long
dead, and while the Nicene party formed a tolerably
compact band, their adversaries were divided into
theological factions, which local jealousies, personal
differences, and the rancour excited by Court intrigue
and backstairs politics, had greatly emphasised and
embittered. Without going minutely into differ-
ences of creed, we may broadly distinguish three
principal factions : that of the semi-Arians, not in
all respects incapable of reconciliation with the Ni-
cenes, though dissatisfied with the Nicene formula :
the Anomoeans, who stood on the left wing of Arian-
and the Homoeans, whose main principle was
232 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
the rejection as unscriptural and superfluous of all
such terms as " of the same essence," " of like
essence/* and so forth. In 359 some of the leaders
of the semi-Arian and Homcean parties had drawn to-
gether and issued from Sirmium a somewhat ambigu-
ous formula" to which, as they believed, or as they
sought to persuade the Emperor Constantius, most
men might assent without violating their principles.
A council of bishops of the West was held at
Ariminum and one of eastern bishops at Seleucia.
Neither assembly was entirely favourable to the
proposed compromise, but after a conference held at
Constantinople, late in the same year, the influence
of Acacius, bishop of Constantinople, and not a little
pressure from the Emperor Constantius, who was
eager to bring about some kind of harmony, and
was easily swayed by some intriguing prelates who
had secured his ear, forced a somewhat reluctant as-
sent. This brought about a victory of the Homcean
party, and the exile of some prominent members of
other factions.
To all these disputes, Julian was, of course, pro-
foundly indifferent. As we have already seen, he
had no more sympathy with one form of Christianity
than with any other. If Arianism seemed to har-
monise with Platonic doctrines of emanation, it de-
prived King Helios of his glory to give it to one who
had assumed the semblance of a man ; and between
the various shades of Arianism, Julian probably took
no pains to distinguish. The Nicene persuasion, on
the other hand, was closely identified with the one
man whose energy and single-heartedness Julian had
Julians Policy against the Christians. 233
most reason to regard with aversion and dread, the
exiled patriarch of Alexandria. The Emperor's first
decided step in these matters was to order the recall
of all who had been exiled for religious reasons. He
seems next to have held a conference at Constanti-
nople in which he vainly hoped to bring about some
compromise 18 and a general toleration. " Hear me/'
he cried, as the voices of the disputants drowned his
arguments, " the Franks have heard me, and the
Allemanni." But the words, adopted from the say-
ing of his hero-model, Marcus Aurelius, fell to the
ground. If he were to establish a modus vivendi
among Christians, it was not to be by means of any
concessions drawn from the hostile camps.
Among the prelates recalled from banishment, two
may be especially noticed, the one for his curious
personality and wandering life, and for his friendly
relations with the Emperor, the other for his com-
manding influence and the strength of his opposition
to Julian's aims, these are Aetius of Antioch and
Athanasius of Alexandria.
Aetius 14 seems to have been an Anomcean, of the
class of Arians furthest removed from catholic or-
thodoxy. Certain expressions of a different ten-
dency attributed to him are probably less due to
vacillation or to self-interest than to the delight
often taken in paradoxical and sensational state-
ments by a mind more subtle than deep. He had
worked his way up from the ranks, having been left
by his father, an army contractor who had failed in
his business, in a state of extreme destitution, with
a widowed mother to support. According to one
2 34 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
account, he became for a time a household slave,
and after he had recovered his liberty, a working
tinker. The craft of a gilder seems to have been
that by which, when grown up, he supported his
mother and himself, till her death set him free to
follow his own intellectual bent, though he returned
to his gilding when more congenial work failed. His
quick intellect, which shone in the logical and rhet-
orical disquisitions so much practised during that
age, attracted the attention of certain teachers,
Christians and pagans, under whom he studied at
Antioch, Tarsus, and elsewhere. He seems to have
acquired an ardent passion for controversy, and on
being once worsted in a disputation with a heretical
teacher, felt that life was no longer worth living, till,
as Philostorgius says, a vision appeared to comfort
him, and " from that time forth Aetius had a special
gift from God which saved him from defeat in his
disputations/' Subsequently, at Alexandria, he con-
founded a leading Manichee so completely, that the
unfortunate heretic sickened and died in a few days.
He had received ordination from the Arian bishop of
Antioch, and seems to have used his clerical status as
a means of exercising more actively his power of dis-
putation. When the Homoean party obtained the
ascendency, he was banished, and now by Julian's
order he was recalled. The Emperor must have
been personally acquainted with him during some
period of his life, possibly when Aetius was living in
Constantinople, or else in Asia. According to one
account, Callus had employed Aetius in a fruitless
attempt to make Julian a good Christian. Julian
Juliaris Policy against the Christians. 235
was probably attracted by the versatile intellect of
the man, and by his skill in logic and dialectic. Or
there may have been another reason for showing
him especial favour. Aetius, in addition to his other
occupations, had studied and practised the art of
medicine, and Julian, who was very desirous of
maintaining the high status of physicians, may have
hoped to win over Aetius from less fruitful fields to
the useful art of healing. Accordingly he wrote
to invite him, 16 in the name of old acquaintance, to
come to Court, and invited him to make use, for the
purpose, of the public post. He bestowed upon him
a landed estate near Mitylene, in Lesbos, to which he
was forced to retire when the time of persecution
returned for him on Julian's death. He was, how-
ever, pursued thence, and finally closed his varied
career in an intimate circle of like-minded friends at
Constantinople, in the reign of Valens.
Widely different were the character and fortunes
of the great Nicene champion, whom Julian's man-
date recalled from his third exile. Athanasius had
been violently, even treacherously ejected from Alex-
andria in 356, and had since that time kept up from
his Egyptian retreat, by secret means, the influence
which he had so powerfully exerted over both men
and women who had fallen under his personal sway.
Meantime, the bishopric was held by George of Cap-
padocia, a violent man who showed no tact in con-
ciliating parties. While severely prohibiting the
worship and usages of the Nicene party, and even,
according to Athanasius, persecuting the private
members of the party with a refinement of cruelty,
236 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
George enraged the pagans by parading, with cere-
monies insulting to their feelings, the purification of
the temple of Mithras, and won over the governor
of the province to lend the secular arm to the execu-
tion of his religious policy, and to allow of certain
financial claims which the archbishop asserted over
the Alexandrians. 18 This governor, Artemius, who
was in Constantinople at the time of Julian's acces-
sion, suffered the capital punishment which he seems
richly to have deserved. George experienced a yet
more cruel fate. He became the object of the sum-
mary justice of an infuriated mob, and his mutilated
corpse was then burned along with that of the camel
on which he had been exposed to the popular ven-
geance. On hearing of this event, Julian wrote a
letter to the Alexandrians in terms of reproof tem-
pered by compliments. He acknowledges the great
provocation they had received from the impious man
on whom summary justice has been inflicted, but
blames them for not ridding themselves of the griev-
ance by lawful and regular means. He forbears to
punish them, however, in consideration of his respect
for their tutelary deities, and also his regard for his
uncle who was at one time their ruler. At the same
time, he wrote to the Praefect Ecdicius, to cause a
careful search for ail George's books lest any should
be destroyed or lost in the general plunder. Many
of them only contain the doctrines of the impious
Galilaeans, but there are also works of philosophy and
rhetoric, which Julian had previously borrowed in
order to have copies made, and he does not wish the
good to perish with the evil. *
Julians Policy against the Christians. 237
Meantime, Athanasius returned, resumed his epis-
copal functions, and was soon as powerful as ever in
the great city itself and in the whole Eastern Church.
He took prompt measures to heal old breaches and
to secure common action against the danger which
threatened all Christians alike. A synod of twenty-
one bishops was held at Alexandria in the summer of
362, in which rules were passed for facilitating the
accession of Semi-Arians to the Nicene party, and
for permitting a few differences that seemed to be
merely verbal. But the action of Athanasius was
not within the limits assigned by Julian to the prin-
ciple of religious liberty. His indignation was deeply
stirred by the news that Athanasius had been bap-
tising some high-born Greek ladies. Accordingly
he wrote a very sharp letter to the Alexandrians,
explaining to them that recall from exile did not
involve resumption of episcopal functions, still less
liberty to pursue a course of action hateful to god-
fearing citizens. The offender must again be ban-
ished forthwith. The Emperor's desire was complied
with, and Athanasius withdrew. " Let us retire for
a little while," he said to his friends, " it is but a
small cloud, which will soon pass away.'* While he
in Upper Egypt resumed his life of dangerous ad-
venture and of underground influence, his friends in
Alexandria petitioned for his recall. This request
led to another letter from Julian to the Alexandri-
ans which displayed, yet more clearly than the pre-
vious one, his sentimental regard for the historic
greatness of Alexandria, his detestation of the
archbishop, and his total incapacity of recognising
238 Julian* Philosopher and Emperor.
anything of real religion in the attachment of the
Christians to their faith and to its champions. He
appeals to them by the memory of their pious
founder, Alexander ; by the honour ever shown to
Sarapis and to Isis in this their chosen city ; by the
ancient lordship of Egypt over Israel, which should
shame them out of their adhesion to a sect sprung
from the Jews ; by the glories of the Eternal Sun,
so vastly more to be admired than those of a mortal
man ; by the prosperity which the city had enjoyed
under the institutions it now would fain destroy ;
and his appeals become threats as he insists on his
determination never to recede in this matter. He
wishes that all the new doctrine were embodied in
Athanasius, that it might be crushed at one blow.
A letter like this showed the Alexandrians the fu-
tility of halting between two opinions. It gives
plausibility to the view that if Julian had lived much
longer, his reign could never have been held up as
one of religious toleration.
* Another of Julian's acts which has met with severe
criticism both from friends and foes, seems on nearer
view to be logically and necessarily connected with
his idea of his own mission and of the corruption of
the times, I refer to his edict prohibiting Chris-
tians from giving instruction in the public schools.
This edict we possess in two forms. In the Theo-
dosian Code 17 there is a provision that no man shall
be suddenly appointed public lecturer, but that a
decree of the members of the Curial Order in each
city must be obtained, the final approval being re-
served to the Emperor himself. It is not certain,
Julians Policy against the Christians. 239
however, that this law was designed especially against
the Christians. It might still stand under Christian
emperors as a guard to public morals. Much more
explicit and definite is a document published among
his letters. In this he starts from certain undeni-
able propositions, as to the importance of good
principles and right opinions in those who have to
superintend the education of youth, and consistently
deduces from them a system of prohibition which
everyone would now stigmatise as persecuting, and
which even the favourable and sober-thinking Ammi-
anus blames as " inclemens." He states clearly that
whereas teachers of rhetoric and philosophy have to
expound the ancient classics, they cannot do so ade-
quately and honestly if they consider these classics
to have been utterly misguided even in all those
points as to which right belief is most important.
Such teachers ought, if they are honest, to give up
their emoluments and confine their expositions to
Matthew, Luke, and other writers whom they really
reverence. They are not to be compelled to attend
the temple services, but they must make choice be-
tween their educational profession and their Chris-
tianity.
What we have observed in preceding chapters on
the general character of education at this time and
on Julian's way of regarding Greek letters and
Greek religion as indissolubly bound in one, fur-
nishes abundant comment on this enactment. We
may perhaps conclude that Julian was here more
far-sighted than his critics, that whole-hearted loy-
alty to the philosophers and poets of old was impos-
240 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
sible to those who studied their works merely for the
form and disparaged all the underlying ideas. Had
he been a little more far-sighted still, he might have
discovered that by means of a classical education,
however maimed and one-sided, elements of old-
world culture would gradually filter into the Chris-
tian Church, and in time effect a combination of
many Hellenic elements with the primitive data
from Palestine. He wished, however, for no such
combination, and with the hopefulness known only to
a religious enthusiast, he trusted by means of sound
and appreciative instruction in the great thoughts
and the manifold life of the Greeks of old, to undo
all the work of the centuries during which more
potent influences had been undermining the Hel-
lenic. It is possible to disapprove his policy without
condemning his generous indignation against that
ingratitude which would turn to account the work
of philosophers and orators for purposes of Christian
apology and pulpit eloquence, while reviling the
memory of the great minds and characters whence
that work had proceeded. Some feelings of gratitude
to the teachers of old are certainly to be found in
some of the broader Christian minds of the school
of Origen, and even in the works of a few leaders
like Augustine, but they are ever mixed with a pity-
ing or contemptuous disparagement which might, to
their enthusiastic devotees, seem more insulting than
hatred.
It is not easy to say how much practical effect
this edict produced. Proaeresius, of whom mention
has already been made, and who was personally on
Julians Policy against the Christians. 241
friendly terms with the Emperor, resigned his chair
at Athens. A certain popular instructor in rhetoric
at Rome, Victorinus, 18 who had been slow and
reluctant in avowing his faith, but was now staunch
in abiding all its consequences, also gave up his
profession. A curious countermove was begun by
some educated Christians who wished their children
to receive a literary education without coming under
anti-Christian influences. A certain Apollinarius, 1 *
a Syrian by birth, with his son of the same name,
took upon themselves, with the approval and ad-
miration of their contemporaries, to compose a
Christian literature free from the barbarism of
the canonical books. They produced a " grammar
consistent with the Christian faith," a version of
Bible History in epic and dramatic forms, and a
Gospel improved into would-be Platonic dialogues !
It was well that the Christian youth for whom this
fare was produced speedily recovered permission to
browse in more wholesome pastures. The genius
of the vigorous barbarian races might one day be
strong enough to cast into new form some part of
the sacred matter brought from the East. But it
was not a task to be safely attempted by the
decrepit intellect of Asia or Greece.
Apart from the direct action of Julian, by laws
and other acts of government, much was done in
indirect ways that aroused the discontent of many
Christians and challenged the criticism of the indif-
ferent. It must have been annoying to see turncoats,
like the sophist Hecebolius, who was only too ready
to turn again directly after Julian's death, received
16
242 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
into high favour. It is melancholy to find a man
generally enthusiastic for truth and earnestness,
admiring the conduct of a pagan who had received
and held a bishopric in order to save the temples of
his diocese from spoliation. 90 Still worse was it to
see an advocate of civilisation and courtesy insult to
the face an old bishop who had come to reproach
him, even though the old man escaped with im-
punity." It was a sad but undeniable fact that
city mobs when they inflicted outrages on the pagan
side, as we have seen happen at Alexandria and
Arethusa, and as was also the case at Gaza and
elsewhere, received far less castigation than turbu-
lent Christian communities, like those of Caesarea
and of Edessa. aa Whether it be possible for a
religious man, in possession of far-reaching authority,
to try to serve the cause of religion without ever
being guilty of any acts of unfairness or of unrea-
sonable violence, it is hard to say. Certainly such
a height of impartiality combined with zeal was not
attained by the Emperor Julian.
Coin of Julian. Reverse, VOTA PUBLICA : Isis suckling Horus.
Notes on Chapter X. 243
NOTES ON CHAPTER X.
1 Libanius ; Epitaph ; King's translation, p. 160.
* First Invective, 58 ; King's translation.
* Ep. 7, I subjoin a list of the principal letters of Julian on mat.
ters relating to the Christians, as chronogically arranged by
Schwarz :
Ep. 31, Recalling Bishop Aetius, Jan., 362.
Ep. 10, To the Alexandrians, on the murder of Abp. George,
Jan., 362.
Ep. 9, To Ecdicius respecting George's books, Jan., 362.
Ep. 7, To Artabius on the meaning of toleration, between Feb.
362 and Jan. 363.
Ep. 26, To the Alexandrians, ordering the expulsion of Atha-
nasius, March, 362.
Ep. II, To the Byzantines, on duties of Christian senators, etc.,
May or June, 362.
Ep. 36, To Porphyry (probably treasurer) concerning George's
books, May or June, 362.
Ep. 78, Story of pagan Bishop Pegasius, between Feb. 362 and
Feb. 363.
Ep. 52, To the people of Bostra (in Arabia) Aug., 362.
Ep. 42, Edict against Christian schoolmasters, between Aug.
and Nov., 362.
Ep. 6, To Ecdicius, respecting Athanasius, Oct., 362.
Ep. 51, To the Alexandrians, reproaching their desire for Atha-
nasius, Nov., Dec., 362.
4 Invechve, i, 83.
* By Schiller.
6 Especially xii , tit. i., 49, 50, and xiii., tit. i., 4.
1 v., 5 ; Bohn's translation.
8 xxi., 16.
9 Soz., v., 5. Socrates (iii., n), says that the church had been de-
stroyed by Euzoius, the Arian bishop of Antioch.
10 Soz., v., 4.
11 Soc., iii., 15 ; Soz., v., 2.
18 TOY vior ojuoiov TOO narpl naid itdvra^ oof ai aytai
ypacpcd \eyov6i re nal 8ida6Kov6i.
11 Ammianus, xxii., 5. He attributes Julian's policy, as do the
Christian writers, to a wish to increase disaffections, but the explana-
tion seems superfluous.
244 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
14 He bears a very bad character in the writings of the orthodox
historians, but Philostorgius (iii. f 15, seg.) gives a more favorable and
interesting account of his career.
16 Letter xxxi., (Aetius is styled bishop in the heading to this letter,
but he seems not to have had any particular see.)
18 Besides the ecclesiastical historians, see Ammianus, xxii. f n.
" Bk. xiii., tit. 111., 5.
18 See an interesting account of Victorinus in the Confessions of
Augustine^ book vni.
19 Socr., in., 16 ; Soz., v., 18.
50 For the story of the pagan bishop Pegasius, see Jul , Letter 78.
51 The blind Man of Chalcedon, see Socr., iii., 12 ; Soz., v. f 4.
M SeeEp.,43.
Coin of Helen, Mother of Constantino. Coin of Tarsus : Head
Reverse, SECVRITAS REIPVBLICAE. of the Tyche of the city
CHAPTER XL
LEGISLATIVE LABOURS AND ADMINISTRATIVE
REFORMS.
yap o vofJioS eyyovoS rrj$ 8iKt?$, iepov dvdQi?j*a Hal
Geiov dXrfl&S TOV jusyitirov Qeov, or ovdaju&S o ye f/ncppoor
Ttspl GjuiHpov Ttoirjtisrai ov8 dnjudtiei d A/la r dixy
Spoor rovS juev dyaQovS njujftei TtpoQvjuooS, rovt
8 I? 8vva}J.iv iciGQai KccQditep tarpoS ayafto*
7tpoQvjMi<5erai." JULIAN, Or. ii., 89.
" Princes are like to Heavenly Bodies which cause good or evil
times, and which have much veneration but no rest." BACON.
BHEN we turn from our attempt to
follow Julian's ideas and course of
action, in religious affairs, to inquire
into his general policy of govern-
ment as shown in legislation and
administration, we have indeed to
contemplate another side of his
activity, but we do not find ourselves, as in
the study of some theorist-politicians, introduced
245
246 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
to him in a new character. Julian was, as we
have seen, a highly-idealistic philosopher, called, as
he believed, to effect a reactionary reform in religion
and to direct the affairs of a vast empire. Yet he
does not appear before us in a three-fold character.
His principles of religious reorganisation were, as has
been shown, an essential part of his speculative and
practical philosophy. And his statesmanship was
entirely that of a philosophical reformer. Not that it
was visionary and unpractical, but rather it was as a
rule based upon general principles which there was
no attempt to disguise. These principles are, of
course, only such as are compatible with enlightened
despotism. Julian's Hellenism was not of the kind to
make him long to go back to the republican glories
of the Greek states in their golden days. In his letters
to great cities of old, notably to Athens, Argos, and
Alexandria, he shows, it is true, what we might
regard as an exaggerated respect for their ancient
prestige, but this respect is not accompanied by any
grants of actual power. There may have been po-
litical as well as financial objects in Julian's attempts
to encourage municipal life and prosperity. There
may be something more than mere sentiment in the
deference which he paid (as already narrated) to the
Roman Senate and to old Roman republican usages.
But republicanism in its essential principles was at
that time so far beyond the range of practical poli-
tics, that no man of sense could dream of restoring
it. It is possible that Julian scarcely knew that it
had been destroyed, or realised how much the world
had changed since the days of Aristotle's Politics,
Labours and Reforms. 247
just as few people of our day distinguish the dif-
ference between our government and that which
existed at the passing of the Bill of Rights. As
" shepherd of the people" he aimed at the general
prosperity, not at the extension of political freedom.
Liberty might still furnish themes for rhetorical exer-
cises. The politician, whether philosopher or not, had
very little concern with it except in the universally
undesirable form of rude license in city mobs.
In one sense, of course, every man who engages
in public life and in abstruse speculation at the same
time must feel that he is leading two lives. Action
and thought must ever call forth different faculties
and necessitate the contemplation of life from differ-
ent stand-points. This contrast was very strongly felt
by Julian himself. 1 But the nature of public affairs
in his day was such as to make the contrast less con-
spicuous than at most times and places. Firstly,
there was little scope in the Empire at that time
for anything like state-craft. There were no rival
foreign powers to be dealt with by skilful diplomacy,
unless we may regard the relations of the border
states between the Roman and the Persian Empires
as furnishing a field for that art. If they did, the
field was not skilfully cultivated by Julian. And
in domestic affairs, there were no distinct political
parties to be balanced against one another, and
dealt with by measures of compromise or of subju-
gation. There were, of course, ecclesiastical parties,
but Julian would have disdained to steer between
them. The favour he showed to the Jews was due,
in all probability, to a certain limited sympathy with
248 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
them and a hatred for those that rivalled them,
rather than to any scheme of balancing their influ-
ence against that of the Christians. Then again
the character of all legislation and of administrative
orders under the Empire had been imposed on it by
juristic theorists who loved order and elegance, and
liked to give reasons for every ste$ that was taken.
Vested rights and interests and considerations of
temporary expediency might be lightly set aside.
On the whole the task of legislation might seem to a
philosophical prince one well worthy of his best
efforts.
Under the term legislation we must include much
that was of the nature of temporary enactment.
The commands which were issued by Julian, and
against which there was no appeal, have generally
come down to us in the form of instructions issued
by him to Praetorian Prsefects, Governors of pro-
vinces, and other officials. Many of these were
afterwards admitted into the Code published by
Xheodosius II. in the year 438, although even among
these a large number must before that time have
ceased to be operative. Others we find interspersed
in the collection of his letters public and private.
Of others again we know the general purport from
statements made by the historians and orators.
Many must have perished, and with regard to many
more our indications are slight and indefinite. Yet
enough remains to enable us to discern generally the
difficulties with which any ruler of the Empire had
to contend, and the ways in which Julian endeav-
oured to meet them.
Labours and Reforms. 249
The two great and cognate evils which seem to
have been felt through the length and breadth of
the Empire were the uncertain and imperfect ad-
ministration of justice and the crushing and unequal
weight of the public burdens. These diseases were
too deeply seated to be amenable to satisfactory
methods of cure. But palliative measures might be
devised, and such measures we see in Julian's legisla-
tion. The object everywhere seems to be to tighten
the control exercised by the central authority over
all public officers, judicial, financial, and military.
An attempt is made to alleviate undue pressure in
some quarters, even at the risk of offending powerful
persons ; temporary distress is met by measures of
temporary relief, and economy is sought in Imperial
and public expenditure.
The historian Ammianus a describes Julian's re-
gard for equity and right as being such as to fulfil
his aspiration of restoring to mankind the goddess
of Justice, who had been banished afar by human
vice and iniquity. Ammianus goes on to say that
in his legislative policy, at least, there were excep-
tional cases in which he was inconsistent with him-
self. These were such as concerned his religious
measures, in which, from our point of view, not
much inconsistency appears, and also those wherein
he showed himself indifferent to certain class-privi-
leges, as to which the views of Ammianus may seem
to us less enlightened and impartial than those of
his master. Libanius is less reserved in his lauda-
tions, and he states very emphatically that the actual
business of jurisdiction was to Julian not only a
250 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
serious duty but a keen pleasure. And when we
consider what the law-courts were, and in what di-
rection Julian's education and temperament had
directed his tastes, we can readily believe that lis-
tening to disputations was often to him a refreshing
amusement after military and financial business.
Libanius says a : " Though he had it in his power to
leave this fatigue to the most learned and incorrup-
tible of judges, he nevertheless offered himself for
one of those Jthat try causes, and stripped himself
for the combat unless anyone objects to the word
and says that law-cases were no combat for him,
but rather a diversion and a rest ; so easily did he
repel the deceptions of the advocates and seize upon
the right thing in each affair, testing false arguments
by true ones with incredible quickness of wit, refut-
ing and baffling quibbles by means of laws.*' * He
goes on to describe Julian's conduct in a way that
would make him guilty on one occasion of something
very like a quibble. A plaintiff was using papers
which the Emperor strongly suspected of being
forgeries. Nevertheless, as the opposite party had
not detected or proved the deceit, the Emperor,
" as slave to the law " gave his decision in favour of
the forger, along with a reprimand for his crime.
" In this way he contrived not to infringe the law
and yet to punish the culprit." But the justice to
be obtained from the Imperial court was usually of a
more substantial and less pedantic kind, or it would
hardly have happened that, as the orator subsequently
relates, the court was flocked to by suitors of all
kinds who sought refuge from oppression and wrong.
Labours and Reforms. 251
There were three ways in which the judicial action
of the Emperor might be applied to the settlement
of individual cases. 4 By means of a supplicatio, one
party to a suit could, before the trial, request from
the Emperor either a personal hearing, or a letter of
instructions to a special or to the ordinary judge.
As a rule the rescripts in accordance with the suppli-
cationes were drawn up by secretaries, and the deci-
sions pronounced by judices without any personal
intervention of the Emperor. But Julian, as we
have seen, enjoyed the hearing of causes, and prob-
ably many more were judged by him in first instance
than by his predecessors and followers.
It is the maintenance of the two other methods
of Imperial intervention, however, that is the object
of special precaution in Julian's legislation : the ap~
pellatio and the relatio. The appellatio was the proc-
ess by which recourse was had after the decision of
a case by any magistrate under the rank of a Prae-
torian Prsefect, to the judgment of the Emperor
himself. Such final judgment might be delegated
to a special commissioner, or might be pronounced
by the Emperor in his consistorium, which was a kind
of State-Council comprising the chief officers of the
Imperial household. Or he might settle the matter
personally in the Senate of Rome, or in that of Con-
stantinople, which received from Julian powers and
privileges equal to those of the Roman Senate. In
the Theodosian Code, we have laws of Julian's second
year, to facilitate and regulate appeals from lower
judges to higher, and from the higher to the Em-
peror himself. 6 Such appeals must be made within
252 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
thirty days from the passing of the sentence, the
necessary written statements must accompany the
appeal ; and the arrangement of such cases must be
consigned by the provincial Vicar to some specially
appointed official. If such appeal has, by means of
terrorism, been hindered within the legitimate period,
it may, on cause shown, be still held valid.
The third method was that of the relatio or consul-
tatio. In some difficult cases, the judge, after hear-
ing statements and evidence, was expected to send
the information to the Emperor and await his de-
cision. In one of Julian's laws, 6 complaint is made
that many Rectores have failed to do their duty in
this respect, and such as shall offend again are sen-
tenced to a heavy fine.
Besides hearing and providing for the hearing of
difficult cases, both in first instance and on appeal,
Julian exerted himself to facilitate the administration
of justice generally, to correct anomalies, and to de-
liver those seeking redress from the chicanery of the
unscrupulous advocates who, if the descriptions of
Ammianus are to be trusted, constituted the bane of
the whole system. 7 An inscription of his reign has
been found at Amorgos, containing provisions for
the hearing of petty cases. 8 He made it impossible
to claim back money that had been paid for unlaw-
ful purposes, especially for that of bribery. 8 He
repealed a law of Constantine allowing married wo-
men under age to sell their property. 10 He put an
end to the system by which litigants postponed the
day of trial, while they summoned as parties to the
suit men living at great distances. 11 He made it un-
Labours and Reforms. 253
lawful for a commission to expire with the death of
a principal party to a suit. It seems strange that
laws should have been needed to assert that in ordi-
nary cases long custom should be followed, but two
of Julian's laws make this provision against arbitrary
innovations."
More important, perhaps, in his own eyes and in
those of his contemporaries, were the measures he
adopted for moderating and equalising the public
burdens. 18 We have already seen that the population
of the whole Empire was heavily taxed, and taxed
in a way that seemed to cause the maximum of suf-
fering and discouragement with the minimum of
substantial advantage. The land, industry, and com-
merce, were subject to heavy dues, and in general
the responsibility for regular payment, both of Im-
perial and of local taxes, rested with the body of
leading and well-to-do citizens of every community
who constituted the body of Curiales or Decuriones.
This system was fatal to enterprise and to local pa-
triotism. Those concerned with the assessment of
taxes naturally endeavoured to restrict individuals
within the hereditary industrial corporations from
which payment could be most effectually levied.
And the citizens who from wealth and status should
naturally have been the leaders and protectors of the
people came to have no more eager desire than to
escape from a dignity of which the obligations were
so much more conspicuous than the privileges. In
these circumstances, Julian's objects, as those of any
serious financier in like case, were two-fold : to di-
minish, by economical government, the amount re-
254 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
quired to meet demands, and to prevent, by very
strict enactments, the evasion of burdens by those
on whom they would naturally fall. He also en-
deavoured on some occasions to act directly on the
immediate causes of local distress by issuing direc-
tions to merchants and tradesmen. In this last ex-
pedient, as we shall see when we come to narrate his
dealings with the people of Antioch, he was not emi-
nently successful. Here we will consider chiefly his
broader lines of economic legislation.
Julian's prompt and decisive measures of palace
reform, which have been already described, were
probably dictated as much by philosophic aversion
to luxury as by maxims of financial policy. Impor-
tant as an economic reform, however, was his reg-
ulation of the number of Imperial guards. He
prescribed the rations to be allowed to those that
attended his person, and stopped the distribution of
supplies to those who ranked as supernumeraries. 14
He issued a decree as to the distance from their
quarters at which the pay of the soldiers on march
was to begin." But the economy which he seems to
have most earnestly and effectually endeavoured to
achieve was in connection with the Cursus Publicus
or Public Post. 18
From the early times of the Roman Empire, the
maintenance of a good system of communication
between the distant provinces and the capital had
been a most essential requisite of orderly govern-
ment. This necessity had led to the laying down of
those magnificent roads which still seem to testify to
us more powerfully than anything else which survives,
Labours and Reforms. 255
of the resolution of the Romans in their undertak-
ings, and their persistency in accomplishment. But
if our imagination would recall the appearance of
these roads in the fourth century, it must people
them with parties of travellers, hastening to transact
their own business or that of the State, riding or driv-
ing the animals most suited to the locality and to the
object of the journey : oxen, horses, mules, camels,
or asses; and we must furnish those roads with
convenient stages, some being mere halting-places
for the change of beasts (mutationes) others accommo-
dated with everything that a wearied or a luxurious
traveller could desire to lighten the fatigues of his
journey and ensure the comfort of his rest (man-
stones). Now the maintenance of these halting-places,
the constant supply of carriage-animals, of beasts of
burden, and of food and drink for man and beast,
necessarily involved very heavy expenses, which
fell on the heads of the luckless Curiales. In earlier
times, some of the stronger and more statesmanlike
Emperors (notably Hadrian) had endeavoured to
relieve the provinces of so intolerable a burden by
ordering that the expenses of the cursus publicus
should be defrayed from the Imperial facus. Before
the time of which we are now treating, however, the
burden had been relegated to the provincial authori-
ties, and the testimony of historians and orators alike 17
shows us how they groaned under it. It was felt to
be the more galling in that those who were locally
responsible derived little if any benefit from the
arrangements they had to keep in working order.
The postal system was, in the Roman Empire, not
256 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
designed to facilitate the journeys of private persons,
or the conveyance of their goods and letters. It
was reserved for the use of those who held high posi-
tions under the Imperial government and also,
especially after the time of Constantine, for the
rapid transfer of military bands and of all that apper-
tained to the soldiery, including even wives and
children. At the same time, the higher officials had
the power, extensively used also by the Emperors
themselves, of issuing free passes (evect tones) for
distances of a certain length, which sometimes (trac-
toricz) even included free and comfortable accom-
modation at the halting-places. When synods of
bishops were frequently held, their use of these free
passes was an object of bitter complaint. At the
same time the Imperial agents who travelled to-and-
fro on their journeys of inspection were often hated
as spies, whose visits could well be dispensed with
on other than economic grounds. And it is evident
that under an emperor as easily swayed as Constan-
tius, rapacious officials had ample opportunity both
of obtaining means of travelling free of expense for
themselves and their friends, and of diverting to
private uses many of the provisions of animals,
carriages, and various necessaries, destined to public
purposes.
This abuse of the public post-system, Julian, ac-
cording to the testimony of both friends and foes,
set himself energetically to correct. True, he con-
tinued to grant free passes to the philosophic and
other friends whom he invited to his Court, but this
seems a legitimate and not excessive use of the Im-
Labours and Reforms. 257
perial right. The historian Socrates says : " The
mode of public travelling and conveyance of neces-
saries he also reformed, abolishing the use of mules,
oxen, and asses for this purpose, and permitting
horses only to be so employed. These various re-
trenchments were highly lauded by some few, but
strongly reprobated by all others, as tending to bring
the Imperial dignity into contempt, by stripping
it of those appendages of pomp and magnificence
which exercise so powerful an influence over the
mind of the vulgar." 1 Libanius IB after drawing a
hideous picture of the sufferings of overtaxed cities,
delayed and angry travellers, and overworked beasts
that fell dead when taken out of the yoke, says :
"This disorder, also, Julian put a stop to, by pro-
hibiting all posting that was not absolutely neces-
sary, and by declaring licences of this kind equally
dangerous to grant and to receive ; as well as by
instructing his officers, some to keep beasts of their
own, others to hire them when wanted.'* He goes
on to say that from this time forward those who
kept the public animals were obliged occasionally to
give them exercise, a proof of the cessation of over-
work.
But our best evidence of what Julian did to reform
the system is to be found in those of his laws which
afterwards formed part of the Theodosian Code.
One of them, after complaining of the sufferings en-
tailed by the frequent grants of evectiones by those
who held the position of Vicar or of Presses of a prov-
ince, withdraws the power of granting such privi-
leges from the lesser officials and restricts it to the
258 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
Praetorian Prefects. The minor magistrates may
have a limited number of evectiones, signed by the
Emperor's own hand, but all use of the public con-
veyances shall be strictly in pursuit of necessary
business. The way in which provincial magistrates
shall arrange for the transport of military stores is
provided for, and care is taken that the extent of the
license granted in an evectio shall not be widened
through ambiguity in terms. The mancipes or con-
tractors for public work, may use the cursus with the
consent of the proconsul, but any use for private
buildings is very strictly prohibited. 90 In Sardinia ai
where the use of horses was not generally profitable
and convenient, the provincials need no longer keep
such in readiness, though vehicles for transport of
stores must still be held at command. Those who
want to ride must use their own horses. It is per-
haps but fair to Julian's predecessors and successors
to say that many of their laws seem to have been
directed to the same objects. But his were so dras-
tic in character, so numerous considering the short
period of his rule, and apparently so effectual for a
time, that we are justified in noting the reform of the
postal system as a specially characteristic part of his
domestic policy.
The construction and maintenance of roads was
not regulated on exactly the same principles as the
public post. They existed for the benefit of the
public, not of the government only. There were
no tolls on the Roman roads, and the work of con-
struction and repair seems to have been apportioned
by lot to certain private persons, probably the land-
Labours and Reforms. 259
owners of the districts through which the roads
passed. A law of Julian's demands such apportion-
ment, and pronounces the responsibility to lie with
the individuals to whom each part had been respec-
tively assigned. 83
But even when public works constructed on the
scale of those of the Roman Empire are managed
with a view to securing economy and good order,
they must still require vast sums for their mainten-
ance, and the demands on some classes are apt to
become ruinously heavy. Julian's policy in assign-
ing financial duties involved three principles of
action: liberal concessions of immunity in case of
real poverty : the granting of exemptions only to such
persons, or classes of persons, as were most to be
encouraged: and the strict insistence that none
should escape such duties who could have ful-
filled them, but who preferred to shift them off on
to the shoulders of their neighbours.
Among the concessions was one made to the
Thracians, in answer to a petition from them. The
Emperor in reply" explains that it would not be fair
to the public that he should grant entire remission,
but he promises that part of the tax shall go to
maintain the military force which guarantees to the
Thracians peace and security, and that for two
periods, nothing shall be levied at all. He remits
the excessive tribute demanded from the Jews, 94 and
promises to try to induce their patriarch to lessen
the burdens which his authority imposed upon them.
The customary gift of golden crowns is no more to
be demanded. The province of Africa is excused
260 yulian, Philosopher and Emperor.
from the payment of arrears," except such dues as
consist of the precious metals. In one document"
the nature of the exemption granted is liberally
defined. Those that were excused from the land-tax
were also to be free from the payments in kind
which went to make up what mediaeval lawyers
called purveyance. The mutual claims of separate
cities received the Emperor's attention ; thus Corinth
was forbidden to gather unauthorised tribute from
Argos." a
Among the classes that received special exemption
from ordinary payments were the highest, or official,
who had long enjoyed it, 27 the physicians, 28 to whom,
following here the footsteps of Constantine, he
wished to accord special favour, and those government
secretaries or clerks who had served in the offices
for fifteen years, with the semi-military agentcs in
rebus who had accomplished a certain length of ser-
vice, also citizens who had reared thirteen children,
and soldiers who had served in ten campaigns. In
general, however, Julian was most anxious to pre-
vent the curial duties from becoming confined to an
ever-diminishing class. His law forcing the Chris-
tian clergy to fulfil their duties in this respect has
already been cited. Honorary citizens who had
accepted the franchise while still owing curial duties
in other cities are not to be excused from the bur-
dens of their new citizenship except under special
circumstances. Particular care is to be directed to
the nomination of substantial persons. It may be
that in this way Julian aimed at the improvement of
the municipal administration as well as at the regular
Labours and Reforms. 261
and equitable provision of funds. Libanius says
that the desire to escape from municipal duties had
made the governing bodies of some cities to resem-
ble ragged and decrepit old women.
A difficulty of another kind attended the appor-
tioning and levying of taxes in country districts.
Julian had to provide, as many mediaeval and even
modern legislators have had to do since, that when
land is sold or sublet, the State loses none of its
dues. No man is allowed to contract himself out of
payment of the land-tax."
We have a good many laws on various matters
which do not come strictly under the heads of jus-
tice or public finance. We have the appointment
of a tester to guarantee the quality of coins, where
disputes arise as to buying and selling. There is
also a law to give security to land-occupiers who have
enjoyed possession for four months, 80 and one regu-
lating the force of marriage contracts. 81 A curious
law about funerals 3 * might be regarded as belonging
to his religious legislation. Funeral processions
in the daytime, and the disturbance of graves or
removal of ornaments therefrom are strictly for-
bidden. We have already seen, and we shall have
to observe again, the disgust and contempt that
Julian felt for the custom of translating the bones
of martyrs, and of making their shrines a kind of
temple. The edict as to the appointment of profes-
sors and schoolmasters, as we have it in the Code,
is not specially directed against the Christians, and
might be used by the Emperor to ensure the
appointment of men of good character.
262 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
In general we may say of Julian's legislation that
although, in its main objects, it resembles that of
such of his predecessors and successors as aimed at
the alleviation of the evils from which the whole
Empire was suffering, and to which it was doomed
finally to succumb, yet it is notably distinguished by
a very vigorous effort in the direction of retrench-
ment and reform, an evident desire both to do jus-
tice and to let it appear clearly that justice is being
done, and a conscientious regard for the people
whom he regarded as committed to his care.
As we have mentioned Julian's measures for allevi-
ating the oppressions felt by the Jews, we may here
consider his general policy towards that people, with
a very curious episode in his life, his attempt to re-
store the city and temple of Jerusalem, and its re-
markable frustration. Although we have references
both to the enterprise and to its failure in the writings
of Julian himself and a narrative of the affair in
Ammianus, and in the Church historians and ora-
tors," yet some points require to be cleared up.
According to Ammianus, he undertook the rebuilding
of the Temple at great expense, and gave the con-
duct of the scheme to his learned and trusted friend
Alypius of Antioch, who had formerly superintended
the government of Britain. 84 But although Alypius
set vigorously to work with the assistance of the
Rector of the province, the operations were speedily
hindered by alarming globes of fire, which burst out
close to the foundations of the building, rendering
the prosecution of the work impossible and killing
some of the workmen. The attempt was therefore
Coins selected as illustrations for Chapter V.
Coin of Constans I.
Reverse, FEL ix TEMI* ortim REPARATIO.
Constans and Victory on a ship.
Coin of Antioch.
Time of Diocletian.
Coins selected as illustrations for Chapter X I .
Coin of Smyrna.
Cybele on her throne.
Coin of Tarsus. Imperial Times.
Obverse, Tyche of city. Reverse, seated Zeus.
Coin* selected as illustrations for Chapter I'll.
Head of Isis
Pharia.
Coin of Tarsus.
Victory,
Coin of Nisibis.
Tyche of city.
Labours and Reforms. 263
abandoned. When we compare this meagre account
with other references or narratives, we see that very
various views may be taken as to Julian's motives in
the undertaking, the share of the Jews themselves
in the enterprise, and the nature of the final catas-
trophe.
Julian's enemies saw in his attempt a blasphemous
endeavour to prove the nullity of certain passages
in the Prophets and the Gospels which would seem
to imply that the restoration of the Temple was
never to be accomplished. It seems, however, that
only a very forced interpretation of those passages
is consistent with this view, and that any such pre-
dictions if drawn from the Old Testament might
have condemned the enterprise in the eyes of the
Jews as well as in those of Christians. Nor can
Julian have been actuated by any great affection for
the Jews themselves or any hope of " making them
pagans " as one of the Church-historians says. But
when we consider the light in which (as already
shewn) he regarded the Jews and their religion, we
seem to find a clue to our difficulty in the statement
of Socrates: that he asked the Jews why they did
not offer sacrifices according to the Mosaic ritual,
and on being told that this ritual could only lawfully
be followed at Jerusalem, he ordered them to set
about rebuilding Solomon's Temple, and promised
to defray the expenses himself. Now as we have
seen, Julian objected to Judaism as a universal reli-
gion, but thought it respectable and even admirable
as a national cult ; it was inferior to Hellenism, of
course, as Jews were inferior to Greeks, but if it was
264 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
suited to the genius of the Jewish people, they were
right in maintaining their traditional loyalty to it.
Now if Judaism were once again localised and na-
tionalised, it would take its proper place among the
religions of the world. There need be no more fear
of proselytism among the adherents of more civilised
and enlightened systems, nor would the religion of
Israel figure any longer as the forerunner of the
religion of Christ. To restore to it those national
and ritual accompaniments of which it had lately
been deprived would make it cease to be a rival
force against the new and purified Hellenism, while
the difference between Jews and Christians would
tend thereby to be accentuated.
If this was Julian's idea, was the first attempt to
realise it made by the Jews themselves, or how far
did they co-operate ? The answer to this question
is differently given in different accounts. It is cer-
tain, however, that there had been a good deal of
uneasiness and disaffection felt among the Jews.
Very severe laws had lately been passed against any
attempt at proselytism on their part, and they may
well have hoped for some relief from an Emperor
whose views differed so widely from those of Con-
stantine and his sons. We know, too, from the
letter already cited, that Julian had corresponded in
a friendly way with the Jewish patriarch, whose
name of Hillel he hellenises into *IovXo$, and of
whom he speaks as " my brother " probably in
reference to his own office of Pontifex Maximus.
Most of the authorities tell us that the Jews were
eager to help, both with labour and money, and if
Labours and Reforms. 265
this is so, the statement that the whole undertaking
was to be at Julian's own expense needs some modi-
fication. In his letter to the Jews, Julian says that
he hopes, on his return from the Persian Wars, to
see the holy city which will have been restored by
his labours, and there, with them, to give thanks
to the Most High. Meanwhile, he asks for their
prayers.
With regard to the catastrophe, the most probable
hypothesis is that there was an earthquake, similar
to many of which we read in not very distant regions
about this time, with some kind of conflagration.
As to the nature and also the exact place of the fire,
our authorities are confused. The narrative of
Gregory represents the flames as issuing from a sacred
place to which people had fled in alarm at the tem-
pest and the earthquake, and this has led to a conjec-
ture" that in the confusion, a mob of Jews assaulted
the Church of St. Helena, and were repelled with
burning brands. In any case events and circum-
stances were eminently favorable to the growth of
an impressive and harrowing tale. Probably Julian
was somewhat easily led to believe that the Powers
were against his proposal. He referred to the event
afterwards as an illustration of the mutability of
earthly things. It were idle to speculate as to what
might have been the result if he had persevered.
But we cannot believe that the alliance between neo-
Hellenism and reactionary national Judaism could
possibly have been very firm, or of long duration.
(For designs of coins selected as illustrations for this chapter \ seepage 262.)
266 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XI.
1 See especially his Letter to Themistius.
8 xxv, 4.
8 c., 583; King's translation, pp. 178-9.
4 See Willems, Le droit publiquc remain, pp. 611, 612, and authori-
ties there cited.
6 Cod. Theod., xi., 30.
Cod. Theod., xi., 31.
I See his description of these vampires in xxx., 4.
8 See Haenel, Leg. Imp.
9 Cod. Theod., h., 29., cf. Ammian., xxii.,6.
10 Cod. Theod., hi., i., 3.
II Cod. Theod., ii., 5., i.
19 Cod. Theod., v., 12., and xi., 16.
11 See Schiller, iii., i. Sec. 6.
14 Cod. Theod., vi., 24. I.
16 Cod. Theod., vii., 4.
18 For the Roman system of Public Post, see Dr. E. E. Hude-
mann's excellent little treatise Geschichte des Romischen Postwesens
wahrend der Katserzeit.
17 See especially Ammianus, xix., n, xxi., 16 ; Libanius, Epitaph.
569, etc.
18 iii., I., Bonn's translation. Hudemann (p. 144) thinks that this
regulation tended to limit the use of the cursus velox as distinct from
the cursus clabularis.
19 viii., 5., 12., el seq.
20 This explanation of viii., 5., 15., has been kindly given to me by
Dr. J. S. Reid, who considers canalem to mean here a trench from
which marble is cut. He suggests that the public contractors were
often also engaged on private buildings, so that it would be hard to
stop irregularities ; but commentators seem to take canalem as mean-
ing a cross-road.
81 viii., 5, 16. This law is sometimes attributed to Jovian. The
change, as Hudemann shows, is to abolish the cursus velox, retain-
ing the cursus clabulans.
28 xv., 3., 2. But the text is here doubtful and obscure.
21 Ep. 47.
84 Ep. 25.
88 Cod. Theo., xi., 28.
Notes on Chapter XL 267
$e * Ep. 35 : but on the authenticity and probable occasion of this
letter, see Cumont, p. 21.
81 xiii., 3., 4. ; vi., 27, 2.
98 xii., i., 55., 56. See xii., i. f 50, 56.
89 *i., 3., 3.
80 Symmachus 10. 39. (apud Hasnel)
81 Cod. Theod., iii., 13. 2.
89 i* , 17, 5-
88 For Julian's dealings with the Jews, and attempt to rebuild the
Temple see Ep. 25, Fragm. Ep. 295, Am. Mar. xxiii., I., and all
the Church historians, especially Socrates, iii., 20 ; Sozomen, v., 22,
and (the marvellous element increasing like a snowball), Theodoret,
iii., 20. Also Gregory Nazianzen, Second Invective, 4.
84 Epp. 29 and 30 are addressed to Alypius.
85 Of Mr. C. W. King. Julian the Emp. p. 88. Julian's rela-
tions with the Jews and his attempt or project to rebuild the Temple
are discussed in an able and interesting article by the Rev. Michael
Adler in the Jewish Quarterly Review for July 1893. With regard to
the general subject, Mr. Adler shows clearly that Julian must have
been intimately acquainted with Jewish institutions and with the
Hebrew Scripture, though not with the Hebrew language. He
also shows, by quotations from the Talmud, that some of the
arguments used by Julian against the Jews, formed part of the stock-
in-trade of controversial Gieek philosophers. As to the Temple:
Mr. Adler's conclusion is that the rebuilding was merely contemplated,
never actually taken in hand, and that the whole miraculous story
(missing from contemporary Jewish writings, and from the Syriac
account written in the sixth century) was a fiction of Gregory Nazi-
anzen. The question is certainly a difficult one, but though the
passage in Julian's writings is interpreted by Mr. Adler consistently
with his hypothesis, it is difficult for us to allow that Ammianus
copied from Gregory. The absence not only of any record of the
enterprise, but of any grateful recollection of Julian himself from con-
temporary Jewish writings is a puzzling fact, and some writers, e. g.
(Prof. Gwatkm) have thought they have found such recollections.
We might suggest that the same historical conditions which, on Mr.
Adler's theory, nipped in the bud the good-will and gratitude felt by
the Jews towards Julian may also have silenced their tongues as to
the unfortunate issue of his well-meant attempt on their behalf.
Medal of Maximian.
Obverse, Head of Maximian with attributes of Heracles. Reverse, three female
figures with cornucopias, signifying wealth.
CHAPTER XII.
LITERARY RECREATIONS. CONTROVERSY WITH
THE CYNICS.
o QsoS
Convivium, 306, A.
" Or let my lamp at midnight hour
Be seen in some high lonely tower,
Where I may oft out-watch the Bear,
With thrice-great Hermes, or uitsphere
The spirit of Plato." MILTON, // Penseroso.
N studying Julian's relations to the
philosophical and religious parties of
his time and his labours in the camp
and council- chamber, we become
impressed with three facts as to his
enterprises in the world of literature :
first, that all through his life, and not
much more at one period than at any other, he is to
268
Literary Recreations. 269
be regarded as a most industrious and prolific man
of letters ; second, that all his literary labours were
closely associated with the projects and the accom-
plishments of his active life ; and third, that from the
day on which he left Athens for Milan, literature
was regarded by him as a recreation, noble and ele-
vating it is true, and even worthy of great sacrifices
of time and ease, but still as subordinate to the main
business of his life. His delight in books and in lit-
erary controversies seems to have been gratified
chiefly during the hours that he stole from sleep.
This fact, though creditable to him as a conscientious
ruler, is not without some undesirable effects on his
literary works. To most readers, they may smell of
the lamp, and they certainly bear marks of haste.
When we read that the Oration in Honour of
Helios was composed in three nights, that the
Oration against the Cynics was the work of two
days, and that the Oration in Honour of the Mother
of the Gods and that Against Heraclius the Cynic,
were each finished in one night, we are aston-
ished at the swiftness of his powers of thought
and utterance. A calm and thorough treatment of
his subject we cannot, under such circumstances
expect to find. Perhaps we may console ourselves
for the hastiness of the composition by reflecting
that more time might have given scope for a more
elaborately artificial style. Orations composed as a
labour of love, and amid the stress of serious occupa-
tions, bear at least the trace of not having been pro-
duced by a mere orator.
Considering the rapidity with which Julian wrote
270 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
or dictated, we can easily believe that many of his
writings have not come down to us. Besides those
that we possess, there are said to have been, along
with other treatises, a narrative of his wars in
Gaul, 1 and a Cronia a which some would identify
with The Ccesars. Those which we have cannot
all be precisely assigned to accurate dates. 3 There
is little doubt, however, that it is to the period of
his life with which we are now concerned, that we
may attribute the most finished and elaborate of his
works : The Ccesars, the Oration in Honour of the
Mother, and most likely one at least of the ora-
tions against the Cynics. 4 It was probably dur-
ing the next year, at Antioch, that he wrote the
other oration against the Cynics, as well as the anti-
Christian writings already considered, and the Mis-
opogon, which we shall naturally consider in treating
of his relations with the Antiochenes. His Oration
in Honour of Helios may belong to either year.
As we have already examined Julian's religious and
philosophical opinions as indicated in his theological
writings, we may now look at some of his writings on
their literary side, though, as we shall see, morals and
religion figure largely in all that we have from his
hand.
Besides his prose writings, we have a few little
pieces of verse generally attributed to Julian, of
which two only are of some interest. These two
represent the Greek mind contemplating for the first
time two institutions destined to become important
in western civilisation, beer and the manual organ.
Julian seems to have made the acquaintance of the
Literary Recreations. 271
favourite barbarian beverage during his residence in
Gaul. He dislikes the smell of it, regards it as a poor
substitute for the noble gift of vine-growing lands,
and is inclined to attribute it to Demeter rather than
to Dionysus. The wonder which he feels on behold-
ing a musical instrument the pipes of which are
metallic and the wind of which is supplied from
leather bags instead of coming from a human chest,
is significant and has afforded some light to the his-
torians of the musical art. 6
The Casars is a satire in prose written for the Sat-
urnalia of the year 362. Its object is professedly
playful, though to the modern taste the jesting may
seem a little heavy, and the interest lies chiefly in
the dramatic way in which the scenes and the persons
are brought before us, and in the light thrown on
Julian's views as to history, and his judgment on his
predecessors on the Imperial throne.
He imagines that Romulus or (to call him by his
name after deification) Quirinus, when celebrating
the Cronia, summons all the Gods to a banquet, and
likewise all the Emperors of Rome. The Gods seat
themselves on their resplendent thrones on Mount
Olympus. The Caesars have their feast prepared in
the regions about the moon. The Gods sit and ob-
serve the Caesars as they enter. Silenus places him-
self next to Dionysus, to whom he acts as a peda-
gogue, and makes jocular remarks throughout. In
fact he is represented as a kind of court-jester to the
Gods, and his fooling constitutes the comic element
of the piece.
The Caesars approach one by one. First comes
2 72 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
Julius, whom Silenus taunts with an ambition that
would fain dethrone Zeus himself, and with a bold-
ness equal to the jester's own. Next Octavian,
changing colour and demeanour like a chameleon,
and trying to captivate Aphiodite and the Graces,
till Apollo turns him over to the typical Stoic phi-
losopher Zeno, to be made into a sensible man.
Then Tiberius, fierce and foul, before whom Silenus
brings up some of his evil deeds. Caligula wears
the aspect of a wild beast, and is seized by Dik and
given over to the Furies for punishment. Claudius
is twitted by Silenus as being a nobody without his
freedmen and his wife. Nero comes in imitating
Apollo with cithara and laurel, but is speedily dis-
graced by that indignant god. Vindex, Otho, Galba,
and Vitellius rush in amid wild confusion, thickening
the air with the smoke of burning temples and cities,
till Zeus and Sarapis order Vespasian to go and
quench the conflagration. Of Vespasian's two sons,
Titus is allowed to sport with Aphrodite ; Domitian
is chained with a collar as a dog. Against Nerva,
Silenus has no objections to make, but he grumbles
at the Gods for allowing to so good a ruler such a
short reign. Zeus, however, promises a succession
of better emperors. Trajan enters, carrying his tro-
phies. Then Hadrian playing the lyre and busying
himself with many things. Antoninus Pius is ral-
lied by Silenus on his stinginess. Marcus Aurelius
and Lucius Verus enter in fraternal harmony. Even
Silenus is moved with respect, though he has a word
of criticism for the indulgence shown by Marcus to
his wife and his son. Commodus stumbles and
PRIMITIVE ORGAN.
REPRODUCED FROM HOPKINS's " HISTORY OF THE ORGAN.'
MESSRS. ROBERT COCKS & CO.
'Literary Recreations. 2 73
falls, unable to follow the path of the heroes. Per-
tinax enters bewailing his sad fate. Dik6 bestows
her pity on him, but blames his share in the con-
spiracy against the son of Marcus. It is noteworthy
that the next Emperor, Didius Julianus, receives no
mention. His name was one that the present Em-
peror had no wish to preserve from oblivion. Sev-
erus comes in looking so fierce and stern as to crush
all the mirth out of Silenus. His sons are sum-
moned to justice by Minos. Geta is admitted, but
Caracalla sent away to punishment. The blood-
stained Macrinus and the effeminate Heliogabalus
are forced to fly. Alexander Severus seats himself
apart and laments his misfortune, while Silenus ral-
lies him on his leaving everything in his mother's
hands. Valerian enters with his prison-chains about
him, Gallienus luxurious in apparel and effeminate
in countenance. Both of these are prohibited by
Zeus from coming to partake of the banquet. Claud-
ius (who, as we have seen, was Julian's ancestor) is
received with acclamations, and the throne is prom-
ised to his posterity after him. Aurelian appears
flying from those who would have him tried for his
severities before the tribunal of Minos, but Helios
(who had been a special object of his veneration) in-
terposes, declaring that he has sufficiently expiated
his violent deeds. Probus receives honour as a
builder of many cities, but Silenus reads him a
little lecture against over-harshness. Carus and
his sons are driven away by Dik6. Diocletian
comes in attended by Maximian and his son, and
by the older Constantius, who treats him with a
18
2 74 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
reverence which he declines to accept. He gives all
his baggage, however, into their hands, that he may
walk unencumbered. The Gods approve the harmo-
nious union of the company, but Maximian is
chased away on account of his impurity. Licinius
is turned out by Minos, Constantine seats himself
and keeps his throne for a long time, and his sons
come in after him. Magnentius is rejected because
what good he has effected has not been done from
good motives."
On the completion of the company, Hermes pro-
poses, and Zeus approves, a trial of strength among
the Caesars. Romulus is anxious to have one of
them selected to receive divine honours. At the
request of Heracles, Alexander the Great is ad-
mitted to the competition. As no one makes way
for him, he takes the vacant seat of Caracalla. A
discussion thereupon arises between Silenus and
Romulus as to the relative merits of this one Greek
and of all the Romans. Romulus asserts that his
descendants honour Alexander above all other stran-
gers, but not above all their own heroes.
The method of the trial is next discussed, and it is
decided that, as in ordinary Greek sports, the prize
shall be adjudged to the victor of those who have in
their turn vanquished the others, so that not all need
contend in one heat. Accordingly chosen cham-
pions are called out. Alexander has been already
summoned to the contest. Hermes calls up three
other great conquerors, Julius Augustus, and Tra-
jan. At the request of Cronos, Marcus Aurelius is
added, to represent philosophy. He obeys the call,
Literary Recreations. 275
approaching with dignified mien, his personal beauty
undiminished by the traces of his heavy labours or
by the simplicity of his attire. Dionysus would also
admit a man of pleasure. Zeus will not allow such
an one to enter the sacred precincts, but Constantine
is allowed to come to the entrance. These cham-
pions are now called upon each to make a speech in
his own behalf, after which the Gods, who love truth
above persuasiveness, are to submit them to a more
searching examination. A water-clock is to limit
the time allowed to each one's oration. Finally
Hermes utters a metrical summons to the lovers of
glory, of wisdom, and of pleasure, the lots are cast,
and Julius Caesar begins the day. Caesar seems to
regard Alexander as his special rival. Accordingly
he boasts the superiority of his conquests, showing
especially how much more formidable a rival was
Pompeius than Darius. He compares his lesser wars
with the great ones of Alexander, and contrasts his
own forbearance with Alexander's violence. Alex-
ander retorts angrily that though Caesar disparages
him, it was from him that example had been taken
in Caesar's career. He speaks slightingly of Pom-
peius, shows how he had not, like Caesar, taken up
arms without cause against his country ; proves the
superiority of Greeks to Romans by pointing to the
embarrassment caused to Rome by ./Etolia ; taunts
the Romans with not having conquered the Per-
sians ; claims for himself the honours of a follower of
Heracles ; and justifies his severities in the camp ex-
cept in a few cases of violence where the deeds had
been followed by " the saving goddess " Repentance.
276 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
Augustus, against whom Poseidon bears a grudge,
and who is consequently stinted of water for his time-
measure, extols, when his turn comes, his conclusion
of the Civil Wars, his friendship for philosophers,
his restorative measures in the State, and his mod-
eration in keeping the Empire within its due limits,
and in withstanding temptations both to ambition
and to self-indulgence. Trajan, blustering in speech
(since he had been accustomed to leave oratorical
displays to others), points to his Getic and Parthian
Wars, the latter of which time had not permitted
him to finish. Silenus reminds him of the length
of his reign in comparison with that of Alexander.
Stung by his jest, Trajan makes a fresh start, and
appeals to the fact that his most vigorous actions
have always been tempered by clemency. This is
allowed to be in his favour by the opinion of the
Gods. When Marcus begins to speak, Silenus pre-
pares to hear some sophistical quibbles, but in this
he is disappointed. The philosophic Emperor makes
% no speech, but commends himself to the judgment
of the Gods, as to those who are already entirely
acquainted with all his actions. Constantine, know-
ing himself to have preferred, in life, the allurements
of ease and pleasure to the claims of justice, is for a
while afraid to compare his deeds with those that
have just been recited. On being obliged to speak,
however, he boasts the superiority of his achieve-
ments over those of Alexander, in that he has fought
against nobler races of men, over those of Octavian
because of the more pernicious character of the
tyrants he has destroyed, and over those of Trajan
Literary Recreations. 277
since he has again subdued the lands that Trajan
had conquered. The silence of Marcus he interprets
as giving consent to those claims. Silenus puts him
to the blush by comparing his accomplishments with
the artificial basket-gardens that were carried in pro-
cession at the festival of Adonis, but had no per-
manent root or vitality.
In order to eliminate the effects of fortune from
the achievements of the Caesars, the Gods institute
an inquiry into the ruling principles of the lives of
each. Alexander confesses that his object has been to
conquer all, but Silenus accuses him of having fallen
a slave to wine and to his own passions. The hero
vainly tries to save his reputation by logical quibbles.
Caesar's object was in all things to be first. But he
failed, Silenus says, in gaining the love of the people.
That of Augustus was to rule well, which he ex-
plains, on being pressed, as meaning to rule for-
tunately. Silenus taunts him with being a great idol
manufacturer, in that he had begun the apotheosis of
the emperors. Trajan's aim in life had been the
same as that of Alexander ; but he had suffered him-
self to be overcome by pleasures. That of Marcus
was to imitate the Gods ; not, as he is made to ex-
plain, by living on nectar and ambrosia, but by fol-
lowing the divine reason, by contenting himself with
little, and by doing good to as many as possible.
When Silenus brings up his unwise treatment of his
wife and son, he appeals to the authority of Homer
as to the kindness due to a wife and the indulgence
shown by Zeus to his son Ares ; he adds that he
could not tell what an evil disposition Commodus
278 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
would develop, and that the honours conferred on
him and on Faustina were merely customary. The
object of Constantine had been to obtain for him-
self and his friends as much enjoyment as possible.
Silenus accuses him of wishing to become a money-
changer and ending in the trade of a cook and barber,
and he is again put to a shameful silence.
After deliberation, the Gods award the palm to
Marcus, but all the Caesars are to be honourably dis-
missed, and each may choose a tutelary deity as
his special protector. On hearing this, Alexander
chooses Heracles, and Trajan runs after him ; Oc-
tavian turns to Apollo, Marcus to Zeus and Cronos.
Caesar, vacillating, is chosen and patronised by Ares
and Aphrodite. Constantine fails to find in any of
the Gods the image of the life he desires. He fol-
lows after Wantonness, who leads him to Intemper-
ance, and, followed by his sons, he seeks from the
Founder of the new religion the purification which
the older and sterner Gods would deny. The Gods
.would persecute him, but Zeus spares him, in con-
sideration of his ancestors Claudius and Constantius,
and grants to Julian himself the perpetual protection
of Mithras.
A sketch like the foregoing gives an inadequate
notion of the character of this little piece, which
shows considerable dramatic power, besides spirit in
conception and facility in expression. The bitter-
ness against Constantine, as well as the somewhat
unkind treatment of some previous emperors, is an
indulgence allowed under the satiric form of the
composition, yet it cannot be regarded as creditable
Controversy with the Cynics. 279
to Julian's fairness, especially as Constantine does
not figure in history as a mere votary of self-interest
and pleasure. There can be no doubt, however,
that Julian regarded the recognition of Christianity
as the opening of a door to all manner of licentious-
ness, and his seventy towards the memory of his
uncle is due to this opinion. The idea of the whole
and the way in which it is executed shows a re-
markably vivid realisation of history on the part of
Julian, who always felt, so to speak, on close and
familiar terms with great men of bygone days. An-
other characteristic feature is the modern, almost
Christian standard of virtue acknowledged in the
stress laid on the clemency of Trajan, the philan-
thropy of Marcus, and the penitence of Alexander.
The point which naturally surprises us, in relation to
the known views of Julian on such subjects, is the
liberty taken with the names and even the person-
alities of the Gods. That Silenus should be made
to act as a buffoon, and that Dionysus should not
always appear dignified, is no matter for wonder, but
though certain of the Gods, especially Zeus and
Cronos, are treated with some respect, yet at least
one jest is levelled at the " father of gods and men."
This attitude of men towards the pagan pantheon is,
of course, familiar to us in satiric and comic writers
of the best classical period, but it is not in accord-
ance with Julian's views as expressed elsewhere. We
must not, however, regard the power of jesting with
sacred symbols as inconsistent with respect for their
authority. There was much fooling with the con-
ceptions of sacred lore in the mediaeval "ages of
280 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
faith." Of all the faculties and proclivities of the
human mind, none vary so much from age to age in
their quality and mode of expression as do the sense
of reverence and the sense of humour. If some of
Julian's jests seem to us ponderous, it does not fol-
low that he entirely lacked Attic salt. And if his
treatment of divine beings would seem to us irrev-
erent, we may not conclude that he had not a pro-
found respect for the objects of his worship.
As to the source whence Julian derived the plot
of his little play, Dr. Mucke would regard the first
part as suggested by the wall-scene of the Third
Book of the Iliad, and the second part by the com-
petition between ^Eschylus and Euripides in The
Frogs of Aristophanes. But the plan of introducing
historical personages into rhetorical compositions
and moralising under cover of their names, was, as
we have seen, a favourite one among the literary
men of that age, and one to which Julian was likely
to feel attracted.
The two orations against the Cynics, while bear-
ing marks of hasty composition, and of some bitter
feeling against opponents whose influence seemed
detrimental to the interests of religion and philoso-
phy, are full of interest, both in showing us Julian's
attitude of mind towards various philosophical sects
and practical questions of his day, and in throwing
some light on a curious and little-studied school of
thinkers and moralists.
Julian's seventh oration Against the Cynic Hera~
clius, deals with the question " Is it consistent with
Cynicism to make use of allegories or myths?"
Controversy with the Cynics. 281
From his own account, Julian had felt his indigna-
tion aroused in listening to a discourse from a wan-
dering Cynic teacher, who was telling stories of a
kind that tended to diminish the reverence in which
the names and persons of the Gods were held among
men. He consequently examines into the uses and
abuses of the parabolic or allegoric method of treat-
ing religious and moral subjects, showing how such
a concession to human weakness is contrary to the
original idea of so stern a system as that of the
Cynics, and how, when it is used, it should always
be as a means of religious education. Some of the
principles he lays down are hardly in accordance, at
first sight, with his own practice in the composition
of The C<zsars. But, as we have said, it is difficult
for us to judge of the feelings towards the Divinity
expressed in that piece. It is evident that what
Julian most dreaded and disliked was the represen-
tation of the Gods under a purely human form, or
the assumption on behalf of actual known men of
the attributes and names of divine beings. And in
The C&sars the all-seeing, superhuman powers of the
Gods are exhibited, as far as is possible, in the form
of a tale. The oration against Heraclius contains a
model-story by Julian himself, setting forth his own
mission as he conceived it, a story that is written in
pleasing and tasteful style, and that one may imagine
to have been produced earlier, for a private circle of
friends, and brought in here by way of illustration.
He describes the estate of a rich, avaricious, and
careless land-owner, on whose death there had been
a general scramble for his possessions, disgraced by
282 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
bloodshed, marriage of near relatives, and spoliation
of temples. In this grievous state of things, which
represents, of course, the Empire after the death of
Constantine, Zeus appeals to Helios, and they call
the Fates to take counsel with them. It may be
noticed that Julian here makes the Fates subservient
to Zeus, while Helios is almost equal to him, and
acts as a ready executor of his decrees. The decision
is reached that a little neglected nephew of the rich
man shall be rescued from the general destruction,
and placed under the special charge of Helios and
Athene. But when this child is grown to early
manhood, he is overpowered by the sense of the
family miseries and longs to hide himself in Tar-
tarus. Now, however, Athene and Helios cause a
deep sleep to fall upon him, and in a vision Hermes
conducts him by a rugged path into a fair flowing
plain, and thence to a high mountain where dwells
the Father of the Gods. Hermes then vanishes,
and the boy beseeches Zeus, whether that name or
any other is best pleasing to him, to show him the
way to himself. Helios then appears, and the youth,
in an ecstasy of joy and devotion, vows that he will
ever follow the service of that deity. He is found
to be but imperfectly armed, yet Helios and Athene
tell him that he must return to earth, to accomplish
the task assigned to him. He is prepared for the
task by initiation, and by a vision of his kinsman
indulging in ease while his possessions are being
wasted by knavish herdsmen. Helios prepares to
set the boy in his kinsman's place. At first he en-
treats to be spared the labours of such a position,
Controversy with the Cynics. 283
but on being threatened with divine displeasure, he
promises loyal obedience. Hermes returns to act as
his homeward guide. Athene gives him three part-
ing counsels : never to prefer a flatterer to a friend ;
to be watchful against hypocrites ; and to honour
the Gods and godlike men. Then Helios comes
forward with a final exhortation. He enjoins the
boy to use his friends as friends, not as mere ser-
vants ; to love his subjects as the Gods love him ; to
trust in the divine power always working with him ;
and never to minister to his own fleshly desires or to
those of other people. He is to receive a torch
from Helios, so that the divine light may keep him
from desiring the things of earth ; a helmet and
aegis from Athene, and a golden staff from Hermes.
After a last injunction to be faithful, Helios dis-
misses him with the promise that if he is true to his
purpose, and uses his body as an instrument to that
end, respecting his soul as immortal, he shall at last
become as a god, and be admitted to the vision of
the Father.
The last part of the oration, which is very rambling
in style, is devoted to the same object as the sixth
oration To the Unmannerly Dogs, wherein he tries
to convict the Cynics of his own day of a falling
off from the moral greatness of the founders of the
sect.
The philosophers whom Julian attacks might be
called Neo-Cynics, as others of the day are Neo-
Platonists and Neo-Pythagoreans, for Cynicism, like
other philosophical systems, had taken a new lease
of life, and tried to adapt itself to changed condi-
284 Julian^ Philosopher and Emperor.
tions, when Greek thought and life had interpene-
trated the moral and intellectual organisation of the
Roman Empire. 7 Originally, the sect was Pre-
Socratic, but though the founder of the School,
Antisthenes, had struck out his particular line of
thought before he became acquainted with the great
Athenian, yet he seems to have discerned in the
teachings of Socrates all that he had taught and
more besides, and to have been ready to merge his
pupils and his doctrine in those of a nobler and
wider teacher. But the phase of Socratism which
he represented was distinct enough to form the
nucleus of a special school, and the remarkable per-
sonality of Diogenes emphasised yet more strongly
its peculiar practical characteristics. Of these two
and of Crates, the third among the leaders of the
early Cynics, Julian speaks with great respect, and
in order to understand his relations to them and to
their degenerate successors, we may trace very
briefly the character of their doctrine in its origin
and its decline.
Unlike other schools of Greek philosophers, the
Cynics had no theory of nature or of human life,
and they despised all thought that did not bear
fruit in action. Their root-idea may be summed up
in one word: self-sufficiency (avrcipxeia). In Greek
history we are constantly familiarised with the polit-
ical principle that each state should be able to pro-
vide its own necessaries, luxuries, and means of
defence. This idea of self-dependence, transported
from the sphere of politics to that of individual life,
becomes the corner-stone of Cynic morality. If
Controversy with the Cynics. 285
analysed, it is found to involve several far-reaching
consequences. It reduces to a minimum the goods
to be considered necessary for life and happiness.
The Cynic can dispense with a comfortable home
and warm clothing, and all but the simplest food
and drink. He must be free from all the vices that
tend to weaken mind and body. Again, Cynicism
involves independence of the ties of nationality and
of social conventions. Diogenes, who first adopted
the designation HOGpOTtokiTrjs, said boldly that the
wise man was not bound by the laws of the state
but by those of virtue. His motto, many times
cited by Julian, Ttapaxdpagov TO vo^iG^a (" forge "
or probably " countermark money "), is a pregnant
one, and it is natural to suppose that these words,
imperfectly understood, may have given rise to
the whole story of the forgery and punishment of
Diogenes in his early days. 8 It has been conjec-
tured * that they may refer to the practice of striking
afresh with the proper die of a State the coins
brought into it from abroad, in order to proclaim
their legal value. This signification would agree
excellently with the interpretation given by Julian, 10
but whether the literal application is to the coining,
the forgery, or the countermarking of money, the
meaning evidently is that no established usages,
however high their traditional authority, are to be
accepted as binding on the philosopher until they
have obtained his individual assent and received the
stamp of his approving reason and conscience.
As might be naturally expected, the Cynics cared
little for art and literature and still less for meta-
286 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
physical speculations. Books were worthless to
them in comparison with the principles stored in the
mind ; difficult questions were best solved by prac-
tice; abstruse terms had no significance to those
who cared only for practical life. Their contempt
for tradition and authority extended to matters of
religious belief and observance. The early Cynics
were not atheists, but they ridiculed the popular
mythology, held aloof from national rites, and de-
nounced prophets and soothsayers as contemptible
charlatans, while they received with a scornful scep-
ticism all suggestions of a world after death. Thus
Diogenes, in words quoted with approval by so re-
ligious a Hellenist as Julian, asked a youth who de-
sired initiation into the mysteries : " Thinkest thou
that in Hades the initiated publicans will enjoy
bliss, while Epaminondas and Agesilaus are wallow-
ing in the mire?" The idea that righteousness of
life is necessary in a man who would enjoy the Di-
vine favour is strongly maintained by the leading
Cynics, and it may have disposed many noble-minded
men to regard them with indulgence while feeling
both repugnance and fear at their general destruc-
tive tendencies. Their chief merit is their respect
for reality and hatred of cant in every form. Antis-
thenes, like Socrates, insisted on definitions of terms
in common use, and ridiculed some of the extrava-
gances of popular democracy. In their dealings
with their neighbours, the influence of the Cynics
tended to sweep away unmeaning distinctions and
to clear up the mists of prejudice. They despised,
or affected to despise, the verdict of the vulgar, yet
A POET, OR PHILOSOPHER.
IVORY DIPTYCH.
Controversy with the Cynics. 287
respected human nature as capable of achieving the
highest excellence. Diogenes declared that virtuous
men are the best likenesses of the Deity.
The third of the Cynics, Crates, though by no
means an attractive character as depicted by Dio-
genes Laertius, seems to have been a man of singu-
larly noble and upright life, if we may judge by
some details given by Julian " as well as from some
verses of his, cited both by Julian and by Clement
of Alexandria. 18 His prayer was that he might have
enough of the necessaries of life to be free from ser-
vile anxiety, that he might be useful, not merely
agreeable, to his friends ; and that his treasure
might not be of material things, like that of a beetle
or an ant, but of righteousness, from which he might
offer sacrifices to Hermes and the Muses. He had
given up all his property, and passed his time in
trying to reconcile enmities and feuds among his
friends.
Few, however, of the Cynics of the succeeding
generation approached within a measurable distance
of the moral elevation of Crates. For a considera-
ble space of time, there seems to have been no men
of note belonging to the school, and meantime what
was most admirable in their teaching had become
the possession of another sect, that of the Stoics.
The doctrine of the Porch strongly resembles that
of the Cynosarges, but toned down, and made more
compatible with social order and intellectual culture.
Not that the Stoics confined their efforts to a miti-
gation of Cynic doctrine by the negative process of
eliminating its harsher elements. Rather may they
288 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
be said to have penetrated to its central idea and to
have given it a wider and grander significance. The
aim of both sects was the same : " to live according
to Nature " ; but while the Cynic referred all things
to his own individual nature, his wants, preferences,
and idiosyncrasies, the Stoic rose to the conception
of a universal nature embraced by one undeviating
law, to the authority of which all individuals, whether
Gods or men, must be subservient, save only the
supreme law-giver Zeus. And while cosmopolitanism
in the Cynic sense probably meant little more than
a capacity for living under very diverse conditions
and for regarding men in general apart from their
nationality, the genuine Stoic felt his citizenship
with all men on earth who were with himself mutu-
ally dependent on the kind offices one of another,
and bound with him in obedience to the common
law of Nature.
Accordingly when Cynicism again lifts its head in
the first century of our era, it appears as a kind of
left wing of Stoicism. The raison-d ' ctre of Neo-
Cynicism is to be found in the need of a practical
protest against the novelties and the follies of a
superficial and highly conventionalised society. The
best representative of the school (who, however, is
not mentioned by Julian), Demonax the Cypriote, 13
was a friend of Epictetus, and the Cynic Deme-
trius was friendly with Seneca. One of the disserta-
tions of Epictetus 14 shows the very respectful
attitude towards Cynicism taken by the best of the
later Stoics. The philosopher is here arguing with
a youth who, in his enthusiasm for the Cynics, thinks
Controversy with the Cynics. 289
of adopting their mode of life. The tone of Epic-
tetus is like that of a pious Catholic towards an eager
aspirant after the monastic life. He tries to show the
young man how great is the honour at which he is
aiming, and induces him to think well before com-
mitting himself to a course which may prove beyond
his moral strength to attain. For a Cynic who has
no dark corners in his life should be as pure as sun-
light in all his thoughts and ways, and his function
towards his fellow-men is to act as a messenger sent
from Zeus to guide them into the paths of virtue.
Now between the time of Epictetus and that of
Julian, Cynicism had had about two and a half cen-
turies in which to degenerate. The whole system
lent itself with peculiar ease to caricature, and it was
ever likely to attract followers from among those
who regarded it chiefly as a means of emancipation
from social restraint and who developed to a high
degree its most repugnant features. And these cer-
tainly were very unamiable. As Julian well says, 16
Cynicism is like a noble city, abounding in sacred
temples and stately houses, whence everything that
might excite disgust or suggest meanness and squalor
had been ejected without the gates, so as to greet
the traveller on his approach. And apart from the
essential ugliness of their system, Julian had some
special grounds of dislike against the Cynics of his
day. Heraclius, against whom he wrote Oration VIL,
seems to have shown a servile deference to Constan-
tius and an absence of regard for Julian himself.
He had also, following the fashion of the Cynic
CEnomaus, controverted the religious beliefs of
2go Julian^ Philosopher and Emperor.
those who adhered to the Hellenic worships, and
used scurrilous language on subjects that lay very
near to Julian's heart. He regards the Cynics as
playing into the hands of the Christians, and as fol-
lowing the fashion of those Christian ascetics who had
won glory for themselves and support from their co-
religionists by affecting a mode of life superior in
sanctity to that of the vulgar. At the same time, he
regards this assumption as a mere pretext to hide
luxurious and unrestrained habits indulged in private.
And finally, as a Neo-Platonist, Julian felt no sympa-
thy with the Cynic tendency to depreciate all culture
and to set aside all traditions of the past. But
since his own morality was, as we have seen, entirely
of the Stoic type, he shows the same reverence as
does Epictetus for the pure and uncorrupted princi-
ples of the original Cynic code, and for the charac-
ters of the three great Cynics. The special function
of Cynicism is, he says, to teach by deeds, as other
philosophers did by words, how it is possible to
scorn convention and live according to the simple
dictates of Nature. But the Cynics of his day are
false to their mission. They keep the outward garb
of the sect, yet they indulge their lowest appetites,
truckle to those in power, use smooth words to cap-
tivate the vulgar, instead of giving the warning bark
of the watch-dog, and, worst of all, they speak with
impious license against the Gods. In vigorous and
earnest language, Julian exhorts them to examine
and see whether they have sufficiently overcome the
" many-headed monster " within to be able safely to
set all human conventions at defiance. If they have
Controversy with the Cynics. 291
a hankering desire after the good things of this life,
they should avoid touching them even with the
finger-tips. Let no one be so bold as to neglect
outward decency, as Diogenes did, till he has shown
himself equal to Diogenes in all his nobler qualities.
For it is not the coarse cloak, the wallet, and the
staff that make the Cynic, but rational discourse
and a well regulated life.
In the course of his discussion, Julian dwells on
certain principles which have been already shown to
lie at the basis of his whole system of thought and
morals the essential unity of all philosophy ; its
practical aim ; the obligation to live above-board
and to have no secret corners in the soul wherein
unworthy desires and thoughts may lie concealed " ;
and beyond all, the need of an infinite aspiration
after a Divine life to enable men to live purely and
bravely on this earth.
Although Julian regards the Cynics as leagued
against him with the Christians, we find, in the
Christian Fathers the almost unanimous expression
of a sentiment closely corresponding to that of the
Emperor, as to the disgusting boldness and con-
temptible charlatanry of the wandering Cynic teach-
ers. True, the Fathers themselves many of them
forged weapons against pagan superstitions from
the material provided by the destructive works of
QEnomaus and others. Yet Justin, 17 Chrysostom,"
and Augustine 19 cite the Cynics as examples of
shamelessness and hypocrisy. In times a little later,
we find them associated, in the minds of a few
writers, with some early Christian communities of
292 Julian* Philosopher and Emperor.
ascetics, nor is it impossible that there may have
been some intercourse between such Christian com-
munities. But to trace the subsequent history of
Cynicism, and the relation of Pagan to Christian
asceticism lies far beyond our present task. The
controversy between Julian and the Cynics illustrates
the many varieties of schools and intellectual ten-
dencies with which the Emperor was at various
times brought in contact, and also his worthy ambi-
tion, in the case of all non-Christian sects, except
perhaps the Epicurean, to do justice to the elements
of truth contained in their teaching, while guarding
against all dangers of extravagance and one-sidedness
in thought and action.
Reverse to medal of Constantine. Constantine the Great.
Seated figure receiving a trophy Bronze medallion,
and gifts.
Notes on Chapter XIL 293
NOTES ON CHAPTER XII.
1 Zosimus, iii., 2.
8 Or. iv., 157, C.
8 For the chronology of Julian's writings, see the pamphlet of
Schwarz which I have frequently cited, pp. 6-15.
4 See Libanius, Epit.^ 574. Schwarz thinks that Or. vi. must have
been composed at midsummer, and so before he left Constantinople,
from a reference to the solstice on p. 181. But the proof does not seem
to me conclusive.
* Version of Julian's epigram on the Organ (given by E. A. G.) :
Strange reeds are these ; surely it is a crop
Wild-springing from another "brazen field."
No human breath that shakes them, but the blast.
Springing from leathern cave, is led along
Beneath the roots of various pierced reeds.
And a skilled player, nimble of his hands,
Touches the rods that commune with the pipes
And lightly dance and so press out the tune.
(Cf. Hopkin and Rimbault, History of the Organ, p. 15.)
6 It seems rather strange that there should be no mention of Ga-
lerius, and that Magnentius should be placed among the lawful
Emperors.
I See an interesting monograph by Bernays, Lucian und die Cyni-
ker, published as an Introduction to his translation into German of
the Death of Peregrinus.
8 See his biography, by Diogenes Laertius.
' For this suggestion I am indebted to Prof. P. Gardner, who was
led to the supposition from his studies of numismatics.
10 Especially in Or. vi., 188 ; and Or. vii., 211.
II Especially in Or. vi., 201.
12 Stromata, ii., 492. Jul., Or. vi., 199.
13 See the very charming life of Demonax, attributed to Lucian, but
probably not from the same pen that wrote the Death of Peregrinus.
14 III., 22.
"Or. vi., 186, 187.
lf For the idea as to the absence of all need for secrecy in a well
294 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
regulated life, compare the first of the new letters in the Mavpo-
ropdarsiot fitfifaoQiJHy.
1T See his Second Apology. He calls the Cynic Crescens, qnl<nl>o<poS.
ntoKoinot, and <ptA.6doo$.
18 Homily xvii.
Coins of Antioch.
Tyche of Antioch in her Temple. Tyche of the City.
CHAPTER XIII.
JULIAN AND THE ANTIOCHENES. 1
362-3.
ovvy oJ (pi&s, voni<5y$ tivai ZtevQepoS,
yatirrfp ap%fi <5ov . . . oi re rov napa6i&v rd
ffdovfjy nal ravra outoK&>'\.v6ai HI) plot, nal et Toriroov
yevoto xpeiTT&Vy eaoS av dovA.ev%$ ratS TG>Y 7ToA.A.
ovTtoo rrjs tA.evQspia$ sQtyel, ov8k yev6oo TOV vsKrapoS.
JULIAN, Or. vi., 196, C.
How happy is he born and taught
That serveth not another's will
ov
Whose passions not his masters are,
Whose soul is still prepared for death
Untied unto the worldly care
Of public fame or private breath. WOTTON.
HILE planning and executing the vari-
ous administrative reforms and the
literary works, controversial and play-
ful, which we have just been consider-
ing, Julian was engaged, throughout
the year 362, in preparations for a re-
newal of the Persian War. He must
indeed have regarded the prosecution of that war as
295
296 Julian^ Philosopher and Emperor. [352-
one of the duties involved in the acceptance of the
Imperial dignity. Nor, considering the ruined state
of the frontier provinces, and the constant danger of
a serious invasion, can we regard that view as in any
sense unreasonable. Whether, as some of the Church-
historians say, the death of Constantius encouraged
the Persians to attempt more daring enterprises, or,
as seems more probable, the accession of a prince
who had already won great military fame in the
West, led Sapor at once to desire negotiations,
Julian must have felt sure that he could only win a
secure and honourable peace by forcing the Great
King to feel more respect for the Roman arms. It
seems, therefore, hardly reasonable to charge him
with rushing needlessly into war, 2 still less are we to
regard his Eastern campaign as part of a great plan
for crushing the Christians everywhere. Doubtless,
a successful war would have done much to increase
his authority, and so would have facilitated many of
his projects of reform. But apart from any such
consideration, the continuation of the Persian War
was inevitable. And Julian determined that, if he
led an expedition at all, it should be on a grand
scale.
The length of time which elapsed before the
campaign was actually begun, and which is rather
remarkable, considering the usual celerity of all
Julian's enterprises, is to be accounted for partly by
the Emperor's anxiety to set on foot the reforms
we have been considering, and partly by the extent
of the preparations required. These preparations
were carried on first at Constantinople and then at
ANTIOCH AND THE ORONTES.
STATUE IN THE VATICAN.
363] Julian and the Antiochenes. 297
Antioch. Early in the year 362 he received ambas-
sadors from many Oriental states, including Ar-
menia,* and probably discussed terms of co-operation
in the war. It was most likely in the early summer*
that he left Constantinople for Antioch. He had
named as officers of the army Victor and Hormisdas,
the Persian fugitive whom we have already seen in
the company of Constantius. They probably had
to direct the muster of troops and the gradual trans-
ference of the various companies from Europe into
Asia.
Julian and his immediate attendants did not pur-
sue the most direct route into Syria. He seems to
have chosen to visit those cities which most required
his presence or which were most interesting to him
from considerations of religion or of old acquaint-
ance. He stayed on his way at Nicomedia, a city
familiar to him in his younger days, which had lately
suffered from a terrible calamity : a great portion of
it had been shaken down by an earthquake. Julian
explored the ruins, exchanged greetings with those
of his old acquaintances who remained in the re-
duced and impoverished city, and contributed a
considerable sum of money towards the work of resto-
ration. After proceeding to Nicaea, he turned south-
wards to visit Pessinus in Galatia, in order to do
honour to the famous abode of the Great Mother.
He then went on to Ancyra, the inhabitants of
which seem to have been of litigious nature, for
they overwhelmed him with complaints and difficult
questions, of a public and of a private character.
Here, as elsewhere, Julian sought to show the dif-
298 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [352-
ference in his disposition from that of his predeces-
sor, by treating with scorn all accusations based on
an interested sycophancy. On hearing that a rich
citizen had ordered a purple robe, he ordered that
his accuser should convey to him a pair of purple
shoes. In examining into claims of exemption from
public duty, he showed that stern determination to
let no man off too easily, of which we have seen
abundant traces in his legislation.
On his way from Phrygia to Cilicia, through Cap-
padocia, Julian wrote a pleasing letter 6 to a certain
philosopher named Aristoxenus, whom he did not
know personally, bidding him come to him at Tyana,
and show that there was at least one pure-blooded
Greek dwelling in those lands. He is not to hesitate
to place himself among the Emperor's friends. All
are naturally friends to one another that have the
same aspirations towards what is best. Similarly at
Pylae, on the Cilician frontier, Julian welcomed an
old philosopher-friend, Celsus by name, now acting
v as Rector of the province, and took him up into his
chariot. Wherever Julian went, he was likely to
pick up philosophers by the way and add them to
his cortege, as Frederick William of Prussia picked
up giants for his guards. He passed on through
Tarsus, and arrived at Antioch just as the inhabi-
tants were celebrating the festival of Adonis. The
sounds of mourning which accompanied the doleful
ceremonies seemed to betoken an unhappy issue to
the sojourn thus inauspiciously begun.
It needed, however, neither omens nor prophet to
predict that Julian's relations with the Antiochenes
THE CILICIAN GATES.
3631 Julian and the Antiochenes. 299
were not likely to continue easy and cordial. The
physical and moral atmosphere of the voluptuous
city which Ammianus calls " Orientis apicem pul-
chrum " was almost as dangerous to Julian as it had
proved to his brother Callus. He might be proof
against its enervating influences, but the contentious
spirit which ran riot among the people was not so
easy for him to withstand. The great drawback to
his achieving any measure of success was that while
the city was divided into numerous factions, not
one of them seemed to the Emperor deserving of
sympathy, and his conduct ended in setting them
all against him and in wellnigh uniting the seldom
unanimous city in a common aversion to himself.
The Christian majority was divided into three par-
ties, to all of which he desired to do justice as he
considered it, without feeling the slightest interest
in the points at issue. At Antioch, while Arianism
or Semi-Arianism had of late been dominant, the
section which held the Nicene creed was again di-
vided, on what seems to have been a purely personal
question, into two factions that could never worship
together. The Pagan minority, while not very
zealous for their religion, loved dearly everything
of the nature of games and shows. The contempt
of amusements and the ascetic mode of life always
exhibited by the Emperor were not likely to com-
mend his creed to those whose chief associations with
the Pagan deities were of luxurious and indecent
oriental rites practised in the temples and groves of
Daphne. The sober and moral element among the
people to which, in the next generation, John
300 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [352-
Chrysostom could appeal, was equally incapable of
appreciating his anti-Christian zeal and enthusiasm
for sacrifices. The sect of Pagan-Puritans with
whom he might have expected to feel some sym-
pathy, the Cynics, were not unrepresented here, but,
as we have seen, he disliked them as depredators of
culture and as unfaithful to their original principles.
He felt no sympathy with the cry of the lazy mob
for bread and games, still less if possible with the
covetous eagerness of the rich to profit by the
necessities of the poor. He was anxious to reduce
public expenditure, but had no toleration for the
lazy longing to escape all public burdens. And a
series of events occurred which speedily brought
into play all the latent causes of mutual disaffection.
There was, however, one man in Antioch who
enjoyed the esteem both of Julian and of the Anti-
ochenes, and who seems to have tried, with some
measure of success, to mediate between them. What
Libanius tells us in his autobiography 8 and his ora-
v tions is certainly to be taken with a grain of salt,
and it is by no means always consistent with itself,
but his account of his relations with the Emperor
at this time seems in the main fairly in accordance
with what we know of the characters of both. Li-
banius thought it beneath his dignity to wait on the
Emperor before he was specially summoned. He
desired that the Emperor should miss his presence
and inquire after him. Julian did so, at a sacrifice
made in the temple of Zeus Philios, and sent him a
message on a tablet which gave the sophist an oppor-
tunity for repartee. Libanius continued to absent
363] Julian and the Antiochenes. 301
himself, considering, apparently, that the Emperor
had not been sufficiently cordial in his advances.
But by waiting he obtained his reward. Julian sent
for him, made what Libanius interpreted as an
apology, and invited him to the mid-day meal.
When Libanius replied that he could only eat late
in the day, Julian asked him to come in the even-
ing. Even the excuse of chronic headaches did
not make the Emperor impatient. Libanius finally
promised to come when invited, and from that time
forth the two had many " feasts of reason " together.
Libanius refused, he says, all offers of offices and
emolument, and the Emperor was delighted to find
a man who cared more for his friendship than for
his power of rewarding his friends. Consequently,
when Julian had quarrelled with the Senators, Li-
banius spoke on their behalf without incurring the
Imperial displeasure. He was chosen to make an
oration when, at the beginning of the year 363,
Julian entered on the consulship in company with
Sallust. The Emperor seems to have bestowed on
the sophist compliments to his heart's content. He
corresponded with him after leaving Antioch for
Persia. He promised, Libanius says, to receive
favourably communications from the offending citi-
zens if uttered by their illustrious representative. If
all the Antiochenes had been of the mind of Li-
banius, the months which Julian passed among
them would have been pleasanter and more peaceful
for both parties.
At first Julian won favourable opinions from the
common people by his assiduous and strict adminis-
302 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [352-
tration of justice, though they probably felt more
puzzled than pleased when he prevented them from
wreaking their wrath against Thalassius, a former
opponent of Callus, by saying that the quarrel be-
longed primarily to himself, and by settling it without
delay. In a similar spirit he accorded full pardon
to one Theodotus of Hierapolis, who grovelled be-
fore him as he went to sacrifice on Mt. Casius, and
confessed, what Julian had already heard, that he
had petitioned Constantius, on his last march east-
wards, to send Julian's head for exhibition in his
native town. Such men were scarcely worth pun-
ishing. Others of more formidable character re-
ceived harsher measure.
But the favour he might win in the law-courts
was lost again in the temples and the senate-house.
The extravagance of Julian's sacrifices might consti-
tute a real grievance in a time of scarcity, and sen-
sible men were provoked by spectacles of gorging
and drunkenness resulting from the festivals among
% the soldiery, especially the Petulantes and Celtae,
who often had to be carried home incapable to
their quarters. Julian boasted of his barbarian
fighters that the mimes and other amusements of
the refined Antiochenes seemed to them utter mad-
ness. Yet he felt obliged to indulge some of their
grosser proclivities if he would retain their allegiance
and keep them well affected to the Gods of Greece.
Some of his measures, however, were of a kind not
only to arouse disgust among the right-minded, but
to stir up a fiery fanaticism among the vulgar.
Antioch stood almost above all other cities of the
363] Julian and the Antiochenes. 303
time 7 in the magnificence of her buildings, the
palace of kings and emperors, the baths, race-course,
theatre, and aqueducts, with the shady porticoes
running along the evenly laid streets, delightful to
the ease-loving citizens, and the temple and statues
of the Gods. Here, as elsewhere, the honours paid
to royalty, to the people, and to the Divinity were
closely associated in thought and deed, for some of
the emperors who had been benefactors of the city
received in it Divine honours, and the races which
delighted the citizens were run in honour of the
Gods. In fact, Daphne, a beautiful suburb some
miles from Antioch, had been made by the succes-
sive benefactions of Seleucid princes and Roman
emperors, into a little Elis, where stood a noble
temple of Apollo, built by Seleucus, and one of
Zeus, the foundation of Antiochus Epiphanes, each
containing a colossal statue of the God. Here at
the traditional seasons were celebrated races and
other contests modelled on those of Olympia, and a
temple dedicated to Nemesis was supposed to indi-
cate the severity of the contests and the justice of
the awards. There were other sacred places in the
neighbourhood, to say nothing of numerous temples
in Antioch itself. There was a celebrated temple to
Zeus on Mt. Casius, where a sacrifice by the Em-
peror Hadrian (a great benefactor of the city) had
been miraculously consumed. But the choicest
abode of the tutelary gods of Antioch was Daphne,
where they declared their will by means of sacred
streams. One of the most famous of these Castalian
wells had long ago been closed, it was said, by the
304 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [352-
prudence or the superstition of the Emperor
Hadrian. This Julian determined to reopen, and
accordingly he issued orders for its purification, by
the removal of all bodies that had been buried in
the vicinity. Now during the rule of Callus, a pro-
test had been made against the Pagan orgies which
at times defiled the Daphnic groves, in the shape of
a transference to that spot of the bones of the mar-
tyr Babylas. Julian naturally resented this, and he
also felt disgusted at the neglect into which some of
the sacred rites had fallen. In the late summer, on
the occasion of a great festival, he went to celebrate
it in the temple, and was met not, as he expected,
by jubilant crowds with incense and victims, but by
a priest with one goose provided at his own expense.
This led the Emperor to address a strong remon-
strance to the Senate. He upbraided the Antiochenes
with being more chary in their gifts on public occa-
sions than any petty Pontic village, though he finds
them profuse enough in their private festivities and
in letting their wives bestow gifts on Galilaeans pro-
fessing poverty. Through their fault, he said, the
God had forsaken his temple. But unfortunately
for Julian, both the zeal and the numerous con-
course of people which the festival of Apollo failed
to call forth were ready enough to appear in honour
of St. Babylas, as his remains were conveyed back
from Daphne to the place in the city which thence-
forth became their shrine. Men, women, and chil-
dren helped in the sacred task, singing as they
marched the words of the psalm : " Confounded are
all who worship graven images, who boast them-
3631 Julian and the Antiochenes. 305
selves in idols." This ebullition of enthusiasm for
the popular martyr and of spite against the unpopu-
lar Emperor gave colour to the suspicion that icono-
clastic zeal was the cause of the subsequent catas-
trophe. On the 22d of October, the temple in
Daphne, the joy and pride of the city, was de-
stroyed by fire. It was but natural that suspicion
should fall on the Christian zealots, especially as
some had expressed dissatisfaction at recent addi-
tions to the temple. Inquiry was made, perhaps
aided by torture, yet no satisfactory solution was
obtained. It was asserted that a devout philoso-
pher, Asclepiades by name, had been burning wax
candles before a silver statuette of Cybele, which he
had placed at the feet of the colossal Apollo of
Daphne, and that an accidental conflagration had
occurred therefrom in the night, when there was no
help at hand to extinguish the flames. If this story
were accepted, the Antiochenes might be convicted
of gross negligence, but of no wanton destructive-
ness, and the retaliatory measure taken by Julian,
the prohibition of services in their principal church,
would appear somewhat harsh and unjust.
But the purses of the Antiochenes were probably
at least as dear to them as their religious principles,
and in this region also they were subject to Julian's
attacks. We have observed his determination to
allow no qualified person to escape the pecuniary
and other burdens attached to membership in the
Senate. The illegal and corrupt way in which the
senators recruited their members was one of his
grievances against them, and he set his face against
306 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [362-
what he regarded as insufficient claims of exemp-
tion, on the ground of clerical profession, half-birth,
or recent domicile. But more serious than even
these regulations was his attempt to regulate the
price of corn, a rock on which his brother Callus
had made shipwreck many years before.
The autumn of 362 was marked by great physical
calamities. So great was the drought that many
springs were dried up. The city of Nicaea and the
remains of the unhappy Nicomedia suffered severely
from another earthquake. A general scarcity of
provisions set in, and, as usually happens in such
cases, the rich were accused by the poor of hoarding
their supplies in order to obtain a harvest for them-
selves from the general disaster. The people of
Antioch, assembled in the circus, besieged the Em-
peror's ears with the cry : " Plenty of everything ;
everything dear." As to the course taken by Julian
in this emergency, some of his bitterest foes give
him credit for good intentions, while some of his
staunchest supporters acknowledge his want of dis-
cretion. Yet, according to his own account, he did
not proceed hastily. He summoned a meeting of
the chief people, and ordered them to find a remedy
for the prevalent distress. During three months,
however, their deliberations led to no effect. At the
end of that time, Julian took the matter into his
own hands, and drew up a list of prices, by which
corn was to be sold at a moderate rate. This step
naturally led the dealers to restrict their sales still
further, and when the Emperor procured for the
people quantities of corn from Chalcis, Hierapolis,
363] Jidian and the Antiockenes. 307
and afterwards from Egypt, the proprietors naturally
felt the cheapness as a grievance. As the hoarding
continued, and in all probability the wealthy citizens
set themselves to buy up the stores so liberally pro-
vided, in order to sell again at the most profitable
time and place, Julian had another and a stormy
meeting with the Antiochenes, which ended in the
whole body of senators, over two hundred in num-
ber, being ordered into custody. True, they were
liberated before supper-time, and an orator like
Libanius might descant on the mildness of the ven-
geance taken by the autocrat whose benevolent
intentions were ever thus perversely opposed. But
in later days it seemed to Libanius that the senators
had not been much to blame after all, and he took
pride in the thought that he had defended them in
the Emperor's presence. It was not, however, the
wealthy only that felt dissatisfaction with Julian's
tariff. To some of the people it seemed desirable
that the price of some of the minor luxuries, as well
as the necessaries of life, should be reduced. But on
this point Julian felt no obligations. He considered
himself bound to provide the poor with bread, but
not with superfluities, so that here again he failed to
obtain the approval and gratitude of any of the con-
flicting classes and interests. When, in order to
render the relief permanent, he made a grant to the
town of three thousand lots of waste land, he found
that they were not being distributed to the most
needy and deserving, and felt it necessary to burden
them with obligations towards the State in order
that private individuals of the wealthier classes
308 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [352-
should not be able to appropriate the whole advan-
tage. Class privileges, the commercial advantages
of the wealthy, the love of the common people for
races and shows, the attachment of the many to the
martyrs who were ousting the prestige of the ancient
Gods, all these things he not only discountenanced,
but attacked with a virulence that led those who
were deprived of more potent means of resistance to
have recourse to the last resort of the weak, a sar-
castic and spiteful tongue, and to calumniate his
name with reproaches, while they ridiculed his ap-
pearance and habits in biting comic verse.
It would certainly have been better for Julian's
reputation if he could have shown himself as clement
and humane towards those who laughed at his beard
as he did towards those who desired his head. If he
had already shown that a controversialist on the
throne must needs descend from the sphere of digni-
fied impartiality which best becomes a far-ruling sover-
eign, he was now to prove that a satirist on the throne
loses yet more of that personal dignity which should
strike respect into his subjects of all degrees. Per-
haps Julian's reputation has suffered more from the
Misopogon among later generations than among his
contemporaries, seeing that many commentators,
wanting in sense of humour, have taken au strieux
many of the unpleasant statements he ironically
makes against himself, and so presented us with a
representation of his person and manners disgusting
in itself and inconsistent with what we read in other
authors. The object of the satire is to ridicule the
Antiochenes under cover of ridiculing himself from
363] Julian and the Antiochenes. 309
the Antiochian point of view. In the character of
an Antiochian " beard-hater," he ridicules his own
personal appearance, especially his ragged, unkempt
beard, his excessive plainness of living, and his want
of taste to appreciate games, dances, and all spec-
tacles. From the same point of view he ridicules as
boorish and inhuman the GGxppoffvvri, which the
Emperor puts first of all things, and which the An-
tiochenes entirely fail to comprehend. It seems to
them to consist in such a slavery to the Gods and
the laws, with rigid rules of abstinence and self-
control, as must lead to the destruction of the city,
with its love of liberty in all things. Then there are
his tiresome habits of always going to the temples,
and his harshness in reproving the people who would
applaud him in the sacred places where he insists on
reverent silence. 8 The Antiochenes, faithful to the
memory of their founder, Seleucus, are self-indulgent
in love and in diet, but Julian inherits all the rough-
ness of his Thracian ancestors. His justification lies
in his early education, especially in the narrowing
influence of his paedagogue Mardonius, and in the
stern moral maxims from the philosophers which
have been impressed on his mind. The Antiochenes
allow much license to their women. They care only
for the K and the X (Kcovffrdrno^ and Xpiffros),
from whom the city has never suffered such annoyance
as from Julian. But he has made himself obnoxious to
the people because of his adhesion to the religion of
his fathers and his little care for the theatre and for
pleasures. They had shown their mood in old times
by preparing a splendid reception for Demetrius,
3 1 o Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [352-
the wealthy freedman of Pompeius, which, by a
ludicrous mistake, was given to Cato the Stoic, a
man by no means delightful to them. Julian's life
among the Gauls, who have no taste for Antiochian
entertainments and refinement, and whose barbar-
ous ways has made them feel loyal to him as to a
congenial spirit, has further removed him from all
sympathy with civilised people. He goes on to ex-
press the difference between himself and the citizens
in their ideas as to the relative scale to be observed
in private and in religious festivities, and the impos-
sibility of co-operation against the disastrous results
of the famine. He acknowledges that he has failed
with them and that he had better go. If he tried
to reform his manners, he would but be as the kite
that tried to copy the neighing of a horse, and so
lost his own voice without acquiring the other. His
benefits have aroused no gratitude, and he has only
brought trouble to himself and to them.
The tone of the whole piece is very bitter, espe-
cially towards the end, and it concludes with some-
thing very like an imprecation. True, what Julian
denounces is only what deserves the strongest de-
nunciation : the wanton, frivolous, covetous tone of
a luxurious and unprincipled community. Before
long, the Antiochenes were to receive more lashes
for the same offences, at the hand of one of the
noblest of eastern Bishops. 9 Julian's governmental
system would hardly have afforded scope for a
censor in the position of Chrysostom, yet moral
denunciations may seem to us more becoming in
363] Julian and the Antiochenes. 3 1 1
the mouth of a spiritual than in that of a temporal
ruler.
While at Antioch Julian lost one of his nearest
and strongest supporters, his uncle Julian. Church
writers see in his painful end a judgment on his co-
operation in the anti-Christian measures of his
nephew. The elder Julian seems to have been popu-
lar among some of the Oriental communities over
which he had ruled, and his death must have been
greatly regretted by the Emperor on public as well
as on personal grounds.
When he left Antioch, Julian declared his inten-
tion, on his return, of staying at Tarsus rather than
at Antioch. These words must have seemed after-
wards a melancholy forecast as to the place which
should afford him quarters for more than one winter.
Meantime, he appointed to the government of Syria
a Hierapolitan named Alexander, known to be of a
severe and violent disposition. If this appointment
was made chiefly with a view to harass the Anti-
ochenes, as Ammianus seems to imply, Julian must
indeed have allowed personal feeling to move him
from the path of rectitude. A letter of Libanius, 10
however, will show that Alexander, though unpopu-
lar, was able to maintain his authority and keep
order, and thus his policy may have been more suc-
cessful than that of Julian himself. The Emperor
was certainly right in discerning a mutual incom-
patibility of temperament between himself and the
people of the great Syrian city. According to his
principles of morality, he was justified in making no
3 1 2 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [362-363
secret of his feelings. What, if he had reigned
longer, the ultimate result might have been of this
abandonment of self-control, so different from the
dissimulation in which he had passed his youth,
must remain a matter of conjecture.
Coin of Antioch.
Obverse, Head of Tyche of city. Reverse, a spray of laurel.
Notes on Chapter XIII. 3 1 3
NOTES ON CHAPTER XIII.
1 The chief authorities for this chapter are : Ammianus, xxii. , gff. ;
Julian's own account in the Misopogon, Zosimus, ni., II ; the Orations
and Autobiography of Libanius ; and the Church historians, espe-
cially Socrates, iii., 17, 19, and Theodoret, Hi., 21 ff. See also
Mttcke, ch. 6, 7. Schwarz is always useful for chronological data.
8 As Schiller would seem to do, iii., 3, 26.
8 Ammianus, xxii., 7.
4 Zosimus says that he spent ten months in Constantinople, but
this is probably an error. See Schwarz, p. 18.
1 Ep. 4.
6 Autobiography, 82^".
* See two papers, De Antiquitatibus Antiochenis^ by K. O. Mtiller,
published with his lesser works in German.
8 It is interesting to compare what Julian says of the irreverent
behaviour of the Antiochenes in the Temple services, with the very
similar reproaches made by St. Chrysostom in his sermon to them on
Christmas day. See W. R. W. Stephens' Life and Times of
Chrysostom.
9 See a bright little sketch called St. Chrysostom 's Picture of his
Age, published in 1876 by the Society for the Propagation of Christian
Knowledge.
10 Libanius, Ep., 722.
Coin of Sapor II. of Persia.
Reverse, Fire Altar with worshippers.
CHAPTER XIV.
JULIAN'S PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. HIS DEATH.'
363-
M The end of life is the same as if a praetor who has employed an
actor dismisses him from the stage. ' But I have not finished the five
acts, but only three of them.' Thou sayest well, but in life the three
acts are the whole drama. For what shall be a completed drama is
determined by Him who was once the cause of its composition, and
now of its dissolution ; but thou art the cause of neither. Depart
then satisfied, for He also who releases thee is satisfied."
Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, xii., 36.
(Long's translation).
|Y the 5th of March, 363 (the year of
Julian's fourth consulship, in which
he was associated with Sallust, Prae-
fect of the Gauls), the Emperor's
preparations were sufficiently ad.
vanced for him to be able to begin
his Eastern campaign. He probably
felt much relieved in departing from the city in
which he had experienced so much of disappoint-
ment and failure. The fickle people of Antioch
314
363] Julians Persian Campaign. 3 1 5
were profuse in their demonstrations of good wishes,
and the senators accompanied him on the first stage
of his journey, after which they were dismissed with
a hortatory and not very condescending address.
It is not certain whether at this moment Julian
had either arranged a detailed plan for the campaign,
or decided as to his ultimate course with regard to
Persia in case he should prove successful. He cer-
tainly meant to strike at the heart of the kingdom,
but was as yet unaware at what points he might ex-
pect to encounter resistance from the enemy. The
comparative ease with which, in the great days of
Greece, armies from the West had penetrated to the
neighbourhood of Babylon, may have rendered him
insufficiently regardful of the vastness of his enter-
prise. The thought of Alexander was ever with him,
and many ages seemed to witness his deeds, as forty
centuries looked down from the Pyramids on the
armies of Napoleon. At the same time, he did not
neglect the less encouraging memories, those of
Caesar, of the younger Gordian, of Valerian. Critics
have remarked that he relied too much on the kind
of experience he had gained in the Gallic wars,
whereas that which he was now undertaking required
greater forces and more circumspection. Even at
that time, warning voices were heard. The Greek
oracles which he consulted (of Delphi, Delos, and
Dodona) a seem to have given favourable responses.
But the Sibylline Books, and various omens, as well
as some purely human warnings, such as those of
Libanius and of Sallust, Praefect of the Gauls, were
strong on the other side. However, Julian's piety
316 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [353
never prevented him from interpreting oracles and
omens in his own sense, nor did his loyalty to his
friends ever lead him to subject his judgment to
theirs.
It is probable that from the first, Julian had con-
ceived a plan for avoiding future dangers on the side
of Persia.* This was to dethrone Sapor, and to re-
place him by the fugitive prince Hormisdas, whom
we have already seen in the company first of Con-
stantius and later of Julian. The parentage and his-
tory of this man is not related alike by the different
historians, but, according to a not improbable ac-
count, 4 he was an elder brother of Sapor, who had
been excluded from the kingdom in consequence of
a quarrel with the Persian grandees. In any case,
he had incurred the enmity of the existing govern-
ment and fled, first to the Armenian and then to the
Imperial Court. The conspicuous position which he
holds in Julian's army, the frequency with which he
is employed in negotiations ; and the enmity which
is shown towards him by his fellow-countrymen, are
in favour of the supposition that the prospect of
greatness had been held out to him.
We have already seen that Julian had received
embassies with a view to alliance. Some of these he
declined, probably because he did not wish to be
burdened with the task of supplying provisions to
an unwieldy host. He built some hopes, however,
on Arsaces, King of Armenia, who had been, as just
stated, the protector and friend of Hormisdas. This
king had received in marriage, at the hand of Con-
stantius, a lady of high birth, and he and his people
MESOPOTAMIA
AND ADJACENT COUNTRIES
MAP SHOWING JULIAN'S LINE OF MARCH IN HIS EASTERN CAMPAIGN.
JULIAN'S ROUTE
363] Julians Persian Campaign. 3 1 7
regarded themselves as hereditary allies of the
Romans.* Some Saracen tribes were inclined to
support the Emperor if he would pay them suf-
ficiently high subsidies. As he deemed such a course
derogatory to the dignity of Rome, certain of them
stood aloof or took the part of his adversaries,
though, on his demand, some joined him before he
had gone very far. 8 Some Goths also joined him
after a few days' march.
A fleet was meantime prepared on the Euphrates,
to join the army on its march down that river. The
number of the vessels, as of the entire army, is differ-
ently given us by our different authorities. If, ac-
cording to Zosimus, 7 Julian had with him a force of
83,000 horsemen and foot together, it was a power-
ful army for attack, but not sufficient to garrison all
the strong places that he must capture on his way.
On the roth of March, Julian arrived at Hiera-
polis, a city about twenty miles to the west of the
Euphrates. Thence he sent an interesting and char-
acteristic letter to Libanius, describing the journeys
of the last five days and his present occupations.
His style is terse and vigorous. He knew that the
recipient of the letter would supply ample adornment
to the material given, before it should be published
to the world. The places at which he had lodged
were Litarbae, Beroea, and Batnae. At Bercea, he
had held a meeting of the senators, and tried in vain
to impress on them the duty of piety towards the
Gods. He had found the Beroeans more ready to
applaud him than to follow his exhortations, except
such as were already of his way of thinking. From
31 8 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [363
another source, 8 we hear of his endeavouring, while
in this city, to mediate between a father and his son
whom he had disinherited for going over to the
Hellenic worship. After vainly trying to move the
old man by setting forth the injustice of using com-
pulsion in matters of faith, Julian turned to the
younger, and offered to bestow on him the care
which his parent had denied him. From Beroea, he
had proceeded to Batnae, a charming place which
reminded him of Daphne. It was Hellenic in charac-
ter, though barbaric in name. But the worship of
the Gods was practised in too sensational a style,
and without sufficient reverence. In Hierapolis,
Julian had been delighted to find a son-in-law of
Jamblichus, a staunch Hellene, whom neither Con-
stantius nor Callus had been able to induce to for-
sake his religious principles. Julian was now actively
occupied in conducting trials in the camp, superin-
tending sacrifices, negotiating with the Saracens, or-
ganising a system of scouts, and collecting provi-
sions for the army, so that we may thank the fulness
of his hands for the business-like character of his
communication.
After a three days' stay at Hierapolis, the army
marched on eastward, crossed the Euphrates by a
bridge of boats, halted for a day at another Batnae
(in Osroene), and proceeded to Carrhae," a place
memorable as the scene of the disastrous defeat of
the Crassi. Here Julian held a great review of his
troops. Thence two courses were open to him by
which to reach upper Asia. He might strike across
Mesopotamia eastwards, past Nisibis to the Tigris,
363] Julian s Persian Campaign. 319
or he might march southwards to Callinicus on the
Euphrates, and then down that river to Circesium
and so onwards. The former was the route once
followed by Alexander, the latter that of Xenophon
and the Ten Thousand. While he was deliberating,
news came that the Persians were making raids on
the peoples subject to the Romans, apparently in
the neighbourhood of Nisibis. This decided him to
adopt a plan to which he was already inclined, and
to despatch a considerable force eastwards, that
might hold the brigand bands in check, effect a junc-
tion with Arsaces, ravage the provinces on the As-
syrio-Armenian frontier, and subsequently join the
main body in Assyria. This detachment was placed
under the command of Sebastian, formerly Dux of
Egypt, and Procopius, a relative of the Emperor,
and in the eyes of some his probable heir. 30 With
the main host, after a feigned movement towards
the Tigris, Julian proceeded south, and reached Cal-
linicus on the 2/th of March. Here he celebrated
the festival of the Mother of the Gods, and was re-
joined 11 by his fleet. He then proceeded, in hopeful
spirits, down the Euphrates to Circesium. This
town possessed a considerable garrison, which Julian
is said ia to have strengthened. He seems not yet
to have abandoned the plan of keeping a line of
communications behind him. Or it may be that the
last important place on Roman soil seemed specially
worthy of defence. A few days' march, past
Zaitha, near which lay the tomb of the Emperor
Gordian, and Dura, brought the army into the re-
gions called by the vague name of Assyria, which
320 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [353
owned the Persian supremacy. The first hostile
demonstration to be made was against an island fort
variously called Anatho and Phathusa. The com-
mandant, however, capitulated and was received
into Roman employ, the lives of the defenders were
spared, and the army had the satisfaction of restor-
ing liberty to a number of prisoners, including an
old man who had been captured in the expedition
of Galerius, more than thirty-six years before, but
had always kept up a hope of being buried in Ro-
man soil. The fortress was burned down, and the
country that the army passed through was ravaged.
Some fortresses were left untaken, on a promise of
adopting the side of the Romans should their expe-
dition prove successful. The army marched so as to
cover a large space, the baggage in the centre, while
the Emperor rode actively from company to com-
pany to avoid disorder and straggling. A large
number were told off to act as scouts, a necessary
precaution, seeing that small detachments of Per-
sians were hovering in the neighbourhood, from one
of which Hormisdas had once a narrow escape.
They had further difficulties to encounter, as they
proceeded southward, from the canals and marshes
which the dwellers by the lower Euphrates, like the
Dutch in later times, could render useful allies
against an invading army. When the waters had
been crossed by swimming, or on improvised
bridges, a serious resistance was encountered from
the strongly fortified town of Pirisabora. His first
assault having failed, Julian ordered a wooden turret
to be applied, the helepolis, first famous in the
3633 Juliaris Persian Campaign. 321
sieges of Demetrius Poliorcetes. This led the com-
mandant to propose a capitulation. Quarter was
given to the inhabitants, but the town was utterly
destroyed. The stores of arms and provisions were
gladly appropriated by the Romans.
The discipline maintained in the Roman camp
was strict, not to say harsh. When three squadrons
were overcome by a body of Persians under com-
mand of the Surena, and c standard taken, the Em-
peror, by a daring and swift attack, recovered flag
and honour, and inflicted death (*' according to the
ancient laws," as Ammianus says) on ten of those
that had been guilty of cowardice in flight. The
donatives given to the soldiers after the capture of
a town did not satisfy their expectations, and Julian
could only restrain the tendency to mutiny by as-
suring them, in a vigorous speech, that more could
not be spared for them at present, though abundant
wealth lay before them if they were only courageous,
and trusted in God and in himself. He meant to
carry on this enterprise as long as he lived and
reigned, and he appealed to their loyalty to support
him. His exhortation was well received, and his
spirit communicated to the whole host, which knew
his readiness to take his full share in all labours and
privations.
The abundant produce of the land through which
they now had to march, especially the dates and
vines, afforded some compensation to the soldiers
for the annoyance of having to cross more sluices
and canals on palmwood planks, swollen skins, or
whatever else could serve the purpose. They had
322 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [$63
now left the main stream of the Euphrates, and
were approaching the Tigris. Another important
siege had to be undertaken, that of Maogamalcha,
while the trusted commander Victor, with a body of
reconnoitrers, went on towards Ctesiphon to see if
any enemy were to be encountered. While surveying
the fortifications of Maogamalcha, Julian was per-
sonally attacked by some Persians who had observed
him, and only escaped after a hand-to-hand conflict
with his foe. The city did not yield to the first
assaults. Recourse was had to mining, and a simul-
taneous attack from without and from below led to
surprise, confusion, and a ghastly massacre. Women
and children seem never to have been spared in
these assaults. Libanius says that Julian would
have preferred to take prisoners rather than to slay,
but he could not restrain his excited soldiery. He
specially ordered, however, that the King's guards
should be spared with their leader, who was, never-
theless, put to death soon after for insulting Hor-
misdas." For his personal share in the abundant
spoils, he took only three pieces of gold and a deaf-
and-dumb child, whose pantomimic gifts had struck
his fancy. Some Persians who had taken refuge in
a subterranean passage were suffocated by a fire
made at the entrance. The terror spread by the
Roman successes was so great that a Persian prince
who had lately sallied forth from Ctesiphon to
oppose Victor and his forces, thought it best to
desist from his attempt and beat a retreat.
Not far from Maogamalcha, the army arrived at a
magnificent park and hunting-ground belonging to
363] Julians Persian Campaign. 323
the King, with a palace built in Roman style. Julian
ordered the enclosure to be destroyed, and the men
enjoyed some sport of an exciting character, since
lions and wild boars were among the game preserved
for the royal amusement. The palace he ordered to
be spared, but if Libanius is right, it was fired by
the soldiers. The army was allowed a halt for re-
pose, but difficulties and the need for watchfulness
by no means diminished as it proceeded. On one
occasion, the Persians made a successful assault on
the Roman baggage. On another, a sudden sortie
from a fort led to the flight and seizure of several
Romans, though this was followed by the disgrace
of some cowardly horsemen, and the subsequent
capture of the place. Meanwhile, the fleet had to
be brought from the Euphrates to the Tigris. From
books, and from the testimony of the natives, Julian
had learned of a canal, called the " Royal River "
(Naargamalcha), which formerly flowed from the one
to the other, but was now choked up with rubbish. 14
He ordered it to be cleared, and the ships were safely
conveyed into the waters of the Tigris. Before pro-
ceeding he roused the spirits of the men with games
and races, in preparation for the next step on which
he had decided. This was to transfer his forces to the
other side of the great river. It seemed a hazard-
ous proceeding, as a Persian host was already mus-
tered on the opposite side, strong in missile weapons,
in horse, and in elephants. Several of the generals
to whom Julian made known his design remon-
strated. But the Emperor was quite determined on
the matter. The heavier transport ships were un-
324 Julian> Philosopher and Emperor. [353
laden and "filled with men, and five of them were
entrusted to Victor, with orders to effect a crossing
under cover of the night. But the enemy on the
high bank opposite perceived them, and hurled burn-
ing brands which set the ships on fire. The Roman
host felt alarmed, but Julian had the presence of
mind to resort to a pious fraud, such as he had
probably learned to use in interpreting oracles. He
declared that the flames which the soldiers saw were
the prearranged signal of the successful landing of
their comrades. All were now eager to embark, and
the night together with the day following were
occupied in the crossing and in desperate fighting on
the eastern bank. In the end, thanks in great meas-
ure to the personal activity of the Emperor, the
troops were transferred, the half-burned ships re-
covered, and the enemy driven back with great loss.
The way now seemed open to Ctesiphon, and but
for the opposition of Victor, who had been wounded,
and felt unequal to any further enterprise, an at-
tempt would have been made on that city, into
which the Persian generals with the fugitives effected
a retreat. 16
The army had now penetrated into the neighbour-
hood of those ancient cities, the centres of several
civilisations and capitals of successive empires, which
had from of old dominated the great river-basins
north of the Persian Gulf. Julian was within about
fifty miles of Babylon, on the Euphrates, now no
longer a place of importance. Close at hand on the
Tigris was Seleucia, great in the days of Alexander's
successors, long since reduced to almost nothing by
363] Julians Persian Campaign. 325
the arms of Verus, and now commonly known as
the village of Coche. Opposite to it was Ctesiphon,
the capital of the Parthian empire, now occupied by
the Persian forces. Great as had been the success
of the army hitherto, its position was still critical.
The force which had harassed it on the Euphrates
was by no means annihilated. A strongly fortified
city dominated the river by which the fleet must
pass if it were decided to advance in a north-east-
erly direction to meet the force sent on before and
the Armenian allies. To the East lay a comparatively
unknown region, with a terrible possibility of en-
countering the Great King and all his host. To the
West, along the route by which it had come, was
a devastated land through which retreat was im-
possible.
Julian halted, awarded prizes for valour to the sol-
diers who had distinguished themselves, offered sac-
rifices, the victims of which gave unfavourable signs,
and held a council of war as to the step to be taken
next. The most natural thing to do, it seemed,
would be to lay siege to Ctesiphon. To leave so
strong a place in one's rear was against all the rules
of prudent warfare. Yet, strange to say, the opin-
ion of the officers, to which the Emperor acceded,
was that, under present circumstances, and consider
ing the probable nearness of the King, the siege hac
better not be undertaken. Ctesiphon had not provec
impregnable in by-gone days, but probably Sapor 01
his predecessors had lately strengthened its fortifica
tions. In any case, the idea was abandoned. An
other course, which some of Julian's modern critic
326 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [363
would have advised, was to wait for Arsaces and the
forces sent by way of the Tigris to join him. Julian
was anxiously looking out for these troops, and
different causes are assigned for their non-appear-
ance. But whether the generals had quarrelled
among themselves, or turned aside to make war
on the natives, or whether Arsaces had found it
inconsistent with his Christianity to support an
apostate emperor, the forces did not appear. It
would, perhaps, be unfair to reproach Arsaces with
treachery. He suffered in after times for his fidelity
to the Roman cause. And it seems, after all, not
improbable that, if sufficient time had been allowed,
he would not have missed his appointment. 16
Again, it might have been possible to accept the
overtures of Sapor and enter into negotiations with
a view to an honourable peace. According to some
accounts," Hormisdas was himself desirous of such
a course. But Julian was anxious lest the news of
any such suggestions might damp the ardour of the
"soldiers, and ordered the messengers to be sent
away secretly. What he personally intended to do
was to follow in the footsteps of Alexander and to
strike out eastwards.
The rashness of this course is evident to us. Ju-
lian can only have hoped to justify it by some bril-
liant success. It is not easy, however, to form a
clear notion as to his plans at this moment. He
cannot have been unaware of the difficulties in the
way, from the enemy, the climate, and his own igno-
rance of the country. The Persian guides whom he
had with him soon proved themselves utterly un-
363] Julians Persian Campaign. 327
trustworthy. It was now the middle of June, and the
burning sun, with mosquitoes and other pests, were
peculiarly trying to men accustomed to the snows
and the winds of the far West. And if he had had
Alexander's army, and Alexander's genius, the ex-
ample of his hero could hardly have been appealed
to here. For when he advanced towards India,
Alexander did not leave Susa or Persepolis untaken
in his rear, nor was Darius then at large with a great
army. Julian might also have remembered that
Alexander's career was at last checked by the refusal
of his soldiers to go further. Such an event might
soon be looked for in his own camp.
The determination on an eastward march involved
a most momentous step the destruction of the
fleet. It was of no use to leave it there to fall into
the hands of the enemy ; the army could not be
thinned so as to leave an adequate guard ; and the
ships, even if sufficiently manned, could not force
their way up the Tigris, in the teeth of the garrison
of Ctesiphon. Even if they did so, they would be
of no service to the army in its farther progress or
on its return. It was decided to set fire to all the
ships, except a few small vessels, suitable for bridge-
making, that could be conveyed inland on waggons.
These were before long captured in an attack of the
enemy. The loss of the fleet was felt bitterly after-
wards. Even before the conflagration was com-
pleted, Julian is said, on discovering the treachery of
his spies, to have revoked his decision. But it was
too late to extinguish the flames.
Now began a time of greater sufferings and disasters
328 Julian^ Philosopher and Emperor. [353
for the Romans than they had as yet experienced.
The Persians had destroyed all the provisions in the
country through which their road lay, so that famine
was added to the other terrors of the midsummer
march. Julian did what he could to encourage the
men. On one occasion, remembering probably the
example of Agesilaus, he displayed before them the
puny forms of their oriental captives, and asked
what they could dread from such men. It was not,
however, so much the Persian army as Julian's patron
King Helios above and the trench-divided land be-
low that hindered progress and made the men insist,
tumultuously at last, on a retreat homewards. Most
reluctantly, Julian was obliged to consent. The
question now was whether to march westward
through Assyria or to go in a northerly direction,
and occupy Corduene, the frontier province between
Armenia and Media. Sacrifices were made. The
victims gave no decided response, and it was resolved
to proceed towards Armenia. In that direction, an
ninravaged country might be hoped for ; there was a
chance, too, of hearing of Arsaces. And might not
Julian also have had in mind the retreat of the Ten
Thousand ?
Before long an ominous cloud of dust suggested
anxious questions in the army. Was it a flock of
wild asses, or a body of Saracens, such as were now
proving very formidable to the retreating host, or
might it be the great host of Sapor himself ? After
an anxious, sleepless night, the most serious alterna-
tive proved the true one. The Persians were seen,
clad in well-fitting armour, and backed by their for-
363] yuliaris Persian Campaign. 329
midable elephants, the sight and odour of which
terrified both man and horse. Nor was there a
chance that, as in many battles of old, the great
beasts might be driven back so as to prove more
fatal to friends than to foes. For we are told that
each driver carried a short knife with which to stab
in a mortal place the elephant on which he rode as
soon as it should show dangerous symptoms.
Formidable as the aspect of the army was, how-
ever, the Romans greeted it with joy. Fighting was
more to their mind than painful marching. But
Julian was unwilling to bring on a general engage-
ment without due preparation. A stream separated
the hosts, and for a time there were but skirmishes
and partial encounters in which some deeds of daring
were performed. 18 The Romans were even able to
halt and rest for two days at a place called Hucum-
bra. During the succeeding days, we have the old
stories of attacks on the baggage, of alarms, of
degradations for cowardice, of distressing efforts to
secure the burning harvests. At a place called
Maranga, the Romans found the foe drawn up in
battle array, and a more serious engagement was
fought. The battle seems not to have been decisive,
but the loss was much greater on the Persian side.
In fact, the Persians proved themselves far less for-
midable in hand-to-hand fighting than in sudden
charges and flights with missiles, and this discovery
was an encouragement to the Romans.
A three days' truce followed, for the recovery of
the wounded and the repose of the exhausted. But
the want of provisions prevented the men from de-
33 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [353
riving much benefit from the rest. Julian himself
could live on thin broth, and was ready to give to
the most needy any extra portion supplied for him.
But his men were not all accustomed to Stoic train-
ing, nor admirers of the life of Diogenes.
Even at this time, Julian used to spend most of
his time at night in writing and meditating. On
one occasion, according to a story which his friends
said they had received from himself, he saw, perhaps
in a vision induced by weariness and anxiety, the
Genius of the Roman People, moving sadly away,
with head and cornucopia hidden in his robe. Long-
ing to see a more favourable sign, Julian came out to
look at the starry heavens. A brilliant meteor met
his glance. Next morning, he asked the Etruscan
haruspices who accompanied his army how they
would interpret the sign. They answered that no
military operation should be attempted at present.
But Julian, whose pious regard for omens was rather
that of Hector than that of Nicias, gave orders that
the camp should be broken up at daybreak.
The Persians had returned to their old tactics.
Avoiding any direct encounter with the infantry,
they remained on the high ground at a little dis-
tance, watching the Romans, in readiness for any
opportunity of a sudden and partial attack. Julian
tried to keep the flanks firm and the squares solid,
but the nature of the ground was such that occa-
sional gaps were inevitable. Always foremost in
making surveys, the Emperor, without shield or
breastplate, was occupied in the van, when tidings
were brought to him that the enemy had attacked
363] His Death. 331
the rear. Seizing a shield, and without waiting for
other accoutrements, he hastened towards the point
in danger, but was speedily recalled by the news that
the van was now experiencing a like assault. He
returned to find that it was indeed so, but, heedless
of showers of missiles, of elephants, of terror all
around, he restored the spirit of his men and the for-
tune of the field. The enemy fled, and Julian was
foremost in pursuit. He might have remembered,
even now, the old device of the foe, to hurl missiles
backward while in full flight. As he pursued the
fugitives, the javelin of a flying Persian pierced his
unprotected side, and being double-edged, cut his
fingers, and thus rendered vain his manful efforts
to draw it out with his hand. 19 He fell from his
horse, and was at once carried from the field. A tent
was immediately pitched to receive him, since the
Romans had not been able to make an entrenched
camp this harassing day. There surgical aid was at
once applied.
For a while Julian did not realise that he had
received his death-wound. When clear conscious-
ness returned, he asked for horse and armour, that
he might return to the field and encourage the sol-
diers whom his disaster was already stimulating to a
desperate valour. But loss of blood had weakened
him. When he asked the name of the place where
he lay, and they told him " Phrygia," his hopes
waned yet more. For he had been told that
Phrygia should be the place of his death, and, like
Henry IV. in Jerusalem Chamber, he heard his
death-warrant in that word. He had doubtless
332 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [353
thought to die near the sacred precincts of the
Mother of the Gods.
When he realised that the end could not be far off,
he ceased from further effort to continue his active
course, and endeavoured, while physical and mental
strength remained, to comfort and encourage his
friends and himself by falling back on those main
principles of life which no press of active duties or
of manifold cares and considerations had ever ob-
scured in his mind. 90 He had always believed, he
said, that the soul was nobler than the body, and
that death was not an evil, but rather a special favour
from the Gods. Nor had there been anything in his
life which, at this moment, could fill him with
anxious thought. He had been faithful in his task
as ruler. As to success, that was not within the
power of man to achieve ; the event must ever be
determined by the Supreme Powers. He was thank-
ful that death came to him in fair fight, not by
treachery, nor by lingering disease. He forbore to
express any wish as to his successor. His choice
might not be the best, or it might bring trouble on
the man chosen. He could only hope, for the sake
of the whole State, that a worthy man might be
appointed to rule over the people.
Thus calmly, without remorse and without sense
of failure, he set about the arrangement of his private
affairs. Not that he was indifferent to the fate of
the Empire, but that he had too much confidence in
his cause to believe that it must perish with him.
Nor did his clear conscience imply that he acknowl-
edged no higher standard than that to which he had
363] His Death. 333
always conformed. But to a man of his habits of
thought it seemed that all human imperfection was
due to the connection of the soul with that fleshly
envelope, from which he was presently to escape.
One little touch of nature, however, affected the
by-standers more than all this expression of lofty
sentiment. He asked for his friend Anatolius, the
Master of the Offices, probably in order to give him
a last token of esteem. The Praefect Sallust, who
had himself narrowly escaped the sword of the
enemy, replied that Anatolius was "beatus," in
plain words, that he had been killed. On hearing
this, Julian showed bitter grief. The sight of a dying
man lamenting one who had preceded him but a few
hours, in its pathetic inconsistency, brought tears to
the eyes of those who had known them both. The
Emperor reproved them. It was weakness, he said,
to grieve for their prince as he was being taken up
to the starry heavens. He then turned to the phi-
losophers Maximus and Priscus, who stood by his
bed, ready to confirm his faith and strengthen his
parting spirit. Breathing became difficult. He
asked for a draught of water, and quietly expired
at about midnight.
Christian legend" soon began to busy itself in
weaving strange tales around the Emperor's death-
bed, for which we have no foundation in any trust-
worthy authorities. They need no disproof. But
perhaps more importance should be attached to the
notion which early gained ground, that the hand
whence the weapon came by which Julian died was
that of a Christian traitor in his own camp.
334 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. [353
The story as told by Ammianus, whom we have
followed in our account, is consistent, probable, and
apparently based on first-hand knowledge. The
notion that things might have been otherwise would
doubtless be suggested by the known fact that there
were Christians who desired his death, and by the
equally patent and very disgraceful fact, that grave
writers were afterwards found who applauded such
a supposed deed of murderous treachery. Coun-
tenance was certainly given to the opinion by a
writer who loved not the Christians, and deplored
the Emperor from the depth of his heart, the
orator Libanius. He is not quite self-consistent in
his accounts, but argues that Julian must have fallen
by treachery, since no Persian claimed the price
which Sapor had placed on the Emperor's head.
Even if Libanius were well informed on this point,
the argument is inconclusive, for how, after the con-
fusion of the battle, could any soldier present proofs
as to the effect of his own special missile ? Or, if
the slayer of Julian were a Christian, why should he
not still claim reward from the King? Some said
that it was a Saracen that did the deed. The char-
acter of the weapon would have been the only
evidence, and of that nothing conclusive is related.
In any case, however Julian had died, men would
have seen something portentous and supernatural in
his end. Hermits and saints would have seen visions
at a distance, and men would have tried to find in
the last words of him they hated and feared an
acknowledgment that the Galilsean had conquered,
that Helios had rejected his devotee, and that the
363] His Death. 335
Carpenter's Son had prepared a coffin for the
scorner.
Julian may be said to have slain many in his
death as in his life. The immediate result of his
removal from the field was not a panic, but a more
determined attack on the enemy. Fifty distinguished
men among the Persians are said to have fallen
in the field. But the Roman loss also apart from
the greatest loss of all was considerable. Some
bands of the soldiers took to flight. One gained
possession of a fort in the neighbourhood, and held
it till, after three days, it was enabled to rejoin the
main body of the army.
But, after all, the death of Julian was a far greater
calamity to the Romans than would have been the
loss of many battles. For long, no tidings of him
had reached the frontier. Libanius, in Antioch, was
hoping to hear of fresh victories, when the disastrous
news arrived. The earthquakes which were again
working havoc in Asia Minor seemed a fitting pre-
sage of the dire event. Superstition might express
in fantastic forms the sense men had of a far-reach-
ing occurrence. It could hardly exaggerate the
importance of what had actually happened.
Coin of Jovian.
336 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XIV.
1 Besides the already-mentioned authorities, I have found two
treatises very useful as to the subject of this chapter : Sievers' Studien
zur Geschichte der Romischen Kaiser : Julian? s Perser-Krieg, and
Reinhardt's Der Tod des Kaisers Julian.
9 Theodoret, iii., 22.
8 See Lib., Ep. 1457.
4 Zosimus, ii., 27.
6 Sozomen tells us of a peremptory and offensive letter written by
Julian to Arsaces, contrasting his own rule and character with those of
his predecessor, and a letter (furnished from these indications ?) in all
probability spurious, has found its way into the collection of Julian's
letters. He can hardly have been so impolitic as to write in a fashion
certain to repel a useful ally.
6 Cf. Am., xxiii., 3, and xxv., 6, and Jul., Ep., 27.
I iii., 12, 13. 65,000 at Carrhse 18,000 already sent off to the
Tigris under Sebastian and Procopius.
8 Theodoret, iii., 22. The anecdotes about Julian told by Church
historians are not generally very worthy of credit, but this one seems
not uncharacteristic or improbable.
9 According to Zosimus, he turned aside to visit Edessa, but Sozo-
men (vi., i.) denies this, and it is inconsistent with the account of
Ammianus.
10 A relative on the mother's side (?). Shortly before this, Julian
is said (as Ammianus reports) to have given Procopius a purple robe
1 and named him his successor. But as the ceremony is said to have
been without witnesses, we cannot regard it as a proved or even
probable event.
II Or joined. It is not clear whether he had met the fleet before.
12 Not by Ammianus nor by Zosimus, but by Malalas.
18 Mticke understands that all the eighty guards with Nabdates were
burned to death, but the words of Ammianus do not seem to bear out
this hideous suggestion.
14 Bunbury (Ancient Geography ', chap, xxx.) has some remarks on
the topographical difficulties connected with our narrative. There is
still a trench bearing a name of similar import, but it does not oc-
cupy the line one would expect. The water-system of the lower
Euphrates and Tigris has probably changed in the lapse of centuries.
15 The account of Zosimus is here strangely different from that of
Notes on Chapter XIV. 337
Ammianus, since he represents Julian as crossing two days after the
battle. We can only suppose (a) that Julian was not present at the
battle, though Ammianus, apparently an eye-witness here, says he
was most active in it ; (yS) that he returned and crossed again next
day ; or (y) that the crossing, in the account of Zosimus, is not of
the Tigris at all, but of the canal, which, according to Ammianus,
had been crossed already.
16 On this point see the pamphlet of Reinhardt referred to above.
17 Of Libanms and Socrates. Ammianus and Zosimus do not men-
tion another special embassy at this juncture.
18 By the brothers Maurus and Machamaeus (Am., xxv., i., and
Zos., iii., 26), who had perhaps been left at Circesium, and rejoined
the army.
19 Zosimus says it was a dagger. But Ammianus is to be preferred
here.
80 We cannot, of course, suppose that he delivered the harangue
which Ammianus puts into his mouth, but it probably represents the
main drift of his last sayings.
21 See Mticke, Reinhardt, etc. The Takikalt vtviKTjKal ap-
pears first in Theodoret.
Com of Valentinian the Elder.
Reverse, RESTITVTOR REIPVBLICAB. Emperor holding Standard and Victory.
CHAPTER XV.
OUTCOME OF JULIAN'S ENTERPRISES. HIS POSITION
IN HISTORY.
And not by eastern windows only
When daylight comes comes in the light.
In front, the sun climbs slow, how slowly.
But westward, look, the land is bright.
A. H. CLOUGH.
F this had been the biography of a
great hero of progress, an initiator
of a successful movement, or a
founder of permanent institutions,
our task, after narrating his death,
would have been to trace the lines
along which his work was carried on
by those who succeeded to his ideas and authority.
But Julian, as we have seen, was not a successful
initiator; rather he was one who endeavoured to
hold back the chief movement of his day and to
prevent the disappearance of what was old and
vanishing ; he founded no new institutions, though
338
Outcome of Julians Enterprises. 339
he tried bravely to infuse new energy into those
that remained ; and he had, properly speaking, no
successor. Yet it seems necessary, in order to com-
plete even a slight sketch of the man and his
thoughts and efforts in relation to the life of his
times, to consider briefly the continuation or the
abandonment of some of the tasks to which his
short life was devoted, whether as soldier, as poli-
tician, or as would-be religious reformer.
We naturally begin with the military enterprises
in the East, in the execution of which he had been
suddenly struck down. Of course the immediate
necessity laid upon the army that had lost its leader
was to choose a successor. It was not merely a gen-
eral for themselves, but a head of the Roman world
that they had to appoint, for, in the absence of any-
thing like either a constitutional rule or any definite
principle of succession, there was little likelihood
that the choice of the army, if fairly unanimous,
would be disputed by any civic authorities. But the
army was not united. The party that had formerly
been attached to Constantius, led by the dashing
Victor and the handsome, attractive Arinthaeus,
wished for one of their own number. The semi-
barbarians who had been devoted to the person and
fortunes of Julian, prominent among whom were
Dagalaif and Nevitta, desired one of themselves. A
compromise, however, might have been made by
the appointment of the brave and highly respected
Sallust, the Praefect now with the army. But he
declined the honour, and suggested that the throne
should remain vacant till they arrived in Mesopo-
34O Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
tamia, a suggestion which points towards Procopius,
whom they hoped to meet in that province. The
general feeling however was for an immediate choice,
and, as commonly happens under such circumstances,
the result was the unexpected and tumultuous elec-
tion of a man without remarkable qualifications of
any kind, Jovian, a Chief of the Guards (domesticorum
ordinis primus). The new Emperor was the son of
an illustrious soldier, Varronian, and was a man tall
of stature, dignified in demeanour, a pleasant com-
panion, of no great capacity in the field, and too fond
of a good dinner. To complete the contrast between
him and his predecessor, he was favourably inclined
to Christianity, though the stories which would
represent him as a persecuted confessor are to be
taken with caution, and he certainly allowed an in-
spection of sacrificial victims to decide on his next
course, and also showed more obedience to their in-
dications than Julian had sometimes done. The march
was resumed. Sapor overjoyed at the news of the
Emperor's death and at the description he received
of the character of his successor, continued to harass
the army, and, according to some accounts, actually
defeated it in battle. The soldiers who, for a brief
moment, had been led by the similarity of the names
Jovian and Julian to believe that the report of their
beloved leader's death was false after all, were soon
undeceived. The sufferings of famine and other
privations became worse than ever. The soldiers
begged to be allowed to recross the Tigris. Some
bands were allowed to make the attempt, but they
were not successful, and the army continued to
Outcome of Julians Enterprises. 341
march along the left bank. The Persian king took
this opportunity of offering peace on terms favourable
to himself, and Jovian was not ashamed to consent
to conditions that could never have been suggested
to his predecessor. Sallust and Arinthaeus tried
vainly to come to a more satisfactory arrangement.
But Jovian was anxious to have something settled
before they met with Procopius. Accordingly a
truce was made for thirty years, on condition that
the Romans gave up five provinces on or just beyond
the Tigris (Arzanena, Moxoene, Zabdicena, Rehi-
meme, and Corduene), with the strong towns of
Nisibis and Singara, and many other places. The
Romans further promised not to help Arsaces of
Armenia against Persia. Nor did Jovian stipulate
any immediate relief for the suffering army. Rather,
as it ceased now to follow the course of the river, the
pangs of thirst were added to those of hunger. At
Thilsaphata, they joined forces with Sebastian and
Procopius, who showed as yet no sign of disloyalty.
It was with feelings of great relief that the soldiers
approached the city of Nisibis, which was ready to
receive the Emperor with all hospitality. He had
not, however, the face to show himself to those whom
he had betrayed. Very soon, a Persian officer
arrived to insist on the execution of the treaty, and
the evacuation of the city by its Roman inhabitants.
Now ensued heartrending scenes. The Persian flag
was hoisted. The people, of high and of low rank,
begged in vain for permission to defend themselves
unaided rather than to leave their native place.
They reproached the Emperor with abandoning the
342 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
key to the province ; they contrasted his conduct
with that of Constantius (did they not know or care
for Julian ?) ; when an orator presented him with the
customary crown, he ironically expressed the wish
" May you be thus crowned, Emperor, by the cities
that remain ! " The citizens were obliged to depart,
with such goods as they could convey with them,
casting regretful looks on their old homes and the
tombs of their fathers. It is some consolation to
know that many of them found a new home in the
still Roman city of Amida. Leaving an officer be-
hind to accomplish the execution of his ignominious
treaty, Jovian hurried on, eager to secure the chief
seats of the empire, towards Constantinople. He
gaV<* his men but a scanty rest at Antioch, and
thence moved on to Tarsus, whither Procopius had
preceded him with the bones of Julian. We hear
from Gregory Nazianzus of undignified games, and
of buffoonery in which the habits and demeanour
of the late Emperor were caricatured by those who
saw the procession pass. The Antiochenes were cer-
tainly not incapable of such conduct, but Julian's body
did not rest among them, and probably did not pass
through their city. Possibly Gregory is himself
caricaturing the Pagan ritual and games which Pro-
copius would probably celebrate on the way. Thus
for a time the body of the last Hellenic Emperor
rested in the birthplace of the Apostle to the Gen-
tiles. A tomb was erected with an epitaph in hex-
ameters, simply stating: " Here lies Julian, who fell
by the strong-flowing Tigris. He was both a good king
and a mighty warrior." Subsequently we hear that
Outcome of Julian's Enterprises. 343
the corpse was removed to Constantinople, and laid
by the side of the Empress Helen. To Ammianus
it seemed that Rome would have been for Julian a
fitter resting-place, among the temples of the national
Gods and the monuments of ancient heroes.
Jovian never attained his desired goal. He was
at Ancyra for the first day of the new year (364 A.D.),
and showed yet again his want of regard for the
dignity of the Empire by associating his baby son
with himself in the consulship. When he reached
Dadastana, on the confines of Bithynia and Galatia,
he was one night found dead in his bed. Some
attributed his end to a fit of indigestion ; others to
the fumes of a coal fire, such as had once almost
suffocated Julian in Paris; others seem to have sus-
pected foul play. In any case, little was said, and
the army proceeded to the choice of a new Emperor.
Sallust again received the offer of the purple and
again declined it. The choice then fell upon Valen-
tinian, a soldier of approved merit, who speedily
requested and obtained permission to associate his
brother Valens with him in the Imperial dignity. A
return was now made to the arrangement of Dio-
cletian, and though the unity of the Empire was still
unimpaired, we have again two Emperors, to whom
the care of the East and of the West were respec-
tively assigned. Valens fixed his residence at
Antioch, and it was thenceforth his care to meet the
difficulties that arose on the side of Persia. Though
the Romans had abandoned the alliance of Arsaces
of Armenia, yet when Sapor invaded that country
and loaded the king with chains, it was not unnatural
344 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
that the Armenians should appeal to the Romans.
At the same time the Persians had interfered in the
affairs of Iberia, still a vassal state of Rome. Valens
received hospitably the son of the king of Armenia
(Arsaces had died in captivity), and an army was
sent to place Roman candidates on the Iberian and
Armenian thrones. But difficulties arose which in-
duced the Romans to consent to a partition of
Iberia, to which Sapor, however, would not consent
till after another rather futile campaign. Meantime
he and Valens were rivals for the adherence of the
somewhat shifty Para, son of Arsaces, who finally
met a treacherous death at the hands of a Roman
emissary. If the Persian kingdom had been stronger,
or if Sapor had had successors of his own calibre,
the Persians might have taken further advantage of
Roman preoccupation in the West. The final solu-
tion, however, was a separation between Roman and
Persian Armenia, which subsisted for long, and left
permanent traces in the ecclesiastical divisions of the
East.
If Julian had lived, and if he had persevered in
the enterprises he had undertaken in the East, it is
difficult to say whether the relation of Rome and
Persia might have been finally settled on a footing
more satisfactory to the dignity of Rome. It would
have cost Julian much treasure and probably many
legions, to establish a vassal prince on the Persian
throne, and even in that case, we cannot feel certain
that Hormisdas and his dynasty would always have
been faithful to their patrons. But we may feel
sure that strong efforts would have been made to
Outcome of Juliaiis Enterprises. 345
preserve Roman supremacy in Mesopotamia, and
Roman ascendancy in Armenia as well as in Iberia.
Yet the neglect of Julian to maintain his communi-
cations and to provide against the great difficulties
of eastern campaigns prevent us from regarding him
as potentially what he ever desired to become, a
later Alexander, spreading in eastern lands the
religion, culture, and the civic life of the Helleno-
Roman world.
In the West, meantime, events were proving that
Julian's campaigns and administrative reforms had
not been thrown away. True, the Allemanni took
advantage of the occasion offered by Julian's death
to take up arms again, and if Jovian had had his
will, the changes he projected in the military officers
would have caused great danger to the Roman
dominion in Western Europe. He sent from Asia
to order that the post of Master of the Cavalry and
of the Infantry should be given to his father-in-law
Lucillian, and he instructed this new general to
move the command in Gaul from the brave and capa-
ble Jovinus. But the only result of this mission
was that the army mutinied, Lucillian was killed,
and Jovinus was retained in his office, to the great
advantage of the provincials. Valentinian, in his
military and provincial arrangements and conduct,
proved a worthy successor to Julian. He fixed his
residence for a time at Paris, and laboured as Julian
had done for the relief of the burdens and difficulties
of the Gauls. His great achievement was to
strengthen the frontier by means of strong fortifica-
tions at important points on the border rivers. He
346 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
undertook also some active operations into the ene-
mies' country, and made Roman arms respected on
the Mosel and the Neckar. But the task of Imperial
defence was becoming harder, as in the course of the
great migrations other barbarian hosts forced their
way on to the scene, especially when the Burgun-
dians began to appear on the Upper Rhine, and the
Goths on the Danube. The plan was tried of set-
ting one tribe against another, but this policy could
not permanently lead to the maintenance of peace.
When, just after the death of Valentinian, his less
warlike brother arranged for the settlement of a large
body of Goths within the territory of the Empire,
they gained a foothold of wtyich even the successful
campaigns of Theodosius could not deprive them.
Meantime, the great increase of the barbarian ele-
ment in the Roman army, which Julian had felt it
necessary to retain throughout his wars, continued
to influence for evil and for good the fortunes of the
Roman world. Perhaps the wisest of rulers and the
best-governed of states could not for long have pre-
vented the irruption of the barbarians into the land
of the South. Yet, in estimating the worth of what
was accomplished by Julian and by those that fol-
lowed in his steps, we must remember that here
every delay was a clear gain. For the longer the
barbarians were kept at bay on the borders of the
Empire, while their ablest men, in military employ-
ment in the Roman armies or in private intercourse
with the officials of the Imperial Court, were learning
something of organised enterprise and civilised life,
the more likely were they to respect and to spare
o
I
a.
8
s
O
Outcome of Juliaris Enterprises. 347
some relics of the ancient civilisation when the
power over it all should fall to their share.
In the civil Government and the arrangements of
the Court no violent reaction followed the death of
Julian. It would seem indeed that the brother-em-
perors, who, by the embellishment of his tomb,
showed some respect for his memory, desired in
many respects to follow his policy. Both were ac-
customed to plain living and averse to the oriental-
ising tendencies which had been conspicuous in the
palace since the days of Diocletian. Of course there
were sowers of discord eager to incriminate and sup-
plant many of the persons who had stood highest in
Julian's favour, and Valens at least was not deaf to
suggestions of treachery. The dissatisfaction felt
by those whose day was over found its champion in
Procopius, who, after performing the last offices to
Julian's body at Tarsus, had been obliged to lead
an obscure and afterwards a wandering life to avoid
the hostile efforts of the eastern Emperor. After a
time, he appeared at Constantinople, during the ab-
sence of Valens in Asia, and by bribery or persua-
sion obtained from a portion of the soldiery recog-
nition as his cousin's successor on the Imperial
throne. Yet he seems to have had no large follow-
ing. The best of the military officers, including Sal-
!ust, were loyal to Valens. The action of Procopius,
in attracting to his cause the Goths and other bar-
barians, seems hardly worthy of one on whom Julian
had cast his mantle ; and the support of the widow
of Constantius, whose little daughter was made a
figure-head in the wild enterprise, cannot have lent
348 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
much strength to his cause. It is even uncertain
how far we may take Procopius to represent the old
Hellenic principles in religious matters. He achieved
some successes, but was finally captured in Phrygia
and put to death with great cruelty. He was a silent
man, whose intentions were not widely divulged,
but we cannot suppose that he ever had much
chance of showing himself the heir of Julian's ideas.
Little Constantia was married to Valentinian's son
Gratian, and thus some semblance of relationship
between the late and the present dynasty was
maintained.
But apart from personal changes, the general
objects of Julian's Government were still kept in
view, and the legislation of his successors shows the
same desire to keep the Curiales to their duty and
to check the abuses of officials, especially in regard
to the post-system. But it also exposes the diffi-
culty of achieving any sound and lasting reforms.
Certainly within fifty years of the death of Constan-
tine, under the weak sons of Theodosius, the com-
plaints made of Court extravagance and official greed
and oppression furnish a proof of the insufficiency
of legislation alone to check a corruption which has
eaten its way into the heart of the administration
and of society generally. At the same time the im*
pulse which Julian had given towards the encourage^
ment of the arts and sciences did not cease to act,
but showed itself in the liberal provisions for higher
teaching in the University of Constantinople, and in
the privileges which were continued to the medical
profession.
Outcome of Julians Enterprises. 349
Even in religious affairs there was not at once a
total change of policy, certainly no return to the
lines followed by Constantius. Jovian, Valentinian,
and their successors were known to be Christians,
though we have no ground for ranking them among
the sufferers from the Pagan reaction. The fact that
their religious belief did not materially hinder their
recognition by the army and the subjects generally
(except in the doubtful case of those who adopted
the cause of Procopius), points to a want of power
or of zeal among the worshippers of the ancient
Gods. Nevertheless, prudence dictated a policy of
comparative toleration. Jovian restored the Chris-
tian symbols in the army and issued a decree for
protecting women who had devoted themselves to a
religious profession. But he, as we have seen, did
not scruple to allow sacrifices and the prophecies of
the haruspices. Under Valentinian and Valens,
the clergy gradually recovered their former privi-
leges, and Christian teachers again received the
right of educating the young. Sunday and Easter
were again recognised as holidays, temple property
was resumed not, however, for the use of the
Church but for that of the State and sacrifices
which involved bloodshed as well as nocturnal meet-
ings were prohibited. Yet even here concessions
were made to local popular feeling ; thus the Eleu-
sinian Mysteries were excepted from the prohibi-
tion, and for a time the State professed the inten-
tion of protecting the liberty and security of men of
all religions. Where popular fanaticism raged high,
this was of course often impossible. Many ancient
35 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
buildings and statues fell a prey to iconoclastic zeal,
and many devotees suffered, on the charge of sor-
cery, the penalty of their constancy to ancient and
occult rites. It was naturally the Neo-Platonists
whom the latter kind of persecution chiefly affected,
and the jealous suspicions of the Emperor Valens
rendered it more active, and brought Maximus and
perhaps a few others of his stamp to a martyr's
grave. But in general Hellenism was not capable of
inspiring a desire of martyrdom. Old superstitions
might linger long among \hzpagani of outlying dis-
tricts, and old associations might, in the great cities,
retard the disuse of ceremonies which had been fol-
lowed from time immemorial. Yet, when Gratian
and after him Theodosius, took a more decided line,
shutting the temples and forbidding heathen rites,
no very serious opposition seems to have been en-
countered, nor any large dissatisfied minority left
with a grievance. In all probability, the stringency
of the acts was often eluded, unless, as in Egypt,
excited monks and a superstitious rabble joined in
the hue-and-cry. A stage was marked when, under
Gratian, the Altar of Victory was a second time
removed from the Senate House of Rome, a pro-
ceeding which led to a controversy in which were
heard, perhaps for the first time, and originally on
the side of Catholic orthodoxy, arguments for the
complete separation of secular politics and religious
observance.
Meantime, Julian's policy of non-intervention in
the conflict of parties within the Church, was for
the most part adhered to, till the civil arm inter-
His Position in History. 351
vened to give the final determination to what had
been already practically decided by other means
than those of mere terrorism. Jovian, while fav-
ouring Athanasius, who returned to Alexandria and
died there in peace, was unwilling to attend to the
demands of the bishops of the Nicene party, who
wished for a definite declaration in their favour.
Thus he answered their demands by general expres-
sions of good-will towards all who sought the peace
of the Church. Valentinian likewise, though con-
fessing the Homoousian belief, preferred to leave
ecclesiastical affairs to ecclesiastical management.
" I am but one of the laity," he said, when asked to
meet a synod of bishops for deliberation on doc-
trinal matters ; " let the bishops, to whom such mat-
ters appertain, assemble where they please/' He was
not, however, always consistent in maintaining an
indifferent attitude, and his brother is sometimes
represented as an active persecutor. But though
Valens was baptised by an Arian bishop, and pur-
sued a policy which incurred great unpopularity
among Nicenes and semi-Nicenes alike, it is uncertain
how far we are to regard his measures as aimed
against any religious party as such, and how far as dic-
tated by a desire to check the growth of such an ascetic
withdrawal from the world, and consequent loss to
the State of the services of its citizens, as was closely
associated with opinions of the leading Homoousians.
Meantime, those who could accept in some form the
creed of Nicaea drew together. The schism at Antioch
was healed. Of factions we still hear much, but
except among the barbarian Goths, Arianism seems
352 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
not to have had much vitality, and leaders in Church
and State could reasonably hope for the achievement
of ecclesiastical unity. The efforts of some leading
minds among churchmen, notably of Ambrose of
Milan, whose influence with Gratian and Theodosius
was very considerable, tended in the same direction.
Finally, after his victories over the Goths, Theodo-
sius, with a soldier's love of order and regularity,
issued edicts ordering all men to accept the Nicene
faith and forbidding heretical assemblies in the
towns. Julian's policy of toleration was over, but
possibly, while it lasted, it had given scope to the
principle of the survival of the fittest.
It is not, however, by what he accomplished, but
by what he tried to do and by what he was, that
Julian raised himself to a position among those who
must ever rivet the eyes of mankind. As, in this
sketch of his life and doings, our chief object had
been to portray his character and the relation in
which he stood to the movements of his time, a fur-
ther examination of his mind and principles would
be superfluous. The reader has, it is hoped, material
for forming a final judgment, such as to men of an
earlier generation was well-nigh impossible. Julian
has been hated by those whose religious enthusiasm
was near akin to his own. He has been admired by
those whose scepticism would have aroused in him
the deepest abhorrence. He has been represented as
an unpractical " Romantiker," and as a first-class
general and statesman. If we look at him impar-
tially and yet with the sympathetic understanding
that we can only obtain after trying in imagination
His Position in History. 353
to realise his point of view, we see in him, not a
genius of the first rank in statesmanship, strategy,
literature, or religious philosophy, not a character
unequalled in virtue and strength, but a man who
did something, because of his earnest devotion to
his ideals, and who would have done more if he had
been gifted with a surer insight and had moved at
a less feverish pace. He was a good king and a strong
warrior, as his epitaph said. Yet his conduct a*"
Antioch showed him unable to meet all the require-
ments of a disordered state, and his neglect of pre-
cautions, especially in the Persian War, prevents u~
from ranking him among the great generals of the
world. He wrote in what, for his age, may be re-
garded as a pure style, but he wrote too rapidly to
produce any <*reat work. He was a thinker, and
often throws a ray of clear light on matters obscured
by convention and prejudice, but his mind was not
calm and collected enough for us to rank him among
great philosophers. His personal character is most
attractive. He had warm affections, a strong desire
to do justice, an abiding sense of moral responsi-
bility. He was, moreover, of a singularly trans-
parent nature, living (when the evil days of forced
dissimulation were over) always above-board, hating
secrets, proclaiming in season and out of season the
aspirations of his heart and the principles of his life.
Yet, with all his love of truth and goodness, there
were some potent types which he was quite incapa-
ble of recognising. With all his desire for equity
he could not always be fair to those whom he could
not understand. In spite of his realisation of the
354 Julian, Philosopher and Emperor.
littleness of human effort in the universal system of
nature and man, he could not see how powerless
were his own endeavours to oppose a barrier to the
incoming tide.
Yet Julian is one to whom much may be forgiven
because he loved much. If, turning aside from the
events of his short and chequered career, we look to
the main principle by which he was throughout
guided, we see that it was an entire devotion to the
Greek idea of thought and life, a settled determina-
tion to prevent, so far as in him lay, the destruction,
by what he regarded as barbarous and degrading
forces, of that fair fabric of ancient civilisation under
which men had learned to venerate beauty and
order, to aim at a reasonable, self-contained life, and
to live in orderly society under intelligible laws and
humane institutions. And who shall say that this
principle is an unworthy one, or that a life lived in
obedience to its dictates could fail to achieve some
good results besides those that may appear on the
surface ?
And after all, that cause has ultimately triumphed,
not by the suppression of Christian institutions, as
Julian vainly hoped, still less by the extinction of
the Christian spirit as a motive power in the world,
but by the permeation of society, speculation, and
practical life with the most permanent elements oi
Greek culture. If Julian was mistaken in thinking
that the religious ideas lately come from Palestine
would soon pale before the revived glories of Greece,
no less short-sighted were those who thought that
Hellenism was buried in the Emperor's grave. Some-
His Position in History. 355
times {or better, sometimes for worse, the two streams
have blended, till it is now hard to conceive what
either might have been apart from the other. We
cannot feel that the triumphal cry of Julian's enemies,
which has seemed ever to echo round his death-bed,
has been fully justified at the bar of history. It is
the Christ, not the Galilaean, that has conquered.
FINIS.
Coin of Valens.
Reverse, SPKS R.P. Valens and Valentinian seated : between them a shield, in
scribed VOT. V. MVL. X. which rests on the head of a smaller figure.
INDEX.
Adler, Rev. Michael, on Julian
and the Jews, 267
^Edesius, the Sophist, lectures at
Pergamum, 60
Aetius, Bishop, 233 et seq.
Agenaric or Serapis, Alleman
chief, 107
Agrippina, see Cologne.
Alexander of Hierapolis, made
Governor of Syria, 311
Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria,
his part in Anan controversy,
17
Alexandria, supplied with corn
by Emperor, 10 ; mental tone
of, 17 ; philosophy of, 183 ;
synod in, 237
Alexandrians, letter to, 237, 238
Allemanni, the, Constantms
against, 81 ; their encroach-
ments, 98 ; attack Julian on
the march, loo ; are defeated,
ib. ; make a great invasion,
106 ; defeated at Strasburg,
107, 108 ; agree to truce, 109
Alypms of Antioch, 269
Amida, taken by Persians, 130 ,
receives people of Nisibis, 342
Ammianus Marcellinus, his ac-
quaintance with Julian and
Gallus, 39 ; with Ursicmus in
Antioch, etc., 43, 75, 84 ; re-
marks on Julian, 139, 249,
311 ; on journeys of Bishops,
228
Anicii, the, related to Julian, 26
Annibalianus, inheritance, 28 ;
murder, 29 ; title, 47
Antioch, character, troubles of,
under Gallus, 41 et seq. ;
Julian's stay in, 299 et seq. ;
Jovian in, 342 ; Valens resides
at, 345
Antoninus, his desertion and
flight, 128 et seq.
Arbetio, Consul for, 355, his
craftiness, 75 ; in Allemannic
War, 82 ; on judicial commis-
sion, 165
Arelatum, see Aries.
Argentoratum, see Strasburg.
Ananism, unlike modern Unitari-
anism, 23 (see under Arius).
Arius, his doctrine, 18 ; con-
demned and banished, 19 ; his
death, 20
Aries, Constantius at, 42, 81
Arsaces, King of Armenia, won
over by Constantius, 148 ;
Julian's hopes from, 316, 319 ;
does not send troops, 326 ; his
captivity and death, 343, 344
Arsacius, high-priest of Galatia,
Julian's letter to, 202
Artemius, Governor of Egypt,
236 et seq.
Athanasius, his belief, character,
and opposition to Arius, 17 et
357
358
Index.
seq. ; withstands the Emperor,
20 ; banishment and restora-
tion, 21 ; so-called creed of,
23 ; his fortunes under Julian,
235 et seq. ; his return to Alex-
andria, 351
Athenians, letter to the, 87, 152
Athens, philosophical chairs at,
52 ; university life in, 67 ;
Julian sent thither, 77 ; his
feeling for, 153
Attuarian, see Franks.
Atys, worship of, 176, 187
Augustodunum, j^Autun.
Aurelian, Emperor, inaugurator
of changes, 2 ; defeats Alle-
manni, 81
Autun, insurrection at, 31 ; at-
tacked by barbarians, Julian
in, 99
B
Barbatio, magister peditum sent
against Laeti, 105 ; thwarts
Julian, 106 ; returns to Court,
107 ; his death, 129
Basil, fellow-student of Julian at
Athens, 66 ; protected by Gre-
gory, 68
Basihna, Julian's mother, her
family, education, and death,
24, 27
Bercea, Julian in, 317
Besancon, Julian in, 150
Bezabda (Phcenice), besieged,
147, 148
Bithyma, Julian's estate in, 26, 37
Bostra, letter to the people of,
224, 227
Brumath (Brucomagus), taken by
Julian from the Allemanni,
100
Byzantines, letter to the, 227
Cabillona, see Chalons-sur-Saone.
Caesar, meaning of the title, II,
12
Csesarea in Cappadocia, outbreak
in, 229
" Cccsars," the, of Julian, 213,
271 et seq.
Callixena, priestess of Demeter,
Julian's letter to, 195
Caracalla, his act conferring
franchise, 10
Carrhse, abandoned to the Per-
sians, 130 ; Julian's review in,
318
Carthage, disputed election to
the bishopric of, 16
Cassianus, dux of Mesopotamia,
ambassador to Sapor, 1 26
Celsus, friend of Julian, 298
Chalons-sur-Saone, meeting at, 81
Chamavi, see Franks.
Chanetto, enters Roman service,
IT3
Chiomtes, helping Sapor, 126, 127
Chnodomar, King of the Alle-
manni, 107 ; surrendeis, 108
Chrysanthius, pupil of /Edesius,
61
Chrysostom, his opinion of the
Antiochenes, 310, 313
Circesium, Julian in, 319
Claudius II., his government, 6
Clergy, persecuted by Diocletian,
13 ; letters of Constantine to,
15 ; their privileges, 16
Cologne, Silvanus in, 83 ; taken
by Barbarians, 90
Connies ; their position, 9
Como, Julian sent to, 77
Constance, Lake, fighting near, 82
Constans, Emperor, 28 ; defeats
brother Constantine and seizes
dominions, 30
Constantma, daughter of Con-
stantine the Great, married to
Gallus, her character and in-
fluence, 40 el seq.; her death, 43
Constantine the Great, his gen-
eral policy, 2, 8, 9 ct seq., 219 ;
at Nicaca, 19; fluctuates be-
tween parties, 19 et seq. / his
death, 28 ; Julian on, 278
Index.
359
Constantino the Younger, succes-
sion, 28 ; death, 29
Constantinople, importance of its
foundation, 10 ; Arms in, 20 ;
Julian brought up in, 33 ; Gal-
lus in, 43 ; beautified by Julian,
167 ; learning encouraged m,
348
Constantius Chlorus, his religion,
13
Constantius (Julius), father of
Julian, 25, 26
Constantius II., Emperor, 28,
29 ; his first Persian War, 30
et scq. ; makes Gallus Cccsar^
33 , his measures against Gal-
lus, 42 et seq. ; his character,
74 ; his campaign against the
Allemanni, 81 ; he makes Julian
Cczsar, 85 et seq.; his charge to
Julian, 96 ; against Allemanni
again, 105 ; visits Rome, 105,
119 et seq. ; takes credit for
battle of Strasburg, 109 ; ap-
pealed to by Florentius, in ;
fights against Sarmatians, 123 ,
recalls some of Julian's troops,
131 et seq ; correspondence
with Julian, 138 et seq. / his
campaign of 360, 146 et seq ;
marries Faustina, 148 ; last ill-
ness, death, character, 160 et
seq.
Crates the Cynic, 287
Ctesiphon, Sapor receives mes-
sengers in, 128 ; Julian ap-
proaches and leaves, 324 etseq.
Cunales, see Decunones.
Cursus pubhcus, 254 et seq.
Cybele, worship of, 176, 187.
Cynics, their character and his-
tory, 283 et seq.
Cyril of Alexandria, his confuta-
tion of Julian, 207
D
Dagalaif , set over Julian's guards,
156 , surprises Lucilhanus in
Sirmium, 157 , in the East, 339
Dalmatius, half-brother to Con-
stantine, 28
Dalmatian, son of the above, his
share in the Imperial domin-
ions, 28 ; murdered, 29
Daphne, temple at, destroyed by
fire, 305
Decentius, tribune, sent to with-
draw troops, 132, 135 ; his
escape, 137
Decunones^ their duties, 227,
255, 348
Dioceses, administrative areas, 9
Diocletian , character of his policy ,
2, 7 et seq , 94
Diogenes, 285
Domitian, sent to iccall Gallus,
murdered, 42
Donatists, appeal to secular au-
thority, 1 6
Duces, their authority, 9
Dynamius, an underling of Ar-
betio, 83
E
Ecdicius, Prefect of the East,
236 et seq.
Eleusiman Mysteries, Julian ini-
tiated into, 61
Eleusms, Bishop, 229
Ephesus, Gallus said to have
studied at, 37 ; Julian in, 52
Epicureans, unfairly treated by
fourth-century philosophers,
58, 200, 292
Epictetus, 288
Epictetus, Bishop, mediating be-
tween Constantius and Julian,
142
Eunapius, his Lives of Philos-
opher s> 61-67 ; kindness of
Proaeresius to, 68
Eusebia, Empress, her kindness
to Julian and general influence,
74. 75 87, 104 ; her conduct
towards Helen, 92, 93 ; her
death, 141
Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia
and afterwards of Constanti-
360
Index.
nople, his part in Arian con-
troversy, 19 et seq. ; his share
in Julian's education.
Eusebius, pupil of ^desius, 61
Eustathius the philosopher, sent
on embasssy to Sapor, 127
Eutherius, sent by Julian to Im-
perial Court.
Euzoius, Bishop of Antioch, bap-
tises Constantius, 160
Faustina, married to Constantius,
148 ; helps in rebellion of Pro-
copius, 347
Florentius, Prcetorian Pnefect,
at Strasburg, 107 ; opposes
Julian's reforms, no ; advises
withdrawal of troops, 131 ; es-
capes to Court, 134 ; Consul,
164 ; his escape, 165
Franks, the, early history of, 98 ;
give up Cologne and sign a
treaty, 100 ; a company of, be-
sieged and captured, 109 ;
Sahans and Chamavi defeated,
in ; Aituarians defeated, 150
% Galerius, against the Christians,
13
Gall a, first wife of Constantius,
her death, 74
Callus, Julian's brother, 29; made
Ccesar, 40 ; his troubles, mis-
government and death, 41-44
Gaudentius sent to Africa, 159
Gauls, the, defined, 96 et seq.
George of Cappadocia, 235 et seq.
Gibbon, character of his work, 3,
23 ; his definition of the gov-
ernment of Augustus, 6
Gregory Nazianzen, his state-
ments about Julian, 51, 79;
with Julian at Athens, 66, 67 ;
his friendship with Themistius,
66 ; protects Basil, 68 ; his
attitude towards philosophers,
173 ; his account of Julian's
projects, 204 ; of persecutions,
226, 230 ; an attempt to re-
build Temple at Jerusalem,
265 ; remarks on Julian's
funeral rites, 342
Gundobadus, King of the Alle'
manni, 81
H
Hecebolius, the Sophist, 241
Helen the Elder, a Christian, 14
Helen the Younger, her marriage
to Julian, 89, 90 ; her death,
151
Helios, see under Mithras.
Heraclms the Cynic, Julian's
controversy with, 280 et seq.
Hierapolis in Syria, Constantms
in, 149 ; Julian in, 318
Himerms the Sophist, his dis-
courses, 54-58 ; his address to
unpunctual students, 68, 69 ;
comes to Julian, 166
Homceans, 231 et seq.
Homoousion, adopted as symbol
at Nicpea, 19
Hormisdas the Persian, in Rome
with Constantius, 122 ; in
Julian's army, 297 ; Julian's
schemes for him, 316 ; his
narrow escape, 320
Hortar, barbarian chief surren-
deis, 112
Italy, obliged to pay land-tax, 10
j
Jamblichus of Chalcis, influence
of his works on Julian, 174,
181, 191
Jews, Julian's arguments against,
209 et seq. ; policy towards,
262 et seq.
Index.
361
Jovianus, Praefector Domesticus,
brings home body of Constan-
tius, 162 ; made Emperor, 340 ;
his march west and death, 340-
343
Jovmus, leads forces through
North Italy, 157 ; measures of
Jovian against him, 345
Jovius, in Julian's army, 157
Julian, his relation to his times,
4 et seq. ; birth, name, and
parentage, 25; early education,
27, 33 et seq.; intercourse with
Gallus, 45, 49, 77 ; his dis-
simulation, 50 ; religious atti-
tude in 350, 50 et seq. ; his
university life, 52 et seq. ; pre-
served from logomachy, 59 ;
seeks the philosophers of Asia
Minor, 60 ; initiated into Kleu-
sinian Mysteries, 61 ; sum-
moned to Milan, his life there,
76, 77 ; sent to Como and to
Athens, 77 ; his personal ap-
pearance, 79 ; summoned to
Milan, 85 ; vacillations, 86 et
seq. ; made Ccrsar, 89 ; mar-
ried, starts for Gaul, 89 et seq.;
his campaign of 356, 99 et seq.;
winter occupations, 102 et seq.;
his campaign of 357, 105 et
seq. ; \\inter in Pans, reforms,
109 et seq. ; his campaign of
358, ill et seq ; of 359, 112
et seq. ; difficulties with troops
and elevation to Empire, 134
et seq. ; negotiates with Con-
stantms, 138 et seq ; his cam-
paign of 360, 150 et seq.; divi-
nation, letters, 152 ; his fifth
crossing of Rhine, march east-
wards, 165 et seq. ; hears of
death of Constantius, 162 ; en-
ters Constantinople and begins
reforms, 163 et seq.; beautifies
Constantinople, 167 ; his re-
ligious and philosophical be-
liefs, 169 et seq. ; his religious
reforms and controversial writ-
ings, 193 et seq. / his policy
against the Christians, 223 et
seq. ; his legislative and ad-
ministrative reforms, 245 et
seq. ; character of his literary
works, 268 et seq. ; his last
campaign, 314 et seq. ; his
wound and death, 331 ; his
burial and epitaph, 342 ; re-
view of his life and character,
352 et seq.
Julian the elder, uncle to the
Emperor, 26 ; his religion, 47 ;
his death, 311
Juthungi, tribe of Allemanni, de-
feated, in
Laeti, attack Lyons, 105 ; de-
feated by Julian, 106
Leonas, sent to Julian by Con-
stantius, 141
Leontius, Prsefect of Rome, 84
Libanius of Antioch, his charac-
ter and career, 62 et seq ; his
remarks on Julian, 49, 77, 78,
131, 249, 257, 261, 322, 334;
relations with Julian, 300 etseq.
Liberius, Bishop of Rome, his
disgrace, 84
Libmio, sent against Allemanni,
154 ; defeated at Sanctio, 155
Limigantes, war with Sarmatians,
123 et seq.
Lucilhanus, captured, 157
Lupicinus in Britain, 132 ; com-
missioned to bring troops to
Persia, 131, 132
Lutetia, see Pans.
Lyons, Magnentius defeated at,
32 ; attacked by Laeti, 105
M
Macellum in Cappadocia, Julian
and Gallus forced to stay in, 38
Magnentius, his insurrection, 31
et seq., 75, 80 ; his coinage, 47
362
Index.
Magnus, the rhetorical physician
of Anlioch, 55, 56, 90
Mamertmus the rhetorician, made
Consul, 167
Mamchees, persecuted by Dio-
cletian, 12
Maogamalcha, siege of, 322
Maranga, battle of, 329
Marcellus, magister equitum in
Gaul, 95-99 ; his neglect of
duty and recall, 101
Marcus, Bishop of Arethusa, 230
Mardonius, tutor to Julian and
his mother, 27, 33 et seq.
Maximian, associated with Dio-
cletian, II ; his abdication, 1 1
Maximus of Ephesus, the Sophist,
his chaiacter and career, 59 et
seq ; received at Constanti-
nople, 166 ; Julian's letter to,
169 ; present at Julian's death,
333 ; martyred under Valens,
350
Maximus, Senator of Rome, made
Prefect, 158, 159
Mercunus, "Count of Dreams,"
76
Meuse,lmeof, fortified by Julian,
in
Milan, a residence of Diocletian,
10 , edict of, 15, 224; insur-
gents brought to; 76 ; Julian
summoned to, 76 ; Constantius,
in, 82 , Julian made Lasar in,
89
Misopogon, written by Julian,
308 et seq.
Mithras, worship of, 16, 151, 175
et seq ,212, 278
Mursa, battle of, 32, 82
Musomanus, Praetorian Prsefect
of the East, 80; sent to nego-
tiate with Sapor, 126
N
Naargamalcha, cleared for ships,
323
Nebndms, made Praetorian Prse-
fect, 141, 142 ; refuses to
swear loyalty to Julian, 156
Nepotianus, his revolt, 31, 32
Neumann, Dr., his edition of the
Contra Christianas, 207, 217
Nevitta, set over Julian's cavalry,
156 ; set to guard Pass of Succi,
158 ; in the East, 339
Nica;a, Council of, 19 ; Julian
in, 297 ; earthquake in, 306
Nicomecha, a residence of Dio-
cletian, 10 ; Constantine dies
there, 28 ; Julian paitly edu-
cated in, 33, 40, 52 ; visited
by him, 297 , another earth-
quake in, 306
Nisibis, siege of, 30 ; fortified
by Ursicinus, 130 , given up
to the Persians, 341 et seq.
O
Organ, Julian's epigram on the,
271, 293
Onbazms, physician and friend
of Julian, accompanies him to
Gaul, 90
P
Pans, Julian's affection for, 109
et seq.
Paul, " the Chain," 76, 126, 164
Peigamum, Julian in, 52 ; a
centre of Greek thought and
society, 60
Pessmus, Julian in, 297
Petavio, Gallus arrested at, 44
Petit de Juleville, his writings, 71
Petulantes and Celtse, 131, 143,
154
Philagnus, secretary to Julian,
155
Pinsabora, resists Julian, 320
Plotmus, founder of Neo-Plato-
nism, 183
Pola, Gallus murdered at, 44
Porphyry, his writings against
Christians, 206
^ over Provinces, 9
Index.
363
Praetorian Prefects, their author-
ity, 8, 9
Pnscus, the Sophist, comes to
Julian, 166; by Julian's death-
bed, 333
Proaeresius, the Sophist, his rhe-
torical triumphs, 56, 57 ; his
kindliness, 68 ; resigns pro-
fessoriate, 241
Procopius, sent to Armenia, 319 ;
rejoins army, 341 ; takes body
of Julian to Tarsus, 342 ; his
revolt, 347 tt seq.
Pylae, Julian at, 298
Q
Quadi, the, war with, 129 ft seq.
R
Reims, Julian in, 99
Rhetoric, its importance in edu-
cation, 53
Rhine, Roman troops reach, 81 ,
fortresses on the, taken by
Julian, 100 ; and rebuilt, 106 ;
expeditions across, 109,112,150
Rome, no longer the centre of
the political system, 2 ; tumult
in, 84 , Constantius in, 85, 117,
120
Rufinus Apparitor, 76 ; m Alle-
mannic War, 8 1 ; Praetorian
Prefects in Gaul, 95
Sabinianus, thwarts Ursicinus,
129, 130
Sahans, see Franks
Sallustius, with Julian in Gaul,
95 ; recalled, 112 ; made Prae-
fect of Gauls, 156 ; Consul
with Julian, 301, 314 ; advises
against Persian campaign, 315
Sallustius Secundus, Prsefect of
the East, 164 ; with Julian at
his death, 333 , receives offer of
imperial dignity, 339, 343
Sapor, King of Persia, his early
history, 30 ; first war with
Constantius, 30, 31 ; his move-
ments in the East, 80; his
negotiations with Constantius,
126 ; his chivalrous character,
129 ; his campaign of 360, 146
et seq. ; advances against Julian ,
328 ; rejoices at his death, con-
tinues to harass army, 340 et
seq.; makes truce with Romans,
341 ; invades Armenia, 343
Sarmatians, the, war with, 129 et
seq.
Saxons, early abodes, 99
Schiller, Hermann, his history of
Empire, 23
Sebastian sent to Armenia, 319 ;
rejoins army, 341
Senate of Rome, its decline in
power, 10 ; Julian's appeal to,
152
Sens (Senonas), Julian's winter
quarters in, loo , Julian be-
sieged in, 101
Severus, sent out to replace Mar-
cellus, 101 ; helps to defeat
Chamavi, in ; wavers in
fidelity, 112
Silvanus the Frank, his insurrec-
tion, 82 et seq., 90
Singara, battle of, 30 ; besieged
by Sapor, 146
Smtula, 134, 138
Sirmmm, seditious dinner at, 76 ;
Constantius at, 123 ; rallying
point for Julian's forces, taken,
157 ; mutiny in, 159
Sosipatra of Pergamum, centre of
a theosophical circle, 60
Stoics, their relation to the
Cynics, 287
Strasburg, battle of, 107, 108
Suamar, King of Allemanm, sues
for peace, 112
Succi, Pass of, Constantius tries
to occupy, 149
Symmacus, Senator of Rome,
158
364
Index.
Tamsapor, general of Sapor, 126
Tarsus, place of Julian's burial,
342
Taurus consul, 164
Tertullus, Prefect of Rome, ift
Thalassius, Praetorian Prefect, a
spy on Callus, 42
Themistius the Orator, his re-
ligious attitude, 65 et seq., 219
Theodosian Code, 227, 238, 248,
257 et seq.
Theodosius, division on his death,
II
Thracians, petition from, 259
Tillemont, value of his work, 23
Timseus of Plato, quoted by
Julian against Genesis, 210
Turin, Julian at, 90
Tyre, Synod of, 20
U
Ursicinus, his mission to Antioch,
recalled, 43 ; falsely accused,
75 ; his mission against Silva-
nus, 83 ct seq. ; with Julian,
99 ; his Eastern campaign, 128
et seq.
^Ursulus, finance minister, exe-
cuted, 164
Vadomarius, King of the Alle-
manni, 81 ; his negotiations
with Constantius, 154 ; taken
captive, 155
Valens, Emperor, 343 ; causes
death of Maximus, 62 ; argu-
ment of Themistius against his
persecution, 66, 361
Valentia, troops at, 81
Valentinian, fails to defend a
post and is accused to Con-
stantius, 106 ; made Emperor,
343 ; his rule in Gaul, 345 et
seq ; his ecclesiastical policy,
351 a
Vetranio, his revolt, 31
Vicars, rulers of Dioceses, 9
Victor, one of Julian's officers,
297, 322 et seq , 339
Vienne, Julian in, 91, 99, 150 ,
Florentius in, 134
W
Wiegand , his study of the Battle
of Strasburg, 116
Zizais, made King of the Sarma-
tians, 123
Heroes of the Nations.
A SERIES of biographical studies of the lives and
work of a number of representative historical char-
acters about whom have gathered the great traditions
of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have
been accepted, in many instances, as types of the
several National ideals. With the life of each
typical character will be presented a picture of the
National conditions surrounding him during his
career.
The narratives are the work of writers who are
recognized authorities on their several subjects, and,
while thoroughly trustworthy as history, will present
picturesque and dramatic "stories" of the Men and
of the events connected with them.
To the Life of each " Hero" will be given one duo-
decimo volume, handsomely printed in large type,
provided with maps and adequately illustrated ac-
cording to the special requirements of the several
subjects.
Nos. 1-32, each $1.50
Half leather 1.75
No. 33 and following Nos., each
(by mail $1.50, net 1.35)
Half leather (by mail, $1.75) net 1.60
For full list of volumes sec next page.
HEROES OF THE NATIONS
NELSON. By W. Clark Russell.
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. By C.
R. L. Fletcher.
PERICLES. By Evelyn Abbott.
THEODORIC THE GOTH. By
Thomas Hodgkm.
SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By H. R.
Pox-Bourne
JULIUS CAESAR. By W. Warde
Fowler.
WYCLIF. By Lewis Sergeant.
NAPOLEON. By W. O'Connor
Moms
HENRY OF NAVARRE. By P.
F. Willert
CICERO By
Davidson
J L. Strachan-
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Brooks
By Noah
PRINCE HENRY (OF PORTU-
GAL) THE NAVIGATOR
By C R Beazley
JULIAN THE PHILOSOPHER
By Alice Gardner
LOUIS XIV. By Arthur Hassall
CHARLES XII. By R. Nisbet
Bam
LORENZO DE' MEDICI. By Ed-
ward Armstrong
JEANNE D'ARC. By Mrs Oh-
phant
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS By
* Washington Irving
ROBERT THE BRUCE By Sir
Herbert Maxwell
HANNIBAL By W. O'Connor
Morris
ULYSSES S GRANT. By William
Conant Church
ROBERT E. LEE. By Henry
Alexander White
THE CID CAMPEADOR. By H.
Butler Clarke.
SALADIN. By Stanley Lane-
Poole
BISMARCK By J. W. Head-
lam.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT. By
Benjamin I Wheeler.
CHARLEMAGNE. By H. W. C.
Davis.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
Charles Firth.
By
RICHELIEU. By James B. Per-
kins
DANIEL O'CONNELL. By Rob-
ert Dunlop
SAINT LOUIS (Louis IX of
France) By Frederick Perry.
LORD CHATHAM. By Walford
Davis Green
OWEN GLYNDWR By Arthur
G Bradley.
HENRY V By Charles L Kings-
ford
EDWARD I. By Edward Jenks.
AUGUSTUS CESAR By J B.
Firth
FREDERICK THE GREAT. By
W F Reddaway
WELLINGTON By W O'Connor
Morris
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. By
J B Firth
MOHAMMED. D. S. Margoliouth.
Other volumes in preparation are :
MOLTKE. By Spencer Wilkinson.
JUDAS MACCABEUS. By Israel
Abrahams
SOBIESKI ByF A Pollard
ALFRED THE TRUTHTELLER.
By Frederick Perry.
FREDERICK II. By A. L.
Smith.
MARLBOROUGH. By C. W. C.
Oman
RICHARD THE LION-HEARTED
By T A Archer
WILLIAM THE SILENT. By
Ruth Putnam
CHARLES THE BOLD.
Ruth Putnam.
By
GREGORY VII. By P. Urquhart
New York G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, PUBLISHERS London
The Story of the Nations.
IN the story form the current of each National life
is distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and note-
worthy periods and episodes are presented for the
reader in their philosophical relation to each other
as well as to universal history.
It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes
to enter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring
them before the reader as they actually lived, labored,
and struggled as they studied and wrote, and as
they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan,
the myths, with which the history of all lands begins,
will not be overlooked, though these will be carefully
distinguished from the actual history, so far as the
labors of the accepted historical authorities have
resulted in definite conclusions.
The subjects of the different volumes have been
planned to cover connecting and, as far as possible,
consecutive epochs or periods, so that the set when
completed will present in a comprehensive narrative
the chief events in the great STORY OF THE NATIONS;
but it is, of course, not always practicable to issua
the several volumes in their chronological order.
Nos. 1-61, each $1.50
Half leather i-7S
Nos. 62 and following Nos., each (by mail, 1.50
net 1.35
Half leather (by mail, $1.75) net ***
Far list of volumes see next page.
THE STORY OF THE NATIONS
GREECE. Prof. Jas A. Hmniaon.
ROME. Arthur Oilman.
THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hos-
mer.
CHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin.
GERMANY. S. Banng-Gould.
NORWAY. Hjalmar H Boyesen.
SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan
Hale.
HUNGARY. Prof. A. Vdmb6ry.
CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J.
Church
THE SARACENS. Arthur Oil-
man
THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley
Lane-Poole
THE NORMANS. Sarah Orne
Jewett.
PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin.
ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo.
Rawlinson
ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof.
J. P. Mahaffy.
ASSYRIA. Z. A Ragozin
THE GOTHS Henry Bradley.
IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless.
TURKEY Stanley Lane-Poole.
MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PER-
SIA Z A Ragozin
MEDIEVAL FRANCE Prof Gus-
tave Masson.
HOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold
Rogers.
MEXICO Susan Hale
PHOENICIA. George Rawlinson.
THE HANSA TOWNS Helen
Zimmern
BARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred
J. Church
THE BARBARY CORSAIRS.
Stanley Lane-Poole
RUSSIA. W R Morfill.
THE JEWS UNDER ROME. W.
D. Morrison.
SCOTLAND. John Mackintosh.
SWITZERLAND. R. Stead and
Mrs A. Hug.
PORTUGAL H Morse-Stephens.
THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE C.
W. C. Oman.
SICILY E A Freeman
THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS
Bella Duffy.
POLAND. W. R Morfill
PARTHIA. Geo. Rawlinson.
JAPAN. David Murray.
THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY
OF SPAIN. H. E. Watts.
AUSTRALASIA. Greville Tregar-
then.
SOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. M,
Theal.
VENICE. Alethea Wiel.
THE CRUSADES. T. S. Archer
and C L Kingsford.
VEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozia.
BOHEMIA. C. E Maurice.
CANADA. J G. Bounnot.
THE BALKAN STATES. William
Miller
BRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R.
W Frazer.
MODERN FRANCE. Andre* L
Bon
THE BRITISH EMPIRE. Alfred
T Stary Two vols
THE FRANKS. Lewis Sergeant.
THE WEST INDIES. Amos K.
Fiske
THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND,
Justin McCarthy, M P. Two
vols
AUSTRIA. Sidney Whitman.
CHINA. Robt K. Douglass.
MODERN SPAIN Major Martin
A S Hume
MODERN ITALY. Pietro Orsi.
THE THIRTEEN COLONIES.
Helen A Smith. Two vols.
WALES AND CORNWALL Owne
M Edwards Net $1.35.
MEDIEVAL ROME. Wm. Miller.
THE PAPAL MONARCHY. Wm.
Barry
MEDIAEVAL INDIA. Stanley
Lane-Poole
BUDDHIST INDIA. T. W. Rhys-
Davids
THE SOUTH AMERICAN RE-
PUBLICS. Thomas C. Daw<
son. T^o vols.
PARLIAMENTARY ENGLAND.
Edward Jenks
MEDIAEVAL ENGLAND. Mary
Bateson.
THE UNITED STATES Edward.
Earle Sparks. Two vols.
ENGLAND THE COMING OP
PARLIAMENT. L. Cecil Jane.
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