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282. (18.) A RIDE IN THE DARKNESS, 284. (19.) INTO CAMP AGAIN, 286. (20.) 
(24.) OWDY S USE OF SALT, 293. (25.) A CAMP AT EL- AUJEH, 295. (26.) 
TEST, 298. 






(5.) THE WALL ROAD, 340. (6.) THE YAM SOOPH ROAD, 352. (7.) THE MANY 




VIEW OF CASTLE NAKHL. "EL-PAKAN" ... . Frontispiece. 




EXODUS AND WANDERINGS) . . . . In pocket of second cover. 



. 435 







At first thought, Kadesh-barnea may seem a small subject for 
a large book ; and it may even be deemed a subject of minor 
interest in the realm of biblical and geographical research. But 
Kadesh-barnea was a site of importance forty centuries ago. It 
was more than once the scene of events on which, for the time, 
the history of the world was pivoting. And for now well-nigh 
twenty centuries the location of Kadesh-barnea has been a matter 
of doubt and discussion among Jewish and Christian scholars. 

Going into the desert of Arabia for the express purpose of 
avoiding study, on an enforced-vacation ramble, I was enabled, 
most unexpectedly, to re-discover a long-lost site which had borne 
an important part in the discussions over Kadesh-barnea. This 
laid upon me the duty of giving to the public the results of my 
personal observations. Desiring, however, to present the facts of 
my discovery in the light of kindred facts brought out by prede 
cessors in this field of research, I delayed the publication of my 
story until I could examine anew the more important works 
already treating on this subject. Giving a mere announcement 
of my discovery, in the Quarterly Statement of the (London) 
Palestine Exploration Fund, on my return from the East, in the 
summer of 1881, I set myself at the study of the facts involved. 

The linkings of Kadesh-barnea proved far more numerous and 
varied than I anticipated, and the possibilities of gain from farther 


investigation in the fields of ancient and modern scholarship, 
opened more widely at every step of my progress. The four hun 
dred volumes specifically cited, and the more than two thousand 
notes separately given from those volumes, indicate but a minor 
portion of the many volumes searched, and of the many note 
worthy passages examined, in the course of that prolonged investi 
gation. But the results have fully justified the belief, that to settle 
the location of Ivadesh-barnea would be to settle many another 
point in dispute ; and I think it will be found that this volume 
furnishes the material for determining the Koute of the Exodus, 
the main outline of the Wanderings, and every landmark on the 
line of the Southern Boundary of the Land of Promise. 

The necessity of furnishing the proof of old errors assailed, and 
of truths newly declared, has expanded this volume far beyond its 
original plan, and has multiplied its citations of works in various 
tongues. Yet the main text of the work is so written as to be 
complete by itself, and intelligible to a reader who understands 
only English. The appended notes are largely for the benefit of 
those who desire to verify, or to test, my statements ; although 
many of them are in fuller illustration of points made in the text. 

Having fresh evidence, at every stage of my studies, of the 
frequent errors of my predecessors through their failure to verify 
quotations, I have been careful in every citation to cite directly 
from the authority quoted ; except in the few instances where I 
have specifically mentioned an intermediary agency through which 
alone I was able to refer to a work cited. 

I have reason to acknowledge gratefully the kind assistance, at 
one point and another in my researches, of the late Professor 
Edward Henry Palmer, the Rev. John Rowlands, Mr. Walter 
Besant, and Mr. Trelawney Saunders, of England ; of the Rev. 
Dr. II. H. Jessup, of Syria, and Mr. Edward Van Dyck, of 
Egypt ; also of Professors Isaac H. Hall, J. A. Paine, C. H. Toy, 
Charles A. Briggs, S. T. Lowrie, C. D. Hartrauft, and T. W. 


Coit, the Rev. Dr. T. W. Chambers, and of Drs. W. C. Prime, and 
J. Hammond Trumbull, and Mr. M. Heilprin, on this side of the 
Atlantic. Moreover, I desire to recognize my special indebtedness 
to Mr. John T. Napier, of Philadelphia, without whose varied and 
accurate scholarship, and unvarying readiness of efficient service at 
every point in my researches, I should never have been able to 
bring this work to completion, or to give it the exceptional value 
in its peculiar line, which 1 think it will be found to possess. 

The transliterating of Oriental words has naturally proved a 
vexed question ; there being n jommonly recognized system to 
which I could conform, and no possibility of framing a system 
which should fully meet every difficulty in the premises. My 
endeavor has been, to employ such phonetic equivalents as will 
best convey the sound of the original, according to the English 
(or the American) uses of the Roman letters. My spelling, in 
this line, differs at some points from that of any one writer with 
whom I am familiar ; yet it follows at each point some such 
authority as Lane, or Wilkinson, or Robinson, or Palmer, or 
Birch, or Meyer, or Burton. Its peculiarity is, that at nearly all 
points it is conformed to a common standard. 

In my citations I have adopted the spelling of the writer cited ; 
and so in the case of all biblical names, except the name of " Kedor- 
la omer," for which I have employed two forms. A thoroughly 
established proper name, like " Cairo," I have given in its popular 
form. The vowels I have employed, as nearly as may be, in their 
ordinary English force, instead of in their French or German or 
Italian force. For example, the designation of the Arabs of the 
desert is here given as Bcd wcen, rather than as the French-English 
Bedouin, or the German-English Bedaitfin. The double vowel ee 
has its sound as in meet; and oo, as in moon. With a circumflex 
sign, d has a long and broad sound, somewhat as in bard. With 
the same sign, 6 is sounded long, as in gore. With a long quan 
tity, d is sounded long, as in day. The diphthong ay, in the body 


of a word, is sounded as a cross between the ei in vein and the ey 
in eye; where (in the Arabic) it is modified by a preceding guttural, 
as in ayn, its sound is more nearly that of the latter, ey in eye. 
The sign of the aspirate, as in ayn, marks a peculiar guttural 
sound unattainable by the ordinary American. 

To distinguish between the Arabic letters, qaf and kaf, q is used 
for the former, and k for the latter. The fifth letter of the Arabic 
alphabet is pronounced by the Egyptians as hard g; while in 
Palestine and the Sinatic desert it is pronounced as j; and that 
distinction I have recognized by the use of g and j in the same 
word as it appertains to the different regions: thus the Gebel 
(Mountain) in Egypt, is the Jebel (Mountain) in Palestine. 

The phototype illustrations are from photographs taken, with 
this work in view, by Mr. Edward L. Wilson, of Philadelphia, 
who subsequently went over a portion of the desert traversed by 
me (as also to Petra, and beyond), under the guidance of my old 
dragoman ; bringing back from his tour a choice collection of pho 
tographic views. The maps are compiled from the best available 
sources, with such tentative changes as will indicate to the reader 
the geographical points made in the text of my work. Having no 
new survey of the region, I cannot be sure of its topography, be 
yond the statements in my verbal description. 

That there are errors in this volume I cannot doubt. That it 
throws fresh light upon the subject of which it treats, I firmly 
believe. That, as a whole, it will prove a means of correcting 
time-honored mistakes, and of bringing overlooked truths into 
prominence, I sincerely hope. It is, moreover, my confident 
expectation that more good will come from the new discussion 
which this volume provokes, than from the immediate conclusions 
of its own discussion of the main points at issue. 


PHILADELPHIA, December 1, 1883. 




KADESH-BARNEA has a manifold importance in the sacred 
story. Its historical, its geographical, and its providential rela 
tions, as disclosed in the inspired record, are of no ordinary or 
mean degree. A study of Kadesh-barnea in its varied biblical 
associations involves a study of the story of God s peculiar people, 
from the days of their great progenitor Abraham to the still 
vague and shadowy days of unfulfilled prophecy concerning their 
re-gathering and re-establishing. 

This place comes into view as a strategic stronghold in the 
earliest military campaign of history; at the beginning in the 
time of the Father of the Faithful of the yet progressing strug 
gle of the world-powers with the kingdom of God on earth. 
It looms up as the objective point of the Israelites in their 
movement from Sinai to the Promised Land. It is the place 
of their testing, of their failure, of their judging, and of their 
dispersion. It is their rallying centre for the forty years of 
their wandering, and the place of their re-assembling for their 
final move into the land of their longings. It is the scene of 
repeated and varied displays of God s power and of his people s 
faithlessness. And finally it is the hinge and pivot of the southern 
boundary of the Holy Land in history, and of the Holy Land 

in prophecy. 



To ascertain the location, and to consider the associations of 
a place of such importance as this, cannot be unworthy of the 
attention of any careful student of sacred history, of biblical 
geography, or of God s providential dealings with his chosen 
people. And to enter upon such a study intelligently, it is de 
sirable to look first at the place as it is shown in its more promi 
nent relations to the movements of that people in the days of 
their exodus and wanderings. 


In the history of the Israelitish wanderings, Kadesh-barnea 
stands over against Sinai in interest and importance. Even Sinai 
takes a minor place when the element of time is considered ; for 
the Israelites were at the latter point less than a year, while 
Kadesh-barnea seems to have been their head- quarters, or chief 
rallying-place, during a space of more than thirty-seven years. 

When the unorganized throng of Israelites, which had been 
hurried out from the bondage of Egypt into the lawless freedom 
of the desert, had become a compact nation, with its divinely 
given government and rulers, and its experiences of discipline, the 
divine command was given for the departure of the mighty host 
of that nation, from the forming-school of Sinai, across the desert 
to the sacred rendezvous of Kadesh l the divinely chosen camp 
ing ground and sanctuary, on the borders of the Promised Land. 
"The Lord our God spake unto us in Horeb," says Moses, "say 
ing, Ye have dwelt long enough in this mount: turn you, and 
take your journey, and go to the mount of the Amorites. . . . And 
when we departed from Horeb, we went through all that great 

1 The Hebrew word, Kadesh, or Qadhesh (EHp), means Holy, or Sacred. It 
corresponds with the Arabic Quds, ((jwjLs) or, with the article, J^l-Quds, 
which is applied to Jerusalem. Concerning the use of this term in biblical and 
classical history, Bee Prideaux s Connection, Part I., Book 1, p. 87 /. 


and terrible wilderness, which ye saw by the AYay of the Mountain 
of the Arnorites, as the Lord our God commanded us; and we 
came to Kadesh-barnea." l 


Kadesh-barnea once reached, and history was there made rapidly, 
by the people who were yet unready for their inheritance. 

From that mountain-shielded covert 2 Moses sent forward spies 
into Canaan, to examine the land in order to learn its possessions 
and its possibilities. 3 On the return of those spies to Kadesh, 4 
their report caused a fright of the Israelites, which led to a general 
murmuring and rebellion. 5 It was then that the people turned 
from their divinely appointed leader, and refused to accept the 
divine plan for their inheritance ; even choosing a captain of their 
own, with a view to their return to the bondage of Egypt. 6 For 
this cause, that boundary-line gathering-place of the chosen people 
on their way to the Promised Land became a limit to their progress 
for a full generation, and a place of dispersion for a people under 
the divine displeasure. Kadesh, the sanctuary, now became, or 
again became, En-mishpat 7 ( Ayn 8 Mishpat), a Fountain of Judg 
ment ; and there the guilty people were sentenced to complete a 
period of forty years, as wanderers in the desert they had already 
once passed successfully. 

1 Dent. 1 : 6, 7, 19. * Deut. 1: 20, 24; Num. 14: 40. 

"Num. 13: 1-20; 32: 8; Deut. 1: 20-24; Josh. 14: 7. 

* It is thought by some, that the spies were sent from the wilderness of Paran 
(Num. 13: 3) before reaching Kadesh, although one statement (Deut. 1: 19, 22) 
would show that they were sent from the latter place; and again (Num. 13 : 20) the 
two places are spoken of interchangeably. 

5 Num. 14: 1-34. Num. 14: 4; Neh. 9: 16, 17. 

7 In Gen. 14: 7, it is called En-mishpat (33190 } #"), or Fountain of Judgment. 
The probable origin of this name is treated farther on in this volume. 

8 In modern Arabic ayn (literally "an eye") means "a fountain," a natural 
spring of waters, as distinct from beer, " a well " that has been dug. 


Unwilling to lose all they had gained in reaching that threshold 
of their coveted inheritance, the rebellious Israelites determined to 
make at least a struggle for possession by venturing forward into 
the land which was now forbidden them. 1 Clambering the moun 
tain-pass immediately above their secure possession, in disregard of 
the warning of Moses, they pushed up into the South Country the 
Xcgeb, 2 or tract of high land between the desert and Canaan proper ; 
but they were met and discomfited by the Amorites and Amalek- 
ites 3 of the region they had invaded. All this was within three 
years after the coming out of Egypt ; probably within two years. 4 

. 14: 39, 40. 

2 The Hebrew word ^cghelh or Xegcb pjj) which is rendered in the 
King James Version "the south," or the "south country," or "southward," (e. <j. 
Gen. 12: J; 24: G2 ; Num. 13: 17,) is a proper name the Xegeb and should 
commonly be so rendered, in order to its better understanding. " The tract below 
Hebron, which forms the link between the hills of Judah and the desert, 
was known to ancient Hebrews by a terra originally derived from its dryness (Xe- 
geb). This was the Soutli Country." (Grove, in Smith- Hackctt. Lib. Diet., s. v. 
"Palestine.") "It was a line of stoppe-land with certain patches here and there 
that admitted of cultivation, but in which tracts of heath prevailed, for the most 
part covered with grass and bushes, where only grazing could be carried on with 
any success. The term which Eusebius and Jerome employ for Xegeb in the 
Onomasticon is Daromas, but they carry it farther northward than the Xegeb of 
the Old Testament." (Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com. at Josh. 15: 21-32.) "Asa 
geographical term the name has been entirely ignored in the English version; . . . 
and the misapprehension has given rise to several absurd contradictions in terms." 
(Palmer s DCS. of Exod., II., 2!2.) "The rendering south in our Authorized Ver 
sion, is apt to confuse the general reader." (Edersheim s Exod. and Wand., p. 1C5.) 
This point is treated at length in Wilton s The Xegeb. 

3 In Deut. 1: 44 the Amorites are mentioned, and in Num. 14: 45 the Amalekites. 
As Kurtz says (Hist, of Old Cor., III., 254) : " In the passage in which the historical 
facts are narrated with greater precision, Amalekites are spoken of along with the 
Amoritcs or Tanaanites, whereas in Deuteronomy the Amorites (i. c. Canaanites), 
who were incomparably more important, are mentioned alone." 

4 It is not clear, from the text, how long the Israelites were journeying from Sinai 
to Kadesh. The season of the year is plain, but not the year itself, as various critics 
have shown in their attempts to prove it clear ; e. fj., Kurtz says (as above, III., 215 
/.), "On the twentieth day of the second month (early in May), in the second year of 


Then came a long halt at Kadcsh. " So ye abode in Kadesh 
many days, according unto the days that ye abode there." l No 
mention is made in the sacred narrative of any formal departure 
of the Israelites from Kadesh, until the time came for a new move 
toward Canaan, at the close of their prescribed wanderings; and 
then, it is said, all the people, "even the whole congregation," : 
had again come together in Kadesh, as if in re-assembling at the 
recognized rendezvous and rallyiug-point of the scattered nation. 
The indications of the text are, that when the people found their 
progress into Canaan barred for a generation, they gradually scat 
tered themselves in larger or smaller groups among the wadies 3 of 

the exodus, the people departed from Sinai (Xum. 10: 11). On their arrival at the 
desert of Paran they sent out spies to Palestine (from Kadesh-barnea; Num. 32: 8; 
Deut. 1: 19 /.; Josh. 14: 7), at the time of the first grapes (Xum. 13: 21) that is, 
August (or earlier). . . . Forty days afterwards the spies returned to the camp at 
Kadesh (Xum. 13: 27). The people murmured at the reports of the spies, and 
Jehovah pronounced the sentence upon them." Lowrie, in the Schaff-Lange Com 
mentary (at Num. 14: 1-45), would add at least a year to this computation. 
He says: "We must infer that the journey from Sinai to Kadesh lasted at least from 
May of the second year of the exodus to July or August of the third year, i, e., 
fourteen to fifteen mouths. ... It may even have lasted longer." 

1 Deut. 1 : 46. The rabbins held that this indicates that the Israelites remained at 
Kadesh as long as at all the other stations combined; or, say, nineteen years. Light- 
foot takes the meaning to be, as long as the stay at Mount Sinai. Patrick, following 
older authorities, understands it, as long after the mutiny as before; or, forty days. 
Keil, and Lange, and others, consider the phrase as intentionally indefinite ; the 
facts being well understood by the Israelites to whom Moses was speaking. Fries, 
as followed by others, woxild find here an intimation of the permanent stay at 
Kadesh, until the march Canaanward was finally resumed. "So ye abode [or, 
waited] at Kadesh, according unto the days that ye abode [or, as long as ye were 
sentenced to be waiting]." For light on this point see Critici Sacri, Pool s Synops. 
Crit., Barrett s Synops. of Crit., Schaff-Lange Com., Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com., 
all in loco; also Fries s " Ueber die Lage von Kades," in Stud. u. Krit., 1854, p. 55. 

2 Xum. 20: 1; Deut. 2: 1. 

3 A "wady" is any depression of the desert surface, or any space between the hills, 
which becomes the bed of a water-course in the rainy season. From its extra water 
supply a wady is more fertile and arable than the higher ground about it. It is 
commonly marked with some signs of vegetation throughout the year. 


the desert, living a nomad life, .seeking sustenance by sowing and 
reaping with the divinely added supply of daily manna, having, 
all this time, Kadesh as the northernmost limit of their roving, 
and as, in a peculiar sense, the centre of their occupancy, or the 
pivot of their wanderings. Meantime, the tabernacle, with its 
ministry, would seem to have moved, under the divine guidance, 
from place to place within the limits of the wanderings, as if on 
circuit, in order that Moses and Aaron might retain a spiritual 
oversight of the scattered people. 

Certain it is, that the popular opinion, of a formal marching to 
and fro in the desert for the forty years of wandering, finds no 
more countenance in the text than it does in reason in view of 
the purposes of God with his people, and of the habits of Oriental 
nomads. 1 In this light of the narrative, the stations named in the 
sacred text, for the period of the wanderings, 2 may be taken either 
as the stations of the tabernacle on its circuit ; or as the excep 
tionally prominent encampments of the people as a whole, at the 
earlier or at the later portion of that period. 3 

Hardly a glimpse is given us of the covenant people, in all 
those years between their first and second formal gatherings at 
Kadesh ; nor can it be supposed that this inspired silence is with 
out a substantial reason. Students of the covenant record, and 
historians of the covenant people, have recognized a pregnant 
meaning in the very shadows which obscure the life-story of 
Israel from Kadesh to Kadesh. "So far as the sacred records 

1 Yet Cok-nso (The Pentateuch, etc., I., 124) insists that the popular opinion is the 
biblical view, as precedent to his claim that the biblical view is an unreasonable one. 

2 Num. 33: l$-3<3. 

3 This reasonable view of the settlement, or the prolonged stay, of the Israelites at 
Kadesh, and of the nmnadic character of the forty years life in the wilderness, is 
held by many careful and judicious students of the Bible text; however those stu 
dents may differ in an understanding of the list of stations given in Numbers 33. For 
example, see: Hasius, in Ileg. David. ctSo.L, pp. 211-214; Ewald, in IKst. of Israel, 
II., 193 Jf.; Hitter, in Geotj. of Pal., I., 42S/.; Kurtz, in Hist, of Old Coi:, III., 202- 


were concerned," says Kurtz, 1 "there was no history between the 
first and second encampments at Kadesh. But whatever happened 
while the first encampment lasted, and whatever occurred after the 
second encampment had taken place, was regarded as forming 
part of the history to be recorded. . . . Nothing of a stationary (or 
retrograde) character \vas regarded as forming part of the history 
to be recorded; but only that which was progressive. . . . During 
the thirty-seven years, about which the scriptural records are 
silent, the history of Israel did not advance a single step towards 
its immediate object, the conquest of the Promised Laud. . . . The 
thirty-seven years were not only stationary in their character, 
years of detention and therefore without a history, but they were 
also years of dispersion. The congregation had lost its unity, had 
ceased to be one compact body ; its organization was broken up, 
and its members were isolated the one from the other. ... It was 
only Israel as a whole, the combination of all the component parts, 
the whole congregation, with the ark of the covenant and the pillar 
of cloud in the midst, which came within the scope of the sacred 
records." 2 

" Not only are the names of the encampments [during the wan- 

288; Winer, in Bibl. Realworterb., Art. " Wiiste, Arabische;" Tuch, in "Kemarks 
on Gen. XIV.," in Jour, of Sac. Lit., July, 1848, p. 91; Fries, in "Ueber die Lage 
von Kades," in Stud. u. Krit., 1S54, p. 55; Lange (and more fully Lowrie, 
his translator), in Schaff-Lange Com. "Numbers"; Espin, in Speaker s Com., at 
Num. 20: 1; Hayman, in Smith-Hackett Bib. Diet., Art. "Wilderness of the Wan 
dering;" Palmer, in Des. of Exod., II., 515-519; Edersheim, in Exod. and Wand., 
pp. 171-174; Smith, in Student s Old Test. Hist., pp. 187, 189; Payne Smith, in Bible 
Educator, I., 228 ff. ; Geikie, in Hours with Bible, II., 347. And the rationalistic 
Wellhausen agrees with his more evangelical fellow-critics on this point, as shown 
in his article on "Israel" in Encyc. Brit., ninth edition. 

1 Hist, of Old Cov., III., 270 /. 

3 "The subject divides itself into two parts; the emancipation and the preparation 
for conquest. Both of these, Moses treats at large. The space of years which he 
passes over in silence, is, if I may so speak, the interlude between the two acts of the 
great drama." (Palfrey s Lect. on Jewish Script and Antiq , I., 373) 


derings] still lost iu uncertainty," says Stanley, 1 " but the narrative 
itself draws the mind of the reader in different directions ; and the 
variations, in some instances as it would seem, of the sacred text 
itself, repel detailed inquiry still more positively. To this out 
ward confusion corresponds the inward and spiritual aspect of the 
history. It is the period of reaction, and contradiction, and 
failure. It is chosen by Saint Paul 2 as the likeness of the corres 
ponding failures of the first efforts of the primitive Christian 
church; the one type of the Jewish history expressly mentioned 
by the w r riters of the New Testament." 

In this view of the pivotal and typical character of the Israel 
ites halt at Kadesh 3 a peculiar interest attaches to every gleam of 
light on the place itself, and on the incidents having their centre 
there. It is possible that the rebellion of Ivorah and his company 4 
occurred at Kadesh; 5 and that thus the attempt to wrest the priestly 
power from Aaron was made at the same place as the effort to take 
the civil government from the hands of his brother. 6 If this was 

1 Hist. of Jewish Ch., I., 199 /. 

2 1 Cor. 10: 11. These things happened unto them for examples types in 
the original. This is the true meaning of the word ; and it is the only case in which 
it is applied in the New Testament to the Jewish history." 

8 In the parting blessing, or dying song of Moses, wherein the story of the The- 
ophany is rehearsed to Israel, the Septuagint gives " myriads of Kadesh," where our 
text gives "tun thousands of saints" (Deut. 33: 2); thus showing Sinai, Paran, Seir, 
and Kudesh, as uplifted into pre-eminence, as boundary limits of the place of God s 
chief wonder-working for his people, during their years of training. On this point, 
see Critici Sucri, Pool s Synops. Crit., Barrett s Synops. of Crit., and Kchuff- Lunge 
Com., all in loco; Ewald s Ilist. of Israel, vol. II., p. 198, note; Stanley s Sinai and 
Pal., p. 90. 

* Xum. 16. 

5 So claim Kurtz (Ifist. of Old Cov., III., 257); Lange (Schaff-Lange Com. 
" Exod. and Lev." "Introduction" p. 25; and "Xum. and Deut." p. 85); and 
others. Forster (Israel in Wild., pp. 290-303) shows reason for believing that Korah s 
rebellion occurred not earlier than say twenty years after the exodus ; but the ques 
tion of its dote is apart from the question of its place. 

6 Xum. 14: 4; Xeh. 9: 16, 17. 


so, Kadesh became yet again the " Fountain of Judgment " against 
the insurgents, when there "the earth opened her mouth and 
swallowed them up ; " and a consuming fire came from the Lord ; 
and a pestilence was among the people, destroying " fourteen thou 
sand and seven hundred, besides them that died about the matter of 
Korah." And it was then and there, also, that the rod of Aaron 
budded 1 in confirmation of his priestly authority from Jehovah. 

It was certainly at Kadesh that Miriam died and was buried; 2 
that the people murmured for water ; and that Moses struck the 
Rock, when he had been told only to speak to it, and the Lord 
caused it to give forth again its waters in abundance. 3 And 
Kadesh, on this latter occasion, became (perhaps for the third time) 
the " Fountain of Judgment," the place of the uttering of a sen 
tence of God s condemnation, by the Lord s passing judgment on 
Moses for his presumption, his impatience, and his lack of rever 
ent obedience ; sentencing him, as also Aaron, to die outside of the 
Land of Promise. 4 Then it was, also, that Kadesh, the Holy, 
became Meribah, or Strife. 5 

It was from Kadesh-barnea that Moses sent messengers to the 
king of Edom, asking if the Israelites might pass through his 
country on their way to Canaan ; 6 and from the same point, also, 
a like request was made of the king of Moab. 7 Nor does Kadesh 
lose its pre-eminence in the story of the wanderings until the final 
move is made toward Canaan by the Way of the Red Sea, around 
the mountains of Edom and Moab. 8 It is, in fact, a central point 
in both the geography and the history of the wanderings. Stanley 9 
says, in reviewing the movements of the Israelites : " Two stages 
alone of the journey are distinctly visible [after Israel has received 

1 Num. 17. J Num. 20: 1. 3 Num. 20: 2-11. 

4 Num. 20: 12,24. This point is more fully treated farther on. See Index, under 
" Kadesh, names of." 

5 Num. 20 : 13. Num. 20 : 14-21. T Judges 11 : 10, 17. 

8 Num. 20 : 22; 21 : 4-20. 9 Hist, of Jewish Ch., 1 , 199. 


its divine charter as a nation] ; from Sinai to Kadesh, and from 
Kadesh to Moab." 


Not only does the name " Kadesh " (" Holy ") seem to have 
been gained by the abiding there of the tabernacle; but the cog- 
iiomeu " Barnea " is thought by many to have been given, in con 
sequence of the sentence of dispersion there passed upon the Is 
raelites. Simon 1 would derive this word from bar " desert/ and 
nca " wandering ; " rendering it, " Desert of the Wandering." 2 
Fiirst 3 and others give a similar origin, but would take bar in ite 
later 4 signification of "son." Jerome 5 held this latter view, and 
rendered " Barnea " " Son of Change," 6 corresponding to the idea 
of "Bed wy." Others, again, think that "Barnea" was an 
earlier name for the locality ; 7 or, that it was the name of a 

1 In the Onomast. s. v. Barnea." " Barnea, the Desert of the Wandering ; that is 
of the Israelites (from 13 bar, Chaldaic, Syriac, and Arabic, desert, and >*J vcn, 
wandering. )" 

2 Edersheim (Exod. find Wand. p. 172) approves this rendering, and gives as its 
equivalent, "the Land of Moving to and fro," or, "the Land of being Shaken." 

3 In his Bible, Concordance (in appended Onomasticon," pp. 1272, 1290): "Bar 
nea, Son of Wandering : Bed wee." " Kadesh-barnca, Holy City of the Nomads." 
Again, (in his Ileb. u. Chnld. Worterb.,) Fiirst thinks that Barnea may correspond 
with the Arabic XXJ fJH (marne ah), " a green or blooming meadow." lie claims that 
on sound linguistic principles " Barnea" may come from the root " bci-ran," " to be 
green," or "blooming." This would accord with the prominence of the site of 
Kadesh as an oasis in the desert. 

4 Hackett (Smith-Hnckett Bib. Diet., s. v. " Kadesh," note) point* out that " "O, bar 
does not occur as son, in the writings of Moses." Hackett adds that " The reading 
of the LXX. in Num. 34 : 4, K()//f rov Bapvij, seems to favor the notion that it was 
regarded by them as a man s name." In both these suggestions, Ilackett is followed 
by the Speaker s Com. in a note on Numbers 32 : 8. 

5 De Nominibus Ilebraicis; " On Deuteronomy." 

6 " Filius mutationis." 

7 See Keil and Delitzsch, Bib. Com. at Num. 20: 14-21 ; Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cor., 
III., 221. 


prominent place in the neighborhood of Kaclesh. 1 Whatever 
may have been its signification, 2 that name became subordinate to 
the name which memorialized the abiding there of God s people 
with the sacred tabernacle. 

The exceptional importance of Kadcsh-barnea, in its relation to 
the Israelitish wanderings, and to the Israelitish possessions and 
history, has long been recognized by students of the Bible story 
and of the lands of the Bible. 

Ewald, 3 thorough and discriminating in his study of the main 
features of the Plebrcw story, despite the fancifulness of many of 
his theories, says emphatically : " Kadesh is a place which emerges 
from the darkness of those times as especially important, and 
where evidently the community of Israel had their central station 
during a very long period." The cautious and conservative Rit- 
ter 4 is even more explicit in making Kadesh the centre of a new 
national life to the Israelites. " Here began a new capital, so to 
speak," he says ; " the long sojourn at this spot, and their constant 
conflicts with their warlike neighbors were the means of thor 
oughly training in warlike discipline the new generation which was 
born in the wilderness, and which had before it the task of enter 
ing the Promised Land." Wellhauseu, 5 the cold-blooded German 
critic, who looks only at the bald historic facts, as lie sees them 
in the ancient story, goes a great deal farther than Ewald and 

1 Ewald, in Hist, of Israel, II., 293. 

Z llilleru3 (in the Onomast. Sac., Tiibingen, 1526, s. v. "Barnea") explains it as 
from J J "liO, leer-nea, meaning "Fountain of the Exile ; " that is, of Ishniael. 
Leusden (in the Onomast Sac., Leyden, 1650 ; s. r. " Kadesh-barnea ") explains it as 
" holiness of the unstable son ; or " holiness of grain," or " of comtnoved or unsta 
ble purity." Thomas Wilson, in his Christian Diet. (London, 167S) and Calmet, in 
his Dictionary (Paris, 1720) adopted the same explanation as Leusden. Biinting (in 
the Itin. Sac. Script., Magdeburg, 1591) says " Kadesh means holy : a pure moving." 
There certainly is no lack, here, of suggested renderings from which to make a choice, 

Hist, of Israel, II., 193. * Geog. of Pal., I., 428 /. 

6 In Art. " Israel," in Encyc. Brit., ninth edition. 


Hitter (and Moses), in his estimate of the exceptional importance of 
Kadesh in the Israelitish history. 1 He not only believes that the 
Israelites remained there for many years, " having at the well of 
Kadesh their sanctuary and judgment seat only, while with their 
flocks they ranged over an extensive tract ; " but, in his opinion, 
Kadesh was the " locality they had more immediately had in view 
in setting out" from Gosheu. It was there, as he sees it, that 
Moses laid the foundations of the Hebrew commonwealth, and 
prepared the way for "the nomads of the wilderness of Kadesh" 
to become the occupants and transformers of Canaan. " If we 
eliminate from the historical narrative the long Siuaitic section, 
which has but a loose connection with it," he says, " the wilder 
ness of Kadesh becomes the locality of the preceding and subse 
quent events. It was during the sojourn of many years here that 
the organization of the nation, in any historical sense, took place." 
Such a view as this of the inspired record has its chief value in 
showing how prominent a place is Kadesh in the Israelitish story, 
if the plain indications of the sacred text be considered with can 
dor and thoroughness. 

Thomson, 2 who is exceptionally familiar with the main corres 
pondences of the Laud and the Book, does not hesitate to speak of 
Kadesh as "one of the most interesting sites in the entire history 
of the Hebrew wanderings." Stanley, 3 who can certainly see the 
salient points in a great historical picture, however he may give his 
own coloring to the minor details of that picture in its reproduction, 
declares: "There can be no question that next to Sinai, the most 
important resting place of the children of Israel is Kadesh." And 
in this declaration, Stanley but re-phrased the opinion of the de 
vout and observing Durbin : 4 " With the exception of Horcb, no 
place between the passage of the Red Sea and the passage of the 

1 In Art. "Israel," in Encyc. Brit., ninth edition. 

2 South. Pal. (Land and Book, new ed.), p. 200. 

3 Sinai and Pal., p. 93. 4 Observ. in East, I., 199. 


Jordan concentrates so much interest as Kadesh." Milman, 1 the 
pioneer of modern English historians of the Jewish race from its 
beginnings, declared, as a result of his study of the wanderings, 
and of the entrance into Canaan : " The key to the whole geogra 
phy is the site of Kadesh." And this opinion of Milman has been 
reiterated and restated by many a student who has followed him. 
Lowrie, 2 the competent and careful American translator of Lange s 
Numbers, says, similarly : " Kadesh is the key to all the geographi 
cal problems of the wanderings after the departure from Sinai." 
Palmer, the distinguished explorer of the desert of the exodus, and 
of the country above it, was of the same opinion, when he affirmed, 3 
of the wilderness of Kadesh : " This is perhaps the most important 
site in the whole region, as it forms the key to the movements 
of the children of Israel during their forty years wanderings." 
Graetz, 4 the latest eminent Jewish historian of his own people, 
quotes this saying of Palmer as fully a just one. And 
William Smith, 5 whose extensive historical studies have involved 
a close acquaintance with the geographical questions of the Israel- 
itish wanderings and possessions, concludes : " To determine the 
position of Kadesh itself, is the great problem of the whole route." 
In short, an agreement on the site of Kadesh is an essential pre 
liminary to any fair understanding of the route and the movements 
of the Israelites, between Sinai and the Jordan. Yet this " essen 
tial preliminary " has thus far been unattainable by Bible students 
generally. When the English Palestine Exploration Fund began 
its good work, in 1866, one of the widely known geographers 6 of 
Great Britain, in expressing his hope of the good results of that 
undertaking, spoke of Kadesh, as " one of the most hotly contested 
sites iu biblical investigation, and the settlement of which is much 

1 Hint, of Jeivs., Vol. I., Book IV., p. 242, note. 

2 Schnff-Lanye Com.. " Num. and Deut," p. 80. 

3 Des. of Exod., II., 349 /. * Gesch. d. Juden, I., 395. 

6 Student s Old Test. Hist., p. ISO. 6 Trelawney Saunders. 


to be desired." Fifteen years later, the chief representative 2 of 
the Palestine Exploration Fund, in the immediate field of its re 
searches, could say no more, after all those added years of investi 
gation, than that " the recovery of the site of Kadesh-barnea is 
[still] the most interesting question of the topography of the Sina- 
itic Desert ; and any indication leading to a clearer understanding 
of the question will be of some value." 3 

Xor is it alone as a key to the geography of the wanderings, that 
the site of Kadesh has an importance in the field of biblical re 
search. Kadcsh is the one place spoken of as "a city" in all the 
Israelitish encampments. For centuries before this it had been a 
landmark by which routes of travel were noted, and by which 
the location of other places had their bearing ; and for centuries 
afterward it was referred to as one of the chief boundary marks of 
the Land of Promise. 4 To settle its whereabouts is to aid in set 
tling the boundary stretch of Edom, 5 or Seir; 6 the locality of the 
wilderness of Parau ; 7 of the wilderness of Zin ; 8 of the JSTegeb or 
South Country; 9 and to fix more definitely one of the homes of 
Abraham; 10 the dwelling-place of rejected Hagar; 11 the sites of 
mounts Hor 12 and Halak; 13 the site of Tamar; 11 and the route of 
Kedor-la omer, in the first really great military campaign of his 
tory. 13 

It would, indeed, be strange if the Bible text on the one hand, 
and the explorations into the lands of the Bible on the other, gave 
no sure indications of a site so important as is Kadesh-barnea, in 
both its biblical and its geographical aspects and relations. 

J From " Quarterly Statement," No. IV., as reprinted in Surv. of West. Pal., 
"Special Papers," p. 71 /. 

2 .Capt. C. R. Cornier. 3 " Quart. Statement," January, 1881, p. GO/. 

* Compare Num. 34: 4; Josh. 15: 3; Ezek. 47: 19; 48: 28. 
5 Num. 20: 16. 6 Gen. 36: 8; Dout. 1: 2,44, 7 Num. 13: 26. 

8 Num. 20 : 1 ; 27 : 14 ; 33 : 3G. 9 Num. 34: 3-5 ; Josh. 15 : 1-4. 

10 Gen.20:l. u Gen.l6:14. 12 Num. 20 : 21, 22; 33 : 37. 

" Josh. 11 : 16, 17 ; 12 : 7. u Ezek. 47 : 19 ; 48 : 28. 15 Gen. 14 : 1-7. 





And now what are the indications in the Bible text of the site 
of Kadesh? What help to its locating is given in the earlier and 
later references to it in the sacred narrative? 

The first mention of Kadesh is in the record of the devastating 
march of " Chedorlaomer, king of Elam," in the days of the 
patriarch Abraham. 1 Elam 2 was a country north of the Persian 
Gulf and east of the Tigris. 3 It was later known as Susiana, with 
Shushau 4 as its capital. From the Assyrian monuments it has 
been learned, that, not long before the days of Abraham, an 
Elamite king had conquered Babylon; 5 and the Bible record here 

J Gen. 14: 1-16. 

3 See Niebuhr s Gesch. Assur s u. Babel s, pp. 382-409 ; Lofttis s Chald. and Sus., 
chaps. 2G and 28; Encyc. Brit., ninth edition, Art. "Elam," by Sayce; Rawlinson s 
Origin of Nations, pp. 229-231; his Five Great Hon., II., 435; Lenormant and 
Chevallier s Anc. Hist, of East, I., 59, 82, 343, 352; Tomkins s Times of Abraham, 
pp. 166-203; Winer s Bibl. Realworterb., Art. "Elam;" Schaff-Lange Com. and 
Speaker s Com., at Gen. 14: 5. See, also, Isa. 11: 11; 21: 2; Jer. 25: 25; 49: 34-39; 
Ezek. 32: 24; Acts 2: 9. 

3 " Elam was bounded on the east by Persia and Pnrthia ; on the west by Assyria 
and Babylonia; and on the south by the Persian Gulf." ( Hamburger s Beal-Encyc., 
s.v. "Elam.") 

* Neh. 1:1; Esther 1 : 2, etc. ; Dan. 8 : 2. 

6 "Asshur-bani-pal, the last of the Assyrian conquerors, mentions in two inscrip 
tions that he took Susa 1635 years after Kcdor-uakhunta, king of Elam, had con- 



shows that the Elamitc king Chedorlaomer 1 (or Kedor-la omer, or 
Kudur-Lagamar) had sway not only over the whole Tigro- 
Euphrates basin, but westward over Syria and Canaan, even to 
the borders of Egypt. 

This outreachmsr of the Eastern kmty was on a scale before 

O o 

unknown in the history of the world. 2 The Bible story says 

quered Babylonia. lie found in that city the statues of the gods taken from Erech 
by Kedor-nakhunta, and replaced them in their original position. It was in the 
year 660 B. C. that Asshur-bani-pal took Susa. The date, therefore, of the conquest 
of Babylon by Kedor-nakhunta, and the establishment of the Elamite dynasty in 
Chaldea, must have been 2295 B. C." (Lenormant and Chevallier s Anc. Hist, of 
East, I., 352.) Authorities differ slightly as to this precise date. See also, on this 
point, George Smith s translation of "The Annals of Assurbanipal," in Ecc. of Past, 
1., 88, find of the "Early History of Babylonia," in Ecc. of Pant, III., 4; and Tom- 
kins s Times of Abraham, p. 175/. 

1 "Though the name of Chedor-laomer has not been found [in the course of the 
Chaldean researches], Laomer or Lagamar appears as an Elamite god, and several 
of the Elamite kings bore names compounded with Kudur a servant, as Kudur- 
Nankhunte, the servant of the god Xankhunte, Kudur-Mabug, the servant of 
Mabug, and the like." (George Smith s Chald. Ace. of Genesis, p. 272 /.) 

Sir Henry Rawlinson suggested the identification of Kudur-Mabuk, lord of Elarn, 
mentioned on the Babylonian monuments, with the Kedor-la omer of Genesis. 
Afterwards he was inclined to abandon this idea. But it has been taken lap by the 
Rev. Henry George Tomkins, and pressed with a strong show of probabilities in its 
favor. The latter quotes George Smith (apparently from a private letter) as saying : 
"From his Elamite origin and Syrian conquests, I have always conjectured Kudur- 
Mabuk to be the same as the Chedor-la omer of Genesis XIV." Smith had, 
however, shown that Rawlinson s finding of the title "Apda Martu" (Conqueror, or 
Ravager, of the West) on the bricks of Kudur-Mabuk, was a misreading of Adda 
(lord) for Apda (conqueror). Compare Tomkins s Times of Abraham, pp. 175-181; 
Rawlinson s Fire. Great Hon., I., 161-163, 176-17*; George Smith s translation of 
the "Early History of Babylonia," in Rcc. of Past, III., 19. See, also, Bunsen s 
Chron. of r>il/lc, p. 11 /. ; Rawlinson s Origin of Nations, pp. 37^0; Sayce s Art. 
" Elam," in Enryc. Brit., ninth edition. 

" Kedar-el-Ahmar, or Kedar the Red, is, in fact, a famous hero in Arabian tradi 
tion, and his history bears no inconsiderable resemblance to the Scripture narrative of 
Chedor-laomer." (Sir II. Rawlinson, in Eawlinson s Herodotus, Vol. I., Essay VI., 
2 5, note 1.) See also, on this, Lenormant and Chevallier s Anc. Hist, of East, II., 146. 

1 "He [Kedor-la omer] is the forerunner and prototype of all those great Oriental 


nothing of the events which led toward it, but mentions the fact 
of it incidentally, in giving the record of an attempt by the 
Canaanites to throw off the yoke of vassalage, and of the part 
performed by Abraham in aiding his kinsman Lot 1 against the 
power of the oppressor, when the latter came westward to re-forge 
the chains of bondage. 2 

An immediate gain of Kedor-la omer s then unparalleled scheme 
of conquest was the control of the one great highway of travel and 

conquerors who from time to time have built up vast empires in Asia out of hetero 
geneous materials, which have in a larger or a shorter space successively crumbled 
to decay. At a time when the kings of Egypt had never ventured beyond their 
borders, unless it were for a foray in Ethiopia, and when in Asia no monarch had 
held dominion over more than a few petty tribes, and a few hundred miles of terri 
tory, he conceived the magnificent notion of binding into one the manifold nations 
inhabiting the vast tract which lies between the Zagros mountain-range and the 
Mediterranean. Lord by inheritance (as we may presume) of Elam and Chaldea or 
Babylonia, he was not content with these ample tracts, but, coveting more, proceeded 
boldly on a career of conquest up the Euphrates valley, and through Syria, into 
Palestine. Successful here, he governed, for twelve years, dominions extending near 
a thousand miles from east to west, and from north to south probably not much short 
of five hundred." (Rawlinson s Five Great Mon,, I., 177.) 

1 Gen. 14: 12-16. "It is indeed true that affection for Lot may have been the 
motive, and his deliverance from captivity the object, of Abram s expedition. But 
both this and his victory had a higher meaning when viewed objectively and ia 
their bearing upon history. It is not the purpose of the narrative to exalt Abram, 
but to show the wonderful leadings of God towards his elect, by which everything is 
brought into immediate relation to the divine plan." (Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., I., 

2 " The imperial power of Asia had already extended as far as Canaan, and had 
subdued the valley of the Jordan, no doubt with the intention of holding the Jordan 
valley as the high-road to Egypt. We have here a prelude of the future assault of 
the worldly power upon the kingdom of God established in Canaan ; and the impor 
tance of this event to sacred history consists in the fact, that the kings of the valley 
of the Jordan submitted to the worldly power, whilst Abram, on the contrary, with 
his home-born servants, smote the conquerors and rescued their booty a prophetic 
sign that in the conflict with the power of the world the seed of Abram would not 
only not be subdued, but would be able to rescue from destruction those who 
appealed to it for aid." (Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com. at Gen. 14: 1-12.) 


commerce between the East and the West. 1 In the very nature of 
things, from the formation of the earth s surface, that little belt of 
land between the Mediterranean and the Jordan, hedged in by 
mountain and desert and sea, was, and must continue to be, the 
one passable isthmus between Asia and Africa and Europe. From 
the earliest dispersion of the families of men, the Land of Canaan 
has been in a sense a geographical centre of the world s interest; 
and rival forces have never ceased to contend for the possession* of 
the great thoroughfare which the immediate region of that land 
practically controls. The building of the Suez Canal, in our own 
day, is but an effort to secure in another way what Kedor-la omer 
sought by the subjugation of the peoples and tribes on either side 
of the Jordan. 2 

And the keeping open of that highway continuing its control 
by his subjects and tributaries was vital to the supremacy of the 
great Eastern conqueror. 3 "When, therefore, after twelve years, 

1 The reference in Joshua 7: 21 to the "goodly Babylonish garment" "a choice 
robe of Shinar" among the spoils of Jericho, is an indication of the traffic in that 
day between Shinar and Canaan. 

2 " The true reason [of Kedor-la omer s campaign] cannot be doubtful, when we 
remember of what importance that extensive valley [of the Jordan] was at all times, 
in regard to the intercourse of tribes with one another. It always formed (comp. 
Strabo XVI. 4, IS/.) the road marked out by nature itself, which, from the yElantic 
gulf, divides the boundless wilderness watered by the Nile and Euphrates; the 
medium of intercourse between Arabia and Damascus. ... To have dominion over 
the whole of this important locality must have appeared of the greatest conse 
quence. . . . By this occupation Arabia in particular, with its choice productions 
(comp. Ezck. 27: 19 ff.), was completely enclosed; and all commerce with the 
southern coast, and the bazaars in Western and Eastern Asia, came into the hands of 
one and the same power ; which was a sufficient reason for procuring these advantages 
by conquest, and for maintaining them against revolt, by the putting forth offeree." 
(Tuch s "Remarks on Gen. XIV.," in Jonr. of Sac. Lit., July, 1848, p. 82.) 

3 "In fact they [of the Pentapolis] commanded the great route of Arabian com 
merce, and enriched themselves with the wealth which the Egyptians, the Phoeni 
cians, the. Babylonians and Elamites valued so highly. Doubtless many a rich 
caravan of Midianite merchantmen, with spicery and balm and myrrh [Gtu. 


there was a general revolt against Kedor-la omer s authority by 
the dwellers in the five Cities of the Plain, it became necessary for 
him to make a personal campaign for their re-subjugation and 
punishment. It is in this campaign that Kadesh first appears in 


It is probable, indeed it may be said to be certain, that the route 
of Kedor-la omer toward Canaan was up along the eastern bank 
of the Euphrates to Syria, and thence down by Damascus; for 
this was the only practicable military road from Elam to Syria. 
The great Arabian desert was, and ever has been, impassable for 
such an army as his. 1 From Damascus he moved down on the 
east of the Jordan and of the great mountain range east of the 
Dead Sea. And he and his allies, as they went along this route, 
"smote the Rephaim in Ashteroth Karnaim, and the Zuzim in 
Ham, and the Emim in the plain of Kiriathaim, and the Horites 
in their mount Seir, unto El-Paran, which is by the wilderness." 2 

37 : 25], many a long train of Amu with their bales of rich clothing, and cosmetics, 
and metals, would pass within reach of those Cana,anite lords, who must not be 
allowed to levy their blackmail for their own independent profit." (Tomkins s 
Times of Abraham, p. 182.) 

1 A careful study of the route of Kedor-la omer was first made, in modern times, 
by Prof. Tuch, of Leipzig. It was published under the title " Bemerkungen zu 
Genesis XIV.," in the Zeitechrift der deutschen morgenJdndischen GeseUschaft, and 
an English translation of it, by Dr. Samuel Davidson, appeared in Kitto s Journal of 
Sacred Literature for July, 1848. A more recent and an admirable study of the 
same subject, in the light of later discoveries, is to be found in the Rev. Henry 
George Tomkins s Studies in the Times of Abraham. 

2 Gen. 14: o, 6. "Drawing together the contingents of the different states in 
Babylonia, Kedor-la omer would pass up the Euphrates, cross the Khabour, perhaps 
at Arban (ancient Sidikan), the Belik near Kharran, the Euphrates at Carchemish, 
and so [onward], . . . passing Aleppo, Ilarnath, and Emesa (where, perhaps, already 
the sons of Kheth were entrenched in their lake fortress). The further march is in 
dicated in the biblical narrative, if we take for granted (which we may well do) that 


This description covers the regions of Bashan and Moab and 
Edom, and the entrance between the lower mountains of Seir and 
the ^Elanitic Gulf, or Gulf of Aqabah, into the Wilderness of 
Paran, or the central desert of the Sinaitic Peninsula. 1 

It has been common to suppose that "El-Paran, which is by 
the wilderness," was Ailch, or "Eloth, on the shore [or, the lip ] 
of the Red Sea, in the land of Edom;" 2 because just there was a 
gateway of the great route between Arabia and Egypt and Syria. 3 
But it would seem more probable, that this plantation, or grove, 

the army returned over the same ground, excepting where the contrary is stated; 
Kedor-la omer then doubtless received the homage and tribute of the ruler of 
Damascus ; but instead of pouring down the valley of the Jordan in a direct course 
to the revolted cities, he first cutoff their supports, and completely cleared his flanks 
by an extended campaign ; for, sweeping all the highland plateau to the east of 
Jordan, and following the great ancient course of commerce where now the Iladj 
road goes down into Arabia, he chastised and disabled the old world tribes who had 
evidently shared in the rebellion." (Tomkins s Studies, as above, p. 1S5.) 

1 For added facts and suggestions as to this route, and as to various proposed 
identifications along its course, see Davidson s translation of Tuch, and Tomkins s 
Studies, as above ; Rawlinson s Five Great Man., I., 177; Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. 
Com. at Gen. 14: 1-12; Schaff-Lange Com., Speaker s Com., and Murphy s Com. in 
loco; also Wetzstein s Reisebericht iiber Hauran u. d. Trachonen, pp. 108-113; Por 
ter s Giant Cities, pp. 43, 68, 84/.; Merrill s East of Jordan, pp. 328-330; Oliphant s 
Land of Gilead, pp. 94-100. 
2 1 Kings 9: 26, and "margin." 

3 "The more surely we must understand with the Septuagint and Peshitto TX 
el (as in Gen. 35: 4 and Judges 6: 11, 19) to be a plantation of terebinth, the more 
easily can we consider ourselves justified in referring that name to an oasis situated, 
on any view of the subject, to the west of the Edomite mountains. . . . On closer 
examination, it cannot admit of a doubt that El-Paran is identical with .EYaZ/i-Aileh, 
on the shore of the Eed Sea (1 Kings 9: 26), manifestly at the extreme end of 
Wadi Arabah." (Tuch, as above, p. 85.) 

But Wilton (The Negcb p. 196) has shown that el, meaning " the strong," applies 
to the strong tree of the particular region, whether palm, terebinth, tamarisk, or oak. 
TIence it is fair to consider " El-Paran " as the grove, or oasis, which was the ex 
hibit and type of the strength of the wilderness. 

See Burton and Drake s Unexplored Syria (note at p. 68, Vol. I.), as to the use of 
" alah (cloth and elath)" for the terebinth tree or groves. Forster (Geog. of Arabia, 


or oasis, of Paran, " which is upon 1 the wilderness/ was the one 

oasis which is in mid-desert on the great highway across the Wil 
derness of Paran; known in later times as "Qala at Nukhl," 2 or 
" Callah Xahhar," 3 or " Bathu-Xakhl," 4 or, more commonly, " Cas 
tle Nakhl." It is there that the great desert roads centre ; and it 
is at that point that a turn northward would naturally be made ; 
that indeed a turn northward must be made in following the road 

And from the Wilderness of Paran " they returned ; " 5 that is, 
they went back northward ; but clearly not by the way they had 
come, for their work in Canaan was yet to be done. They " came 
to En-mishpat, which is Kadesh, and smote all the country [the 
field] of the Amalekites, and also the Amorites that dwelt in 

p. 34), with his wonted fancifulness, would find in Elana a vestige of " Elon the nit- 
tite," whose daughter was a wife of Esau. 

1 The Hebrew word here is al (~>y), " upon." They were not upon the Wilder 
ness of Paran until they ascended westward from the Arabah. 

2 See Thevenot s Reisen, Part I., Book II., Chap. 17; Burckhardt s Trav. in 
Syria, p. 450; Map in Lepsius s Denkmaler, Abth. I.; Stewart s Tent and Khan, p. 
173 ff.; Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 287, 327 ff., and Map; etc. 

3 See Shaw s Travels, p. 477. 

4 See quotation from Hajj Chalfa s Itinerary, in Hitter s Geog. of Pal., I., 42. 
Bonar (Desert of Sinai, p. 383) calls attention to this designation of Chalfa s, as 
repeated by Wellsted (Travels, II., 458), and suggests that Butm may have been 
intended here, instead of Batn. Butm is shown by Robinson (Bib. Res., III., 15, 
first edition) to have been the terebinth. 

By a comparison of the authorities here quoted, it will be seen that this oasis of 
Nakhl has been variously understood as meaning the Castle of Palms, the Valley of 
Palms, the Castle of the Wady, and the Terebinth-Vale ; yet without any purpose, 
on the part of any traveler, of identifying its site with the Palm Grove, or Terebinth 
Plantation of Paran. Any looking for traces of the ancient name in the later one is, 
however, quite apart from, or the geographical probabilities in favor of the oasis 
of Xakhl being the site of the oasis which was upon the Wilderness of Paran, and 
which was the southwesternmost stretch of the march of Kedor-la omer. 

5 Gen. 14 : 7. The Hebrew word used here indicates an abrupt turn in another 
direction; not necessarily a return. The word is treated in a note farther on. See 
Index, s. v. "Turn." 


Hazezon-tamar," " which is En-gedi," l near the west shore of the 
Dead Sea. All this was prior to a severe battle in the Yale of 
Siddim, or the Plain of the Dead Sea, 2 with the five kings of the 
Cities of the Plain. 3 What was their route from the Wilderness 
of Paran to the Plain of the Dead Sea ? The settlement of this 
question is an important step toward the locating of Kadesh. 

The choice of routes in that country was, and is, but limited. 
" We must bear in mind," says Palmer, 4 " that roads in such re 
gions as this are determined by certain physical conditions." It is 
practically certain, therefore, that the invading army either turned 
directly up the Arabah, or swept across the desert at the south of 
the Azazimeh mountain tract, and, at Xakhl, turned northward 
westerly of Jebel Araeef cn-Naqah. Robinson says 5 emphatically 
on this point : " The whole district adjacent to the Arabah, north 
of Jebel Araif and el-Mukrah, . . is mountainous ; and is composed 
... of steep ridges running mostly from east to west, and present 
ing almost insuperable obstacles to the passage of a road parallel to 
the Arabah. In consequence, no great route now leads, or ever has 
led, through this district ; but the roads from Akabah, which 
ascend from Wady el- Arabah and in any degree touch the high 
plateau of the desert south of el-Mukrah, must necessarily curve 
to the west, and passing around the base of Jebel Araif el-Nakah, 
continue along the western side of this mountainous tract." 

To have entered Canaan by way of any of the mountain passes 
at the west of the upper Arabah, would have been next to impos 
sible for such an army as Kedor-la omer s ; 6 especially if, as we 

i 2 Chron. 20 : 2. 2 Gen. 14 : 3. 3 Gen. 14 : 8-12. 

*Des. ofExod., II., 511. * Bib. Res., I., ISO/. 

6 For the difficulties of these passes, see the testimony of Seetzen, Schubert, Robin 
son, and Williams, and the added historical facts, collated by Tuch, in Jour, of Sac. 
Lit., July, 1848, p 93. See, also, Lord Lindsay s Letters on Holy Land, IT., 4t> ; 
Olin s Travels, II., 60; Durbin s Observ. in East, I., 200; Wilson s Lands of Ilibls, 
I., 340 ; Stanley s Sinai and Pal., p. 99. 


may fairly suppose, that army came with the war chariots which, 
according to Egyptian, Chaldean, and Assyrian records, played so 
important a part in the early military movements of Africa and 
Asia. 1 Those passes were certainly not to be compared, for ease of 
travel, with the great highway of commerce at the south and west 
of the Azazimeh mountains. 

The probability of an ancient road running diagonally across the Azazimeh moun 
tains from the Arabah, was suggested by Wilton (The Negeb, p. 175 ff.); and the 
remains of a Roman road in that direction were discovered by Palmer (see Des. of 
Exod., II., 421 ff.} ; but as this road runs into the other at Abdeh (Eboda) near the 
western side of the mountain plateau, and is thenceforward identical with it north 
ward, its discussion is not essential to the settlement of this question. (For the line 
of this diagonal road, see Zimmermann s Karte von Syr. u. Pal., Sect. X.) 

l See Gen. 41 : 43 ; 46 : 29 ; 50 : 9 ; Exod. 14: 7 ff.; Josh. 11: 4, C, 9; 17: 1C; 
Judges 4:3. " And Elam bare the quiver with chariots of men and horsemen," 
says the prophet, in foreseeing another visit of the people of that land to the land 
of Palestine (Isa. 22 : C). 

Egyptian inscriptions antedate those of Chaldea and Assyria; but, as is indicated 
in the enterprise of Kedor-la omer, the East was clearly in advance of Egypt in the 
art and equipments of warfare. The earliest mention, on the monuments, of the 
horse in Egypt, is in the Inscription of Aahmes (Ecc. of Past, IV., 5-8), which 
tells of the capture of "a horse and a chariot" in Ethiopia, in the days of Thot- 
mes I. of the Eighteenth Dynasty, who himself employed horses and chariots in 
Mesopotamia. But the horse is here designated by its Semitic name "soos" (Ebers s 
Pict. Egypt, II., 249 ; and Philip Smith s note in Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 288). 
The chariot-driver is also known by the Semitic name " kazan" (Brugsch, as above, 
I., 342) ; and the inference is legitimate, that the horse and chariot were originally 
brought from the East. Indeed, it is generally agreed by Egyptologists that "the 
horse had been introduced into Egypt by the Hykshos " some time before its first 
appearance on the monuments. (See Ebers and Brugsch, as above ; Wilkinson s 
Anc. Egyptians, I., 236 /., and Birch s note ; Yilliers Stuart s 3"ile Gleanings, p. 296; 
Wilson s Egypt of the Past, p. 38; also, Philip Smith s Anc. Hist, of East, pp. 84-89 ; 
and Iloughton s Natural Hist, of Ancients, pp. 84-89.) Ebers even notes the Thir 
teenth Dynasty as the period of the introduction of the horse, although he proffers 
no direct proof of this fact (Pict. Egypt, II., 99). Canon Cook (Speaker s Com., 
Append, to Exod.) says : " It is very probable that horses were first introduced under 
the Twelfth Dynasty, after the reign of Osirtasin." If, then, the Ilykshos introduced 
horses and chariots into Egypt from Asia, doubtless there were horses and chariots ia 
use in Asia before the Ilykshos went to Egypt; and that carries us back to as early a 


Moreover, if Kedor-la omer had reached the shores of the Dead 
Sea from the south and east, he would have conic to the Vale of 
Siddim, " which is [or, is at] the Salt Sea," l and would there have 
given battle to the kings of the Pentapolis, without passing through 
the country or the field of the Amalekites, and the region of 
the Amorites, as the sacred narrative assures us was the case. - 
This "field" of the Amalekites was, probably, the country after 
wards possessed by the Amalekites, 3 on the southern border of the 

date as Kedor-la omer s. The conclusion is therefore well-nigh inevitable, that such 
an expedition as Kedor-la omer s into Canaan was not undertaken without this 
agency of warfare. M. Pietrenient (Oriyines du Chcval Domestique p. 455,) affirms 
that the horse was introduced into western Europe, from the East, as early as 9,600 
years before the Christian era. That certainly was prior to Kedor-la omer s day. 

It is worthy of note, that the Septuagint renders EO~1 rekhush, in Gen. 14: 11, 16, 
21, by T>,V l-rrov, ten hippon, " the horse," or "the cavalry." 

1 Gen. 14 : 3. 

"Whether the Vale of Siddim and the Cities of the Plain were at the southern end 
or at the northern end of the Dead Sea, is a disputed question. The strongest argu 
ments in favor of the northerly site are presented by Grove in Smith s Bible Dic 
tionary, under the various heads "Siddim, the Vale of," "Sea, the Salt," and 
" Sodom," and by Tristram, in his Land of Israel (pp. 361-367). In favor of the 
former generally accepted site at the southern end of the Sea, the best presentation is 
made by Robinson, in his Biblical Researches (II., p. 187-192), and by Wolcott, in 
the Bibliotheca Sacra for January, 1868 (Article, " The Site of Sodom"), and again 
in the latter s notes on Grove s articles, in the American edition of Smith s Bible 
Dictionary. But whichever view of this question be accepted, the argument con 
cerning Kedor-la omer s route remains the same. As Wolcott says on that point : 
" The northern invaders, after making the distant circuit of the valley on the east 
and south, came up on the west, and smote Engedi and secured that pass. The 
cities and their kings were in the deep valley below, whether north or south or 
opposite is wholly immaterial, as far as we can discover, in relation either to 
the previous route of conquest, or to the subsequent topographical sequence of 
the story." 

2 Gen. 14 : 7, 8. 

S pS^n rnfcr 1 ?^ (Msedheh ha -Amnleqee), "all thefield of the Amalekites." It 
is not said here that the Amalekites were smitten, but that their field the region 
which subsequently became theirs was now swept over. As Amalek was a grand 
son of Esau (Gen. 36 : 10-12), and there is no mention in the Bible of Amalekites as 


mountains of Judah; l and the Araorites of En-gedi 2 were between 
that and the Dead Sea plains. The indications of the Scripture 
narrative, therefore, are, that Kedor-la omer s northward route from 
the Wilderness of Paran toward the Dead Sea included the great 
caravan route which passes up from the mid-desert by way of 
Beer-sheba ; the route which is spoken of as " the Way of Shur " 
or the road through Canaan to Egypt known as the Shur Road; ;! 
and it follows that " En-mishpat, which is Kadesh," is to be loca 
ted on that road or convenient to it, at some point between the 
Wilderness of Paran and the southern border of Canaan where 
was the field of the Amalekites. 4 

an existing people before his day, we may take this reference to them as by anticipa 
tion. Tremellius and Junius, in their Genevan Bible, render this passage : " Incolas 
agri, qui nunc est Hamalekitorum ; " " Inhabitants of the field which now is of the 
Amalekites." This view of the passage is taken by Clarius, and Miinster, as cited in 
Crit. Sac. ; and by Lyra, Malvenda, Menochius, and Fischer, as cited in Pool s Synops. 
Crit. in loco; also by Bush (Notes on Gen. in loco) ; Keil and Delitzsch (Bib. Com. 
in loco); Hengstenberg (Auth. of Pent., II., 279 ff.) ; De Sola, Lidenthal, and 
Raphall s Translation, in loco; Schaff-Lange Com., and Speaker s Com., at Gen. 36: 
12; Murphy s Com. on Gen. (at 14: 7 and 36: 12) ; Kurtz in Hist, of Old Cor., Ill , 
42 ff.; Fairbairn s Imp. Bib. Die., and Alexander s Kitto s. v. "Amalekites; " Sayce, 
in The Queen s Printers Aids to Student of Bible, p. 62 ; and others. 

Arabic historians claim that there was an Amalek in the fifth generation from 
Noah, in the line of Ham ; and that his descendants were the early people of Canaan. 
For references to this tradition, see Abulfeda s Hist. Anteislam., pp. 16, 178; Re- 
land e Palaestina, Book I., Cap. 14; Winer s Bibl. Realwbrterb., s.v. "Amalekiter;" 
Lenormant and Chevallier s Anc. Hist, of East, II., 145, 288-291, etc. Winer, and Len- 
ormant and Chevallier (as above), Bevan (Smith-Hackett Bib. Die., s. v. "Amale 
kites,") Ewald (Hist, of Israel, I., 108 /., 248-254; II., 43/.), Von Gerlach (Com. on 
Pent., at Gen. 14 : 7), and others, have followed the Arabic tradition in counting the 
Amalekites named in Genesis 14 : 7 as of an older stock than Esau. But the Arabic 
traditions have little or no value for the days of the Old Testament, save as they con 
form to that source of history. (See a reference to Noldeke on this point in Speaker s 
Com., at Gen. 36 : 12.) 

i Num. 13 : 29. J 2 Chron. 20 : 2. 

3 Gen. 16 : 7 ; 46 : 5-7 ; 1 Sam. 27 : 8. 
See Fries s " Ueber die Lage von Kades," in Stud. u. Krit., 1854, p. 6. 



Indeed, what more probable halting-place would there be in 
this entire region for an invading army which came to take pos 
session of the great highways of travel, than the spot where all 
the roads from east, west, north, and south come together into a 
common trunk if such a place there be ? That there is a place 
answering to this description was first pointed out by Robinson, 
as already referred to, and his impressions have been verified by 
subsequent travelers. Coming from Sinai to Palestine by the east 
ern route ("the Way of Mount Scir;" 1 or, the Mount Seir Road) 
Robinson was enabled, after rounding Jebel Araeef en-Naqah, 
from the Wilderness of Paran, " to perceive the reason why all the 
roads leading across it [the desert] from Akabah, and from the 
convent [at Mount Sinai] to Hebron and Gaza, should meet together 
in one main trunk in the middle of the desert." 2 The reason is, 
that the whole face of the region, which is the same now as in the 
days of Kedor-la omer, renders this inevitable. 3 Proceeding along 
this inevitable highway to a plain above Wady Aboo Retemat, 
called Wady es-Seram, eastward of Jebel el-Helfd, and not far 
from Jebel Muwaylih, Robinson found that here "comes in the 
great western road from the convent of Sinai to Gaza," joining 
those already combined ; and that, therefore, at this point " all the 
roads across the desert [including, of course, the midland road from 
Egypt] were now combined into one main trunk." 4 A military 
chieftain as enterprising as Kedor-la omer would not be likely to 
overlook such a strategic point as that, when conducting a cam 
paign for the purpose of road-seizing. He would naturally halt 
there, and guard himself against surprises from flank or rear, and 
also reconnoitre in advance before moving forward to his main 

1 Deut. 1:2. 2 Bib. Res., I., 1S6. 

3 See page 38, supra. * Bib. Res. I., 189-191. 


attack in Canaan. In this immediate vicinity, therefore, " En- 
mishpat, which is Kadesh," l should be looked for, so far as we can 
judge from the Bible story of Kedor-la omer. 

This first mention of Kadesh refers to a period four centuries 
prior to the exodus. It is probable that the name " Kadesh " is 
here used by the writer of Genesis as the name by which the place 
was known after its occupancy by the tabernacle. An earlier 
name of this place might seem, from this text, to have been En- 
mishpat the Fountain of Judgment; 2 but even that name may 
have attached to it after formal judgment had been there passed on 
rebellious Israel, and on both Israel s leader and Israel s high- 
priest. 3 It is thought by some, 4 that long before the days of 
JMoses, this place " was a sanctuary upon an oasis in the desert, in 
whose still solitude an oracle had its seat ; " and that " as from 
Egypt pilgrimages were made to the near oracle of Ammon in the 
desert, so from Edom and other adjacent districts many oracle 
seekers, in the most ancient times . . . came to Kadesh/ " in 
order to know the decisions of the gods." But of this there is no 
proof. It is, at the best, only an inference from the name given it 
in its first Bible mention. 5 

1 Gen. 14: 7. 

2 This view is taken by Grotius, and Fagius, as cited in Crit. Sac. ; by the Speaker s 
Com.; Kalisch s Com.; all in loco; also by Ewald (Hist, of Israel, II., 193); Ritter 
(Geog. of Pal., I., 428); Stanley (Hist, of Jewish Ch., I., 202) ; and others. 

3 So think : Jerome (Com. on Genesis) ; " Rashi" ( al ha-Torah) ; Tremellius and 
Junius (Genevan Bi lie) ; Patrick (Crit. Com.); Meiiochius, Fischer, a Lapide, and 
Bonfrerius, as cited in Pool s Synops. Crit. ; Bush (Notes on Geh.); all in loco; and 
many others. 

" Rashi " is wrongly cited by Grotius, as deeming the name En-mishpat the earlier 
one; and this misquotation is perpetuated through the Critici Sacri, the Synopsis 
Criticorum, and later works, after the common mistake of failing to verify quotations 
by a reference to the original. 

4 See Ewald, Ritter, and Stanley, as above. 

5 In theTargum of Oukelos (in loco), En-mishpat is paraphrased, maishar pelug 
deena NJ I JlSp "Itf .?, " Plain of Division of Judgment." This paraphrase is 



Kadesh next appears in the Bible text as an apparently well- 
known landmark eastward, or possibly northward, as over against 
"Bered" and "Slmr" on the west, or south. Hagar had fled 
from the Hebron home of Abraham, down along the caravan road 
toward Egypt. She had rested by a prominent watering-place of 
that route " the fountain in the Way of Slmr." l The location of 
that fountain is described as " between Kadesh and Bered." 2 
Again, Abraham moved down from Hebron through the Xegeb, 
desertward ; and he sojourned at a point " between Kadesh and 
Slmr ; " 3 also " at Gerar," which, again, may have been the point 
indicated as " between Kadesh and Slmr." 

Slmr is subsequently referred to in the text as " before Egypt, 
as thou goest toward Assyria ; " 4 and again as " over against 
Egypt ; " 5 and as " even unto the land of Egypt." 6 " Before 
Egypt," here, clearly means " in the face of" Egypt, east of 
Egypt. 7 " As thou goest to Assyria " means one of two things : 

understood by " Rashi " as indicating the opinion of Onkelos that here was a scat of 
judgment for the surrounding peoples. Rashi s elaboration of the simple statement 
by Onkelos, with which Rashi disagrees, is cited by Grotius, and farther elaborated 
by the fanciful Ewald; to be adopted and re-elaborated by Stanley and others. 

1 Gen. 16: 7. 

The spot by which the angel of the Lord found Hagar was not merely a foun 
tain of water, as we read in our version, but a well-known spot, the spring of 
water in the wilderness the spring in the way of Shur. " (Stanley s Sinai and 
Pal., p. 477.) 

Gen. 16:14. 3 Gen. 20:1. * Gen. 25:18. 5 1 Sam. 15 : 7. 1 Sam. 27 : 8. 

7 " The points of the compass were marked by the Jews after the following man 
ner: With the face turned to the rising of the sun, before is east; behind [or " back 
side " (Exod. 3: 1), see Gesenius s Ileb. Lex. s. v. " Achor "] is west; the right- 
hand is the south; the left-hand the north Theinan and Jamin [Yemen], 

denoting the south, means lying on the right hand." (Von Raumer s Palastina, p. 20.) 

On this subject of orientation see Michaelis s Disscrtatio de Locorum Differentia. 
Egyptian and Assyrian orientation differed, however, from the Hebrew. 


either, in the direction of Assyria ; that is, northeastward ; or, 
more probably, on the highway to Assyria ; that is, by way of 
Damascus. The only feasible highway from Egypt to Assyria, 
was and is, northward through Syria, and thence southeasterly 
through Mesopotamia ; never across the trackless Arabian desert. 1 
" Shur " means " a wall ; " and from its meaning, as well as from 
the various references to it in the text, it would seem clear that 
Shur was a wall, or barrier, of some kind, across the great north 
eastern highways out of Egypt, and this at a point on or near the 
eastern boundary line of Egypt. 

A favorite identification of Shur has been in a range of moun 
tains a little to the eastward from the Gulf of Suez, having the 
appearance of a wall, and bearing the name Jcbcl er-llahah, being 
in fact the northwestern end, or extension, of Jebel et-Teeh. 2 " As 

1 See page 35, supra. 

There seems bardly room for doubt on this point. The physical structure of the 
region, and all history, biblical and extra-biblical, tends to its proof. Yet Mr. 
J. Baker Greene, in bis nondescript work, The Hebrew Migration from Egypt 
(p. 168, note), says of this reference to Shur in Genesis 25: 18: "This passage is 
, somewhat ambiguous. It means, as is most probable, that a traveler from Judea to 
Assyria would descend the Araba [ ! ! ], and thus have on his right hand, between 
him and Egypt, the plateau of Et Til), known as the midbhar of Shur. If the trav 
eler cross the Jordan on his way to Assyria, this reference to Shur and Egypt is iin- 
intclligible." And this remarkable statement is a fair illustration of the confused 
jumbling of that entire work, in its dealings with geography, history, and philology. 

2 " Some twelve or fourteen miles from the coast, and parallel to it, runs Jebel er- 
Eahah, appearing in the distance as a long, flat-headed range of white cliffs, which 
forms, as it were, a wall inclosing the desert on the north. Hence probably arose the 
name of the "Wilderness of Shur (Exod. 15: 22); for the meaning of the name 
Shur is a wall. " (F. "W. Holland, in TJie Recovery of Jerusalem, p. 527.) 

This view is accepted by Porter, in Alexander s Kitto, Art. "Wandering, Wilder 
ness of;" Bartlett, in his From Egypt to Palestine, p. 186; by the Editor of the 
Queen s Printers Aids to the Student of the Holy Bible, p. 28; and others. 

Rowlands reports the name "Jebel es-Sur" as still given by the Arabs to this 
mountain range (see Williams s Holy City, p. 489, and Imp. Bib. Die., s. v. " Shur"). 
He is followed in this by Wilton ( The Negcb, p. 6) ; Tuch (Jour, of Sac. Lit. for 


we stand at Ayiin Miisa," says Palmer, 1 " and glance over the 
desert at the Jebels er-llahah and et-Tili, which border the gleam 
ing plain, we at once appreciate the fact that these long wall-like 
escarpments are the chief, if not the only, prominent characteristics 
of this portion of the wilderness, and we need not wonder that the 
Israelites should have named this memorable spot after its most 
salient feature, the wilderness of Shur, or the wall." But a prime 
objection to this identification is, that Jebel er-Riihah does not 
stand " before Egypt, as thou goest toward Assyria." It is too 
far south for that. A " wall," better meeting the requirements of 
the text than this mountain range, is to be looked for ; nor will a 
search for it be in vain. 2 

Inasmuch as there was a great defensive Wall built across the 
eastern frontier of Egypt, " as thou goest toward Assyria ; " a 
Wall that was hardly less prominent in the history of ancient 
Egypt than has been the Great Wall of China in the history of 
the " Middle Kingdom ;" it would seem the most natural thing in 
the world, to suppose that the biblical mentions of the Wall "that 
is before Egypt/ had reference to the Wall that was before 

The earliest discovered mention of this Wall is in an ancient 
papyrus of the Twelfth Dynasty (of the old 3 Egyptian empire, 

July, 1S4S, p. 80) ; Stewart ( Tent and Khan, p. 54) ; Faussett (Bib. C jc., s. v. "Shur") ; 
Burton (Gold Jfines of Mid., p. 101); and others. Yet this mountain may take its 
name from the wilderness, instead of giving a name to it, if in fact the name is to be 
found there. Laborde, indeed, applies the name " Djebel Soar" to a mountain peak 
still eastward of the Rahah range (see Map in his Voyage de V Arabic Pi-tree.) 

1 Des. of Exod., I., 38 /. 

2 Others, again, have counted Shur as the name of a town on the Egyptian bor 
ders, toward Arabia. So, e. <j., E \val-l (Hi ft. of Israel, II., 194, note) ; Kurtz (Hist, 
of Old Cov., III., 13) ; R. S. Pool (Smith- Hackett Bib. Die., s. v. " Shur ") ; and others. 

3 The terms Old Empire, and Middle Empire, and New Empire are employed dif 
ferently by different writers. Lepsius, Bunsen, Ebers, Chabas and others speak of 
all the dynasties which preceded the Ilykshos kings, as the Old Empire. Wilkinson, 


prior to the days of the Hykshos invasion), which was obtained by 
Lepsius for the Museum of Berlin. This papyru-s gives the story 
of Sineh, or Saneha, an Egyptian traveler into the lands eastward 
from Egypt. As he journeyed, he came to the frontier AVall 
" which the king had made to keep off the Sakti," or eastern for 
eigners. It was a closely guarded barrier. There were " watchers 
upon the Wall in daily rotation." Eluding the sentries in the 
darkness of the night, he wandered beyond in a dry and thirsty 
land, like that which the Hebrews found in that same Wilderness 
of the Wall several centuries after him, when their cry was, " What 
shall we drink ?" l His story was : 

"Thirst overtook me in my journey; 
My throat was parched, 
I said, This is the taste of death. 1 2 

Chabas 3 understands the term "Anbu," which is here rendered 
the Wall, and which is of frequent recurrence in the Egyptian 
records, to refer to a defensive Wall 4 built across the eastern front 
of Lower Egypt by the first king of the Twelfth Dynasty 
Amenemhat I. And Ebers 5 coincides fully with Chabas in this 

Again in one of the Anastasi Papyri, of the Nineteenth Dynasty, 
preserved in the British Museum, this Wall is mentioned in the 
report from a scribe of an effort to re-capture two fugitive slaves 
who had fled towards the eastern desert ; and who, before he could 

Birch, Brugsch, Rawlinson, Marietta, and others, put the beginning of the Middle 
Empire at an earlier period than the Ilykshos domination. Hence the Twelfth 
Dynasty would by some be counted in the Old Empire ; by others, in the Middle 

i Exod. 15 : 22-24. 

1 Goodwin s translation in Sec. of Past, VI., 136. See also Brugseh s Hist, of 
Egypt, I., 147. The papyrus itself is given in fac-simile in Lepsius s Denkmillcr, 
Abth. VI., Bl. 104. 

8 Etudes sur V Antique Jfittoire, p. 99 ff. * "La muraille defensive." 

t. u. d. Biich. Hose s, pp. 78-85. 


overtake them, had already "got beyond the region of the Wall to 
the north of the migdol of king Seti Mineptah." 

In explanation of the terra Wall as found in this papyrus, 
Brngsch says that there was at that time " at the entrance of the 
road leading to Palestine, near the Lake Sirbonis, a small fortifi 
cation, to which, as early as the time of the Nineteenth Dynasty, 
the Egyptians gave the name Anbn, that is the wall, or fence/ 
a name which the Greeks translated according to their custom, 
calling it Gerrhon (TO Fe/fyW), or in the plural Gerrha (TO. Ysftfia). 
The Hebrews likewise rendered the meaning of the Egyptian 
name by a translation, designating the military post on the Egyp 
tian frontier by the name of Shur, which in their language 
signifies exactly the same as the word Anbn in Egyptian, and 
the word Gerrhon in Greek, namely the Wall. " 

That the "Wall" of the Egyptian frontier was not limited to a 
single small fortress near the Lake Serbonis, as would seem to be 
intimated in this explanation by Brugsch, is apparent from his 
own History, while it is also abundantly evidenced from various 
other sources. 3 In speaking of Aahmes, or Amasis, the first king 
of the Eighteenth Dynasty, Brugsch says that, having driven out 
the eastern foreigners from Egypt, the king sufficiently protected 
the eastern frontier of the Low Country against new invasions by 
a line of fortresses. 4 And again, Brugsch refers to the Wall as 
barring the road out of Egypt dcsertward, in the days of Amen- 

1 Brunch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 138, 389. -Jbi<l. II., 375. 

3 Indeed, the very term "Anbu," which Brugsch gives as the designation of the 
Wall-fortress, is the plural form ; its singular being "Anb." (See Kenouf s Egyptian 
Grammar, pp. 5, 11; also Bunsen s "Dictionary" in Egypt s Place in Uuir. Hist., 
Vol. V., p. 345.) And Brugsch finds also the plural form "Gerrha," in the Greek. 
A reference to Brugsch s Dictionnaire Geograpltique (p. 52) shows that the ideo 
gram for Anb (" Wall ") is accompanied with the determinatives of the plural ; and his 
translation of it there (where it does not affect his theory of the exodus) is in the 
plural, "Ics muraillcs." 

4 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, !> 320- 


emhat I., of the Twelfth Dynasty. 1 One fort could not fairly bo 
called a Wall ; nor could it be " a line of fortresses." 

As to the period of the original building of this frontier "Wall, 
and as to its precise limits, there has been much confusion among 
historians; far more than as to the existence of the "Wall itself. 
Diodorus Siculus, writing, nineteen centuries ago, of the wonderful 
exploits of Scsoosis, or Sesostris (who seems to have been a com 
position-hero, made up of the facts and legends of the greater 
Egyptian sovereigns from the earlier to the later days), records 
that that king "walled the side of Egypt that inclines eastward 
against Syria and Arabia, from Pelusium to Heliopolis, the length 
being about fifteen hundred stadia;" 2 say one hundred and eighty- 
four English miles. Abulfeda, 3 early in the fourteenth century, 
gave the Arabic traditions of the building of the Great "Wall of 
Egypt. His Arabic designations of the Pharaohs mentioned 
(Delukah, Darken, Ibn-Bekthus, Todas, etc.), do not help to the 
identifying of the dynasties ; but his narrative evidently has to do 
with the time of the expulsion of the Hykshos kings, or the 
"Amalekites " as he calls them, and the domination of their suc 
cessors. Of the king Delukah, "who is called El- Ajoos," or 
" The Old Woman," Abulfeda says : "And he built before the 
land of Egypt, from one of its regions at the edge of Aswan, to 
the other, a Wall contiguous to this end," the eastern or Arabian 
side. It is noteworthy that the Arabic word here used for Wall 
is " Sura," 4 an equivalent of the Hebrew " Shur." 

From the statement of Diodorus, the Wall would seem to have 
run from Pelusium to Heliopolis; and this statement has been 
accepted by most of the modern historians of Egypt. Birch, in 

1 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 147 ; also in his Diet. Geog., p. 52. 
2 Ere/jicre <? /cat Trjv Trpof avaro^a^ vevovaav Trfevpav rf/f Ar/inrrov rrpbg rag O.TTO rf/i; 
2t p/af KOI rfj^ Apa/3/af efifio^df, a~b Rijtovaiov fifxpio H/./oir/rdAewf, did Tijq kpfjuov, 

TO UTJKOS CTTl OTaS lOV^ ^/P./OVf KOL TTElTaKOffWDf . (Bibl. IHst., I., 57.) 

3 In his Ilistoria Anteislamica, p. 102 /. ) 



adopting it, would identify the " Sesoosis " of Diodoms with 
Rameses II., of whom he says : " On the eastern side of Egypt he 
finished a great Wall, commenced by his father Seti, from Pelu- 
sium to Heliopolis, as a bulwark against the Asiatics." l 

Graetz 2 and Rawlinson 3 also accept the Wall limits as given by 
Diodorus. But Abnlfeda extends the line of Wall very greatly, 
and Wilkinson seems inclined to a similar view, which he would 
sustain out of the facts of his own observing. He says explicitly : 
" That such a Wall was actually made by one of the Egyptian 
monarchs, we have positive proof from the vestiges which remain 
in different parts of the valley. It was not confined to Lower 
Egypt, or to the east of the Delta from Pelusium to Heliopolis, but 
continued to the Ethiopian frontier at Syene ; and though the 
increase of the alluvial deposit has almost concealed it in the low 
lands overflowed during the inundation of the waters of the Xile, 
it is traced in many of the higher parts, especially when founded 
upon the rocky eminences bordering the river. The modern 
Egyptians have several idle legends respecting this Wail, some of 
which ascribe it to a king, or rather to a queen, anxious to prevent 
an obnoxious stranger from intruding on the retirement of her 
beautiful daughter : and the name applied to it is Gisr el Agoos, 
or the Old Woman s Dyke. 4 It is of crude brick : the principal 
portion that remains may be seen at Gebel e Tayr, a little below 
Minyeh ; and I have even traced small fragments of the same 
kind of building on the western side of the valley, particularly in 
the Fyoom." 5 

Sharpe, 6 on the other hand, referring to Procopius, tells of the 
remains " of the Roman Watt" built in the days of Diocletian as 

1 Egypt, p. 125. *Gesch. der Juden, I., 37S-390. 3 Hist, of Anc. Egypt, IT., 325 /. 
* Gisr commonly means "bridge," or "causeway," or "threshold," rather than 
"dyke, "as is shown farther on in this work. See Index, s. v. "Gisr." 
5 Wilkinson s Anc. Egyptians, I., 71. See also his Eyypt and Tlicbcs, p. 368. 
6 Hist, of Egypt, Chap. XVII., 39. 


a protection against the inroads of troublesome neighbors from the 
south of Egypt ; remains which are still to be seen at the east of 
the Nile, north of the first cataract. And it is certainly not un 
fair to suppose that different portions of the Egyptian border were 
walled at different times against different enemies, and that the 
remains of any and all of these different walls are liable to be con 
nected in the minds of the Arabs, and even in the minds of 
intelligent discoverers, with the traditions and history of the Great 
Wall which was " before Egypt, as thou goest toward Assyria." l 

Certainly if one were to judge of the natural probabilities of 
the case, a AVall of this kind built for the protection of Egypt 
against Eastern invaders would run from the Mediterranean (say 
at Pelusium, or east of it) to what we now call the Gulf of Suez, 
rather than directly to a point as far westward as Heliopolis. But 
the distance named by Diodorus as the length of the Wall is great 
enough to admit of a wall from Pelusium to the Gulf of Suez 
(across the Isthmus), and thence onward to Heliopolis ; in other 
words, from Pelusium to Heliopolis, by way of the Gulf. Such a 
line would doubly fortify the Egyptian frontier. Inasmuch as the 
Great Canal, 2 built, like the Great Wall, by the ambiguous 
Sesostris, 3 had its eastern entrance into the Gulf of Suez, with a 

1 Gen. 25: 18. 

2 For facts as to the Great Canal, its route and its building, see " Memoire sur le 
Canal des deux Mers," in the Napoleonic Description de I Egypte, Vol. I., pp. 21- 
186; Wilkinson s Anc. Egyptians, I., 47-49, 110, with references to Strabo, Pliny, 
and Aristotle ; Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 310-323 ; Ebers s JEgijpt. u. die Buck. 
Mote s, p. 80 ; Glynu s paper "On the Isthmus of Suez and the Canals of Egypt," 
with the discussion following it, in Proceedings of List, of Civil Engineers of Great 
Britain, Vol. X. (1851), pp. 369-375 ; Ritt s Hist, de I lsthm. de Suez, pp. 14-11 ; etc. 

3 The Great Canal was certainly cut as early as the days of Setee I., of the Nine 
teenth Dynasty; Bunsen (Egypt s Place in Univ. Hist., Vol. II., p. 299) claims that 
the canal-building was begun as early as the Twelfth Dynasty, by the kings who 
contributed to the "Sesostris" composition; and Ebers (Pict. Egypt, II., 19) says: 
" From the appearance of fortresses and the Great Wall of Egypt, it is supposed that 
au old canal existed as early as the Fifth Dynasty." 


branch running northerly toward Pelusium, it would be a most 
unreasonable supposition that the Great Wall was diagonally 
across the Great Canal, midway of its course ; or that the Wall 
built for the protection of Egypt should leave the Canal, Avith all 
its importance as a means of communication and transportation, 
unprotected, and at the mercy of the enemy against whom the 
Wall was upreared. Such a reflection on the engineering ability 
and the military foresight of a people like the ancient Egyptians, 
is not to be seriously thought of. The Great Wall must have 
touched the head of the Heroopolitan Gulf at the eastward of the 
Great Canal, in whatsoever direction it may have run after that. 

As to the confusion concerning the period of the original build 
ing of the Wall, a plausible explanation at once suggests itself. 
At least as early as the Twelfth Dynasty prior to the Hykshos 
domination this Wall was erected to guard against incursions 
from the East. But, during the Hykshos supremacy it was prob 
ably leveled to the ground, or suffered to fall into disuse and 
decay ; because it was in the direction of the friends rather than 
the foes of the ruling power of Egypt. 1 On the expulsion of the 
Hykshos, however, this Wall would hardly fail to be rebuilt at 
once, and its defenses strengthened, in order to keep out the 
dreaded enemies from the East. The rebuilding of the Wall 
would, as a matter of course, be claimed as its original building. 
That was the way of Egyptian kings. 2 

Another element of confusion, which is also an added explana 
tion of the twofold origin of the Wall, is found in the ambiguity 

1 Yet Manetho, as quoted in Josephus s Against Apion, Book I., $ 14, tells of a 
line of defenses erected by a Hykshos king along his eastern border "for fear of an 
invasion from the Assyrians." This, however, may have been a temporary rebuild 
ing of the before neglected Great Wall. 

2 Thus, for example, the temple of Osiris at Abydos, built by King Usertesen I., 
of the Twelfth Dynasty, was rebuilt by Setee I. and Barneses II. of the Nineteenth 
Dynasty, and their names are recorded with much boastfulness as its real builders. 
(See Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 162 /., and II., 27-29.) 


attaching to the identity of the king mentioned by Diodorus as its 
builder. Mauetho gives the name of " Sesostris," as a king in the 
Twelfth Dynasty ; l yet the Sesostris referred to by Diodorus, and 
by Greek historians before and after him, has been commonly 
understood to be Rameses II., with more or less of the added 
glory of his immediate predecessors. Birch 2 and Brugsch 3 would 
identify Rameses II. with Sesostris. Yilliers Stuart 4 prefers an 
identification with Rameses III. Lenormant 5 thinks that the 
story of Sesostris was a growth rather than a history, a traditional 
composition rather than an individual character ; that " a legend 
gradually formed in the course of ages, attributing to one person 
all the exploits of the conquerors and warlike princes of Egypt, 
both of Thothmes and Seti, as well as of the various Rameses, and 
magnifying these exploits by extending them to every known 
country, as legends always do." Wilkinson 6 is more specific in a 
plausible explanation of the confusion over Sesostris. "I .... 
suppose," he says, " that Sesostris was an ancient king famed for 
his exploits, and the hero of early Egyptian history ; but that 
after Rameses had surpassed them and become the favorite of his 
country, the renown and name of the former monarch were trans 
ferred to the more conspicuous hero of a later age." Btinsen 7 even 
attempts to show who were the former monarchs whose exploits 
gave the start to the story of " Sesostris." He would find them in 

1 See " Dynasties of Manctho," quoted in Cory s Ancient Fragments, p. 117. 

2 " Sesostris is Rameses II. of the Nineteenth Dynasty." (Birch in Wilkinson s 
Anc. Egyptians, I., 71, note.) 

3 In his History of Egypt (II., 35) Brugsch says of Rameses II. : " This is ... the 
Sethosis who is also called Ramesses of the Manethonian record, and the renowned 
legendary conqueror Sesotris of the Greek historians." 

4 " Rameses the Third was also a mighty conqueror, and as he lived nearer the 
commencement of Greek history, he was better known to the Greeks, and was in 
fact their Sesostris." (Nile Gleanings, p. 243.) 

6 Anc. Hist, of East, I., 246. 6 Anc. Egyptians, I., 44. 

T Egypt s Place in Univ. Hist., Vol. II., pp. 282-304. 


" two great kings of the Old Empire : " Amenemhat II. and 
Usertesen II. ; called by Manetho, Sesortosis II. and Sesortosis III. 
Of the first named of these two kings, Bunsen says : " In 
Manetho s lists there is this remarkable notice annexed to the 
second Sesortosis, that he is the real Sesostris/ the great con 
queror ; the lists, indeed, never mention him by any other name." 
But Bunsen adds, that it is the third Sesortosis whom the monu 
ments represent as the great hero, and to whom succeeding genera 
tions paid divine honors as next to Osiris. Moreover, Bunsen 
refers to a still earlier Egyptian hero, of the Third Dynasty, called 
Sesostris, by Aristotle. In view of all this confusion over the per 
sonality and the period of the hero Sesostris, it cannot be deemed 
strange that such undertakings as the Great Wall and the Great 
Canal should be credited to Setce I. and Rameses II., who clearly 
had something to do with them, when in reality the work on them 
had been begun by some of the far earlier component elements of the 
Sesostrian character which these later kings would fain monopolize. 
But apart from all seeming or real discrepancies concerning the 
date of its building, or the precise direction and extent of its line, 
the Great Wall itself is an indisputable, positive fact. And that 
its northern terminus was at or near Pelusium seems equally clear. 1 
It is therefore fair to suppose that this frontier fortifying 
Wall was known to various peoples by their own word for such 
a Wall (" Anbu," " Shur," Gerrha," " Sura "), rather than 
by one proper name accepted alike in all languages. Xor is it 
unlikely that the northernmost flank-fortress of this Wall was 
known as the Wall-fortress, by pre-eminence in that direc 
tion. Thus Ptolemy 2 makes mention of " Gerrhon horion " 3 

1 Ebers (^fjypt. u. die Such. Hose s, pp. 82-84) quotes from Lcpsius (Monatsber. 

der k. Akademie der Wisscnschaftcn zu Berlin, Mai, 1SGG) to show that the latter 

found unmistakable ruins of this Wall below Pelusium ; and he also shows that 

traces were found along the line of the Suez Canal, during the cutting of that work. 

2 Geog., Lib. IV., Cap. 5. 3 Tt p pov bpiov. 


the Boundary-Wall locating it at a short distance eastward of 

Josephus seems to have the stretch of the Great Wall in mind 
when he repeats the story of Saul s triumph over the Amalekites, 
as given in 1 Samuel 15 : 7 : " And Saul smote the Amalekites 
from Havilah until thou comest to Shur [the Wall] that is over 
against Egypt." Josephus, paraphrasing this narration, tells of 
the time when " Saul had conquered all these Amalekites [up to 
Shur, or the Wall] that reached from Pelusium of Egypt to the 
Red Sea." l Here Josephus indicates the line of the Wall [called 
Shur in the Hebrew text] just as the fullest light of the present 
shows it to have been. Yet, singularly enough, many careful 
scholars, missing the true meaning of " Shur," have supposed that 
Josephus would identify Pelusium with Shur, and have accepted 
this identification accordingly, or have argued against it. 2 There is 
no more reason, however, for claiming that Josephus identified 
Pelusium with Shur, than that he identified the Red Sea, or the 
Gulf of Suez, with Shur. Shur, or the Wall, ran from Pelusium 
to the Gulf of Suez ; and that fact seems to have been recognized 
by Josephus. 3 It had not been forgotten in his day. 

1 Antiq., Bk. VI., Chap. 7, g 3. 

2 See Michaelis, on Abulfeda s Tabula ^Egypti, note 141 ; Gesenius s Thesaur., s. v. 
" Shur ; " Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., III., 13 ; Sharpe s Revision, at Gen. 25: 18 ; 
Speaker s Com., and Schaff-Lange Com., at Gen. 16 : 7. 

3 A disputed and at the best an obscure reading of the Septuagint, at a similar 
reference to " Shur," in 1 Sam. 27 : 8, possibly has some light thrown on it by this 
view of the Great Wall of Egypt. As we have it in our English version, the 
Amalekites and others " were of old the inhabitants of the land as thou goest to 
Shur, even unto the land of Egypt." The critical reading of the Septuagint (as 
indicated by Tischendorf and others) just here is : a-rcb avTjudvTuv q cnrb Te^a/nipoip 
rereixiofdvuv; apo anekonton he apo Gelampsour teteichismenon ; which gives no 
clear meaning. But the common reading of the Septuagint is : ij a~b TeJ.ajj.aovp OTTO 
av^KovTw Tereixiauevuv; he apo Gelamsour apo anekonton teteichismenon ; "the 
[land] from Gelamsour, from the fortifications belonging [or, possibly, reaching] 
thereto." It would look as if the LXX. had added a gloss, to indicate that the 


It would even seem that the very name of ancient Egypt, as 
given to it by the eastern nations beyond it, may have had a refer 
ence to the Great Wall which shut it in from the eastward. 
Ebers, and Brugsch, and Birch, and Fiirst, have shown l that the 
name by which Egypt is called in the language of the Assyrians 
and the Persians, as well as of the ancient Hebrews and the 
modern Arabs (all of their records dating later than the building 
of the Great Wall), is in various shapings of " an original form 
which consisted of the three letters M-z-r ;" a form which appears in 
the Hebrew as in the singular Mazor (iii o), 2 and as, in the dual, 
Mizraim (o^yp) 3 the Two Egypts, Upper and Lower. The idea 
common to the various designations is an " enclosure," a " fortress," 
a " defense," a " wall," a < limit," or a " boundary." i This desig 
nation " was originally applied only to a certain definite part of 
Egypt in the east of the Delta;" the very portion which was 

bounds were up to the old fortified line of Egypt. Nor is it improbable that the 
Gelamsour was a compound, through an error in transcribing, of olam and Shur, of 
the Hebrew text. 

1 See Ebers s JEgypt. u. die Buck. Hose s (with references to Spiegel, Rawlinson, 
Lerch, etc.), pp. 85-90; Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 18, 231, II., 237-383; Birch s 
Eyypt, Introduction, p. 7 ; Fiirst s Heb. Lex., s. v. " Mitsraim " (with references to 
Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, Istaehri, Bochart, and Champollion). Fiirst even sug 
gests that the name " Egypt," or " ^Egyptos" [AtyiiTrrof], may have a connection with 
the Sanskrit " aguptas," " fortified." This suggestion gives a new force to the state 
ment of Manetho (see Josephus Against Apion, Book I.) that yEgyptus was another 
name of Sethosis, or Sesostris, and that from him the name was given to the country. 
Thus, Sesostris, the Fortifier, or the Waller, of JEgypt, gave the name the Fortified 
Land, or the Walled Land, to the Land of Egypt ; or, rather, the Laud he had 
Walled gave its name to him as the Waller. 

2 2 Kings 19: 24, and Isa. 37 : 25, translated in A. V. "besieged places; " Isa. 
19 : 6, translated " defense ; " in all these places probably meaning Lower Egypt. 
(See Gesenius s ITcb. Lex., s. v. " Matsor.") 

3 Old Testament, pasxim. 

4 See Gesenius, Fiirst, Ebers, and Brugsch, as above. See also Speaker s Com. at 
Gen. 10 : C. Sayce, in a note to Tomkins s Times of Abraham, p. 213, says : " Matsor, 
fortified place, or fortification; hence Mitsraim the two defenses, Upper and 
Lower Egypt." 


shut in, fortified, limited, bounded, by the Great Wall from the 
Mediterranean Sea to the Heroopolitan Gulf. Nor is it strange 
that the Assyrians called by the name " JIuzur" or the Walled or 
Fortified Land, that region which was immediately behind the 
Great Wall that was " before Egypt, as thou goest toward Assy 
ria." * Sayce is positive on this point. He says : 2 " Egypt was 
considered to belong to Asia rather than to Africa. From its 
division into Upper and Lower came the name Mizraim, the Two 
Matsors, Matsor being properly the Fortification which defended 
the country on the Asiatic side." 

With the Great Wall standing there across the entrance of 
Low r er Egypt, as a barrier and a landmark between the Delta 
and the Desert, it follows almost as a matter of course that 
the region on either side of the Wall should bear the name of 
the Wall : on the western side was the Land of Mazor, the 
Land Walled in ; on the eastern side was the Wilderness of Shur, 
the Wilderness Walled out. Hence, it comes to pass, that the 
desert country eastward of Lower Egypt is known in the Bible 
as the Wilderness of Shur. 3 And this understanding of the 
term corresponds with the references to this wilderness in the 
Chaldaic Paraphrase,* and in the Talmud, 5 as also with the 

1 Gen. 25 : 18. 

2 " The Ethnology of the Bible," and " The Bible and the Monuments," in The 
Queen s Printers Aids to Student of Bible, pp. 64, 66. 

3 Exod. 15 : 22. 

The Targum of Onkelos, at Exodus 15: 22, reads: "Wilderness of Khagra" 
(tO jnV Khagra is a Chaldaic noun derived from the same root as the Hebrew verb 
Khaghar PJ1"1Y " to bind firmly," " to enclose," " to gird about." Compare the 
Hebrew Khaghor p unY " a girdle," and Khaghor pljtl \, " begirt." 

5 " In the Talmud, the word Shur is translated by Coub [2O Koobli], and also by 
Haloucah ; the Targum of the Pseudo-Jonathan has also this last name. The Coub 
of the Talmud is without doubt identical with the country of the same name men 
tioned by Ezekiel (30 : 5) [Chub], and consequently it is situated between Egypt 
and Palestine, toward the southwest [from Palestine]. The Talmud gives to this 
desert nine hundred square parsa. The modern interpreters of the Bible say, that 


modern Arabic identification of the Desert of Shur as the Desert 
el-Jifar. 1 

This recognizing of the Great Wall which was before Egypt as 
the Shur of the Hebrew Scriptures, throws a new light on the 
story of the exodus. Indeed the clue which is hereby given to the 
main facts of the route of that exodus is too important to be over 
looked, or to be passed by with a hasty examination ; yet it in 
volves quite too much to be fittingly considered in the course of 
this study of the location of Kadesh. It is, therefore, relegated to 
a supplemental place in this volume, in order to its fuller and 
separate treatment in all its varied bearings. 2 


To find that Shur was the great Boundary Wall of Egypt, 
desertward, and that Kadesh was a sanctuary-stronghold on the 
desert-border of the Land of Canaan, is to find a deeper and a 
pregnant meaning in the inspired record, that " Abraham 

to traverse the desert of Shur a journey of seven days is required. Ilaloi^ah is prob 
ably the village of Elusa [or, Khalusa], in Palestina Tertia. Ptolemy counts it as 
an Idumean city. We have seen that the desert of Shur extends from Egypt to the 
southwest of Palestine; one can then render Shur by Halousah in speaking of the 
side [of the desert] from the town where one would reach it in going out from 
Hebron as did Hagar." (Neubauer, Geog. du Talmud, p. 409 /.) 

1 Kurtz ( Hist, of Old Cov., III., 13) says " that the desert of Shur was the entire 
tract of desert by which Egypt was bounded on the east. . . . Saadias renders Shur 
el Jifar. But by the desert of el Jifar the modern Arabians understand the tract 
which lies between Egypt and the more elevated desert of Et-Tih, and stretches from 
the Mediterranean to the Gulf of Suez." On this point, see a quotation from Tuch, 
farther on in this work. For reference to it see Index, s. v. " Paran." Niebuhr 
(Beschr. von Arabien, p. 400) suggests that the name Toor, " the well-known haven on 
the western arm of the Gulf" of Suez, is a reminiscence of " Shur." The possibility 
of this would seem to be in the Egyptian name "Tar," a "fortress," being con 
founded in the lapse of time with the Arabic "Toor," a "mountain." This would 
show vestiges of the Wilderness of the Wall from Elusa to Toor. 

2 It will be found from page 325 to page 431. 


dwelled [or tarried *] between Kadesh and Shur." 2 That state 
ment no longer stands as a casual mention of a stopping-place in 
the patriarch s journeyings between two ancient cities, as so many 
have understood it ; but it is uplifted as a typical, or illustrative, 
lesson out of his divinely directed experience, for the instruction 
and the cheer of all his descendants by generation or by grace. 3 

In the sacred story there are three great typical lands : Egypt, 
Arabia, Canaan. Egypt is the Land of Bondage ; * Arabia is the 
Land of Training ; 5 Canaan is the Land of Rest. 6 He who would 
pass from Egypt to Canaan must needs go through Arabia. Shur 
is the Wall that separates Egypt from Arabia on the one side. 
Kadesh is the sanctuary-stronghold that marks the boundary-line 
between Canaan and Arabia on the other side. To tarry " between 
Kadesh and Shur," is to wait in Arabia between Egypt and 
Canaan ; is to remain in the Land of Training, between the Laud 
of Bondage and the Laud of Rest. 

If, as we may well suppose, the story of Abraham was recorded 
by Moses during the long years of the Israelites tarry in the 
wilderness, 7 there was a peculiar fitness and force in this reference 
to the tarry of Abraham in that same region, in the application of 
its lessons to the Israelites in their experience and needs. They 
had been brought out of Egypt, the Walled Land of Bondage, in 

1 Comp. Gen. 20 : 1 ; Gen. 27: 44; Judges 6 : 18 ; 2 Sam. 15 : 29 ; 2 Kings 2 : 
2, 4, 6. 

2 Geu. 20 : 1. 3 Gal. 3:7-9; Rom. 11 : 1-6. 

* Exod. 13 : 14 ; 20 : 2 ; Deut. 5 : 6 ; 6 : 12 ; 8 : 14 ; 13 : 5 ; Josh. 24 : 7 ; Judges 
6 : 8 ; 2 Kings 18 : 21 ; Isa. 19 : 1-18 ; Ezek. 29 : 6-12 ; Rev. 11:8; etc. 

5 It was into Arabia that Moses was led, in his training for his work as leader and 
lawgiver, after his dwelling in Egypt (Exod. 2 : 11-22 ; 3 : 1-6). Elijah the prophet 
had his training lessons there (1 Kings 19 : 1-18). And thither was Paul sent in 
preparation for his work as the Apostle to the Gentiles (Gal. 1 : 17). See also Deut. 
8 : 1-6, 15, 16 ; Gal. 4 : 22-26. 

s Exod. 3 : 7, 8 ; Deut. 1 : 7, 8, 21 ; 3 : 24-28 ; 6 : 3-12 ; 8 : 7-10 ; 11 : 10-15 ; etc. 
AlsoIIeb. 3: 8-11,16-18; 4: 1-11; etc. 

t Comp., e. g., Exod. 17 : 14 ; 24 : 4 ; 34 : 27 ; Num. 33 : 2 ; etc. 


the hope of a speedy entrance into the Promised Land of Rest. 1 
But on reaching Kadesh-barnea, the sanctuary-stronghold of the 
border of their expected inheritance, they had been turned back 
into the wilderness, 2 and were now wearily passing their lives in its 
desolateness, and under its privations. Their temptation was to 
see only the dark side of such a lot, and to repine at the divine 
direction which permitted it. Then it was that this story of 
Abraham brought its needed lessons for their instruction. 

Abraham had been promised a possession in Canaan. He had 
given up everything in order to receive it. 3 But Abraham went 
down into Egypt, and there even he had wavered in his faith, and 
had so swerved from the truth, in order to his own protection, as 
to draw forth a rebuke from Pharaoh for his lack of fearless 
straightforwardness. 4 The baneful influence of the Land of Bond 
age had been felt even by him who could be called the " Father 
of the Faithful," 5 and the " Friend of God." 6 Abraham " went 
up out of Egypt," passed through the barriers of the Great Wall, 
and entered again the Promised Land. 7 But he was not yet fully 
fitted to possess that land. He was turned back from its southern 
borders, for a period of needed waiting and preparing in the Land 
of Training. 8 After actually having a foothold in the Promised 
Land of Rest, he did not at once establish himself there for a per 
manency. On the contrary, " Abraham journeyed from thence 
toward the South Country [the Negeb], and dwelled [tarried for a 
time] between Kadcsh and Shur, and sojourned [literally, was a 
stranger] in Gerar " which lay between those typical landmarks. 

How this reminder must have come home to the Israelites to 
whom it was first spoken by Moses ! "What a light it threw on 
God s dealings with themselves! How it swept away all thought of 

1 Exod. 3 : 13-17 ; 4 : 29-31. 2 Num. 14 : 2G-34 ; Deut. 1 : 19-40. 

3 Gen. 12 : 1-7. 4 Gen. 12 : 10-19. 5 Gen. 12 : 13 ; Gal. 3 : 6-9. 

6 Gen. 12 : 2, 3 ; 18 : 17 ; 2 Chrou. 20 : 7; Isa. 41 : 8 ; James 2 : 23. 
i Gen. 13 : 1-4, 14-18. 8 Gen. 20 : 1. 


his harshness or severity toward them ! They could not doubt God s 
love for Abraham. They knew that Abraham never doubted 
that love. Yet Abraham, their great progenitor, to whom, and 
through whom, had come all the promises which gave them hope 
of a goodly inheritance, 1 even he had been compelled to pass a 
period in the Land of Training before he finally had a permanent 
home in the Land of Rest. Pie had been a patient tarrier " be 
tween Kadesh and Shur," where they were compelled to tarry. 
And as they were called to follow in the steps, and to wait in the 
training-place, of their great forerunner, the call to them was to 
let the same mind be in them which was also in him ; for in the 
darkest day of his pilgrimage, as in the brightest, " he believed in 
the Lord ; and he counted it to him for righteousness." 2 

In this light of the inspired statement, it would seem that 
whatever uncertainty there is concerning the geographical position 
of Kadesh, there need be no doubt as to its typical, or illustrative, 
signification. And, indeed, this understanding of the case makes it 
clear that Kadesh is somewhere along the southern boundary of 
the Laud of Canaan, on or near the great highway from Canaan, 
TCgyptward. And this gives another hint toward the fixing of its 


Although the precise location of Abraham s dwelling-place, as 
he moved downward along the great caravan route toward Egypt, 
and tarried between Hebron and the desert, 3 is not shown in the 
text, there are helps to its indicating. At a later day, Isaac seems 
to have followed in his father s tracks over this same route, 4 and 
to have made similar stops in his journeying; for, as he passed 
between Gerar and Beersheba (two points reached by father and son 

1 Gen. 17 : 1-8 ; Exod. 3 : 15-17. * Gen. 15 : 6. 

J Gen. 13: 18; 18: 1; 20: 1. 4 Gen. 26: 1,6. 


alike, in their dealings with the king of the Philistines), 1 Isaac 
reopened the wells of water which his father had digged; "and he 
called their names after the names by which his father had called 
them." 2 These wells were obviously not in the city of Gerar 
then the chief city of the Philistines ; 3 but in the valley, or wady, 
of Gerar, 4 and thence along upward, or northerly, toward Beer- 
sheba. 5 

That the land of the Philistines in the days of Abraham corre 
sponded with the limits of their possessions in the days of Samson 
and of David, we have no reason to suppose. 6 The route of 
neither Abraham nor Isaac would seem to have been, at any time, 
in the direction of Gaza ; nor would a move have been likely to 
be called upward, or northward, 7 from Gerar to Beershcba, if 
Gerar had been near Gaza as it has been the modern fashion to 
look for it. 8 It is probable that the range of the Philistines in the 

i Gen. 21 : 22-33 ; 26 : 26-33. 2 Gen. 26 : 6, 16-18. 3 Gen. 10 : 19 ; 20 : 1, 2 ; 26 : 6-8. 
* Gen. 26 : 17. 5 Gen. 26 : 18-23. 

6 See Rittcr s Geog. of Pal., I., 30, 374, 430; Stewart s Tent and Khan, p. 207 /. 

" There are no grounds whatever for believing that the country along the Mediter 
ranean in the Shephelah or Lowland, which we know to have been inhabited by the 
Philistines from the age of Joshua downwards, was occupied by them in the times of 
the patriarchs. On the contrary, we are distinctly informed that not only on Abra 
ham s first arrival at Sichem, and after his return from Egypt, the Canaanite and 
the Perizzite dwelled then in the land (Gen. 12: 6 ; 13 : 7), but that this continued 
to be the case even two hundred years later, in the days of Jacob (Gen. 34 : 30)." 
(Wilton s The Ncycb, p. 245 /.) 

" It [Gerar] was of olde a distinct kingdome from the Philistim satrapies." 
(Raleigh s History of the World, Part I., Book II., Chap. 10, ? 2.) 

7 Gen. 26 : 23. The Hebrew word r?jT \ ya al, would seem to indicate a northerly, 
certainly an upward direction. See Tristram s Bible Places, p. 1 /. 

8 See Robinson s Bib. Itcs., L, 189; II., 43/.; Rowlands letter in Williams s Holy 
City, p. 488 ; Van de Velde s Syrien u. ina, II., 182 ; his Map of the Holy Lund, 
Sec. VII.; Conder s Reports, in " Pal. Expl. Quart State.," July, 1875, pp. 162-165; 
Thomson s South. Pal. (Land and Book), pp. 196-198; Kalisch s Com. on 0. T. ; and 
Alford s Genesis, at Gen. 20: 1. 

There are probable references to Gerar in the Geographical Lists of the Temple of 


days of Abraham was along the southwestern borders of Canaan, 
desertward ; including the stretch westerly of the great caravan 
route between Egypt and Assyria already mentioned, from Beer- 
sheba l on the north, to "VVady Jeroor, 2 or the Valley of Gerar, on 
the south. These two latter points are fairly identified ; as is also 
Rehoboth, 3 between them. 

Karnak (see Sum. of West. Pal., "Special Papers," pp. 189, 193; and Brugsch s 
Hist, of E jypt, I., 392 /). Gerar is also referred to in several of the early Christian 
writings (see Robinson, Stewart, Wilton, Hitter, as above ; and " List of Metropoli 
tan, Archiepiscopal, and Episcopal towns in the See of Jerusalem," in Appendix to 
Palmer s Desert of the Exodus, II., 550 ff.). But none of these references fix the 
location of Gerar, although some of them clearly seem to put it in the desert, south 
of Judah. (See also Stark s Gaza u. d. Philist. Kilste.) 

Reland (Palcestina, p. 805) quotes Cyril in favor of the identification of Gerar at 
Beersheba; and calls attention to the fact that the Arabic Version (at Gen. 20 : 1; 
26 : 1) gives El-Chalutz (El-Khulasah, or Elusa) for Gerar. Hasius (Regni David, et 
Sal., p. 290) and Cellarius (Gcog. Antiq., Lib. III., Cap. 13, p. 498) locate Gerar near 

Of all the more recent suggested identifications of the name Gerar near Gaza, 
there appears to be nothing more than the natural designation of great heaps of pot 
tery, as Umm el-Jerrar, the Place of Water Pots. Conder s attempt to show that 
this is not the meaning in this case is met by Professor Palmer in his editing of the 
" Name Lists " (p. 420) of the Sitrv. of West. Pal. Yet " Umm Jerar " appears in 
Baedeker s Palestine and Syria (p. 315) as " the ancient Gerar ; " and Porter (Giant 
Cities of Bashan, etc., p. 209) even claims to have seen " the Valley of Gerar" as he 
looked out toward the south of Gaza from " Samson s Hill." 

!See Reland s Palcestina, pp.61, 187, 215, 484, 620; Grove, in Smith -Hacketts 
Bib. Die., s. v. " Beersheba;" Robinson s Sib. Res., I., 204 /. ; Tristram s Land of 
Israel, pp. 376-380; Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 386-390; Bartlett s Egypt to Pal., 
p. 402 /.; Conder s Tent Work in Pal., II., 92-96; Thomson s South. Pal. (Land and 
Book), pp. 297-299. 

2 Stewart s Tent and Khan, pp. 207-212 ; Wilton s The Negeb, Appendix, pp. 237- 
250; Thomson s South. Pal. (Land and Book), p. 198. 

3 See Robinson s Bib. Res., I., 196-198, for important facts tending to this identifi 
cation, although he was hindered from accepting it by his theories as to the location 
of Gerar and Zephath. For reasons and opinions in its favor, see Williams s Holy 
City, p. 489 ; Stewart s Tent and Khan, p. 200 /.; Bonar s Des. of Sinai, pp. 313- 
315; Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., I., 290 /.; Wilton s The Negeb, p. 242 /.; Strauss s 
Sinai u. Golg.,p. 122; Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com., I., 272; Palmer s D$s. of 


Berccl is not identified. 1 And, indeed, it may fairly be questioned 
whether it was a particular centre of habitation, rather than some 
more general region. It is thought by some to be another name 
for Shur, or for Gcrar. 2 However this may be, its mention over 
against Kadcsh, in the locating of Hagar s "Well, 3 would seem to 
place it in the same general direction as Shur. 4 

Whatever doubts are yet unsolved concerning the precise loca 
tion of Shur, and Gcrar, and Bcred, enough is made clear to show 
that both the \Vcll of Hagar and the dwelling-place of Abraham 
at Gcrar, or on his way to it, were on the great caravan route 
between Egypt and Syria, somewhere between Becrsheba, on the 
north, and Wady Jeroor on the south; and that the site of Kadesh 
must be sought eastward from their neighborhood, as thus indi- 

Exo<1.,n., 3S2-3S4; Tristram s Bille Places, p. 13; Thomson s South. Pal. (Land 
and Book), p. 198. 

1 Yet " Bered " is one of the places to be found noted on well-nigh all the popular 
maps of the Holy Land without an interrogation point ! 

2 See Fries, in Stud. u. Krit., for 1854, p. 62 ; and Grove, in Smith-IIackett s Bib. 
Die., s. v. " Bered." 

3 For a proposed identification of Hagar s Well Beer-lahai-roi at Moilahi, see 
Rowlands s statement, in the Appendix to Williams s Holy City, p. 4S9ff. This 
identification is referred to approvingly by Eitter, in Geog. of PuL, I., 432 ; Tuch, in 
Jour, of Sac. Lit., July, 1848, p. 94; Keil and Delitzsch, in Bib. Com., I., 
222; Wilton, in TheNegeb,p. 178; Thomson, in South. Pal. (Land and Book), p. 199. 
The fact that Moihlhi, or Mmvaylih, is a prominent watering-station on the caravan 
route from Egypt to Syria (as Beer-lahai-roi is declared to have been, Gen. 16 : 7), is 
confirmed by Robinson (Bib. Res., I., 190, 600). 

4 Philo Judanis (Liber de Profugis, I., 577, Mangey s paging), speaking of the 
place of ITa^ar s Well, in its figurative or symbolic aspects, says : " And most suit 
able indeed is the place of this well, between Kadesh and Barad ; for Barad on the 
one hand is interpreted among the profane [or, the common] ; but Kadesh, holy. 
For he is on the boundary of the holy and profane who is fleeing from the evil, but 
not yet fit to consort with the perfectly good. This would seem to indicate the tra 
ditional site of Beral as toward Egypt ; for Egypt was the type of the profane world, 
as over against Palestine, or the Holy Land. 


cated. This corresponds closely with the indications in the record 
of Kedor-la omer s march and halting-place. 


Not until the days of the exodus does Kadesh again come into 
sight. But the review-narrative of the journeyiugs of the Israel 
ites, in the opening chapter of Deuteronomy, already referred to, 1 
would seem to indicate that Kadesh was the objective point after 
leaving Sinai, or Horeb, as preparatory to the final move into 
Canaan. " When we departed from Horeb," says Moses, " we 
went through all that great and terrible wilderness which ye saw 
[became acquainted with] by the Way of [in the Road of] the 
mountain [the hill country] of the Amorites; and we came to 
Kadesh- barnea. And I said unto you, Ye are come unto the 
mountain [the hill-country] of the Amorites, which the Lord our 
God doth give unto us. Behold the Lord thy God hath set the 
land before thee : go up and possess it." 2 

The Amorites, or " Highlanders," of the Promised Land, were 
often spoken of as its representative people. 3 They occupied the 
hill-country (afterwards that of Judah and Ephraim), between the 
Canaanites proper or the " Lowlanders " * of the plains of Phi- 
listia and Sharon and Phoenicia on the west, and of the valley of 

1 See page 1, supra. * Deut. 1 : 19-21. 

3 Gen. 15: 16; comp. Num. 14: 45 and Deut. 1: 44; Josh. 10: 5; 24: 15; Judges 
6: 10; Amos 2: 0, 10. See Grove in Smith-Hackett Bib. Die., s. v. "Amorite;" 
also Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com., I., 216; III., 86, 284. 

4 The word "Canaan" is from a Hebrew root Kan a (J J3) meaning, "to bend the 
knee," or "to be low." It would seem to be employed in this primitive sense in the 
Bible almost without exception. (See Winer s Bibl. Realworterb. and Smith- 
Hackett Bib. Die., s. v. " Canaan.") But there is a secondary meaning of the word, 
as "merchants," or "traffickers." (See Isa. 23: 8; Hos. 12: 7.) This may have 
prown out of the fact that the Lowlanders of Phoenicia became known as the fore- 


the Jordan on the east. 1 This hill-country of the Amorites would 
loom up prominently before the eyes of those who approached 
Canaan from the south. Traces of its lower limits are even yet 
found in the names Dhaygat el- Amureen (the Ravine of the Amo 
rites) and Ras Amir (the Highland Peak, or Spur); the latter 
just above Jebel Muwaylih ; 2 and the former a few miles to the 
north and cast of it. 

If then, Kadesh-barnea was (as would appear from this) just at 
the southern base of the Amorite hill-country, another indication 
of its site is secured, in addition to the hints obtained from Gene 
sis. It must have been under one of the east and west ranges 
running across the desert; not lower down than Jebel Muwaylih 
(which is westward of Ras Amir); for at Kadesh the Israelites 

most traders and traffickers of the world ; as we now use the term " Jew," or " Yan 
kee," to indicate the trading faculty. 

"The population was broadly distinguished into Canaanites, the inhabitants of the 
Canaan, or lowlands, and Amorites, or Highlanders. Canaan was originally 
the name of the coast on which the great trading cities of the Phoenicians stood ; but 
long before the time of the Israelitish invasion, the name had been extended to 
denote the dwellers in the plain, wherever they might be. Indeed, passages like 
Judges 1 : 9 show that it had been extended even farther, and had come to signify 
tribes which were properly Amorites. Hence it is that the language, spoken alike 
by the Hebrews and the older inhabitants of the country, is called the language of 
Canaan (Isa. 19: IS). But the earlier use of the name also survived. Thus, in 
Isaiah 23 : 11, it is said of Tyre that the Lord hath given a commandment against 
Canaan, to destroy the strongholds thereof, where the Authorized Version has 
mistranslated merchant-city instead of Canaan. . . . The same wide extension 
that had been given to the name of Canaanite was given also to that of Amorite. 
It is possible that the title by which the kingdom of Damascus was known to the 
Assyrians, Gar- imirisv, originally meant simply " the country of the Amorite." 
But the Amorites, of whom we chiefly hear in, the Bible, lived for away in the 
south, at Hebron and Jerusalem (Josh. 10: 5, 6); at Hazezon-tamar (Gen. 14: 7) 
and Shechem (Gen. 48 : 22 ; 2 Sam. 21 : 2), and even in Bashan on the eastern side 
of the Jordan (Deut. 3: 8). (Prof. A. H. Sayce in "The Sunday School Times" 
for June 23, 1883.) 

1 Num. 13 : 29 ; Josh. 5 : 1 ; 10 : C. 2 Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 380. 


had not yet entered the hill-country of the Amorites ; they had 
only come to it. And again it was evidently north of the Jebel 
Araecf range, 1 around the Avestern end of which Kedor-la omer 
swept northward from the Wilderness of Paran 2 before he came 
to "En-mish pat, which is Kadesh." ; But how far west or east, 
on that hill boundary-line, Kadesh was located, demands farther 


In the story of the wanderings it would appear, at one time, 
that Kadesh was in the Wilderness of Paran ; 4 and again that it 
was in the Wilderness of Zin; 5 that it was an eleven days jour 
ney [or distance] from Horeb by the Way of Mount Seir [or by 
the Mount Seir Road] to Kadesh-barnea ; 6 and that Kadesh was 
near the outer edge of the possessions of Edom. 7 What help, or 
what difficulty, toward fixing the site of Kadesh, is to be found in 
these indications? 

The term " Wilderness of Parau " seems to be used, in its stricter 
sense, as including the central and northern portion of the desert 
region between the mountains of Sinai and the Negeb; the district 
now known as the " Badiyat et-Teeh Beny Israel " or the " Desert 
of the Wanderings of the Children of Israel." 8 In a larger sense 

1 See Robinson s statement quoted on page 38, supra. 2 See page 22, supra. 

a Gen. 14: 7. * Num. 13: 26. 5 Num. 20: 1; 27: 14; Deut. 32: 15. 

6 Deut. 1:2. * Num. 20: 14-16. 

8 This designation runs back in the Arabian historians as far as we have any track 
of their name for this desert. Abulfeda (who wrote about the year 1300) gives it in 
his Tabula JEgypti (p. 1). In comment on this, Michaelis says in his notes: "Deser- 
tum, in quo errarunt Israelitx, JEgypto proximum, ita vocant Arabes. Si quis sonos 
Arabicos latine expresses cupiat, hi stint: Tih Beni Israel." "The Arabs so call 
the desert near Egypt, in which the Israelites wandered. If any one wishes the 
Arabic sounds expressed in Latin letters, here they are: Teeh Beny Israel. " 

Seetzen, journeying over this desert in 1807, wrote: " Et-Teeh, according to 


the term may have applied to the entire wilderness region of 
which this Paran proper was the centre; including the various 
surrounding districts bearing local designations, such as the Wil 
derness of Sinai/ the Wilderness of Zin, the Wilderness of Beer- 
sheba, 2 the Wilderness of Ziph, 8 the Wilderness of Maon/ etc. 

Yakoot, the renowned geographer of Ilamiih, is the name of the desert which is 
bounded by the Red Sea, Palestine, and Egypt. It is said to be forty parasangs long 
and broad, and to be the place where the Israelites lived just so many years [ . c. as 
forty] ; for which reason it is also commonly called Et-Tceh Beny Israel." (Seet- 
zeu s Reisen durch Sy-rien, etc., III., 47 /.) Seetzen adds that the traditional name 
doubtless came through Arabic sources, as the Bed ween have no knowledge of the 
story of the Israelites. 

Burton, through the necessity laid on him by his advocacy of another region than 
the Peninsula of Sinai for the place of the Law-giving, has urged that the reference 
to "wandering" in this designation is not to the wanderings of the Israelites. At 
first he said, inquiringly, in his Unexplored Syrin (I., 28, note): " May I suggest 
that this term, universally translated Desert of the Wanderings, may mean with 
more probability the Desert of the (general) Wandering, that is to say, where men 
wander and may lose their way?" But from this starting-point of honest inquiry he 
seems to wander and lose his way in that desert (see his Gold-Mines of Jliditm, 
p. 98, note), until at last, in a public reference to the death of Prof. Palmer (see 
"The Academy," for May 5, 1883), he could speak sneeringly of him, as one who 
" insisted upon translating, with the vulgar, Tih by Wilderness of the Wanderings, 
when it simply means a wilderness where men may wander." This is noteworthy 
merely as an illustration of "subjective criticism" on the part of those who would 
conform the facts to their own theories. There is no evidence that the desert in 
question was ever called " Et-Tceh" at an earlier date than we know it to have been 
called " Et-Teeh Beny Israel." If we are to reject the latter half of the record, 
what right have we to retain the former half ? Indeed, it is every way probable that 
the earlier designation was the Wilderness of Paran; not the Wilderness et-Teeh 
either with or without the Beny Israel. 

See Rittcr s Geoy. of PuL, I., 300, 370-376 ; Burckhardt s Trav. in Syria, p. 448^.; 
Palmer s DCS. of Exod., II., 2S4-2S!" ; Tuch in Jour, of Sac. Lit., April, 1848, p. SO /. ; 
Kalisch s Com. on. O. T., at Gen. 14 : 5, C. 

i Num. 10: 12. 2 Comp. Gen. 21 : 14, 21. 3 Comp. 1 Sam. 23: 14, 24; 25: 1, 2. 
* " It would not be inconsistent with the rules of Scripture nomenclature, if we 
suppose these accessory wilds to be sometimes included under the general name of 
Wilderness of Paran." (Ilayman in Smith-IIackctt Bib. Die., s. v. Paran.") See 
a discussion, with the same conclusion, in Wilson s Lands of the Bible, I., 201 /. 


This would account for the vestige of the name in "VVady Fayran l 
in the lower peninsula, if it be recognized there; and for the 
reference to it as in the hill-country of Judah in the days of 
David. 2 In this view of the sweep of the term " Paran," it is by no 
means strange to find Ivadesh spoken of at one time as in the 
general Wilderness of Paran, and again as in, or at, the smaller 
district of the Wilderness of Zin. 

And now where was the Wilderness of Zin ? It is repeatedly 
referred to as on the southern border of Canaan, and along the 
eastern portion of that border. 3 It cannot have been the extensive 
depression between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of Aqabah known 
as the Arabah, and which is a continuation of the basin of the 
Jordan, known above the Dead Sea as the Ghor ; for that is 

" The wilderness of Paran seems to have been a name taken, in a larger and [in a] 
stricter sense. In the larger sense it seems to have denoted all the desert and moun 
tainous tract lying between the wilderness of Shur westward or toward Egypt, and 
Mount Seir or the land of Edom eastward ; between the land of Canaan northwards, 
and the Red Sea southwards. . . . In its stricter acceptation ... it is taken to denote 
more peculiarly that part of the desert of Stony Arabia which lies between Mount 
Sinai and Hazeroth to the west, and Mount Seir to the east." (Wells s Hist. Geog. of 
Old and New Test., I., 272.) "Winer (Bibl. Realworterb., II., 193) adopts this view, 
in substance ; also Kalisch, as above. Comp. Gen. 21 : 20, 21 ; Num. 10 : 12, 33 ; 
12: 16. 

1 " In Wady Feiran, . . . there is an evident reminiscence of the ancient name 
Paran. The Bedawin are unable to pronounce the letter p, and the word becoming 
Faran would soon degenerate with them into Feiran." (Palmer s Des. of Exod., I., 
20.) " Paran (Num. 10 : 12) is no doubt the Wadi Phiran [Fayran] where formerly 
the town of Pharan stood." (Schwarz s Descript. Georj. of Pal., p. 212). Eusebius and 
Jerome (Onomasticon, s. v. "Pharan") seem to have this place in mind, although, 
by mistake, they locate it east instead of west of Aila. See, also, Kurtz s Hist, of Old 
Cov., III., 191 /. 

*1 Sam. 25: 1, 2. Bishop Harold Browne, in The Speaker s Commentary, thinks 
that Paran should here read Maon ; but Schwarz (s. v. " Paran ") understands from 
Josephus ( Wars of the Jews, Book IV., Chap. IX.) that in the latter s day "the 
Desert of Paran extended to the neighborhood of the Dead Sea," which would 
include the region of David s retreat. 

s Num. 34 : 3, 4 ; Josh. 15 : 1, 3. 


always spoken of by its own distinctive name, which is also its 
description. Robinson has made this clear. He says: 1 "The 
Hebrew word Arabah, signifying in general a desert plain, 
steppe/ is applied with the article (the Arabah) directly as the 
proper name of the great valley in question in its whole length ; 
and has come down to us at the present day in the same form in 
Arabic, el- Arabah. We find the Hebrew Arabah distinctly 
connected with the Red Sea and Elath ; the Dead Sea itself is 
called the sea of the Arabah. It extended also toward the north 
to the Lake of Tiberias ; and the Arboth (plains) of Jericho and 
Moab were parts of it. 2 The Arabah of the Hebrews, therefore, 
like the Ghor of Abulfeda, was the great valley in its whole ex 
tent." If, therefore, the Arabah had been intended, where the 
Wilderness of Zin is mentioned, it would surely have been spoken 
of as the Arabah. 

Directly west of the Arabah is a wild mountain region, rising 
in successive slopes or terraces from the Arabah in one direc 
tion, and from the Desert ct-Teeh in another. It now bears 
the name of the Arabs who inhabit it, and is commonly known 
as the Azazimeh mountains, or the Azazimat. 3 This is a dis 
tinct and well-defined local wilderness, fully meeting the con 
ditions of the various references to the Wilderness of Zin in the 

1 Bib. Res., II., 186. 

2 " Heb. n3~U?n ha- Arabah. in connection with the Red Sea and Elath, Deut. 1 : 

TT -: T 

1 ; 2 : 8. As extending to the Lake of Tiberias, Josh. 12 : 3 ; 2 Sam. 4 : 7 ; 2 Kings 
25 : 4. Sea of the Arabah, the Salt Sea, Josh. 3: 10; 12: 3; Deut. 4: 49. 
Plains /r>i:njr\ of Jericho, Josh. 5, 10; 2 Kings 25: 5. Plains of Moab, i. e., 
opposite Jericho, probably pastured by Moab though not within its proper territory, 
Deut. 34: 1. 8; Num. 22: 1. Compare Gesenius Lex. Heb., Art. m~\y." 

See also Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com., III., 277 f. ; and Keil s Handbuch der 
Biblischen Archaologie, pp. 28-30. 

3 See Palmer s Des. of Exod., " The Mountains of the Azazimeh," Vol. II., 
Chap. VII.; Robinson s Bib. Kes., II., 176-179; Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., III., 
193 /. 


Bible. 1 It may fairly be identified as that wilderness, and again 
as a portion of the Wilderness of Paran in its larger sense. 2 Yet 
its northeastern portion was probably in Edom, and it is possible 
that only the remainder was known as Zin. 

This identification of the Wilderness of Zin would locate 
Kadesh somewhere in the Azazirueh mountains ; and this corre 
sponds with all previous indications of its site in the Bible text. 


The fact that Kadesh-barnea was "eleven days " 3 from Horeb, 
or Sinai, does not materially aid in its closer locating ; for that 
distance might be calculated to a point farther east or west, and 
similarly farther north or south, within a considerable range, ac 
cording to the particular route followed. 

Distances in the East are calculated, almost universally, by 
time. In illustration of this, when the Arabs saw me use a mili 
tary field-glass on the desert, they asked me " how many hours 
ahead " I could see through the glass. And an Arabic geographer 
even speaks of the river Nile as extending " one month in the 

Palmer also calls this entire mountain district " Jebel el Magrah," describing it as 
a plateau, " seventy miles in length, and from forty to fifty miles broad, commencing 
at Jebel Araif, and extending northward by a series of steps or terraces to within a 
short distance of Beersheba, from which it is separated by Wady er Eakhnieh." 
(Des. ofExod,, II., 288 /.) 

1 Num. 20 : 1 ; 33 : 36 ; 34 : 3, 4 ; Josh. 15 : 1, 3. 

2 " Zin must have been a part of this wilderness [Paran], namely, the northern 
part; the district stretching out from the Ghor southwesterly in high rock masses, 
and gradually lowering itself near Jebel el-Helal." (Winer s Bib. Realworterb., s. v. 

See, also, Ilayman, in Smith- Rackett Bib. Die., s. v. " Zin ; " Tuch, in Kitto s 
Jour, of Sac. Lit., July, 1848, p. 90 /. ; Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com., III., 87 ; 
Kalisch s Bib. Com. on 0. T., at Gen. 14 : 6 ; Palfrey s Lect. on Jewish Script, and 
Antiq., I., 417, note. 

s Deut. 1 : 2. 


country of the Mussulmans ; " that is, its course is equal to a 
month s journeying. They have no thought of miles as a standard 
of measurement ; but rather of the time needed to pass the dis 
tance at ordinary rates of travel. It is the caravan speed which 
is the standard. On regular routes, there are certain conventional 
day s distances, fixed by convenience of water and camp-grounds. 
These may be " long-days " or " short-days," but long or short, 
each counts for one. If a man should post on a dromedary over 
two of those intervals, or five of them, between sun and sun, he 
would have made not one day s journey, but two or five days, as it 
would be reckoned in the East. Thus, for example, jt is said that 
Muhammad Alee once rode a dromedary from Suez to Cairo in 
eleven hours ; making, say, five days journey in one day. The 
fair thing for a day s caravan journey, as an Oriental looks at it, 
remains unchanged, whether a traveler hurries or lags in /HS jour 
neying. Whether the Israelites were a week, or t\vo years, in 
making the distance between Iloreb and Ivadcsh, the distance by 
the Mount Scir Road was still " eleven days." That could not be 
changed on their account, or by their action. 

Almost every traveler in the East has had illustrations of the 
fixedness of the day s-journey idea in the minds of Orientals. 
When I was going north from Jerusalem I was particularly de 
sirous of hastening towards Nazareth and the Sea of Galilee, for 
special reasons ; and my Egyptian dragoman promised to arrange 
accordingly. I was willing to start early and to ride late for a 
few days, and yet to pay the full price for the time thus cut out of 
the usual course. But when it came to planning for the camping- 
places for each night, it actually seemed impossible for dragoman 
and muleteers to get it into their heads that it was practicable to 
stop anywhere else than at the traditionally accepted sites. They 
were willing to start at any hour I would name, but when they 

1 "Abd-er-Kashid El-Bakouy," as cited in Memoirs Relative to Egypt, p. 43(J. 


came to the old-time camp-ground they must camp. At last my 
dragoman entreated me to abandon the effort at the impossible. 
In my own country I could do as I pleased, lie said ; but in their 
country each day s journey on the roads they traveled had been 
fixed by their fathers ; and neither they nor I could change it. 
So I actually yielded the point because of its seeming impracti 
cability, as they looked at it. 

Had I wished to make a hurried run, day and night, with a 
single attendant, they could have understood that; but for a cara 
van to attempt to change the division of the road into day s jour 
neys that was out of the question. And as it is now, so it has 
been, and so it is likely to be, in the East. "When Moses named 
" eleven days " as the stretch between Horeb and Kadesh-barnea 
by the route they had come, every Israelite knew exactly what he 
meant, whether we understand it or not. 

Inasmuch as "a day s journey" is a conventional term, with its 
enforced adaptation to particular routes, it is not easy to reduce it to 
miles as a help to its fixing ; although it would be a very simple 
thing to calculate its measurement were it once fixed. The average 
of a day s journey in the desert region is, say, seven hours travel, 
at the rate of perhaps two and a third miles an hour. 1 This 
would practically be from fifteen to eighteen miles a day. 

It would therefore appear that Kadesh-barnea was from, say, one 
hundred and fifty to two hundred miles from Mount Sinai, by the 
route here indicated " the Way of Mount Seir," or " the Mount 
Seir Road ; " 2 although, of course, on this particular route, the 
then well-known daily stretches because of the suitable stations 
may have been exceptionally " short-day s " journeyings. The 

1 For estimates of the length of an average day s travel in the East, see Rosen- 
miiller s Bib. Geog., p. 161 /. ; Robinson s Sib. fies., I., 593 /. ; Von Raumer s 
Pdldstina, p. 21 ; Lane s Thousand and One Nights, Vol. I., p. 116, note. 

2 The Hebrew word translated Way \sderekh C\^\ meaning a " road," a " beaten 
track," a "trodden course." 


correspondence of this measurement with the facts in the case can 
only be tested when we have fixed the site of Kadesh, and settled 
the course of the Mount Seir Road. 


The natural roads of a country are God s great landmarks. 
They were fixed in the processes of creation; and they remain 
comparatively unchanged through all the changes of the centuries. 
The courses of empire and the advances of civilization are indi 
cated beforehand, or they can lie tracked in history, by the natural 
highways along which alone it would be possible for them to 
move. Hence, when we find in the earliest book of the Bible a 
reference to an extended military campaign from Elam to Canaan, 
we can see the route which the ambitious chieftain must have 
taken; and again, when we are tracking the course of the Israelites 
in their exodus or their wanderings, the specific references to the 
various roads which they followed, or which they avoided, are the 
best possible helps to a fixing of their route beyond a peradven- 

This important aid to the elucidation of many of the biblical- 
geographical problems has been generally overlooked by commen 
tators and other scholars who have led in the investigations of this 
field of knowledge. It would seem as if our English translation 
of the Hebrew word for " road," or " beaten track," or " trodden 
course," by the indefinite word " way," had unconsciously swayed 
even those who are familiar with the Hebrew. We use the term 
" way " l as meaning, variously, " direction," " progression," " dis 
tance," " means," and " method," even while we do not rule out 
from its meanings its original signification of " path " or " road." 
Hence when the Bible speaks of the " Way of Shur," or the 

1 See Webster s, Worcester s, and the Imperial Dictionaries, s. v., " Way." 


" Way of Mount Seir," it suggests to most readers the idea of a 
general direction given, or of a diversion from the directest route, 
rather than the indication of a well-known natural highway, a 
landmark for all time, under its specific proper name of the time 
of the Bible s writing. 1 

In the Bible record of the exodus and wanderings of the Israel 
ites there are at least nine roads thus indicated, as supplying a 
skeleton itinerary of the Israelites course. As we may fairly 
translate, or paraphrase the names of these roads, they are : The 
Wall Road, 2 the Philistia Road, 3 the Red Sea Road, 4 the Mount 
Seir Road, 5 the Amorite Hill-country Road, 6 the Arabah Road, 7 
the Edom Royal Road, 8 the Moab Wilderness Road, 9 and the 
Bashan Road. 10 Again there is the Road of the Spies, or the 
Road of the Athareem u which may be the same as one of the roads 
already named, but more probably is a road which was known to 
the Israelites only by this designation. 

In his review of the course of the Israelites, at the close of their 
forty years wandering, 12 Moses reminds them that, in their original 
passing from Sinai to Kadesh, they came along two well-known 
roads of the mountain and desert, which he designates by the 
specific, and the sufficiently descriptive names, the " Way of Mount 
Seir," 13 or the " Mount Seir Road," and the " Way of the Mountain 
of the Amorites," u or the " Amorite Hill-country Road." Ob- 

1 Even Grove (in Smilh-Hackett Bib. Die., s. v., "Way"), while recognizing the 
fact that derekh "in the majority of cases signifies .... an actual road," is still in 
clined to see an indication of direction in its use, and to read " the road to the Red 
Sea," rather than " the Red Sea Road." 

* Comp. Gen. 16 : 7 and Exod. 15 : 22. This road, and the two roads immediately 
following it in the above list, receive full attention in their relations to the exodus, 
in the Study on the Route of the Exodus," at the close of this volume 
8 Exod. 13 : 18. * Exod. 13 : 18 ; Deut. 1 : 40 ; 2 : 1. 

5 Deut. 1:2. 6 Deut. 1 : 19. 7 Deut. 2:8. 8 Num. 20 : 17. 

9 Deut. 2:8. 10 Num. 21 : 33. Num. 21 : 1. 

18 See Deut. 1 : 1-19. 13 Deut. 1:2. Deut. 1 : 19. 


viously these two roads were not parallel, but the one was supple 
mental to the other in the journeying of the Israelites ; for, as the 
text itself indicates, the Mount Seir Road was out from Horeb, 
and the Amorite Hill-country Road was over the wilderness up to 
Kadesh-barnea. Mount Seir lay northeasterly from Mount Sinai, 
while the Amorite Hill-country lay northerly. The one road, 
therefore, would carry them in a northeasterly direction ; and the 
other, when they turned toward it, would incline them more or 
less northwesterly. To identify these two roads is to do much to 
ward defining the route of the Israelites, and the more precise 
location of Kadesh-barnea. 

At the present time (as doubtless in the time of Moses), three 
distinct roads, and only three, open out from Mount Sinai north 
ward toward Palestine, across the wedge-shaped mountain range 
that forms the southern boundary of the Desert et-Teeh. These 
roads are spoken of popularly as the western road, the middle 
road, and the eastern road. Robinson noted them carefully in his 
day, 1 as other scholars have noted them since. He said : " From 
the Convent of Sinai .... three roads cross by the three great 
passes of Jebel et-Tih. . . . The easternmost is the road passing 
by el- Ain, and also by the well eth-Themed, west of the mountain 
Turf er-Rukn. The middle road crosses the Till by the pass el- 
Mureikhy, and the western one by er-Rakineh ; " and he adds to 
his description of them : " The above are all the roads we heard of 
across the desert, from south to north." It is obvious that only 
the easternmost of these three roads could have been fairly called 
the " Mount Seir Road ; " for that alone went in the direction of 
Mount Seir ; and it would seem hardly less certain that that road 
would have been so called. 

A noteworthy fact in connection with the effort at identifying 
the Mount Seir Road, as taken by the Israelites, is the latest cou- 

1 See Bib. fits., I., 196; also Note XXIV., p. 601 /. 


elusion of the most experienced competent explorer in that desert 
region, as to the probable route of the Israelites northward from 
Sinai. The Rev. F. "W. Holland, of England, (who has died since 
this work was begun, 1 ) had no peer in familiarity with the Penin 
sula of Sinai, as a whole. He made five visits to that region, 
including the one when he went as the skilled guide of the Sinai 
Survey Expedition, of which Professor Palmer s book (" The 
Desert of the Exodus " 2 ) tells the story so attractively ; and he 
journeyed on foot, 3 over the peninsula, some five thousand miles in 
all. Being wedded to no theory of a particular route for the 
Israelites, he sought, on the occasion of his fifth journey, to study 
carefully the probabilities of the case in the light of all his obser 
vations of then and before of " available roads and passes " in 
every district traversed by him. His conclusion was, that the 
Israelites moved at first northward from Jebel Moosa (Horeb, or 
Sinai) ; then turned toward Wady ez-Zulaqah, 4 which heads di 
rectly toward Mount Seir, and which is on the easternmost of the 

1 It was in consequence of the enthusiastic description of a journey in the desert 
with Mr. Holland, by a companion of his with whom I crossed the Atlantic in the 
winter of 1881, that I was tempted to make the journey of which this book is a 
result. On my finding the wells of which Mr. Holland had been in pursuit, I 
desired and hoped to communicate with him concerning them; but I was hardly at 
my home again before I learned of his death, in Switzerland, whither he had gone 
just before my reaching England on my way back. 

* See Palmer s Des. of Exod., I., 3/. 

3 Palmer (Des. of Exod., I., 195) tells of a messenger coming from Suez to the 
party at Wady Mukatteb, bringing " a letter calling Holland home." The latter 
" at once proposed to obey the summons, and starting off on foot, with no other pro 
vision than a little bag of flour, reached Suez, a distance of some 110 miles, early in 
the afternoon of the third day [making "six days" in "three"], having walked the 
last forty miles without a rest; thus performing a pedestrian feat which has been 
rarely equalled, and the memory of which still lives in that country." 

4 Holland calls this, the Wady Zelleger (see Journal of Victoria Institute, Vol. 
XIV., p. 10). It appears as Wady ez-Zulakah in Robinson s itinerary of the " East 
Route " (Sib. Kes., I., 602). 


three roads described by Robinson (which, in fact, might well be 
called, from its direction, the " Mount Seir lload"). After pass 
ing El- Ayn, 1 they turned northward again, as Holland thinks, 
into Wady cl- Ateeyeh, and along that wady to the Desert et- 

This road is not the one commonly marked out for the Israelites, 
as running by Ayn el-Hudhera to the Gulf of Aqabah. That is 
not in the line of any one of the roads from Sinai to Canaan, but 
is eastward of them all, and has no trend toward Canaan. It has, 
in fact, been tracked out for the purpose of taking in certain sup 
posed identifications of stations named in the route of the Israel 
ites, rather than because of its correspondence with any feasible 
course likely to have been taken by them Canaanward. Holland 
raises a new barrier against its acceptance when he says : 2 " The 
wadies along that route are confined and winding, aud impassable 
for wagons, six of which, we are told, had been presented by the 
princes of Mount Sinai, for the service of the tabernacle." 3 In 
deed, he " finally came to the conclusion that the only available 
route for the Children of Israel to have taken was that by Wadies 
Zeleiger [Zulaqah] and el-Atiyeh ; " for " these valleys afford the 
most direct, the best watered, and by far the most easy course from 
Jebcl Miisa northward ; and by this [route] one ascends to the 
plateau of the Desert of Et-Tih without any difficult pass." 4 
" Having once mounted to the level of the Till desert, a gradual 
descent across a succession of large open plains, with abundance of 
pasturage, would lie before them, and they would reach Jebel 
Mugrah [Muqrah, at the southern or southeastern border of the 
Azazimeh mountain tract the " Wilderness of Zin "] without 

1 There is a Wady el- Ayn at the western side of the desert, quite distinct from this 
one at the eastern side. 

2 Jour, of Viet. Inst., Vol. XIV., p. 10. 3 Num. 7 : 3-8. 

* See Holland s report of his latest journey, in Report of the British Association, 
for 1X78, p. (522 jf. 


any trouble." 1 Somewhere within that mountain tract, Hol 
land would look for Kadesh-baruea ; although he was not biased 
in favor of any site yet suggested, and he had not himself explored 
the region in which he would expect to find signs of it. 

This independent conclusion of so competent an explorer as 
Holland, as to the route of the Israelites northward from Mount 
Sinai, is in full accord with all that the Bible narrative has yet 
indicated to us in our search for the site of Kadesh-barnea ; and it 
goes to show that the Mount Seir Road, by which the Israelites 
moved out from the Mount Sinai group, was the easternmost of the 
three roads which went from that group Canaanward ; a road 
which headed directly toward the Mount Seir range, 2 and which 
might indeed have been followed to that range by a caravan with 
out wagons, and which was not bound for Canaan. In the days 
of Moses, as now, it was not always necessary to follow a road to 
its terminus ; nor was it customary to keep on in a road beyond a 
point where one must turn from it in order to reach the place for 
which he had set out. If a man should say, at Hebron, that he 
had come from Cairo and Suez by the Mekkeh Road (or even if he 
omitted mention of Suez), it would not be supposed that he had 
followed the Hajj route across the Sinaitic desert ; nor that he had 
been to Mekkeh. And w r hen Moses referred to the coming to 
Kadesh-barnea from Sinai by the Mount Seir Road, he clearly 
did not mean that the Israelites took in Mount Seir on their. way; 
for that range was not on any route between Sinai and the southern 
border of Canaan ; but it was a region that they were particularly 
forbidden to enter. 3 

1 Jour., of Viet. Inst., Vol. XIV., p. 11. 

1 "There are now three routes from Sinai to Hebron or Gaza : that by the Rakineh 
Pass ; [that] by the Mareikhy Pass ; [and that] by the Zaraneh or Zulakeh Pass and 
El- Ain. Of these three the Hebrews took the most easterly by El- Ain, which was 
called the Way of Mount Seir, to distinguish it from the others." (Rowlands, in Imp. 
Bib. Pic., s. v., " Eithmah.") 

8 " Meddle not with them," said the Lord to Israel, concerning the dwellers in 


If Holland is correct, as there seems no good reason for doubt 
ing, and the route he has indicated is " the only available route 
for the children of Israel to have taken," with their tabernacle 
wagons, tlion we can see clearly just how far they followed the 
Mount Seir Road, and at what portion of its course they turned 
northerly or northwesterly into " that great and terrible wilder 
ness" with which they became acquainted as they moved across it, 
to take the Amorite Hill-country Road up to the very borders of 


To identify the Amorite Hill-country Road 1 is not so easy as to 
identify the Mount Seir Road ; yet it must be one of two roads 
across the desert toward Canaan : and whichever of these it may 
prove to be, its bearing on the location of Kadesh-barnea is prac 
tically the same. 

Coming out on to the desert Et-Teeh from the Mount Seir 
Road, as described by Holland, the Israelites moving Canaanward 
would still be limited in their choice of routes by the natural 
characteristics of the country before them. 2 They were on a roll 
ing plateau some fifteen hundred feet above the level of the Ara- 
bah. 3 The same conditions which decided the course of Kedor- 

Mount Seir ; "for I will not give you of their land, no not so much as a foot breadth; 
because I have given Mount Seir unto Esau for a possession." (Deut. 2: 5.) 

1 " We went through all that great and terrible wilderness which ye saw by the 

Way [the Iload] of the Mountain [the Hill-country] of the Amorites and we 

came to Kadesh-barnea." (Deut. 1 : 19.) 

2 Although the movements of the Israelites were guided by the pillar of fire and 
cloud, they had the skilled guide Ilobab to be as " eyes " to them in picking out the 
best desert trails (com)). Num. 9: 15-23, and Num. 10: 29-31.) Thus the wise men 
from the East guided by the star toward Bethlehem, had the choice before them 
between any two roads which ran in the direction of their pursuit. 

3 Sec llobiusou s Bib. lies., I., 17C, with references to Russeger, etc., in a note. 


la omer s march into southern Canaan l would combine to influence 
their movements. The main road across the Wilderness of Parun 
(a " great and terrible wilderness/ 2 as they considered it) up to 
the " Hill-country of the Amorites " (which began at the centre 
of the southern boundary of Canaan ^ swept from the Red Sea 
Road 4 (the modern Hajj route from Aqabah to Siiez), along around 
the southern base of the Azuzimeh mountain tract until it joined 
the Wall Road (the " Way of Shur " 5 ) near Jebel Muwaylih, 6 or 
until it diverged northeasterly, near that point, and passed into the 
Aznzimeh tract to the strategic stronghold of Kadesh-barnea, at 
the very base of "the Mountain of the Amorites." 7 

Until recently it seemed as if there were no alternative to this 
route Canaanward, for a caravan that was moving across the 
Desert et-Teeh from the eastward, or from southeastward. Robin 
son emphasized this fact after his first journey over the desert 
northward. He saw, from the structure of the entire region, that 
roads from the east or southeast which " in any degree touch the 
high plateau of the desert south of El-Mukrah, must necessarily 
curve to the west, and passing around the base of Jebel Araif el- 
Nakah, continue along the western side of this mountainous 
tract." 8 He saw, also, that this would have seemed to be the 
natural course for the Israelites, were it not that he had fixed, in 
his own mind, on a site for Kadesh-barnea which was not to be 
reached by this great natural highway over the desert from Sinai 
to Canaan. " In respect to the route of the Israelites in approach 
ing Palestine," he said, 9 concerning this otherwise inevitable high 
way, " we here obtained only the conviction that they could not 
have passed to the westward of Jebel Araif [as other travelers 
" must necessarily " do] ; since such a course would have brought 

1 See page 38, supra. 2 Deut. 1 : 10. 3 See page 75/., supra ; also Judges 1 : 36. 
Num. 14 : 25 ; Deut. 1 : 40 ; 2 : 1. 5 Geu. 16:7. 6 See page 42, supra. 

1 See page 65 ff., supra; also Deut. 1 : 20. 
8 Bib. Res., I., 186 /. ll>id., p. 187. 


them directly to Beersheba, and not to Kadesh, which latter city 
lay near to the border of Edoni." * 

On the face of it, therefore, the Amoritc Hill-country Road 
would seem to have been that one road which presents itself for a 
desert-crossing to a northward-bound traveler coining out of the 
Mount Sinai group by the easternmost or Mount Seir Road. Tliat 
is the road which leads to the Amorite Hill-country. It is the 
road, also, which Robinson followed, and which Kedor-la omer 
had taken before him. It is obviously the road which the Israel 
ites would have taken unless, indeed, they were compelled to go 
elsewhere for reasons not yet indicated. And as we have seen no 
reason for doubting that this road would be as likely to lead the 
Israelites to Kadesh-barnea as it was to lead Kedor-la omer there, 
we must accept all these indications of its identity unless we find 
some specific reason for supposing that the borders of Edom, as 
well as Kadesh-baruea, did not lie within the Azazimeh mountain 

Of late, a possibility of an alternative road through the Azaz 
imeh mountain tract, running diagonally northwestward from 
the southeastern corner of that tract, has been su^trcsted : and 

f OO / 

this ought not to pass unnoticed here. Mention has already been 
made 2 of a road in this general direction running out of the 
Arabah, as suggested by AVilton, and as tracked in a portion of 
its course by Palmer. But it was reserved for the experienced 
Holland to note the possibility of such a road out from the Desert 
et-Teeh. It was on his last visit to the Peninsula that he first 

1 This is a marked illustration of unconscirms reasoning in a circle. Robinson first 
decides that Kadesh-barnea is at a certain point in the Arabah because that point 
lies in the road \vhich was taken by the Israelites. Afterwards he decides that the 
Israelites did not take the road which would have seemed to be their inevitable 
route because, forsooth, that road would not lead them to his fore-determined site of 
Kadesh-barnea! (Comp. Bib. Res., I., 187 ; II., 17-1 /., 192-195.) 
2 See page 39, note, supra. 


ascertained that Jebel Muqruh was separated from Jebel Jerufeh, 
at the southeastern corner of that mass of mountains, instead of the 
two mountains being in a connected and unbroken range, as was 
before supposed. 1 Between these two mountains there is a road 
way, which Holland thinks finds its course up to the borders of 
Canaan to the Amorite Hill-country. He would recognize in 
this the " Way of the Spies ; " but whether he be correct or not, it 
will be seen that there is a possibility of the Amorite Hill-country 
Road being yet identified in this route. But, as was said at the 
start, whichever of the two alternative routes be fixed upon, its 
bearing on the probable site of Kadesh-barnea is practically the 
same. Kadesh-barnea being somewhere within the Azazimeh 
mountain block, lying at the base of the southern boundary of the 
Amorite Hill -country, it would be practicable to reach it from the 
southeast by such a road as that now suggested by Holland, or 
from the west by the route which we understand Kedor-la omer to 
have taken, and which has hitherto seemed the more natural, and 
indeed the only, route to its secluded fastnesses. 


When " Moses sent messengers from Kadesh unto the king of 
Edorn," asking permission for the Israelites to pass through his 
territory on their final move toward Canaan, he said of their loca 
tion, " Behold, we are in Kadesh, a city in the uttermost of thy 
border ; " 2 and this raises the question, Where was the western 
border of Edom ? 

It ought to be noted just here, that the Hebrew word translated 
"city" 3 does not of necessity involve the idea of a walled town, 
or even of a town of any sort. Its " signification is of wide ex- 

1 See Holland s reports of his journey, in Jour, of Viet. List., Vol. XIV., pp. 2-11, 
and Report of Brit. Assoc., for 1878, p. 622 ff. 

* Num. 20 : 16. eer Vjn. 


tent, embracing . . . the idea of an encampment," 1 as well as of a 
watched and guarded stronghold ; " a surrounded place," " a forti 
fied camp." 2 

It is not within the range of probability that the vast host of 
Israel should have been in a single city, least of all in any city 
which could have existed in that day on the desert border of 
Canaan. It is a mistake which scholars have made all the way 
along in their searching for the route of the Israelites from Egypt 
to the banks of the Jordan, to look for an identification of any 
station in the record of the exodus and wanderings in the site of 
an ancient city. 3 In connection with the visits of the Israelites to 
Kadcsh, there is no indication of any capture of a hostile city 
there, or of any intercourse with the people of a friendly city. 
But from the prominence given to Kadcsh in the military move 
ments of both Kedor-la omer and the Israelites, it would appear 
that that place Avas a natural stronghold, a strategic watching- 
place on the southern border of Canaan ; and it would, therefore, 
be a most natural way of stating the case, for the Israelites to say 
to the king of Edom, " We are in Kadesh, a fortified encampment 
[a hill-surrounded fastness] in the uttermost of thy border." The 
language recorded is quite consistent with that interpretation. 

It is not difficult to locate Edom as a whole, nor is it difficult to 
say where was its centre, its kernel, its core. The difficulty lies in 
fixing the western stretch and boundary, at a given time, of a land 
which clearly had different boundaries at different periods, and which 
is nowhere described in its precise limitations, either in the Bible, or 
prior to the Christian era in outside history. Yet the difficulty 
which docs exist is not so great as it has been made to appear. 

" Edom " and " Seir " are terms which are often used inter 
changeably as the designation of a region occupied by Esau and 

1 Gesenius, in Heb. Lex., s. v. 2 Fiirst, Ilcb and Chald. Lex. s. v. 

8 This point is treated more fully in the Route of the Exodus, infra. 


his descendants. 1 " Mount Seir/ the range of mountains running 
southward from the Dead Sea, on the east of the Arabah, was a 
main feature of " Edom"; 2 but " Seir/ 3 and " the land of Seir," 4 
and " the country [or field] of Edom," 5 are terms which are 
clearly not limited to, nor indeed are commonly, if ever, identical 
with, " Mount Seir" in the Bible text. The practical question for 
solution is, therefore, What portion of the country at the westward 
of the Arabah was included in " Seir," and in " the country of 
Edom," in the days of the Israelites wanderings ? 

Not only is there no suggestion in the Bible that " Seir " and 
" the country of Edom " were limited to the " Mount Seir " on 
the east of the Arabah, but the idea of such a limitation, at any 
period of the history of Edom, does not seem to have entered a 
human mind until more than thirty centuries after the days of 
Moses, when it was given shape in an incidental mention by the 
great geographer Reland, 6 while he was pointing a caution against 
counting the boundaries of Edom as alike at all periods of history. 
At the same time, however, Reland recognized the fact that in 
some way " the region occupied by Edom and his posterity [which 
is], called in Holy Scripture the field of Edom and the land of 
Seir/ . . . was situated between Egypt and Canaan ; so that the 
southern boundaries of the land [of Canaan], in which was the 
portion of the tribe of Judah, touched the terminus of the region 
of Edom." The incidental suggestion of Reland as to the early 
limits of Edom would probably have had little influence in the 
field of Bible geography, if it had not been renewed, in another 
form, by Robinson, a century and more later, as an argument in 
support of a site which he had fixed upon as that of Kadesh- 
barnea which latter place was at the uttermost border of Edom. 

1 See Gen. 32 : 3 ; 3G: 1, 8, 9, 19,21,43; Xum. 24 : 18; Dent. 2: 4, 5, 8, 29; 
Josh. 24 : 4. 

2 Gen. 14 : 6 ; 36 : 8, 9 ; Deut. 2:8; Josh. 24 : 4. 3 Gen. 33 : 14 ; Deut. 1 : 44. 

4 Gen. 32: 3. * Gen. 32 : 3. 6 Palxstina, p. 66. 


Indeed, Robinson himself had held another view than Roland s 
prior to his fixing of the site of Kadesh-barnca ; and in an elabo 
rate series of articles on Idumea, or Edom, 1 not long before his 
first visit to the Holy Land, he said of the Mount Seir ranging- 
field of " the children of Esau : " " It is only proper to add here, 
that it is not necessary to regard the Edomites as wholly confined 
to this region. It is not improbable that they also had possession, 
at least occasional, of the mountains and part of the desert west 
of the Ghor [the Arabah] ; as we know that at a later period they 
subdued the southern part of Palestine, as far as Hebron ; and 
also made excursions through or around the land of Moab, and 
became masters of Bozrah." 2 But when Robinson had decided in 
his own mind that Kadesh-barnea was in the Arabah, it became 
necessary to push back the western boundary of the Edomites to 
a line within which, he had before seen and said, it was "not neces 
sary" to regard them as " wholly confined ; " for, " otherwise," he 
said, " the Israelites, in journeying three times between Kadcsh 
and Ezion-geber, must have passed twice through Edom ; which we 
know was not permitted." 3 

Here again, as in the case of the desert roads, so capable an 
explorer as Robinson seems unconsciously to be reasoning in a circle 
with reference to the location of Kadesh. 4 Having settled it in 
his own mind that the Israelites passed up the Arabah toward 
Canaan, he fixes on a site in the line of that road as the most prob 
able one for Kadesh. 5 When he sees, however, that their more 
natural course would have been in another direction, he decides 
that they could not have taken that, because it would not have led 
them by his Kadesh which he had selected because it was on the 
way that, in his opinion, they did take. 6 His Kadcsh was the 

1 In Bib. Repos. for April, July, and October, 1833. 2 Ibid., April, p. 250. 

3 Robinson s " Notes on Biblical Geography," in Bib. Sac. for May, 184!), p. 3SO. 

4 See page 82, note, supra. 5 Comp. Bib. Res., II., 173-175 ; 192-195. 

6 See Bib. Res., L, 187. 


Kaclcsh because it was on their road toward Canaan. Their road 
must have been this road ; because otherwise it would not have 
passed his Kadesh, which was the Kadesh (Q. E. D.). So about 
the boundary of Edorn. Before he had fixed his Kadesh in the 
Arabah, it was " not necessary " to confine the Edomites to tlie 
eastward of the Arabah ; but when he had fixed his Kadesh in 
the Arabah/ it was necessary to confine the Edomites by that boun 
dary ; for Kadesh was at the extremest westward stretch of Edom. 
Edom must have been limited to the east of the Arabah, because 
Edom was eastward of Kadesh, and his Kadesh, which was the 
Kadesh, was in the Arabah. His Kadesh must have been the 
Kadesh, because the Kadesh was at the western border of Edom 
where his Kadesh was located (Q. E. D., once more). At last 
Robinson actually reasoned himself to the conviction that the view 
which he once held himself, and which had never been generally 
abandoned by scholars, was no longer a factor in the problem ; and 
he declared, as if without a thought that his declaration would be 
questioned by anybody : " Xow at that time [in the days of the 
exodus], as all agree, the territory of Edom was limited to the 
mountains on the east of the Arabah." 2 

Because Robinson could safely be followed in so many of his 
important discoveries and identifications, he has not unnaturally 
been followed in solne of his unconscious errors of identification 
and reasoning. 3 But in a search for the identification of an unde- 

1 Comp. Bib. Rep., April, 1833, p. 250, and Bib. Sac., May, 1849, p. 379 f. 

* Bib. Sac. for May, 1849, p. 380. 

3 It is not to be wondered at that Robinson (whose really great service in the cause 
of biblical geography has fairly entitled him to be called "the Reland of the Xine- 
teenth Century ) should have made more or less errors in his wide and varied iden 
tifications ; but it is a matter of surprise that some of those errors should still be 
blindly adhered to, after they have been shown as errors by proofs that Robinson 
would, if now living, recognize as indisputable. Take, for example, his locating of 
Eboda at El- Aujeh (Bib. Res., I., 191). His guides knew that place "only by the 
name of Aujeh," but an Arab who was with him said it " was also called "Abdeh." 


termined site, we should, of course, put aside, for the time being, 
mere naked opinions, and look to the Bible text as it stands 
in its integrity, and to any outside helps to the elucidation of that 
text. So, now, in the matter of the ancient borders of Edom. 

The earliest known mention of " Mount Seir " is in the Bible 
record of Kedor-la omer s campaign, in the days of Abraham. 1 
This was long before the birth of Esau ; and it is said that the 
Horites, or cave-dwellers, were then its inhabitants. 2 These 
Horites are said to have been the descendants of Seir; 3 but it is 

Afterwards that Arab admitted " that he knew this name only from M, Linnnt, who 
had visited the place a few years before " (Bib. Res., I., 600). That was shaky proof 
on which to fix an identification; yet it was the best that Robinson could obtain, ex 
cept that it was supplemented some weeks later by the assurance of " a very intelli 
gent owner of camels," whom Robinson met at Hebron. On the strength of this 
information, with the seeming correspondence of the ruins with such a place as the 
ancient Eboda must have been, Robinson declared, " We had no doubt at the time, 
nor have I now, that these were the ruins of the ancient Eboda, or Oboda " (Bib. Res., 
I., 194); and he even brushed away the suggestion of Seetzen and M. Callier that 
the real ruins of Abdeh were elsewhere, on the ground that " both these latter trav 
elers were [probably] misinformed by their Arab guides" (Bib. Res., I., 600) 
instead of taking the word of " a very intelligent owner of camels at three days 
distance from the ruins. After all this, Stewart (Tent and Khan, p. 198 /.) and 
Bonar (Des. of Sinai, p. 302 /.) gained information of the existence of an Abdeh as 
distinct from El- Aujeh ; and finally Palmer visited both places, obtained sketches of 
them, proved their separateness, established the identification of Abdeh as Eboda 
(Des. of Exod., II., 343, 386, 407-423) ; so that to-day there is hardly more reason for 
a question as to the identification of Eboda than of Hebron. Yet notwithstanding 
all these later discoveries, Murray s Handbook for Syria and Palestine (p. 100, and 
Map) continues to give El Aujeh as both Abdeh and Eboda, without so much as an 
intimation that the Robinson location has ever been brought into question. And this 
is but a single illustration of the, difficulty of correcting at popular sources an error 
in the statements of "the Reland of the Nineteenth Century." 

1 Gen. 14: <3 ; Deut. 2: 12. 

2 "The Horites, as the name signifies (Heb. "in from ~nn a hole, cave), were 
dwellers in caves ; a description of people who were afterwards called by the Greeks 
Troglodytes, Tpwy/loJiira/,, a word of the same signification as Ilorites, derived from 
Tf>>y~Ar], a cave." (Robinson, in Bib. Repos., April, 1833, p. 250, note.) 

3 Gen. 36: 20, 21. 


uot an uncommon thing for a man to have taken his name from 
the land in which he lived. 1 The earliest known mention of the 
laud of Edom is in the Egyptian records, at about the same period 
as Abraham s. In the story of Saneha, in the Twelfth Dynasty, 
as already referred to, 2 there are several mentions of " Atuma," 
or " Aduma," in such a connection as to point to the identification 
of this land with ancient Edom ; and the subsequent references to 
" Atuma" and its people in the Egyptian records, all go to justify 
this identification. 3 This also was long prior to Esau s birth ; but 
it in no degree conflicts with the Bible records of Esau s relations 
to the names of the lands in which at one time and another he was 
a dweller. 

" Seir " means " rough," " shaggy," " hairy." 4 " Esau " means 
the same. 5 " Edom " means " red." 6 Esau bore the name 
"Edom." 7 The mountains of Seir were rough and shaggy. The 
cliffs of Edom were red. 8 It is in perfect accord with Oriental 
methods of thought and speech to multiply meanings in a name, 
and to multiply also the applications of a name in its meaning. 
Esau was the hairy man ; 9 the land of his possession was of a 
rough and shaggy front. 10 Esau was called Edom, the Red Man ; 
he was the man of red hair, 11 the man of the red land, and the 

1 See page 56, note, supra. 2 g ee pa{ , e 46> ^ supra. 

3 See Rcc. of Past, VI., 135-150 ; also Lenormant and Chevallier s Anc. Hist, 
of East, II., 148, 290 ; and Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 146 ff. 
4 iSa eer(T.yty), " hairy," " shaggy," " rough." (Gesenius and Fiirst, s. v.) 
5 Esaw (1^>;}, " hirsute," " hairy." (Hid.) 
*Edhom. (0~iN), "red." (Ibid.) ^ Gen. 36 : 1, 8, 19. 

8 The very name " Red Sea is supposed by many to have been taken from the 
bordering red cliffs of Edom. 

9 " Esau my brother is a hairy man." (Gen. 27 : 11.) 

10 "The name may either have been derived from Seir the Ilorite or, what is 

perhaps more probable, from the rough aspect of the whole country." (Porter, in 
Smith-Hackett Bib. Die., s. v. "Seir.") See also any description of Mount Seir. 

" Red, all over like an hairy garment ; and they called his name Esau." (Gen. 
2.5 : 25.) 


man of a red choice : l " Therefore was his name called Edom " 
three times over. And wherever Esau-Edom lived at any 
time, that land would naturally be called " the land of Seir," and 
" the field of Edom." And so it was, according to the Bible story. 

"When Esau had foolishly surrendered his birthright interest in 
Canaan, 2 and had lost the blessing which by Oriental custom 
belonged to the first-born, 3 another possession was promised to him 
by his aged father, 4 and God confirmed that inheritance to Esau in 
Mount Seir of Edom. 5 But Esau did not remove to his new 
possession until after the death of his father/ Meantime Jacob was 
away from that region, 7 and Esau remained near his father, occupy 
ing the parental domain, which could not as yet pass into the hands 
of the son who had purchased the first-born s share in its entail. 

Esau married and had children long before he permanently left 
his old home near Beersheba. 8 In the more than twenty years of 
Jacob s absence, Esau s families and flocks and herds were in 
creased to him; and in the enfeebled and helpless state of the father, 
the resident son must have come into larger prominence, according 
to Oriental usage, 9 so that it is not to be wondered at that the region 

1 " Esau said to Jacob, Feed me, I pray thee, with that same red pottage ; for I am 
faint ; therefore was his name called Edom." (Gen. 25 : 30.) 

2 Gen. 25: 27-34; Heb. 12 : 16,17. 3 Gen. 27 : 1-33. * Gen. 27 : 34-40. 

5 Deut. 2:5; Josh. 24 : 4. Comp, Gen. 35 : 27-29, and Gen. 36 : 1-8. 

7 Gen. 27 : 41-45 ; 28 : 5 ; 32 : 3, 4. 8 Gen. 26 : 34, 35 ; 28 : 6-9. 

9 An Oriental father gains reflected honor in the prominence and successes of his 
sons. lie even changes his own name in such a way as to include his eldest son s 
name, in order to swell the glory of the family of which he is the head. Even where 
a man is childless he sometimes receives, by courtesy, in the East, the name of father 
of a hypothetical son ; or in some way the fatherhood idea is attached to his name. 
(See e. g. Jessup s Syrian Home Life, p. 99, f., and Thomson s Land and Book, I., 475.) 
An illustration of this is given in the case of Abraham. While he was yet childless 
he was called " Ab-ram," " Father of Exaltation." He was uplifted in the minds of 
his fellows as one worthy to be a father. But God gave him a promise of real chil 
dren ; and as he did so he added (Gen. 17 : 5) : " Neither shall thy name any more 
be called Ab-ram, but thy name shall be Ab-raham, " Father of a Multitude," 
[" Aboo-ruhain," as the Arabs might write] ; for a father of many nations have I 


over which Esau extended his patriarchal stretch came to be 
known as " the land of Seir " [or Esau], and " the country [or 
field] of Edom." l 

There was where Esau was living when Jacob came back from 
Padan-aram ; for Isaac was not yet dead, and it was not until 
after his death that Esau removed to Mount Seir. 2 And the 
record shows, that as Jacob was returning toward Hebron, he 
" sent messengers before him to Esau his brother, unto the land of 
Seir, the field of Edom." If indeed Esau had been off in Mount 
Seir at that time, Jacob would hardly have anticipated a meeting 
with him on his way to Hebron. And when the brothers had 
met, Jacob spoke of himself as journeying by easy stages toward 
the home of Esau, in Seir Esau s present " Seir," not Esau s 
prospective " Mount Seir." " I will lead on softly," he said, 
" according as the cattle that goeth before me and the children be 
able to endure, until I come unto my lord unto Seir." 4 This was 
obviously no deceitful subterfuge on Jacob s part. He did not be 
gin his new life as " Israel," after his night of eventful wrestling, 5 
with a lie to his brother Esau. He meant what he said. He 
would move slowly toward Esau s home the laud of Seir, as it 
was now called. It was Esau s land by possession ; it was Jacob s 
land by purchased birthright ; it was as yet their father Isaac s 
land in reality. Jacob might safely call it Isaac s by courtesy, 
as everybody now called it, in accordance with Oriental custom. 

" So Esau returned that day on his way unto Seir," 6 not unto 
Mount Seir, but unto his land of Seir ; and Jacob followed 

made thee." And that new name made all the difference in the world in Abraham s 
position before the world in the East. Thus, according to Eastern customs, Isaac 
might well have called himself Aboo-Esau, " Father of Esau ; " hence it is not strange 
that the name of Esau was uplifted in the region where he dwelt with his father. 

1 Gen. 32 : 3. The word here translated " country " is sadheh ("H^Y It means 
" field," rather than " province " or " kingdom."- 

* See Gen. 35 : 27-29 ; 36 : 1-8. 3 Gen. 32 : 3. 

* Gen. 33 : 14. Gen. 32 : 24-32. 6 Gen. 33 : 16. 


by easy stages to Shechem, 1 and Bethel, 2 and southward until 
the brothers were once more near each other, at Hebron 3 and 
below, in the neighborhood of their childhood s home and of the 
outstretching domain of Esau s, there to remain in filial and 
fraternal accord until after their father s death and burial. 4 

That the removal of Esau to his divinely assured possessions in 
Mount Seir was not during the absence of Jacob in Padau-aram, 
is apparent on the face of the text, and it is evidenced by a number 
of confirmatory proofs. The mention of Esau s removal follows 
immediately on the mention of Isaac s death and burial. 5 Not 
until then was there any reason for Esau s leaving his bartered 
birthright inheritance. Moreover, it is distinctly said, that Esau 
" went into the country [of Mount Seir, when he did go there] from 
the face of Ids brother Jacob." 6 If Jacob were then living in 
Padau-aram, his face would hardly have crowded Esau out of 
lower Canaan. And a reason for Esau s going " from the face of 
his brother Jacob" just then was, that "their riches were more 
than that they might dwell together ; and the laud wherein they 
were strangers [sojourncrs] could not bear them because of their 
cattle." 7 But if there was not even one of Jacob s brown sheep, 
or ring-streaked or spotted goats, 8 within two hundred miles of 
Hebron and Beersheba, how could they fill up the possessions of 
Isaac so that Esau must look elsewhere for pasturage ? Yet then 
it was and even until the very day of Jacob s return that Esau 
was a dweller in " the laud of Seir, the country of Edom;" 9 iiot the 
Mount Seir, or the Edom which was the equivalent of Mount Seir. 
This designation, of the land of Esau s occupancy in Southern 
Canaan, by the name of " Seir," which existed at the time of 
Jacob s return from Padan-aram, was never lost to it. It was 

1 Gen. 33: 17-20. 2 Gen. 35 : 1-8. 3 Gen. 35 : 27. 

* Gen. 35: 28, 29. 5 See Gen. 35 : 27-29; 36 : 1-8. Gen. 36:6. 

i Gen. 36 : 7. 8 Gen. 30 : 25-43. 9 Gen. 32 : 1-3. 


found there when the Israelites made their unauthorized raid 
northward from Kadesh-barnea. " And the Amorites, which 
dwelt in that mountain," said Moses, " came out against you, and 
chased you, as bees do, and destroyed you in Seir." l Josephus says 
that this dwelling-place of Esau at the time of Jacob s return was 
a region "which he had called Roughness, from his own hairiness." 2 
And, as will be fully shown, the traces of that name " Seir " are 
to be found there to-day. This Seir, it is to be noted, was within 
the boundaries of Canaan proper. But south of Canaan, outside 
its boundary, the name of " Edom " seems to have extended along 
some distance westward of the Arabah from a very early period, 
certainly before the days of Israel s occupancy of Canaan. It 
must have included the northeastern portion of the Azazimeh 
mountain tract, where was the Wilderness of Zin as we have identi 
fied it; hence it is not to be wondered at that Kadesh-barnea, within 
that tract, is said to be an encircled stronghold on the western 
border of Edom. 

To the present time there remain traces of the old name of 
"Seir" in the region southeastward from Beershcba, and yet 
northward of the natural southern boundary line of the Land of 
Canaan. The extensive plain " Es-Seer " is there, 3 corresponding 
with the name and location of the " Seir " 4 at which, or unto 
which, 5 the Israelites were chased by the Amoritcs when they went 
up in foolhardiness from their Kadesh-barnea stronghold. 6 An 

1 Deut. 1 : 44. 2 Antiquities, Book I., Chap. 20, ? 3. 

3 See Rowlands, in Williams s Holy City, p. 488 /. ; Palmer s DCS. of Exod., II., 

* Deut. 1 : 44. 

5 The Septuagint, Peshitto Syriac, and Vulgate (at Deut. 1 : 44) read "from Seir," 
instead of " to Seir; " but this does not affect the location of the place itself; it only 
touches the question whether the Israelites went beyond that boundary, or only up to 
that line. 

6 This identification of Es-Seer, as the place referred to in Deut. 1 : 44, is approved 
by Ritter (Geoy. of Pal., I., 431) ; Kurtz (Hist, of Old Cov., III., 209, 294) ; Keil and 


old ruin iu the vicinity bears the name of Qasr cs-Seer, 1 and again 
there are seeming traces of the name " Seer," through Sa eed, in 
the "NVady Sa eedat not far from there, and in the name of the 
Arab tribe, Sa eediych, inhabiting the old land of Seir. 2 

That this " Es-Seer " is the " Seir " of the days of Moses and 
Joshua, and hence also the Seir, as distinct from Mount Seir, of 
the days of Esau, is shown again by its agreement in location with 
the Seir of a notable boundary-line landmark in the description of 
Joshua s conquests in the Laud of Promise. 3 " So Joshua took 
all that land," it is said ; " even from the Mount Halak * [the 
Smooth, or Bald Mountain] that goeth up to Seir " 5 in the south 
of Canaan, " even unto Baal-gad in the valley of Lebanon, under 
Mount Hcrmon," in the north. Here, plainly, Seir is within the 
limits of Canaan, northward of the southern landmark known as 
the Smooth Mountain ; and this agrees most accurately with the 
region as disclosed by modern research. 

The plain Es-Seer, already referred to, is bounded on the south 
by "Wady Feqreh, 6 a wady which ascends southwesterly from the 

Delitzsch (Bib. Com. on 0. T., III., 250 /., 281 /.) ; Kalisch (Com. on 0. T., at Gen. 
14: 6); Alford (Genesis, etc., at 14: 6); Wordsworth (Bible with Notes, at Num. 
34: 3} ; Schaff-Lange Com. (at Num. 34: 3 and Dent. 1 : 44) ; Speaker s Com. (at 
Num.14: 45); Wilton (The Netjcb, pp. 73 note, 198) ; etc. 

1 See Wilson s Lands of Bible, I., 345 /. Robinson visited this site, but he seems 
to have run the two names together, and called it " el-kuseir " -" the little castle." 
(See Bib. Res., II., 198.) Wilson was an accurate Oriental scholar. 

2 See Wilton s The Negeb, p. 198 /. 3 Josh. 11 : 15-17; 12 : 7, 8. 

4 The Hebrew is KJialaq (p/nY "smooth," "bald," "bare," as opposed to 
"hairj*," "rough." (See Gesenius and Fiirst, s. v.) Thus Jacob was a khalaq man, 
and Esau was a sa ecr man (Gen. 27: 11). Our King James Version s margin, and 
most modern English translations, recognise this " Mount Halak " as the Smooth, or 
Bald, Mountain. 

5 The Smooth Mountain goes up to the Rough Plain ; the Bald Slope to the Hairy 
Crown ; Khalaq to Sa ecr ; Jacob s boundary-wall to Esau s early domain. 

6 See Robinson s Bib. Res., II., 178-182; Wilson s Lands of Bible, I., 340; 
Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 415 ; etc. 


Arabah, from a point not far south of the Dead Sea, and which 
separates Palestine proper from the Azazimeh mountain tract, or 
Jebel Muqrah group. 1 The northern wall of this wady is a 
bare and bald rampart of rock, forming a natural boundary as 
it " goeth up to Scir ; " a landmark both impressive and unique, 
and which corresponds with all the Bible mentions of the Mount 

Canon Williams, accompanying his friend Rowlands, was first 
among modern travelers to visit and describe this peculiar range. 
He came toward it from Hebron along "the grand plain called 
Es-Seer." Of its appearance, as it first met his sight, he says : 2 
" Having ascended a ridge, a scene of awful grandeur burst sud 
denly upon us with such startling effect as to strike us dumb for 
some moments. A^ 7 e found ourselves standing on a gigantic nat 
ural rampart of lofty mountains, which we could trace distinctly 
for many miles east and west of the spot on which we stood ; 
whose precipitous promontories of naked rock, forming as it were 
bastions of cyclopean architecture, jutted forth in irregular masses 
from the mountain barrier into a frightfully terrific wilderness, 
[the Wilderness of Zin,] stretching far before us towards the south, 
whose horrors language must fail to describe. It was a confused 
chaos of chalk, and had the appearance of an immense furnace 
glowing with white heat, illuminated as it now was by the fierce 
rays of the sun. There did not appear to be the least particle of 
vegetation in all the dreary waste : all was drought and barrenness 
and desolation. [The Bald Mountain.] Immediately below was 
a wide and well-defined valley, called Wady Murrch." This pic 
ture of the bare and desolate mountain that goeth up to Seir is the 
more marked in view of the fact that neither Canon Williams nor 

1 Luther s Version of the Bible renders the references to Mount TTalak in Josh. 
11: 17 and 12 : 7 as "the mountain which divides the land up to Seir." This in 
volves, however, a slightly different Hebrew text. 

3 Holy City, p. 487 f. 


his friend Rowlands identified it with the Mount ITaluk (they 
proposing another location for that 1 ) ; yet the former wrote : " We 
felt no doubt that we were standing on the mountain-barrier of the 
Promised Laud." 

Professor Palmer 2 says of this same region ; and this again 
without a suggestion that it was " the Bald Mountain " he was 
describing : " The view from the top is very impressive ; as well 
as the precipitous cliffs which everywhere meet the eye, huge jorfo* 
mountains in themselves, rise up on either side of the wady 
[Murrah] bed. The rocks being of limestone, and not relieved 
by any verdure, produce a glare that is most distressing to the 

The very name "Mount Halak" 4 the Smooth, or Bald, Moun 
tain seems to be preserved, or re- indicated, in an Arabic synonym 
" Es-Sufah," 5 as the name of a principal pass into Palestine, going 
up this natural barrier from Wady Feqreh to the plain Es-Serr, or 
Seir, northward. 6 Freytag 7 defines " Es-Sufah " as meaning " the 
hard, dense rock which bears no vegetation" 8 smooth and bald. 

* o 

There is a remarkable unity in the reports of travelers as to the 
correspondence of this mountain-side pass with the Scriptural 
boundary mark of " the Mount Halak ; " a unity all the more 
remarkable in that not one of them has seemed to have in mind 
this seemingly self-evident identification. 

Robinson 9 speaks of this "ascent to Scir " as "a formidable 

1 See Holy City, p. 491. 2 DCS. of Exod., II., 406. 

3 " A jorf, that is a steep bank formed by the torrent cutting through the soil of the 
wady-bed" (Ibid., p. 338). See Freytag s Lexicon Arabico-Lalinum, s. v. 
* Ileb. p^nn inn ; kahar he-khalaq. 

I T T V T T 

B HljUflJt The Speaker s Commentary (at Num. 34 : 3-5) renders this " Xakb 
es-Safuh," as the "Pass of the Bare Hock." 

6 And the pass next to the east of it is "Es-Sufey," the diminutive of" Es-Sufah." 

7 In Arab. Lat. Lex., s. v. 8 Pctra dura, crassa, plantas non produccns. 

9 Bib. lies., II., 178-181. 


barrier, a naked limestone ridge not less than a thousand feet in 
height and very steep ; " the path over Es-Sufuh being " upon the 
naked surface of the rock," ascending along " this bare rock," which 
is "in many places smooth and dangerous for animals," the camels 
making " their way with difficulty, being at every moment liable to 
slip." Von Schubert describes it as " a high, bald hill." 1 Lord 
Lindsay 2 calls it "a precipitous sheet of bare rock, alternately 
smooth and slippery, and covered with loose stones." Miss Mar- 
tineau 3 speaks of "the steep slope being bare shelvy limestone." 
Wilson 4 says : " Not a particle of vegetation was visible on its chalky 
cliffs, which appeared like a natural rampart to the land." Olin 5 
refers to the slope as " tolerably smooth," but " so steep that it is 
barely possible for loaded camels to ascend." Durbin 6 is sure that 
this mountain formed " the southern boundary of Judea." " This 
mountain wall," is what " El-Mukattem " 7 calls it ; and the Pass 
Sufah he designates as " a steep, smooth rocky surface." " A slip 
pery ascent it proved," says Formby. 8 And Caroline Paiue s 
testimony 9 is : " The rocks were too smooth to present a very 
secure foothold for even the cautious camels, and nearly all of those 
[riders] who generally remained mounted when climbing the rocky 
passes, preferred trusting to their own feet here." 

Is it not clear that this bald and bare northern wall of Wady 
Feqreh, this natural rampart of Canaan, with its smooth rock 
passes, Es-Sufah and Es-Sufey, going up to the plain Es-Seer, 
is " the Smooth Mountain that goeth up to Seir " the western 
land of Seir, in southern Canaan ? 10 

1 Reise in das Morgenland, II., 443. * Letters, II., 46. 

3 Eastern Life, p. 369. 4 Lands of Bible, I., 342. 5 Travels, II., 62. 

6 Observ. in Eastfl., 197. 1 Lands of Moslem, p. 234. 

8 Vixit to East, p. 321. 9 Tent and Harem, p. 294. 

10 Keil and Delitzsch (Bib. Com. on 0. T., VIII., 123), and Kurtz (Hist, of Old ( or., 
III.. 205), incline to this identification ; although neither of them has seemed to 
recognize the significance of the remaining name " Es-Sufah." 


There is a reason which should not be lost sight of for the con 
tinuance of the old name of Seir in the south of Canaan after 
Esau had removed, with all his family, to his divinely assured 
possession in Mount Seir. Two of the wives of Esau were Ca- 
naanites; 1 another wife was of the daughters of Ishmael. 2 The 
descendants of these wives would naturally have affiliation with the 
people of their maternal ancestry. Even though Esau took with 
him all his family and all his substance when he went from 
Southern Canaan to the region of Mount Seir, 3 it is every way 
probable that more or less of his descendants of the Canaanitish 
stock would wander back before long to the fields of their fathers 
the fields which they themselves, in some cases, had occupied 
west of the Dead Sea and the Arabah ; and again that some of 
those who were of Ishmaclitish, hence of Egyptian, 4 stock, would 
spread themselves along the upper desert, in the Wilderness of 
Paran, where Ishmael had roamed Egyptward. 5 Indeed, that 
something like this was the case with the Amalekite posterity of 
Edom (if, as seems probable, the Amalekites were descended from 
both Esau and Seir 6 ) is evident from the Bible text. They were 
already down in the mountains of Sinai, 7 and up in the hills of 
southern Canaan 8 in the days of the exodus. 

Two centuries and a half, it must be remembered, had passed, 
between the occupancy of Mount Seir by Esau and the appearance 
of the Israelites on the verge of Canaan. This gave time for 
great changes in the border lines of nomadic tribes. An Egyptian 
papyrus of the Nineteenth Dynasty the supposed dynasty of the 

1 Compare Gen. 26 : 34 ; 27 : 46 ; 36 : 2. 

Concerning the seeming confusion in the several mentions of these wives, see 
Smith- Hackctt Bib. Die., s. vv. " Adah," " Aholibamah," " Bashemath." 

2 Gen. 28: 9; 36: 3. 3 Gen. 36 : 6. 4 Gen. 1C : 3, 15. 
5 Gen. 21 : 21. 6 Gen. 36 : 12, 20, 22. See p. 40,/,, note, supra. 

i Exod. 17 : 8. 8 Num. 14 : 45. 


exodus refers to "the Shasoo of the country of Aduma" (the 
Bed ween of Edom or Seir) as already at the doors of Lower 
Egypt, and even as permitted to enter that land as settlers there. 1 
And all the indications of the Egyptian records would show that 
the Edomite Bed ween roamed freely, at this time, from the 
Arabah to the Delta. 

As already stated, the region assured to Esau and his descen 
dants by the divine promise was Mount Seir, the mountain range 
on the east of the Arabah, a region wholly outside of the limits 
of Canaan the birthright inheritance bartered to Jacob. The 
names "Seir," and "field of Edom," 2 applied, for the reasons 
noted, to the old ranging-field of Esau in southern Canaan, are not 
to be confounded with Esau s Mount Seir and the old region of 
Edom proper as it existed before the days of Esau. But Edom 
proper seems always to have included, in its westward stretch, the 
Arabah and more or less of the mountain region west of the 
Arabah and southward of the natural boundary line between these 
mountains and Canaan ; southward of Wady Feqreh, with its 
Azazimeh, or Muqrah, mountain-wall standing over against the 
wall of Mount Halak. This is fairly to be inferred from the 
Egyptian references to ancient Edom ; it is consistent with our 
earliest knowledge of the bounds of Edom ; it is an inevitable 
deduction from the early Bible mentions of Edom s westward 

1 See a translation from this papyrus in Brugsch s Diet. Geog., p. 642 ; also Hist, 
of Egypt, I., 247 /. 

1 Wilton (The Negeb, p. 73, note) points out the fact that the word sadheh (7T\iy\ 
translated " field " or " country " (of Edom), refers rather to a cultivated plain than 
to a rugged mountain, hence it is inapplicable to " Mount Seir ; " also that it is the 
word applied proleptically to the domain of the Amalekites in the record of Kedor- 
la omer s march (Gen. 14 : 7) over this very region. In this light, the " field " of the 
Amalekite descendants of Edom in the earlier record is the same as the " field " of 
the ancestor of the Amalekites in the later story. 


Various references to the boundary limits of Canaan, in the 
Bible text, go to show that the southern line of the Land of 
Promise ran along the western portion of Edom proper. In de 
scribing that line, as it passes southeasterly from the Dead Sea 
starting-point into the Wilderness of Zin, or the Azazimeh moun 
tain tract (running along the Wacly Feqreh, which marks the 
natural boundary of Palestine 1 ), the record is, that it shall be 
"from the Wilderness of Zin, along by the coast of Edom ; " 2 or 
" from the Wilderness of Zin, which resteth upon the side of 
Edom." 3 Again it is said that " the uttermost [or lower border] 
cities of the children of Judah toward the coast of Edom south 
ward [or Negebward]," 4 stretched along as far westward as Beer- 
shcba the old home of Esau-Edom. All this is utterly incom 
patible with the limitations of Edom to the region east of the 
Arabah, but quite consistent with every other indication of the 
westward reach of Edom into the Azazimeh, or Muqrah, mountain 
tract on the west of the Arabah, from the very earliest mention 
of that country until its final annihilation as a distinct power 
among the peoples of the world. 

That the name Edom, in its Greek form " Idumea," extended 
over the upper desert south of Palestine in the later centuries 

1 Observe the opinions of Williams, Rowlands, Palmer, and others on this point, 
at pages 95-97, supra. 

2 See Num.34: 1; Josh. 15: 1. 

3 Speaker s Commentary rendering. Fries (in Stud. u. Krit. for 1854, p. 77) has 
shown that al-yedhee pT~7J^ in Num. 34 : 3, rendered in the King James Version 
" along by the coast of," does not, like al-yadh (T~^ V as in Exod. 2:5; Josh. 
15: 46; 2 Sam. 15: 2; Dan. 10: 14, signify contact at a single point, or along a 
short distance ; but means " along the land of," " on a long, yea, the whole stretch," 
as for instance in Judges 11 : 26. This fact in itself would seem sufficient to show 
that peath (J"iHpY " quarter of," in Num.34: 3, cannot in this instance (as some 
have claimed) mean " corner of," if indeed it ever could have that meaning in a laud 

* Josh. 15 : 21-28. 


before the Christian era, and subsequently, is abundantly shown 
by references to it in the Apocrypha, the Talmud, and the writings 
of Pliny, Josephus, Ptolemy, Jerome, and others. 1 Diodorus 
Siculus, indeed, speaks of the Dead Sea as in the centre of the 
satrapy of Idumea. 2 And, as has been already noted, all the 
geographers down to the days of Reland were at one on this point. 
So far there is no dispute. The only question raised by any 
scholar is, whether the westward stretch of Edom beyond the 
Arabah was prior to the period of Judah s captivity. 3 Yet not a 
particle of evidence is to be found in favor of the westward 
limitation of ancient Edom by the bounds of the Arabah, at any 
period whatsoever ; while both the Bible text and the Egyptian 
records give proof that there was no such limitation in the days of 
the conquest of Canaan. 

As yet, the precise limits of ancient Edom, westward, cannot be 
designated with confidence. It is probable, judging from what we 
know of ancient boundaries generally, that these limits were con 
formed to some marked natural features of the country. When 
the Azazimeh, or Muqrah, mountain tract shall have been care 
fully explored, such natural features may be there shown for the 
marking of the western border of Edom, as have already been 
pointed out for the southern border of Canaan. Holland had this 
in his mind on the occasion of his latest visit to the desert ; but 
the same causes which prevented his following up the search for 

1 See Kelaml s Pal., pp. 66-73; Robinson s "Sketches of Idumea," Bib. Repos. for 
April, 1833, p. 252 f. ; Conder s Art., " Idumea," in Encyc. Brit., ninth ed. ; Porter s 
Art., Edom," in Smith- Ilackett Bib. Die. 

2 " Kelrni yap Kara /j.a?}v rf/v crarparre/av TJjg Idovuaia^." (Bk. 19, chap. 96.) 

3 Dean Stanley says (Sinai and Pal., p. 04, note) : "To represent Edom as extend 
ing west of the Arabah in the time of Moses, is an anachronism, borrowed from the 
times after the Captivity, when the Edomites, driven from their ancient seats, 
occupied the South of Judea as far as Hebron; 1 Mace. 5: 65." Rut this 
charge of anachronism will hardly rest against Moses himself, and the scribes of 


the site of Kadesh-barnea stood in the way of his exploring the 
region in question for the settlement of Edom s boundary line. 
Yet he made a suggestion which may yet prove a valuable one. 
Findino- the natural break in the southwestern corner of that great 

O O 

mountain tract, as already mentioned/ he was led to believe that 
the wady-roadway passing up northerly through the mountains 
toward the southern border of Palestine " formed the western 
boundary of Edorn." 2 However this may prove to be in the light 
of future explorations, it is evident that the uttermost border of 
Edorn in that direction lay somewhere within that mountain tract ; 
and that, therefore, Kadesh-barnea was abo there. 3 And this is 
in further confirmation of all that we have before learned of 
the probable site of Kadesh. 


An incidental mention of Ivadesh-barnea as a landmark in 
Joshua s progress in the conquest of Canaan, will be seen to con 
form very well with the other indications of its location. Joshua 
had captured Lachish and Eglou in southwestern Canaan. 4 Then, 
pushing eastward, " Joshua went up from Eglon, and all Israel 
with him, unto Hebron ; and they fought against it : and they took 
it." 5 And so the old home of their ancestors, with the craves of 


Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, was fairly in the possession of the 
Israelites. There is certainly no doubt about the location of 
Hebron. That site is fixed beyond a peradveuture. 

And from Hebron " Joshua returned, and all Israel with him, 
to Debir ; and fought against it ; and he took it, and the king 
thereof, and all the cities thereof [all the enclosures, or strono-- 

1 See page 82 /, supra. 

* See Holland s report of his journey, in Report of Brit. Assoc. for 1878, p. 622 ff. 
3 Num. 20 : 16. * Josh. 10 : 31-35. 

5 Josh. 10: 36, 37. 


holds, 1 thereof] ; ... as he had done to Hebron, so he did to 
Debir." As Joshua had been moving eastward to Hebron, his 
return from Hebron could not have been by moving farther east 
ward or southeastward, it must have been by a westerly or a south 
westerly course ; hence Debir (or, Debeer) is to be sought in that 
direction from Hebron. And there Debir has been fairly 

Debir is a noteworthy place on many accounts. Its more 
ancient name is said to have been Kirjath-sepher, 2 or Book-town, 
or City of Books; 3 and again Kirjath-sanuah, 4 or City of Instruc 
tion; 5 indicating its prominence as a literary and religious centre. 
Its later name, Debir, 6 is a term sometimes applied to the inner 
sanctuary of a temple, or the seat of a sacred oracle. And the 
reference to its outlying strongholds [" cities "], and to its excep 
tionally secure fastnesses, would seem to show it as a military 
position of importance. After Joshua s first capture of it, it seems 
to have been retaken by the sons of Anak, or other formidable 

1 The Hebrew word is eer (TT), an " enclosed place," as already shown (see page 
83, supra). It is not to be supposed that there were separate " cities " connected 
with Debir ; but it is probable that there were outlying " enclosures." 

2 Josh. 10 : 38, 39 ; 15 : 15 ; Judges 1 : 11. 

3 As to this meaning there is no question. See Gesenius and Furst, s. w. " Qir- 
jath," "Sepher." 

4 Josh. 15 :49. 

8 Grove (Smith -Hackett Bib. Die., s. v. "Debir") and Thomson (South. Pal., 
Land and Book), and some others, render this " City of the Palm ; " but Schroder 
(Die Phunizische Sprache, p. 8, note) shows its most probable meaning as "City of 
the Law ; " as the Arabic sinnah, " the Law," would indicate. The Septuagint 
translates both names, Qirjath-sepher as well as Qirjath-sannah, by " City of Letters." 
Nor is Schroder alone in this rendering. 

6 It is a word from a root of varied significations. See Gesenius and Furst, s. v. 
"Debeer." Its root meanings include "behind," "inner," "to speak," etc.; 
hence it is applied to the inner sanctuary of a temple (see 1 Kings 6 : 5, 19, 22 ; 
8 : 6-8 ; 2 Chron. 3 : 16 ; 4 : 7-9) ; or again to the oracle speaking from the sanc 


inhabitants of Canaan; 1 for it was then that Caleb deemed it a 
prize worthy of the best efforts of the most heroic, and said : " lie 
that smiteth Kirjath-sepher, and taketh it, to him will I give 
Achsah my daughter to wife." 2 And Otlmiel, who took the city 
and won its reward, was afterwards a judge of Israel, 3 while his 
city became a city of the priests. 4 

Various sites have been suggested for ancient Dcbir ; nearly all 
of them, however, within a few miles range, and all of them westerly 
or southwesterly of Hebron. 5 Of late the identification at Dha- 
hareeyeh, a somewhat remarkable village on the road from Hebron 
to Beersheba has gained confidence, and now has general accept 
ance. Knobel 5 was perhaps the first to point to this identification, 
and Conder, 7 Tristram, 8 and Thomson, 9 strengthened its claims to 
approval. Robinson, 10 Wilson, 11 Bitter, 12 and Palmer, 13 had, before 
this, emphasized the importance of the site of the ruins of Dhaha- 
reeyeh. It is at the junction of the two great roads ; that from 
Hebron to Gaza, and that from Hebron to the desert and to 
Egypt the "Way of Shur." "A castle or fortress apparently 
once stood here," says Robinson ; " the remains of a square 
tower are still to be seen, now used as a dwelling;: and the 

" O / 

.doorways of many hovels are of hewn stone with arches. It 
would seem to have been one of the line of small fortresses, 
which apparently once existed all along the southern border of 

It is a remarkable fact that to the present day Dhahareeyeh is 
counted the border town of Palestine. The Tecyahah Arabs who 

1 Comp. Josh. 10: 38, 39, and Josh. 15: 13-15. 
2 Josh. 15 : 16, 17. 3 Judges 3 : 9-11. * Josh. 21 : 9-15. 

5 Smith- Uackctt Bib. Dic.,s.v., "Debir"; Schaff-Lange Com. at Josh. 10: 38. 
6 As cited in Lange, as above. 7 Tent Work in Pal., II., 93. 

8 Bible Placet, p. Gl. 9 South. Pal. (Land and Book), p. 299 /. 

1 Bib. Res., I., 209-11. n Lands of Bible, I., .349-354. 

Georj. oj Pal., III., 193, 288 /. 13 DCS of Exod., II., 391-396. 


convoy the traveler from Castle Naklil toward Hebron are unable 
to carry him by Dhahareeyeh ; unless, indeed, a new agreement is 
made at that point, by the payment for Dhahareeyeh horses to 
Hebron, at an added cost beyond the hire of the Teeyahah camels. 
As Ritter states it 1 : " The first place of any importance in Pales 
tine is the village ed-Dhoheriyeh, five or six hours southwest of 
Hebron [Robinson called it four hours. I found it about four and 
a half]. It derives its interest from the fact that here converge 
the west road leading through Wadi es-Seba and Beersheba, the 
great highway to Gaza and Egypt, and the great eastern road from 
Petra and Sinai." Palmer 2 calls attention to the fact that " Mur 
ray s Handbook" 3 says of this important site: "There is nothing 
here either to interest or detain the traveler ; " and he adds : " But 
... we found it, on the contrary, a very interesting place. The 
dwellings consist for the most part of caves cut in the natural rock, 
some of them having rude arches carved over the doorways, and 
all of them being of great antiquity. . . They are exactly like 
what the old Horite dwellings must have been, and have doubtless 
been inhabited by generation after generation, since the days of that 
now forgotten race." 

Conder and Thomson would find a resemblance in the meanings 
of Dhahareeyeh and Debeer. The latter says : " The Arabic name, 
edh-Dhoheriyeh, may be translated ridge or i promontory/ and 
hence this signification corresponds with its position, and also with 
the meaning of the word." 4 Yet Robinson (or Eli Smith 5 ) ren 
ders the word as " noon." In fact the Arabic root of this word is 
as varied in its significations as its Hebrew correspondent, Debeer. 
It means "back," "behind," "backbone," "ridge," " road through 
the desert," " summer-noon," " to conquer," " to disclose," etc. 6 

1 Geog. of Pal., III., 193. Des. of Exod., II., 39 /. 3 Syria and Pal., p. 99. 

* South. Pal. (Land and Book), p. 300. 5 Bib. Res., III., 208, first ed. 

6 See Freytag s Lex. Arab. Lrrt., s. v. a fa. 


Hence, while the correspondence of name is not such as to be in itself 
conclusive, there is enough else to render it more than probable 
that the important site of Dhahareeyeh is also the site of the im 
portant ancient Debir ; and a similarity in the names can easily be 
found. Yet Dhahareeyeh as it is to-day, with its mud walls, and 
its wretched people, its multitude of dogs, and its many myriads 
of fleas, has little to suggest the military stronghold, the literary 
centre, the sacred metropolis, which once existed there. But 
herein is an illustrative contrast between the Land of Promise as 
it was, and as it is. 

And from Hebron to Debir and beyond, Joshua swept on in his 
conquering march. " So Joshua smote all of the hills [the hill- 
country of Judah], and of the south [the Xegeb], and of the vale 
[the Shcphelah], and of the springs [ the upper springs and the 
.nether springs, which were added to Achsah s dowry (Josh. 15 : 
17-19), near Debir]. . . . And Joshua smote them from Kadesh- 
barnca even unto Gaza." l The only consistent explanation of this 
statement is, that Joshua moved along southwesterly from Hebron 
to Debir and Kadesh-baruca ; from Hebron to the southernmost 
point of the southern boundary-line of Canaan, 2 and thence onward 
toward Gaza and the sea-coast. And this explanation coincides 
with all that has before been shown as to the location of Kadcsh- 


And now for the various mentions of Kadesh-barnea as a boun 
dary-line landmark in the Bible story. Both in the incidental refer 
ences to, and in the detailed descriptions of, the southern boundary 
of the Promised Land as a whole, and again of the possessions of 
the tribe of Judah (before the portion of Simeon was taken from 
them), the location of Kadesh-barnea conforms to the indica- 

i Josh. 10 : 40, 41. a Num. 34 : 4. 


tions already noted, at the same time that it is fixed yet more 

In Numbers 34 : 3-5, Moses declares, from Jehovah, to the 
Israelites : " Your south quarter [or, side] shall be [or, extend] 
from the Wilderness of Ziii along by the coast [or, boundary] of 
Edom [or, which resteth upon the side of Edom]." This general 
statement of the southern boundary line is followed by a closer 
description of its salient points. " And your south border shall 
be [or, shall start from] the outmost coast [or, the extremity] of 
the Salt Sea [the Dead Sea] eastward [or, on the east] ; and your 
border shall turn from [or, on] the south to [or, of] the Ascent of 
Akrabbim, and [shall] pass on to Zin [or, Zinward] ; and the 
going forth thereof shall be from the south [or, the extent of its 
reach on the south shall be] to Kadesh-baruea [or, south of 
Kadesh-barnea], and shall go on [or, shall reach forth thence] to 
Hazar-addar [or, the village, or settlement, of Addar], and shall 
pass on to Azmon [or, Azmonward] ; and the border shall fetch 
a compass from Azmon unto [or, from Azmon the border shall 
turn to] the river of Egypt [or, Wady-of-Egypt-ward], and 
the goings out of it shall be at [or, its reach shall be to] the 
[Mediterranean] Sea [or, seaward]." 

In Joshua 15 : 1-4, this southern boundary line 1 is re-described 
with more particularity : " To the border [or, boundary] of Edom, 
the wilderness of Zin southward was [or, as] the uttermost part 
of the south coast." Or, as some would read this : " On the 
south, to the border of Edom [their boundary was], the wilderness 
of Zin, from the extremity of Teman." 2 This general descrip 
tion is followed, as in Numbers, by a detailed one : " And their 

1 The southern boundary of Judah was also the southern boundary of the Land of 
Promise as a whole. 

1 So, the Arabic translator and Houbigant, as quoted and followed by Geddes, in 
his Revision, in loco ; also the Latin Revision of Sebastian Schmidt. This point will 
be fully considered farther on. 


south border [or southern boundary] was from the shore [or, end] 
of the Salt Sea, from the bay [or, tongue] that looketh [or, turn- 
eth, or, bcndeth] southward [or, Negebward] ; and it went out to 
the south side to Maaleh-acrabbim [or, to the southern boundary of 
the Ascent of Acrabbim], and passed along to Zin [or, Zimvard], 
and aseended up on the south side unto [or, along the south of] 
Kadesh-barnea, and passed along [or, over] to Ilczron, and went 
up to Adar, and fetched a compass [or, turned itself] to Karkaa; 
from thence it passed toward Azmou [or, Azmonward], and went 
out unto the river [or wady] of Egypt ; and the goings out of 
that coast [or, the terminations of the boundary] were at the Sea 
[or, were seaward]." 1 

Now let us follow out this boundary line description in the 
light of present knowledge of the region in question. It is to be 
borne in mind that this is the southern boundary, not the eastern 
one ; hence it must be understood as running, or inclining, wes 
terly from its very start. The eastern boundary of the Promised 
Land ends at the southern extremity of the Dead Sea ; 2 and there 
the southern boundary begins its westerly course. 

The southern end of the Dead Sea is not a fixed point; for the ex 
tension of water in that direction varies greatly at different times ; 3 

1 From the very nature of the Hebrew language, the original description of this 
boundary line is somewhat vague in its phrasing; but not so as seriously to becloud 
its meaning. The alternative readings given above are all justified by competent 
scholars; most of them, indeed, are quite generally agreed on; as maybe seen by re 
ferring to the Sepluagint, Critici Sacri, Pool s S /nop. of Grit., Speaker s Com., 
Schnff-Lange Com., Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com. Knobel s Exerjet. Handb., 
Horsley s Bib. Crit., Geddes , Sharpe s.Wellbeloved s and Leescr s Revisions, Bush s 
Notes on Num., Crosby s Notes on Josh., etc. 2 Num. 34 : 10-12 ; Josh. 15 : 5. 

3 Lieut. Lynch (Expedition to Jordan and Dead Sea, p. 309) says : The southern 
end of the sea ... is ever varying, extending south from the increased flow of the 
Jordan, and the efflux of the torrents in winter, and receding with the rapid evapor 
ation, consequent upon the heat of summer." 

See also Irby and Mangles s Travels, p. 353 /. ; Van de Velde s Syrien u. Pal., II., 
136 /.; Tristram s Land of Israel, pp. 300, 331, 337. 


but it is sufficiently definite for a starting point of an exten 
sive boundary line. 1 Leaving the southern end of the Dead 
Sea, the boundary line moves westerly. The first landmark noted 
in that direction is a hill range designated as the Ascent of 
Akrabbim ; or the Ascent, or the Pass, of Scorpions, as it is com 
monly understood. Looking westerly from the southern end of 
the Dead Sea, what range would seem to meet the requirement of 
this designation? South of the Dead Sea, at a distance of eight 
miles, more or less, is a " line of cliffs crossing the whole Ghor, and 
constituting merely the ascent to the higher plane of the Arabah;" 2 
or, possibly forming a natural barrier to the encroaching waters of 
the Dead Sea, at their greatest height. 3 " In the absence of any 
better suggestion," Robinson was " inclined to regard " this cliff- 
range as the Ascent of Akrabbim ; and in this suggested identifi 
cation, as in many another, Robinson has been generally followed 
by subsequent writers. But this low line of cliffs, this mere 
basin-wall, 4 is directly south of the southern end of the Dead 
Sea, if, indeed, it is not itself the boundary of the tongue of 
that sea ; and it does not seem to be in the line of a southern 

1 De Saulcy (Dead Sea, I., 250 /.) would identify the peninsula on the east shore of 
the Dead Sea, which is known as El-Lisan (the Tongue), with "the tongue that turn- 
eth southward " in this description. But although the name itself would seem to 
give weight to this suggestion, Grove has pointed out (in Smith-Hackctt Bib. Die., 
Art. "Salt Sea") the fact that the Hebrew word lashon (f 1 ^) here rendered 
" tongue," is in two other instances (Josh. 15 : 5 ; 18 : 19) applied to the upper end of 
the Dead Sea, and clearly means a tongue of water, not of land ; also that the term 
" Lisan " is probably given to only the southern portion of the peninsula which 
verges on the tongue of the sea southward. In Isaiah 11 : 15, lashon is applied to 
the " tongue " or arm of " the Egyptian sea." Thus we see that in the three places 
where the meaning of this word in the Bible text is obvious, it is applied to a tongue 
of water; and it is certainly fair to give it that meaning in the fourth instance. 

2 Bib. Res-, II., 120. 3 See Irby and Mangles s Travels, p. 353. 

* Indeed if the Dead Sea were at its greatest height, these "cliffs" would be 
at the water s edge; and then what would the "scorpions" do for a climbing 
place ? 


boundary. It would certainly be well to look for a " better sug 
gestion." 1 

It has already been shown 2 that the apparent natural boundary 
of Canaan, or Palestine, on the south, is the mountain-range which 
forms the northern wall of Wady Fcqrch ; " the Bald Mountain 
that goetli up to Seir." 3 It is certainly reasonable to suppose that 
this natural boundary is designated in this instance, as in the 
other, 4 in the description of the southern coast of the Land of 
Promise ; especially when the description here accurately conforms 
to this prominent landmark. 

To one looking from the southern end of the Dead Sea, 5 the 
open mouth of this Wady Feqrch shows itself prominently, in a 
southwesterly direction, between the southern end of Khashni 
Usdum (the Hill of Sodom, sometimes called the Salt Mountain,) 
on the right hand, and the northern or northwestern end of the 
low basin-wall to which Robinson has called attention, on the left 
hand. A southern boundary-line, which is to run westerly, and 
which is to pass south of, 6 rather than over, the designated Ascent 
of Akrabbim, would therefore properly be supposed to enter this 
great dividing wady, which runs south of the already recognized 

1 A crowning illustration of Robinson s controlling influence over modern scholar 
ship in his field, is given in his ability to induce so many to accept his suggestion that 
a southern boundary runs north and south. The English-speaking world has been 
almost a unit on this point since he made the suggestion as his only way of adapting 
the Bible record to his site of Kadesh-barnea ; although he did not even proffer an 
argument in its support. 

2 See pages 95-97, supra. 3 Josh. 11 : 17 ; 12 : 7. 

4 The references to this mountain-wall, in Joshua, would seem to indicate it as the 
southern limit of " all that land, the hills, and all the South Country. 

5 See the Map of Dead Sea, in Tristram s Land of Israel. 

6 Keil and Delitzsch (Bib. Com., IV. 151) render Joshua 15 : 3, " To the southern 
boundary of the ascent of Akrabbim. 1 See, also Schaff-Lange Bib. Com., in loco. 
Horsley (Bib. Grit.) renders Num. 34: 4, " And your southern border shall go round 
by the Hills of Scorpions." Geddes (Revision) renders it, Winding about the south 
side of Akrabbim." 


southern coast-wall of the land to be bounded. In this case, the 
Ascent of Akrabbim might be looked for along the northern wall 
of "Wady Feqreh the Bald Mountain wall. The Pass es-Sufah, 
already named as a principal pass of that wall-rampart, has been 
suggested, 1 with some show of probability, as the Ascent of 
Akrabbim; 2 yet the more westerly Pass el- Yemen, up the same 
hillside, has, perhaps, superior claims to this identification, both in 
its position and in its name as will be seen in its farther exami 
nation. It is possible that in the days of the exodus the range as 
a whole was known as the Mount Halak, and its westerly pass as 
the Ascent of Akrabbim. 

Even the word " Akrabbim " may have had reference to the 
characteristics of the Ascent, or Pass, or Maaleh ; characteristics 
which are evident to-day as always. The word is commonly 
translated "Scorpions," and the suggestion is that scorpions 
abounded there. But while the Hebrew root is not entirely clear, 
it seems to have the idea of " wounding the heel," 3 which is the 
work of both the scorpion and the serpent ; 4 and from that point 
the Hebrew root and its Arabic correspondents run out into 
various meanings, including " scorpion," " scourge," " striking," 
" cutting off," " centre," " defile," " mountain pass." It was long 
ago suggested that the Ascent of Akrabbim was rather a descrip 
tive designation than a proper name ; that it indicated a serpentine 
or sinuous ascent ; a way that winds and twists scorpion-like. 5 It 

1 See Rowlands, in Imp. Bib. Die., s. v., " Moserah " ; Knobel s Exegct. Handb., 
at Josh. 15 : 3 : and Speaker s Com., at Num. 34 : 4. 

2 The reference to " Akrabattine," in Idumea, in 1 Mace. 5 : 3, would seem to cor 
respond with this view. 

3 Gesenius, (Ileb. Lex., s. v. "Agrab") thinks that it is "compounded from aqar 
ppT) to wound, and aqeb pp.?) heel. " 

4 "Thou shalt bruise his [man s] heel," is God s prophecy to the serpent in Eden 
(Gen. 3: 15.) 

5 See citations in Pool s Synops. Crit., from Vatablus, Emanuel Si, and Mariana, 
of say three centuries ago. Fiirst (Reb. and Chald. Lex., s. v. " Aqrab ") finds the 
idea of a sinuous course in the word itself. 


is a noteworthy fact that Robinson says 1 of a similar difficult 
ascent at another point : " The ascent is called simply en-Nukb, or 
el- Arkiib, both signifying the pass up a mountain; and our 
guides knew no other name. The road rises by zig-zags along the 
projecting point of a steep ridge, between two deep ravines." The 
word Arkub, or Arqoob, here used, is apparently from the same 
root as aqrab. Its meaning is given 2 not only as " a tortuous 
wady course," and "a mountain defile," 3 but as the proper name of 
an Amalekite "celebrated for breaking and eluding his promises" 
slipping and twisting from the straight way of veracity. 4 

This Pass el-Yemen is the more commonly used pass, up the 
Bald Mountain border of Palestine. It was described first, in 
modern times, by Seetzcn, 5 in 1807. Robinson 6 says of it, in 
comparison with the two passes eastward of it: " Of the three 
passes, that of Es-Sufuh is the most direct ; but that of El- Yemen, 
though the way is longer, is more used on account of the water at 
the top ; " good water being there found in unfailing supply : and 
of course a water supply would always give the pre-eminence to a 
pass on the desert border. The location of the Pass el-Yemen is, 
northward, over against the supposed westerly stretch of the land 
of Edom," or the Dukedom of Toman, 8 and its Arabic name, El- 

l Bi!>. Res., I., 175. 2 Frcytag s Lex. Arab. Lat., s.v. 

3 There is apparently a root connection with this word Arqoob, in the name 
Aqaba, meaning "a descent or steep declivity," which is applied to "the long and 
difficult descent of the Haj route from the western mountain" toward the gulf which 
has received the name Aqabah from this reason. (See Robinson s Jlib. lies., I., 
171 ; Stanley s Sinai and Pal., pp. 10, 84; Winer s Bib. Rwlivortcrb., s. v. " Elath.") 

4 Pococke (Descrip. of East, II., 1, 123) refers to the "Acrabane or Serpentine River, 
which goes out of the Barrady in the field of Damascus." And this mention is noted 
by Koehler in his annotations to Ibn ol Wardi s "Do Terra Syria?/ (in Abnlfeda s 
Tab. Syr., p. 175.) The river referred to is Nahr el-Aqrabani (See Bae leker s Pal. 
and Syr., p. 48.) 

tReiAc.n III., 7-14; also in Zach s monatl. Corr. XVII., pp. 133-13S, as cited by 
Robinson. *Jtib. Res. II., 182. 

7 See pages, 100-1 02 ; supra. 8 See page 107, supra ; also Gen. 36 : 9-15. 


Yemen (" the right hand,") has a meaning correspondent with the 
Hebrew name Teman (" at the right hand.") Moreover, it is just 
southward of that Pass el- Yemen that a turn would naturally be 
made in a boundary line that had followed the border of Edom 
and was to hinge for a yet more southerly stretch in its onward 
sweep ; for standing out all by itself in the wady which is being 
followed as the boundary line, or rather at the confluence of two 
other wadies with that one, there is a notable mountain, Jebel 
Madurah, around the northwestern side of which the boundary 
line would turn to move on to its southernmost point, conformably 
to the directions already quoted from the Bible text. As it is the 
boundary line of Canaan which is being described, the turning 
point is naturally noted on the Canaan line rather than on the 
mountain below it ; but the one conforms to the other. 

In addition to all this, there seems to be a trace of the old name 
Akrabbim still attached to the Pass el-Yemen. Wilson, 1 who 
went up the Pass el- Yemen understood from the Arabs that its 
name was " "Wadi er-Rakib," although he afterwards thought that 
they might have said "Arkub." But Robinson 2 had before this 
been told of a Pass er-Rakib in that direction, although he did not 
find it, or learn more about it. In either form of the word 3 there 
is an apparent trace of the name Akrabbim. 

This Pass el- Yemen, or er-Rakib, or Arqoob, is described 4 as 
" a deep rent " in the western end of the lofty Bald Mountain, 5 a 

1 Lands of Bible, L, 341. 2 Bib. Res. I., 208. 

3 The transposition of consonants is very common in Semitic languages ; so that 
often an anagram fairly gives a trace of a word which can be formed of its conso 
nants. On this point, see Rodiger-Davidson s Gesenius s Heb. Gram., chap. II., 
$ 19 (5.) Nor is the substitution of a Kaf (as in Rakib) for a Qaf (as in Arqoob) at 
all uncommon. 

* Robinson s Bib. Res. II., 178-182. 

5 "Here [at this chasm, El-Yemen] the higher portion of the ridge [of the barrier 
wall of Palestine] may be said to terminate; for although it continues to run on far 
to the southwest, yet it is there lower and less steep." (Robinson s Bib. Res,, 
II., 178.) 


"chasm" which "cleaves the mountain to its base." The "as 
cent " enters " the gorge of "SVady el-Yemen ; and following it up 
for a time, then climbs the wall of rock by a steep and difficult 
path. Seetzen 1 describes this wady as a frightfully wild, deep, 
and desert valley, strewed with large rocks so thickly, that it is 
often difficult to find a way between them." And if that is not a 
description of a smitten, riven, tortuous, treacherous, heel-wound 
ing Maaleh Akrabbim, it would be difficult to frame one. 

At the Ascent of Akrabbim, as has been already noted 
the boundary line is said to "turn," or hinge, 2 and pass on Zin- 
ward. 3 In other words, the line still running westerly, takes a more 
southerly 4 bearing from the part of this Ascent of Akrabbim, and 
passes onward into the Azazimeh mountain 5 tract until it reaches 
Kadesh-barnea, which is the extent of its southern reach "the 
southernmost point of the southern boundary." 6 At the southern 
most point there must be, of course, another turn north of west 
erly if the line be continued ; and we are told that from Kadesh- 

1 In Zach s Monatl. Corr. XVII., p. 134 /. ; also Bertou, in Bull, de la Soc. Geog., 
June 1839, p. 323 ; both cited by Robinson as above. 

2 The IIebrew word subhalh (330") in Numbers 34: 4, translated "turn," means 
to turn as on a hinge (See Gesenius s Jlcb. Lex. s. v.). 

3 See page 107 /, supra. 

The alternative rendering "from the extremity of Tcman," as the starting point of 
the Zimvard turn, referred to at page 107 /, supra, is more appropriately considered in 
connection with the restatement of the southern boundary in Ezekiel, as treated far 
ther on in this work. 

4 Keil and Delitzsch (Bib. Com., III., 251 /,) argue that a point farther south than 
Wady Feqreh was the exit from the Arabah of this boundary line, on the ground 
that the "turn," or hinge, at the Ascent of Akrabbim must have been from a south 
erly direction to a more westerly one. But they, like so many others following Rob 
inson in this, have made the mistake of supposing that the southern boundary line of 
the Land of Promise began by running southward instead of westerly. The line, we 
may take it for granted, started westerly, and at the Ascent of Akrabbim made a 
turn southerly. A hinge is as truly a hinge when it turns from right to left as when 
it turns from left to right. 

5 See page 70, /, supra. 6 Speaker s Com., at Num. 34: 4. 


barnea it reaches forth, or passes along, to Hazar-addar, and thence 
to Azmon, and on to the river (or torrent) of Egypt which it 
follows to its termination at the Mediterranean Sea ; the coast of 
that sea bounding the Land of Promise on the west. 

The " River of Egypt," or the "Torrent of Egypt," here men 
tioned is not the Nile, but the extended water course now known 
as Wady el- Areesh, 1 which runs northward through the Desert of 
the Wanderings, dividing it into eastern and western halves, 2 or 
which, more properly, may be said to separate the Desert et-Teeh 
from the Desert el-Jefar 3 the Desert of the Wanderings on the 
east, from the Desert of Shur 4 on the west. Its outlet into the 
Mediterranean is at a point a short distance south of a line drawn 
due west from the southern end of the Dead Sea. The Nile was 
rather the centre of Egypt than its boundary; and Egypt was 
never a part of the Land of Promise. But the Wady el- Areesh is 
now and always has been a recognized northeasterly boundary line 
of Egypt, at the point of that wady s outgoing, into the Great Sea. 
The very name Areesh means "boundary," or "extremity." 5 

."The Torrent of Egypt [D ^VO 7T1J Nakhal Mitsraim]; by which name is 
designated a certain brook, dried up in summer, which falls into the sea not far from 
[ancient] Rhinocorura, now \(J"~?. /-* / El Areesh, on the confines of Egypt and 
Palestine. [This stream is] not to be confounded with /"D^YO "1HJ I } Nehar Mitsraim, 
the River of Egypt; that is the Nile." (Rosenmiiller s Bib. Alterth., III., C5-77.) 

2 " The desert is divided into two halves, an eastern and a western, by the Wady el- 
Arish (called in the Old Testament brook of Egypt, by the Greeks, Rhinokolura ) 
which runs completely from north to south." (Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., III., 193.) 

3 " The Arabians . . . strictly distinguish the desert Jefar ( \Lfl.^.) from the desert 
of the Children of Israel ((J^-Ji /-* 15-*-? ^J/.The former still belongs to Egypt, 
and its boundaries run from Rafah (^ )\ the P0a of Ptolemy, V. 16. 6), along 
the bank of the Mediterranean Sea to the sea Tennis ((J**^- 5 ) from thence to the 
fruitful meadows of the Nile valley along to Kolzum, and by the Desert et-Teeh, 
back to the Mediterranean (Tuch, in Jour, of Sac. Lit., July, 1848, p. 88.) 

* See page, 57 f, supra. 

5 In Coptic, APH.X (Thebaic), or AYPHX (Memphitic), means extremity, 
end, tip, etc. The first of these forms may be translated Araj ; the second Auraj ; 
either of which might be Arabicized into Areesh. 


The Septuagint translators, at their work in Egypt twenty centu 
ries ago, recognized in this wady the torrent which separated 
Egypt from the Laud of Promise ; l and the latest secular writers 
on Egypt recognize this same boundary between the Egypt and 
the Palestine of to-day. 2 The Samaritans, as well as the Jews, 
held that Wady el- Areesh was the old-time boundary of the Land 
of Promise Egyptward; 3 and an ancient tradition eyen located the 
original division of the countries of the world by lot, among the 
sons of Noah at the site of El- Arecsh. 4 That the "Torrent of 

Egypt," 5 named as the western portion of the southern boundary 

1 In the Septuagint Nakhal Mitsraim is rendered : "Winter torrent of Egypt " 
(Xa/zdppow Aiyinrrov), in Num. 3-1: 5; "Ravine of Egypt" (4>dpa}f Alyv-rov), 
in Josh. 15: 4; "River of Egypt 1 (Uora/iog A.r/i-Tov j, in 1 Kings 8: 65; and 
" Rhinocoroura" ( Pivonnpo vpa), in Isa. 27 : 12. 

Diodorus (Bib. Hist., Bk. I., Chap. 60), in describing the origin of Rhinocoroura 
(Dock-nose-town) by its settlement with criminals whose noses had been cut off, says 
distinctly : " That [town] is situated on the common boundary line of Egypt and 
Syria. 1 And Diodorus lived more than half-way back from our day to Joshua s. 

2 McCoan, in his Egypt As It Is (p. 2), says : " Egypt proper is bounded definitely 
enough on the . . . east by a line drawn from El-Arish to Akabah ; " and again 
(p. 65), in describing the former place : " In size merely a fort and a village, El- 
Arish owes its rank as a mohafza [having a distinct city government] to its position 
as the frontier town between Syria and Palestine. The little river of the same name 
[He calls it a river, as our translators called it], which here forms the actual boun 
dary, is dry during the greater part of the year, but after the rains it empties into the 
Mediterranean a tolerably rapid, though narrow stream." And the Archduke Lud- 
wig Salvator (in his Caravan Route between Eyypt and Syria, p. 30) says: El- 
Harish is the town of the desert which forms the most advanced post of the Khedive 
in the direction of Turkish territory." 

3 Wilson (Lands of Bible, II., 52) reports the Samaritan high priest as saying to 
him about Solomon : " Why, do you not know that his kingdom extended from El- 
Arish to Damascus; and from the Great Sea to the Euphrates?" 

4 Sir Walter Raleigh says (Hist, of World, Pt. I., Bk. II., Chap. 10, ? 2) that 
" Epiphanius reports it as a tradition, that at this place [Rhinocorura, now El-Arish] 
the world was divided by lot betweene the three sonnes of Xoah." 

5 Fiirst, in his Illustrated Bible, in a note on Ezekiel 47 : 19, calls attention to the 
fact that Epiphanius, the ecclesiastical apologist, speaks of the Wady el- Areesh as 
" Xakhal " simply : and this would seem a confirmation of the view of so many 


of the Land of Promise is Wady el- Areesh, would indeed seem 
to be put beyond fair questioning. 

The boundary-line landmarks named between Kadesh-barnea 
and the Torrent of Egypt have not yet been so identified as to find 
general acceptance ; but this is of minor importance except in con 
firmation of the other identifications. The eastern, central, and 
western points of the southern boundary line being fixed, the 
intermediary points can easily be located. I think I shall be able 
to make them clear by a report, farther on, of my researches in 
that region; but that is not essential just here. "Azmon" is 
apparently identified in the Jewish Targums 1 with the modern 
Qasaymeh, a group of springs, or pools, a little to the northeast of 
Jebel Muwuylih, near the great caravan route the Way of Shur 
between Egypt and Syria, already several times referred to. And 
enough is shown in the identifications which are conclusive, to 
prove that Kadesh-barnea is in the heart of the Azazimeh moun 
tain tract, at some point south of a line drawn from the southern 
end of the Dead Sea to the mouth of Wady el- Areesh ; and this 
agrees with all that has before appeared concerning its probable 

A point which ought to receive attention in the boundary-line 
description in Joshua, is the reference to Teman as the portion of 
Edorn lying next to the Wilderness of Zin. As has already been 
mentioned, 2 the phrase translated (Joshua 15 : 1), " The Wilder 
ness of Zin southward was the uttermost part of the south coast," 

scholars, that the simple word ", in this passage of Ezekiel, means the 
Torrent [of Egypt]. Professor Palmer (as above) inclines to the opinion that the 
name " is still perpetuated in the fort of Nakhl," in mid-desert; although that fort 
has been commonly understood to be the Fortress of the Palms, from the Arabic 
(Nakhl, (J.-icvj "palm-trees"), rather than from the Hebrew (Nakhal, ;HJ 

1 Both the Jerusalem and the Pseudo-Jonathan Targums render " Azmon," at 
Num. 34 : 5, as Qesam (DD p). 

* See page 107, supra. 


might more properly be rendered, " The Wilderness of Zin south 
ward, from the extremity of Tcmau." 1 This is the view taken by 
the Arabic translator, by Houbigant, Geddcs, Masius, 2 Sebastian 
Schmidt, and others. Indeed a restatement of the boundary line 
in Ezekiel makes this quite clear, in the light of the Septuagint 
explanatory addition just there. As Crosby 3 says concerning the 
phrase in Joshua : " Teman means south, it is true, but as the 
writer has just used negeb for south/ and uses it immediately 
again in verse 2, it is almost certain that he here means Teman 
for the country of Teman." 

" Teman " 4 is a Hebrew term meaning literally " what is on the 
right hand," 5 or "the right hand place;" hence "the southern 
quarter." As a proper name, it is applied to a region or district of 
Edom, 6 and also to the progenitor of the people of that region. 7 
As in the case of the word " Xegeb," which designated the arid 
land southward of Canaan, receiving its meaning of southward 
from its position Canaanward ; so in the case of Teman, it was 
probably the portion of Edom which lay directly south, or Teman- 
ward, of Canaan. 8 This being so, it is to be understood that the 

1 The Hebrew word Taimau (p rtt, or Teman, like the word Negeb, although a 
proper name, is frequently used in the Old Testament as an indication of a point of 
the compass southward. 

2 Cited in Pool s Synops. Crit. 3 Notes on Joshua, in loco. 

4 Taiman (j^V 5 See Geseuius, Heb. Lex., s. v. 

6 See Gen. 36 : 34 ; Jer. 49 : 7, 20 ; Ezek. 25 : 13 ; Amos 1:12; Obad. 9 ; Hab. 3 : 3. 

7 Gen. 36: 11, 15; 1 Chron. 1: 53. 

8 Every passage in which a reference to Teman occurs, in the Bible, is consistent 
with this understanding of its location. In Ezek. 25: 13, it seems to be named as if 
it were the western side of Edom, as over against Dedan on the east; in Amos 1 : 12, 
it is put, as if in the southwest, over against Bozrah in the northeast ; in Obadiah 9, 
it is set over against Mount Seir ; and in Habakkuk it is used as a parallelism with 
Mount Paran. Moreover, there even seems to be a trace of the old name in the Pass 
el-Yemen (the Pass of the Right, or the Pass of the South, or the Pass which is over 
against Teman), which goes out from Wady Feqreh northward, up the Bald Moun 
tain, over against aucieut Teman as we find Teman referred to in this boundary line 


southern boundary line of the Land of Promise ran along the 
border of Edom, or Teman, until it reached the western extremity 
of that border, whence it ran Zinward toward Kadesh.- barnea, 
" southwards from the extremity of Teman." 

Once more is the southern boundary of the Promised Land 
accurately described, in Ezekiel s prophecy of its re-establishment, 
and that in such a way as to throw added light on the place of 
Kadesh-barnea, between the eastern and western limits of that 
boundary. Beginning at the north, the prophet describes the 
boundary lines, by way of the east around the whole compass. 1 
Ending the eastern boundary at the Dead Sea, 2 he outlines the 
southern boundary with a few salient landmarks, instead of giving 
all the details supplied in Numbers and Joshua. 

"And the south side southward [or, on the south Teman ward]; 
from Tamar [or, Thamar], even to [or, as far as] the waters of 
strife in Kadesh [or, the waters of Meribah-Kadesh], 3 the river 
[or, torrent ward] to the Great Sea [or, the inheritance (reaches) to 
the Great Sea]. And this is the south side southward 4 [or, the 
south side, Temauward]." 3 

of southern Canaan. As to the Pass el-Yemen, see Robinson s Bib. Res., II., 178, 
179, 182; Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 291,416. As to Teman, see Wilton s The 
Negeb, pp. 123-126. See also page 107, supra. 
1 Ezekiel 47 : 13-21. 2 Ezekiel 47 : 18. 3 Num. 20 : 13 ; 27 : 14 ; Deut. 32 : 51. 

4 The use of the word Temanward has already been considered (see page 118, 
supra) in connection with the boundary line as recorded in Joshua. In the Septu- 
agint, the phrase pros Noton kal Liba (frpof Ndroi/ /cat A//3a), corresponding here 
with the Hebrew Neghebh Taimanah /rUTFj 3JJY rendered in our version * south 
side southward," is supplemented by apo Thaiman (O.TTO Qaifiav}, "from [or, along] 
Teman," the Teman (Taiman) of the Hebrew text being reduplicated in the Greek, 
thus indicating the opinion of the Seventy that in this instance, at least, the proper 
name Teman was intended as a boundary-line landmark. The Genevan Bible reads, 
"And the south side shalbe toward Teman." Van Dyck s Arabic Bible renders : 
" And this is the side of Temin southward. 

5 See, also, Ezek. 48 : 28. 

For various readings here suggested, and for their discussion, see Schaff-Lange 


Apparently, three principal points arc here designated on the 
line of the southern boundary ; one at the eastern end, one in the 
centre, one at the western end, between the extreme bounds of the 
Dead Sea and the Mediterranean ; Tharaar at the east, Kadesh- 
baruea in the centre, the Torrent of Egypt at the west. This is 
what would scein to accord with the method of Ezekiel in his 
running anew of the entire boundary line of the Holy Laud from 
the north by way of the east, around again to his starting 

Thamar was probably a town at or near the southern end of the 
Dead Sea, which had come into existence, or into prominence, 
between the days of Joshua and Ezekiel, and therefore had men 
tion by the latter and not by the former. Ptolemy, 1 in an enu 
meration of the towns of Judea west of the Jordan, names as the 
most southerly town in his list, " Thamaro," which he locates by 
his somewhat indefinite latitude and longitude 2 corresponding very 
nearly with the lower end of the Dead Sea. Eusebius 3 refers to 
"a certain Thamara, a village distant a day s journey from Mapsis, 4 
as you go from Hebron to Ailam, where [at Thamara] is now a 

Com. ; Speaker s Cum. ; Ilengstenberg s Com. on Ezck. ; Hitzig s Der Prophet 
Ezekiel; Etc. 

1 Gcofj. Bk. V., chap. 16, 8. 

2 This is Ptolemy s note of it: 

"Qauapu . . . , . f ^ 7.5, 

Thamaro G6i 31 

or G6 20 31 
Reland, in his Palxstina in quoting this gives the latitude at 30ij. 

3 In his Onomast. s. v. "Asason Thamar." 

4 Jerome hero substitutes "Mempsis." Robinson (Bib. Res., II., 201 /.), thinks 
that the place meant was the "Malatha" of Josephus (Antiq. Bk. IS, chap. 6, ? 2) 
the "Moladah" of the Old Testament (Josh. 15: 20; 19: 2; 1 Chron. 4: 28: Neh. 
11: 26.) The site of this place he would identify in the modern el-Milh or Tell 
Milh; and Wilton (The Negeb pp. 109-114,) sustains him in this identification. 
Wilson (Lands of Bible, I., 347) and Tristram (Bible Places, p. 19) also accept it. 


garrison of [Roman] soldiers." 1 Roland, 2 in mentioning " Tha- 
maro " of Ptolemy, says, " Possibly it is the same as Thamara " 
[of Eusebius] ; and lie adds that it is given as " Thamaro," at this 
place, in the Peutinger Tables. 3 Roland makes the mistake in 
which ho has boon followed by many of supposing that Eusebius 
locates Thamara at a " day s journey from Hebron as you go to 
Aila;" whereas the latter says it is a day s journey from Mapsis 
[or Malatha ; or, Moladah] ; " and Eusebius elsewhere shows that 
Malatha [Mapsis ?] is sixteen miles, or a short day s journey, from 
Hebron. 4 Thamara is a day s distance from this place. Menke, 5 
in his map carefully plotted from the Onomasticon, locates " Mal 
atha " on the road from Hebron to Aila, and " Thamara " on the 
Dead Sea near its lower end, about a day s journey eastward. In 
his maps, from Ptolemy and the Peutinger Tables and later 
sources, he identifies " Thamaro " with " Thamara ; " and " Maps " 
and "Mapsis" with " Malatha." There would seem little reason 

i The text of the Onomasticon is: Aaairw Qauap, evda KO.TUKOVV ol Auoppaloi, 
XoJopAo} d / uop, napaKSiTai rfj CPV//CJ KdJtf^f. teytrai 61 n<; Qapapa nup] 
i^ikpaq odov, airiovruv OTTO X/?pwv eif, rjri.^ viiv <ppovpt6v ian 
~uv crpanuruv. 

Jerome renders this: Asason Thamar, in hac habitabant quondam Amorrhxi, quos 
interfecit Chodorlagomor ; inxta eremum Cades, est et aliud castellum Ttiamara; 
unites diet itinere a Mampsis oppido separatum, pergentibus Ailiam de Chelron, ubi 
nunc Romanum prxsidlum positum est. 

*Palxstina, p. 1031. 

s The Tabula Peutingcriana is a chart of the military roads of the Roman empire, 
with the distances noted between the towns. Its date is of the third or fourth centu 
ries of our era. 

* Apafid, Tronic Afioppaiuv irapaKtipivT] ry ip7jfj.wKa7MVfj.ivri Kd<W)?f KOI kcnv f( f in 
vvv Kuur] arto Te-dprov cr/fitiov Ma/laai?/, rffq de X/?pa>v d~b eitioai, 0v/l^f lot Ja. 
(Onomast. s. v. "Arama.") 

"Arama (Arad) : A city of the Amorites, lying near to the desert called Kaddes, 
and there is there even now a village at the fourth milestone from Malatha, but the 
twentieth from Hebron, in the tribe of Judah." 

5 In his Bibdatlas. 


for doubting that the Thamar of Ezckicl is the Thamaro of 
Ptolemy and the Tliaraara of Euscbius, a town located near the 
southern end of the Dead Sea, on its western shore ; l and that this 
was the newly named starting point of the southern boundary line 
of the Holy Land. 

Robinson 2 has proposed to identify the ruins of Kurnub, on the 
hills above Es-Sufah, with the Thamar of Ezekiel ; but his ar^u- 

/ O 

meuts on that point have been more than met by later inves 
tigators. 3 De Saulcy 4 would find the remains of Thamar on the 
shore of the Dead Sea, at the mouth of AVady Mubugheek, (which 
he calls Ouad el-Maist Embarrheg,) and in this he is followed by 
Wilton ; but Tristram, 5 with more reason, would see these remains 
at the mouth of Wady Zuwayrah, nearer the lower end of the sea, 
where Bcrtou 6 and De Saulcy thought they found traces of ancient 
Zoar. In the line of Tristram s identification, is the mediaeval 
mention 7 of a place known as "Palmar," "Palmer," or "Paurn- 
ier " (nearly the equivalent of " Thamar " the Palm) in this im 
mediate region ; and, in Meuke s map of the Holy Land in the 
time of the Crusades, " Palmer " is laid down as at the lower end 
of the Dead Sea. 

But, whichever of these closely adjacent sites be accepted as the 
place of ancient Thamar, there can hardly be a question that Eze 
kiel takes that place near the Dead Sea, as the eastern 8 starting 

1 See Hengstenberg s Com. on Ezek.; Schaff-Lanye Com.; Speaker s Com. in loco; 
also Imp. Bib. Die., s. v. "Kadesh." 

*Bib. Res., II., 197-202. 

3 See Keil s Com. on Ezck., Schaff-Lange Com. and Speaker s Com., all in loco; 
also Van de Velde s Syrien u. Pal., II., 146, and Wilton s The Neyeb, pp. 94-97. 

* Dead Sea, I., 210-212. 5 Land of Israel, p. 322. 

6 Referred to by Robinson, in Bib. Res., appendix to Vol. II., first edition, p. 661 /. 

Von Raumer s Pal., p. 189. 

8 Robinson having a theory to sustain, as to the site of Kadesh-barnca, and having 
fixed upon Kurnub as the site of Thamar, speaks (Bib. Res., IT., 202) of "the Tha 
mar of the prophet Ezekiel, from which the southern border of the land was to be 


point of the southern boundary line of the restored Holy Land ; 
Kadesh as the central and southernmost point of that line ; and 
the Torrent of Egypt, with its outlet into the Mediterranean, as its 
western point. This would seem to fix Kadesh- barnea as midway 
between the lower end of the Dead Sea and the mouth of Wady 
el- Areesh ; but at a place in the Azazimeh mountain tract further 
south than a line drawn directly between the two termini. This 
again corresponds with all that we have before learned of its 
probable site, and gives added data for its fixing. 

The wedge shape of this southern boundary line, as here de 
scribed with Kadesh-barnea as its lower point conforms to all 
the southern boundary lines of the Peninsula of Sinai. 1 The 
peninsula itself is wedge shaped. " The desert of Et Tih is a 
limestone plateau of irregular surface, the southern portion of 
which projects wedge-wise into the Sinaitic Peninsula." 2 Again 
the southern line of the Azazimeh mountain plateau "projects 
[wedge-wise] into the Tih, much in the same way as the Tih pro 
jects into Sinai." 3 Finding these three natural boundary lines one 
above another, we are prepared, in looking for a fourth line, above 

measured, on one side to Kadesh, and on the other to the western sea." But this 
suggestion of a start in the middle, and a working in both directions, Wilton ( The 
Negeb, p. 97) characterizes as a "most unnatural gloss." Ilengstenberg (Com. on 
Ezek., p. 479) says that it leads to an "unnatural assumption, . . . against which all 
analogy speaks." 

1 " Rashi " ( al ha-Turah, at Num. 34: 3) speaks of Egypt and Edom as pressing 
on the southern boundary of Palestine ; as the wedge shape of that boundary would 

2 Palmer s DCS. of Exod., II., 284. 

Major II. E. Palmer, in his Sinai (p. 4 /.), after defining the area of the triangular 
peninsula " of Sinai, goes on to say : " The lufty desert table-land of the Tih, which 
occupies the whole space between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, projects 
boldly southward into this area in such a manner as to form, roughly speaking, a 
second triangle, interior to the first, and resting on the same base, with its apex at or 
near the centre of the large one." 

3 Palmer s DCS. of Exod., II., 289. 


these three, to recognize it in a natural outline parallel to them all, 
as made by Wady Feqreh on the east and Wady el- Areesh on the 
west, with Kadesh-baruea as its southernmost angle ; and as 
described so fully in Numbers, Joshua, and Ezekiel. A natural 
boundary line of this description is certainly more in accordance 
with all the boundary lines of Bible lauds, than would be an 
abrupt horizontal line striking across mountain and wady, from 
sea to sea ; for " the natural boundaries of the geographer are 
rarely described by right lines." 


There is one more Bible reference to Kadesh-barnea as a boun 
dary-line landmark which may prove a help to its locating; and 
that is in Judges 1 : 30, where it appears under the name of The 
Rock a name which recalls one of its distinctive natural features, 
and also one of the most momentous incidents in its varied history 
as a locality. 1 " And the coast [or, border] of the Amorites," says 
the Hebrew historian, in telling of the struggle for that enemy s 
subjugation, " was from the going up to Akrabbim [or, from 
Maaleh- Akrabbim 2 ], from The Rock, and upward [or, north 

The Hebrew word here translated Rock, is SeVa; z the same 
word as that which appears in the Bible for the first time, and 
there five times over, in the narrative of the murmuring for water, 
and of the miracle for its supply, at Kadesh-barnea. It is a dif 
ferent word from that translated "rock," in Exodus 17 : G, in the 
story of the miraculous supply of water at Horeb. TJiere the He 
brew word is tsoor.* Tsoor gives the idea of strength and sharp- 

1 Num. 20 : 7-11. 2 See pages 107-114, supra. 

3 Or, with the article, J 2^D (hassel a, or, as Anglicized, ha-SeVa). 


ness, and is applied to rocks in general; while ScFa suggests 
height, and is applied to a cliff or crag." 1 

At a later period iu Jewish history, another Sel a 2 than the 
Rock of Kadesh-barnca comes into prominence, as a stronghold of 
the Edomites possibly the place subsequently known as Petra, or 
the Rock-City; and this identity of name has been a cause of 
strange and manifold confusion in both ancient and modern men 
tions of Kadesh and Petra. 3 Sel a was first used in the sacred 
narrative as a designation of the Rock at Kadesh-barnea. The 
most natural use of the same term, in a record of events happen 
ing within less than a century after the Israelites departure from 
the vicinity of that Rock, is its application to the same landmark ; 
especially as Sel a does not appear as an obvious designation of the 
Edomite stronghold until nearly six centuries later. 4 Moreover, as 
Kadesh-barnca was already the well-known boundary landmark 
next west, or southwest, of Maaleh- Akrabbim, 5 its new mention 
here under the name of the Rock in conjunction with Maalch- 
Akrabbim, on a southern boundary line, would seem hardly open 
to question. 

An added reason for designating Kadesh-barnea as Sel a, in 
referring to it as a boundary limit of the Amorite domain, is pos 
sibly to be found in the fact that there was another Kadesh (pro 
bably Kadesh-Naphtali) already known as " Kadesh of the 
Amorites," 6 to which there are repeated references in the Egyptian 

1 Gesenius s Heb. and Chald. Lex., s.vv. ; also Stanley s Sinai and Pal., Appendix, 
M 28, 29. 

* 2 Kings 14 : 7. 

3 This will be shown more clearly farther on in this work. 

* 2 Kings 14 : 7 ; and 2 Chron. 25 : 11, 12. 

5 Num. 34 : 4 ; Josh. 15 : 3. See, also, page 114, supra. 

6 It has been common to confound Kadesh of the Hittites with Kadesh of the 
Amorites, but the distinction between the two places will be considered farther on in 
this work. This, however, does not affect the point above made, that there was a 
Kadesh of the Amorites which was not Kadesh-barnea. 


records. It is as if the chronicler had said : The boundary limit 
of the Amoritcs is Kadesh the Rock, not Kadcsh of the Amorites. 
If, indeed, the Rock in this case were to be understood as mean 
ing Pctra, the described boundary line of the Amorites would 
either be meaningless, or be an absurdity. Petra is east of the 
Arabah. The Ascent of Akrabbim is but a short distance to the 
west of the Arabah; 1 unless indeed it be reckoned as in the Ara 
bah, according to the claim of Robinson and those who accept his 
tentative location of it. 2 In the one case, a southern boundary 
line from the Ascent of Akrabbim to Petra would start the Amor 
ites "upward 77 into the Dead Sea; in the other case the line 
would run from north to south, and return on itself. 3 But, recce:- 

/ O 

nizing Kadesh-barnea in the Rock, the reasonableness of the Amor- 
ite boundary line is evident. The Amorites, or Highlanders, 4 
occupied the central hill-country of the Land of Promise, north 
and south, between the Shephelah, or maritime plain, on the west, 
and the Arabah, or Ghor, or the Jordan valley, on the east. The 
southern base line of this Hill-country of the Amorites would 
stretch from the Ascent of Akrabbim or the Pass el- Yemen on 
the northeast, to Kadesh-barnea or the Rock as already indi 
cated in the southern boundary of Judah, on the southwest. Or, 
as the text describes it: "The border of the Amorites was from 
Maaleh- Akrabbim, from the Rock, and northward." 

1 See pacres 100-114, supra. - See page 109, supra. 

3 So evident is this difficulty, that the attempt has been made to show that the 
Hebrew word ma elah (717^*73), in Judges 1: 3(5, should be translated "onward," 
instead of " upward," and so the landmarks named be taken as starting but not com 
pleting the boundary line description. But this claim has been shown to be entirely 
untenable. See Schaff-Lanyc Coin., in loco. 

4 See page G5, supra. 

5 For the discussion of various points involved in this rendering, see, Kurtz s Hist. 
of Old rot ., III., 208; Keil and Delitzsch s PH>. Coin., in loco; Frics s " Ucber die 
Lage von Kades," in Stud. u. Krit., 1854, pp. 60-62; Schaff-Lange Com., Speaker s 
Com., and Barrett s Synops. of Crit., all in loco. 



The only remaining references to Kadesh-barnea in the Bible 
text, which might be supposed to throw any light on its location, 
are its several mentions in connection with other stopping places 
in the narrative of the wanderings, and again in the formal list of 
the stations of encampment. 

In Numbers 20 : 22, it is said : "And the children of Israel, 
even the whole congregation, journeyed from Kadesh, and came 
unto Mount Hor." And again, in Numbers 33 : 37 : "And they 
removed from Kadesh, and pitched in Mount Hor, in the edge of 
the land of Edom." This at once raises the questions : Where is 
Mount Hor? at what point on the boundary line of the land of 
Edom? and, Is Kadesh to be understood as only a day s distance 
from Mount Hor? For if Mount Hor be identified, and Kadesh 
is to be looked for within a day s distance of that mountain, 
another important clue is obtained to the location of Kadesh. 

"Mount Hor" is a descriptive title, indicating a mountain 
which is peculiar and distinctive. Its Hebrew form is Hor ha- 
Har, 1 literally "Mountain, the Mountain." The name does not 
necessarily imply a greater height than other mountains ; nor yet 
a place among other mountains ; but it does indicate a mountain 
that for some reason stands out as a mountain the mountain. 
Thus Mount Tabor, which rises prominently from a plain, is 
called by the Arabs, Jcbel et-Toor 2 the equivalent of Hor ha- 
Har. There was a northern Mount Hor, 3 (commonly supposed to 
be Mount Hermon 4 ) also named as a boundary landmark of the 

2 Robinson s Bib. Res., II., 351. Surv. of West. Pal. I. p. 388. 8 Num. 34 : 7, 8. 

*See Schaff-Lange Com.; Speaker s Com.; Von Gerlach s Com. on Pent. ; Pool s 
Synops. Crit. ; and Barrett s Synops. of Crit. ; all at Num. 34 : 7-9. Comp. also, 
Josh. 12 : 1. 


Land of Promise ; hence it is evident that the name in itself is 
not a sufficient identification of the site. 

The commonly accepted site of the southern Mount Hor is at 
the east of the Arabah, near the ruins of ancient Petra. 1 But 
there is absolutely nothing to justify the claim of that site except 
tradition ; while there are difficulties in reconciling that site to the 
requirements of the Bible text, which seem insurmountable. 

Mount Hor clearly could not have been within the limits of 
Edom, certainly not within the limits of Mount Seir; for the 
Lord said emphatically to the children of Israel, when they were 
to pass that territory of the children of Esau : " Meddle not with 
them ; for I will not give you of their land, no, not so much as a 
foot-breadth ; because I have given Mount Scir unto Esau for a 
possession." : Now as Aaron was buried in Mount Hor, 3 Mount 
Hor must have been somewhere else than in Mount Seir ; for 
Aaron s grave could not have been less than a foot s breadth of 
land. This is one point about which there seems no room for 

Yet the traditional Mount Hor is clearly within the bounds not 
only of Edom but of Mount Seir. As the Speaker s Commentary 4 
says of it, in an argument in its defense, against the admitted 
difficulties of reconciling it witli the Bible text : " Ilor [this Hor] 
unquestionably lay within the territory of Edom;" and it might 
fairly have added, that this fact " unquestionably " puts this Hor 
out of the question as a claimant to the site of the Hor where 
Aaron died and was buried ; for as Robinson 5 has tersely declared, 

1 For descriptions of this mountain, see "Bnrckhardt s Trav. in Syria, pp. 429-432 ; 
Irby and Manujles s Travels, pp. 432-433 ; Lcgh s "Excursion from Jerusalem to 
Wady Musa," in Bih. Repos., Oct. 18S3 ; Labonle s Voyage de I Arabic Pttrce,-p. 
60 /. ; Robinson s Bib. Acs., II., 1.02; Miss Martineau s Eastern Life, pp. 364-366; 
Wilson s Lands of BUdc, I., 291-299; Stanley s Sinai and Pal., pp. 84-S7. 

*Dcut. 2: r>. Com. Num. 20: 22-29; 33: 37-39; Dout. 10: 6. 

4 At Num. 20: 22. 5 In Bib. Sac. for May, 1849, p. 380. 


concerning any such journeying of the Israelites into the domain of 
Edom, that is something " which we know was not permitted." 

Just look at the irreconcilableness of the traditional site with 
the requirements of the Bible narrative. From Kadesh-barnea 
the Israelites sent messengers to the king of Edorn, asking per 
mission to pass through his territory. 1 That permission was re 
fused, and the king of Edom even came out against Israel " with 
much people and with a strong hand ; . . . wherefore Israel 
turned away from him." It was at this time that the death and 
burial of Aaron took place. The order of the Bible narrative 
gives a choice of two readings as to the order of events. The move 
ment of the Israelites toward Mount Hor was made, either dur 
ing the absence of the messengers, or directly after their return. 
In the one case, it would appear that while the Israelites would 
not attempt a peaceful passage along Edom s royal highway with 
out the king of Edom s explicit consent, they felt at liberty to 
move into Edom s territory and start a cemetery on one of the 
most commanding summits of the nation s stronghold, without so 
much of ceremony as " by your leave." That would have been a 
very different course from the Oriental usages, as illustrated in the 
purchase of the double-cave from the sons of Heth by the patri 
arch Abraham, 2 when " he stood up from before his dead," saying, 
" I am a stranger and a sojourner with you : give me a possession 
of a burying-place with you, that I may bury my dead out of my 
sight ; " adding, concerning the field which he desired, " I will 
give the money for the field ; take it of me, and I will bury my 
dead there." The Israelites made a specific promise to pay Edom 
for all the water they or their cattle might use in passing through 
that land ; s but, according to the popular tradition, they were 
ready to seize real estate in Edom with a purpose of its occupancy 
for all time, without a proffer of payment, or the courtesy of a re- 

1 Num. 20: 14-21. * Gen. 23 : 3-20. s Num. 20 : 19. 


quest. If that was really their way of doing business, there was 
a good reason for Edom s coming out against them with much 
people and with a strong hand. 

With the alternative reading of the Bible narrative (a reading 
which corresponds better with the surface order of record, but 
which has less probability than the other, in view of the Bible 
method of following out one incident to its completion, and then 
going back to take up and follow out another), if it was not until 
the messengers came back to Kadesh from the king of Edom, 
bringing his refusal, that the Israelites moved forward to Mount 
Hor, the unreasonableness of the traditional site is even greater 
than in the other case. According to this view, when the Israelites 
had been told that they could not pass through Edom, and while 
an Edomitish army was actually coming down against them, they 
deliberately moved out in full force from their encircled-strong- 
hold, and, in defiance of the Edomitish demonstration, pressed for 
ward to the very citadel, as it were, of the land which had been 
forbidden them, and, encamping before it, remained there threaten 
ingly, while Aaron, with Moses and Eleazer, went within the 
limits of the forbidden domain to take more than a foot of the 
soil which the Lord said they were not to possess. The mere 
statement of this case is its complctcst refutation. 

The truth is, that revelation and reason are at one against the 

/ O 

identification of the veritable Mount Hor in the traditional Mount 
Hor. All that can be said in favor of this site 1 is, that some fif 
teen centuries after the, death of Aaron, Joseplms, 2 and then Euse- 
bius, 3 and Jerome, 4 understood that the traditional tomb of Aaron 
was not far from the ancient Petra. Not a particle of evidence in 

1 For the arguments in its favor see "Wilson s Lands of Bible, I., 291-299 ; Speaker s 
Com., at Num. 20 : 22 ; Drew s Scripture Lands, p. 84, note. 

2 Antiq., Bk. IV., Chap. 4, I 7. 3 Onomast., s. v., " Or " fflp). 

* De Loc. Heb., s. \., Or." 


favor of this identification is suggested by either of these writers ; 
and the cause of their error in the location is sufficiently accounted 
for by the confusion, which existed even in their day and earlier, 
as also long afterwards, between the Rock-Kadesh and the Rock- 
Petra. Mount Hor may indeed have been near the Rock-Kadesh ; 
it could not have been at the Rock-Petra, nor have held the relation 
to that Rock-City held by the mountain which is known to the 
Arabs as Jebel Neby Haroon, the Mountain of the Prophet Aaron. 
An Arab tradition of a tomb is the poorest possible basis for a 
geographical identification. Eusebius and Jerome could be so in 
error as to insist that the mountains Ebal and Gerizim were near 
Jericho, 1 and even when Josephus agrees with them as to an 
ancient tradition, there is small weight to be attached to the com 
bination, in the face of the manifold requirements of the Bible 
narrative to the contrary, especially when the cause of the tradi 
tional mistake is already ascertained. 

The plain geographical indications of the Bible text are hardly 
less strong against the identification of Mount Hor in its tradi 
tional site at Jebel Neby Haroon, than are the rational indications. 
As has already been shown, there is commonly a distinction be 
tween " Mount Seir " and " the land of Edom," in the various 
Pentateuch references to the Edomitish territory east and west of 
the Arabah. While there are occasional uses of the term, " the 
land of Edom," as covering the possessions of Edom on both sides 
of the Arabah, 2 the ordinary distinction is kept, of Mount Seir as 
the region directly east of the Arabah, 3 and the laud of Edom, or 
the region of Teman, w r est of the Arabah. 4 And Mount Hor is 

1 Onomast., s. v., " Golgol." 

2 So, e, g., at Gen. 36 : 21 ; 1 Kings 9: 26. So, similarly, the term "Israel " is ap 
plied at times to " Judah," even after the distinction was made between the king 
doms of "Israel" and" Judah." (See 2 Chron. 12: 1 ; 15: 17 ; 19 : 8 ; 21 : 2 ; Isa. 
8 : 14 ; etc.) 

3 So, e. g., at Gen. 14 : 6 ; 36 : 8, 21 ; Deut. 1 : 2 ; 2 : 1,5; Josh. 24 : 4; etc. 
So. at Gen. 32 : 3 ; Num. 21 : 4 ; 34 : 3 ; Josh. 15 : 1, 21 ; Judges 11 : 18. 


said to be "by the coast [or, on the line] of the land of Edom"; 1 
and again, " in the edge [or, at the extremity] of the land of 
Edom " ; 2 not, on the line, or in the extremity, of Mount Seir. 
Yet when the region of which Jebel Neby Haroon is a part had to 
be compassed, it is mentioned as Mount Seir, 3 as we should have 
reason to expect. 

Moreover, the Bible record shows that when the Israelites 
moved from Kadesh-barnea to Mount Hor they alarmed the king 
of Arad, in the land of Canaan, as if they were advancing threat 
eningly northward ; and in consequence he came out against them 
in force. 4 It has been a puzzle of puzzles to the commentators to 
explain why that king should have supposed that the Israelites 
were coming toward him when they were really going from him, 
as they must have been doing if Jebel Neby Haroon was their 
destination. And this is only one trouble among many, growing 
out of the attempt to reconcile the geographical indications of the 
text with the claims of the traditional site of Mount Hor. And 
in addition to all the other reasons for rejecting these claims, it- 
should be considered that since the stretch of Edom was on both 
sides of the Arabah, the Arabah itself, northward of the lower 
extremity of Mount Seir, was within the territory of Edom : 
hence it could not have been entered by the Israelites. 

Yet, all this while, there is a mountain which fully meets the 
requirements of the Bible text, and the rational demands of the 
narrative, as to the Mount Hor where Aaron died and was buried. 
That mountain is Jebel Madurah, 5 near the western extremity of 
"Wady Feqreh, a little to the southwest of the passes Es-Sufuh and 
El-Yemen. Its formation, its location, its name, go to identify it 

1 Num. 20 : 23. 2 Num. 33 : 37. 3 Deut. 2 : 1-5. 

* Num. 21 : 1 ; 33 : 40. 

5 This identification -was suggested by Wilton (The Xcgcb, p. 127 jf.), but its proofs 
can be carried quite beyond his attempt. See also Rowlands in Imp. Bib. Die. s. v. 
" Moserah." 


with the place of Aaron s burial, and there is even a smack of 
tradition in its favor, for the encouragement of those who value 
tradition more than revelation and reason. 

Jebel Madurah is peculiarly the "Mountain, the Mountain;" a 
mountain rising by itself alone from a plain, like Mount Tabor or 
Jebel et-Toor. "This Madurah," says Crosby, 1 "is detached from 
all other mountains, and rises from the plain as we may imagine 
the tower of Babel on the plain of Shiuar." Seetzen 2 describes 
it as a "steep-sided" hill, "quite naked," and "surrounded with a 
most unfruitful plain." Schubert 3 mentions it as " a high, bald 
mountain." Lord Lindsay 4 calls it "a large, singular-looking, 
isolated chalk hill." Robinson 5 refers to it as " remarkable in its 
appearance, . . . rising alone like a lofty citadel." Wilson desig 
nates it as " an isolated hill ; " 6 and Palmer 7 as " a round isolated 
hill." Xothing certainly is lacking in these descriptions to show it 
as Hor ha-IIar, a mountain that is a mountain, instead of being a 
mountain among mountains. 

In its location, Jebel Madurah stands at a triangular site, where 
the boundaries of Edom, of Canaan, and of the Wilderness of 
Zin, or in a larger sense of the Wilderness of Paran, approach 
each other so as to pass along this mountain without touching it. 
It is at the cxtremest northwestern boundary of the land of Edom, 
yet it is not within that boundary line. It is on the very verge of 
the Land of Promise, yet it is not w r ithiu the outer limits of that 
land. The border wadies Feqreh, Madurah, Hurrah, and Ilan- 
joorat which separated Canaan from Edom, and both Canaan 
and Edom from the unclaimed wilderness, so run as to form the 
surrounding plain, above which is upreared this remarkable moun 
tain-tower, this lofty, solitary mountain-citadel. 

1 " El-Mukattem " (Dr. Howard Crosby) in Lands of Moslem, p. 235. 

2 Reisen, III., p. 14. * Reise, II., 443. 4 Letters, II., 46. 

*J1ib. Res., II., 179. & Lands of Bible, I., 340. 7 DCS. of Exod., II., 416. 


And Jebel Madurah lies in a northeasterly direction from the 
region of Kadesh-barnea, as all indications thus far have combined 
to locate that region. It is in the line from Kadesh-barnca of 
the route which the Israelites seem to have had in mind, when 
they proposed to pass along Edom s royal road from the east of the 
Arabah, and eastward of the Dead Sea ; possibly through the broad 
Wady el-Ghuwayr 1 which offers an easy passage. 2 The Israelites 
would not unnaturally move thitherward as they planned for 
that route 3 ; and such a move on their part w T ould not unnaturally 
be looked upon by the kings of Edom and Arad as a threatening 
move, to be met and resisted vigorously. Then it was, on the 
occasion of that refusal, and the hostile demonstration that accom 
panied it, that Israel " turned away " from Edom, 4 turned sharply 
from the northeast to the southwest, and "journeyed from Mount 
Hor by the Way of the lied Sea ; 5 went out into the " great and 
terrible wilderness " once more, 6 to strike the Red Sea Road, or the 
Hajj Route as it is called to-day ; and this in order " to compass 
the land of Edom," 7 the western possessions of Edom, included 
in the Azazimeh and Jebel Muqrfdi tract. Nor is there cause for 
wonder that in such a move as this, u the soul of the people was 
much discouraged because of the road ; " as would not have been 

1 See Burckhardt s Travels in Syria, p. 421 ; Robinson s Bib. Res., II., 154 /.; etc. 

2 " El-Ghuwayr" is the diminutive of El-Ghor." This \vady is, therefore, "The 
Little Arabah. 

3 Palmer (Des. of Exod., II., 416) in describing the wady course in which Jebel 
Madurah stands, says: "The whole of the wady between the Nagb Ghariband Jebel 
Madcrah, being the route by which the hostile tribes from the cast invade the Aza 
zimeh [mountain tract, in which Kadesh-barnea is supposed to be located], is marked 
by stone heaps, each of which commemorates some incident of Arab warfare." And 
if that is the natural route of invasion from the East, why should it not be recog 
nized as the natural route of exit toward the East the natural route of the Israelites 
out of Kadesh-barnea toward the plains of Moab ? 

4 Num. 20: 21. 5 Num. 21: 4. 

6 Dcut. 1: 19. Num. 21 : 4. 


the case had they merely moved down the Arabah from near 
Petra to the Gulf of Aqabah. 

In the very name of Madurah there is a seeming trace of the 
name of the place of Aaron s death and burial, while it is not 
claimed that there is any such trace at the traditional site near 
Petra. As has already been shown, the designation Hor ha-Har 
is a descriptive title rather than a proper name. The name of the 
mountain, and of the plain about the mountain (for in the East it 
is a common thing to find a wady, and a jebel rising from or ad 
joining that wady, bearing the same name), seems to have been 
" Mosera," or " Moseroth " ; for in one place it is said that Aaron 
died at Mount Hor, 1 and in another place it is said that he died at 
Mosera, 2 and yet again this place appears to be named in the list 
of stations (on the occasion of another visit) as Moseroth. 3 Xow 
Madurah is well iiigh an equivalent of Mosera, the consonants 
"d" and "s" having a constant tendency to interchange in 
Eastern speech. 4 If the Israelites were assembled in the Wady 
Madurah, or Moserah, when Moses and Aaron and Eleazer went 
up into Jebel Madurah, or Hor ha-Har, the solemn scene of dis 
robing the high priest on the mountain top would be literally " in 
the sight of all the congregation ; " 5 and the event might properly 
be said, at one time, to have taken place at Mount Hor, and at 
another time to have occurred at Moserah. 

And now for the touch of tradition. Although small weight is 
to be attached to Arab traditions as an independent source of know 
ledge, this testimony has its incidental value when it is corrobo 
ratory of evidence that should have weight. In the case of Jebel 
Madurah, it is the uniform report of the more intelligent 

1 Num. 20 : 22-28; Deut. 32 : 50. * Deut. 10 : 6. 

3 Num. 33 : 30, 31. Comp. Deut. 10 : 6. 

4 See Wilton s The Negeb, p. 127 /, with quotation from D Anville. 

5 Num. 20 : 26, 27. 


travelers that this mouutaiu is held in peculiar awe by the Arabs 
generally, as the reputed scene of an ancient manifestation of God s 
special judgment. The conflicting details of the reported tradi 
tions are not to be wondered at by those who know how confusedly 
the Arabs intermingle traditions* of Abraham, Moses, Aaron, 
Muhammad, and Sal eh. Sodom from the north, and Kadesh 
from the south, have been brought to the central site of Madurah, 
to furnish material for the traditions which linger about this mouu- 


tain of judgment. But the fact that an exceptional prominence 
attaches to this mountain in the traditions of the Arabs has long 
been a point established by the clearest evidence. 

It was Scetzcu 1 who first, in 1807, heard, at Hebron, of the 
remarkable traditions of Jebel Madurah, so that he was induced 
to make a journey to that mountain for the sake of investigating 
them. He was told that " the figure of a petrified man " 2 was to 
be seen there ; as if the remains of Aaron were still preserved at 
the place where he died in the sight of all the congregation of 
Israel. It need hardly be added that he did not find the promised 
remains. Thirty years after this, Von Schubert 3 was there. He does 
not clearly indicate what he heard from the Arabs, as distinct from 
what he fancied j but he reports that region as the Kadesh where 
the Israelites were judged after their murnuirings at the report of 
the spies. Then came Lord Lindsay, 4 who was told by the Arabs 
that God crushed a village for its vices under that mountain. This 
was the Sodom story adapted to the region ; the petrified man 
having perhaps suggested the feminine pillar of salt. Count 
Bertou, 5 again, found traditional traces of Kadesh there ; being 
even told by his Arabs that its name was " Kadessa." The story 

1 Reisen, III., pp. 7-14. 2 "die Figur von einem versteincrten Jfenschen." 

3 Reise, II., 443 /. * Letters, II., 46. 

& Bulletin Soc. Geog., 1830, p. 321 ff., cited by Robinson (Bib. Res., II., 179), and 
Wilson (Lands of Bible, I., 340). 


of the punishment of Korah and his company, at Kadesh, may 
linger in the Arab legends of that region. Robinson was given 
the tradition by Shaykh Hussau, much in the form that Lord 
Lindsay heard it. Wilson 1 , again, refers to this tradition ; and 
finally Palmer 2 repeats it, and while noting the fact that "the 
legend is evidently a transplanted reminiscence of the story of 
Sodom and Gomorrah," suggests a reason for this transfer in a 
similar name of the region near Sodom (Moasada), as given by 
Strabo. 3 Yet while this similarity of names may be one reason (if 
any reason is needed for confusion in an Arab tradition) for the 
details of the legend, it is evident that Jebel Madurah itself is a 
site where traditions of God s judgment have been clustered in 
various forms ; and, surely, the sending up of the high priest of 
Israel to die in very sight of the Promised Land he was forbidden 
to enter, was an evident judgment which could hardly fail to make 
an impression that should be transmitted from generation to gen 
eration among the people of the East. 

In fact it would appear that there was actually nothing lacking 
to identify Jebel Madurah as the southern Mount Hor of the 
Bible narrative, unless, indeed, it were a Xabathean tomb where 
pilgrims could offer sacrifices, and for the exhibition of which the 
Bed ween could secure bakhsheesh. In every other particular, 
Jebel Madurah has an eminent advantage over Jebel Xeby 

Dean Stanley, with his wonted and charming enthusiasm over a 
poetic identification of a sacred site, says 4 of Jebel Xeby Haroon 
as the probable Mount Hor : " It is one of the very few spots con 
nected with the wanderings of the Israelites, which admit of no 
reasonable doubt." Yet it is by no means a fact that this site has 
been undisputed by intelligent travelers and critical scholars who 

1 Lands of Bible, I., 340. Des. of Exod., II., 416. 

3 Geog., XVI., 2, 44. * Sinai and Pal., p. 86. 


have recognized its incompatibleness with the Bible narrative. 
Niebuhr, was disposed to find Mount Hor in the peninsula of 
Sinai, a long way from the Arabah. 1 In Poeokc s opinion, 
" It is probable that Jebel To [Jebcl et-Teeh] is Mount Hor." 
An English scholar of nearly a quarter of a century ago 
was very positive in his identification of Mount Hor in Jebel 
Araeef-cn-Naqah, at the southwestern angle of the Az&zimeli 
mountain tract. 3 And that mountain is certainly a very notable 
feature of the upper wilderness. Robinson 4 says of it : " At a 
distance it seems wholly isolated ; . . . a striking object ... in 
the middle of the mighty waste." But this mountain is clearly not 
on the border of Edom, nor does its position correspond with the 
requirements of the Bible text in other particulars. Wilton 5 
has, with a good show of probability, claimed its identification with 
Hor-hagidad, " the very conspicuous mountain," which appears in 
the list of stations 6 at two removes from Moseroth, or Mount Hor. 
Kuobel/ again, was positive that " Hor cannot be the Jebel Haroon 
of "VVady Moosa." Ewald declared that this claimed identification 
" though sedulously propagated and widely spread in later times," 
is yet "a mere conjecture, and perfectly untenable." 3 Lange 9 
also saw that " the text is plainly opposed to this " locating of 
Mount Hor ; and that Moserah is to be looked for " scarcely in 
the Edomitic Arabah, but upon its western side and in the 
desert." Wilton, 10 moreover, not only denied the possible identifi 
cation of Mount Hor in Jebcl Neby Haroon, but, as has been 
stated he even pointed out Jebel Madurah as the true Mount 

i JRciseb. nach Arab., p. 238. 2 Descrip. of East, I., 157. 

s " H. C.," in " A Critical Enquiry into the Route of the Exodus," in Jour. Sac. 
Lit., April, 1860, p. 57 /. 

* Bib. Res., I., 185. 5 The Negeb, p. 132. 

6 Num. 33 : 31, 32. 7 Exeget. Handb., at Num. 20 : 20-22. 

8 Hist, of Isr., II., 201, note. 9 Schaff-Lange Com., at Num. 20 : 22-29 B. 

10 The Negeb, pp. 126-130. 


Hor ; and we have seen that he had reason for his conviction on 
this point. 

So it seems that not all scholars have hitherto blindly followed 
tradition in the recognition of the site of Mount Hor at a point 
where the Bible text shows it could not have been. Yet if they 
had done so, that would be no reason for a denial of the truth 
when an examination of the Bible text makes that truth clear. 
" God forbid : yea, let God be found true, but every man a liar." l 


Quite distinct from the question of the site of Mount Hor, is 
the question of the relative nearness to each other of the various 
stations named in the narrative of the movements of the Israelites, 
from Egypt to the plains of Moab. It has been common, very 
common, to count those stations as generally a day s distance 
apart; hence to suppose that the juxtaposition of Kadesh and 
Mount Hor in the list of stations, indicates that Kadesh and 
Mount Hor were but a day s journey from each other. But, in 
fact, this supposition has neither foundation nor countenance in 
the Bible text, however much support it gains in the commen 
taries. Revelation and reason are at one against it. 

So far from it being true, that the stations always indicate day s 
marches, it may fairly be questioned whether any two on the list, 
after leaving Sinai, are only a day apart; while in some cases it is 
evident that the distance between them is greater than this. 

On the way from Rameses to Sinai, there was, seemingly, no 
formal organization of the Israelitish host; certainly there was no 
tabernacle to be set up at each station. There was no such delay 
necessary for the breaking and pitching of a well ordered camp, 
and for the due formation of column and line at every new move, 

i Rom. 3 : 4. 


as was afterward inevitable. Yet even then, between quite a num 
ber of the consecutive stations, there must have boon more than a 
day s distance intervening. 1 It is distinctly shown that between 
the lied Sea crossing place and Marah was a "three days jour 
ney ; " 2 and it is only in a few instances that a fair inference would 
limit the time between stations to a single day. The narrative in 
Exodus (16: 1) would appear to indicate no stop between Elim 
and the Wilderness of Sin; and again, (17: 1) none between the 
Wilderness of Sin and Rephidim ; but the list of stations in Xum- 
bers (33: 10-14) names the Red Sea between the first two of 
these, and Dophkah and Alush between the last two. And even 
with this expansion of the list, the time between stations is only 
inferential. 3 

But, however it may have been between Rameses and Sinai, 
from Sinai onward a very different order of things prevailed. The 
host was organized. 4 The elaborate details of a formal camp, tribe 
by tribe in due position with the tabernacle in the centre, were 
prescribed. Time was necessary for the divinely enjoined forms, 
in the removing and loading, and in the unloading and replacing 
of the vessels and furniture and curtains and hangings and cover 
ings and boards and pillars and sockets of the tabernacle; for the 
breaking and pitching of a camp for a mighty host ; for the bring- 

1 On this point, see " Route of the Exodus," infra. 

2 Exod. 15 : 22, 23. 

3 It has been claimed by some (e. g. Lepsius, in Discoveries in Egypt, p. 364, and 
Appendix, p. 435 /.; Von Gerlach, in Com. on Pent., at Exod. 19: 1, and Holland, 
in Recovery of Jerusalem, Appendix, p. 535), that Exodus, 19 : 1, 2, would indicate 
that Ilephidim was only a day s distance from the wilderness of Sinai; but an exam 
ination of the text will show, that the phrase " the same day," as there applied to the 
time of the arrival at Sinai, has no immediate reference to the days of departure from 
Ilephidim. " According to Jewish tradition, this means on the first day of the third 
month ; but grammatically it may be taken more indefinitely at this time. " 
(Schaff-Lange Com., in loco.) 

* Exod. 40 : 34-38 ; Num. 1 : 1-54 ; 2 : 1-34. 


ing of all the able bodied men into tribal column of march, and 
into camp again ; to say nothing of the delays occasioned by the 
women and children and other hindrances to a rapid movement. 

"And when the tabernacle setteth forward, the Levites shall 
take it down; and when the tabernacle is to be pitched, the 
Levites shall set it up. . . . And the children of Israel shall pitch 
their tents, every man by his own camp, and every man by his 
own standard, throughout their hosts." 1 These were the divine 
orders before leaving Sinai. "And the children of Israel did 
according to all that the Lord commanded Moses: so they pitched 
by their standards, and so they set forward, every one after their 
families, according to the house of their fathers." 2 To one who is 
at all familiar with extensive army movements, and with desert 
life and ways in the East, the idea of taking down that tabernacle, 
and breaking up that camp, and getting such a mighty host as that 
into marching order, and making a reasonable journey, and getting 
that host into formal camp again, and setting up that tabernacle as 
before, all in one day, is hardly less than a bald absurdity. If it 
was done, day by day, in the journey ings, it was certainly quite as 
marked a miracle as the regular supply of manna; although it is 
not commonly included in the list of miracles. 

But the Bible story makes it plain that all this was not done. 
The first move from Sinai is reported in lumbers 10: 33-36. 
"And they departed from the mount of the Lord three days jour 
ney: and the ark of the covenant of the Lord went before them in 
the three days journey, to search out a resting place for them." 
There is not much room for doubt, that it was a "three days jour 
ney" from Mount Sinai to their first resting place; not that they 
marched day and night without stopping to rest; but that the first 
two nights they bivouacked, and on the third day they formally 
encamped. This is what we should gather from the text itself; 

1 Num. 1 : 51, 52. 2 Num. 2 : 34. 


and all outside examination as to the probabilities tends to confirm 
this view of the facts. 

The first station after Sinai in the list of stations is Ki broth - 
hattaavah. It is evident from the narrative that the tabernacle 
was set up at Kibroth-hattaavah/ and that the people remained 
there a month or more. 2 There were dug " the graves of lust " 
for those who died as a penalty of their gluttonous and faithless 
lusting ; and Taberah 3 (the Place of Burning) was the name given 
to the rear of that vast camping field. 4 Palmer 5 thinks that he 
has discovered the site of that encampment, at a place called by 
the Arabs " Envois el-Ebeirig," some thirty miles, more or less, 
northeasterly of the Plain er-Rahah the supposed Sinai starting- 
point of the Israelites. This identification has been accepted by 
some others ; 6 yet it cannot be called a settled point. " Erweis el- 
Ebeirig " is a little eastward of the route which Holland thinks 


must have been taken by the Israelites from Sinai ; 7 although it is 

V O 

not so far from it that it cannot be admitted as a possible diverg 
ence, for particular reasons. If, indeed, this be accepted as the 
site of Kibroth-hattaavah, it is quite too flu- from the Sinai start 
ing-point to be within the range of a day s journey, and not too 
near to be recognized as a probable three days journey. If, on the 
other hand, another site for Kibroth-hattaavah must be looked for, 
that also will have to be recognized as a three days journey from 
Sinai; for so, as has been shown, the Bible narrative clearly indicates. 8 
It should be borne in mind that a " three days journey " from 

1 Xum. 33: 16. 2 Num. 11 : 18-23. 

3 Xum. 11: 1-3; Dcut, 9 : 22. Taberah does not appear in the list of stations ; 
nor is there any mention of a move from it to Kibroth-hattaavah. 

4 On this point, see Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com., III., 64 /. ; Schaff-Lange Com. : 
and Speaker s Com., at Num. 11 : 1-3. 

5 Des. of Exod., I., 257-260. 6 So, e. y., Bartlett, in Egypt to Pal., pp. 285-299. 
7 See page 77 ff., supra; also Report of British Assoc. for 1878, p. 622^". 

8 Num. 10 : 33. 


the original starting point of a caravan, in the East, is by no 
means so great a distance as a three days journey at a later period in 
the course of a prolonged pilgrimage; for, as a rule, the first day s 
journey is hardly more than a preliminary movement for a start. 
Anyone familiar with Eastern travel will bear witness to this fact. 
For example, when I was to start from Suez for Mount Sinai, 
although everything was in readiness on the evening of my reach 
ing Suez, and I was desirous of pushing forward speedily, I was 
detained until well into the afternoon of the next day, because, as 
I was told, the first night s rest must be at Ayoon Moosa, in sight 
of Suez, across the Red Sea ; nor was my case an exception just 

In describing the annual pilgrimage from Cairo to Mekkeh, 
Ebers says: " After resting outside the walls for two or three 
days, the caravan sets out, and makes its first day s journey, of 
scarcely more than four hours, as far as the first station at Birkett 
el-Hajj, or the Pilgrim s Lake. " A century ago, Niebuhr 2 re 
ported the same point as the reach of his first day s journey from 
Cairo ; and yet a century earlier, Thevenot 3 named it as his first 
stopping place on a similar journey. Four centuries ago, Breyden- 
bach 4 and Fabri, 5 making a pilgrimage from Gaza to Sinai, noted 
their first night s stopping place as just outside of the town of 
Gaza. And so it has been with the first day s journey, in all the 
centuries in the unchanging East. 

Hackett 6 has clustered facts in illustration of this point. He 
says of a " first day s " journey : " On that day it is not customary 
to go more than six or eight miles, and the tents are pitched for 
the first night s encampment almost within sight of the place from 
which the journey commences." Referring to his own experience 
in this line, he says : " The only reason that I heard assigned for 

1 Pict. Egypt, II., 130. 2 Reiseb, pp. 212-217. 3 Reisen, I., 220. 

4 Itiner. 6 Evagator. II., 406. Illus. of Scrip., pp 15-20. 


starting thus late and stopping so early was, that it furnished an 
opportunity, if anything should prove to be forgotten, to return to 
the city and supply the deficiency." And he adds : " J find from 
books of travels, that we merely did in this respect what is cus 
tomary for travelers in setting forth on a journey ; and, further, 
that they give the same explanation of this peculiarity of the first 
day." Then he quotes to this eifect from Manndrell, Richardson, 
Burckhardt, Miss Martineau, and others ; and he shows the bear 
ing of this on the narrative of the return of the parents of the 
Child Jesus to search for him in Jerusalem, when at the close of 
"a day s journey " he was not found in "the company." 1 And in 
this connection he notes the fact that the improbability of such a 
thing as this natural occurrence is one of the objections of Strauss 
to the accuracy of the Gospel narrative. Another illustration of 
imperfect knowledge as the basis of much of the modern " de 
structive criticism ! " 

In the light of this explanation, it will be seen that the first 
"three days journey" from Sinai northward cannot fairly have 
been much more, if any, than an ordinary two days journey; and 
that thirty miles is quite as long a distance for it as could be 
counted on. Hence a place not farther away from the Plain er- 
Rahah than Erways el-Ebayrig, must be taken as the first encamp 
ing station of the Israelites, at the close of that "three days jour- 

And so the encamping and the journeying went on. "At the 
commandment of the Lord the children of Israel journeyed, and 
at the commandment of the Lord they pitched: as long as the 
cloud abode upon the tabernacle they rested in their tents. . . . 
And so it was, when the cloud abode from even unto the morning, 


and that the cloud was taken up in the morning, then they jour 
neyed : whether it was by day or by night that the cloud was taken 

1 Luke 2 : 42-45. 


up, they journeyed. Or whether it were two days, or a month, 
or a year, that the cloud tarried upon the tabernacle, remaining 
thereon, the children of Israel abode in their tents, and journeyed 
not: but when it was taken up they journeyed." 1 There is cer 
tainly not much ground in that record for claiming that the space 
between encampments was uniformly a day s distance. 

The list of stations in Numbers 33 : 1-49 would seem therefore, 
to be, not a list of all the halting places of the Israelites, but, a list 
of the places at which there was a formal encampment. Indeed the 
Hebrew word 2 translated variously in this list, " took their jour 
ney," "journeyed," " departed," " went," and " removed," implies, 
in its very form, a " breaking up," or a " pulling up stakes," as on 
the change of an encampment. Nor is there any place twice men 
tioned in this list, although we have reason to suppose that during 
the forty years the host, or at least its tabernacle and its headquar 
ters, encamped more than once at the same place. 3 For example, 
in this list of stations, it is recorded that "they departed from 
Hashmonah and encamped at Moseroth. And they departed from 
Moseroth, and pitched in Bene-jaakan ; " and so on to Hor-hagi- 
dad, and Jotbathah. But in Deuteronomy 10 : 6, 7, it is said, 
that they "took their journey from Beeroth of the children of 
Jaakan [the wells of Bene-jaakan] to Mosera " and so on to Gud- 
godah and Jotbath. The order of the stations in these two records 
is reversed, as if the places were visited in one order in going 
in one direction, and in reverse order in going the other way ; 4 but 
in the complete list of stations no one place has received a 
second mention, unless indeed under another name, and that for 

1 Num. 9 : 18, 21,22. 

2 M?tH (Vayyis oo "and they broke up.") See Keil and Dclitzsch s Bib. Com., 
III., 242. 

s For a full discussion of this point, see Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., III., gg 30, 41 ; 
also see Keil and Delitzsch s Bib, Com., as above. 

*See Eobinson, in Bib. Repos. Oct., 1832, p. 788. 


an exceptional reason, as in the case of Kadesh as will be 

There is one point which ought not to be overlooked, while 
inquiring if the order of stations throws light on the proximity of 
any two stations named consecutively. The same record that says : 
" They removed from Kadesh and pitched in Mount Hor," says 
also : " They removed from Eziou-gaber and pitched in the wil 
derness of Zin, which is Kadesh." ] Now Ezion-gaber is known 
to have been at or near the head of the eastern arm of the Eed Sea 
the Gulf of Aqabah. 2 The Israelites when making their jour 
ney for the compassing of Mount Seir, went " through the Way of 
the Arabah, [or by way of the Arabah Road,] from Elath and 
from Ezion-gaber ; " 3 (and the Israelites seem never to have been 
in the Way of the Arabah, except at its southernmost end where 
it compassed Mount Seir.) Later, it is declared that king Solomon 
made a navy of ships in Ezion-gcber, which is beside Eloth, on the 
shore of the Red Sea, "in the land of-Edom." 4 Now, if the 
stations named consecutively are to be reckoned as only a day s 
distance apart, it is clear that Kadesh, being only one remove from 
Ezion-gaber, and only one remove from Mount Hor, is at some 
point which is only a day s distance from either of those two 
places. This in itself would put Jebel Neby Haroon out of the 

1 Num. 33 : 36, 37. 

2 Winer (Bibl.Rcalwortcrb. s. v. " Eziongeber ") discusses this site, with comprehen 
siveness. He would find it at Aszyun or Assiun, a place referred to by Makrizi, 
the Eyptian historian, as quoted by Burckhardt (Travels in Syria, p. 511.) Of this 
place Robinson (Bib. lies. I., 169 /.) thinks no traces are to be found; and he would 
find its site at Wady " el-Ghudyan, opening into el- Arabah from the western moun 
tain, some distance north of Akabah." " However different the names el-Ghudyan 
and Ezion may be in appearance, yet the letters in Arabic and Hebrew all corres 
pond." Although this site is now ten miles or so north of the end of the gulf, Rob 
inson thinks that formerly the waters extended thus far. " This probably is the best 
site for it." (Smith- Hackett Bib. Die. s. v. "Ezion-gaber,") 

s Deut. 2 : 1-8. * 2 Chron. 8 : 17. 


question as a site of Mount Hor ; for even a straight line (and it 
would be difficult to shorten that] between the Gulf of Aqabah 
and Jebel Neby Haroon would be not less than three days jour 
ney ; if indeed it were less than four or five. 1 Nor have any sites 
for Kadesh and Mount Hor been named, which would bring 
Kadcsh within a day s reach of Mount Hor on the one hand, and 
of Ezion-gaber on the other. 

In short, everything combines to show that the mention of two 
stations in juxtaposition, in the record of the Israelites journeyings, 
gives no indication of the nearness of those stations to each other ; 
gives no reason for supposing that they are only a day s distance 
apart. Moreover it is evident that in some cases such nearness is 
an impossibility. 


In the review list of stations in the thirty-third chapter of 
Numbers, the name of Kadesh does not appear until near the 
close of the forty years wanderings; 2 when it is given in conjunc 
tion with Ezion-gaber and Mount Hor, as already noted. Yet it 
is evident that Kadesh was first reached within a short time after 
leaving Sinai ; 3 moreover, that when the sentence of dispersion, or 
wandering, which was there passed upon the Israelites, was near- 
ing its close, there was a re-assembling of the whole congregation 
at that sanctuary-stronghold, for a new move Canaanward/ The 
absence of any early mention of Kadesh in the list of stations has 
been a cause of much inquiry, and of much difference of opinion, 
among scholars. 

1 Robinson (Bib. Repos., Oct. 1832, p. 786), says: "From Ezion-gaber to Kadesh 
. . . could not be much less than the whole length of the great valley of the Gh6r, a 
distance not less than one hundred miles [say four to six days journey] whatever 
might be the exact situation of Kadesh." 

* Num. 33 : 36, 37. s Num. 13 : 26. See pages 19-24, supra. * Num. 20 : 1. 


It has been claimed by some/ that the mention of Kadesh in 
this list is in reference to it in its proper place, on the occasion of 
the first, if not indeed of the only, visit to that station ; . . . and that 
all of the twenty stations preceding it, after leaving Sinai, were 
visited before Kadesh was ever reached. But this view of the 
case seems to be as inconsistent with the Bible narrative, as it is 
improbable on its face. 2 An examination of the text will hardly 
fail to make clear the truth in the matter. 

The narrative records, that after the great plague at Kibroth- 
hattaavah, " the people journeyed from Kibroth-hattaavah ; and 
abode at Hazeroth." 3 Hazeroth was therefore the second encamp 
ment from Sinai. 4 There, again, was a delay. There " Miriam 
and Aaron spake against Moses," and Miriam was smitten with 
leprosy. " And Miriam was shut out from the camp seven days : 
and the people journeyed not till Miriam was brought in again. 
And afterward the people removed from Hazeroth, and pitched in 
the Wilderness of Paran." 5 The third encampment, therefore, was 
" in the Wilderness of Paran." In what part of that wilderness? 
Light is thrown on this question also, by the narrative itself. It 
was clearly at the encampment in the Wilderness of Paran that the 
spies were sent into Canaan. The record is explicit on that point. 
" And Moses by the commandment of the Lord sent them from 
the Wilderness of Paran." 6 But Moses, after this, declares, as to 

1 So Ewald (Hist, of Israel., II., 202, note) ; Laborde ( Com. Geog. sur I Exod., p. 113); 
Von Gerlach (Com. on Pent., in loco) ; Patter (as cited in Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., 
III., 218) ; Lowrie (in Schaff-Lange Com., at Num. 14: 25) ; Palmer (Dcs. of Exod., 
II., 513 /.) : and others. 

2 Kurtz (Hist, of Old Cov., III., 218 jf.), while showing the untenableness of this 
view, deems it " inexplicable " that a careful commentator should be " able to adhere 
to so unfortunate a supposition, which is expressly contradicted on all hands by the 
biblical narrative, and even in itself is inconceivable." 

* Num. 11: 33-35. 

* Num. 33 : 16, 17. 5 Num. 12 : 1-16. 

6 Num. 13 : 3. 


the place of sending : " I sent them from Kadesh-barnea to see the 
laud." 1 This would look as if the Wilderness of Paraii and 
Kadesh-barnea were used interchangably in this record ; and as if 
to put this point beyond all question, it is recorded of the return of 
the spies : " And they went and came to Moses, and to Aaron, and 
to all the congregation of the children of Israel, unto the Wilder 
ness of Paran, to Kadesh." 2 That would seem to fix it as plainly 
as words can fix it, that the encampment in the Wilderness of Paran 
was the first encampment at Kadesh : and this being so, Kadesh- 
barnea was the third regular encampment after leaving Sinai. 

There is an incidental confirmation of this, in two general, or 
inclusive, statements of the first journey across the desert. In 
Numbers 10 : 11, 12, it is said, as preliminary to a detailed account 
of the journeyings : " And it came to pass on the twentieth day of 
the second month, in the second year, that the cloud was taken up 
from off the tabernacle of the testimony. And the children of 
Israel took their journeys out of the Wilderness of Sinai ; and the 
cloud rested in the Wilderness of Paran." That this statement 
covers a series of moves, instead of being confined to a single 
stage, is evident from the context ; for it is after this that the nar 
rative begins in detail : " And they first took their journey ; " 3 and 
again : " And they departed from the mount of the Lord three 
days journey ; " 4 and so on, stage by stage. Moreover the text 
itself, in the Hebrew, shows that it is a series of moves which is 
referred to, and not the first move of a series, merely : " And the 
sons of Israel pulled up stakes according to their breaking camps; 5 
out of the Wilderness of Sinai [as their starting point] ; and the 
cloud rested [at their destination] in the Wilderness of Paran." 6 

1 Num. 32: 8. * Num. 13: 26. s Num. 10: 13. 4 Num. 10: 33. 

4 Dri J7pD7 7X"Vi^- J3 typ V (Vayyis oobenai Yisrael lemse aihem. 

6 See Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., III., 192, with quotations from Ranke and Ileng- 
stenberg; also Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com., III.,56/. ; Schaff-Lange Com., Exo 
dus and Leviticus," General Introduction, p. 21. 


Or, as the similar general statement in Deuteronomy 1:19 gives 
it : " And when we departed from Horeb, we went through all 
that great and terrible wilderness, which ye saw by the Way of the 
Mountain of the Amorites, as the Lord our God commanded us ; 
and we came to Kadesh-barnea." 

In other words the first great move of the Israelites as an 
organized people was from Sinai, the sanctuary where they had 
received their formal charter of nationality, to Kadesh-baruca, the 
sanctuary on the borders of Canaan, whence they were to enter 
into the land of their national inheritance. In passing over the 
" eleven days " distance, which separated these sanctuaries by the 
course they journeyed, they encamped at only two intervening 
stations. The other stops were but for bivouac. 

Yet in the formal list of stations, in Numbers 33: 16-37, the 
third station from Sinai is given as neither Kadesh-barnea nor the 
Wilderness of Paran ; although we have seen that in the narrative 
of the journeyings those two names are used interchangeably for 
the encampment next after Ilazeroth. " Rithmah " here appears 
as the third station in the list; and this suggests the question 
whether Rithmah was an earlier name for Kadesh. 

As we have already had occasion to consider, 1 " Kadesh " was 
probably not the original name of the encircled stronghold in the 
mountains, which became a sanctuary, and therefore was known 
as " Holy " (" Qadhesh,") w r hen the tabernacle found a resting- 
place there. What its original name was, is now the question. 
" Rithmah " 2 means, literally, Place of Rothem, or Place of 
Broom. 3 The " rothem," or " broom," is the desert-shrub, or 
bush, which the Vulgate and our King James Version wrongly 
translate "juniper." 4 Its Arabic name is retem, 5 or rethem. 6 It 

1 See page 43, supra. 2 The Hebrew is i"T3rn (Rithmah.) 

3 See Gesenius, and Fiirst, s. v. * Job 30 : 4 ; 1 Kings 19 : 4, 5 ; Psa. 120 : 4. 

5 Freytag s Lex., s. v. iV^v 6 ?*"*) Burckhardt s Trav. in Syria, p. 483. 


is the bush which is more commonly used for burning, and its 
roots for the making of charcoal. 1 It certainly supplies a not 
unnatural name for a station on the desert s verge. 

The recognition of the site of Kadesh in the station Rithmah, is 
not a modern thought merely. It has been approved by many 
scholars during the course of many centuries. Rabbi Solomon 
ben Isaac, or " Rashi," 2 the famous rabbinical writer of the 
eleventh century, held to it. 3 Since his day it has been repeatedly 
brought out by critical commentators and other Bible students ; 
for example : Adrichomius, 4 Raleigh, 5 Fiirer, 6 Quaresmius, 7 Ains- 
worth, 8 Drusius, 9 Pool, 10 Patrick, 11 Calmet, 12 Cellarius, 13 Brown, 14 
Robinson, 15 Schwarz, 16 Kitto, 17 Fries, 18 Kurtz, 19 Keil and Delitzsch, 20 
Wilton, 21 Forster, 22 Rowlands, 23 Wordsworth, 24 Tristram, 25 Fausset, 26 
Riehm, 27 Edersheim, 28 Espin and Thrupp; 29 and again it has 

1 Burckhardt s Trav. in Syr., p. 483 ; Robinson s Bib. Res., I., 84, 189 ; II., 203, 205. 

2 This rabbi, called " Rashi " from the Hebrew initials of his name, was a famous 
Talmudic scholar of French birth, who lived from A. D. 1040 to A. D. 1105. His 
comments on Scripture are regarded by orthodox Jews as of very high authority. 

s al ha-Torah, at Num. 33 : 18. * Theatrum Terrse Sanctx, p. 215 a. 

s Hist. of World, Bk. II., chap. 5, ? 4. 6 Reis-Beschreib., p. 354. 

7 Hist. Theol. et Moral. Terrx Sanctx, p. 25. 

8 Cited in Pool s Synops. Crit. at Num. 33 : 18. 9 Ibid. 10 Annotations. 
11 Crit. Com. at Num. 20 : 1 . 12 Diet, of Holy Bible, s. v. " Rithmah." 
13 Geog. Antiq., Vol. II., maps at p. 390. " Diet, of Bible, s. v. " Rithmah." 

15 "On the Exodus" in Bib. Repos., for Oct. 1832, p. 791. He speaks of "Rith 
mah, probably a station in the desert near to Kadesh ; " and of " Rithmah, or the 
desert of Kadesh." 

18 Geog. of Pal., p. 212. " Scrip. Lands, " General Index," p. 56. 

Stud. u. Krit., 1854, p. 57. 19 Hist, of Old Cov., III., 244. 

20 Bib. Com., III., 243 /. 21 The Negeb, p. 80. 

22 Israel in Wild., pp. 122-128. M Imp. Bib. Die., s. v. " Rithmah." 

24 Bible with Notes at Num. 33 : 18. 25 Bible Places, p. 6. 

Bib. Cyc., s.v. "Rithmah." 

17 Handwdrtcrb. s. v. " Lagerstatten : " " Rithmah is ordinarily held to be the station 
from which the spies were sent out." 28 Exod. and Wand., p. 172. 

29 Speaker s Com., note on Num. 13 : 26, and at 33 : 18. 


appeared in the margin of various editions of the Bible, from Leo 
Juda s, 1 and the Genevan, 2 to the Bagsters. 3 Yet notwithstand 
ing this array of authorities, the identification has been often lost 
sight of, and has again been wrought out anew from the text by 
some student who was unaware of the similar work done by so 
many before him. Indeed there could hardly be a better illustra 
tion than is here furnished of the liability of students to overlook 
the successful researches of predecessors in their own field of 
inquiry. In my own case, when I had tracked out the identity of 
Rithmah with Kadesh, by the above described process of proof, I 
thought it an original discovery. But on looking up the authori 
ties, I was surprised not only at the evidence of its prominence for 
centuries back, but also at the repeated recurrence of the very error 
into which I had fallen, of counting an old truth a new discovery. 
Thus the scholarly Wilton 4 refers to this identification as if it were 
first proposed by Kurtz, and adds : " I had been fully persuaded 
of this identification many years before I saw it advocated by Pro 
fessor Kurtz." Kurtz, 5 again, gives the credit of the discovery to 
Fries, 6 who, in turn, probably had no thought of claiming it as an 
original suggestion. And even after Wilton, Forster 7 came out 
with it as his own, expressing surprise that no suspicion of it had 
been awakened in modern times. But all this is only added proof 
that the evidence of the truth lies in the Bible text itself; and that 
a careful student of that text is likely to find it for himself, even 
if he has no hint of it from any one of his many predecessors. 
It must be said, however, that eminent scholars, as for instance, 

1 Published at Zurich, A. D., 1550. 2 London, A. D. 1581. 

3 Comprehensive Bible, A. D. 1846. There may also be named, as approving this 
identification, a Dutch Bible published by Jacobszoon and Bonwenszoon, at Ley- 
den, A. D. 159G, and Van der Palm s (Leyden, A. D. ISIS.) 

4 The Nerjeb, (published in 1863) p. 80, note. 

5 Hist, of Old C ov., III., 215. 6 In Stud. u. Krit., 1854. 

7 i srac i j n Wild., chap. III., (published in 1865.) 


Hengstenberg, Baumgarten, Lengerke, 1 and Lange, 2 would find in 
the station " Beue-jaakan," 3 the first stop at Kadesh ; while Yon 
Raumer* coolly counts up the stations for the " eleven days" 5 be 
tween Sinai and Kadesh, and by this sum in simple arithmetic 
finds Kadesh at Tahath. 6 But it is sufficient to refer the compar 
ative claims of Bene-jaakan and Rithmah, for this identification, 
to the Bible text, as above cited. Von Raumer s count is of no 

A suggested objection 7 to " the view that takes Rithmah to be 
another name for Kadesh " is that this " imputes to the catalogue " 
of stations in Numbers " an arbitrariness in the use of names that 
would make it worthless for that purpose for which it was evi 
dently recorded." But this objection appears to be fully met in 
the facts of the case. If, as is probable, Kadesh was not the 
original name of the station which subsequently bore that name, 
but Rithmah was, then it would be both natural and proper to 
give to that place its name Rithmah, in the mention of a visit to it 
when Rithmah was its only name ; and again to give to it the 
name Kadesh, in the mention of a subsequent visit to it when it 
had acquired the name of Kadesh. From the various Bible refer 
ences to the place in question, it would seem that its original name 
was Rithmah ; that, when it became the resting place of the taber 
nacle, it was called Kadesh ; that, when it had become the place 
where sentence of judgment was passed on the Israelites, it was 
called En-mishpat ; 8 that, when it was a place of murmuring and 
strife to a new generation, it was called Meribah. In this view of 

1 See Winer s Bill. Realwortcrb, s. v., "Wiiste, arabishe." 

1 Schaff-Lange Com., at Num. 33: 32-35, 41-43. 

s Num. 33 : 31, 32. < Der Zug der Israeliten, p. 41. 

5 Deut. 1:2. e Num. 33 : 26, 27. 

7 Lowrie, in Schaff-Lange Com., at Num. 14 : 1-45. 

8 Gen. 14 : 7. Supposing the Book of Genesis to have been written during the 
period of the wanderings, it seems natural for Moses to mention this place, in the 


the case, it would be eminently fitting to designate the place as 
Rithmath on its first visit, and as Kadesh on its second ; especially 
as the explanation of the correspondence and of the difference is 
made clear in the context. 

This finding the probable identity of Kadesh with Rithmah, 
gives another clue to the locating of Kadesh. The name Rithmah 
still stands in the desert, in its Arabic form Aboo Retemat. 1 
Rithmah, as has been shown, means Place of Retem. Aboo 
Retemat means the same. And the wady which bears this name 2 
is in the immediate vicinity of the very point already designated 
as the probable halting place of Kedor-la omer, because of its 
being the common junction of all the roads into Canaan on that 
side of the desert. 3 It is quite in accordance with the tendency of 
things in the East, to have the original name thus survive all later 
changes. 4 Moreover the fact that this name Rithmah just here is 
an ancient one, 5 is further shown by its Arabic form Retemat being 
applied to a tribe of Arabs 6 who claim the region as their home. 

record of Kedor-la omer s march, as En-mishpat, by which it was now known to the 
Israelites ; and to add the explanation that it was the place which they had before 
known as their Kadesh. 
1 CjU->s jf 

2 Ilobinson s Sib. Res., I., 189 ; Bonar s Des. of Sinai, p. 292. 

3 See page 42, supra. 

* For example: Accho (Judges 1 : 13) became Ptolemais, but it is now Akka, or 
Acre ; Bethshan (1 Sam. 31 : 10, 12 ; 2 Sam. 21 : 12), or Bethshean (Josh. 17 : 11, 16 ; 
Judges 1: 27 ; 1 Kings 4: 12; 1 Chron. 7: 29), became Scythopolis, but is now 
Besan ; Lydda (Acts 9 : 32, 35, 38) became Diospolis, but is now Ludd ; and so on. 

5 The Speaker s Commentary (at Note on Num. 13 : 26) affirms that the broom 
(retem) " probably gave a name to many localities," and mentions one place else 
where (in quite another region) which bore another form of this name. But as the 
form which corresponds with "Rithmah" is found only at this one point in all the 
region where Kadesh may be, or has been, looked for, it certainly is an important 
element in the locating of Kadesh. It is true that it might have been in half a dozen 
places ; but in fact it is in only one in the upper desert. 

6 The Beny Retaymat (i^>LJO\). See Burckhardt s Beduinen und Wahaby, pp. 
312, 602. 


It appears, therefore, that an examination of the formal list of 
stations tends to identify Kadesh with Rithmah of that list ; and 
that there is a reasonable trace of Rithmah in "Wady Aboo 
Retemat, over against the very portion of the Azazimeh moun 
tain tract within which all our studies up to this time have com 
bined for the locating of Kadesh. 

And this completes an examination of all the references to 
Kadesh-barnea in the entire Bible text, which can fairly be looked 
to as giving any indication of its locality. The very earliest men 
tion of this place is in a connection which would seem to put it in 
the heart of the Azazimeh mountain tract, at some point eastward 
of Jebel Muwaylih and of Wady Aboo Retemat near which all 
the great highways of the desert come together in a common trunk ; 
and every subsequent mention of the place either points directly to 
the same locality, or is conformable to it. Unless, therefore, some 
weighty reasons against this site should be ascertained outside of 
the Bible text, it would seem to be fixed within the limits named, 
beyond fair questioning. 






Having examined the various Bible references to Kadcsh- 
barnea, in order to its locating, it is important- to search the ancient 
records outside of the Bible, to ascertain if any light is thrown on 
this site by references to it in them. 

First in order come the Egyptian records. Indeed it is only 
there, that there is a possibility of any evidence contemporaneous 
with the Mosaic narrative. Modern investigations have disclosed 
much geographical information concerning the lands of the Bible 
story, in the monuments and papyri of ancient Egypt ; and it 
would not be unreasonable to hope to find incidental references in 
those records, to such a point of strategic importance in military 
movements as Kadesh-barnea would seem to have been from the 
days of Kedor-la omer onward. 

The name Kadesh, or Qodesh, the Sanctuary, appears very 
frequently in the Egyptian records, as designating a stronghold of 
the Kheta, or Ilittites, in the north of Syria ; supposed to be on 
the Lake of Hums ; and there are good reasons for thinking that 
the same name is applied at times, in those records, to one site, or 
more, in the region of Syria, or Upper Canaan (the land of the 
Rutennu, or the Lutennu, of the monuments), apart from the Hittite 
sacred stronghold. 



Kadesh on the Orontes, or Kadcsh of the Hittites, is a centre of 
interest in important campaigns of the Pharaohs of the Eighteenth 
and Nineteenth dynasties; 1 notably Thotmes III., Setce I., and 
Rameses II. Its capture by one Pharaoh after another is cele 
brated in song and story in the papyri and on the monuments, and 
is pictured in glowing colors on the temple walls of Egypt. The 
poem of Pentaur, 2 reciting the valor of Rameses the Great in the 
overthrow of Kadesh of the Hittites, as repeated again and again 
in manuscript and in stone, is given a living freshness to the 
readers of to-day by the graphic pen of Ebers in his historical 
romance Uarda. This Kadesh, however, is obviously not the 
Kadesh-baruea of the Negeb. 

But in the list of conquered towns of Canaan and Syria, in the 
Hall of Pillars at Karnak, 3 there is clearly a second Kadesh, or 
Qodesh, or Kedes, 4 apparently (from its order in the list) farther 
south than Kadesh of the Hittites ; and again there are frequent 
references on the monuments to a Kadesh of the Amorites, or 
"Kadesh in the territory of the Amorites." Brugsch, 5 and Lenor- 
mant and Chevallier, 6 are confident that Kadcsh of the Hittites 
and Kadcsh of the Amorites are one ; but they do not ignore the 
fact that a second Kadesh farther south in Canaan is named on the 
Egyptian monuments. Chabas, on the other hand, would distin- 

1 See Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 388-401 ; II., 15-18 ; 46-65 ; Eec. of Past, Vols. 
II., IV., VI., VIII., passim ; Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt., I., 257 ; Miss Edwards s Up 
the Nile, pp. 204, 206, 436-443 ; Villiers Stuart s Nile Gleanings, pp. 172-177 ; Tom- 
kins s "The Campaign of Barneses II. in his Fiftli Year against Kadesh on the 
Orontcs," in Trans, of Soc. of Bib. Arch., Vol. VII., Part, 3. 

2 De Rouge s Le Poeme de Pen-Ta-Our ; also in Rec. of Past, II., pp. 65-78 ; and 
in Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 56-65. 

3 See Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt,!., 389-394; Conder s Palestine before Joshua," 
in Surv. of West. Pal., " Special Papers," pp. 177-194. 

* Comp. No. 1 and No. 48 in that list. 

5 Geog. des Alt. jE jypt, I., 59-61, 67 ; also Hist, of Egypt, I., 394; II., 16. 
e Anc. Hist, of East, II., 150. 


guish between Kadesh of the Hittites and Kadesh of the Amorites, 
and he would identify the latter with Kadesh -barnea. 1 

This is a claim worthy of our notice. In incidental proof of 
the non-identity of Kadesh of the Hittites, and Kadesh of the 
Amorites, the southernmost Kadesh, Chabas insists that the 
Egyptian records show that the country of the Amorites was at 
some distance southward, from the region of the Orontes; and 
this the Bible record also shows. Moreover, in the pictured, or 
sculptured, representation of the campaign against Kadesh of the 
Amorites, the latter place is "represented as standing on a hill 
side, with a stream on one side, and surrounded by trees;" 2 and 
thus it is "most plainly distinguished from the Kodesh of the 
Kheta (Hittites) on the Orontes, which is in a flat country on a 
recess of a lake, girdled by a double moat with bridges." 3 

Again there are references on the temple walls and in the papyri 
to a Qodesh, or Kadesh, and a Dapur, or Dapour, or Tapura, in 
apparent proximity, in the land of Canaan, or the land of the 
Rutennu. 4 And in an inscription above a representation of the 
second of these fortresses, in the record of the conquests of Ram- 
eseS II., in his temple at Thebes, it is called "Dapur in the land 
of the Amorites ; " 5 as Qodesh is elsewhere called " Kadesh in the 
territory of the Amorites." 6 Among the proposed identifications 
of these two sites, Chabas, 7 followed by Tomkins, 8 advocates 
Debir 9 below Hebron, and Kadesh-barnea farther southward. 

1 Etudes sur I Ant. Hist., p. 266 /. 2 See Rosellini s Monumenti, LIII. 

3 Tomkins s Times of Abraham, p. 84 ; also his paper, as above, in Trans, of Soc. of 
Bib. Arch., Vol. VII., Pt. 3 ; Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt., I., 259 ; Brugsch s Hist, of 
Egypt, II., 48-52. 

4 See " Travels of an Egyptian," in Rec. of Past, Vol. II., p. Ill ; Brugsch s Hist, 
of Egypt, II., 107-114; Surv. of West. Pal., "Special Papers," pp. 163-176. 

5 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 67 ; Birch s Egypt, p. 122. 
6 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 16. 7 Etudes sur I Ant. Hist., p. 264^. 

8 Times of Abraham, p. 84. 9 Josh. 10 : 36-39. See also page 103, ff.,supra. 


Such an identification, on such authority, ought not to be passed 
without examination, in a search for traces of Kadesh-barnea. 

There are weighty objections to both these identifications, and 
equally weighty reasons in favor of other identifications. The 
order of the narrative in the Anastasi Papyrus, 1 in the course 
of which Qodesh and Dapur are mentioned together, would indi 
cate the upper portion of Samaria and the lower portion of 
Galilee, rather than southern Judah, as the region referred to;" 
and the same may be said of the place of the fortresses in the 
inscriptions on the walls at Thebes. 3 Moreover, the pictured 
delineations of the two fortresses in question furnish evidence that 
they are not Debir and Kadesh-barnea, but that they are Tabor 4 
and Kedesh-Xaphtali ; 5 as can easily be shown. 

Whether the name "Tabor" is or is not connected with the 
ancient name "Dapur" or "Tapura," of the Egyptian records, the 
name of Dcbooreyeh, 6 at the western base of Mount Tabor, is 
clearly a record of the ancient Daberath or Dabareh, of the days 
of Joshua, 7 and so of the days of the Egyptian records in question ; 
as also of the Dabira of Eusebius and Jerome. 8 And the fortress 

1 See Rec. of Past, Vol. II., pp. 109-116. 

2 See Conder s "First Traveler in Palestine," in Surv. of West. Pal., "Special Pa 
pers," 1GS/. 

3 Birch (Egypt, p. 122), and Brugsch (Hist, of Egypt, II., 67, 110), favor this iden 
tification, although they do not attempt any proof of it. Condcr (as above, p. 169) 
thinks that Dapour is "probably the Diblath of Ezek. 6: 14;" but he misses the 
connection with Debooreyeh at Mount Tabor. * Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 67- 

5 Brugsch (Hist, of Egypt, II., 110) identifies the Kadesh here linked with Dapur 
as Kedes (the present name of Kedesh-Naphtali.) Conder (as above) claims the 
identification as his own. 

6 See Von Schubert s Reise, III., 174; Robinson s Bib. Res., II., 350 /. ; Wilson s 
Lands of Bible, II., 90; Van de Veldc s Reise, II. 324, 331 ; Iliickert s Reise, p. 327; 
Hitter s Geog. of Pal., II., 314; Surv. of West. Pal., " Name Lists," p. 125; Tris 
tram s Bible Places, p. 235. 

7 Josh. 19: 12; 21: 28. 

8 Onomast. s. v. "Dabira." This place is apparently the one called "Buria" by 
William of Tyre (Gesta Dei, p. 1026.) 


which crowned the mountain would naturally bear the name of 
the city which it covered and protected. Now Mount Tabor is 
unique among mountains, rising as it does all by itself from a level 
plain. And the Egyptian representation of the fortress of Dapur 
shows just such a mountain as that, separate and distinct from 
other mountains, and with a citadel crowning its entire surface. 1 
This agrees most admirably with the Tabor identification ; but it 
is quite inconsistent with the identification at Debir below Hebron, 
the site of which is found in Dhahareeyeh, 2 where is a ridge or hill 
side, but no such separate mountain summit. 

And the evidence for the identification of the lower Kadesh, of 
the Amorites, with Kedesh-Naphtali, in the Egyptian delineation 
of its fortress, is as distinct and positive as is that in the case of 
Dapur. As has been already mentioned, 3 the fortress of Kadesh of 
the Hittites is well known as on a plain, and as surrounded with a 
bridged moat ; while the lower Kadesh is on a hill-side, with a 
stream below it. Now the site of Kedesh-Naphtali, which was a 
royal city when the Israelites entered Canaan, 4 and which was 
made a city of refuge after their occupation, 5 is described by trav 
elers in a manner to conform it peculiarly to the Egyptian pictur 
ing. It still bears the name Kcdes, 6 and is a short distance 
northwest of Huleh Lake, or the Waters of Merom. Tristram 
says of it : " Situated on an eastern slope, behind it rise the bare 
but herbage-clad hills, where flocks and herds camped for the 
greater part of the year. The town stood on a knoll, where it 
could not easily be surprised. Just below it gushed forth a copious 
spring, caught in various ancient reservoirs, for the use of man and 

!See Wilkinson s Anc. Eyi/pt., I., 243; Rawlinson s Hist, of Anc. Egypt, I,, 482; 
also Tomkins s Times of Abraham, p. 86. 
J See page 103 ff., supra. 3 See page 161, supra. * Josh. 12 : 22 ; 19: 32-37. 

5 Josh. 20 : 7-9 ; Judges 7 : 6-12 ; 2 Kings 15 : 29 ; 1 Chron. 6 : 76. 

6 See Robinson s Bib. Res., III., 3G4ff.; Surv. of West. Pal., " Memoirs," Vol. I., 
pp. 226-230. 


beast. Then, down a gentle slope, there were several hundred 
acres of olive groves ; and beyond these a rich alluvial plain." 
This certainly is very like the Egyptian picture, which shows 
Qodesh of the Amoritcs " as standing on a hill side, with a stream 
on one side, and surrounded by trees." 1 

It is a noteworthy fact, that, the Talmud refers to Kadesh- 
Naphtali as Kadcsh of the mountains, 2 which is practically the 
same as Kadcsh of the Amoritcs. And it certainly accords better 
with many of the Egyptian references 3 to the Kadcsh of the 
Amorites as in reasonable proximity to the plain of Megiddo, to 
suppose that this Kadcsh, or Kateshu, was Kadesh-Naphtali rather 
than Kadcsh on the Orontes. 

At all events a careful examination of the facts seems to show 
unmistakably, that the second Kadcsh, or Qodesh, of the Canaan- 
itish lists in Egypt, is not Kadesh-barnea, as Chabas and Tomkins 
have suggested. Xor, in fact, have we any reason for supposing 
that Kadesh-barnea bore the name Kadesh by which to be noted 
on the Egyptian records before the presence there of the sacred 
tabernacle of the Hebrews. Moreover, as has been shown/ it is 

1 " The site is beautiful the summit and sides of a little ridge projecting from 
wooded heights on the west into a green plain." (Porter s Giant Cities, p. 271.) 

" Unlike the many towns we had visited on rocky hill-tops, Kedesh-Naphtali occu 
pies a gently-sloping descent to a pretty vale." (Dulles s Ride Through Pal., p. 360.) 

2 " Kedescli, dans la montagne de Nephthali," quoted from the Babylonian Talmud, 
Makkoth, 9 b., in Neubauer s La Geographic du Talmud, p. 55. 

And Porter (Giant Cities, p. 262) says : " The Naphtalites were the Highlanders 
of Palestine." Naturally, therefore, those who preceded them in that region were 
"the Highlanders" the Amorites of Canaan; and their Kedesh was the "Kedesh 
of the Amorites." 

3 See Annals of Thothmes III. Account of the Battle of Megiddo," in Rec. of 
Past, II., 37-58. The " Kateshu " first named in these " Annals " (pp. 38, 43) would 
seem to be the lower Kadesh ; while that named in the king s later progress (p. 51 /.) 
would seem to be the upper one. 

See also Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 368-386; Lenormant and Chevallier s Anc. 
Hist, of East, I., 23 If. 

* See page 83 f., supra. 


not to be supposed that there was any fortress at Kadesh-barnea to 
be captured by Hebrews or Egyptians. 


Next in order to the Egyptian records, comes the Apocrypha. 
This contains but a single locating of the southernmost Kadesh ; l 
and that is in a list of places, in Judith 1 : 7-10, to which a mes 
sage was sent by " the king of the Assyrians : " " To all that were 
in Samaria and the cities thereof, and beyond Jordan unto Jeru 
salem, and Betane, and Chellus, and Kades, and the river of 
Egypt, and Taphnes, and Ramcsse, and all the land of Gesem." 

Here it is evident that the geographical order of the places 
named is from " beyond the Jordan," 2 or, from near the Jordan, 
southerly and westerly, by way of Jerusalem toward Egypt. 
After Jerusalem comes " Betane." This is probably the Beth- 
auoth 3 of Joshua 15 : 59, fairly identified by Wolcott 4 in theBayt 
Ainooii of to-day, a short distance north of Hebron ; this latter 
identification being approved by Robinson 5 and Winer 6 and 
Palmer 7 and Tristram, 8 and being in keeping with the view of 
Reland 9 and Grove. 10 Of the important ruins of this site, with 
their ancient watering-place cisterns, Tristram says : " Near them 
was the great highway to Egypt, and traces of the ancient paved 

1 "Cades, which is in Galilee," or Kedesh-Xaphtali, is twice mentioned, in I Mac 
cabees 11 : 63, 73. One reading of Judith 5 : 4, mentions Kadesh-barnea. 

2 " Here this phrase means, not as commonly the country east of the Jordan, but 
that lying west of the river." (Schaff-Bissell Apocrypha, in loco.) 

3 So says " Movers, followed by Fritzsche, Bunsen s Bibelwerk, and other authori 
ties" (Schaff-Bissell Apoc., p. 169.) The suggestion of Rawlinson (Herod., II., 460) 
that Batansea, or Bashan, is intended, is quite inconsistent with the geographical 
order of the text. 

*Bib. Sac., February, 1843, p. 57 f. 6 Bib. Res., III., 281. 

6 Bib. Realwbrterb., s. v. " Betane." 

7 Survey of West. Pal., " Name Lists," p. 397. 8 Bible Places, p. 68 /. 

Palaxtinu,, p. 625. 10 Smith-Hockett Bib. Die., s. v. " Betane." 


road remain, and marks of wheel-ruts, where no wheeled carriage 
has passed for centuries." This indicates a reason for naming this 
station on the way Egyptward. 

Next to " Bctane " is " Chcllus," or, Chclus. 1 This is naturally 
thought by Reland 2 and Grove 3 to be the Khulasah, 4 or Chalutza, 
or Elusa, which was a centre of pagan worship, 5 and lay south 
westerly from Bcersheba. Winer 6 would find in Chellus the 
ancient Halhul ; 7 but as this name still stands " Halhul," 8 it seems 
hardly probable that it would have been known, at any time 
between the early and later period, as " Chellus." In a list of 
episcopal and arch-episcopal towns in the see of the Patriarchate 
of Jerusalem, made up early in the sixth century, 9 two stations at 
the east of the arch-episcopate of Gaza are named, as " Chalasa " 
and " Cholus," 10 or, as " Elusa " and " Elas." n The second of 
these two stations would correspond yet more closely with Chelus; 
and this is not improbably the place referred to as " el-Khulus," 
in the Arabic version of the Polyglot Bible, as standing for Gerar, 
in Genesis 20 : 1, 2 ; 26 : 1, as mentioned by Reland, 12 Robinson, 13 
and Stewart, 14 rather than " Elusa " as they supposed. But which 
ever of the three sites be accepted for Chellus, the direction is still 
southerly and westerly, from above Hebron toward the borders of 

After " Chellus," between that and " the river of Egypt," or 
Wady el- Areesh, comes " Kades." And just here is where we 
should expect to find " Kades," or Kadesh-barnea, in view of all 

1 Schaff-Bissdl Apocrypha, in loco. 2 Palsestina, p. 717. 

3 Smith-Hackett Bib. Die., s. v. "Chellus." 

*Bib. Res., I., 201 /.; Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 385 /., 423, Bartlett s Egypt to 
Pal., p. 401 /. 

5 Jerome s Vita Hilarionis. *Bib. fiealworterb., s.v." Chellus." Josh. 15:58. 
8 Robinson s Bib. Res. III., 2S1 /. ; Jerome s De Locis Ilebnticis, s. v. " Elul." 

9 Quoted in the Appendix to Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 550 ff. 

10 Ibid., p. 552. n Reland s Palxstina, pp. 217, 218. ^ Ibid., p. 805. 

is Bib. Res., I., 202, note. " Tent and Khan, p. 208. 


the biblical indications of its site. It is at the southern extremity 
of Palestine, at the turning point westward of the boundary line 
toward Wady el- Areesh. And so the Apocrypha agrees with the 
Old Testament text in the location of Kadesh-barnea. 


And now for the help of the rabbinical writings, in our search 
for light on Kadesh-barnea and its locating. And at first it seems a 
darkening of counsel that comes to us, in words without know 
ledge ; but those words will bear studying. 

In the Targums, and in the Talmud instead of Kadesh, and of 
Kadesh-barnea, we find another term substituted ; namely, 
" Reqam," or " Reqem-Giah," in several diverse but not mate 
rially different forms. 1 The reason and significance of this substi- 
tutionary terra has been a matter of much discussion and of no 
little confusion among earlier and later commentators. An added 
element of confusion is the fact that the same term, " Reqem," is, 
in one instance at least, applied in the Talmud to Petra, 2 or the 
Rock City, at the east, or the southeast, of the Holy Land. 

Josephus," followed by Eusebius* and Jerome 5 and many 

1 In the Targums : 

The Pseudo-Jonathan, at Num. 34 : 4, and elsewhere : K#U Dpi, reqam yce d. 
The Jerusalem : N^ JT Dpi, reqam degai d. 
Onkelos : Dpi, reqam. 

IT : 

In the Babylonian Talmud : 
In Yalkoot, Ekeb, iTKJ Dpi, reqem gaih. 
In Siphre", Ekeb, and in treatise, Tosiftha, Schebiith, chap. 3, HX J Dpi, 

reqem geeah. 

In the Jerusalem Talmud: 
In Schebiith, 6: 1, Hi UT Dpi, reqem dego ah. 
1 In Gittin, 1 : 1, Dpi, reqem. 3 Antiq., Bk. IV., Chap. 7, ? 1. 

4 Onomast., s.vv., " Arcem," "Petra," " Recem." 

5 De Loc. Heb., s.vv., "Arcem. " Petra," " Recem." 


others, suggested that this name Reqam which he applies exclu 
sively to Petra was given in honor of Rekem, a Midianitish 
king slain by the Hebrews under Phiuehas on the plains of Moab, 
east of the Jordan. 1 But as this name is applied by the rabbis to 
Kadesh, the sanctuary of the Hebrews, we may be sure that it had 
some other signification than this. To suppose that they would 
call that sacred site by the name of an accursed chieftain slain by 
the sword of the Lord, is as unreasonable as it \vould be to sup 
pose that the early Christians of Damascus had named a church 
" Ananias " in honor of the husband of Sapphira. 2 

That the term Reqam in the rabbinical writings is commonly 
applied to Kadesh-barnea, and that the location of Kadcsh-barnea 
as thus designated corresponds with the biblical indications of its 
site not far eastward of the great caravan route between Egypt 
and Syria would seem clear on an examination of those writings. 
In several name-lists of places given in the Talmud, 3 as marking 
the boundaries of the Holy Land, the starting point is Askelon. 
Running northward along the western boundary, and thence east 
ward and southward, the line indicated by these lists returns along 
the southern side, westerly to its starting point Askelon. On 
this route, " Reqem-Giah " occurs on the southern line, in proxim 
ity to Askelon and " the great road which leadeth to the desert." 
But it is also evident, as before noted, that there is a second Reqam 
not a second Kadesh referred to in those writings as on the 
eastern border of the Holy Land, or just beyond it. This Reqam 
is probably the " Petra " mentioned by Joscphus, Eusebius, and 
Jerome ; which mention has been the occasion of so much doubt 
and confusion. 

A careful talmudic scholar 4 of two centuries ago touches this 

1 Num. 31 : 1-8. 2 Corap. Acts 5 : 1-11 ; 9 : 10. 

3 See a table of these lists, facing page 11, in Neubauer s Geog. du Talmud. 
4 Johannis Othonis Lex. Rabbin. Philolog. (Geneva, A. D. 1675), s. v., Cadesh- 


point when he says : " Kadesh-barnea, and Kadesh simply, are 

translated Rekam by all the Oriental interpreters Rekam 

was the boundary of the laud of Israel, yet so that it was to be 
esteemed as outside the land. . . . There were two noteworthy places 
named Rekarn on the limits of the land ; one was Kadesh on the 
southern side ; but the other, Kadesh [Rekam] on the eastern side 
concerning which Rabbi Nissim speaks in Gittiu I., when he says, 
Rekam [Petra] itself is considered as the east of the world as 
Gentile territory, not as Israelitish territory." The passage in 
Gittiu here referred to, shows that there is an eastern " Rekam " 
(as Josephus and others say Petra is called) ; but it does not show 
that there is an eastern Kadesh. 1 

The learned Lightfoot, 2 tracking this matter " by the light of 
the Talmud/ notes that " the Eastern interpreters " render Kadesh 
by " Rekam, or in a sound very near it ; " and that there are two 
places mentioned as Rekam, by those interpreters, " in the very 
bounds of the Land, to wit, the southern and eastern : that is a 
double Kadesh." Then he goes on to say, that " of Kadesh, or 
Rekam, in the south part, there is no doubt ; " while in his opin 
ion there was not a second Kadesh. His conclusion is : " That 
that Kadesh, to which they [the Israelites] came in the fortieth 
year (which is called Meribah, Xumbers 20 : 13), is the same with 
Kadesh-barnea is clear enough from hence, that Meribah in 
Kadesh is assigned for the southern border of the Land (Ezekiel 
47 : 19) ; which border of old was Kadesh-barnea (Numbers 
34: 4; Joshua 15: 3)." 

If, indeed, it could be found that the term Reqam has a signifi 
cation applicable alike to Kadesh-barnea and to Petra, it would at 
once make clear the cause of all this confusion in the references to 
these two places by Jewish and Christian writers for now twenty 

1 See Mischna, with Maimonides notes (Amsterdam edition), p. 415. 
iHorx Heb. et Tal., Vol. I., pp. 19-21. 


centuries, more or less. Is such a solution of the problem practi 
cable? We have seen 1 that Sel a was first applied to Kadesh- 
baruea, and afterwards to Petra ; and that confusion was possible 
from the use of that term interchangeably as the designation of the 
two places. Is there anything like this in the two-fold use of the 
term Reqam ? 

It is somewhat strange that no student of this subject has noted 
the fact that rikhdm, 2 or rukhdm, a close equivalent of " Reqam/ 
is to-day an Arabic term for " rock," and therefore might be 
applicable, as is the Hebrew Sel a, to both Kadesh-barnea and 
Petra. The primitive meaning of the Arabic word rukhdm is of 
that which is split or stratified, parted or piled in layers ; and the 
word is often applied to marble, 3 or lime stone, or alabaster: 4 but 
it is also used in designation of rock of all kinds. For example, 
in a modern Arabic work on the geography of Egypt, 5 a reference 
is made to the " red rukham," 6 or the syenite granite, of Aswan ; 
and again the various rocks of an entire district are treated under 
the general head of " Rukbam." 7 

The word " Ruqeem " 8 almost identical with the Hebrew "Re 
qam " occurs once in the Quran. 9 Its meaning there has been 
another puzzle. As Sale 10 says of it : " What is meant by this 
word the commentators cannot agree." But among other proposed 
explanations, " some will have it to be the name of the mountain " 

1 Sec page 124 /, supra. 

2 jLi-\. gee Lane, Freytag, and the Jesuits French Arabic Lexicons, s. v. 
3 Abulfeda s Tab. JE jypt., p. 14. Surv. of West. Pal., "Name Lists," p. 405. 
"Rukhika, white marble." Also, Freytag s Lex. Arab. Lat., s. v. "rukhiim." 
* Catafago s Arabic Die., s. v. " rukham." 
s Fikry s Gcog. of Eijypt, Cairo, A. H. 1296. ^11 id., Part II., page 74. 

Ubid., "f^V 

9 Sura 18. v. 8. In the Arabic Version of Walton s Polyglot Eible, at Gen. 14: 7 
the word "Kuqeem," given for " Kadesh" is identical with that, as above, from the 

10 In Koran with Notes, p. 238, note. 


in which was a cave, referred to in the context; while others 
apply it to a legend of three men shut in a cave by "the falling 
down of a vast stone which stopped the cave s mouth," who " were 
miraculously delivered by the rock s rending in sunder to give them 
passage." Either explanation consists with the idea of " Ruqeem " 
meaning a rock-mountain with its cave sides, like Petra ; or again 
meaning a smitten Rock, like that of Kadesh-barnea. 

It is evident from this showing of the case, that the Arabic term 
Rikham might not unnaturally be applied interchangeably to the 
Rock of Kadcsh, and to Petra the Rock City. And now, apart 
from the fact of the admitted resemblance of the Arabic and the 
ancient Hebrew, it is worth our while to consider the traces of 
words, similar in form and meaning to the one in question, in the 
cognate Syriac and Hebrew. 1 

Jerome distinctly states that Petra in Edom is called Rekem by 
the Syrians ; 2 although Eusebius says that it is the Assyrians who 
so name it. 3 In the Peshitto Syriac Version, 4 at Numbers 34 : 4, 
"Kadesh-barnea" is supplied by Reqam degaia, 5 and in the 
accompanying Latin Version this is rendered Recem Superbam 
Reqam the Lofty, or perhaps here, the Pre-eminent. A literal 
rendering of the Syriac would make it simply Reqam of the Plain. 
We have already seen that the word Reqam, here ascribed to the 
Syriac, is in use in the talmudic Hebrew ; and this brings us to 
the question of the meaning of the word in these languages. 

In both the Hebrew and the Syriac 6 the word ragam r means 
stoning, or to stone. For example, this is the word used of the 
proposed stoning of Moses and Aaron by the rebellious Israelites 
at Kadesh-barnea, 8 when the people were dismayed at the report 

1 In the tracking of these philological proofs, I am particularly indebted to the 
scholarly assistance of Mr. John T. Napier, whose services at many other points in 
my work I have elsewhere acknowledged. 

1 De Loc. Heb., s. v. " Petra." 3 Onomast., s. v. " Petra." * Walton s Polyylotta. 

5 Tjl * VttO $ 6 See Castellus s Syriac Lexicon. T DJ"X 8 Num. 14: 10. 


of the spies ; and again of the stoning of the sabbath-breaker, 1 in 
the days following. Fiirst suggests that the root of this word was 
a noun rcgan, 2 " a stone-heap ;" and he directly suggests its 
connection with "Reqem" 3 the name of a town in the tribe of 
Benjamin ; 4 where he thinks it may have referred to existing stone 
heaps as it similarly might apply to stone structures at Petra. 5 

Another accomplished Oriental scholar 6 says of the root meaning 
of rcqam: " Comparing the Arabic ( f^) ; the Syriac (VOJQ 5); and 
the Hebrew (OPT) ; I should take the radical meaning to be 
strike, thrust, whence dot, excavate. So in Arabic the verb 
means to write ( cut letters, or print ), and to embroider. 
The latter is also the sense in Syriac and Hebrew to embroider, 
from striking, or piercing ; whence the meaning of the Hebrew 
(Dp~0 seems to be pierced, that is perhaps, excavated/ an appro 
priate name for Petra, and for the city mentioned by Abu l Feda." 
It will be seen, farther on, that the root meanings here proposed 
have like appropriateness with the one suggested by Fiirst in 
application both to Petra and to the " struck " or " pierced " Rock 
of Ivadesh the " Fountain of Miriam." 

Thus it certainly may be, that the Arabic rikhdm, rukhdm, and 
ruqecm ; the Syriac rcqam and ragam ; the Chaldee rcqam ; and 
the Hebrew ragam, reqam, and rcqcm, are vestiges in variety of a 
common Semitic root, 7 having reference to " stone " or " rock." 

1 Num. 15 : 35, 36. 
2 Q}\ Fiirst s Heb. u. CJwild. Worterb., s. v., "ragam." 3 rjrn. 

4 Josh. 18: 27. Grove, in Smith- Hackett Bib. Die., s. v., "Rekem," suggests a 
trace of this name in the present " Ain Karim," west of Jerusalem ; the reputed 
home of Zacharias and Elizabeth. This suggestion is adopted by Fausset (Bib. Cyc., 
s. v.), and Young (Analytical Concordance}. 

5 Yet Fiirst does not seem to have thought of the connection of Reqem with Petra 
and Kadesh, as bearing on this suggestion of his. 

6 Professor C. H. Toy (of The Harvard University Divinity School), in a private 
letter to the author. 

7 For the close relationship of the various Semitic languages, see Fischer s 


That variations similar to these through changes of the gutturals 
and palatals, and of the vowels are frequent in the languages re 
ferred to, is a fact familiar to every scholar. 1 

If this conclusion be accepted, the mystery of " Reqem," as 
applied alike to the Rock at Kadesh, and the Rock-City Petra, is 
solved ; and the confusion growing out of the interchange of names 
is accounted for. And the designation of Kadesh as Reqam 
de-Geeah, 2 or Reqam of the Plain, 3 is a natural one, as over against 
Reqam of the Mountains in Edom, or Moab. 

That, indeed, the term " Reqam " has reference to a place of 
rock, or of rocks, whenever we know the place referred to, is 
clear ; and the inference is legitimate that it ahvays means this. 
As applied to " Petra," this is obvious ; and this covers the various 
mentions of it in Josephus, Eusebius, and Jerome. 

Ibn Hauqal, 4 an Arabian traveler and geographer, writing in 
the tenth century, tells of " Reqem," 5 a town situated near the 
Belqa, where "all the walls and houses are of stone, in such a 
manner that one would imagine they were all of one piece." 
Three centuries later, Abulfeda (Aboo l Feda), a hereditary Emeer 
of Syria, who wrote works on geography, both as an eye witness 
and as a student, made mention 6 of this same place, " Er-Ruqeem, 
a small town situated near El-Belqa; 7 the houses of which are all 

" Anleitung zum Studium des Midrasch und Talmud," pp. 13-34, in Winer s Chal- 
ddische Grammatik. 

1 Concerning the interchanging, in Hebrew, and in the other Semitic dialects, of 
P O>( ( l) 5 -I ^>(g) 5 f\ ^t (kh) 5 see the articles on these letters, in Eli Smith s 
"Essay on the Pronunciation of the Arabic," in Appendix to Robinson s Bib. Res., 
III. (first edition) ; also Robinson s Gesenius, and Adolf Wahrmund s Handbuch 
der ncu-Arribi$chen Sprache, I., p. 11, $ 36. 

2 See page 167 /, supra. 

3 Compare the Hebrew N J, gayt, X J, gai ; the Arabic ^y^jjewa, xxs>., jeeah : 
which all have the meaning of " a plain," or of " a low-lying place." 

4 Ouseley s Oriental Gcog. of Ebn Haukal, p. 40. 5 *J> 

8 Tabula Syr ix, p. 11. 
T " El-Belqa is one of the districts of Esh-ShariU, [and is] a fertile land having 


cut out of the live rock, as though they were one rock." 1 The 
Arabic word "Utiqecm" 2 as given here is identical with that 
found in the Quran and in the Arabic Version, as already quoted. 
Elsewhere, Abulfeda 3 refers to this Er-llnqecm as north of Kerak, 
and not far from it. Although no attempts to identify this place 
seem to have been made in modern times, it would appear worthy 
of notice that Seetzen 4 found a "Bet el Kerm," in the region re 
ferred to by Abulfeda ; between Kerek and the Belqa. Burck- 
hardt s visited this place, which lie speaks of as " the ruins of an 
ancient city called Bcit-Kerm/ 6 belonging to which, on the side 
of the road, arc the remains of a temple of remote antiquity." 
Again it was visited by Irby and Mangles, 7 who think that the 
temple was Roman, resembling that which they " took to have 
been a palace at Petra." More recently it was seen by Do Saulcy, 8 
who speaks of the temple as " magnificent," a " marvelous struc 
ture." Tristram 9 also saw the ruins in passing. Xot only is there 
a suggestion of the name " Ruqcem" in the name " Kerm" the 
consonants in the two words being identical, and the change in 
their order not an unusual one; 10 but the very name " Rakim " is 

Heshbon as its metropolis. This [Ilcshbon] is a little town situated in the valley, 
planted with trees and grain, and having gardens and tilled fields. That valley, in 
deed, stretches even to the. Glior, or plain of Zoghar. El-Belqa is distant from 
Jericho one day s journey to the east." (Abulfeda, as above.) 

1 For other Arabic references to this place, see Gildemeister s " Paliistinakunde aus 
Arabischeii Quellcn," in Zeitschrift des Deutsch Pal. Ver., Band VI., p. 9. 

2 |**i* -Ji, cr-Ruqcem. 

3 Annul es Moslem., quoted at third hand in Robinson s Bib. Res., II., 522. 
4 Reisen, I., 411. 5 Travels in Syria, p. 376. 

6 j* j 0^-0 7 Travels, p. 458. 

8 The Dead Sea, I., 293-206. 9 Land of Moab, p. 125 /. 

10 Concerning the common transposition of consonants, in Semitic languages, see 
Ilodiger-Davidson s Gesenius s Ilcb. Gram., Chap. II., $ 19 (5). 

As already stated Grove and others think that the name " Karin" ( Ayn Karim), 
west of Jerusalem, may be a vestige of Eeqem," by such a transposition of the con 
sonants. According to the " Name Lists" of the Survey of Western Palestine (page 
280), this Karim ( + \Q ) differs in one consonant from the " Qerm " ( * Ji }, as re- 


reported by Canon Tristram as still existing iii that region ; be 
tween Kerak and the Belqa. 

It has been thought by many that there was a Petra in Moab, 
as well as a Petra in Edom. Leake, the editor of Burckhardt s 
Travels/ has given reasons for believing that the Petra of Moab 
which he would identify in Kerek was referred to by Diodorus 
Siculus, in his story of the defence of Petra against Demetrius. 
Von Raumer 2 has argued strongly in the same direction. Relaad 3 
and Robinson, 4 while not accepting this conclusion, admit that 
there are references by Eusebius, Jerome, and Athanasius, which, 
taken without explanation, would seem to show two Petras ; one 
in " Palestine," and one in " Arabia." Cellarius 5 is positive that 
there were two. Now if there was a Petra in Moab, it is more 
than probable that that was the Petra which Josephus 6 tells of as 
called Arekeme, after the name of its founder ; for the king 
Rekern, to whom Josephus refers, fell on or near the plains of 
Moab, 7 and does not seem to have had any connection with Edom. 
If Arekeme was a compound of Ar and Rekem, as certainly is 

ported by Burckhardt (Travels in Syria, page 376), in the land of Moab; the latter 
being identical with the Hebrew " Reqera " ; but this difference may be only a seem 
ing one. (See Preface to " Name Lists.") It is noteworthy, however, that Thomson 
(Central Palestine and Phtenicia, Land and Book, p. 58) translates the " Karim " 
of Judea as " vineyards," while Tristram (Land of Moab, p. 133) gives the same 
meaning" vineyards" to the " Kurm " near Kerak. And again, Palmer (Des. of 
Exod., II., pp. 352, 367, 373) has shown that the ancient vineyards of those regions 
were often composed of " small stone-heaps, formed by sweeping together in regular 
swathes, the flints which strew the ground " ; and that " along these the grapes were 
trained, and they still retain the name of tdcilat el- anab, or grape mounds." 
Moreover, he finds these mounds called also " rujiim el-kurum, or vineyard heaps." 
(Ibid., II., 411.) According to this, whether the anagram be rukim or kurim, it 
might fairly mean stone-heaps." But this is merely incidental. If nothing more, 
it is certainly curious as a coincidence. 

1 Preface, viii.-xi. 2 Palastina, pp. 451-465; also, p. 276. 

Palcestina, pp. 926-934. * Bib. Res., II., 522 ff. 

6 Geog. Antiq., Lib. III., Cap. 14., \ 29, p. 580. 
e Antiq., Bk. IV., chap. 7, \ 1. 7 Num. 31 : 1-12. 


possible, the prefix may have stood for the word meaning " a city;" l 
or for tlie uame of a chief city of Moab, sometimes used for Moab 
itself; 2 or again for a simple article. 3 In the first case the com 
pound word would mean Rock-City ; in the second case Moab- 
Rock ; in the third case merely The Rock. 

If again there was a Pctra in Moab, it may well be supposed 
that the Er-Ruqecm of Abulfcda was that Petra; 4 and that traces 
of its name arc still found in " Beit Kerm " and " Rakim," near 
Kcrek. But, however this may be, it is clear that wherever we can 
fix the name Ruqecm, we find that it refers to a place of stones or 
of rock ; and this W T C may fairly take to be its meaning in all cases. 

But just here it maybe objected that the Rock of Kadesh was a 
cliff, rather than a small and detached rock ; and that while the 
term rcqam would possibly apply to the smitten rock (feoor) of 
Horcb, it would be inappropriate to the more imposing Rock (ScFct) 
of Kadesh. 5 In answer to this it is sufficient to say that the 
rabbins did not always distinguish between the two rocks of Horeb 
and Kadesh ; or rather, that they held that the rock smitten at 
Horeb was miraculously carried forward to Kadesh, and thence 
along all the route of the Israelites, and at last found its place in 
the Sea of Galilee, where its marvelous power continued to mani 
fest itself. 6 

The Jewish tradition was that this rock was a " block of stone, 
round like a beehive," and pierced with twelve holes, from which 
flowed the streams for the twelve tribes. 7 Accompanying the 

1 Vjp, eer. 2 Num. 21 : 15, 28; Dent. 2: 9, 18, 29. 

3 7tf al ; actually a weak demonstrative pronoun, which passed into an article. 

4 Schultens (as quoted in Kohler s Notes to Abulfeda s Tabula Syrice, p. 11), and 
Von Raumer (Palastina, p. 276), would find Petra in this Er-Ruqeem. 

5 See page 124 f.^sttpra. 

6 See Baring-Gould s Legends of Patriarchs and Prophets, p. 204 /.; Buxtorfs Syn. 
Juil, Chap. XI. ; Lightfoot s Horse Heb., Vol. III., p. 295; also Franz Delitzsch s 
Notes on " The Rock that Followed Them," in " The Independent," for Dec. 7, 1882. 

7 According to the Monkish traditions, this Rock was miraculously carried back 


Israelites in their marches, this rock furnished their water supply 
in all the desert wastes. When the cloud rested, and the taber 
nacle was formally put up, the rock was accustomed to take its 
place in the tabernacle court. Then the princes of the people 
would come and direct with their staves the courses of the streams 
for the several tribes ; and the water would flow so as to give 
drink to all, " to each man in the door of his tent." 

This rock was called the Fountain of Miriam, and the rabbins 
held that it was because of Miriam s death at Kadesh-barnea that 
once more "there was no water for the congregation," 1 and that 
the Lord directed Moses to speak to the rock that it might again 
give forth its water as in the days of Miriam s life. As finally 
sunken in the Sea of Galilee, this rock, according to tradition, 
"can still be seen from certain points of view, as before Jeshimon, 
or as one is ascending to the peak of Carmel, or from the middle 
door of the old synagogue of Serugnin." And thence the Foun 
tain of Miriam discharges itself at " the end of the Sabbath " and 
" mingles itself with all fountains." And wherever those waters 
flow they carry healing; for "if it should happen that at that 
moment of time any Jewess should draw some of that water, it 
would certainly be most efficient to the working of all cure;" for 
" whoever drinks from such a fountain as that is healed, even 
though his whole body were covered with the most loathsome 
disease." 2 It would even seem as if the multitude of sick, blind, 
halt, withered who waited for the troubling of the waters at Beth- 

to Rephidim when it had accomplished its purpose for the Israelites ; and a rock -which 
is claimed to be this one is shown near Mount Sinai to-day, having traces of twelve fis 
sures from which the~water flowed. It is frequently pictured in the reports of 
travelers, as, for example, in Moncony s Reisen (A. D. 169(5) ; in Shaw s Travels (A. D. 
1738) ; in Pococke s Description of the East (A. D. 1743) ; in Laborde s Voyage (A. D. 
1830) ; in Newnham s Illustrations of the Exodus (A.. D. 1830) ; and in many other 
works. Moreover it is often referred to by Christian travelers as a veritable sacred 

1 Num. 20: 1, 2. 2 Buxtorf s Syn. Jud., as above. 



esda 1 were watching for the inflow from the Fountain of Miriam. 
It is thought that Paul had this well-known rabbinical tradition 
in mind, when he said of the Israelites in their journcyings: 
"They drank of a spiritual Rock which followed them: and the 


Rock was Christ." 2 The tradition according to the rabbins was, 
that a natural rock followed them to supply their bodily thirst. 
The truth according to Paul was, that a spiritual Rock followed 
them, to supply their soul thirst. 

In view of the rabbinical legends attached to the Rock which 
supplied the Israelites at Kadesh, it would certainly not be strange 
to find that Rock and by metonomy the Place of that Rock 
referred to in the rabbinical writings by a term which, in its use 
elsewhere, seems to mean " smitten rock," " layer rock," " pierced 
rock," "stone heaps," and "stone dwellings." Xor again would it 
be strange if that term thus applied should cause more or less con 
fusion in its possible application to other places of rock, or of rock- 


In turning from the Jewish to the early Christian writings, for 
help in the locating of Kadesh-barnea, we are practically limited 
to Eusebius and Jerome. The first named of these writers pre 
pared, early in the fourth century, his " Onomasticon," a Name 
List of SaCred Places. This being issued in Greek, it was trans 
lated into Latin, by Jerome, under the title of "De Locis He- 
braicis," who also made some additions to it, before the close of 
the same century. 

While examining this source of information, it is important to 
bear in mind the real value and the evident limitations of both 

1 John 5: 2-7. It will be borne in mind that the Revised Text leaves out the ref 
erence to an angel s troubling of the water. 

2 1 Cor. 10: 4. 


these writers in the fields covered by them. Concerning places of 
which they had personal knowledge, the facts they give are of 
great value; and the same may be said of other places concerning 
which the identification was not in doubt in their day. But 
beyond the range of their personal knowledge, they had few helps 
to an understanding of geography; and their work shows their 
liability to be misled or confused by a similarity of names in 
different sites, and by vague impressions or hasty conclusions. 
As Von Raumer 1 says of their combined geographical writing: 
" Their work is of double worth, since both authors lived in Pales 
tine; but of course they arc of slighter authority when they speak 
of ancient places which neither of the two saw." And as Condor 2 
adds : " It seems plain that they were far more hasty than modern 
scholars would be iu fixing upon a site of similar name without 
reference to other requisites;" hence "the instances of incorrect 
identification are very numerous." 

In the day of Eusebius and Jerome, Kadesh-barnea had long 
passed out of prominence as a place of habitation, although its 
name was so closely linked with the history of Palestine; and its 
site as indicated in our researches thus far would hardly have 
been in the line of travel to or from the Holy Land. Petra, on 
the contrary the Petra of Edom was still a centre of political 
and commercial importance; and its site must have been well 
known. We have no reason, however, for supposing that either 
Eusebius or Jerome had been at either Kadesh-barnea or Petra. 
Indeed Robinson 3 says, that in view of their citing Josephus as 
authority for the interchanged names of " Petra," " Recem," and 
"Arcem : " " it would seem that they in no case speak from their 
own knowledge," of these places. It is, therefore, quite reason - 

1 Palastina, p. 4. 

*" Early Christian Topography," in Surv. of West. Pal., "Special Papers," p. 249 / 

3 Bib. Res., II., 521. 


able to suppose, that both Euscbius and Jerome had vague ideas 
of the precise location of Kadesh-barnca ; and that the similarity 
of its rabbinical name " Ileqam " with the alternative names of 
Petra, would confuse their ideas of the relations of these two 
places ; and of other sites linked with them, as already shown 
in the case of Mount II or. 

As a matter of fact, both Euscbius and Jerome seem to have 
taken Kadcsh and Kadesh-barnca to be alternative names of the 
Wilderness of Kadcsh ; and that wilderness to be an extensive 
stretch of desert south of Palestine : all the wav alone* from the 

J O 

Wilderness of Shur on the borders of Egypt, to the easternmost 
limit of the Wilderness of Pa ran where lay Pctra or Rcqam, 
" the cast of the world." ! Indeed, in one place, they specifically 
declare this to be their view of the case ; and, again, several of 
their mentions of Kadesh arc conformed to it. Speaking of 
Gerar, 2 they say : " Scripture mentions that it was between Kadcsh 
and Shur ; that is, between two wildernesses, of which one is 
joined to Egypt into which [Shur] the people came after crossing 
the Red Sea ; but the other, Kadesh, extends even to the desert of 
the Saracens" of Arabia Felix. 3 Eusebius describes Kadesh- 
barnea as "the desert stretching to Pctra, a city of Palestine;" 4 
while Jerome adds that Kadesh-barnea is " in the desert which is 
joined to [or which actually stretches on until it touches] the city 
of Petra." 5 Again, in a mention of " Arad," 6 Eusebius says it is 
"situated near the desert called Kadesh;" and Jerome 7 says, 
" near the desert of Kadesh." Moreover, both Eusebius and 
Jerome locate the Well of Judgment 8 [Eu-mishpat] in Gerar, in 
the western part of the desert. 

1 See page 168 f., sujym. 2 Onomnsticon., s. v. 

3 The desert east of the Arabah. See Forster s Gcog. of Arabia, II., 7-32. 
* Onomasticon, s. v., " Kaddes." 5 DC Loc. Heb., s. v., " Cades." 

6 Onomnsticon, s. v., " Arama." 7 DC Loc. Ileb., s. v., " Arad." 

8 lbid. } s. v., " Puteus fudicii." Onomasticon, s. v., $piap Kpiaeui;. 


In another work, 1 Jerome speaks of the monk Hilarion as 
" going to the desert Kadesh " by way of Elusa a route which 
would be taken to day by a traveler from Palestine toward the 
Azazimeh mountain tract, or toward the desert south of those 
mountains. In no case, however, is Kadesh identified with Petra, 
either by statement or by implication, in the writings of Eusebius 
and Jerome ; any more than in the writings of Josephus and the 

From all these facts it would seem, that while there are no con 
clusive indications of the precise location of Kadesh-barnea in the 
Egyptian records, in the Apocrypha, in the rabbinical writings, or 
in the early Christian name-lists, there is nothing in those extra- 
biblical sources of information which conflicts \\ ith the indications 
already found in the Bible text ; while there is more or less in 
confirmation of those indications. 

1 Vita Hilarionis. 




Notwithstanding the importance and early prominence of 
Kadesh-barnea as a boundary line landmark, and as a point of 
strategic value on the border of the Holy Land, it seems to have 
dropped out from the records of travel and of study during a 
period of six to eight centuries after the days of Eusebius and 
Jerome ; and the reasons for this fact it is not difficult to surmise. 

Because Kadesh-barnea was a secluded stronghold, off from the 
main routes of travel while yet it was near to them, it would natu 
rally be passed by without notice, when there was no special 
occasion for turning aside to it. It was not a station on any of 
the great Roman roads across the desert, or into and through 
Palestine, to find a place on all the prominent route-maps, such as 
the Antonine Itinerary and the Peutinger Tables. It was not in 
the ordinary routes of pilgrimage to or from Jerusalem or Mount 
Sinai, to have mention in the devout itineraries, from Bishop 
Arculf s to that of Sir John Mauudeville. 1 

Nor was it in the line of the customary approaches to Palestine 
from the "West, during the varying conflicts for the possession of 
that land, as recorded in the crusading chronicles of the middle 
ages. No Christian army followed in the track of Kedor-la omer 

1 See Eeissbuch des Ileiligen Lands; also, Wright s Early Travels in Palestine. 



or of Moses, in an attempted entry into the Holy Land from the 
southward ; and, therefore, none needed to seek a stopping-place 
at the border stronghold which those chieftains recognized as an 
objective point in such a movement. 

Meantime, there were no geographical studies of that region, in 
either Jewish or Christian circles, which gave fresh light to any 
out-of-the-way location, however important it might be in its rela 
tions to the Bible narrative. Hence it is not to be wondered at, 
that Kadesh-barnea seemed forgotten. 


In a single instance there is a mention of Kadesh-barnea, in the 
crusading chronicles of William of Tyre; 1 and naturally this 
mention is in connection with a movement Egyptward. 

It was between the second and third crusades, 2 under the reign 
of Amalric I. (or Amaury I.), the brother and successor of Bald 
win III., as kino; of Jerusalem. A. D. 1167. A state of thin 0-3 

/ o o 

which at that time, was, in a sense, advantageous to the Christians, 
grew out of the discords and conflicts among the Muhammadans 
of Egypt, Syria, and Asiatic Turkey. The rival khaleefehs of 
Cairo and Baghdad were in bitter hostility to each other; and 
both the sultan of Damascus and the king of Jerusalem endeav 
ored from time to time to avail themselves of this hostility for 
personal ends. 3 

After the Christian and the Syrian armies had successively 
invaded Egypt and then withdrawn from it, the sultan of Damas- 

1 See his "Historia," m Gesta Dei per Francos, at p. 962 /. 

2 As in all such matters, there is a difference in the dividing line recognized by 
different authorities. Mill (Hist, of Crusades, chap. X.), counts this period between 
the second and third crusades; so does Cox (Encyc. Brit., ninth ed., Art. "Cru 
sades"); but Michaud (Hist, of Crusades, Bk. VII.), includes it in the third 

3 Various authorities (as above) go to show these facts. 


cus made a league with the khaleefeh of Baghdad for the subju 
gation of Egypt; iu order that the sultan might govern it politi 
cally, and that the eastern khaleefeh might secure undisputed 
religious sway in the Muhammadan world. To this end a vast 
army was raised, and began its move Egyptward. Then it was 
that Egypt invoked the aid of the Christians, promising to pay a 
heavy tribute in return for the protection asked for. 

The king of Jerusalem agreed to render the desired assistance. 
At his summons, there was an assembly at Nablus of all the dig 
nitaries of church and state in the kingdom of Jerusalem; and 
arrangements were speeded for the raising of men and money 
without stint, for the new campaign. Meantime the report came 
to king Amalric that the Syrian leader with his allied army " had 
taken his way through the desert by which the people of Israel 
came to the Land of Promise ; " ] that, in fact, he had crossed the 
Desert et-Teeh from its eastern to its western borders, entering it, 
doubtless, by the way which Kedor-la omer had taken into the 
Wilderness of Paran. Then king Amalric, gathering all the sol 
diers at his disposal, hastened down to intercept him, going " even 
to Kadesh-barnea which is in the desert;" but "not finding him 
he quickly returned," says the chronicler. 2 

From further reports of the movements of Amalric, in connec 
tion with this invasion of Egypt from the East, 3 it is evident that 
his own course was Egyptward, and that he went by way of Gaza, 
from the centre of his kingdom. This mention of Kadesh-barnea 
would seem, therefore, to show that during the crusading period, 
as in the days of Jerome and Eusebius, that region was counted 
the desert, or a portion of the desert, that stretched along the 
southern boundary of the Holy Land from near its western limits. 

Another remarkable illustration of the typical character of 

1 Gesta Dei, p. 963. 2 Ibid. 

8 See Mill s Hist, of Crusades, chap. X., p. 131 /.; Michaud s Hist, of Crusades, 
Vol. III., p. 388 /. 


Egypt, with its temptations and its bondage, in contrast with 
Palestine, with its conflicts and its possibilities of rest by faith, is 
furnished in the story of this Egyptward movement of the new 
king of Jerusalem. When Amalric had seen the abounding ma 
terial treasures of Egypt, he coveted them as more attractive than 
his straitened and desolate domain in Palestine, and he determined 
to possess that land. And his purpose and endeavors in this di 
rection became the beginning of the end of Christian supremacy in 
Palestine. It was in connection with this diversion of the strength 


of the crusaders power, that ground was lost on their northern 
borders, and that Saladin (Salah-cd-Deen), the new leader of the 
Saracens, was brought into preeminence before his own people, 
and became a power for the crushing out, for the time at least, of 
the Christian sway in the Holy Land. 1 It would have been bet 
ter for Amalric to have sojourned, like Abraham, between Kadesh 
and Shur, rather than to have passed hurriedly through Arabia, in 
the hope of finding a more attractive home in the Land of Bond 
age than was available to him in the ancient Laud of Promise. 


In the lack of any fresh discoveries concerning the site of 
Kadesh-barnea, it is not to be wondered at that the ambiguous and 
uncertain references to it in the name-lists of the early Christian 
writers, together with the duplicating of its synonym Reqam in 
the early rabbinical writings, continued for centuries to cause con 
fusion in both Christian and Jewish attempts at its locating. Nor 
can it be doubted that every attempt to reconcile these conflicting 
indications with the clearer disclosures of the Bible text, would 
inevitably increase the confusion. 

Those who followed the Onomasticon, would be inclined to look 

J See Michaud s Hist, of Crusades; Vol. III., pp. 392-406. 


for Kadcsh-barnea as a wilderness-region south of Palestine, 
stretching across the desert even to Petra on the east of the Ara- 
bah. Those who turned to the Bible for guidance would be sure 
that Kadesh-barnea lay far to the westward of the Arabah, and 
on the southern border of the Holy Land proper. Those who 
would reconcile the Bible and the Onomasticon, or who had been 
misled by the talmudic references to the two Reqams, must seek 
for two Kadeshes, or one Kadesh and one Kadesh-barnea ; the one 
at the east of the southern desert; the other westward. And just 
this variety of opinions is to be found in the writings of commen 
tators, geographers, and travelers, for a series of centuries. 

The first explicit mention of a Kadesh as distinct from Kadesh- 
barnea, so far as I know, is by " Rashi," l in the latter part of the 
eleventh century. He simply says : " There were two towns ; the 
one was called Kadesh, and the other Kadesh-barnea." 5 He gives 
no reason for this opinion ; nor docs he seem to have any special 
familiarity with the geography of the Holy Land from personal 
knowledge. He was apparently misled by the double Reqam in 
the Talmud the Rock-Kadesh and the Rock-Petra ; and again 
his error at this point would be sure to mislead Jewish writers 
after him, as Eusebius and Jerome were the means of misleading 
Christian scholars. 

It is said that Maimonides, who closely followed Rashi in time, 
"constructed a map of the frontiers of Palestine." 3 Such a map 
I do not find reproduced or referred to in any edition of his works 
which I have examined; but there is a rabbinical map, or rude 
plot, of the Holy Land boundaries, to be found in many old 
works, 4 and possibly this dates from his time. It simply notes 
the place of Kadesh-barnea, as west of the lower end of the Salt 

1 See page 151, supra. 2 Rashi, al ha-Torah, at Num. 32 : 8. 

8 See Zunz on " Geographical Literature of the Jews," in Asher s Benjamin of 
Tudeln, p. 254. 

4 See, e. g. Van Hamelsveld s Bib. Geog. Vol. I., p. 138. 


Sea; but in such a way as to throw no light on its precise 

The earliest mention of Kadesh-barnea which I find in any 
Christian writer after Jerome, is in the Latin work of the Domini 
can Brocardus, entitled " Locorum Terrac Sanctse Descriptio," 
which was probably written near the close of the thirteenth 
century. 1 

Brocardus had been in the Holy Land ; but apparently not in 
the desert. His references to Kadesh-barnea are vaprue and inex- 


act ; and are evidently controlled by the idea of Eusebius and 
Jerome, that it was a wilderness-region stretching westward along 
the desert border of Palestine, from the vicinity of Petra ; or from 
Kcrek, at the east of the Dead Sea, which was then supposed to 
be the site of ancient Petra. His statements throw no new light 
on the subject ; they rather go to show the general lack of knowl 
edge on this point in his day. 

Perhaps the earliest map of the Holy Laud with any attempt at 
accurate locations, was that of Marino Sanuto, an Italian geogra 
pher 2 and a historian of the crusades, 3 who had visited Palestine. 
His map was drawn early in the fourteenth century ; and it was 
long made the basis of the maps of that region. As it extended 
only to the southern tongue of the Dead Sea, it did not include 
the region of Kadesh-barnea ; but a note which appears at the 
lower margin of the map, as reproduced in an edition of " Gesta 
Dei per Francos," under date of 1611, refers to the "land of 
Amalek" as southward of the lower line of the map, and as "ex- 

1 "All editors refer this tract to the thirteenth century; some to the early part, 
and some t<~> the close ; but the weight of authority seems to lean towards the latter 
part, or about A. D. 12SO" (Robinson s Bib. Res. II., 539). 

2 He also prepared "a map of the world representing the Mediterranean and 
Atlantic coasts as far as Flanders, probably drawn between 1312 and 1321 " (Encyc. 
Brit., Ninth ed., Art. "Map"). 

3 His " Secreta Fidelium " is in Gcsta Dei. 


tending to the tongue of the Dead Sea and Kadesh-barnea." This 
note, which is in substance taken from Sanuto s " Secrcta Fide- 
Hum/ would seem to indicate that he counted Kadesh-baruea as a 
westward landmark, over against the Dead Sea as an eastern one. 


There was no lack of pilgrimages to the Holy Land during all 
the Middle Ages ; nor was Mount Sinai then overlooked as a place 
of Christian pilgrimage. But the pilgrims generally were intent 
rather on showing their veneration for sites which were tradition 
ally identified, than on discovering anew any sacred place which 
had long been lost sight of. It was not until near the close of the 
fifteenth century that a spirit of fresh investigation seemed to be 
awakened in travelers there as elsewhere ; then, however, the in 
vention of printing promoted the quickening of that spirit to a 
degree quite unexampled before. 

First among Christian travelers to suggest that they had visited 
the site of Kadesh-barnea, were Breydenbach and Fabri ; and their 
suggestion has chief value in the fact that it was a suggestion in 
this direction, however little it had to rest on. 

It was in 1483-84 that Dean Breydenbach of Mayence, and 
Friar Fabri of Ulm, two Roman ecclesiastics, journeyed together 
from Jerusalem to Mount Sinai by way of Gaza and Beersheba. 
Among their companions were the Count of Solms and Freiherr 
Hans Werli von Zimber. Breydenbach and Fabri wrote each his 
own report of the journey ; l and each wrote the story over again 
for the benefit of a titled companion. 2 These four reports show 
many discrepancies in the order and distances of places visited ; 3 

1 Breydenbach s Itin. Ilierofolym. ; Fabri s Evagatorium. 

2 Fabcr s Beschreibung, for Hans Werli ; Breydenbach s Beschreibung, for the 
Count of Solms. 
* For example, Breydenbach says, that on leaving Gaza they stopped just outside 


such discrepancies, however, as are not to be wondered at in itine 
raries of that period, and of that region. Of the two ecclesiastics, 
Fabri is commonly the more accurate ; yet Breydenbach has had the 
larger popularity, perhaps from his freer plagiarism from Brocar- 
dus s work already mentioned. Both writers have more promi 
nence through their place at the dawning of a better day on the 
field of their research, than any work performed by them would 
merit on its own account. 

At some distance below Gaza these travelers came to a place 
which they thought might be identified with Kadcsh-barnca. 
Fabri says of it: 1 "We came into a land undulating and unequal 
with hills, but barren. The place also is called in Arabic, Cha- 
watha. 2 And in it we found many signs and marks that there 
were once human habitations ; for, above us, we found twelve 
great walled ancient cisterns, round about which were lying many 
broken pieces of pottery, and ashes . . . According to the position 
of that place, I think that it is the region of Kadcsh barnea." 
Breydcubach goes a little farther, in his inclination to identify this 

the city for the first night ; and the second night they stopped at Lebhem, " one mile 
from Gaza." Fabri says, that the day following their night at Gazmaha, just outside 
of Gaza, they journeyed "eight hours" in the direction of Beershcba, and then 
stopped at Lebhem. He mentions that on this route, at one German mile (nearly 
five English miles) from Gazmaha, their Arab shaykh left them, on his return to 
Jerusalem. The place of this incident may have misled Breydenbach in the writing 
up of his notes. Fabri iu another place says that they reached Beersheba some 
hours before reaching Lebhem. Such discrepancies as these would seem to indicate 
that while these travelers refer to veritable places visited by them, they are confused 
as to the distances and order of places, one from another, as might easily be the case 
in writing up a record from note-jottings. (Comp. Evagatorium, II., 409, 410, and 
Reissbuch, p. 292). 

Robinson (fiih. Res., II., 541) says: "On coinparing the two accounts, I find that 
of Fabri to be more full and accurate ; and wherever there is a discrepancy (as at 
Hebron) the latter is to be preferred." 

1 Evagatorium. II. 411 /. 

2 It is more probable that the Arabic name was Hawwadeh ( &sC\j*. ) an irregular 
plural of hawd ( (J^- ), meaning " Cisterns " or Place of Cisterns. 


as the site of Kadesh-barnea. He says of it : l " We came into a 
place which in the Arabic tongue is called, Cawatha ; but in the 
Latin, Cades." 

Just where this place was is not clear from the several narra 
tives. From one record, it would seein to be near Gaza; from 
another, to be at two or three days distance southeasterly ; and 
from yet another, to be below Boersheba. 2 It is thought by some 
that Tucher, a traveler from Bethlehem to Gaza, in 1479, had re 
ferred to this region under the name " Mackati ; " 3 although this is 
by no means sure. On the strength of these notes, Zimmermann, 
in his large map of Syria and Palestine, 4 which accompanied 
Ritter s great work, laid down " Chawata," with several alternative 
names, at a point a little southeast of Gaza ; and the new map of 
the Palestine Exploration Fund 5 gives " Khan el-Hawadi " 6 
at about the same point. The whole thing is, however, of little 
importance except as showing the fact, that in this earliest mention 
of the possible site of Kadesh-barnea in the record of modern tra 
vel, the idea of Eusebius and Jerome, that the region of Kadesh- 
barnea extended westward to near the Mediterranean border of 
Palestine, prevailed in the minds of the more intelligent Christian 
pilgrims, as it had before prevailed in the minds of the crusaders. 

With the discovery of printing, there came also a new applica 
tion of copper engraving, and wood-cutting, for the multiplication 
of illustrations in printed works; and this facilitated an increase 
of maps to accompany geographies and Bibles. In the second half 
of the sixteenth century a rude map illustrating the exodus and 
wanderings of the Israelites was reproduced, with variations, in 
popular editions of the Bible in Latin, French, and Eng- 

1 Itinerarium, (Spires edition ; pages not numbered.) 
See note at page \9l, supra. 3 Tucher s " Beschreibung" (in Reissbuch, p. 678). 

4 Karte von Syrien u. Palastina. 5 3fap of West. Pal., Sheet xix. 

6 " The word means hind legs," says " Name Lists " (Surv. of WeM. Pal.}, p. 361. 
Possibly Hawwadeh was mistaken for this word by the explorers. See note at p. 192. 


lish. 1 In tli is map, Kadesh-barnea was represented as on the 
southern border of Canaan, at a point a little more than half 
way across from the Dead Sea to the Mediterranean; just where a 
study of the Bible referenees to it, unconfused by the guesses of 
Eusebius and Jerome, would prompt to its locating. 2 

But Bible-maps, like Bible-commentaries, were not all con 
formed to one pattern then, any more than they are now. In at 
least one Latin Bible, as early as 1483, 3 the maps, which were 
exceptionally well wrought, gave two sites for Kadesh; one, as 
" Cades-barne," southerly from Hebron; another as "Cades En- 
mishpat," farther eastward. Of course the Bible maps reflected 
the views of geographers for the time being. 

With the rise of printing and engraving, there was a revival of 
interest in old-time maps and geographies, as well as a multiplica 
tion of new ones. Various editions of Ptolemy s Geography were 
re-issued, with accompanying maps. 4 Xo maps drawn by Ptolemy 
had been preserved. 5 The earliest known maps plotted from his 
data are supposed to have been made in the fifth century of our 
era. The new maps issued with the successive printed editions of 
his work, while conformed to his data, naturally had more or less 
additions to them in accordance with the later advances in geo 
graphical discovery. For example, in his geography he makes no 
mention of Kadesh-barnea; but in an edition of it printed at 
Rome, in 1508, one of the maps has a similar note to that on 

1 See, e. g. : Francis Stepliens s French Bible, A. D., 15G7 ; Rovillius s French Bi- 
l>le, A. D., 15(19; Santander s Latin Bible, A. D., 1574; Selfisch and Bechtold s Latin 
Bible, A. D., 1501; Barker s English Bible, A. D., 1599. 

2 1 am inclined to think that Miinster was the author of this map ; as will be seen 
farther on. A biblical and geographical conclusion of his, is worthy of respect. 

3 Christopher Plantin s Latin Bible, Antwerp. 
4 See Ruge s article " Map," in Encyc. Brit., ninth edition. 

5 Huge (as above) says : " No maps appear to have been drawn by Ptolemy him 
self." But Ptolemy ( Ccoy., Bk. I., chaps. 21-24,) speaks of his methods of preparing 
his maps, in a manner to justify the belief that he did prepare them. 


Marino Sanuto s, concerning the stretch of the region of the Arnale- 
kites from the tongue of the Dead Sea to Kadesh-baruea, or " Cades- 
Be rsabee " as it is here called. The maps in other editions of Ptole 
my which I have examined 1 contain no mention of Kadesh-barnea. 

The two centuries following the invention of printing were 
marked by a revival of geographical study. Some of the maps of 
that period are of a style and finish to bear comparison with good 
work of the present day. And the basis of much of our geographi 
cal knowledge was then laid by such masters in their line as Mer- 
cator and Miiuster and Ortelius, and others less known but not 
less worthy of praise. The Holy Land came in for its full share 
of study by the foremost geographers of the time ; but, of course, 
they had no new data for the settlement of disputed sites, and they 
naturally gave large weight to the opinions of Bible students of 
their day and earlier, in such a matter. Their locations of Kadesh- 
barnea arc, therefore, valuable only as showing the current opinions 
of their time concerning it. 

Jacob Ziegler, a Bavarian scholar, published a work on the 
geography of Palestine, with accompanying maps, in 1532. 2 These 
maps show a close study of the Bible text, and they locate 
" Akrabbim" at the westward of the lower tongue of the Dead 
Sea, and " Chades Barneah " southwesterly of that tongue, mid 
way toward the Mediterranean shore ; just where the latest con 
clusions of scholars would find it. Gerard Mercator s first geo 
graphical work was a map of the Holy Land, published in 1537. 
This, by itself, I have not seen ; but Mercator s later maps of 
Palestine, so far as I have seen, 3 do not note Kadesh-barnea. 

1 Including Strasburg, A. D. 1525 ; Basle, A. D. 1545 ; and later ones. 

2 Published, like many a book of that day. without a title. There is nothing in 
this line beyond: " Jacob i Zieglcri, Argentorati, apud Petrum Opilionem., 

3 Including his Atlas Minor, Amsterdam, A. D. 1614, and his larger Atlas, Amster 
dam, A. D. 1633. 


Minister s Cosmography of 1550 1 gives a map of Palestine and 
of the region below it, on -which is laid down the line of Israel s 
exodus and wanderings much in the form which soon after ap 
peared in popular editions of the Bible, as already noted, 2 and 
which indeed may have been the foundation of that. The name 
of Kadesh-barnea docs not appear on this edition of the map, but 
this seems to be an accidental omission ; for the turning-point of 
the Israelites from the southern border of Canaan is made, without 
a note, just at the place where Kadesh-barnea is noted in the 
Bible-maps, midway between the Dead Sea and the Mediter 
ranean; and in a subsequent edition of his Cosmography, 3 Miiuster 
locates Kadesh-barnea, Kadesh, and Zin, together at that point, 
southerly from Hebron. This would seem to show his under 
standing of Kadesh-barnea as a " city " in the Wilderness of 
Kadesh, and both in the Wilderness of Zin, according to the 
Bible text. 

Ortelins, of Antwerp, in 1570, took np again the two-fold idea 
of Kadesh ; and, in the maps accompanying his " Theatrum Orbis 
Terrarum," he located Kadesh-barnea in its proper place, south of 
Hebron, as if in conformity to the Bible text ; while, as if to con 
form to his understanding of Eusebius and Jerome, he noted " Zin 
or Kadesh " at the southeast of the Dead Sea, not far from the 
Petra of that day, which was Kerek. 

And now came a new landmark in the realm of popular bibli 
cal geography, in a treatise that had much to do with perpetuating 
the error of more than one Kadesh. Christian Adrichomius, a 
Romish ecclesiastic of Holland, availing himself of the earlier 

f O 

geographical works, together with the records of study and travel 
in the field of the Holy Land, 4 brought much gathered material 

1 Cosmoy. Geoy., Basle. 2 See page 193 /., supra. 3 Bus!-, A. D. 1574. 

4 Adrichomius gives a long list of authorities consulted by him, including the an 
cient geographers, and later writers, such as William of Tyre, Brocardus, Mercator, 
Vitriacus, and Breydenbach. 


into classified order, under the title of " Theatruni Terrsc Sanctee." 
His work resembled the Onomasticon in its systematic form, rather 
than the unsystematic treatise of Brocardus. Its first edition was 
published at Cologne, in 1590, five years after the author s death. 
At once it had popular favor ; and at least five subsequent editions 
were published within a century. 

While the accompanying maps of the Holy Land were more in 
detail and fuller than those published before his day, they were 
less accurate concerning the region of the Hebrew wanderings ; for 
they actually gave no hint of two arms to the Red Sea, and of the 
peninsula formed by them. His method of solving difficulties 
concerning the location of Kadesh was eminently simple. It was 
merely by multiplying the sites. He gave Kadesh, Kadesh-barnea, 
the Desert of Kadesh, and Kadesh-palm l (a name which came from 
a misreading in the Apocrypha 2 ), as four distinct places. The 
Desert of Kadesh, or of " Zin, which is Kadesh," he located at the 
south of the Dead Sea, sweeping down toward the Red Sea; 
and in that desert he located Kadesh, or Meribah-Kadesh ; also 
Kadesh-palm. Kadesh-barnea, with Rithmah, he located at its 
proper place, on the south of Palestine, half-way across to the 
Mediterranean. With this variety to choose from, it was easy for 
any one to quote Adrichomius in justification of a favorite site of 
Kadesh; and Adrichomius became, and long remained, a popular 
authority in his field. 

Almost simultaneously with the work of Adrichomius, there 
came a more modestly pretentious work by Bunting, of Magde 
burg, under the title of "Itiuerarium Sacrse Scripturoe." First 
printed in German, in 1591, it was translated, with some re-shap- 

1 Edition of 1600, p. 118, a, 21 ; b, 22, 23, 24. 

2 Ecclesiasticus 24 : 14. " I shot upward like a palm tree on the sea-shores," or 
"in Engaddi (h ab/ialotr ; 248, Co., ev Ta6M, i.e., kv Eyyatii ; h Eyyddoif, 296, 
308 ; kv TdJoif, 253 ; Old Lat., in Cades). All are clearly corrections for the first." 
(Schaff-Bissell Com. on Apoc., in loco.) 


ing, into English, as "The Travels of the Holy Patriarchs and 
Prophets/ etc. ; and it easily held a place for more than a century. 
This work actually assumed to give the precise latitude and longi 
tude of every scriptural site, together with its distance in miles 
from Jerusalem ; and at every before debatable point, including 
every station of the wanderings, it was as prompt and positive 
with an unambiguous answer, as is an Arab guide in locating sites 
in expectation of bakhshccsh. Consistency was evidently of less 
importance than explicituess in this author s various locations. 

In this work, 1 " Kadcs-Baruea " is called " a city of the Idume- 
ans ; " it is said to be " forty miles from Jerusalem towards the 
south;" its longitude is given at 65 22 (corresponding with the 
modern 35 22 ), and its latitude at 31 29 (the same as at 
present.) Of " Zin-Kades " it is said : " This was a great wilder 
ness lying between Ezion-Gaber and Kades-Barnca, being 184 
miles in length, abounding with thorns and high mountains. 
Upon the north side thereof lay Mount Seir and Kades-Barnea, 
and towards the south the Red Sea. It was called Parau and Zin, 
of the abundance of thorns that grew there ; for Zin of Zanan, 
signifies a sharp thorn; Zinnim, full of thorns; and Kadesh, 
sanctity or holiness. Here Moses and Aaron having struck the 
Rock twice, at length it brought forth water ; but for their mur 
muring and incredulity God would not suffer them to go into the 
Laud of Canaan. This lay 120 miles from Jerusalem toward the 
south." Of Rithmah it is affirmed : " It is distant from Jerusalem 
112 miles toward the southeast." If only these several statements 
could have been first reconciled, and then believed, the site of 
Kadesh-barnea would have been settled conclusively two centuries 

Following Adrichomius and Bunting, in the attempt to reconcile 
the statements of Eusebius and the indications of the Bible-text by 

i See the English edition, pp. 117, 119, 121. 


making a distinction between Kadesh-baruea and Kadesh in the 
Wilderness of Zin, there came Raleigh, 1 of England ; Quaresmius, 2 
of Italy ; Blaeu, 3 and Dapper, 4 of Holland ; Heidmann, 5 and Ho- 
rnaun, 6 of Germany ; Sausou," of France ; Spauheim, 8 of the Neth 
erlands, and others. All of these geographers agreed in locating 
Kadesh-barnca, southerly from Hebron, where the Bible text 
locates it. They differed, however, in the location of the " Ziu 
which is Kadesh ; " some of them placing this not far eastward of 
Kadesh-baruea, and others placing it even eastward of the Dead Sea. 
From travels, meantime, there was little light shed ; although 
an occasional gleam showed itself through such an opening of the 
desert closures. Roger, a French missionary, on a map accompa 
nying his description of the Holy Land 9 located Kadesh below 
the Dead Sea, as if in accordance with its noting by Eusebius as 
reaching toward Petra. It does not appear, however, that he had 
himself visited that region. At about the same date, Antonio of 
Castile furnished a map with his record of travels, 10 on which he 
noted Petra as south of the Dead Sea, and Kadesh as southward 
from Petra. He, indeed, had a Spanish precedent, in Moutano, 11 
for the locating of Kadcsh-barnea well to the southward, even 
in the region of Mount Sinai ; although the latter placed the site 
mid- way between the eastern and western bounds of the peninsula, 
while Antonio s map gave no hint of a peninsula. 

1 Ifist. of World, " Zin-cadcs ioyneth to Arabia ye Desert, aud Cades-barnea to 
Idumea " (note to Map, Vol. I., p. 218.) 

2 Hist. Theolog. et Moral. Terrx Sanctx, p. 25 /. 3 Map in Theat. Orb. Terr. 
4 Map in Naukeuriye Beschr. van Pal., p. 1. 5 " Tabula II." in Palxstina. 

6 Map "Judaea" in Atlas Novus. 

7 Nicholas Sanson, and afterward his sons William and Adrian published a num 
ber of atlases. In the earliest map by Nicholas which I have seen (Map 6C, of the 
editions of 1064) only one site is claimed for Kadesh, and that in its proper place as 
Kadesh-baruea; but subsequent maps by the Sansons note two sites. 

8 Map " Pala3stina " in Geoy. Sac. et Eccles. 
9 La Terrc Sainte. w El devoto Pereyrino. 

11 Cited as authority for the maps in Plantin s Bible, A. D. 1583. 


On the other hand, Christopher Fiirer, of Germany, went over 
the desert between Egypt and Palestine in 15G5-67 ; and after 
wards wrote an account of his journeyings in both Latin and 
German. A later edition of this work, 1 prepared by his brother 
Jacob, was published in 16-iG, with carefully-designed maps, and 
an appended geographical chapter. On these maps, Kadesh and 
Kadesh-barnea are together on the southern border of the Holy 
Land, in the proper central position. Again, the map accompany 
ing the itinerary of Salomon Schweigger, 2 of Nuremberg, locates 
Kadesh at the same point, without duplicating it elsewhere. 

It was in the latter half of the seventeenth century, 3 that Light- 
foot published his still famous " Horse Hebraica?," which threw 
such a flood of new light on many a dark passage in the Bible 
and in the Talmud. As has already been mentioned, he took up 
this puzzling question of a double Reqam and a double Kadesh, 
and although he did not seem to surmise the reason for the appa 
rent duplicating (in the name of the Rock-Kadesh and the Rock- 
Petra), he was pronounced in his conviction that Kadesh and 
Kadesh-barnea were one, or were coincident. Indeed, on this 
point his argument from the Bible-text was and is unanswerable ; 
and it would seem to be overwhelmingly conclusive. 1 A school 
boy can understand it. In substance it is this : The gathering 
place of Israel after its thirty-eight years of wandering was 
"Kadesh;" 5 not called " Kadesh-barnea," but simply Kadesh. 
That was the " city " Kadesh, on the uttermost borders of Edora, 
from which the messengers were sent to Edom s king. That 
Kadesh was the place of murmuring for water ; and in conse 
quence it came to be called " Meribah," or " Strife," or " Meribah- 
Kadesh." G Afterwards, Meribah-Kadesh is named as a central or 

1 Reis-Bcschreib. 2 Rcus-Bcschreib. z From 1658 to 1674. 

* JTorcc ITcb., Vol. I., p. 21. 5 Exod. 20 : 1. 

6 Comp. Exod. 20 : 13, 24 ; 27 : 14 ; Deut. 32 : 51 ; 33 : 8. 


pivotal point of the southern boundary of the Holy Laud. 1 But 
again it is declared that the pivotal or central point of the southern 
boundary of the Holy Laud is " Kadesh-barnea ; " 2 not Kadesh 
simply, but Kadesh-barnea. It is therefore clear that both 
" Kadesh " and " Kadesh-barnea " are identical with " Meribah- 
Kadesh ;" and if proving them equal to the same thing does not 
prove them equal to each other, one of the familiar axioms of 
mathematics will have to be amended. The force of that argu 
ment has never been shaken, indeed it may be said never to have 
been directly assailed. 

In this matter, however, as in many another, it has been shown 
that it is easier to mislead popular opinion by an erroneous state 
ment, than to correct popular opinion by a demonstration of that 
error. Eusebius and Adrichomius were still looked upon as 
original sources of information concerning the Holy Land and its 
surroundings ; and many a scholar who turned to them for light 
was influenced by their misconceptions, even after Lightfoot had 
made the truth clear to those who followed his processes of reason 
ing. Moreover, the old error of two Kadeshes was given a new 
start, and with fresh life, in the early part of the eighteenth 
century by the important geographical works of Cellarius 3 and 
Reland, 4 of Germany, and Wells, 5 of England. Each of these 
works repeated the old arguments for a double Kadesh, and not 
one of them met or mentioned the Bible evidence, as presented by 
Lightfoot, in proof of the identity of Kadesh and Kadesh-barnea. 
When such leaders as these were newly at fault, it is not to be 
wondered at that the public generally inclined to the old error. 

Yet, all this time there were independent investigators who 
recognized the plain indications of the Bible text despite the 
vague and misleading suggestions of Eusebius. Prominent among 

1 Ezek. 47 : 19 (margin) ; 48 : 28. * Num. 34 : 4 ; Josh. 15 : 3. 

3 Not. Orb. Antiq. * Palacstina. *Hist. Geoy. of O. T. and N. T. 


these was Hasius, a German mathematician and theologian, whose 
careful work 011 the geography of the Holy Land 1 has not had 
the prominence which its real merit would justify. 2 He recognized 
Kadcsh-baruea as identical with Kadcsh in the Wilderness of Ziu, 
and he located it according to the biblical indications, on the 
southern boundary-line of Judah. Again, Bachieuc, a Dutch 
geographer, approved the identification, by Breydeubach and 
Fabri, of Kades just below Gaza; 3 and Ernst F. K. Rosenmiiller, 
a German geographer, adopted the same view, 4 although he sub 
sequently 5 wavered in his opinion. 

It is unnecessary to track these lines of varying opinion through 
all the realm of biblical geography and biblical comment, down to 
the period of fresh investigation, on a broader basis of knowl 
edge, into the facts of the Bible story. It is sufficient to say, that 
almost without exception all were agreed in locating " Kadesh- 
barnea" on the southern border of the Holy Land, southerly from 
Hebron, while some would find another "Kadesh" nearer to the 
Dead Sea. The Bible clearly demanded the westerly location of 
Kadesh-barnea ; even Eusebius and Jerome, by a liberal construc 
tion, justified it ; and scholars were practically a unit in so recog 
nizing the truth, down to the days of Relaud, and subsequently. 

The arguments in favor of a second Kadesh were, its necessary 
proximity to the uncertain borders of Edom, together with the in 
ference from the rabbins, and from Josephus, Eusebius, and 
Jerome, that it was in some way near to Reqam or the Rock, 
which was supposed to be Petra. To find that the borders of 
Edom extended westward of the Arabah, that the Rock was 
another name for Kadesh-barnea as well as a name for a strong- 


1 He<jni Davidici ct Salbmoncei Descriptio, etc. Nuremberg, A. r>. 1739. 
2 Singularly enough this valuable work finds no mention in the bibliographical 
list of Robinson or in that of Von Raumer. 

;) l alaestina,Vo\. V., p. 384, note. 4 Scholia in V. T. (Leipzig, A.D. 1795), in loco. 
5 See his Bibl. Alterth. (A. D. 1828) III., 86. 


hold of Mount Seir, and that the Bible made Kadesh-barnea iden 
tical with Kadesh in the Wilderness of Zin, would at any time 
have proved sufficient to fix the location of Kadesh-barnea, and of 
course of Kadesh also, southerly from Hebron, where well-nigh 
all had been ready to admit was one of the two sites, if two were 
a necessity. 


Until and during the eighteenth century, the ordinary route of tra 
vel between Mount Sinai and Jerusalem, for those who visited those 
sacred sites, was along the western borders of the peninsula, enter 
ing the Holy Land at Gaza. More commonly the route was from 
Suez to Mount Sinai, and back over the same course ; occasionally 
the route from Mount Sinai was northward to Castle Nakhl, thence 
northeasterly to Gaza ; and on rare occasions a Christian crossed 
the desert to Mekkeh. 1 A direct journey from Mount Sinai to 
Hebron was almost or quite unknown ; hence there was little op 
portunity of exploring the region where all the Bible indications 
would locate Kadesh-barnea. Yet travelers were tempted then, as 
now, to find more of the Bible sites, in the line of their own 
journeying, than a close adherence to the Bible descriptions would 
fully warrant ; and this increased the number of suggested loca 
tions of Kadesh. 

In 1722, Dr. Shaw, an English clergyman, traveled in Egypt, 
Arabia, and Palestine. He was inclined to locate Kadesh-barnea 
near Castle Nakhl (which he would identify with En-mishpat), 
and he argued in favor of this site 2 with more of reason than the 
advocates of many another site since his day. He recognized this 
as a prominent oasis in the evident direction of Jvadesh-barnea 

1 Sec, for example, Thevenot s Reisen, Frankfort-on-the-Maiii, A. D. 1693, and 
Muller s Fremdling zu Jerusalem, Vienna and Nuremberg, A. D. 1735. 
2 See his Travels, p. 318 ff. 


from Mount Sinai : and according to his calculation of the dis 
tance, this oasis was sufficiently far northward. He was on the 
right track, but he stopped to locate before his full journey north 
ward was completed. His identification was approved by Van 
Ilamelsveld, 1 a Dutch geographer of the same century. 

A little later than Shaw, Bishop Pococke published his exten 
sive " Description of the East," in report of his own travels and 
studies. In this, he expressed the opinion that Kadesh and the 
AVildcrness of Ziu were perhaps to be found " about sixten miles 
from the convent [at Mount Sinai] to the northwest." 2 His sole 
reason for this opinion was, that the Prefetto of Egypt had seen there 
" exactly such another stone as the rock of Massa and Meribah in 
Rephidim, with the same sort of openings all down, and the signs 
where the water ran." This stone " was likewise called the stone of 
Moses," by the Arabs ; and it was said that " this must be the 
rock of Meribah, in the wilderness of Zin or Kadesh, which Moses 
smote twice, and the water came out abundantly ; [this] being after 
they returned into those parts from Eziongeber." And this is the 
extent of the disclosures concerning the site of Kadesh-barnea 
down to the beginning of the present century. 

The first traveler of this century who crossed the desert below 
Palestine by a route which carried him in the vicinitv of the region 

*i O 

where the Bible indications, and the well-nigh universal opinion of 
Bible geographers up to his time, would locate Kadesh-barnea, was 
Scetzeu, a German explorer of more than ordinary powers as an 
observer. His death in Arabia prevented his giving any com 
pleted form to the results of his researches ; but his published 
letters and journals comprise much information of value. In 
March and April, 1807, 3 he journeyed southward from Hebron. 
On the 30th ofi March, in the vicinity of Wady el- Ayn, or more 
accurately, Wady Ayn el-Qadayrat, 4 near the common trunk of 

i Bib. Geog. III., 394. 2 Vol. I., p. 147. 3 Relsen, III., 47 /. 

* See Robinson s Bib. Res., I., 189. 


the desert-roads, which has been referred to as the probable halt 
ing-place of Kedor-la omcr on his northward march/ Scetzen en 
countered Azazimeh Arabs, or the " Adsasme " as he calls them. 
And then, on that edge of the Azazimeh mountain tract, he came 
on a " flat dry wady," which was called " Wadi el-Kdeis." Al 
though Seetzen did not attempt any identification of this name with 
that of Kadesh, the correspondence of the two names (the Hebrew 
Qadhcsh, and the Arabic Qadees 2 which seems to be that which 
is noted by Seetzen) is obvious. 

And this is the first hint of the ancient name in the Arabic 
nomenclature of the region reported by a modern traveler. Yet 
an old time Arabic geographer 3 had reported a " Qadoos " at one 
day s journey south of " Mesjid Ibraheem " (which Wetzstein 
understands to be Hebron, but which may be Beer-sheba, as Abra 
ham s " place of worship "). These are new gleams of light on a 
possible identification of the site of Kadesh-barnea. 

After Seetzen came Burckhardt, a Swiss traveler, who was fitted 
by nature and by careful training for eminent service in his varied 
fields of Oriental research. He was in the East during most of the 
time from 1809 until his death at Cairo in 1817. In 1812, he dis 
covered the ruins of ancient Petra, the Rock-City which was 
doubtless one of the Reqams of the Jewish rabbis and the early 
Christian writers ; and at the same time he opened up to the 
modern world the extensive Arabah, or the Ghor of the Arabic 
geographers. In doing this latter service, he suggested that the 
Arabah was Kadesh-barnea; 4 and thereby he not only gave fresh 
life to the old notion that " Kadesh " was in that vicinity, but he 
gave a start to a new error, that " Kadesh-barnea" was there in the 
land of Edom, instead of on the southern border of Judah, west- 

1 See page 42, supra. 2 See page 16, supra, note. 

5 Maqdisi, as quoted from a manuscript in the Berlin Museum by Wetzstein iu 
" Excursus III.," in Delitzsch s Com. on Genesis. 

4 Travels in Syria, p. 443. 


ward. " The existence of the valley El-Araba," he said, " the 
Kadesh-barnea, perhaps, of the Scriptures, appears to have been 
unknown both to ancient and modern geographers, although it 
forms a prominent feature in the topography of Syria and Arabia 
Petrrea." Burckhardt did not at any time visit the western por 
tion of the upper desert, to become acquainted with the Axazimch 
mountain tract which Sectzcn had skirted, thereby to be able to 
compare that region with the Arabah; nor did he attempt any 
argument in proof of his proposed identification of Kadesh-baruea. 
lie simply made the suggestion of the identity of the two places ; 
but that was enough, from such a man as himself, to give the idea 
not only currency but popular acceptance. 

Following Burckhardt, came Iliippcll, 1 a German naturalist, 
who, from 1822 to 1831, made important additions to the sum of 
knowledge concerning the desert region ; but he proffered no sug 
gestion as to the site of Kadesh. In 1828, M. Leon dc Labordc, 
a French artist and biblical scholar, with his companion M. 
Linant, visited the peninsula of Sinai, and supplemented the dis 
coveries of Burckhardt in the site of ancient Petra by a series of 
admirable drawings. 2 Labordc accepted the suggestion of Burck 
hardt that the Arabah was Kadesh-barnea, 3 and he even located 
the "city" of Kadesh at " Embasch," 4 at the mouth of Wady 
Jcrafeh, " the great drain of all the long basin between the Arabah 
and the ridges west of Turf er-Rukn, extending from Jcbel et-Tih 
on the south to the ridge between Jebel Araif and el-Mukrah on 
the north." 5 

Another location of the "city," or of the "fountain," of Kadesh, 
in Burckhardt s Arabah-Kadesh, was made by Karl von Raumer, 
a German scientist and theologian, who studied and wrote upon 
the wanderings of the Israelites before he had visited the East, and 

1 Relsen. 2 Voyage, dc I Arab. Pit. 3 Sec his Maps, in his Voyage. 

* Comment., at Num. 33 : 30. 6 Robinson s Bib. Res. I., ISO. 


who again discussed the subject in connection with a record of his 
travels there. It was in 1836 that he proposed an identification 
of Kadesli in the upper Arabah. His description of his location 
was somewhat confused, 1 as he apparently supposed Jebel Madurah 
to be nearer the Arabah than it is ; but subsequently he settled on 
Ayn Hasb 2 as the site for his championship. But all that can be 
said for or against that site is, that if the Israelites were ever up 
there in the meshes of that Edomitish net, Ayn Hasb would have 
answered as well as any one of a half dozen spots for Kadesh-barnea. 
From the days of Burckhardt and Laborde, the records of des 
ert travel have been numerous and intelligent, quite beyond any 
thing known before that time. Yet, after all, comparatively few 
travelers have passed up the Arabah into the Holy Land, and 
fewer still have gone directly northward to Hebron from the lower 
or central desert. Hence the references, from this source, to any 
supposed site of Kadesh-barnea, are by no means numerous. In 
1836, Stephens, an American traveler, went up the Arabah, and 
was naturally inclined to think that Kadesh-barnea must have 
been somewhere along his route to Hebron. 3 The next year Lord 
Lindsay, an Englishman, went over the same ground, and had a 
similar opinion. 4 Von Schubert, who, like Von Raumer and 
Riippell, was a German naturalist, was in that region the same 
year as Lord Lindsay. He thought Kadesh-barnea must have 
been near Jebel Madurah; 5 and Count Bertou, 6 a Frenchman, who 
shortly followed him, reported the name "Kadessa" as still 
lingering there. Other travelers, meantime, may have given their 
surmises on this point ; but I do not find them recorded, although 
I have looked for this purpose through the writings of Volney, 7 
AH Bey, 8 Irby and Mangles, 9 Legh, 10 Henniker, 11 and Russegger, 12 

1 Der Zug dcr Israel., pp. 34-37. 2 Paldstina, pp. 480-488. 

s Incidents of Travel, II., 112. * Letters, II., 22, 50. 5 Reise, II., 444. 

6 Quoted by Robinson, (Bib. Res., first ed. II., 659-CC9). 
Travels. 8 Travels. 9 Trawls. 10 " Excursion." u Notes. 12 Reisen. 


among those whose routes would have been most likely to suggest 
an identification of Kadesh-barnea in view of the surmises of their 


And now we come to a new era in biblical geography, as marked 
by the travels of Dr. Edward Robinson, an American explorer 
whose observations in Palestine and the Peninsula of Sinai have 
practically given the base line and trigonometrical stations for all 
the following surveys of those lands of the Bible. The subsequent 
work of scholars and explorers in that region has been, in a sense, 
little more than the testing of his preliminary surveys. " Robin- 
sou s Biblical Researches in Palestine and in the Adjacent Re 
gions " have been hardly less important and influential in their 
field in our day, than were the works in various former times of 
Eusebius, and Jerome, and Brocardus, and Adrichomius, and 
Reland, in a similar field. The many unmistakable new-identifi 
cations of biblical sites made by Robinson have been cither 
accepted without question, or abundantly sustained by farther 
examination ; and even his occasional errors of identification have 
naturally gained a hold oil the Bible-studying public hardly less 
firm and ineradicable than the truths brought out by him. 

Robinson was impressed with the striking features of the mountain 
range on the east of the Arabah, where Burckhardt had dis 
covered the ruins of ancient Petra, and he yielded to the tradi 
tional identification of Mount Hor at Jebel Xebv Huroon ; T 
although it was obviously within the limits of the Mount Seir 
which the Israelites were not permitted to enter. From this 
divergence lie was farther led to believe that the Israelites, instead 
of going across the " great and terrible wilderness " of the Desert 

1 Bib. Res., II., 131-173. 


et-Teeh by any direct route from Mount Sinai to Canaan, actually 
descended into the Arabah, and proceeded northward into a region 
which he had before recognized as within the probable reach of 
Edom s occupancy. 1 And there, in that Edomitish territory, on 
the open highway, exposed to hostile attack in every direction, and 
in no sense covered or secluded, was his suggested site for Kadesh- 
barnea, an objective point of an invading army ; whence to send 
spies into the enemy s country beyond it. 

The precise spot selected by Robinson for the site of Kadesh- 
barnea was Ayn el-Waybch, a desert spring near the western slope 
of the Arabah, and just above the western bank of the Wady el- 
Jayb, the peculiar "wady within a wady" 2 which is "the vast 
drain of all the Arabah/ 3 and which in the rainy season receives 
also the water-flow of the Wady Jcrafeh which in turn drains the 
western desert of Et-Teeh. Ayn el-\Vaybeh is in a northwesterly 
direction from Jebel Ncby Haroon, and on the opposite side of the 

Referring to Wady el-Jayb, as one crosses it from east to west, 
Robinson says: 4 "Just on its westward side, where the land slopes 
up very gradually into a tract of low limestone hills, lies Ain el- 
Weibeh, one of the most important watering places in all the great 
valley. There are here indeed three fountains, issuing from the 
chalky rock of which the slope is composed. . . . The three foun 
tains are some rods apart, running out in small streams from the 
foot of a low rise of ground, at the edge of the hills. The water 
is not abundant; and in the two northernmost sources has a sickly 
hue, like most desert fountains, with a taste of sulphuretted hydro 
gen. . . . But the southernmost source consists of three small rills 
of limpid and good water, flowing out at the bottom of a small 
excavation in the rock. The soft chalky stone has crumbled away 
forming a semicircular ledge about six feet high around the 

1 See page 86, supra. * Bib. Res., II., 120. 3 Ibid., II., 118. * Ibid., II., 174. 


spring, and now a few feet distant from it. The intermediate 
space is at present occupied by earth ; but the rock apparently once 
extended out, so that the water actually issued from its base." Yet 
all this "rock" is down in Wady Arabah; and the name of the 
fountain " El-Weibch " is according to Robinson s own rendcrintr, 

o o/ 

a "Hole with Water." 1 

It is evident that there is no trace of the former importance or 
sacredncss of "Kadesh-barnca," in the name, or in the appearance, 
of " Ain el-Wcibeh" at the present day. Indeed on this point 
Robinson says : " We could find here no trace of the remains of 
former dwellings." And again : " The surrounding desert has 
long since resumed its rights : and all traces of the city and of its 
very name have disappeared." It would, in fact, have been very 
strange if, at any time, a "city," or a settlement of any kind, had 
been attempted there " upon the plain, or rather the rolling desert 
of the Arabah ; " the surface of which, in that very region, is 
"everywhere furrowed and torn with the beds of torrents." 2 And 
as to the " rock " from the " base" of which the water is supposed 
to have formerly issued, Robinson evidently employs the word in 
a geological rather than a popular sense ; for there is no Rock, no 
" Sel a," no imposing cliff, down there in the Arabah bed. The 
" soft chalky stone " which may have once been the basin wall of 
the " Hole with Water," is a sorry representative of the Sel a 
" before " which Moses and Aaron " gathered the congregation 
together," when the people had murmured for lack of its accus 
tomed water-flow. 3 

In support of his identification of Ayn el-Waybeh as Kadcsh- 
barnea, Robinson proffered no proofs beyond other suggested iden 
tifications in the neighborhood ; all of which identifications must 

1 See Eli Smith s "Arabic Index," s. v. " cl-Weibeh," Bib. Res., III., first edition ; 
also Robinson s Index to Bib. Res., II., 591. 

es., II., 121. s Num. 20. 


stand or fall with this one. 1 Thus, for example, he now deemed 
the Arabah as the " uttermost border " of ancient Edom westward, 
although he had before expressed the opinion that this was not so ; 
and he gave no reason for a change of his opinion, unless it were 
that the fixing of Kadesh-barnea at Ayn el-Waybeh made a change 
of the supposed boundaries of Edom a necessary sequence. 

But whether Robinson had good arguments or none at all in 
support of one of his identifications, his soundness and accuracy at 
so many points were sufficient to carry the multitude with him, and 
to incline even other good scholars in his direction, in every case 
where his expression of conviction was positive. Hence it came to 
pass, that Ayn el-Waybeh took its place as a proper site for 


It was just after the first publication of Robinson s " Biblical 
Researches," that another new element was introduced into the dis 
cussion of the Kadesh-barnea question, by a remarkable discovery 
made by the Rev. John Rowlands, an English clergyman, who was 
a friend and companion of Canon Williams, then chaplain to 
Bishop Alexander of Jerusalem. 

Rowlands had already passed some time in the East, including a 
winter in Egypt, a summer in Mount Lebanon, and nine months 
in Jerusalem. 2 He had been twice through the Sinaitic desert, 
taking both the eastern and western routes, and becoming familiar 

1 He even looks at the Smooth Mountain, eight hours distant from Ayn el-Waybeh, 
as the mountain which the Israelites ascended from Kadesh (Num. 14 : 40) ; and he 
says that the name Es-Siifah "is in form identical with the Hebrew Zephath" (Bib. 
Res. II., 181) ; although it is not easy to see how n3V and *1 a *f\\ can be called 
" identical" in either form or meaning. 

2 The facts given herewith are obtained from my personal correspondence with Mr. 
Rowlands, in supplement of the information published in his report of his dis 
coveries, as herein referred to. 


with the Arabah, as well as with the western route into Palestine. 
Beginning the study of Arabic under a Syrian priest at Con 
stantinople, he acquired sufficient familiarity with the language, 
not only to write it, but to speak it with tolerable proficiency. His 
Bible studies had satisfied him of the general location of Kadesh- 
barnea, on the southern border of Canaan, and he became interested 
in a search for its site. His first movement in this direction was 
with his friend Williams, in a trip from Hebron, southward, in 
October, 1842, under the guidance of " Sheikh Salini of the 
Teahars" 1 (Teeyahah?) Their discovery of the southern border 
line of the Promised Land, in the natural barrier of the Smooth 
Mountain (Mount Halak), as they stood on that wall-rampart, at 
the westward of Jebel Madurah, has already been cited. 2 It was 
while they stood there, that Shaykh Selim informed them that at 
some distance westerly (or southwesterly), there was a place known 
as " Kadese," which they instantly recognized as a term corres 
pondent with Kadesh, or Kadesh-bnrnea, on that same southern 
boundary line. But they were at that time unable to pursue their 
investigations farther ; and they returned to Jerusalem with only 
this gleam of horizon-light on the site of Kadesh. 

It was subsequent to this, that Rowlands made a new and suc 
cessful attempt to find the ancient site. On his leaving Jerusalem 
for his home, he took the route by Hebron and Gaza in order that 
he might pursue his search on the strength of the hint from Shaykh 
Selim. His companion on this trip was Mr. Johns, architect of 
the English church at Jerusalem, and for a time the British vice- 
consul there. At Gaza, Rowlands sent for two shaykhs of the 
Terubcen Arabs, a tribe which roams from Gaza to Suez, and east 
ward toward, and even into, the Azazimeh mountain tract. 
"When they came," he says, 3 " I explained to them where we 

1 Sec Williams s Holy City, Appendix, p. 487. 2 See page P5/., supra. 

3 This, also, is from a letter written to rue by Mr. Rowlands, under date of Sept. 
20, 1882. 


wished to go, and what we wanted to find, and asked them if they 
knew any place in their territory or neighborhood called Kadesh, 
or Kades, or Kades, and they said at once, La, Hawajah, mafish ; 
No, sir, there is not/ or there is nothing of the sort. Perhaps 
I do not pronounce it properly, or as you do/ I said ; and I tried 
1 Kodes/ Koodes/ and Kudes ; but they still persisted in say 
ing No ( La, mafish/ or -fecsh No, there is nothing of the 
sort. Having tried again various sounds, I happened to say 
1 Kadeis/ or Kadase/ laying the accent, or emphasis, on the last 
syllable, and they cried out at once, Fi, fi, fi/ There is, there is, 
there is / Ain Kadeis/ or Qadeis/ sounding the K/ or Q/ 
somewhat like G/ that is, hard G. I asked them all about it, 
and what sort of place it was, and whether they would take us by 
it ; ... and they agreed to do so." 

This new journey of Rowlands proved eventful in its discoveries. 
It was then that he identified " Sebatah " as the site of ancient 
Zephath ; * that he pointed out " the grand plain called Es-Serr " 
as " the Seir alluded to in Deuteronomy 1 : 44," where the 
Amorites chased the defeated Israelites toward Kadesh-barnea ; and 
that he called attention to Moilahi, or Moilahhi, as the possible site 
of Hagar s Well, or Beer-lahai-roi. 2 His only formal report of 
this journey was in a familiar letter to his friend Williams, which 
found a place in the Appendix to the latter s volume, " The Holy 
City," published several years later. 3 That portion of this letter 
which describes the visit to " Kaddese," or Qadees, is here given 
in full : 

"Now, my dear friend, for Kadesh, my much-talked-of and 
loug-sought-for Kadesh. You may conceive with what pleasure 
I tell you, that I have at length found this important and in 
teresting locality to my entire satisfaction. Our excitement (I can 
speak at least for mine while we stood before the Rock smitten by 

1 Judges 1 : 17. Gen. 16 : 14. In 1845. 


Moses, and gazed upon the lovely stream which still issues forth 
under the base of this Rock) would be quite indescribable. I 
cannot say that we stood still our excitement was so great that we 
could not stand still. We paced backwards and forwards ; ex 
amining the rock and the source of the stream ; looking at the 
pretty little cascades which it forms as it descends into the channel 
of a rain torrent beneath ; sometimes chipping off some pieces of 
the rock, and at other times picking up some specimens and some 
flowers along a green slope beneath it. 

The Rock is a large single mass, or a small hill, of solid rock, a 
spur of the mountain to the north of it rising immediately above 
it. It is the only visible naked rock in the whole district. The 
stream, when it reaches the channel, turns westward, and, after 
running about three or four hundred yards, loses itself in the sand. 
I have not seen such a lovely sight anywhere else in the whole 
desert such a copious and lovely stream. I took two vials full of 
it away with me. Shall I send you one ? I think I must do it, 
if you will not go and see Kadesh yourself. But I must give you 
some particulars about the locality of Kades, or Kudes, as it is 
called. I shall therefore first of all describe the position, and 
then adduce my proofs for its identity with ancient Kadcsh-barnca. 
The waters of Kades, called Ain Kades, lie to the east of the 
highest part of Jebel Halal, towards its northern extremity, about 
twelve miles (or four and a-half hours by camel) to the E.S.E. of 
Moilahhi. I think it must be something like due south from 

But to the proofs, which is the most important point. 1. Its 
name Kades, or Kudos (pronounced in English Kaddase or Knd- 
dase), is exactly the Arabic form of the Hebrew name Kadesh ; 
the jfiT, as you will find in both the Hebrew and the Arabic, 
not being the common Kaf, but Kof ; and giving the a sound, 
somewhat resembling the short u. 2. The locality corresponds 
with, or falls in the line of, the southern boundary of the 


Promised Land (Josh. 15 : 1, 8), from the southern extremity 
of the Dead Sea, by Safaa [Sufah] or Maaleh-Akrabbim, the 
Wady el-Murra, and the Wady el-Arish, or the river of Egypt. 
3. It corresponds also with the order in which the places of the 
border are mentioned. Adar and Azmou, two places in the 
border, which we have discovered in the names Adeirat and 
Aseimeh, sometimes called Kadeirat and Kaseimeh, now, and 
perhaps always, merely fountains or springs, lie to the west of 
Kades, and Wady el-Arish, or [the] river of Egypt, succeeds in 
the same line. 4. It lies east of Jebel el-Halal, or Mount Halak, 
mentioned somewhere by Jeremiah [Joshua] as the uttermost 
extremity of the Promised Land to the south. 5. It lies at the 
foot of the mountain of the Amorites (Deut. 1 : 19). 6. It is 
situated near the grand pass or entrance into the Promised Land 
by the Beer Lahai-roi, which is the only easy entrance from the 
desert to the east of Halal, and most probably the entrance to 
which the Hebrews were conducted from Sinai towards the Land 
of Promise. 7. A good road leads to this place all the way from 
Sinai, and the distance is about five days of dromedary-riding, or 
about ten or eleven days of common camel-riding, as the Bedouins 
stated (Dent. 1 : 2). 8. A grand road, still finer, I was told, by 
broad wadies, goes from Kades to Mount Hor [Jebel Xeby Ha- 
roou] (Xum. 20 : 22). 9. The nature of the locality itself answers 
in every respect to the description given of it in Scripture, or 
rather inferred from it the mountains to the east of Kades, and 
some very grand ones to the south, called Jebel Kades, the wil 
derness of Kadesh/ the Rock, the water, and the grand space for 
encampment which lies to the southwest of it, a large rectangular 
plain about nine by five, or ten by six miles, and this opening to 
the west into the still more extensive plain of Paran. 

But enough of Kadesh. I must hasten on to Suez, without 
making many notes or comments on our journey." 



There was quite another state of things in the Kadesh-barnea 
discussion, when the opinion of Robinson and the discovery of 
Rowlands were fairly before the public. The advantage to begin 
with, in this new state of things, was largely on the side of Robin 
son. He was widely known, and was fittingly recognized as pre 
eminent in his sphere. His opinion was published, and, as a mat 
ter of course, was generally accepted, before the report of Row 
lands was given to the world. Rowlands, on the other hand, had 
no such commanding position ; and his story of his discovery, 
when it followed Robinson s claim, was practically hidden in an 
appendix to a work which was itself made prominent in opposition to 
Robinson on quite another matter than the site of Kadesh-barnea. 1 
Had the case rested with the English-speaking world alone, it 
seems probable that the discovery of Rowlands would have been 
permanently left in an eddy caused by the resistless sweep of Rob 
inson s great reputation. But the case was not rested there. 

However the English and American public might be carried 
along by the opinion of one leading mind, the critical, thorough, 
and impartial scholars of Germany were sure to weigh carefully 
all the evidence in the case before they accepted the conclusions of 
even such an explorer as Robinson on a point like the identifica 
tion of Kadesh-barnea. The first uplifting of the discovery of 
Rowlands into anything like its due prominence, was by Professor 
Tuch, of Leipzig, an eminent biblical student and Oriental scholar. 
In 1847, in a careful study of the campaign of Kedor-la omer, 
published in the Journal of the German Oriental Society, 2 Tuch 
showed conclusively that Kadesh must have been located in the 

1 Williams \vas the champion of the traditional site of the Holy Sepulchre, as over 
against Robinson on the other side. 

2 Zeitschrift des deutschcn morijcnldndischen Gesdlschaft, Vol. I., pp. 1GO _/", 169 ff. 


very region where Rowlands had found Ayn Qadees; and he was 
confident that the ancient site had been there discovered. Almost at 
the same time, Professor Winer, of Leipzig, a foremost biblical cyc- 
lopedist, accepted the identification, and gave it a place in a new 
edition of his Biblical Cyclopedia. 1 Tuch s article was translated 
by Professor Samuel Davidson, a well-known English biblical 
scholar, and published in Kitto s Journal of Sacred Literature. 2 Just 
then, also, Dr. John Wilson, an Oriental scholar and traveler, de 
clared against Robinson s identification, and spoke favorably of that 
of Rowlands, in his admirable work " The Lands of the Bible. 3 " 
And now, the site Ayn Qadees had such backing as commanded res 
pect even in opposition to a site approved by the eminent Robinson. 
It was in response to these German critics that Robinson came 
out anew in defense of his own identification, and in opposition to 
that proposed by Rowlands ; and it was at that time that Robinson s 
statements, and his misstatements, concerning both Rowlands and 
his discovery, introduced an element of confusion into the discus 
sion of the Kadesh-barnea question which has continued as a cause 
of perplexity down to the present day, and which it is one object 
of this book to eliminate. It is, in fact, hardly to be wondered at, 
that the judicial faculty of a mind like Robinson s should have 
been disturbed by the unexpected evidence of his error in so im 
portant an identification as that of a pivotal point in the lower 
boundary line of Palestine, and in the history of the Israelitish 
wanderings, coupled with the claim that a comparatively unknown 
traveler had penetrated the mountain tract which Robinson had 
not been able to explore, 4 and had actually discovered there the an 
cient site of Kadesh with its still existing name. How could such 
a state of facts fail of prejudicing the chiefly-interested party 
against a rival identification ? 

1 Bib. Realwdrterb., a. v. " Kadesch." 2 For July, 1S48. 

3 Vol. I., p. 338. See Bib. Res. I., 186 ; II., 193, note. 


Robinson s new defense of Ayn el-Waybch, or rather his criti 
cisms upon Ayn Qadees and its discoverer (for it was in that form 
that his comments were made), appeared first in an article in the 
"Bibliothcca Sacra" for May, 1849, and again in foot-notes to the 
later editions of his "Biblical Researches." 1 Referring to the 
report of Rowlands, Robinson said, in his magazine article : 
" Until recently it has seemed to me, that the very fanciful and 
amusingly credulous character of the whole narrative would put 
every one upon his guard ; and furnish in itself the best exposition 
of the fallacy of the whole matter. But the idea has since been 
taken up by Prof. Tuch of Leipzig, as falling in with a theory of 
his own on another topic ; 8 and his article has been translated by 
Prof. Davidson, and published in England. Winer, also, in the 
new edition of his Rcalwortcrbuch (art. Kadesh ) adopts the 
same view, relying on the supposed identity of the name. Hence 
it has become worth while to bring the matter to the test of exam 

And first " the test of examination " is to be applied to the dis 
coverer, rather than to the discovery. " Mr. Rowlands appears in his 
writings, and is described by those who know him," says Robin 
son, " as a very amiable man ; but fanciful, visionary, and full of 
credulity." Then, an anonymous letter received by Robinson is 
quoted, a saying of Rowlands and his report : " His letter in 
Williams Appendix, is a tissue of moonshine." After the discov 
erer, the discovery is examined. An item from the report of 
Rowlands is quoted, as follows : " The water of Kudes, called 
Ain Kades, lies about twelve miles (or four and a half hours by 
camel) to the E. S. E. of Moilahhi." On this Robinson com- 

1 " Notes on Biblical Geography," pp. 377-381. 2 Vol. I., p. 189 ; II., 194. 

3 This other topic on which Tuch had a theory, was the location of Kadesh in the 
days of Kedor-la omer. Tuch having shown that Kadesh was in a certain region at 
that period, was prepared to believe that it might have remained there, even until 
Rowlands re-discovered its site. 


ments : <{ Where then is this Kudos ? The reader, perhaps, will 
be surprised to learn that the spot here pointed out is men 
tioned both by Seetzen and in the text of the Biblical Researches, 
and is inserted on our map. If he will turn to the map he will 
find marked, in that direction, and about that distance from el- 
Muweilch, a fountain called Ain el-Kudeirdt ; it is a little east of 
our route, and is described by us according to the accounts of the 
Arabs. 1 The Kudeirdt are a tribe or clan of Arabs in this region, 
who water their flocks at this fountain, and sometimes as far north 
as Beersheba. 2 Seetzen lodged at one of their encampments. 3 The 
conclusion is inevitable, that the name Kudes as here presented by 
Mr. Rowlands is a mere blunder of a tyro in Arabic for el-Ku 

A conclusion drawn by Robinson on this " test of examination " 
is : "As therefore the whole hypothesis of a Kadesh in this place 
rests upon the supposed identity of name ; and the said name is 
thus shown to be a mere blunder ; it might perhaps be sufficient to 
let the matter rest here." Yet to make the conclusion surer, as he 
looks at it, Robinson presses several added points against the site 
of " Ain el-Kudeirat " (which he has decided is Rowlands s sup 
posed " Kudes,") prominent among which points is the following : 
" According to the scriptural account, both the spies and the Israel 
ites on entering the Promised Land from Kadesh, had immediately 
to ascend a mountain. 4 If Kadesh was at Ain el-Weibeh or in 
the vicinity, all this is a natural and exact representation ; since 
the ascent from the great valley begins immediately back of that 
fountain. But if Kadesh be sought at Ain el-Kudeirat or any 
where in that region, the language of Scripture is wholly inappli 
cable. The tract between the latter spot and Beersheba is an open 
rolling country ; there are swells, but no mountain, to be crossed ; 

1 Bib. Res., I., 280. 2 Bib. Res., II., 619. 3 Hitter, Erdk. XIV., p. 837 /. 

* Num. 13 : 17 ; 14 : 44, 45 ; Deut. 1 : 24, 41. 


and none to be ascended until we reach the mountains of Palestine 
proper on the north of Beersheba towards Hebron ; a distance from 
Ain el-Kudeirat of about sixty miles, or four days march for 

Now, apart from the personal criticisms of Mr. Rowlands by 
Dr. Robinson, there are several remarkable statements in the 
exceptions here taken to the report of the former s discovery. So 
far from having confounded " Kudeirat" with " Kudes," Rowlands 
distinctly affirms that " Kadeirat and Kaseinieh, now, and perhaps 
always, merely fountains or springs, lie to the west of Kades" 1 It 
is but fair to presume that Robinson examined his own " map " 
rather than the report of Rowlands while bringing the latter to 
"the test of examination." And, inasmuch as Seetzen had, long 
before, heard the name " Kdeis " in this region, and as Rowlands 
had been prompted to this very search by hearing that a similar 
name was to be found here, it would hardly be fair to suppose that 
the name itself was wholly based on another so dissimilar as 
Kudeirat, even if the positive proof to the contrary were not in the 
very report which Robinson was criticising. Moreover, as Row 
lands gave eight distinct reasons for the identification, in addition 
to the correspondence of name, and noted them separately with 
Arabic numerals, it is somewhat surprising to learn that "the 
whole hypothesis of a Kadesh in this place rests upon the supposed 
identity of name." As to Robinson s supplemental series of argu 
ments against the site of " Kades," as they chiefly rest on his mis 
take of supposing that Rowlands had " Ain el-Kudeirat" in mind, 
they are practically irrelevant to the case. 2 Robinson admits that 
he never saw Ayn el-Qadayrat, but merely heard about it from the 
Arabs. Whether or not, therefore, there was a mountain just 
north of it was fairly an open question ; and again it would have 

1 See the text of Rowlands s report, at page 215, supra. 

2 Those which would, otherwise, have any weight, have been forestalled in the 
earlier geographical studies of this volume. 


no proper bearing on this discussion, in any event, as it was not 
Ayn el-Qadayrat that was proposed as the site of Kadesh-barnea. 

This being the substance of Robinson s magazine article, against 
Rowlands as a discoverer and against the site discovered by Row 
lands, its misstatements were condensed for a reappearance in the 
notes to " Biblical Researches." Referring to " Ain el-Kudcirat," 
Robinson says : 1 " This is the spot called by Mr. Rowlands, Kudes 
and visited by him as Kadesh-baruea. He obviously made out the 
name Kudcs by misunderstanding the name of the tribe who water 
at this fountain. There is no other foundation for supposing a 
Kadcsh here." And again : 2 " Mr. Rowlands supposes that he 
found Kadesh at the fountain el- Ain in the high western desert. 
. . . That fountain is called also Ain el-Kudcirat, from a tribe of 
Arabs who water there. 3 Out of this name Mr. Rowlands, or his 
Greek dragoman, seems to have made Kudos, and on the strength 
of this blunder, assumed there the site of Kadcsh." Yet when we 
bring these notes of Robinson " to the test of examination," by 
comparison with Mr. Rowlands s original report, and his supple 
mental statement, we find that : 1. It was not his dragoman who 
led him into the blunder of confounding " Kudcirat" with " Kudcs." 
2. His dragoman was not a Greek. 3. He had no dragoman. 4. He. 
made no blunder, on the point in question ; and the proof that he 
made none was in his original report, which was overlooked by 
Robinson while he was examining his own map. For any further 
"test of examination" in this matter, the substantial facts are now 
before any reader who would decide the point for himself. 

Robinson s influence was sufficient to carry along with him a 
large portion of the English-speaking people, by the mere fact of 
his opinion rather than by the strength of his argument. If he 

1 Bib. Res. I., 189, note. 2 Ibid. II., 194, note. 

s It is more probable that the tribe of Arabs takes its name from the fountain. 
That is the common order in the East. 


could say that he still believed in Ayn el-Waybeh, why should an 
average man have any doubt on the subject ? But German scholars 
were not to be led in that way. They asked for proofs rather than 
asseverations on a point once fairly in debate. And as a result of 
their inquiry and investigation, the current of scholarly testimony 
in favor of Rowlands s identification gained steadily and largely in 
Germany ; nor did that identification lack acceptance and support 
from reputable and independent scholars in England and America. 

Even before the discovery of Rowlands was made public, other 
scholars, including Ewald, and Hitter, and Rabbi Sch \varz, 1 had 
declared, in the light of all modern research, in favor of a location 
of Kadesh at a more westerly site than the Arabah ; the last named 
of these scholars having proposed an identification of Kadesh-barnea 
at a " Wady Gaian," or " Wady Abiat," 2 [ Wady Abyad] connected 
with Wady Bcerayn, a little to the northward of Wady el- Ayn ; 
although he was disposed also to understand that the talmudic refer 
ence to a double Rcqarn involved the acceptance of a second Kadesh. 3 

So far as I can see, the first thorough and convincing argument 
in favor of Rowlands s site was made by Fries, a German scholar, 
in an article "On the Position of Kadesh," as published in the 
German critical magazine "Studien und Kritiken," in 1854. His 

o / 

work went farther than that of Tuch, in showing the western 
stretch of Edom, and in a careful treatment of the Negeb ; more 
over he showed the insuperable objections to a location of Kadesh 
in the Arabah. Fries was followed by Kurtz in another masterly 
exhibit of the facts and arguments in this discussion. Indeed 
Kurtz had issued the first edition of his work, the " History of the 
Old Covenant," before Fries s article appeared; but in subsequent 
editions he quoted freely from Fries, and gave him unstinted credit. 4 

1 See Kurtz s Hist of Old Cor. III., 201. 

2 Descript. Gcog. of Pal. (American ed.) pp. 23, 39. 

8 Ibid., p. 214 /. * See Hist, of Old Cov., English ed. III., 194-210. 


It would even seem as if these presentations of the case would 
alone have been sufficient, in the absence of farther argument, 
to have convinced any impartial student who should examine 
them. But they were not to be left alone. 

Rittcr, in his new edition of his great geographical work, spoke 
approvingly of Rowlands s proposed identification ; l as also did 
Ewald with some qualification. 2 Keil and Delitzsch, 3 Kalisch, 4 
Knobel, 5 Lange, 6 Menke, 7 Yolter, 8 Strauss, 9 Hamburger, 10 Arnold, 11 
Volck and Muhlau, 12 and others among the Germans, accepted it 
unqualifiedly, or referred to it as thus accepted. Bunscn, also, is 
cited as of this opinion. 13 Graetz, 14 while evidently misled by some 
of Robinson s misstatements concerning Rowlands and his dis 
covery, admitted that the site of Kadesh at Ayn Qadees, was veri 
fied by subsequent research and argument. Meanwhile among 
English scholars, Wilton, 15 Wordsworth, 16 Alford, 17 Palmer, 18 Tris 
tram, 19 Edersheim, 20 Geikic. 21 and others, came to a similar conclu 
sion with the best German scholars, by an independent process of 
reasoning, or adopted the conclusions of those investigators. The 
best work in the same line by American scholars was done by 

1 Geog. of Pal., Am. ed., I., 429-433. 2 Hist, of Israel, Eng. ed., II., 193, note. 

3 Bib. Com. at Gen. 14 : 7, and at Num. 13 : 11-16 ; 20 : 14-21 ; also Keil s Com. on 
Ezek. at 47 : 19. 

*Hist. and Crit. Com. on 0. T. at Gen. 14: 5-7. 

5 Exeget. Handb. at Num. 33 : 36, 37, and at Josh. 15 : 3, 4. 

6 Schaff-Lange Com. at Num. 20 : 1. 7 Bibelatlas, Map No. III. 

8 Das Heiliffe Land, p. 319. 9 Sinai u. Golgotha, p. 123. 

10 Real-Encyc. fur Bibel u. Talm., s. v. " Kades." 

11 In Herzog s Rcal-Encyc. Art. " Kadesch." 

12 See their Gesenius s Heb. Germ. Lex., eighth ed., s. v. " Kadesh. " Kadesh is 
usually located at the spring Ain Kudes ; Robinson, on the contrary, misplaced it at 
the Arabah." 

13 See Clark s Bible Atlas, p. 26. u Gesch. d. Judm. I., 396. 

15 See The Negeb passim ; also Fairbairn s Imp. Bib. Die., s. v. " Kadesh." 

16 Bible with Notes, at Gen. 14 : 5-7. 17 Genesis, etc., at 14 : 5-7. 
18 Des. of Exod. II., 350-358 ; 509-520. 19 Bible Places, pp. 3-6. 

20 Exod. and Wand. p. 165 /. J1 Hours with Bible, II., 327 /. 


President Bartlett/ of Dartmouth College, and Professor Lowrie, 2 
of Allegheny. 

Had it not been, indeed, that the followers of Robinson on this 
point, in England and America, were men who controlled the 
avenues to popular biblical knowledge, the question in dispute 
would have long ago been settled beyond the possibility of a re 
opening. Kor would even this advantage have availed them, if 
it had not been for their constant repetition of Robinson s undis 
puted misstatcmcnt concerning Rowlands s confusion of Ayn el- 
Qadayrat with Ayn Qadecs ; a misstatement which a single refer 
ence by any one of them to the original report of Rowlands 
would have promptly ruled out of the controversy. 

Even so valuable a work as the "Speaker s Commentary" has 
aided in promoting popular error on this subject. Its comments 
on the Book of Numbers were primarily prepared by the Rev. J. 
F. Thrupp, who held to the westerly site of Kadesh ; but, as he 
died before his work was completed, his notes were revised by the 
Rev. T. E. Espin, who followed Robinson in his opinions and in 
his errors, and changed the direction of the comments accordingly. 3 
Espin s arguments against the identification at Ayn Qadees in 
clude tho utterly baseless idea that Ayn Qadecs is located at Ayn 
cl-Qadayrut ; and it even makes the topographical blunder of 
claiming that " [Wady] el-Am is on high ground," and that " from 
it the spies must have gone down rather than up towards Hebron." 4 
The baselessness of the suggestion that Qadees and Qadayrat were 
confounded in Rowlands s identification, would be evident to any 
one who turned for himself to the report of Rowlands ; and the 
absurdity of the claim that one must go doicn rather than up in 
passing from either Qadees or Qadayrat towards Hebron, would be 
seen on the first glance at a sectional view of the country, such as 

1 Egypt to Pul., pp. 356-378. 2 Schaff-Lange Com. at Num. 13 : 26. 

3 See Speaker s Com., " Introduction to the Book of Numbers," p. 654. 

4 Hid., " Xote on Chap. 13 : 26. 


is given in Stanley s " Sinai and Palestine," or in Clark s " Bible 
Atlas;" but, on the other hand, he who depended on the 
" Speaker s Commentary " for information on these points, would 
inevitably be led astray, and so be prepared to accept the supple 
mental commentator s opinion, that Kadesh is to be identified with 
Ayn el-Way beh. 

The same errors that deface the " Speaker s Commentary " stand 
out quite as prominently in the widely-known " Bible Atlas " of 
the Rev. Samuel Clark, above referred to. This geographical 
work actually declares 1 that the fountain discovered by Rowlands, 
and proposed by him as the site of Kadesh, is " called Ain el- 
Kudeirat," and on the strength of this baseless assumption it 
argues against the identification, reiterating the absurd topographical 
blunder, " that the road from the Ain el-Kudeirat into the Holy 
Land is down hill." Of course it is not to be supposed that Mr. 
Clark had either referred to the report of Rowlands on which he 
was commenting, or that he had compared his own statement of 
the down-grade towards Hebron with the sectional view of the 
desert approach of the Holy Land which was presented in his own 
Atlas; 2 but this reason for his being in error would not guard 
from the same error those who looked to him for direction in geo 
graphical studies. 

Dr. William Smith s "Ancient Atlas," also a popular standard 
in its sphere, approves Robinson s identification, 3 and takes excep 
tion to that of Rowlands, although in his maps the geographer 
notes, as possible sites, both Robinson s and Rowlands s, and adds 
a third one, Ayn esh-Shehabeh, between those two ; and in his 
" Old Testament History," 4 he seems to favor each one of these 
three sites in turn. In " Smith s Bible Dictionary," however, 
there is evidence that the report of Rowlands has been referred to 

i Bible Atlas, pp. 24-26. Bible Atlas, Plate II., Map No. 4. 

In notes on Map 39, at page 25. * Chap. XIII., Note " B." 



by the writer on " Kadesh." 1 Yet tlie preference is gi\ T en by that 
writer to Ayn el-Waybeh, as the nearest approximation to a pro 
bable site of Kadesh among the many already suggested. An 
opinion like this, however poorly supported, in such an avenue of 
knowledge, would inevitably have more influence with the public 
generally, than a dozen elaborate essays in sources of critical 

Keith Johnston s " Royal Atlas," also, is conformed to Robinson s 
opinion. And what has proved yet more misleading than the 
" Bible Atlas " and the " Ancient Atlas " and the " Royal Atlas " 
combined, is the fact that Kadcsh-barnca is located at Ayn el- 
Waybeh in the maps of the Teachers Bibles, of the Oxford Uni 
versity Press, of the Bagsters, and of the Queen s Printers. By 
this means, millions of young Bible-students have been started 
wrong in their Bible geography ; for there are those who would as 
soon doubt the inspiration of the chronology of the Bible margins, 
as the geography of the Bible maps. 

Porter, who has the popular ear through his editing of Murray s 
"Hand-book for Syria and Palestine," and as the writer of the 
article "Kadesh" in Kitto s " Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature," 
follows Robinson in the claim that Rowlands "was evidently mis 
led . . by a fancied resemblance in names," in his discovery of 
Ayn Qadces, but he is original in his suggestion that the site of 
that fountain is "in the midst of the desert of Tih." 2 His opinion 
is of course made known to multitudes who are unfamiliar with 
the results of modern critical and geographical research in the 
lands of the Bible. Fausset, in the " Englishman s Critical and 
Expository Bible Cyclopedia " 3 adopts Robinson s identification of 
Ayn el-Waybeh, and also his misstatement that Ayn Qadees is at 
Wady el- Ayn. Drew, in his " Scripture Lands," 4 and Payne 

1 The Rev. Henry Hayman. 2 Alexander s Kitto, Art. " Kadesh." 

3 Art. " Kadesh." * pp. 75-78. 


Smith in " The Bible Educator," also favor Robinson s site, 2 
while Kitto s " Scripture Lands " 3 accommodatingly approves the 
identifications of both Robinson and Rowlands ; going back to the 
old-time idea of a double Kadesh, which was so thoroughly 
exploded by Lightfoot, two centuries ago. Yet Kitto had earlier 
argued sensibly against the idea of a two-fold site. 4 

A mong the Germans, Von Gerlach 5 would locate Kadesh in the 
Arabah, as would Hitzig, 6 who hesitated between Ayn el-Way beh, 
and Ayn Hasb (somewhat farther north) as advocated by Von 
Raumer. Indeed it ought to be said that a number of Germans 
have, earlier or later, favored the location of Kadesh at some point 
in the Arabah, even though they did not coincide with Robinson, 
in fixing it at Ayn el-Waybeh. Thus Unruh 7 favored Ayn Hasb ; 
Reuss, 8 and Berghaus, 9 would find a site at some point near Ezion- 
geber, where Buddeus, 10 a century ago, suggested it ; and Biissler u 
named Wady Ghuwayr for the location. 

El-Khaloos, or Elusa, was advocated as the site of Kadesh by 
an over positive English writer. 12 Holland inclined to some site at 
the southeastern point of Jebel Muqrah ; ia and there indeed is 
Ayn esh-Shehabeh, or Shehabeeyeh, a living spring which has 
been often named as a possible site for Kadesh/ 4 but which no one 
seems to have visited. 15 Conder 16 sweeps all along the upper 

1 Vol. I., p. 231. 

2 Payne Smith does not name Ayn el-Waybeh, but his description corresponds with 
its site. 3 See p. 81 ; also " General Index," p. 5( . 

4 See citations from Kitto s Pictorial Bible, and his earlier editions of Bible Cyclv- 
pedin, in Bush s Notes on Numbers, at 20 : 1. 

5 Com. on Pent, at Xum. 13 : 26 ; 20 : 13. 6 De.r Prophet Ezekiel, p. 371. 
~ Der Zu<] der Israel., p. 66. 8 UHi&toire Sainte, III., 264, note. 

9 Special- Karte von Syrien. lo Ecdes., A. D. 1744. 

11 Das Heilige Land, p. 131. 12 H. C., in Jour, of Sac. Lit. for April, 1860, p. 57. 

13 Report of Brit. Assoc. for 1878, p. 622 ff. 
14 See Clark s Bib. Atlas, p. 25; Smith s Anc. Atlas, Map 39, etc. 

15 See Robinson s Bib. Res., 1., 179. 
In Quart. Stat. of Pal. Explor. Fund for Jan., 1881, p. 60 /. 


Arabah in his preferences ; " say from Petra to Tell el-Milh, at 
the foot of Nukb es-Sufa." He strangely suggests a correspond 
ence between " Maderah " and " Adar." 

Of Americans, there are comparatively few who have made 
special and independent studies in this direction. Bartlett and 
Lowrie have been already named as approving Rowlands s site. 
On the other hand, Bush, 1 Coleman, 2 Durbin, 3 Barrows, 4 and 
others, followed Robinson. Olin 5 suggested Wady Feqreh. 
McClintock and Strong 6 adopted Von Raumer s location at Ayn 
Hasb, and Abbott and Conant 7 did the same. Crosby, 8 expressed 
his belief that Kadesh was to be found at some point near Jebel 
Muqrah ; and this is practically the view of Holland. Naturally, 
however, the opinion of Robinson carried great weight with his 
countrymen, especially in the absence of any personal knowledge 
on their part. 

It is hardly necessary to follow out farther or more closely than 
this, the various suggested identifications of Kadesh ; or to multi 
ply farther the names of those who have had a part in discussing 
the subject, or in influencing public opinion by a recorded vote in 
favor of one site or another. Yet the list would not be even fairly 
complete, without a mention of the noteworthy and remarkable 
proposal of Dean Stanley, to find the site of Kadesh in the Rock- 
City, Petra itself. 9 It is quite needless to detail his nominal argu 
ment in favor of his suggestion ; for it was rather the poetry of the 
idea than any cold reasoning on the subject that led him to carry 
the host of Israel directly into the stronghold of Edom and the 
sacred fortress of Mount Seir. In view of all that he has to say 
of the matter, the only wonder is that he will concede that the 

1 Notes on Numbers, at 20 : 14. 2 Hist. Geog. of Bible, p. 109. 

s Observ. in East, I., 197. 4 Sacred Geog. and Antiq., p. 253. 

& Travels, II., 60. 6 Cyclo. of Sib., T/icoL, Ecdes. Lit., s. v. " Kadesh." 

* Diet, of Relig. Knowl., s. v. " Kadesh." 8 Notes on Joshua, p. 14G. 

9 Sinai and Pal. pp. 92-98. 


" present ruins are modern," instead of boldly claiming that the 
great theatre itself was built expressly for the funeral services on 
the occasion of the death of Aaron. 


In addition to the confusion of sites by this suggestion of more 
than a dozen distinct identifications of Kadesh-barnea, and by the 
statements and misstatements, in direct conflict, of " authorities " 
without number, a new element of confusion and of doubt was 
introduced by the repeated failures of explorers to find the locality 
visited and described by Rowlands, even with the help of all the 
landmarks noted by him. It was not so much to be wondered at 
that Ayn Qadees had been passed by without discovery in all the 
years before attention was called to it specifically ; but it did come 
to be a cause for wonder that, after its location was fairly de 
scribed, it was not to be found or heard from again. 

As has been already mentioned, the direct route northward from 
Castle Xakhl to Hebron was taken but rarely by desert travelers. 
But even when it was taken, now as before, it seemed to throw 
little or no light on the site which Rowlands uplifted into such 
pre-eminence. His own report of it was given in a hurried per 
sonal letter ; and the many questions asked about points not 
touched in his description were not replied to by him in any formal 
statement. Hence one and another European or American traveler 
made the determined attempt to learn more on the subject by per 
sonal research ; but all to little purpose. 

Dr. Stewart, an English clergyman, passing over the mid-desert 
route, in 1853, somewhat westward of Seetzen s course, pressed his 
Teeyahah guides for information as to the locality described by 
Rowlands; according to his mistaken understanding of it. 1 There- 

1 Tent and Khan, p. 189 /. 


upon, they coolly informed him that the well in question, which he 
reports as "Am el-Khudes," was "near the top of the western 
shoulder of the mountain," Jebel Helal; and that while "no 
camels could approach it ... a man with a water-skin slung on 
his back, could get at it by climbing with his hands and feet." 
This "chaffing" of the Arabs, Stewart actually took for solid topo 
graphical knowledge, and on the strength of its possession he pro 
ceeded to criticise and correct the statements of his more successful 
fellow-countrymen. "This differs very widely from the glowing 
description given of it [the mountain-top spring] by the Rev. Mr. 
Rowlands, in a letter which appears in the appendix of his friend, 
Mr. Williams , book ; though it is probable they can be reconciled 
by supposing the stream, by which he encamped, to come down 
from the spring near the summit." And, on the strength of this 
story from the Arabs, Stewart entered " Am Khades," accordingly, 
on the map accompanying his really valuable book of travels. 

Again Dr. William M. Thomson, the veteran and widely- 
known American missionary, after a quarter of a century s resi 
dence in the East, reported 1 of his search within a few miles of the 
locality pointed out by Rowlands: "I made diligent inquiries 
about Kadesh; but both our own Arabs and other Bedawin we 
met in the neighborhood were either absolutely ignorant of such a 
place, under any possible pronunciation of the name, or they pur 
posely concealed their knowledge of it." lie knew enough of the 
Arabs, however, to understand that seeming ignorance might 
really be studied concealment ; and he indulged in no sneers at 
the claims of Rowlands to have seen that which a subsequent 
traveler w r as unable to re-discover. 

Abeken, a German explorer, who was a companion of Lepsius 
in the latter s expedition to Egypt (1842-184G), made a journey 
at a later date, along this region; and a "Jebel el-Kudeis" Ls re- 

1 South. Pal. (Land and Book,) p. 200. 


ported, as on his authority, in a position corresponding with the 
"\Vadi el-Kdeis" of Seetzen. 1 But this was not the Ayn Qadees 
of Rowlands; and there were even those who would frame an 
argument against the identification of Kadesh at Qadees, on the 
strength of this proof of another locality in the same region bear 
ing this correspondent name. 

At length, after nearly thirty years from the discovery by Row 
lands, Palmer, the English Oriental scholar, who had already 
made his important explorations of the lower peninsula, and who 
had evidenced rare ability in influencing and controlling the 
Arabs, went out for the express purpose of exploring the Negeb 
and the desert immediately below it. 2 In this undertaking, he 
had in mind the re-discovery of the site of Kadesh-barnea, as one 
of the more important results of his researches ; and, in the minds 
of those who believed that Rowlands had correctly reported his 
discovery, there was little doubt that Palmer would now make this 
truth clear beyond a question. But even he was unable to find any 
such site as Rowlands had described, or to learn directly about it, 3 
and, although he was convinced that in that region was the locality 
of Kadesh-barnea, and made a convincing argument in its favor, 
he came at last to believe that Robinson s gratuitous misstatement 
concerning Rowlands s confounding of Qadayrat and Qadees 
must have been the truth in the case; and he accordingly put 
himself on record as supposing that Rowlands " applied the name 
[ Ain Gadis/ as Palmer writes it] wrongly to Ain el Gudeirat, 

1 Abeken s reports seem to have been made through the pages of the Berlin 
Monatsbericht der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunden; but I do not find there a record of the 
journey on which this discovery was reported. The mountain is, however, laid down 
as by his authority on Kiepert s map in Murray s Handbook for Syria and Pal., and 
is referred to in Smith-Hackett Bib. Die., Art. "Kadesh," note at p. 1522. 

1 See his Des. of Exod., II., 283. 

3 On this point I had the personal assurance of Professor Palmer, in a conference 
with him, on my return from the East, in the spring of 1881. It is also made clear 
by Besant, in his Life of Palmer (p. 101 /.) 


some miles farther northward." l The " three springs, or rather 
shallow pools, called themdU [_ cistern-dregs ] by the Arabs," which 
Palmer thought were the real Ayn Qadees, were certainly not the 
springs described by Rowlands, nor anything like them. As a 
reason for this failure of Palmer to find the site which Rowlands 
had discovered, his accompanying shaykh, the wily Sulayman, 
afterwards asserted that he had purposely held back the dis 
tinguished explorer from a sight of the long-sought wells. 2 

Palmer was followed, in 1874, by President Bartlett, an Ameri 
can scholar, who was equally intent on ascertaining fche truth con 
cerning the discovery of Rowlands, and equally unsuccessful. He 
also had the crafty Shaykh Sulayman as his escort, who, under the 
pressure of strong urging, conducted Bartlett to a locality which 
he said bore the name asked for. It was subsequently proved that 
the place thus shown to Bartlett was Ayn Qasaymch, 3 one of the 
two sites named by Rowlands as westward of Ayn Qadees. Even 
at the time, Bartlett was compelled to say of it : " It will be seen 
that this locality docs not conform to Rowlands s specification ;" 
but he was now prepared to believe that Rowlands s " narrative 
shows looseness of statement, both in description of places and in 
estimates of distances;" 4 and to declare that "we may at once 
recognize the description of Mr. Rowlands as somewhat overdrawn, 
his location confused, and his confidence excessive." 5 Moreover, 
Bartlett brought a new element of confusion into the discussion by 
insisting that there was really no such fountain as Ayn el-Qaday- 
rat in Wady el- Ayn ; nor indeed a fountain of any sort ; that, in 
fact, the fountain which both Robinson and Palmer, (and a host 
of commentators and geographers between them,) had declared was 
mistaken by Rowlands for Ayn Qadees did not have an existence, 
and therefore could never have been misnamed by Rowlands s Greek 

1 DCS. of Exod., II., 350. 2 See Bartlett s Egypt to Pal., p. 359. 

3 As will be shown farther on. 4 Egypt to Pal, p. 361. 5 Ibid., p. 367. 


dragoman, even if Rowlands had had a dragoman, and that 
dragoman had happened to be a Greek. 1 Bartlett said in defence 
of this opinion, that neither Palmer nor Robinson, nor indeed 
Rowlands or any traveler before or after him, claimed to have seen 
this fountain ; 2 while he had searched the wady thoroughly, and 
could " speak with some confidence on the subject." In view of 
all that had gone before, this unexpected result of the researches 
of so intelligent a traveler as Bartlett, raised anew the perplexing 
questions : Are there really three distinct fountains in that region : 
Ayn Qadees, Ayn Qadayrat, and Ayn Qasaymeh? or, are there 
only two ; and if two, which two ? or is there indeed but one ? 
And so instead of new light, there seemed only added shadows on 
the site of Kadesh-barnea through added research. 

Three years after this visit of Bartlett to the region in question, 
another eminent American scholar, the Rev. Dr. Philip Schaff, 
crossed the desert northward with a party of friends, and vainly 
attempted to go over this route from Castle Nakhl to Hebron. Of 
his meeting with the Teeyahah Arabs at their mid-desert starting- 
point, he said: 3 "The sheikh, a commanding-looking man, di 
verted us from our intended route to Beersheba and Hebron 
(although we were willing to run the risk of danger)." 

A year after Dr. Schaff was thus turned aside from his purpose, 
the Rev. F. "W. Holland, of England, already referred to as having 
no peer in his experience as an explorer of the Sinaitic desert, 4 
made his fifth visit to that region, having it as one of the prime 
objects of his journey to settle the question of the site of Kadesh- 
barnea. If he could not succeed in finding the place so many 
times vainly hunted for, who could hope to do so? Yet even he 

1 See page 221, supra. 

2 He did not refer to Seetzen, who mentions the surroundings of the fountain as if 
he had seen it (Reisen, III., 47) ; yet even Seetzen does not directly say that he vis 
ited the place. 

3 Through Bible Lands, p. 202. * See page 77, supra. 


was induced to return without penetrating to the site described by 
Rowlands; being deterred by "the disturbed state of the country, 
owing to constant raids of the Arabs from the east of the Arabah ; 
and [by] the excessive drought." l 

There was certainly little encouragement, in the experience of 
these travelers, to new endeavor in the same direction. Yet all 
these failures increased the obvious desirableness of farther and 
decisive information on the subject, from some clearly independent 
source. And this was the state of things at the opening of the 
year 1881. 

1 Jour, of Trans, of Viet. List., Vol. XIV., p. 11. 





To begin with, it is important to know something of the 
hindrances to a hunt in the region where the site of Kadesh- 
barnea must be looked for. 

That region is the territory of the Bed ween ; of the men of the 
desert. The Semitic Bed ween, although of many diverse tribes, 
are essentially one people j 1 and in no particular is their race-unity 
more apparent than in their unvarying recognition of their tribal- 
diversity. As a people, they are agreed that as tribes they are not 
agreed. Each tribe, or confederacy of tribes, stands firm as a 
representative of their common father Ishmael, of whom it was pro 
phesied before his birth : " He will be a wild man ; his hand will 
be against every man, and every man s hand against him." 2 The 
solidarity of the tribe, and the separateness of the tribes, are facts 
held with like religious zeal among all the Ishmaelitish Bed ween. 
And all are as one, in counting sacredly permanent the " ancient 

1 "The Bedawin, whose name is the plural of the word Bedawi (man of the 
desert), although divided into independent tribes, which are often hostile one to 
another, may be regarded as a single nation, united by a common speech. ... In 
every age, the nomads, led by the chiefs of their families (sheikhs) have pitched 
their tents on every spot from the banks of the Euphrates to those of the Nile, from 
the shores of the Mediterranean to those of the Persian Gulf." (Pierotti s Customs 
and Traditions of Palestine, p. 200 /.) 

2 Gen. 16 : 12. 



landmark" 1 which designates the boundary line between the terri 
torial possessions, or roaming places, of tribes which are not as one. 

To see one tribe of Bed ween is to see a specimen of all tribes ; 
but to be with one tribe is, in a peculiar sense, to be apart from all 
other tribes. You can move at will within the domain of the 
tribe of which you are, for the time being, a member; but the 
bounds of that domain you can pass only at your peril. For 
example, Laborde tells of a rock at the upper end of the Gulf of 
Aqabah on which every Muhammadan throws a stone in passing, 
in imitation of Abraham who there threw stones at Satan, when the 
latter would have turned him from the path of duty. " The rock 
just mentioned," says Laborde, " serves as a line of demarcation 
between the Bedouin of the peninsula of Sinai, and all the Arabs 
of the north. The moment we passed this frontier, the protection 
of our guides was of no use, except in so far as they might assist 
personally in defending us ; and they depended much more upon 
our guns and pistols for the safety of their dromedaries than upon 
their own prowess." 2 

A recognition of these immutable facts of Bed ween life is essen 
tial to an understanding of the barriers and limitations to research 
in the land of the Bed ween. 

The lower peninsula of Sinai is controlled by the Tawarah 
Bed ween, including several tribes or clans, associated or confeder 
ated under one head shaykh ; the Shaykh el-Belad, or Shaykh of 
the Territory. Their common tribal name is derived from Tur, or 
Toor, a word signifying mountain, and applied to the Sinaitie 
mountain group. They are sometimes known as Beny et-Toor, 
Sous of the Mountain ; although this designation is given to them 
by outsiders, they calling themselves by their separate tribal names. 3 

1 Deut, 19: 14; Prov. 22: 28. 

2 Laborde s Journey, p. 95. See, also, Robinson s Bib. Res. I., 162. 
3 For descriptions of the Bed ween of tbe Peninsula, and tbeir tribal lines, sec 
Tlievenot s Rcisen, pp. 234-237; Shaw s Travels, I., 220-2,57; Hurckhardt s Travis 


The Tawarah are a kindly-disposed and trustworthy people ; the 
most so of all the Arabian Bed ween. They have more to do with 
civilized travelers than any of their neighbors; for they are imme 
diately responsible for all the carrying trade the escort of cara 
vans and the guidance of pilgrims and tourists between Suez and 
Sinai, and northward from Sinai to the great Hajj route from 
Cairo to Mekkeh, which crosses the desert from west to east. 
Their gentleness and fidelity so attach to them the travelers whom 
they guide, that almost always they are parted from with regret, 
and remembered and referred to affectionately. 1 

North of the Tawarah, in the central desert, are the Teeyahah 
Bed ween, comprising several clans, who again have their collective 
popular name from the region they inhabit the Desert of Et-Teeh, 
or Desert of the Wanderings. East of the Teeyahah, toward the 
Gulf of Aqabah, are the Hay wat ; 2 and northeast of the Hay wat 

in Syria, pp. 557-564; his Beduinen u. Wahaby, passim; Labordc s Voyage de 
I Arabic Petree, pp. 52, 71 /. ; RiippelFs Reiscn, chap. 22; Robinson s Bib. Res., 
I., G3/., 133-138, 105 /., 18G; Ritter s Gcog. of Pal., I., 377-413; Palmer s Des. of 
Exod., II., 293-300. 

For other descriptions of the characteristics of the Bed ween of the East, see Con- 
der s Tent Work in Pal., II., 270-292 ; Bedouins of Euphrates, passim ; Merrill s 
East of Jordan, pp. 467-515 ; McCoan s Egypt As It Is, pp. 26-28 ; Klunzinger s 
Upper Egypt, pp. 248-267 ; Pierotti s Customs and Trad, of Pal., pp. 200-207 ; Von 
Maltzan s Reisen in Arabien, I., 193-403. 

1 For illustrations of the characteristics of the Tawarah in contrast with other 
Bed ween, and of the tribal jealousies in the matter of convoying travelers, see 
Burckhardt, Laborde, Robinson, Ritter, and Palmer, as above referred to; also 
Fazakerley s "Journey, in Walpole s Travels in the East, p. 385, 391; Lord Lind 
say s Letters, II., 163 ; Stephens s Incidents, II., 31 ; Formby s Visit to East, pp. 254- 
256; Miss Martineau s Eastern Life, p. 343; Olin s Travels, I., 378; Bartlett s Forty 
Days in Desert, p. 163; Stewart s Tent and Khan, p. 12; Wilson s Lands of Bible, I., 
270 /.; Bonar s Desert of Sinai, p. 273 f.; Caroline Puine s Tent and Harem, pp. 
252-264; Strauss s Sinai u. Golgotha, pp. 113-121; Bartlett s Egypt to Palestine, p. 
329; Schaff s Through Bible Lands, p. 137; Field s On the Desert, pp. 223-228. 

* Dr. Wilson (Lands of Bible, I., 265) locates the Hay wat, or Ileiwat, south of the 
Teeyahah, between the Hajj route and Jebel et-Teeh ; but Burckhardt, Robinson, 
Ritter, and Palmer, locate them as above. 


are the Ilawaytat and the Alnwcen ; west and northwest of the 
Tawarah, toward Suez and Gaza, are the Terabeen. The three 
tribes, of the Tecyahah, the Haywat, and the Terabeen, are in 
close alliance, and are even thought by some to be of a common 
recent stock. 1 Together they outnumber any tribe or confederacy 
of tribes in the desert. From their central position, the Tecyahah 
claim the right to escort, within their borders, all travelers who 
cross the desert in any direction, including the great Hajj, or 
annual sacred pilgrimage from Cairo to Mekkeh and back again. 
The Khedive, in his best estate, has been compelled to pay them 
liberally for this escort ; and if they had been on the desert in the 
days of Abraham, Kedor-la omer would have had a lively time 
trving to cross it without recognizing their claim. 

v O O 

The Tceyahah are ruder and less trustworthy than the Tawarah. 
It was pithily said of them by Palmer, 2 that while " the ancient 
Arabs prided themselves on th^ee things, eloquence, hospitality, 
and plundering ; from the Teyaheh tribe the first two have en 
tirely disappeared, but they are still unrivalled " in the third. 

All by themselves, in the mountains bearing their name, 3 north 
of the region of the Teeyahah and the Haywat, are the Azazimeh 
Bed ween, " one of the poorest and most degraded of Arab tribes " 
the most Ishmaclitish of Ishmaelites. According to Palmer s 
testimony, 4 "they are superstitious, violent, and jealous of intrusion 
upon their domain, suspecting all strangers of sinister designs 
upon their lives and property." 5 Of the difficulties in the way of 

1 Burckhardt (Travels in Syria, p. 560) speaks of these three tribes, together with 
the Tawarah, as "all derived from one common stock, the ancient tribe of Beni 
Attye." Is it possible that he was misled by the term Beny et-Teeh, " Sons of the 
[Desert of the] Wanderings ? " He evidently does not mean " Ateeyeh." 

2 Des. of E.rod., II., 294 /. 3 See page 70 /, supra. 4 Des. of Exod., IT., 291 /. 

5 Laborde (Journey, p. 283, note) calls attention to the fact, that this jealous suspi 
cion of visitors from without, has been, from of old, a characteristic of the tribes bor 
dering on the Holy Land; as illustrated by the warning given by the princes of 
Ammon to their king against the kindly messengers of David : "Are not his servants 


any research into their territory, he adds, out of his own experi 
ence : " To examine the country and wrest from them the secrets 
of its topography and nomenclature, when the use of a prismatic 
compass exposes you to execration as a sorcerer, and when to ask 
the simplest question is to proclaim yourself a spy, is, as our own 
experience has taught us, neither an easy nor an agreeable task." 

Not only are the Azazimeh unwilling to make any terms with 
" Christians " as they call all Europeans or Americans ; but they 
are watchfully suspicious of their Teeyahch neighbors, when the 
latter are escorting travelers along their territory, and they protest 
against any freedom being allowed to the hated class, in the line 
of archeological researches. 1 

Ayn Qadees, the site of Kadesh-barnea, is in the heart of the 
Azazimeh territory. The Azazimeh themselves will not guide 
travelers to it ; nor will they give consent to the Teeyahah to do 
so. Hence, although it is but a little distance east of the direct 
route from Sinai to Hebron, it has, for generations, been practi 
cally inaccessible to travelers. The ordinary Teeyahah guides 
could not escort travelers thither : the superstitious Azazimeh 
would not. And, in this state of things, the Teeyahah have 
doubtless been reluctant to admit to travelers that they knew of a 
place so near their route, while they were unable to go to it. 
Therefore it is, that there came to be doubts of its very existence, 
during the nearly forty years in which intelligent and persistent 
explorers from Europe and America failed either to find it or to 
gain any information concerning it, as they journeyed in its region, 
after it was first lighted on in modern times by the adventurous 
and zealous Mr. Rowlands, of England. 

Rowlands, indeed, was peculiarly favored in having Terabeen 
guides, from Gaza, as he went in search of the long-sought site. 

come unto thee for to search, and to overthrow, and to spy out the land ? " (1 Chron. 
19: 3). 

1 See, e. g., Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 370 /. ; 403, 407 /. 


The Terabeen are the only Arabs who seem on good terms with 
all the other tribes alike. Their immediate territory stretches 
from below Suez to Gaza. They are in close confederation with 
the ruder Teeyahah, 1 in fact they are by some counted as a portion 
of that tribe. Moreover they are more than friendly to the gentle 
Tawarah. As Robinson s guide " Tuweileb" said, "Between the 
Tawarah and the Terabin, there is an oath of friendship, to endure 
as long as there is water in the sea, and no hair grows in the palm 
of the hand. " And what is still stranger, these kindly-disposed 
Terabeen arc on excellent terms with the jealous, superstitious, and 
quarrelsome Azazimeh, " and sometimes pasture within their 
territory," 3 even while the Azazimeh and Teeyahah are at feud with 
one another. Thus the Terabeen arc in a peculiar sense a resolv 
ing element in the disturbing forces of the desert peoples ; and it 
was through their guidance that Rowlands was enabled to reach 
the jealously-guarded fountain of Qadees within the territory of 
the Azazimeh. But when he came out from that sacred enclosure, 
it seemed as if its entrance were not only immediately closed be 
hind him, but actually lost to sight and knowledge. Because the 
Teeyahah were commonly excluded from the land of the Azazimeh, 
it is probable that many of them were really unfamiliar with the 
name and location of Ayn Qadees, while those who did know it 
were prompt to avert all discussion of the feasibility of a visit to 
it, bv professing ignorance of such a site, or bv Iviug about it, and 

* J_ O O * O 

extemporizing a convenient substitute for it, just as the one plan 
or another seemed most likely to accomplish the end desired. And 

1 Dr. Sch afT (77ir0?i^7i Billc Lands, p. 202,) tells of warfare between the Teeyahah, 
and the Terabeen and Haywat, at the time of his tour in 1877 ; but it is more prob 
able that the opponents of the Teeyahah were the Azazimeh ; as is indicated by 
the fact that his Teeyahah guides were unwilling to escort him in the direction of 
the Azazimeh toward Hebron, but were ready to take him among the Terabeen 
toward Gaza. 

*ib. Res., I., 137. Ubid., I., 186. 


as to the Teriibeen Arabs, no traveler again found them in the 
willing mood in this matter, in which they were found by Rowlands. 
And this raises the question, How is it, then, that a Yankee 
traveler, on a casual tour, was enabled to overcome all these 
obstacles, and find his way to a site shielded so jealously, and lied 
about so vigorously and variously, by successive generations of the 
typical Ishmaelites who surrounded it ? The answer to this ques 
tion can be made plain only by quite a little story, which is not 
without its dash of romantic adventure, as well as its gleam of par 
ticular providences. 


In mid-desert, at the point where the great Hajj route from 
Mekkeh crosses the main route from Sinai to Gaza and Hebron, 
stands the ancient Castle Nakhl, 1 or Castle of the Palm, an Egyp 
tian military station for the protection of pilgrims, and for the 
guarding of Egyptian interests generally. Reaching that point, all 
travelers going north or east must change camels and escort, and 
take a new start in their journeyings ; for that is a central land 
mark of tribal divisions. It is even probable that this has been so 
from time immemorial, and that here was the "El-Paran which is 
on the wilderness," the desert oasis, at which Kedor-la omer halted 
to make his new start northward when he went into Canaan by way 
of Ayn Qadees. 2 

The different offices of a desert-traveler s dragoman, and a 
desert-traveler s escorting-shaykh, are not so clearly understood by 
the untraveled reader generally, but that it may be well to say a 
word of explanation just here. The dragoman, or " interpreter," 
as that term primarily means, 3 is the man who contracts with you 

1 See page 36 /., supra; also " Frontispiece." 2 Gen. 14 : 6, 7 

:1 The Arabic word is ,V*cy-J (tarjamdn). The Chaldaic DJ^P (tergem) "to 
interpret" (whence Targum, 1 "A Paraphrase") is from the same root. 


to carry you over the desert, securing for you transportation, 
shelter, provisions, service, escort ; all at a specified round sum per 
day, or per trip. So far as trouble and expense are concerned, the 
dragoman is to relieve you of all responsibility. But the drago 
man has no direct power over the Arabs of the desert, in one tribe 
or in another. He cannot give you protection at any point, save 
as he makes an arrangement for you with "the shaykh of each tribe 
whose domain you may enter. And when a shaykh has agreed 
with your dragoman for your safe escort through his territory, he 
commonly accompanies you, himself, on your journey to the limits 
of his domain ; and he always insists that the camels for your 
transportation shall be hired from his people, or their full hire 
paid for by you, in case other camels arc for any special reason to 
take their places in crossing his territory. So, it will be seen, that 
while your dragoman can go with you from the beginning to the 
end of your desert journey, you must change your escorting-shaykh 
as often as you come to a new tribal line. 

At Castle Nakhl, the northward-bound traveler must part with 
his kindly-disposed Tawarah guides, and put himself into the 
hands of the wilder and more unattractive Teeyahah. Books of 
desert travel have many times described the noisy scene of arrang 
ing at this mid-desert starting-point, with the Teeyahah shaykhs, 
for an escort eastward or northward ; and each new traveler finds 
the scene more animated and noteworthy than he had imagined. 

Of late years Shaykh Musleh and his brother Sulaymrm have 
been at the head of the mid-desert tribes ; and have met and baffled 
all curious seekers after Ayn Qadees. shaykhs have been 
well and fully described by travelers ; especially by Palmer, 1 
aud Bartlett. 2 

Shaykh Musleh, the elder of the two, and the Shaykh el-Belad 
of the Teeyahah Arabs, is quiet, dogged, shrewd, and strong 

1 Desert of the Exodus, II., 328-336. * Egypt to Palestine, pp. 329-33-1. 


willed. Palmer spoke of him, in 1870, as "an ill-looking, surly 
ruffian," whose features were on an occasion " rendered more 
hideous than their wont by a scowl of mingled cunning and dis 
trust." Twelve years later, Palmer put more confidence in this 
" surly ruffian ;" and the tragic followings of this confidence caused 
a thrill of horror to all the civilized world. It was during the 
Egyptian-English war of 1882, that Palmer went into the desert 
as an agent of the English government, with the purpose of de 
taching from the support of Araby Pasha the Bed ween on the east 
of Egypt. Meeting Musleh accidentally, at the westward of the 
old shaykh s proper domain, 1 Palmer entered into a conference 
with him concerning the object of his mission. Musleh, having 
personal ends to serve, 2 entered into an arrangement with Palmer, 
after the ordinary Oriental reluctance had been sufficiently 
exhibited ; 3 and from that time it would seem that there was 
hardly any limit to the promises of assistance which Musleh was 
ready to make. " "With Misleh," at this time, " was Meter abu 
Sofieh, who was introduced to Palmer as the Sheikh of the 
Lehewats, occupying all the country east of Suez." 4 This claim 
of place and power for Meter was baseless ; yet in consequence of 
it, Palmer trusted Meter, as he had trusted Musleh, who introduced 
Meter, and it is "to this unfortunate deception," for which Musleh 
seems directly responsible, "that the unfortunate termination of 
the second expedition was principally attributable." 5 Meter 
guided Palmer; and Palmer and his companions were brutally 
murdered in the desert while under the guidance of Meter. 6 To 
suppose that Shaykh Musleh was innocently deluded into the be- 

1 Besant s Life of Edward H. Palmer, p. 275. 2 Ibid., p. 271. 

3 Ibid., p. 2S7 /. Ibid., p. 275. 

5 Col. Warren s opinion, as cited in Besant s Life, p. 275; also Besant s mention 
(p. 307) of " Meter abu Sofieh, whom he [Palmer] trusted, and who betrayed him." 

6 For the circumstances and details of Palmer s tragic fate, see the admirably 
written story by Palmer s enthusiastic friend Besant, as above referred to. 


lief that Meter was really all that he claimed for himself, and was 
a competent person to be entrusted, at such a time, with such an 
undertaking as was assigned to him, is to misconceive both the 
character and the ability of the wily old Shaykh el-Bclad of the 
Teeyahah Arabs. 

The younger brother of Musleh, Shaykh Sulayman ibn Amir 
(Solomon, the son of Omar, or of Amor 1 ), is described as brilliant 
and dashing, "a slightly-built, dark-complexioned Arab, with a 
handsome, and even intellectual countenance, and a polish of man 
ner that would have done credit to a courtier." With " a clear 
eye and a fine black beard," a rare possession for a desert Arab, 
Sulayman is " more picturesquely, expensively, and tastefully 
dressed " than most desert shayks ; appearing, in fact, like " an 
Arab gentleman with a tinge of foppishness." Palmer says of 
him, in their earlier intercourse 2 : " Being .... a painfully polite 
man, he naturally tried on all occasions to cheat us in a gentleman 
like way, and we were obliged to parry his attempts at imposition 
as gracefully as they were made." And Bartlett adds : " He 
showed himself to be a man of character and decision by his com 
mand over his men, and a man of determination by his attempts 
to control us." 

Both Musleh and Sulayman have long been familiar with the 
desire of travelers to find out about Ayn Qadees; and they are 
skilled in dexterous methods of evading its disclosure. Had either 
of them been in charge of me and my companions from Castle 
Nakhl northward, I should have been no more successful in my 
search than the many who had preceded me. It was just here that 
I had my first advantage, in favoring circumstances. 

1 See Palmer s Des. of Es.od., II., 290, 333. In the Surv. of West. Pal., " Name Lists," 
p. 263, referring to the names Amir, Ammurieh, Amr, Palmer says: "All these are 
forms of the Arabic name Omar, and are identical with the ethnic name Amorite." 

2 Sulayman appears again in connection with Palmer s latest visits to the desert. 
See Besant s Life, pp. 202, 270 /., 299, 307 /. 





It was oa Saturday morning, March 20, 1881, that I reached 
Castle Nakhl, with my two traveling companions, Mr. George H. 
Wattles, a student of medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, 
and the Rev. Allan M. Dulles, just from his post-graduate studies 
at Leipzig. We had come from Cairo, by way of Mount Sinai, 
under the escort of Shaykh Moosa, the Shaykh el-Belad of the 
Tawarah tribes; one of the very finest specimens of the Bed wy 
chieftain, dignified, kindly, trustworthy ;* a man for whom we had 
acquired sincere respect and hearty esteem. 3 

Shaykh Sulayman was absent on a plundering tour, making 
good the reputation of his tribe for its one remaining ancestral 
trait; 3 perhaps in the country of the Anazeh, "who occupy the 
district around Palmyra, and to the east of the Hauran ;" for they 
are said to be the " hereditary victims " of the Tccyahah in their 
annual raids for plunder. 4 This of course put him out of the 

1 Caroline Paine, in her Tent and Harem (pp. 258-265) describes a visit made by 
her in 1852, to the home of Shaykh Moosa, not far from Wady Fayran. She empha 
sizes "the delicate and polite manner" of his wives, and the courtliness of his perso 
nal bearing. " We had an opportunity," she says, " of studying these women long 
and carefully, and every moment increased the respect and wonder inspired by as 
true native gentleness, propriety, and courtesy, as ever graced a marble hall. " 
Referring to the deference shown to the Bed wy chieftain in his own household, she 
says: "Sheikh Moosa s appearance certainly entitled him to all the consideration in 
which he was evidently held by the ladies of his court. He was of a tall, good 
figure, and his apparent height was increased by a long, narrow, woolen robe, and 
the large white turban that surmounted his head. His face with tolerably good 
features, had a refined and manly expression; his deportment was easy, grave, and 
dignified ; and he escorted us with as much suavity as if he had been accustomed to 
the refinement of civilized life." 

2 See his portrait accompanying. 8 See page 240, sitpra. 

4 " Once at least in every year the Teyaheh collect in force, often mustering as 
many as 1,000 guns, and set off on camels for the country of the Anazeh, a distance 
of more than twenty days journey. Having chosen for their expedition the season 


question as our escort. Shaykh Musleh was there ; but he was 
disabled by ill-health. It was, indeed, with difficulty that he had 
come over the desert to meet us, in response to a messenger sent to 
him across the country by Shaykh Moosa, as we journeyed toward 
Xakhl. A ride to Hebron he could not think of. Under ordinary 
circumstances, he would probably have insisted that we should 
await his brother s return ; but he happened to be in a position to 
desire our help, and that fact put us on a different footing from 
travelers generally. 

A younger shaykh of the Tceyahah (Hussan, son of a former 
shaykh, Moosa, a kinsman of Musleh) had been arrested, with 
some companions, by the Turkish authorities on a charge of plun 
dering (not of a robbery of which he had been personally guilty, 
but a robbery by individuals of his tribe or clan, for which, ac 
cording to Arab ideas of tribal solidarity, he was fairly to be held 
responsible) ; and he and his fellows were now prisoners at Jeru 
salem. 1 AVith all of the fatherly interest of an old shaykh in his 
people, and of an Oriental patriarch in those of his own blood, 
Musleh was intent on the release of the captive Hussan. By no 
fault of mine, Musleh hal obtained from my Egyptian dragoman, 
and from the Tawarah Shaykh Moosa, an exaggerated idea of my 
personal influence with those in authority in my own land, and 

of the year when the camels are sent out to graze, they seldom fail to come across 
some large herd feeding at a distance from the camp, and watched by a few atten 
dants only. These they drive off, the bawdrideh that is the men who possess guns 
forming a guard on either side and in the rear, and the rest leading the heasts. It 
sometimes, though rarely, happens that they get off clear with their booty before the 
owners are aware of the invasion, but in many cases they are hotly pursued, and 
compelled to relinquish their prey, and take to their heels." (Palmer s Des. of 
Exod., II., 295.) It is the same to-day as it was in the days of the patriarch Job. 
(See Job 1: 17.) 

1 Dr. William C. Prime, in his Boat Life in Egypt, (pp. 97-108), describes graphi 
cally a similar arrest of the famous old shaykh of the Alaween, ITusayn ibn-Egid, 
so long the dependence and the dread of visitors to Petra; and his imprisonment at 


with its representatives abroad ; and lie was exceedingly desirous 
of my good offices in behalf of Hussan, through the American 
consulate at Jerusalem. 1 

Taking up the incidental statements of my young companions, 
concerning my editorship of a periodical which circulated widely 
in the Bible-studying community in my land, among the very class 
most likely to make journeys to Sinai and Jerusalem, my enthusi 
astic dragoman, with true Oriental license and imaginings, had en 
larged the story, until, as I afterwards learned (for it was all 
spoken in Arabic), he had actually reported me as " Director-in- 
Chief" of all the religious papers "the sacred press" of 
America, and the shaper, so far, of the opinions of American 
pilgrims. He had moreover given this fact a practical bearing on 
Bed wy interests (for an Arab cares nothing for anyone s position 
and honors except so far as they may affect his personal interests), 
by gravely assuring the shaykhs that if I were well treated on the 
desert, and were well pleased with the route, I would speak so well 
of it as to turn by way of Suez and Mount Sinai a large portion 
of that current of pilgrimage to Jerusalem which now went by 
way of Alexandria to Jaffa ; and so there would be a larger de 
mand than ever for camels, and for Arab escort. This was an 
argument that even a Bed wy could appreciate ; and pressed as it 
was by a Muhammadan preacher, whose character and mission in 
spired Arab confidence, it was not without its weight. Sure I am 
that I had favors granted me, and was freed from exorbitant de 
mands, at various points along my desert route, quite in contrast 
with the treatment reported by well-known travelers before and 
after me. Notably was this the case during my stay at Castle 

1 This burden was still on the mind of old Musleh, when he met Palmer in the 
desert in July, 1882. Palmer s report of Musleh s promise at that time is : " He says 
that if I can get three sheikhs out of prison, which I hope to do through Constanti 
nople and our Ambassador, all the Arabs will rise and join me like one man." (Be- 
sant s Life, p. 271.) 


Nakhl, and in my dealings with the shabby old Egyptian governor 1 
there, and the cunning Shaykh Musleh. I mention all this as so 
far explanatory of certain advantages accorded me in my search 
for the long-hidden wells at Ayn Qadees. 

Of course Shaykh Muslch was ready to assure me of the ground 
lessness of the charges against Hussan, and of the certainty of my 
reward if I should be successful in securing his release. If Hus 
san were set at liberty, he said, we who had compassed it should 
be "as kings in the desert," when we came that way again. But if 
Hussan should be held and old Musleh s usHv face lowered threat- 

o * 

cningly as he said it the desert would not be safe for any 
traveler. As a proof of his confidence and his generosity, Musleh 
was even now ready to give me an Arab steed, whose value lie said 
was 300, if only I would promise to. make intercession for Hus 
san. His whole soul was on fire in this matter ; and he was too 
anxious for my help in his need, to deny me any reasonable re 
quest in the line of my purpose. 

Old Musleh s eyesight was failing him, and his lungs were 
evidently diseased. Learning that one of my companions was a 
physician ("a hakeem," as they call it) he asked to be restored to full 
sight, and to be relieved of his cough. A mild palliative for the 
cough, and a simple eye wash, gratified him, and tended to increase 
his willingness to accede to my requests. When I pressed for an 
early move northward, he made a mild protest, on the score of his 
inability to go with us, and his brother s absence ; but he yielded 
that point gracefully, since "the king s business required haste," 2 
and the sooner I should reach Jerusalem the better it might be for 
the captive Hussan. But when I urged the direct northward 

1 This old wretch is described by Dr. Field in his On the Desert, pp. 215^"., 225 ff. 
lie was near the scene of Professor Palmer s murder, and was strongly suspected of 
being privy to it, if not, indeed, directly responsible for it. (See Besant s Life, 
p. 321/.) 

2 1 Sam. 21 : 8. 


route to Hebron instead of the westerly one to Gaza, Musleh was 
more reluctant to yield. The Gaza route lay through the land of 
the friendly Terabeeu. The route to Hebron passed the fields of 
the hostile Azazimeh. Musleh insisted that only three families 
(each traveling party on the desert is called "a family") had passed 
over the Hebron route in now twelve years, and he magnified its 
dangers. 1 But just there I was in dead earnest, and when he was 
convinced of that, he was disinclined to risk my possible help for 
Hussan, on a point like the choice of available routes. He con 
sented, therefore, to my going by way of Hebron; and here again 
an advantage was given me. 

Shaykh Musleh had brought with him his son Hamdh, a good- 
natured, over-grown boy of some eighteen years or more, with 
somewhat of his father s doggcdncss, but with none of the old 
man s shrewdness. Ibraheem, a son of Sulayman, was also there. 
He was brighter than Hamdh; a keen-eyed, lithe-bodied youth, 
showing not a little of his father s alertness of mind and graceful 
ness of manner. After some discussion, it was agreed that the two 
young men should go together in charge of our escort to Hebron. 
Hamdh was to be in command, although he had never before been 
sent on an expedition of the importance of this, and the route 
itself was not wholly familiar to him. 

In view of Hamdh s youth and inexperience, a skilled and trusty 
guide was secured, in one Owdy, 2 a shrewd and intelligent Arab, 
whose home was not far from Nakhl, and who was acquainted with 
every step of the way to be traversed, and with the needs and dan 
gers of desert travel in the region of the Azazimeh. With all his 
experience of desert ways, however, Owdy had not been accustomed 
to lend his services as an escort to travelers ; and he seemed to feel 

1 See page 240.$"., supra. 

* I give this name by its sound. I do not know its form in Arabic. Bonar (Dcs. of 
Sinai, p. 207) mentions an Arab, named " Aaudheh," which may be the same name 
as this; but I give the phonetic equivalents of the name as I heard it. 


it somewhat beneath his dignity, to lead a camel for a " Christian," 
in a party commanded by boy shaykhs. He was willing that his 
camel should go; but he was inclined to stay by his fields of 
springing barley in "Wady el- Arecsli and beyond. The pressure 
brought on him, in this emergency, was much like that which 
Moses brought on Hobab, when the latter was desired as a guide 
over this same desert, Hebron ward, and gave answer, "I will not 
go; but I will depart to mine own land, and to my kindred." 
Then it was that Moses urged: "Leavens not, I pray thee; foras 
much as thou knowest how we are to encamp in the wilderness, 
and thou mayest be to us instead of eyes." 1 Thus urged, Hobab 
went: so went Owdy. 

AY hen arrangements for the escort were finally agreed on, in 
cluding the number and the price of camels, the route to be taken, 
and the time of starting and the number of days for the journey, 
the agreement was formally ratified between the contracting parties, 
by Shaykh Musleh and my dragoman sitting side by side; their 
open hands held, with upturned palms, before their faces, as if 
they were the pages of a book; and reciting together the words of 
the Fatfhat, or first chapter of the Quran. This formula, with 
more or less of accompanying salutations and embracings, is pro 
nounced by all Muhaminadans on every important occasion. 2 Its 
invocation is a sacred pledge of fidelity between "believers." 

Of course I was cautious about making promises in behalf of 
Hussan; and of course I refused all reward. I did agree to in 
quire into the facts, on reaching Jerusalem: and that promise I 
made good. I found, indeed, on arriving there, that his case was 
apparently already in good hands; better than mine, for him. 3 
Xor did I plan to take any incidental advantage of Shaykh 

1 Num. 10 : 29-32. 

2 See notes on this chapter, in TJie Koran with Notes, by George Sale. 
s Yet the sequel shows (from his continued imprisonment, a year later) that the 
efforts for his release were futile. 


Muslch s expectation of service from me. It was only after the 
journey was over, and I looked back over its details, that I real 
ized how all these things had combined to give me exceptional 
opportunities in the line of my research ; and I refer to them now 
by way of accounting for my unexpected success in that line. 


We were to start early on Monday morning, and the agreement 
was that we should be at Hebron on the Saturday night following. 
Although Hamdh was nominally the shaykh of the party, (or the 
"family ") for this journey, he was so much younger than myself, 
and beardless at that, while I had a patriarchal beard, that, in 
accordance with the Oriental custom of giving deference to age, 
and of honoring the beard, I was called the " father " of " the 
family," and Hamdh was formally committed to my fatherly care 
by his original father. Putting the young man s right hand be 
tween my two hands, old Musleh took our three hands between his 
two, and said to me earnestly, in Arabic : " He has been my son. 
Now he is your son. Be to him a good father." Then he en 
joined it upon his burly son to be faithful to me as we journeyed, 
and to do for me any favor in his power. This injunction proved 
of important service to me, in the line of my subsequent re 

Although there were but three of us travelers, the camel train, 
which should bear us and our attendants, and all our needful tents 
and stores, formed no insignificant caravan. The dromedaries 
which we three rode were of a lighter build, and better blood, and 
hence faster of foot, than the baggage camels which carried the 
heavier loads. 1 In all, there were about fifteen beasts and as many 

1 There is a popular notion, promoted by the dictionaries, that the difference be 
tween a camel and a dromedary is a difference in the humps; the one having one 
hump and the other two humps. But this is an error. A dromedary bears the same 


men. It was our custom to move off ahead of the baor<rao-e train 


in the morning the three travelers and the dragoman. When we 
halted at noon for a lunch, we usually rested for an hour and a- 
half or two hours, in the shade of a light tent which the dragoman 
had brought, together with a lunch-box, on his camel. Mean 
while the baggage train would come up and pass us, and go on to 
the night s halting-place where we would find our tents ready 
pitched for us on our arrival. 

On Monday, March 28, we were off bright and early, being 
actually on the march soon after seven o clock : an expeditious 
start for the first day of a new journey, with all the clamor and 
wrangling over the apportioning of loads to the camels, which are 
an essential preliminary to an Arab caravan undertaking. And 
we made nearly nine and a-half hours of actual travel that day 
with quick stepping and a tolerably straight course in addition to 
our customary rest at mid-day. This was really a remarkable first 
day s travel for such a journey ; as any Eastern tourist would 
recognize. 1 It showed that our Tecyahah guide and escort were in 
earnest in speeding our journey, as they had promised. 

The second day s journey was also a long one, and its late close 
found us in Wady Jeroor, at a point at least sixty miles distant in 
an air line from Castle Nakhl ; so that we must have made not 
less than thirty-five miles a day, by the course we had taken. We 
had passed up along Wady el- Areesh, and on northeasterly be 
tween Naqb Fahudeh and Jebel Ikhrimm (or Jebel Hareem); 2 
had skirted Wady Qarayyeh and Wady Mayeen, before traversing 
Wady esh-Sherayf ; had seen Jebel Araeef en-Xaqah, the south 
western bulwark of the Azazimeh mountain plateau, 3 looming up 

relation to the camel, that a blooded racer does to a pack horse. (On this point, see 
authorities quoted in Fazerkerly s " Journey," in Walpole s Travels in the East, 
p. 384, also Tischendorfs AILS dcm he.iligen Landc, p. 20, note). 

1 See page 142^7"., supra. 
2 See Wilson s Lands of Bible, I., 277. 3 See page 138, supra. 


at our right, and Jebel Yelcq at our left, as we neared them and 
then passed them by; and Jebel Helal stretched along our western 
horizon, as we turned easterly out of Wady esh-Sherayf, for a 
convenient camping place in Wady Jeroor. 

Jeroor is the Arabic equivalent of the Hebrew Gerar. 1 It was 
at the city of Gerar, somewhere at the northwest of our present 
location, that Abraham sojourned, as he journeyed along south 
ward from Hebron; but the domain of Shaykh Abimelech seems 
to have stretched far out in this direction; and when Isaac s pros 
perity, in his growing grain fields, excited the envy of Abimelech s 
people near Gerar, then "Isaac departed thence, and pitched his 
tent in the valley of Gerar," or in Wady Jeroor, as we would 
call it now-a-days, "and dwelt there." 2 And now we were near 
the old camping ground of Isaac, from which he moved again and 
again, northerly toward Rehoboth and Beersheba. 


It was well into the evening, after our dinner was over, that we 
called our dragoman and the two young shaykhs to the entrance 
of our dining tent, for a conference over the journey of the day 
and the plans of the morrow. They sat, or squatted, on the 
ground before us, in Oriental fashion ; and we sat in camp-chairs 
just above them. It was then and there that for the first time I 
broached the question of the whereabouts of Ayn Qadees. 

Being familiar with the views of Rowlands, and Palmer, and 
Bartlett, I was of the opinion that Bartlett was correct in suppos 
ing that he had been shown the real Ayn Qadees by Shaykh 
Sulayman ; and it followed as a matter of course that it must be 
not far from our present location. On this supposition, I began 
my inquiries. Finding that Jebel Muwayleh was but a few hours 

1 See page 63 /., supra. * Gen. 26 : 6-17. 


northward of us, and remembering that both Rowlands and Bart- 
lett had taken that as a starting point of their search, I asked if 
we could not turn aside from our track beyond Muwayleh, on the 
morrow, in order that I might visit Ayn Qadees. To my surprise, 
neither my dragoman nor cither of the young shaykhs seemed to 
have any knowledge of such a place. After a little groping for 
some clue to the locality, I asked that Owdy, our guide, be sent for. 

But Owdy, when he appeared, was seemingly more ignorant 
than the others. As I questioned him about one locality after 
another, concerning which I could not be in doubt, I became satis 
fied that his ignorance on every point was too dense for reality, 
with such an experienced guide as himself. It was quickly obvious 
that he was playing a part as the others were not ; and I quite 
lost my patience with him. And there, again, I unconsciously 
gained an advantage ; if I had kept my patience, I should have 
had nothing else to report. Without any deliberate plan in my 
action, I instinctively took the very course to bring out the truth 
from an unwilling Arab witness. 

A Bed wy finds it hard to realize the actual value of books 
especially of books of travel. He cither undervalues them, or he 
overestimates them. 1 He commonly takes it for granted, to bco;in 
with, that you know nothing about his country, if you have not 
visited it before. But if you. show him that you know the truth 
of a matter about which he has professed ignorance, or lied to you, 

1 Wilson (Lan<1s of Bible, I., 264) tells of his discovering a treacherous surface 
under a circle of ashes near a chalk hill at BeerRejeem [the "stoned-up well?"] and 
asking an Arab to step across it who of course plunged in it over foot. " When he 
found that lie lost his footing in it, and that I was testing him by a practical joke, 
he immediately cried out, Oh, these books of the English gentlemen ; they describe 
every knoll and every pit in our country! The English have no need of guides, 
They know everything better than we ourselves do. lie innocently thought that we 
must have had a description of this wreath of ashes in some of our books." Aeain, 
Palmer (Drs. of Exod., II., 387) tells of his surprising Shaykh Sulayman by insisting 
on going a direct road to Beersheba when the latter supposed he could take a cir- 


he is quite likely to think that it is useless for him to try to de 
ceive one who has the help of Christian books ; and then he is 
ready to tell you all he knows. 1 Moreover, he is exceedingly 
sensitive to his reputation of familiarity with his own region of 
country ; for an Arab, like an American Indian, thinks there is no 
ignorance so culpable as ignorance of the tracks and landmarks of 
the territory he traverses. 

" Oh, well ! " I said impatiently, " the trouble is, you don t 
know your country as well as I do. We ought to change places. 
I am giving you bakhsheesh, to show me your country. Now, you 
give me bakhsheesh, and I ll show you your country." 

I spoke quickly and contemptuously, and the Arabs could catch 
the spirit of my sneer, even before my words were translated by 
the surprised and interested dragoman. Nor was he slow in re 
peating my words in Arabic. The innocent young shaykhs and the 
cunning Owdy watched me wondcringly, to know just what I 
meant by all this ; and I proceeded to enlighten them. 

" To-morrow morning we will go on to Ayn Muwaylch. We 
will go past that. Then we will turn off from the track, to the 
right. We will go down that way about one hour. There we will 
find, one, two, three, wells. Beyond them, we will find flags and 
rushes growing. Then, a little further on, there are more wells. 
That is Qadecs. 2 You don t know it ; but I do. Give me bakh 
sheesh ; and I ll show it to you." 

cuitous path without being found out. "Suleiman was . . . astonished that, without 
having visited the country before, we knew in which direction Beersheba lay. He 
could not conceive it possible that any writing or spy -glasses should tell us that. " 

1 Palmer (Ibid., p. 326) says on this point : " When once an Arab has ceased to 
regard you with suspicion, you may surprise a piece of information out of him at 
any moment; and if you repeat it to him a short time afterwards, he forgets in nine 
cases out often that he has himself been your authority, and should the information 
be incorrect will flatly contradict you and set you right, while if it be authentic he 
is puzzled at your possessing a knowledge of the facts, and deems it useless to with 
hold from you anything further." 

2 See Bartlett s Egypt to Pal., p. 359 /. 


As this little speech was translated to them, the three men looked 
up at me in blank amazement. Then they looked at the dragoman. 
Then they looked at each other. After a little, the three talked 
among themselves in low, earnest tones. Gradually they waxed 
warmer in discussion. After awhile they turned to the dragoman, and 
carried on a spirited conversation with him. Then lie turned to me. 

" Mistar Trom-bool," he said, " I tell you now the true ; honor- 
bright. They tell me true now, on the Quran." He was a 
Muhammadan preacher, and he had pledged them on their faith. 
" They know that place you tell them ; but they no call it that 
name. They no call that Qadees. " 

" Oh ! they do know it, do they ? " I asked, as if still in doubt. 
" And what do they call the place ? " 

" They call that, Qasaymeh. " 

At this unexpected response, which I could not but believe was 
sincere, there flashed into my mind the thought, that the wily 
Sulayman had palmed off Qasaymeh as Qadccs upon my Ameri 
can predecessor on that route whose description I had followed ; 
and at once I was on another track. 

" But do they know where Qadees is, if they don t think it s 
there ? " I asked, as if keeping them still on trial as to their know-, 
ledge of their own country. 

The two young shaykhs did not know ; but Owdy did. He had 
lived in that region as a boy, and had traversed it far and near. 
He told the direction of Qadees, and how it could be reached from 
our present camp. Its distance was " a short day s journey." 
Then I asked him if he had ever seen Ayn Qadayrat. He said 
that he visited it once, twenty years before. As I questioned 
farther, he gave me the bearings of the one well from the other, 
and both again from Qasaymeh. I was morally certain that Owdy 
was now telling the truth ; for he thought I knew a great deal 
about the country ; and he was trying to prove that he knew as 
much as I did. 


By midnight, the tangle was all unraveled. I could see where 
the three wells were, and how to reach them. But as yet this was 
only a personal conviction. I had no proof to offer to anyone 
else. Now came the question. Could I visit the wells, and see 
them for myself? Owdy said that this was not to be thought of. 
" Qadees was in the Azazinieh s country. The Azazimeh would 
rob and murder anyone who came into that region." It was bad 
enough for the Teeyahah to go along, as now, on the edge of the 
Azazimeh s territory. To venture directly into the enemy s 
country was an impossibility. I must make the most of knowing 
where the wells were, without the hope of seeing them. And with 
that for my comfort, our conference broke up for the night. 


That was a restless night for me. My thoughts were too busy 
for sleep. The solution of a geographical mystery was almost 
within my grasp. How could I let it slip? No one from abroad 
had yet visited the three wells in question. It had even been 
doubted that there were three. Qadayrat, no traveler had seen. 
Qadees had been seen by only one, in many centuries ; and his 
visit there was forty years ago. Qasaymeh had at one time passed 
by its own name ; and again it had done duty for each of the other 
two wells. If only I could now visit the three, and note their 
peculiarities and relative bearing, what a service I might render to 
the cause of biblical research ! Had I any right to lose such as 
opportunity as this, on the score of its possible dangers? 

And what, after all, were the real dangers of the desired search ? 
My three years of varied experience in active campaigning, during 
our American civil war, had taught me that the actual perils of 
scouting in an enemy s country were often far less than the imagi 
nary ones ; and I was sure that now our timid young shaykhs, and 
perhaps the reluctant guide also, were seeing more dangers ahead, 


011 the suggested trip, than we should ever meet if we made the 
venture. Moreover, my observation of the desert Bed ween thus far 
had not much impressed me with a sense of their formidableness. I 
had noticed that the only firearm of the average Bed wy was a 
long-barreled, smooth-bore, flint-lock musket ; not infrequently 
minus the lock : and I had never yet seen an Arab hit anything 
that he fired at. Yet every Arab seemed to think his enemy s 
armament a great deal more to be dreaded than his own. In fact, 
desert hostilities, so far as I had seen them, or had learned of them 
from the Arabs themselves, looked to me very much like Chinese 
warfare : each side trying to frighten his enemy away from a fight 
and succeeding. The risk of bloodshed in such a move as I 
was pressing, seemed hardly worth considering. And as to robbery, 
what was that in such a hunt as this ? 

By daylight, my mind was clear ; and I was up and over at our 
dragoman s tent, determined to compass a visit to those three wells 
whether it were possible or not. 


Our dragoman, Muhammad Ahmad Hedayah, 1 was a character; 
too much of a character to be let pass without fuller notice. He 
was an Alexandrian ; a native Egyptian, of Moorish stock. He 
had been a dragoman for a quarter of a century ; but was still in 
the prime of life. He had amassed a handsome property, and was 
the owner of five or six substantial buildings in the European 
quarter of his city ; all of which have since been swept away, in 
the destruction of that quarter by Araby Pasha. He was also a mer 
chant of some prominence ; but he kept on at his old business as 
dragoman from a veritable love of it. He enjoyed being on the 
desert, or up the Nile, or in the Holy Land ; he had special pride 

1 This surname is the Arabic name for the " black hawk" (milvus atcr.) 


in accompanying travelers who were already well known, or who 
would help him to become so ; for he cared more for reputation 
than for money. He had been the dragoman of Canon Farrar, 
and of Lady Elizabeth Cartwright, and of Colonel Colin Camp 
bell, of Great Britain ; and of General McClellau, and of the Rev. 
Dr. Charles S. Robinson, and of Professor Charles M. Mead, of 
the United States. He knew the value of books, and the possible 
gain to himself from his mention in a book. It was, indeed, one 
of his boasts that he figured in a book by Mr. Charles Dudley 
Warner ; figured, too, to very good advantage. He also treasured 
a magazine in which he was mentioned approvingly by Canon 
Farrar ; and he more than once asked me to write a book, and 
" put him in it." 

Mr. Warner s descriptive sketch of this dragoman cannot, in 
fact, be improved on, for vividness and accuracy. "Achmed was 
a character. He had the pure Arab physiognomy, the vivacity of 
an Italian, the restlessness of an American, the courtesy of the 
most polished Oriental, and a unique use of the English tongue. 
Copious in speech, at times flighty in manner, gravely humorous, 
and more sharp-witted than the cutest Yankee, he was an ex 
ceedingly experienced and skilful dragoman, and perfectly honest 
to his employers. Achmed was clad in baggy trousers, a silk scarf 
about his waist, short open jacket, and wore his tarboosh on the 
back of his sloping head. 1 He had a habit of throwing back his 
head and half closing his wandering, restless black eyes in speak 
ing, and his gestures and attitude might have been called theatrical 
but for a certain simple sincerity ; yet any extravagance of speech 
or action was always saved from an appearance of absurdity by a 
humorous twinkle in his eyes." 2 Ahmad was brought to Mr. 
Warner s notice by his "unselfish zeal" in behalf of the latter s 
dragoman, Abd el-Attee, who was maliciously arrested and locked 

1 See his portrait, accompanying. 2 Warner s In the Levant, p. 220. 


up by Turkish officials in Bayroot. Ahmad s "quick generosity," 
his "enthusiasm," his rapid swaying from hope to despondency as 
his surroundings changed, are admirably illustrated in Mr. War 
ner s story of him. 

Knowing his vulnerable side, as I came to him in his tent that 
morning, I approached it directly. I told him that no traveler 
had visited Ayn Qadees in forty years ; and that none had ever 
visited Ayn Qadayrat. If he would help me to get there now, I 
would write a book about it, and "put him in my book." That 
touched him. " Write it, Muhammad Ahmad Effendi l Iledayah, 
8 Silk Bazar, Alexandria, " he said promptly ; and he repeated the 
"8 Silk Bazar." Then he asked me on what terms he mi<>;lit bar- 


gain with the young shaykhs and their followers. I told him I 
would leave that wholly with himself. Any bargain he should 
make, I would ratify; for I knew I could trust him implicitly. 
He was thoroughly enlisted, and told me he would soon have it 

But the dragoman found it no easy task to bring the young 
shaykhs and Owdy to his view of the case. They had no desire to 
figure in a book ; nor was a venture into the Azazimeh country 
attractive to their unromantic imaginings. Had it not been for 
the dragoman s influence as a Muhammadan leader, and his enthu 
siasm in pressing his point for his own sake, their consent would 
never have been secured. Even when Owdy and Ibraheem were 
won over, Hamdh continued childishly obstinate. At Nakhl we 
had wanted to reach Hebron by Saturday night, he said ; and his 
father had directed him to press on accordingly with all possible 
speed. If we had now changed our mind, that was no reason why 
he should change his. A bargain was a bargain. He would 
stand by his original agreement; and not budge from it. The 

1 His ability to write, and his social standing, justified him in the use of the appel 
lative " Efiendi." 


proffer to him of bakhsheesh seemed in itself of no weight. Obsti 
nacy and prejudice were stronger than cupidity. Then the drago- 
maii pressed on Hamdh the injunction of his father to do every 
thing in his power to favor and gratify me on this trip. If the 
old shaykhs had been along, we could never have deviated from 
our Hebron path ; but tact, persistency and determination finally 
overbore the young man ; and the details of a new bargain were 
entered on. 

As to taking the entire caravan into the Azazimeh country, 
that was not to be thought of. The camel train must wait where 
it was, or move slowly up the road, while the dromedaries and 
their riders went off on this expedition. But with the Arab idea 
of a share for all in any good fortune, every man of the caravan 
must receive his portion of bakhsheesh, whether he went or stayed. 
Extra payment must then be made to those who were on the 
expedition ; and finally I must bind myself to release the Arabs 
from all responsibility for their contract to be at Hebron w r ithin 
the time originally specified ; and must promise, moreover, to make 
good any loss to them from Azazimeh plundering. All this I 
agreed to ; and the new contract was concluded. 


It was yet only 7.25 in the morning (of Wednesday, March 30) 
when our party was fairly off on its way eastward ; from our 
camping- place in "VVady Jeroor. Besides ourselves the three 
travelers there were the dragoman, the two young shaykhs, the 
guide Owdy, and a sooty Abyssinian slave of Shaykh Musleh 
(eight persons), with four dromedaries, in the party. The remainder 
of the caravan was put in charge of our " waiter," Muhammad, 
an intelligent and enterprising Egyptian, who was of the Prince of 
Wales s escort in the Holy Land in 1862. His orders were to 
make a short day s journey northward, and there await our return. 


Moving briskly eastward for about two hours and a quarter, we 
crossed Wadies Sasab, Sa eedeli and Sainrah ; all three wadies 
running southerly, the latter curving toward the west. Well- 
defined camel tracks traversed them. As yet we had crossed no 
hills, the wadies being separated only by gravelly ridges ; but we 
had skirted the southern face of a mountain range which included 
a single prominent peak of peculiar formation, like a series of 
bright colored terraces around a conical trunk (with a suggestion 
of the step-pyramid of Saqqarah x ), resembling the central peak in 
Palmer s sketch of the "Wilderness of Kadesh," 2 and perhaps 
being the " Jebel Aneigeh," of his map ; possibly his " Jebel 
Meraifig : " on this point I cannot be sure. 

Passing along the border of a fourth wady Wojat also trend 
ing southerly we approached a low range of hills running north 
west and southeast. Inclining a little to the north of east, and 
then again eastward, we rose that hill range, and an extensive 
plain, or wady, stretched before us from its eastward base. The 
range was Jebel Hawwadeh. The plain was Wady Qadees. It 
was with a thrill of delight that we caught our first view of the 
great sanctuary camping-ground of the Hebrews; and we were 
quite too full of the excitement of successful pursuit, to have a 
thought of special danger, as, at 10.30, we descended the hill side 
into the wady beyond, after three hours quick riding from our 
morning camp. This Jebel Ilawwadeh was a new name to me. 
When I told of it to Professor Palmer, on my return to London, 
he knew nothing of such a mountain ; but he gave me its meaning 
as " Mountain of the Cisterns." 3 

1 See Ebers s Picturesque Egypt, I., 155. 

2 This sketch, by Tyrwhitt Drake, faces page 340 of the second volume of Palmer s 
Desert of the Exodus. Although it is called "The Wilderness of Kadesh," I am 
satisfied, from my conversation with Professor Palmer, that it is a point westward of 
Wady Qadees. 

3 Jebel el-IIawwadeh ( R,-gjy*- ), The Mountain of the Cisterns, or Eeservoirs. 



When fairly down in Wady Qadces we were for the first time 
out of sight of all familiar landmarks. We were in a new region ; 
we were away from the accustomed track of the Teeyahah; we 
were in the stronghold of the Azazimeh. With our smaller 
party, the silence and solitariness of the desert seemed even 
greater than usual. Our Arabs recognized this. They grew 
uneasy. Young Hamdh began to question whether after all he 
had done wisely, in this departure from the plans of his father and 
the traditions of his people. 

Having dismounted from my camel and turned aside to examine 
some fragments of old building stones which had caught my eye, 
I returned to the party just in season to stay Hamdh and his fol 
lowers from turning squarely about and hurrying back to the cara 
van, in much such a panic as that which possessed the Israelites of 
old in this same wady, when they counted themselves as grasshop 
pers in comparison with the Azazimeh giants of their day, and 
their cry was : " Wherefore hath the Lord brought us unto this 
land, to fall by the sword . . . Let us return." l There w r as need 
of all my energy and positiveness in their most determined expres 
sion, to reassure the timid Arabs, and to start them forward again 
on their journey. 

Nor, under the circumstances, were these fears of our Bcd ween 
entirely without reason. In venturing upon the territory of the 
Azazimeh without their consent, we rendered ourselves liable to 
the confiscation of all our possessions. This would not be robbery, 
as the Arabs view it ; but simply tax-collecting. "By desert law, 
the act of passing through the desert entails forfeiture of goods to 
whoever can seize them." 2 "The desert is ours, and every man 

1 Num. 13 : 29-33 ; 14 : 1^. 2 Bedouins of Euphrates, p. 391. 


who passes over it must pay us tribute/ l is the Arab claim. Nor 
is this a law of the desert alone. "Of whom do the kings of the 
earth take custom or tribute? of their own children, or of 
strangers?" "Of strangers." 2 

Theft among brethren (and all who are of one tribe, including 
those who are its guests, are Arab brethren 3 ) is rarer in the Sinaitic 
desert than among the best of civilized communities. "The strict 
honesty of the Bcdawin among themselves," says Dr. Robinson, 4 
" is proverbial ; however little regard they may have to the rights 
of property in others. If an Arab s camel dies on the road, and 
he cannot remove the load, he only draws a circle in the sand 
round about, and leaves it. In this way it will remain safe and 
untouched for months." One of the Arabs in our party over the 
desert dropped his pouch of corn. Discovering its loss some time 
after, he proposed to turn back and find it. As we had meantime 
passed Arabs going in the other direction, I suggested that they 
might have picked up the corn and taken it for their own use. At 
this I w r as told that I did not understand Arab ways. " That 
would not be posssible among the Bcd wecn." Burckhardt tells 5 of 
being pointed to a cliff not far from Wady Gharandel, from which 
a Bed wy " of the Arabs of Tor precipitated his son, bound hands 
and feet, because he had stolen corn out of a magazine belonging 
to a friend of the family." And Burckhardt adds, of the Arabs 
of the great northeastern desert of Arabia, that " the Aneze Be 
douins are not so severe in such instances ; but they would punish 
a Bedouin who should pilfer anything from his guest s baggage." 
" It is true," says Palmer, 6 " that, in the case of a strange or 
hostile tribe,"or of an unauthorized intruder upon their own par 
ticular territory, their ideas of the rights of property do not accord 
with our own ; but amongst themselves, or towards those who have 

O / 

1 Stephcns s Incidents of Travel, I., 203. 2 Matt, 17 : 25, 26. 
3 See page 237 f., supra. * Bib. Res., I., 142. 

5 Travels in Syria, p. 475 /. G DCS. of Exod., I., 79 /. 


entrusted themselves to their guardianship, their honesty and faith 
is unimpeachable ; while, thanks to the terrible rigor of the 
Vendetta/ or blood-feud, homicide is far rarer in the desert than 
in civilized lands." 

But stealing from one s own people is one thing ; while levying 
tribute on strangers, or making reprisals from enemies, is a very 
different thing, as the Arab views it. Every Bed wy is an author 
ized tax-collector when he meets a stranger within the limits of his 
tribe ; and again he feels called to speak and act for his tribe when 
he meets an enemy of his tribe anywhere. But this is not lawless 
ness. As Burton expresses it ! : " The true Bedouin style of plun 
dering, with its numerous niceties of honor and gentlemanly 
manners, gives the robber a consciousness of moral rectitude." Or, 
as "Warburton says of these lawfully-lawless people : 2 " Though 
they will risk their lives to steal [conscientiously], they will never 
contravene the wild rule of the desert." 

It was in this light, therefore, that our situation in Wady Qadees 
must be looked at, if we would view it fairly. By our contract 
with Shaykh Musleh, the whole Teeyahah tribe was pledged to 
our protection until we were safe at Hebron; and here we were 
provoking a conflict with the Azazimeh, who were at enmity with 
the Teeyahah. Our pledge to acquit our escort of all blame in 
case of loss or harm to us, could not relieve the young shaykhs of 
a sense of responsibility for our safety while we were in the care 
of their tribe. For their own sakes, as well as for ours, they 
dreaded an encounter with the jealous and quarrelsome Azazimeh, 
which might re-open a blood-feud between the tribes, or, at the 
best, subject the Teeyahah to the charge of a breach of the laws of 
hospitality in allowing travelers under their guidance to be robbed 
or harmed. 

Our dragoman understood the case on both sides. He appre- 

1 A Pilgrimage, I. 334. 2 Crescent and Cross, I. 118. 


ciated the fears of the Tceyuhah, and lie also recognized our 
willingness to waive all claim on them for the time being. His 

O o 

aim was, therefore, to see that in case of a meeting with the 
Azazimeh. there should be nothing, at the worst, beyond robbery 
or tax-coilecting. His counsel to us was, to attempt no resistance 
in such a case. " If they ask for your coat, give it them ; and so 
give them everything," he said. And this put a new meaning into 
the words of the Oriental Book of books, concerning non-resist 
ance while on a peaceful mission : " Him that taketh away thy 
cloak forbid not to take thy coat also. Give to every man that 
asketh of thee ; and of him that taketh away thy goods, ask them 
not again." 1 To have resisted the Azazimeh by force, had we 
met them that day, would have been not brave, but brutal. It 
would have been the smugglers resistance of the excise officers, 
rather than the travelers defense against waylaying robbers. 

Moreover, apart from the tax-collecting from intruding stran 
gers, there is more or less danger of a bloody encounter when 
Arabs of one tribe invade the territory of another, especially when, 
as in the case of the Teeyahah and the Azazimeh at this time, 
there is ill-feeling between the tribes. The experiences of such 
men as Palmer, and Condcr, and Holland, show that the idea of 
danger from hostile Arabs is not wholly an imaginary one. 
Palmer tells of his laughing, on one occasion, over Sulaymau s 
"real or assumed terrors" at the thought of venturing into an 
enemy s territory not very far north of this; and afterwards find 
ing tliat "Suleiman s fears had not been unfounded," when he 
went on under pressure, against his judgment and protest. "Had 
we met any of the hostile party," says Palmer, in recording the 
visit, "these notes would in all probability never have been 
written." 2 Conder, as he approached this region from the north, 
in the spring of 1877, said: 3 "News of a serious fight near Beer- 

1 Luke 6 : 29, 30. J Des. of Exod., II., 392. 3 Tent Work in Pal., II., 172. 


sheba, in which seven hundred Arabs were killed and wounded, 
[the number of casualties was probably an Arab estimate] deter 
mined us to set our faces northwards" for the time being. Hol 
land, as has been already mentioned, 1 felt that it was quite unsafe 
for him to venture into this region, in 1878, in view of the hostili 
ties then in progress between the Arabs. And since my own visit 
there, Mr. Edward L. Wilson, of Philadelphia, having with him 
my old dragoman, and also the escort of a Terabeeu Shaykh, was 
quite unable to enter the Azazimeh region near Becrsheba, being 
driven off with violence. In fact my later judgment is, that the 
young shaykhs had a truer estimate of the dangers of our under 
taking, than we whom they accompanied. But, danger or no 
danger, we pushed ahead ! 


Wady Qadees is an extensive, hill-encircled, irregular-surfaced 
plain, several miles wide, and said by Owdy to be a short day s 
journey long from west to east, or from north of west to south of 
east. It is certainly large enough to have furnished a camping- 
ground for Kedor-la omer s army, or for all the host of Israel. 
East of it is Jebel Qadees. At its southeast is Jebel Mu arrb, or 
Muarib. Southerly and southwesterly is Jebel Hawwadeh. 
Northerly is Has Fasuah, or Fasooah. Northwesterly is Jebel 
Mawweeqa, or Miawaykah. Or, I should say, these are the 
names given me by our Arabs, as I understood them by sound. 
I report them for what they may prove to be worth to subsequent 
travelers as landmarks of the region. The same may be said of 
several of the wadies we had crossed. Of the mountains, only 
Jebel Qadees was already noted on any map; and that inaccu 

Along the middle of Wady Qadees, is an extensive water bed, 

1 See page 233 /, supra. 


of unusual fertility for the desert. Rich fields of wheat and barley 
covered a large portion of this. From its being still moist after 
the winter rain-flow, it was evident that the seed of the now grow 
ing grain had been sown while the water covered the ground : 
bread cast upon the waters, to be found after many days. 1 There 
were artificial ridges to retain and utilize the rain-fall, for irriga 
tion. AVe saw one large grain-magazine dug into the ground, with 
a mound heaped above it, somewhat after the fashion of the 
Egyptian granaries shown in the tomb picture-galleries of the 
Pharaohs. 2 The lintel of the doorway of this granary was a large 
tree trunk larger than we should look for in the desert now-a- 

Again we came to an uncovered pit or dry cistern, ten or tw r elve 
feet across it, and some six feet or more deep, walled up inside 
with stone, or stoned-tip, to the surface level, and above this 
banked around with earth. At the bottom of this pit \verc remains 
of a fire. It was unlike either a grain-magazine or an ordinary 
Arab cistern. Our Arabs said it was a memorial of a war between 
tribes ; whatever they may have meant by that. When I made 
these notes of this cistern and the granary, I did not know that 
Jebel Haww T adeh meant the " Mountains of the Cisterns, or Reser 
voirs;" nor did Professor Palmer know of their existence when he 
gave me the meaning of that name. 

Along the rolling foot-hills of the ranges northward, we found 
cairns and circles of stone, which could hardly be other than re 
mains of dwellings of a pre-historic age. Soon after entering the 
wady, we found a section of a marble column-shaft of a later date, 
yet evidently ancient. It was three feet long by nine and a-half 
inches in diameter, and had been finished with fluted rings, similar 
to the columns found by Palmer at El- Aujeh, not far north of 
this, " surrounded with rings which give them the appearance of 

1 Eceles. II: 1. 2 See Wilkinson s Ancient Egyptians, I., 371. 


having been turned." l Not far from it was a square-edged, ham 
mered marble-block, which might have been the base of such a 

As we moved eastward, we found many lines of low stone walls 
cropping above the surface like retaining-walls of an embankment, 
or like low dams, such as Robinson 2 and Palmer 3 have described 
as the boundaries of Mazayri dt, or " little plantations " of the 
olden time. In many places, the hillside had been terraced for 
cultivation ; and again there were scattered stones in great num 
bers, which seemed to have been once used for building purposes. 
In fact, there were signs on every hand of a large population there 
in former times ; and of possibilities of provision for it. 


About 12 o clock, an hour and a-half after descending the slope 
of Jebel Hawwadeh, we came to a ridge, or series of rolling gravel 
hills, which seemed to bound the fertile portion of the wady. 
There now stretched before us a rough, stone-covered plain, more 
like the ordinary desert-waste, but still called Wady Qadees. 

The heat of the sun at mid-day was intense. Our Arabs had 
not provided themselves with water for the journey, and with their 
wonted freedom and improvidence they had drunk copiously from 
our dragoman s one leather bottle (not a large water-skin, but a 
small " zcmzcmieh"), and as that had sprung a leak on the way, 
it was now empty. All signs of water were being left behind us. 

l Dcs. ofExod., II., 369. 

2 It was of a short distance northwest of Wady Qadees, that Robinson wrote : 
"Across the whole tract the remains of long ranges of low stone walls were visible 
which probably once served as the division of cultivated fields. The Arabs call them 
el-Muzeiri ilt, little plantations. We afterwards saw many such walls, which obvi 
ously were not constructed by the present race of Arab inhabitants ; but must be 
referred back to an earlier period." (Bib. lies., I., 190 /.) 
3 See Da. of Exod., II., 347. 


In our front, beyond the plain we were traversing, glared the 
dazzling chalk hills, without any apparent opening for a possible 
water-course. As we were all the time moving farther away from 
our caravan route, and deeper into the enemy s territory, with the 
face of the country increasing in dcsolatencss, matters assumed a 
very serious aspect. 

Again and again, in answer to our questions, Owdy insisted that 
we were "just coming to the wells;" but at length, in spite of 
myself, I began to share the anxiety of the young shaykhs, and to 
question in my mind whether after all Owdy knew the region as 
well as he professed to, and was really guiding us faithfully. 

At all events, if this were the Wilderness of Kadesh, into which 
the whole congregation of Israel was re-gathered at the close of 
its period of wanderings, I could no longer wonder that " the 
people chode with Moses," saying, " Why have ye brought up the 
congregation of the Lord into this wilderness, that we and our 
cattle should die there ? ... It is no place of seed, or of figs, or 
of vines, or of pomegranates ; neither is there any water to 
drink." 1 That was my idea of it, just then. 


But we kept up, and kept on ; and at 1.30, after nearly three 
hours of moving in the wady, we suddenly turned sharply to the 
right, at a scarcely noticed angle of the low limestone hill-range 
we had been approaching; and almost immediately, the long- 
sought wells of Qadces were before our eyes. 

It was a marvelous sight! Out from the barren and desolate 
stretch of the burning desert-waste, we had come with magical 
suddenness into an oasis of verdure and beauty, unlooked for and 
hardly conceivable in such a region. A carpet of grass covered 
the ground. Fig trees, laden with fruit nearly ripe enough for 

1 Num. 20 : 1-5. 


eating, were along the shelter of the southern hillside. Shrubs 
and flowers showed themselves in variety and profusion. Run 
ning water gurgled under the waving grass. We had seen nothing 
like it since leaving AVady Fayrau ; nor was it equalled in loveli 
ness of scene by any single bit of landscape, of like extent, even 

Standing out from the earth-covered limestone hills at the 
northeastern sweep of this picturesque recess, was to be seen the 
"large single mass, or a small hill, of solid rock," 1 which Row 
lands looked at as the cliif (Sel a) smitten by Moses, to cause it to 
"give forth his water," 2 when its flowing stream had been ex 
hausted. From underneath this ragged spur of the northeasterly 
mountain range, issued the now abundant stream. 

A circular well, stoned-up from the bottom with time-worn 
limestone blocks, was the first receptacle of the water. A marble 
watering trough was near this well better finished than the 
troughs at Beersheba, but of like primitive workmanship. The 
mouth of this well was only about three feet across it, and the 
water came to within three or four feet of the top. A little dis 
tance westerly from this well, and down the slope, was a second 
well, stoned-up much like the first, but of greater diameter; and 
here again was a marble watering trough. A basin or pool of 
w T ater larger than either of the wells, but not stoued-up like them, 
was seemingly the principal watering place. It was a short dis 
tance southwesterly from the second well, and it looked as if it 
and the two wells might be supplied from the same subterranean 
source the springs under the Rock. Around the margin of this 
pool, as also around the stoned wells, camel and goat dung as if 
of flocks and herds for centuries was trodden down and comming 
led with the limestone dust so as to form a solid plaster-bed. 
Another and yet larger pool, lower down the slope, was supplied 

1 Williams s Holy City, p. 490 /. Num. 20 : 8. 



with water by a stream which rippled and cascaded along its nar 
row bed from the upper pool ; and yet beyond this, westward, the 
water gurgled away under the grass, as we had met it when we 
came in, and finally lost itself in the parching wady from which 
this oasis opened. 1 The water itself was remarkably pure and 
sweet; unequalled by any we had found after leaving the Nile. 

There was a New England look to this oasis, especially in the 
flowers and grass and weeds ; quite unlike anything we had seen 
in the peninsula of Sinai. Bees were humming there, and birds 
were flitting from tree to tree. Enormous ant hills made of green 
grass-seed, instead of sand, were numerous. As we came into the 
wady we had started up a rabbit, and had seen larks and quails. 
It was, in fact, hard to realize that we were in the desert, or even 
near it. The delicious repose of the spot, after our journey over 
the arid gravel-waste under the blazing mid-day sun, was most 
refreshing. The water itself was hardly less of a blessing to us, 
than to the Israelites when it flowed and murmured anew for them 
after their murmurings. We seated ourselves in the delightful 
shade of one of the hills not far from the wells, and enjoyed our 
lunch, with the music of brook and bees and birds sounding pleas 
antly in our ears. Our Arabs seemed to feel the soothing influ 
ences of the place ; and to have lost all fear of the Azazimeh, 
even when the danger from them was probably greatest. After a 
brief rest on the grass, they all stripped, and plunged into the 
lower and larger pool for a bath. 

One thing was sure : all that Rowlands had said of this oasis 
was abundantly justified by the facts. His enthusiasm and his 
active imagination had not colored in the slightest his picture of 
the scene now before us. The sneers which other travelers had in- 

1 In writing up this description from my hurried notes made on the spot, I find 
room for question at one or two points, as to the distance and bearings of the several 
wells and pools one from another, but I give the facts at these points, as accurately as 
I can recall them. 


dulled in, over the creation of his heated fancies, were the result 

& / 

of their own lack of knowledge and charity. And as to the 
name of the oasis, about which Ilobinson and others were so in 
credulous, it is Qadees (jt* JL), as it was written for me in Arabic 
by my intelligent Arab dragoman, a similar name to that of Jeru 
salem, El-Quds, the Holy ; the equivalent of the Hebrew Kadesh. 


After a rest of a little more than an hour in this tempting fairy 
land retreat, we half-reluctantly made preparations for a new start 
in our explorings. As our dragoman attempted to mount his 
dromedary, the restive animal sprang up and shot off by himself, 
as if the Azazimeh were after him, scattering the crockery of the 
lunch-basket right and left as he went. It was with some diffi 
culty that the dromedary was re-captured ; and then the good- 
natured dragoman consoled himself for his broken dishes, by the 
thought of the wonder they would occasion the Azazimeh who 
were next at the wells. They may have already constructed a new 
theory of evolution, on the strength of them. 

It was about 3 o clock that we moved out into the open wady 
westward, on our way to find Ayn el-Qadayrat the well which 
so many have supposed Rowlands mistook for Ayn Qadees. After 
moving westward about twenty minutes, we diverged to the right 
from our incoming route, and bore to the north of west. Going 
on in that direction nearly forty minutes, we turned sharply to the 
north, and began the ascent of a mountain which confronted us. 

This was about 4 o clock in the afternoon. Hardly had we 
begun this ascent, before the quick eye of Owdy caught the far-off 
sight of a caravan coming over the lofty pass toward which we 
were making. " Jemel ! " (camel !) " Azazimeh ! " were words 
quickly passed from mouth to mouth of our Arabs ; and all the 


old fears of Hamdh and his followers were back again in full 
force. Looking up the mountain side, I could see no sign of life 
there. I thought there must be a mistake. But no, Owdy s eyes 
had not deceived him. It was soon evident to us all, that a camel- 
train more extensive than ours was approaching us ; although the 
camels as yet seemed no larger than dogs, and my first impression 
was that they could only be goats. 

Our Arabs wore anxious faces. They asked us to keep close 
together, as we moved forward to the encounter. Cheering words 
were in order, to keep their spirits up ; and these we gave freely ; 
for we could not share all the fears of our escort. Gradually the 
two trains neared each other. In the train approaching us, were 
fifteen camels, including two young ones ; also quite a number of 
goats. There were eight Azazimch men ; just our number ; and 
about the same number of women and children. But some of the 
men were old, and the party as a whole was more encumbered than 
ours ; and it had more to lose. Its men were evidently not in 
clined to provoke a fight. It even looked very much as if they 
were more afraid of our Arabs, than our Arabs were of them if, 
indeed, that w r ere possible. No blood was shed ; not a blow was 
struck ; there was no robbery. The Azazimeh and the Teeyaheh 
held their breaths, as they passed each other on the mountain side, 
and it was evident that both parties were greatly relieved when 
they were fairly out of one another s sight. 

The lofty mountain-pass before us was said to be Naqb Hawy, 
apparently the same name as that of the well-known pass west of 
the plain of Er-Rahah before Mount Sinai : Pass of the Winds, or 
Sky Pass. The fact that this is the direct route northward out of 
"Wady Qadees effectually puts at rest the objection, so vehemently 
and often urged against the identification of this site with Kadesh- 
barnea, that there is no mountain ascent from it toward Hebron. 
Robinson said emphatically on this point, as against Rowlands s 
identification: "There is no mountain near by, by which the spies 


could ascend into Palestine; nor by which the people could go up 
to Arad, where they were discomfited." l And, as has been already 
shown, 2 a host of later writers, as unfamiliar as Robinson with the 
real facts in the case, have followed in reiteration of this error. In 
truth, there could not be a closer correspondence than here with 
the inspired record, as to the way out of Kadesh northward. " Get 
you up this way Southward [or, Xegebward]," said Moses to the 
spies, at Kadesh, "and go up into the mountain." 3 "So they 
went up," as we were now going up, along that mountain 
pass. " They ascended by the South [by way of the Negeb], and 
came unto Hebron." * And so again, the rebellious people, smarting 
under their sentence of forty years wandering, as they lay in their 
camp at Kadesh-baruea, " presumed to go up unto the hill top " 
without the Divine guidance; "and they rose up early in the 
morning, and gat them up into the top of the mountain, saying, 
Lo, we be here, and will go up unto the place [the land] which 
the Lord hath promised." 5 And it must have been up just such 
a mountain way as this, that they went from the wady below the 
Wady Qadees. 


We were nearly an hour clambering this mountain. Passing 
the naqb, we came to a slowly descending slope, called by Owdy, 
Wady Umm A sheen. On the rocks, along the sides of the road 
way here, were numerous inscriptions in a character similar to 
those in Wady el-Mukatteb, or " Wady of the Writings," in the 
neighborhood of Mount Serbal. Inscriptions in this character are 
always noteworthy, in view of the fact that whatever may be 
thought as to their date they are quite generally supposed to indi 
cate, by their presence, a place of ancient pilgrimages. They were 

Bib. Res., II., 194, note. See pages 221-229, supra. 

3 Num. 13: 17. * Num. 13: 22. Num. 14: 40,44. 


certainly spoken of as ancient, as early as A. D. 535 j 1 and it is 
even thought that they were referred to by Diodorus Siculus, just 
before the Christian era. 2 Their date has been estimated variously, 
all the way from the period of the Hebrew exodus to the fourth 
Christian century. 3 It is a question whether their writers were 
chiefly Christians, Jews, or Pagans; although it would seem that 
all three classes were represented among them. What sacred place 
may have been here on this mountain top? Is it, possibly, the 
grave of Miriam? She died at Kadesh, "and was buried there." 4 
And Josephus affirms, as showing the accepted tradition in his 
day : " They bury her publicly at great expense on a certain moun 
tain which they call Sin " or Shin. 

Indications of a former population abounded, in stone walls and 
primitive building ruins ; and it was evident from the camel tracks, 
that this old-time route, the " Way of the Spies," 6 was still much 


At 5.15 we descended into Wady Ayn cl-Qadayrat. This 
wady was more like Wady Fayran than any we had seen, of like 
extent, since leaving the lower peninsula. Shrubs and trees were 
in comparative luxuriance. One tarfa tree had a trunk four feet 
in circumference. Doves, quail, and snipe, w 7 ere numerous. From 
the main wady, which lay east and west, several wady spurs ran 

1 By Cosmas, surnamed Indicopleustes, a traveled monk of the sixth century, who, 
at Alexandria, wrote "A Christian Topography Embracing the Whole World." 

2 See Tuch s Ein und zivanzig Sinaitischc Inschriften, pp. 31, 46. 

:! See Eobinson s Bib. Res., I., 128 /., and Note XIX., p. 593 /.; and Bartlett s 
Eijypt to Pal., pp. 226-232 for the views of various scholars on this point; also see 
Tuch, as above; Beer s Inscriptiones Veteres; Sharpe s Sinaitic Inscriptions, and 
Forster s Israel in the Wilderness, and other works (the works of the last two authors 
are chiefly valuable as curiosities). 

4 Xum. 20:1. 5 Antiquities, Book IV., chap. 4, 6. 6 Num. 21 : 1. 


up among the hills northerly and northeasterly. Into one of these 
Owdy led the way, in confidence that the wells were there. 

It certainly seemed as if wells were to be looked for in that 
wady spur; for vegetation was rich and abundant there; but it 
was followed to its head in vain. Owdy was evidently greatly 
disappointed ; and finding his memory at fault, he was at once 
confused and disturbed. He alone had ever been in this region ; 
and that, many years before. The young shaykhs, like the rest of 
us, had depended wholly on him as a guide. When he confessed 
that he had lost his way, a new panic seized the party. It is a 
mistake to suppose that the Bed ween are always cool-headed and 
confident as desert travelers. An experienced observer of them has 
said : " Their faculty of finding their way across the deserts has 
been much exaggerated. Bedawin, of course, know their own 
district well, and that district is often a large one ; but once take 
them out of it, and they are very nearly helpless." l We found it 
so with Owdy and the young shaykhs in Wady el- Ayn. 

And, at the best, our situation just then was by no means assur 
ing, even to one of a cool head, and of strong nerves. Night was 
coming on rapidly. We were in an enemy s country, not knowing 
the way out of it. We were practically without food or water. 
Our escort and guide were terror-stricken. Our dragoman was 
in despair. There was need of courage, and of effort to impart 
courage, on our part. Then was when old army experiences were 
of value. And just then there was actually a certain comfort in 
the lesson of the forty days fast of Dr. Tanner (the great Ameri 
can faster), which had concluded safely shortly before my leaving 
home. He had shown that a strong-willed man need not die of 
starvation because of a few weeks abstinence. We took heart in 
the memory of his continuance. We spoke words of cheer to the 
Arabs determinedly. My counsel was, that if Owdy no longer 

1 Bedouins of Euphrates, p. 389. 


knew the way, we should stop where we were for the night, in 
stead of groping blindly in the darkness ; and then in the morning 
we should have the full day to find our way to the open country, 
with its familiar landmarks. Or, if Owdy would look farther for 
some remembered feature of the region, in the still remaining 
light, we would follow him hopefully until the night had fairly 
shut in. He decided on the latter course, and we pushed west 
ward. Half an hour brought us to another spur of the wady, 
running northerly, and then curving northeasterly ; and instantly 
an exclamation of delight from Owdy assured us that once more he 
knew where we were ; so that we were no longer lost. 


Near the entrance of this wady spur, as we turned into it, \ve 
saw on a low hill-top at our right, the remains of a massive stone 
structure, quite unlike any other ruins we had seen in our journey 
ing. The rude cairns and stone circles, which we had found all 
the way along during the day, were numerous on the hillsides of 
Wady Ayn el-Qadayrat, but this was very different from those. 
It was of huge blocks of cut or closely-hammered stone, laid in 
even courses, and laid double ; one wall immediately inside of 
another. It was quadrangular, about seventy feet by seventy-five, 
enclosing an open court ; and its double walls rose some six feet 
above the ground. It was clearly an ancient ruin, although by no 
means so primitive as the circles and cairns. 

Either at this point, or at the wady spur we had first explored, 
or again at both and along between the two, there were existing 
ruins enough to mark the " Hazar," or "Hezron ;" or the " Place 
of Enclosure," or the " Stone-encircled Place/ which, according to 
the Bible record, lay between Kadesh-barnea and Adar ; or be 
tween Qadees and Qadayrat, In Numbers 34 : 4, " Hazar " is 
linked with " Adar "; in Joshua 15: 3, it is given separately as 


" Hezron." The Septuagint renders it, in the first instance, 1 the 
" fold," or the " enclosure " ; the Vulgate renders it " a villa [or, 
a village] called Adar." 2 

Palmer has thrown added light on this word as used in the Old 
Testament story, by aid of the experience of his friend Tyrwhitt- 
Drake in Morocco, among the African Arabs who originally emi 
grated from Arabia, and have retained many of their ancestral 
customs. When these Arabs are in a region where they are liable 
to attacks from enemies, they pitch their tents in a circle, with their 
cattle and goods in the centre : " The whole is then fenced in with 
a low wall of stones, in which are inserted thick bundles of thorny 
acacia, the tangled branches and long needle-like spikes forming a 
perfectly impenetrable hedge around the encampment. These are 
called Dowdrs, and there can be but little doubt that they are the 
same with the Hazeroth, or ( Field Enclosures/ used by the pastoral 
tribes mentioned in the Bible." 3 

Again, Mills 4 describes the remains of ancient " circular enclo 
sures of loose stones " on Mount Ebal, " some standing, in a toler 
able state of preservation, while others are partly demolished, with 
the stones scattered all around." " One of these enclosures," he 
says, " measured 210 feet in diameter, and some others are of simi 
lar dimensions." In his opinion, these structures " belonged to the 
aborigines, or perhaps to the Israelitish conquerors of the time of 
Joshua." And he thinks that " the Hebrew word "^n (Mafeer), 5 
generally rendered court or village, means in its topographical 
sense a village exactly corresponding to what these might have 
been namely, a stone wall having tent-cloth drawn over it." 6 

1 At Num. 34: 4: f tiravktv ApatJ; eis epaulin Arced. 2 " Villam nomine Adar." 

*Des. ofExod., II., 321 /. *Nablus and Mod. Samar., p. 10 /. 

5 Robinson s Gesenius (s. v. *^n) says, that this word is applied to the "movable 
villages or encampments of nomadic tribes, who usually pitch their tents in a circle, 
or so as to form an enclosure." See also Fiirst s Jleb. u. Chald. Wortcrb., at the 
same word. g ce a ] SOj p . 314 /. 


Naturally those nomads whose range lay along the lower border 
of Canaan would find the need of such protection to their encamp 
ments ; and we are distinctly told of the people who occupied 
the region of the modern AzAzimeh, that they " dwelt in Haze- 
rim," l all the way along to Gaza. The remains of those Hazerim, 
in exceptional prominence, are to be seen to-day in Wady Ayn el- 
Qadayrat, and elsewhere along that line. Their place would form 
a notable landmark ; inasmuch as the same state of things which 
rendered them a necessity there at one time, would make their con 
tinuance there a necessity. 


The signs of fertility in this spur were far greater than in the 
main wady. Grass and shrubs and trees were in luxuriance, and 
the luxuriance increased at every step as we pushed on. One tree, 
called by our Arabs a " seyal " (or acacia), but not showing thorns 
like the acacias of the lower desert, exceeded in size any tree of the 
sort we had ever seen. Its trunk was double ; one stock being 
some six feet in girth ; the other, four feet and a-half. The entire 
sweep of the branches was a circumference of nearly two hundred 
and fifty feet, according to our pacing of it. "With such trees as 
that in the desert, it were easy enough to get the seyal, or shittim. 
wood, of suitable size for the boards and bars of the tabernacle. 2 
Still the luxuriance of vegetation increased. Then, as we pro 
ceeded, came the sound of flowing, and of foiling, water. A water 
channel of fifteen to twenty yards in width, its stream bordered 
with reeds or flags, showed itself at our feet between the hills. We 
moved eastward along its southern border. Above the gurgling 
sound of the running stream, there grew more distinct the rush of 
a torrent-fall. As we pressed toward its source, the banks of the 

1 Deut. 2 : 23. J Exod. 26 : 15-29. 


stream narrowed and rose, and we clambered them, and found our 
way through dense shrubbery until we reached the bank of the 
fountain-basin. There we looked down into a pool some twelve to 
fourteen feet below us; into which a copious stream rushed from 
out the hillside at the east, with a fall of seven or eight feet. The 
hillside from which this stream poured was verdure-covered, and 
the stream seemed to start out from it, at five or six feet below our 
level. The dense vegetation prevented our seeing whether the 
stream sprang directly out of an opening in the hillside, or came 
down along a concealed channel from springs yet farther eastward ; 
but the appearance was of the former. Waving flags, four or 
five feet high, bordered this pool, as they bordered the channel 
below it. 

Our dragoman enthusiastically compared the fountain to that of 
Banias, 1 away northward, at the source of the Jordan. It was cer 
tainly a wonderful fountain for the desert s border. Its name 
Ayn el-Qadayrat ( \ ** ) the " Fountain of Omnipotence," or 
" Fountain of God s Power," was not inappropriate, in view of 
its impressiveness, bursting forth there so unexpectedly, as at the 
word of Him who " turneth the wilderness into a standing water, 
and dry ground into watersprings." 2 ]S"o wonder that this fountain 
was a landmark in the boundary line of the possession, which had 
been promised of God to his people, as " a land of brooks of water, 
of fountains and depths that spring out of valleys and hills." 3 
Viewed merely as a desert-fountain, Ayn el-Qadayrat was even 
more remarkable than Ayn Qadees ; although the hill-encircled 
wady watered by the latter, was far more extensive than Wady 
Ayn el-Qadayrat ; and was suited to be a place of protected and 
permanent encampment, as the latter could not be. Perhaps it 
ought to be mentioned, that the " date-palms " which Scetzen 

1 "I can hear the rush of the fountains of Banias." (Bayard Taylor, in The Lands 
of the Saracen, p. 114.) 

1 Psa. 107 : 35. 3 Deut. 8 : 7. 


spoke of as watered by this fountain, were not seen by us. Yet 
they may have been elsewhere ; or indeed, they may have existed 
in his day, although not now remaining. 

There was a peculiar satisfaction in looking at this remarkable 
fountain, when at last we had reached it. No visit to it had been 
recorded by any traveler in modern times. Seetzcu l and Rob 
inson, 2 and Rowlands, 3 and Bonar/ and Palmer, 5 and others, had 
been told of it, and had reported it accordingly ; but no one of 
them claimed to have seen it. In view of all that these travelers 
had said, and after his own careful search for it, up and down the 
wady, Bartlett, (as has already been mentioned) had come to the 
conclusion that no such fountain existed ; c that, in fact, Wady el- 
Ayn, the Wady of the Well, was a wady without a well. To put 
our eyes on it, therefore, the very day of our seeing Ayn Qadees, 
was enough to drive out of mind all thought of our dangers and 
worry on the way to it. We congratulated one another all around; 
and Muhammad Ahmad was promised anew that he should go 
into that book" 8 Silk Bazar," and all. 


Before we had fully satisfied our curiosity in examining the 
fountain and its surroundings, the moonless night was suddenly 
upon us; there being almost no twilight in the desert. Our drom 
edaries had been left at the entrance of this wady spur; and we 
turned to grope our way back to them. Among the tall flags, and 
the dense and thorny shrubbery, it was not an easy matter to pick 
our way over the rough wady-bottom. The darkness was, of 
course, much greater, with the bed of green below us, than in the 
desert, where the chalky surface made a starry night comparatively 
light about us. All of us stumbled more or less; and the dragoman 

1 Rcise, III., 47. 2 Bib. Res., I.,1S9. 3 Williams s Holy City, p. 491. 

4 DCS. of Sinai, p. 293. 5 DCS. of JExod., II., 350. 6 Egypt to Pal., p. 362 ff. 


had a fall among the rocks which well-nigh disabled him. It 
looked for a while as if we must watch with him there for the 
night. The Arabs were again nervous and fearful. The loud 
hooting of an owl was mistaken by one of our party for the call of 
a human voice; and its strange cry added to the weirdness of the 
time and place. 

It was with something of a feeling of relief that we once more 
had the companionship of our dromedaries, and were weaving 
back and forth on their humps, at the accustomed measure, as we 
moved out we knew not whither. Yet in that blind start, in the 
darkness, out of AVady Ayn el-Qadayrat, we realized as never 
before what a comfort to the Israelites on the desert must have 
been the guiding pillar of God s presence, when "the Lord went 
before them by day in a pillar of a cloud, to lead them the 
way; and by night in a pillar of fire, to give them light; to go by 
day and night." l 

The next few hours were wearisome and anxious ones to us all. 
It was about 7 o clock when we turned away from Ayn el-Qa 
dayrat. Our day had, already, been fourteen hours long nearly 
twelve from our leaving camp ; and the nervous strain on us had 
been severe from the start. The night was chilly, as well as dark. 
Our movements must be slow and uncertain at the best. Owdy 
was sure of the general direction toward the caravan route up 
which our camel train had moved; but not knowing just where 
the train had halted for the night, it was by no means an easy task 
to push across the intervening hills and wadies in the darkness, 
with any assurance of directness. There were rough places to be 
passed ; and our course must be zig-zagged repeatedly, in order to 
cross some of the separating ravines, inasmuch as we were not 
moving in the line of any well-traveled route, but were passing 
from one to another. In several instances we lost the track, for a 

!Exod. 13: 21. 


season, and then the way was perilous. Travelers, Arabs, and 
dromedaries alike, were all anxious to get back to the rude trail 
again. Stumbling along the narrow and ill-defined path of some 
rugged hillside, in the darkness of that bewildering night, with the 
constant liability to swerve from it, into unperceived or dimly seen 
dangers at right or left, we found a new meaning in the prayer of 
the Oriental Psalmist : " Hold up my goings in thy paths, that my 
footsteps slip not." l 


How we peered out into the darkness for some sign of the 
longed-for camp ! Once we caught a gleam of the white tents 
just ahead, as all of us were sure when their keen-eyed discoverer 
had pointed them out to us. What a joy that was to us, as we 
hurried toward them ! But they settled back into a chalk cliff, 
when we were fairly abreast of them ; and their disappearance left 
the night darker and the way rougher than ever, until a new hope 
was sprung ahead of us by a light that flashed up suddenly on the 
far horizon. It was but for an instant, and all trace of it was 
gone. Then there was another flash in the same direction. And 
as, with all our eyes, we scanned the horizon thitherward, we saw 
a small but steady light where the flashes had fixed our gaze. The 
camp was just ahead. Our faithful waiter, Muhammad, had hung 
out a lantern in the direction whence he looked for us, and had 
flashed powder occasionally in the hope of its catching our eyes. 
He was quite as much relieved by our shout of response to his 
signals, as we by the sight of his beacon light ; for he had been 
even more anxious for us than we for ourselves: his imaginings of 
danger for us being greater and more constant than the reality of 
our experiences in that line. 

1 Psa. 17 : 5. 


A desert camp had never seemed so pleasant to us, as when we 
were fairly in ours in Wady es-Serarn, at 10 o clock that night, 
after our long and exciting day s absence from it. There were re 
joicings and congratulatings on every side, in true Oriental style. 
We certainly had a great deal heartier welcome on our return from 
spying out Kadesh, than was given to the spies of old, when they 
returned from Canaan to their camp in Kadesh. And not even 
quails and manna were so satisfying to the Israelites, when they 
journeyed toward the region we had just visited, as our desert 
dinner proved to us, when we had come thus far by the Way of 
the Spies, unmolested by A vim, or Amorites, or Azazimeh. 


Two of the three wells which had been so long in dispute, I had 
now visited. The third one Qasaymeh had been seen by many; 
and it was fully described in several books of travel. It might 
seem unnecessary for me to delay longer for the purpose of seeing 
that. Yet, as the question of two wells or three had long been an 
open one, it was desirable to set that point finally at rest by per 
sonally visiting the three. Hence it was, that I planned for a trip 
to the third well on the following morning Thursday, March 31. 

Wady Qasaymeh was behind us ; our baggage train having 
passed its entrance on the way to Wady es-Seram, while we were 
hunting Ayn Qadees. It was therefore arranged that once more 
that train should move slowly forward, while we of the yesterday s 
party turned back to Qasaymeh. After an early breakfast, we 
started southward, taking a route a little to the eastward of that 
which our train had taken on the way northward. In Wady 
Sabh/ or Sabhah, 2 we observed on the hillsides, not only those 
" relics of a primeval people cairns and dwellings such as we 

1 See Palmer s Map. * Stewart s Tent and Kfian, p. 197. 


have noticed elsewhere " l as common in this region, but also more 
or less of the " innumerable well-made heaps of stones, placed 
with extreme regularity along the edges of the cliffs, and always 
facing the east/ which Palmer 2 inclines to identify as " in some 
way or other connected with the worship of Baal " by the idolaters 
of the land, before Israel destroyed the cities of the South 3 iu all 
this region. 


Less than two hours brought us to Wady Qasaymeh ( aUx^uJJ ) 
and its familiar wells. Robinson 4 describes these wells as " sev 
eral pits of bluish, brackish water, dug a few feet deep in a bed of 
blue clay, surrounded by an abundance of coarse bulrushes and 
rank vegetation." Palmer 5 says: "They are not deep wells, nor 
springs proper, but a few, or shallow pits;" and their posi 
tion "is marked by a melancholy looking bed of rushes." Bartlett, 8 
thinking that these wells were in "Wady Qadecs, is fuller and more 
enthusiastic in their description ; yet all that he says is borne out 
by the facts as I observed them, although his estimate of their 
relative importance is exaggerated, through his failure to know of 
the more remarkable wells near them. He found in this wady 
" the most abundant water supply " he saw " between Nukhl and 
Beersheba." When he was here, he noted, first, " three excava 
tions in the sandy soil, each about seven feet in diameter, contain 
ing water to the depth of two feet. Around these were smaller 
holes, some two feet in diameter, also containing water." Passing 
eastward " for several rods through a marsh filled w T ith reeds and 
rushes," he crossed a number of "narrow channels of standing 
water. To the right, at this point, a spur of rock projected north- 

1 Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 355. 

2 Des. ofExod., II., 35(1. 3 Josh. 10: ,36-40. 4 Bib. Res., I., 190. 

5 Des. of Exod., II., 357. 6 Egypt to Palestine, pp. 359-302. 


westerly from the southern embankment of the wady, and the 
water came out of this spur in moderate quantities and flowed down 
a series of stairlike ledges into the wady." Beyond the marshy 
ground he " came to a rather higher level of sandy soil," and 
" found somewhat widely scattered, nine of the larger and two of 
the smaller excavations now opened. In most of them the water 
had been rendered dirty by camels, but wherever it stood in a 
clean place it was clear and good." " Over a large space of the 
higher sandy soil, it was evidently only a question of convenience 
where to scoop a hole and find water." 

All this we found substantially as described. We could also see 
that the place was in a sense " notable " and " important ; " for 
any source of much water is notable and important in " a dry and 
thirsty land, where " as a rule " no water is." l Yet these wells 
bore no comparison with those we had seen the day before. It 
was, however, their accurate description in Bartlett s narrative, 
that had served me so good a turn, in causing my Arab guides to 
believe that I knew their country better than they did ; albeit I 
then supposed these wells to be in Wady Qadees. 


That this " Qasaymeh " was the " Azmon" 2 of the ancient 
southern boundary line of the Land of Promise, finds strong con 
firmation in the fact that the Jewish Targums give " Qesam " 3 and 
"Qaisam" 4 for Azmon. And the "Karkaa," 5 or "the bottom 

1 Psa. 63 : 1. 2 Num. 34 : 4, 5 ; Josh. 15 : 4. 

* Targum of the Pseudo-Jonathan at Num. 34 : 4 (OOP, qesam). 

4 Targum of Jerusalem at Xum. 34 : 4 (DD P , qaisam). 

5 Josh. 15 : 3 CTP^Pj], haqqarqa a ; "the bottom-land"). 

" The word means a low-lying flat, and perhaps may belong to some district in 
the border-land between Adar and Azmon, rather than to any town." (Speaker s 
Com., in loco). 

Robinson s Gesenius gives the meaning of this word as a " floor," or " the bottom 


land," which is referred to as between " Adar " (or " Qadayrat ") 
and " Azmon" (or Qasaymeh), 1 would seern to be found in the 
bed of this extensive water basin, which Bartlett 2 describes as 
" continuing a mile beyond where the water is found," in the direc 
tion of where we found Ayn el-Qadayrat ; forming " a kind of 
oblong basin enclosed on all sides by continuous ranges of hills, and 
terminating at the east abruptly against a still higher mountain 
range, which runs north and south." He adds, that " at the 
eastern end of the wady, however, its northern hill-boundary 
breaks down, and the valley connects here (as indicated in Mr. 
Palmer s map) with the eastern terminus of Wady el Am." 

This connection of Wady Qasaymeh, at its eastern, or north 
eastern end, with Wady Ayn el-Qadayrat, I was told of by my 
Arabs. It conforms most accurately with the description of the 
southern boundary-line of Judah, 3 which from Kadesh-barnea, or 
Qadecs, passed along to " Hczron," or the Place of Enclosures, 
and went up to " Adar," or Qadayrat ; and fetched a compass from 
Qadayrat, through this break in the mountain-wall, to the 
" Karkaa," or the Bottom Land beyond ; and passed toward 
" Azmon," or Qasaymeh ; and went out toward " the river of 
Egypt," or Wady el- Areesh, whence its goings out were at the 
Mediterranean Sea. 

of the sea," and would find its root in qoor ("Up), to dig for water." Fiirst ( Wor- 
terbuch) would connect it with raq a C^P^), "to spread out." See, also, Wilton s 
The Negcb, pp. 162-164. 

All these conditions are met in the earthen floor which is spread out beyond 
Qasaymeh toward Qadayrat, as a water basin, in which one can dig for water at 
almost any point. 

1 To a person entirely unacquainted with the Oriental tongues, this recognizing of 
"Adar" and "Azmon" in "Qadayrat" and "Qasaymeh" may appear forced or 
strange. But it suffices to say, that these words are variously written, as if beginning 
with a " Q," a " K," a " G," or an aspirated A (" A") ; all these letters representing 
variations of a common guttural sound of the original. And the terminal " at," or 
" eh," is an inessential addition, according to the customs of the language. 
2 Egypt to Palestine, p. 360. 3 Josh. 15 : 3, 4. 


It is a noteworthy fact, moreover, that Palmer 1 was pointed by 
the Arabs, in this wady, to ruins which they said marked " the 
limits of the territory of the old Christians/ " as the Bed ween 
call the ancient inhabitants of their country. The very name of this 
wady in its root derivation, both in Hebrew 2 and in Arabic 3 
indicates " division " and " apportionment " ; and although this 
does not, as some have claimed/ necessarily suggest the idea of 
" boundary/ it certainly consists with the idea of a place of boun 
dary-division growing out of the apportionment of territory on 
one side to one people and on the other side to another people. 
When I asked of my dragoman the meaning of " Qasaymeh," his 
answer was : " When a man give out all his property to his sons, 
he give one share alike to all. Qasaymeh mean that" This wady 
is obviously a natural division-line in any apportionment of the 
lands on either side of it. 

I have quoted freely from Bartlett s description of Wady 
Qasaymeh for two reasons. In the first place, I contented myself 
with verifying that description on the spot, rather than in making 
extended fresh notes, as at the other wells which had not been so 
fully described. And, again, there is added force in the accuracy 
of these details, as conforming to the Bible text, when it is remem 
bered that in their writing Bartlett supposed he was describing 
Wady Qadees, and not Wady Qasaymeh. All the facts given me 
by my Arabs were obtained without any leading questions on my 
part. Not having come to Qasaymeh directly from Qadayrat, I 
could not be sure of the compass direction of the one from the 
other. At the time, I thought that Qadayrat lay farther north 
than Qasaymeh ; and I reported accordingly in the first mention of 
my journeyings; 5 but a subsequent study of maps and itineraries, 

1 See Des. of Exod., II., 356 /. 2 DDJ5, qasam ; "divided." 

3 Qasama; " duly apportioned." See Freytag s Lex. Arab. Lot., s. v. 

4 See Surv. of West. Pal., " Name Lists," p. 9. 
6 In Quarterly Statement of Pal. Explor. Fund, for July, 1881. 


together with a recall of my own course, led to the conviction that 
Ayn el-Qadayrut lay easterly, or perhaps a little south of east, from 
Ayn Qasaymeh ; as would be inferred from the Bible narrative. 
Owdy was positive that there was no opening from either Wady 
Qasaymeh or "Wady Ayn el-Qadayrat into Wady Qadees. 

While we were at Qasaymeh, a party of Bed ween women came 
to the wells, leading donkeys on the backs of which were slung 
large water skins to be filled at the wells. There were also baby 
Arabs and baby donkeys; both comical enough in their way. The 
donkeys were permitted to go directly into the pools and trouble 
the water with their feet, before the water skins were filled. 
Whether this was supposed to give a medical value to the water 
did not appear ; but it certainly increased its specific gravity, and 
commingled with it whatever helps to healing the soil of the 
region might supply. The women followed the donkeys into the 
pools, and filled the water skins at their feet. And this is the 
Oriental order of watering beasts and men at watering pools. 
These Arab women were, I believe, of the Terabeen tribe. 
Several tribes water here, as if Ayn Qasaymeh were the common 
apportionment of the Arabs on every side. 


Having satisfied our curiosity concerning Qasaymeh, we re 
mounted our camels, and turned our faces northward. The shrewd 
Owdy professed to know "a short cut" across the country on our 
way to overtake our caravan, and naturally we trusted to his 
guidance. It seemed to us that we veered too far westward, but 
he was positive that we should save distance by his route, so we 
followed it. Still bearing to the west of north, we came to an open 
plain with its waving grain fields. This, Owdy called Wady 
Rahhabeh, or Rayhobch. I find no such wady on the maps; but 
I give the name as it was given to me, for whatever it may prove 


to be worth. It is a long way below the well-known Wady Ru- 
haybch, commonly supposed to be the Rehoboth of Isaac, 1 which 
we passed the next afternoon. 

In one of the side hills above this wady, eastward, we saw a 
large cave, of the sort often described in this region, 2 as possibly 
an old quarry, or again as an ancient dwelling. And now we 
learned the secret of Owdy s "short cut." He had a field of bar 
ley planted in this wady, and wanting to take a look at it, he had 
brought us out of our way to enable him to do so. The opportu 
nity to do this he deemed too good to be lost; and even if he 
might have resisted the temptation, he did not. The barley looked 
well; and Owdy was satisfied, whoever else was disposed to com 
plain. 3 

Turning now to the east of north, we hurried on. Again we 
crossed Wady Sabh; this time at its western end. There we saw 
a number of flourishing fig trees. Soon after noon we were near 
our last night s camping ground in Wady Seram ; and we halted 
for a lunch. All the afternoon, as we pushed northward, we were 
surrounded by signs of present fertility of soil, and of former 
extensive cultivation ; as many travelers have before reported. 4 


Although I had surprised Owdy into truth-telling in our confer 
ence over the wells, two evenings before, he was by no means dis- 

1 Gen. 26 : 19-22. 

2 Bonar s Des. of Sinai, p. 300; Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 357; Bartlett s Egypt 
to Pal., p. 357. 

3 Sir Frederick Henniker (Notes during a Visit to Egypt, etc., p. 244) tells of a 
similar deceit practiced on him by his guide, who desired to visit a friend on the road 
from Mount Sinai. 

4 See, Robinson s Bib. Res., I., 191 /. ; Bonar s Des. of Sinai, pp. 300-303 ; Stewart s 
Tent and Khan, p. 197 ; Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 359-361 ; Bartlett s Egypt to 
Pal., pp. 304-366. 


posed to become "a slave of the truth." "Lying is the salt of a 
man/ l as an Arab views it ; and Owdy did not propose to live 
without salt more than one day at a time. His " short cut " to 
reach his own barley field was not his only falsehood of this day. 

When we came to "VVady Hanayn, known to the Arabs as " a 
valley of gardens/ Owdy insisted that its name was " Wady 
Hafeer." This was in accordance with the Arab superstition that 
" should a sell [a sudden rain-flood] once come down Wadi Ha- 
nein, there would be an end to all prosperity in the land." As a 
guard against this danger, the " Christians/ who are supposed to 
have a " mysterious influence over the rainfall/ are not permitted 
to hear the name " Hancin/ or " Hanayn/ with its evil omen, 
lest they should be prompted to hasten the dreaded doom. 2 

Again, as we neared El- Aujeh, in the vicinity of which we ex 
pected to come up with our caravan, and camp for the night, I 
asked casually how near us was " Wady Beerayn." Owdy had 
" never heard of that place." His expression of ignorance was 
seemingly so natural and artless that at first I thought I was 
misunderstood by him, and I changed the pronunciation of the 
name several times in repeating the question, but all to no purpose. 
Then my dragoman sounded Owdy and the others of the party 
one by one, only to find an appalling stupidity resting down on 
them all. I knew they were shamming, although my dragoman 
thought it could not be so ; but as I had no wish to follow up 
the matter, I let it drop. 

That evening, when they were in camp, the Arabs gleefully in- 

1 An "Arab proverb, el-kizb milk el-insdn." (Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 325 ; 
also Conder s Tent Work in Pal., II., 210.) 

" Truth in ordinary matters, is not regarded as a virtue by the Bedouins, nor is 
lying held shameful. Every man, they say, has a right to conceal his own thought." 
(Bedouins of Euphrates, p. 390.) And there are traces of this Oriental philosophy 
in the reasoning of many Occidentals. 

" See Palmer s Des. of Exod., II., 3C5/. 


formed the dragoman that they knew Wady Beerayn well enough ; 
but they thought I might want to visit it, and they had had well- 
hunting enough for one trip. Owdy had quietly passed the word 
to them all to feign ignorance under my questioning, and they had 
acted their part to perfection. 


El- Aujeh is one of three places prominent for their extensive 
ruins in the western Negeb ; the other two being El- Abdeh and 
Sebayta. Palmer quotes a saying of the Arabs, " There is nothing 
grander than El- Aujeh and El- Abdeh, except Sebaita, which is 
grander than either." l As has been already mentioned, 2 Robinson, 
misled by his Arabs and a Hebron camel-owner, confounded El- 
Aujeh with El- Abdeh, 3 and his error has been followed and 
popularized by Porter in Murray s Handbook. 4 After Seetzen s 
first mention of El- Abdeh, as "Abde," 5 Bonar 6 and Stewart 7 
pointed out the two places, El- Abdeh and El- Aujch, in their 
separateness ; and finally Palmer 8 visited both places, as also 
Sebayta, and gave a full description of the three. Stewart has 
suggested the identity of El- Aujeh with the capital of ancient 
Gerar, 9 and it is certainly a more reasonable site for that city than 
the ruins near Gaza, as conforming to the hints of its location in 
the Bible text. El- Aujeh seems to be a favorite haunt of the 
Azazimeh, and they are jealous of its approach by Christians; 10 
yet, as it is not within their extensive domain, they cannot confis 
cate the property of travelers whom the Teeyahah guide past it. 

1 Des. of Exod., II., 375. l See page 87 /., supra, note. 

3 Bib. Res., I., 191, 600 /. 

* See Murray s Handbook for Syria and Pal., edition of 1875, p. 100. 

5 Eeise, III., 43. 6 DCS. of Sinai, p. 302 jf. "* Tent and Khan, p. 198 /. 

8 DCS. of Exod., II., 359-413. Tent and Khan, pp. 200, 209. 

10 Des. of Exod., II., 371. 


The principal ruins of El- Aujch arc on the summits of a 
double hill, which looms up above the plain of Wady Hauayn as 
one approaches it from the south. Eastward and northerly of this 
hill gleamed our snowy tents, as we came over the plain at the 
close of the day. But between us and our camp we saw, at our 
right, the black tents of Bed ween, whom our Arabs at once pro 
nounced " Azazimeh/ and with this recognition the discoverers, 
dragoman included, were filled with dismay. All seemed more 
fearful than usual, as if from the thought that the Azazimeh 
might be aware of our clandestine visit of the day before, to their 
jealously-guarded wells. 


The Aziizinieli camp was a large one. As we neared it, in 
passing, we saw that we were watched curiously by sharp-eyed 
women and children at every tent. Great flocks of sheep and 
goats were feeding in the vicinity. The men whom we saw, gave 
us surly looks. 

Hardly were we in our tents, on reaching our camp, before word 
came that the Azazimeh had seized one of the dromedaries we had 
been riding. At this our dragoman applied to the Azazimeh 
shaykh for an explanation. The shaykh s reply was, that some 
two years before this the Teeyahah had taken a dromedary from 
his people, and he had been waiting all this time for an opportu 
nity of reprisal. At last the opportunity and the dromedary were 
at hand. He had simply balanced a long standing account. 
Could anything be fairer than this ? 

Instead of denouncing the whole transaction as dishonest and 
outrageous, Muhammad Ahmad, with true Oriental courtesy and 
shrewdness, admitted that the principle affirmed was eminently a 
correct one. On the shaykh s showing of the case, the Teeyahah 
clearly owed a dromedary to the Azazimeh ; and the Azazimeh 


were quite right in desiring to collect their dues. But there was 
another point in this case, which the shaykh would do well not to 
overlook. The Teeyahah were now under contract with " Chris 
tian " travelers to convey them safely and speedily to Hebron. 
The dromedaries of the caravan belonged for the time being to the 
Christians. They were now on the highway, over which the 
Teeyahah were by desert law entitled to pass. There was here no 
trespass on the Azazimeh s exclusive domain. If a dromedary 
were taken from this caravan, the Christians would rightly be 
angered; and their curse might be brought on the land. They 
might bring a sayl down Wady Hanayn ; or their people from afar 
might come to retake the desert. If the shaykh were wise, he 
would postpone his attempt at reprisal until the Teeyahah came 
that way without any Christian travelers in convoy. 

This was the dragoman s putting of the case ; and he presented 
it as if out of sheer love for the Azazimeh, rather than because of 
his incidental connection with the Teeyahah. The shaykh, if not 
wise, was superstitious ; as every Arab is. The pictured dangers 
he was incurring, were too formidable for him. He would have 
braved the Teeyahah without hesitation; but he was not ready to 
defy the mysterious " Christians " with their power over the invis 
ible world. He expressed regret that he had failed to comprehend 
the true state of this case, from the beginning ; and he hastened to 
restore the dromedary to its place in the caravan camp. 1 

1 It is possible that this narrow escape of a dromedary has increased the Teeyahah 
reluctance to cross the Azazimeh territory northward. At all events, Professor Post, 
of Bayroot, a long time resident of the East, while crossing the desert with his friend, 
the Rev. Dr. Field, of New York, in the spring of 1882, found himself unable to 
induce the Teeyahah to take that course. He says (" Sunday School World" for 
January, 1883), " [They] raised so many difficulties in regard to the route to Hebron, 
that we were obliged to modify our itinerary and go by way of Gaza." An English 
party, about the same time (as reported in " Macmillan s Magazine " for January, 
1883), intent on going "by Nakhl, Beersheba and Hebron," had a similar experi 
ence. The narrator says : " We were forced to make a detour by Gaza [from Nakhl], 



Later in the evening, the Azazimeh shaykh came again to our 
camp, as if under exercise of mind about the suggestions of our 
dragoman concerning the possible performances of the Christian 
travelers. He said that he very well knew that all this country 
the desert land once belonged to the Christians grandfathers, and 
that the ruins about us El- Aujeh included were Christian 
ruins ; but now the country belonged to the Azazimeh, and he 
hoped the Christians would respect Azazimeh rights. 

He was much relieved when assured that the Christians of this 
party would make no claim to the territory, and that their declar 
ation to him was : " We will go by the king s highway ; we will 
not turn to the right hand nor to the left, until we have passed thy 
borders. And if we and our cattle drink of thy water, then we 
will pay for it : We will only, without doing anything else, go 
through on our feet." l 

This Azazimch shaykh s anxiety was an illustration of the com 
mon dread, among the wilder Arab tribes, of a Christian invasion 
of the desert ; a dread which in itself has been one of the chief 
hindrances to unrestricted visits to the region of Ayn Qadees. 
Owdy and our young shaykhs told our dragoman, on this evening 
at El- Aujeh, that the prevailing unwillingness of their people to 
have travelers visit Ayn Qadees and Ayn el-Qadayrat grew out 
of the fear that if Christians knew there were such wells as those 
in the desert, they would come and retake the country. Because 
desert wells are such a priceless treasure to the Bed ween, it is hard 
for the Bed ween to realize that Christians can see them in any less 

as we learnt on the way that fighting was going on between certain tribes round 
Beersheba, and nothing would induce our Arabs to go on unless we would change 
our plans." 

1 Num. 20 : 17, 19. 


attractive light. Indeed our Arabs grieved the heart of Muham 
mad Ahmad by reproaching him for having used his influence as a 
Muhammadan preacher to induce them to disclose the sacred trea 
sures of the desert to unbelievers. 1 

And these incidents at El- Aujeh closed up our two days 
romantic and successful hunt for the wells of Qadees, Qadayrat, 
and Qasaymeh. 

1 2 Kings 20 : 12-17 ; Isa. 39 : 1-6. 

It is more than possible that the young shaykhs, Ilamdh and Ibraheem, were 
taken seriously to task by their indignant fathers, when it became known that they 
had actually piloted Christian travelers to the long-concealed well at Qadees. If so, 
their mistake will be less likely to occur again. 





And now that all the facts in the case are fairly before us, it is 
desirable to look back over their record, in order to a recognition 
of their variety and their relative importance. The diiferent sites 
suggested in identification of Kadesh-barnea ought to be brought 
into direct comparison, if we would arrive at a final and definite 
conclusion concerning their merits respectively. 

It has been seen that at least eighteen distinct sites have been 
proposed for the identification of the sanctuary-stronghold on the 
southern border of the Holy Land. These are: 1. Chawatha, or 
Hawwadeh, between Gaza and Beersheba ; 1 2. Castle Nakhl, or 
its vicinity ; 2 3. A locality at a day s distance northward from 
Mount Sinai ; a "4. A point near Ezion-gaber; 4 5. The Arabah ; 5 6. 
" Embasch," at the mouth of Wady Jerafeh ; 6 7. Jebel Madurah, 
and its vicinity; 7 8. Ayn Hasb; 8 9. Wady Gayan, or Abyad; c 
10. Ayn el-Waybeh ; 10 11. Ayn Qadees; 11 12. El-Khaloos ; 12 
13. Wady Ghuwayr; 13 14. Ayn esh-Shehabeh ; u 15. Wady 

J See page 192 /. supra. 2 See page 203 f. supra. 

4 " " 007 

e " 206, " 

8 " " 206 /., " 

10 " * 209 jf., " 

12 ^ 9o- > n 

U u 225i a 



Feqreh; 1 16. Near the southeast portion of the Jebel Muqrah 
tract ; 2 17. Petra ; 3 18. Along the Upper Arabah, and to the base 
of Naqb es-Sufah. 4 

At first sight, this seems a strange and hopeless tangle ; yet on 
examination it appears that the eighteen sites are ranged on the 
two sides of a well-defined line ; and that they are to be considered, 
in their comparison, with reference to that one line. Ten of these 
sites are in the Arabah, or immediately ont of it and near its 
level ; while eight of them are on the upper desert, or northward 
of it and near its level. And this division at once simplifies the 
comparison of the many sites suggested. 


Kadesh-barnea is to be recognized, either in or near the Arabah 
(the great natural depression between the eastern arm of the Red 
Sea and the southern end of the Dead Sea) ; or on or near the 
plateau of the Desert et-Teeh, more than a thousand feet above the 
level of the Arabah. The approach of the Israelites to Canaan 
must have been by the one direction or the other ; by the lower 
Arabah, or by the upper desert ; and Kadesh-barnea must have 
been at the northern extremity of the route thus taken. 

Ayn el- Way beh is in the Arabah, near its upper end. Ayn 
Qadees is on the level of the upper desert, at a point northward of 
the desert proper, but not within the commonly supposed boun 
daries of Canaan. These two sites are, therefore, representative 
sites ; and it is not to be. wondered at that they have been so ac 
cepted and discussed. The main arguments for, and the main 
objections to, the one or the other of these sites, tell for or against 
the seven, or the nine, other sites proposed in the same general 

1 See page 228, supra. 2 See page 228, supra. 
3 228, " * " " 227 /., " 


region. If the general region of the one is established as correct, 
the precise location of that one calls for supplemental examination ; 
but if its general region is ruled out of the case, its precise location 
in that region is of no further importance. 

Hence the real issue in this case can fairly be settled by a com 
parison of the two representative sites of Ayn el-Waybeh and 
Ayn Qadees. What, therefore, are the claims of, and what the 
objections to, these sites respectively ? 


In support of the claims of Ayn el-Waybeh as the site of 
Kadesh-barnea, it is said, that as the Israelites went from Mount 
Sinai to Kadesh-barnea "by the way of Mount Seir," 1 they must 
have gone by the Arabah, which skirts the western border of 
Mount Seir; and that Ayn el-Waybeh is the most prominent 
fountain in the highway of the Arabah toward Canaan. 

Moreover, it is said, that as Kadesh-barnea was at the uttermost 
border of Edom, 2 and the Arabah was the western border of 
Mount Scir (which was also Edom), Kadesh-barnea could not have 
been westward of the Arabah ; and, it being in the Arabah, there 
is no more probable site for it than Ayn el-Waybeh. 

The surroundings of Ayn el-Waybeh are said to correspond 
with the surroundings of Kadesh-barnea; including the mountain 
at the northwest of it, up which, Canaanward, goes the Pass es- 
Sufah (suggested as a synonym of Zephath); 3 including, also, 
Mount Hor, and other tentative identifications. The A\ r ilderness 
of Ziu is claimed to be identical with the Arabah ; and the high 
way of the Arabah is said to be the Way of the Red Sea, down 
which the Israelites passed when they turned from Kadesh-barnea. 4 

1 Deut. 1 : 2. 
* Num. 20: 16. 3 Judges 1 : 17. Comp. Num. 21 : 3. 

4 Deut. 2: 1. 


And as Kedor-la omer halted at Kadesh on his way into Canaan, 
it is claimed that his more natural course, after turning the southern 
end of the Mount Seir range, would be up the Arabah, toward the 
site of Ayn el-Waybeh. 

This seems to be the extent of the specific claims in support of 
this identification of Kadesh-barnea. Any reshaping of the argu 
ment is within the limits of these claims. 


The prime objection to Ayn el-Waybeh is, that it is in the 
Arabah, where no Bible mention of Kadesh-barnea, earlier or 
later, will justify the location of that place. 

Kedor-la omer swept on past Mount Seir to an oasis in the Wil 
derness of Paran, before he turned northward. 1 The difficult 
passes of the southern mountain wall of Canaan at the northern 
end of the Arabah, were quite unsuited to such an advance as his; 
especially if, as seems most probable, he came with horses and 
chariots. Moreover, the order of his movements in Canaan shows 
that Kedor-la omcr struck the field of the Amalekites before he 
reached Hazczon-tamar, or En-gcdi; 2 in other words, that he 
approached the Dead Sea immediately from the westward, and not 
directly from the southward. This is inconsistent with his ap 
proach to Canaan by way of the Arabah; and it was on this 
advance that he halted at Kadesh. 

When the Israelites moved over from Mount Sinai to Kadesh- 
barnea, they went across the "great and terrible wilderness;" 3 
which would not have been the case had they skirted the eastern 
peninsula into and along the Arabah. That "wilderness" must 
have been the elevated desert -plateau of Et-Tceh. In journeying 
by the " Way of Mount Seir," they simply took the easternmost 

1 Gen. 14 : 5, 6. 2 Gen. 14 : 7. 3 Deut. 1 : 19. 


road out of the Mount Sinai group ; a road bearing the name and 
trending in the direction of Mount Seir, but which they followed 
no farther than brought them to the border of the wilderness 
beyond which lay the land of their seeking. They took the Mount 
Seir Road, but they did not pursue that road to Mount Seir. 

The Arabah was not one of the ordinary routes from Mount 
Sinai to Canaan. It was a most unnatural course between those 
two regions. Far less was it suited to be the line of approach to 
Canaan for a hostile army. At the best, it was but a rugged high 
way, shut in between frowning mountains, proffering no oppor 
tunity to the invaders to turn aside into any shielded covert near 
the borders of the objective territory, while reconnoitring and 
making other preparations for an onward movement. While 
themselves constantly exposed to sudden attack from flank and 
rear, they would have before them the strongest and most easily 
defended natural bulwarks of the enemy, as their only avenue to 
the laud they would enter forcibly. 

The idea of such a host as Israel s settling down at a prominent 
watering-place in a common thoroughfare, to abide there " many 
days," and that in such a torrent-swept and yet permanently bar 
ren region as the Arabah, is utterly at variance with any fair con 
ception of the prudence and foresight of Moses and Joshua, or of 
the unfailing wisdom of their Heavenly Guide. 

In the site and surroundings of Ayn el-Waybeh, there is no 
fair correspondence w r ith the Bible descriptions of Kadesh-bariiea. 
No distinct Rock is there, such as that before which the congrega 
tion of Israel was gathered by Moses and Aaron, and out from 
which the accustomed waters were made to flow anew. 1 No site 
for " a city " is there ; nor yet a site for an encircled-stronghold, 
such as that from which the spies were sent into Canaan, 2 and the 
messengers to the kings of Edom and Moab. 3 There is no moun- 

1 Num. 20: 7-11. 2 Xum. 13: 21-26; Deutl: 19-24. 

3 Num. 20: 14-16; Judges 11: 17. 


tain near it on the way into Canaan. 1 The nearest mountains are 
westward, and they are not in the direction of Canaan. 2 The 
southern mountain-wall of Canaan, up which ascends the Pass 
es-Sufah (suggested as the mountain clambered by the rebellious 
Israelites), 3 is nearly or quite a day s journey northward, and a deep 
wady intervenes between that and Ayn el-Waybeh. There is no 
trace of the ancient name of Kadesh, or of its meaning, in Ayn 
el-Waybeh or its vicinity. Nor is there a single site identified in 
that region, of any place which was near Kadesh-barnea. The 
site of Zephath, 4 for which Es-Sufah was suggested, has been 
identified, with a correspondent name, at some distance to the 
westward; and that is the only site for which any claim was made, 
except that of a possible identification in case Ayn el-Waybeh were 
accepted for Kadcsh-bamea. 

As a boundary-line landmark, Ayn cl-Waybeh does not in any 
degree conform to the requirements of the Bible mentions of 
Kadesh-barnea. The latter place is named as on the southern 
border of Judah, at several removes from the Dead Sea. 5 By all 
analogy, this would indicate its location as well to the westward of 
that sea. Again it is named as the central one of three main land 
marks between the Dead Sea and the Mediterranean ; G which would 
seem to fix it midway, or approximately so, between those two 
seas. Yet Ayn el-Waybeh is well to the southward of the Dead 
Sea ; and the only way of adapting it to a place in the boundary 
line would be by running a southern line, for some distance, from 
northerly to southerly, instead of from easterly to westerly, and 
then making an abrupt turn, almost at a right angle, and passing 
westward over mountain ranges instead of between them, in a 

1 Deut. 1 : 19-24. 

2 See the photograph of Ayn cl-Waybeh accompanying this. The hills there 
shown in the distance are westward, not Canaanward. 

3 Num. 14 : 39-45. 4 Conip. Num. 21 : 3, and Judges 1 : 17. 

5 Josh. 15 : 1-3. e Ezek. 47 : 19 ; 48 : 28. 


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manner quite unlike the other boundary lines of the Holy Land, 
or the boundary lines of any other land. Even then, the Bible 
mention of Kadesh-baruea (as Ayn el-Waybeh) as a central point 
of the southern boundary, would be either most inexplicable or 

Finally, the Arabah was not the " Wilderness of Zin ; " l for 
the two places are spoken of separately by their own names, in the 
Mosaic record. The " Way of the Red Sea " 2 is also named as 
distinct from the " Way of the Arabah/ 3 among the roads taken 
by the Israelites in their journeyings. Nor have we any sound 
reason for supposing that Edom was ever limited westerly by the 
Arabah ; while the proof is well-nigh absolute, that in the days of 
Moses and earlier it stretched over into the Jebel Muqrah tract, 
along the southern border of Canaan ; and as a result the upper 
Arabah, Ayn el-Waybeh included, was within the territory of 
Edom ; hence Kadesh-barnea could not have been located in the 

In fact, the claims for Ayn el-Waybeh, as the site of Kadesh- 
barnea, all prove baseless on examination ; while the objections to 
that identification increase at every step of investigation ; and they 
are insurmountable. 


The more prominent objections which have long been urged 
against Ayn Qadees as the site of Kadesh-barnea, are already 
shown to have had no solid basis in fact, but to have grown out of 
a misunderstanding, and hence a misrepresenting, of the report of 
its earliest modern-discoverer. This is true of the claim that 
Qadees was a misnomer for Qadayrat, and that Qadayrat had no 

1 Comp. Num. 20 : 1 ; Deut. 1 : 1. 
2 Num. 14 : 25; 21 : 4; Deut. 2:1. 3 Deut. 2 : 8. 


mountain at the northward of it, on the road toward Hebron. 
These objections cannot longer be urged with any show of fairness. 

To those persons who believe that the Israelites approached 
Canaan by the way of the Arabah ; that Mount Seir was skirted 
in that approach ; and that the Arabah was Edom s western 
border, the fact that Ayn Qadecs is on the higher level of the 
western desert is in itself an insuperable objection to it as the site 
of Kadesh-barnea. 

Again it has been urged, that the Israelites would not have 
approached Canaan at the centre of its southern border, because of 
the very openness of that region, and their consequent liability to 
be met in force as they approached. Robinson even brings up, in 
this connection, the declaration in Exodus 13 : 17, that in bringing 
the Israelites out of Egypt, " God led them not through the Way 
of the Land of the Philistines, although that was near; for God 
said, Lest peradventure the people repent when they see war, and 
they return to Egypt : but God led the people about, through the 
Way of the Wilderness of the Red Sea." And Robinson says, 
that . " the object of this circuitous route was to avoid the Philis 
tines : " therefore for them to have approached Canaan by way of 
Ayn Qadayrat and Beersheba, " would have brought the Israelites 
directly along side of the Philistines, and thus have frustrated the 
very purpose for which God led them by so great a circuit." l 

In this suggestion, Robinson leaves out of mind the organization 
and training of the Israelites at Sinai, after the period of that dec 
laration ; and their new life as they moved northward, preceded 
by the sacred tabernacle, after their experiences of successful com 
bat with the Amalekites. 2 And he seems to forget the assurances 
newly given to the Israelites, that they were now able to enter into 
the Promised Land s possession. 3 Moreover, the mid-desert road 

1 Bib. Sac., for May, 1*49, p. 379. 
2 Exod. 17 : 8-13. 3 Deut. 1 : 19-21, 27-31. 


to Bccrshcba and Hebron, was by no means the same as the Phil- 
istia Road out of Egypt toward Gaza. 

Various other objections to Ayn Qadees as the site of Kadesh- 
barnea have been based on the erroneous identifications of other 
Bible places; or on misconceptions of the requirements of the 
Bible text concerning other stations in the record of the wander 
ings ; such for example as the supposed proximity of Kadesh- 
barnea to Mount Hor or to Eziou-gaber. Again, the unconnected 
errors concerning Kadesh-barnea, and its vague descriptions by 
ancient Jewish and Christian writers who had no personal knowl 
edge of the places they mentioned, have continued to be used as 
objections against Ayn Qadees as obviously not answering to the 
requirements of those errors and surmises. In fact, however, the 
doubts thrown, until very recently, on the precise location of Ayn 
Qadees, have prevented the proposing of intelligent objections 
to Ayn Qadees as the site of Kadesh-barnea. But all the objec 
tions which seem entitled to any serious weight, are now before 
the reader. 


In support of the claim that the site of Kadesh-barnea is iden 
tified in Ayn Qadees, it is seen, as follows : 

1. The region of Ayn Qadees is a strategic stronghold on the 
southern border of Canaan ; immediately accessible from the main 
road out of the southern desert, Canaanward, yet secluded. from it. 
It is near the trunk -connection of the principal roads into Canaan, 
at a point convenient for watching or seizing those roads ; and it 
has an inner road northward separate from those roads, and easily 
held by itself at its single mountain pass. 

It has a mountain-encircled plain, 1 of sufficient extent for the 

I 0f course there are ways of entrance and egress at several points ; and the wady 
drains itself, westerly, into one of the branches of Wady el- Arcesh ; but, as a whole, 
it is mountain-shielded, and the avenues to it could be easily guarded. 


encampment of such an army as Kedor-la omer s, or such a host as 
Israel s. That plain is arable, capable of an extensive grain or 
grazing supply, and with adjoining wells of the best water. It is 
a region where a mighty host could abide many days; and as such 
a region it stands absolutely alone among all the localities yet dis 
covered on the southern border of Canaan, or near that border. 

It is just such a stronghold as would be seized by a strategist of 
to-day, who should approach the Holy Land from the southward, 
with a view to the military capture and occupancy of that land. It 
is the place of places to have been occupied by Kedor-la omer on 
his campaign, or by Moses and Joshua in their onward movement 
toward Canaan. If Ilobab did not know of this place, the Lord 
did ; and it would be strange if, having formed such a strategic 
stronghold on the borders of the land he was preparing for his 
people, he did not lead them to it, when the fulness of time for the 
purpose of its fitting had arrived. 

2. Ayn Qadces, with its adjoining plain, is the southernmost 
and central point of the obvious natural boundary line along the 
southern border of Canaan, from the lower end of the Dead Sea to 
the outgoings of Wady el- Areesh into the Mediterranean. 

The Smooth Mountain, which forms the northern wall of Wady 
Feqreh, is unmistakably the southern wall of Canaan, westerly of 
the southern tongue of the Dead Sea. The boundary line thus 
begun at its eastern end, runs, by its natural course, along Wady 
Fcqrch, until that wady loses itself in \Vady Madurah at the point 
where Jebel Madurah the Mountain the Mountain forms a 
pivot, or a hinge, for a turn southward into the region where Ayn 
Qadecs is a new pivotal landmark, midway of this southern 
boundary line from sea to sea. Thence, onward, the natural bor 
der line passes into Wady el- Areesh which is, and from time 
immemorial has been, the southwestern border line of Canaan, 

This natural boundary line stands alone as a possible natural 


border limit of Canaan southward. And Ayn Qadees stands at 
the centre of this line, just as the Bible description fixes the 
location of Kadesh-barnea. 

3. Accepting Ayn Qadees as the site of Kadesh-barnea, secures, 
also, the identification of every other landmark, in its order, along 
the southern boundary line of Canaan, according to the Bible text. 

Beginning at the tongue of the Dead Sea " that looketh south 
ward," the Ascent of Akrabbim, the Wilderness of Ziu, Kadesh- 
baruea, Hezron, Adar, Karka a, Azrnon, the Wady of Egypt, the 
terminal outgoing at the Mediterranean ; l all the landmarks of 
that boundary are identified, without any forcing. And the best 
that can be said of any other proposed identification of Kadesh- 
barnea is, that no success has been had, in connection with it, in point 
ing out the other border landmarks even tentatively ; for an error 
at the central or pivotal point makes a hopeless tangle of the rest 
of the line. 

4. To identify Kadesh-barnea at Ayn Qadees, is to render clear 
the movements of the Israelites toward, and away from, the 
southern border of Canaan ; as no other identification of this site 
has done. 

It would appear from the Bible text, and the latest explorations 
of the region in question, that when the Israelites took their de 
parture from Mount Sinai, they journeyed by the easternmost of 
the three roads Canaan ward ; a road known as the Mount Seir 
Road. Passing, on this road, along Wady ez-Zulaqah and by 
Wady el- Ayn, they turned into Wady el Ateeyeh, and thence de 
scended to the plateau of the Desert et-Teeh. They were now 
upon the " great and terrible wilderness " of the peninsula, and 
they swept across it to the southern base of the Jebel Muqrah 

The first encampment of the Israelites after leaving Mount 

1 Num. 34: 3-5; Josh. 15: 1-4. 


Sinai, as noted in their list of stations/ was Kibroth-hattaavah, at 
a three-clays journey from their starting point. That station was 
probably southward of the Jebel et-Tceh range, which divides the 
lower peninsula from the mid-desert. It may have been at Erways 
el-Ebayrig, as suggested by Palmer. 

The second encampment was at Hazeroth, the " Place of Enclo 
sures. " 5 It has been common, since the days of Robinson, to 
identify this station with Ayn el-Hudhera, also southward of 
Jebcl ct-Tech ; but there seems good reason for distrusting this 
identification, on the ground of its location and approaches. 3 It 
would, indeed, seem more probable that this second formal encamp 
ment was at the northern side of the Desert et-Teeh ; perhaps at the 
southeastern portion of the Jebcl Muqrah tract ; a region which 
has been but casually examined by modern travelers, but of which 
enough is known to suggest its fitness for a camping-place. Ayn 
esh-Shehabeh, one of the proposed sites of Kadesh-barnea, is there. 
A road has been discovered, running into the mountain tract from 
the Desert et-Teeh, not for to the eastward of that spring. 4 This 
road man ^ e the ^ a y f the Mountain of the Amorites, or the 
Amoritc Hill-country Road, by which the Israelites arc said to 
have approached Kadesh-barnea. 5 And just there, is a far more 
probable locality for Hazcroth (for the protecting " Enclosures " 
of border-settlers), than any site in mid-desert, or in the shielding- 
mountains south of the desert. 

It is a noteworthy fact, as bearing on this suggestion, that the 
Arabs -who to-day occupy that southeastern portion of the Jebcl 
Muqrah tract bear a name which corresponds with the Hebrew 

1 Xum. 33 : 1-49. 2 See page 280 /., supra. 

3 Sec page 78, supra. 

This " Ayn el-TIudhcra" may be the Well of an Enclosure; a living spring in a 
mountain-enclosed basin ; bnt it is not a place of, nor yet a place for, pastoral en 
closures, such as the Hebrew term, Hazeroth, would indicate. 

4 See page 82/., supra. 5 Deut. 1 : 19. 


" Hivites," or " Villagers." Holland, in reporting his last trip to 
the northern desert says : " Jebel Mugrah belongs to the territory 
of Haiwat Arabs, and not to that of the Azazimeh, as has gener 
ally been stated." 1 And Robinson, or rather Eli Smith, has shown 
that this word " Haywat " (its singular being " Hay wy ") corres 
ponds closely with " Hivite." : It would seem, indeed, that the 
Bible designations of Midianite, 3 Perizzite and Hivite, corres 
pond with the modern designations of Bed wy, Fellah and Haywy ; 
the desert- Arab, the life-long peasant, and the temporarily-settled 
(or sojourning) Arab. In olden time, as now, the border-line 
between the Midianite, or Bed wy, and the Perizzite, or Fellah, 
was likely to be occupied by the Dweller in Enclosures, the 
Hivite, or Haywy. Accordingly, the vestiges of the ancient 
Hazerim are still to be found along the southern border of Pales 
tine, near the desert, 4 and again along the eastern borders of Cen 
tral Palestine, 5 as exposed to desert-approaches by way of the 
fords of the Jordan. 6 This would make probable the existence of 
Hazeroth (the Place of Hazerim) there at the southeastern portion 
of the Jebel Muqrah tract ; especially if the Way of the Mountain 
of the Amorites, as taken by the Israelites, passed up along there. 
At all events, wherever Hazeroth may have been, and whether 

1 Report of Brit. Assoc., for 1878, p. 622 ff. 

2 "Arabic Index " in Bib. Res., III., Append, p. 211, first ed. 3 Gen. 37 : 28. 

4 See page 290, supra. Thus the inhabitants of Dhahareeyeh (which is to-day a 
border town of Palestine, desertward) are of Bed ween stock, although a settled 
people, and they would repel the suggestion that their settled life brings them to the 
level of Fellaheen. They call themselves "Hudhr" or villagers, or townspeople (or 
Hivites). See Robinson s Bib. Res., I., 211 ; Wilson s Lands of Bible, I., 351. 
5 See page, 281 /., supra. 

6 See Judges 6: 3-6; 7: 1, 12. Jabin, the Canaanitish king, or shaykh, who op 
pressed Israel in the days of Deborah, is said to have " reigned in Hazor " (Judges 
4: 2). It is not improbable that his people were sojourning- Bed ween from the east 
of the Jordan, living in Hazerim, within the borders of Central Canaan. The place 
of his head-quarters finally came to be a permanent town, with a trace of its earlier 
character retained in its name. Sisera was "captain of the host of Hazor" ^1 Sam. 12: 9) 


the Israelites passed into the Azazimeh mountain tract from that 
southeastern corner, near Jcbcl Muqrah, or kept on along the 
southern face of that tract until they rounded Jebel Araeef en- 
Kaqah, their third encampment was at the strategic stronghold 
(within that tract), then known as Rithmah, afterwards as Kadesh, 
yet later as En-mishpat, later still as Meribah-Kadesh, and now as 
Wady Qadecs. 

From Kadesh-barnea the spies went northward by the northern 
mountain-road, which was probably a continuation of the Amorite 
Hill Country Road, but which, cither thenceforward bore their 
name, or was already known as the Way of Athareem, or the Way 
of the Tracks. 1 Their report provoked the rebellion of the Israel 
ites. Then followed the foolhardy venture of that people up that 
same mountain-road, and their defeat at Esau s old Laud of Seir. 
After this, came the well-nigh forty years of nomadic life, with 
Kadesh-barnea as the pivot of the wanderings. Glimpses of the 
different encampments of the tabernacle and the priestly headquar 
ters on their circuit, meantime, are given in the next seventeen 
stations in the formal list of encampments. 

As the appointed period of the wanderings drew near its close, 
the tabernacle, with its attendant ministry, removed from Ezion- 
gaber, near the northern end of the eastern arm of the Red Sea (the 
extremest limit of the wanderings 2 before the final move Canaan- 
ward), and re-entered the sanctuary-stronghold of Kadesh-barnea; 
probably passing in by the Way of the Mountain of the Amorites, 
from the southeastern corner of the Jebel Muqrah tract. 3 " Then 

1 The word athareem (D lj"^ at Num. 21: 1, translated "spies" in the King 
James Version, occurs nowhere else in the Old Testament. There really seems no 
justification for its rendering as "spies." "Tracks," or "monuments" (indicating a 
way marked or "blazed" by signal cairns, after a manner still common in that 
region), would be justified from the Chaldaic athar pj"W>) "a place," or "a track." 
See Gesenius and Fiirst, s. v. 

2 Judges 11 : 16. 3 Num. 33 : 36. 


came [again] the children of Israel, even the whole congregation, 
[from their scattered ten ting-pi aces in the wadies near and far] into 
the desert of Zin, in the first month [of the fortieth year of the 
exodus] : and the people abode in Kadesh j" 1 and they made new 
history there. 

There Miriam died ; and was buried. From the unusual and 
sudden demand upon the wells, or from an exceptional drought, the 
waters of Ayn Qadees failed the people. Then, at God s direc 
tion, Moses and Aaron gathered the assembly before the cliff from 
under which the wells were supplied, and the miracle of the new- 
flowing water followed. For their sin at that time, the two 
leaders were sentenced to die outside of the Land of Promise; 2 for 
the final entering of which, preparations were now made speedily. 

The line of contemplated advance into Canaan at this time was 
a new one. Not, as seemed to be the plan thirty-eight years be 
fore, directly northward by way of Beersheba and Hebron, but 
northeasterly, around the lower end of the Dead Sea, through the 
principal highway of Edorn, or through the road between Edorn 
and Moab, was the now purposed course. The first move fi as up 
along the natural boundary-line of Canaan, from Kadesh-barnea, 
through the AVilderness of Zin, to the boundary-hinge at Jebel 
Madurah on the plain of Moserah ; the junction of wadies Murrah 
and Madurah ; and this move was made while messengers were on 
their way to the kings of Edom and Moab, asking permission for 
the purposed traversing of the territory of those kings. 3 There at 
Jebel Madurah, or Mount Hor, on that isolated and remarkable 
mountain, at the very border line of the Land of Promise yet 
outside of it, Aaron died and was buried ; and before that moun 
tain, on the borders of Edom yet not within Edom s line, the 
people mourned for thirty days over the loss of their faithful high- 

Num. 20: 1. 
* Num. 20: 12. J Xum. 20: 14; Judges 11: 17. 


priest. 1 Meantime, this forward movement of re-gathered Israel 
alarmed both the Edomites on the one hand, and the neighboring 
Canaanites on the other. Edom s king refused his consent to 
Israel s passing through his territory, and he came down against 
Israel in force; "wherefore Israel turned away from him;" 
turned about from Jebel Madurah and moved back southwesterly 
along the course which had been taken thitherward. And as the 
Israelites turned back, at this time, the Canaanitish king of Arad 
came down against them, and struck at them, probably at their 
rear as they were moving off, "and took some of them prisoners." 3 
By whatever course the Israelites had orijrinallv entered Kadesh, 

. o *- 

or Rithmah, they evidently went out from that region by the 
westerly route ; for it is said, that " they journeyed from Mount 
I lor," at this time, " by the Way of the Red Sea, to compass the 
land of Edom."* In other words, they passed down along by 
Jebel Araeef en-Xaqah, and struck the Red Sea Road, or the 
Hajj route, so that they could sweep well clear of the western 
possessions of Edom ; not even skirting them by the Way of the 
Mountain of the Amoritcs. This took them across the Desert et- 
Teeh, almost its entire stretch from west to east ; " and the soul of 
the people was much discouraged because of the [Hajj] Road," in 
its desolateness. Reaching the eastern edge of the desert, they 
descended to the Arabah, and thence in due time they passed 
around the southern extremity of the mountains of Seir, by the 
Way of the Arabah, and turned northward along the eastern 
borders of Seir and Moab/ until they were finally opposite the 
Jordan at the Plains of Moab. 6 

Whatever changes of minor details, in this identification of the 
course and journey ings of the Israelites, may be necessitated through 

1 Xum. 20 : 22-29 ; Deut, 10 : 6. 
2 Num. 20 : 18-21. 3 Num. 20 : 1 ; 33 : 40. 

* Xum. 21 : 4; Deut. 1: 40; Judges 11 : 18. 
5 Deut. 2: 1-8. 6 Xum. 22: 1. 


fuller researches in that region in the future, it is evident that the 
Bible narrative as a whole is found consistent with the location of 
Kadesh-barnea at Ayn Qadees, as it is not with any other identifi 
cation suggested. 

5. The features and the name of Ayn Qadees correspond with 
the Bible references to Kadesh-barnea ; as is the case with no other 
site proposed. 

Wady Qadees is itself a " city," in the probable meaning of the 
Hebrew word thus translated ; an encircled fastness among the 
mountains, easily guarded at a few entra nce-passes. And ancient 
ruins round about it still mark it as a place of old-time occupancy. 
The water of the fountains of Qadees flows from under just such 
a Rock, or Cliff, as would be indicated by the term Sel a, the He 
brew designation of the Kadesh-Rock known afterwards as 
Reqam. And that Rock stands, as it were, in the inner sanctuary; 
in the adytum of the larger Kadesh tabernacle, where the leaders 
and representatives of the Israelites might have been gathered to 
witness the miracle of the new water-flow. 

The camping-field is there ; there, also, is the mountain pass 
northward. Nothing is lacking in the features of the place itself, 
to complete its correspondence with the descriptions and intimations 
of the Bible text. 

Just outside of this sanctuary-stronghold, the name Rithmah, 
the earlier name of the district of Kadesh, is still to be found, in 
its Arabic equivalent, Aboo Retemat. And the place itself bears 
the equivalent name of Kadesh in three-fold form, as Jebel Qadees, 
AVady Qadees, and Ayn Qadees. Moreover, neither Qadees nor 
Retemat Kadesh or Rithmah is to be found elsewhere in all 
that region. Even though too much dependence ought not to be 
put on the preservation of such names as these, it must be admitted 
by all, that when the proof of the location of Rithmah and Kadesh 
in just that vicinity is made reasonably conclusive, by independent 
evidence, it is certainly no objection to the identification to find 


that the ancient names are still to be found there, as held and 
repeated by the unchanging people of that region. 


In view of all the facts before us, there are certain conclusions 
which must be admitted as fair, if not recognized as inevitable. 

1. The site of Kadesh-baruea seems identified at Ayn Qadees. 
Every requirement of t^e Bible-narrative, and every condition 
insisted on by the critics as essential to the identification, arc met 
in this place. Every objection, also, that has been raised against 
this identification, is found to have no force in the light of close 

2. This identification, -with its linkings, necessitates the re-shap 
ing of much of the geography of the southern border of Palestine 
and the neighboring regions, as indicated in the maps, cyclopedias, 
commentaries, and guide-books, now in common use. For exam 
ple, as the westernmost limit of Edom is not indicated in the 
Bible except by its relation to Kadesh-barnea, that limit now 
passes from an unknown to a known quantity, by the fixing of a 
site which is described as just beyond it. So, also, the traditional 
Mount Hor must be recognized as an impossible Mount Hor ; and 
the central and northern Arabah must no longer be counted a 
main camping-ground of the Israelites in their wanderings. 

3. It is clearer than ever, that many of the supposed confusions 
of geographical data in the Pentateuch, are the results of later 
error concerning the region in question. And there is even 
stronger reason than before for believing, that Moses and Hobab 
were more familiar with the desert of Sinai and the Xegcb border 
of Canaan, than the wisest of the destructive critics of to-day. 

4. The latest discoveries in the region of Kadesh-barnea tend to 
indicate how much need there is of a fuller and more intelligent 


survey of all that region. An unmistakable inference from 
that which has thus far been shown concerning that region is, that 
there is much more yet to be learned ; and, surely the lovers of 
biblical research ought not to rest satisfied until the steps are 
taken for its learning. 






Among the many linkings of Kadesh, there is a linking with 
Shur. Abraham, as a pilgrim, is said to have passed a time be 
tween Kadesh and Shur. 1 Kadesh is found to have been a sanc 
tuary-stronghold on the borders of the Land of Promise ; and 
Shur is found to have been a fortified wall across the eastern 
borders of Egypt. 2 And as Kadesh proves to be the key to the 
Israelitish wanderings, so Shur proves to be the key to the exodus 
of the Israelites. The primary barrier to the exodus was not the 
Red Sea, but the Great Wall ; and the Red Sea was opened, be 
cause the Great Wall was closed. 

A starting-point of a proper study of the route of the exodus 
is, therefore, that border-barrier of Egypt which stayed the Israel 
ites in their flight. From what is clearly shown on the monuments 
and in the papyri concerning that Great Wall itself, together with 
what is indicated of similar fortifications of its time, we are en 
abled to picture its stretch and its main features with tolerable 

In view of its importance as a border-line fortification, with the 
methods of warfare and the standards of building as they were in 
that day, that Wall must have been massive in its structure and 

1 Gen. 20 : 2. z See pages 46-58, supra. 



formidable in its appointments. In addition to the many incidental 
references to the walls and gates of Thebes and Memphis, which 
abound in the old records, 1 as illustrative of the measure of 
strength and finish deemed desirable iu structures of this char- 


acter, there is preserved a monumental reference to one of the 
Pharaohs as a protector of the exposed borders of Egypt, which 
shows clearly the standard then for a border-wall of the Forti 
fied Land. 2 * It reads : " Thou art for it as a fortified Wall of 
granite, whose battlements are square stone, and every gate of it is 
iron. The strangers enter not into it." And that such, substan 
tially, was the Great Wall of Egypt, there is reason for supposing. 3 
That this Wall would be strongly garrisoned, and closely guarded 
along its entire stretch, is what we might suppose from the military 
habits of a people so much in warfare as the Egyptians ; and the 
record of it stands explicitly, that there were " watchers upon the 
Wall in daily rotation." 4 Moreover, such a Wall would of neces 
sity be doubly strengthened and supplemented by added fortresses 
(or " khetams"), and by special towers (" migdols " or "bekhens ") 
of observation and defense, at each and all of the great highways 
which it covered and along which an enemy would be likely to 
approach in force from the North or from the East. Nor are refer- 

1 See, c. rj., Inscription of Pianchi Mer-Arnon," in Rec. of Past, II., 94-97 > 
" Annals of Ilameses III.," Ibid, VIII., 6, 8, 9, 10, 2-3, 26, 27. " They proceeded 
to fortify Memphis with a great bulwark made by skilful artizans, and a moat round 
the eastern quarter. No point of attack was found therein." 

2 See Brugsch s Hieroglyph. Demot. Wtrterb., I., 335 /., s. v., " Uarma." 
Ebers quotes this in its significancy (^Eyypt. u. die Jttich. Hose s, p. 82/., note). 

3 The question of the strange lack of monumental ruins in the Delta, where gran 
ite was largely used in building, is treated by Zincke, in his Egypt of the Pharaohs, 
pp. 26G-284. 

4 See " The Story of Saneha," in Rrc. of Part, VI., 135. " There, stood [on the 
eastern border of Egypt], from the days before Abraham, the fortresses, carefully 
constructed on principles we are pleased in our ignorance to call modern, with scarp 
and counter-scarp, and ditch and glacis, well manned by the best troops, the sentinel 
on the ramparts day and night." (Poole s Cities of Egypt, p. 66.) 


ences to these fortresses and towers lacking in either the Egyptian 
or the Hebrew records. 1 

Yet before tracking these towers and outworks, and the highways 
which they covered, it is important to recognize another name than 
Shur by which the Great Wall is referred to in the Bible narrative; 
for this other name has an important bearing on the story and 
route of the exodus. 


When the Israelites w r ere fairly beyond the confines of Egypt, 
through their miraculous passage of the Red Sea, it is said that 
" they went out into the wilderness of Shur ; and they went three 
days in the wilderness, and found no water." 5 Recognizing in 
the wilderness of Shur the wilderness beyond the Great Wall of 
Egypt, this statement is easily understood. But in another record 
of their wanderings, it is said that the Israelites " passed through 
the midst of the sea into the wilderness, and went three days jour 
ney in the wilderness of Etham." 3 Here the term " Etham " is 
substituted for the term " Shur ; " and this substitution has been a 
perplexity to Bible commentators as well as to Egyptian students. 
Yet it is a point which seems capable of a simple and satisfactory 

1 For references to such fortresses and towers, see Wilkinson s Anc. Egyptians, I., 
2G7 ff. ; Rec. of Past, II., 94-97; VIIL, 9, 25, 27; Brugsch s Die. Geog., s. v., 
"Makthal"; his Hist, of Egypt, I., 237, 239; II., 13, 380 /., 3S7 ; Gen. 11: 4; 
Judges 9: 51; 2 Kings 9 : 17; 18:8; 2 Chron. 26: 9, 10, 15; Isa. 32: 14; Jer 
6 : 27 ; etc. 

"Special attention," says Brugsch, "was devoted to the fortresses eastward of Tanis, 
which covered the entrance from Syria." (Hist, of Egypt, II., 138.) Again (Ibid., 
II., 98) he speaks of " the entrance of the great road " from the East as " covered by 
khctarns, or fortresses." 

* Exod. 15 : 22. Num. 33 : 8- 


Etham is another name for the Great Wall of Egypt. This 
important fact seems to have long escaped the attention of 
scholars ; even those scholars whose investigations were furnishing 
the evidence for its proving. Ebers, discerning and accurate as 
always, was the first to catch a glimpse of this truth ; l jet he was 
not prompted to follow up his discovery to its more important 
legitimate conclusions ; and the truth in its varied connections 


still waits for that clearing, and that showing, which a fair exami 
nation will not fail to secure for it. 2 

Both Ebers 3 and Brugsch 1 have claimed that the Etham of the 
Hebrew text is identical with the Khetam of the Egyptian monu 
ments ; and they have shown that while the latter word is a 
common name for " fortress," or " closure," there was evidently a 
Khetam at the cast of the Delta which was distinguished on the 
monuments as pre-eminently " the Khetam of Zor," or Tar ; the 
Fortification, or Closure, of Lower Egypt. Moreover, Brugsch has 
shown that " the Egyptian texts, in agreement with the notices of 
the classic writers, speak only of towns and forts on the frontier ;" 6 
hence the Khetam of Zor is the Border-Barrier, or Closure, of 
Mazor, toward the eastern desert; or as the Hebrews would desig 
nate it, the a Etham, which is in [or at] the edge of the wilder 
ness." 7 

And Brugsch has shown 8 that Ivhctam, in the plural form, 

1 Gfiftrn zum Sinai, pp. 99, 110, 521, ~>?.1; JE<]ypt. u. die Bach. Jfose s, p. 81. 

- 1 ought, perhaps, to say just here, that I first arrived at this identification of 
Etham with the Great Wall, by an independent process of investigation, before I 
was aware that it had been suggested by Ebers. Yet I have now revised my entire 
statement of it, in order to give full place to the light shed on it by Ebers. It will 
be seen, however, that I undertake to carry out the process of proof more fully than 
Ebers attempted. 

3 Goseti zum Sinai, pp. 99, 522. 4 Hist, of Egypt, II., 12, 3S7. 

r> Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 387; also his Diet. Geoy., p. 637^. 
6 Hist, of Egypt, II., 381. Exod. 13: 20; Num. 33 : 6. 

8 Diet. Geog., p. C47. 


"Khetamu" 1 ("Fortifications"), " is met with very often in the 
[Egyptian] texts, without the addition of a proper geographical 
name, which would define its topographical position ; " yet where 
the context, or some accompanying appellative, would show that 
the term is employed as a proper name, rather than as a common 
noun. Thus, in one of the famous Anastasi Papyri, which Brugsch 
has translated, 2 there is found a report to a ruler of the Nineteenth 
Dynasty, by a subordinate who has "allowed the tribes of the 
Shasu of the country of Aduma [Edom], to pass through the 
strong fort Pa-Khetamu [the Fortifications] of the king Minep- 
tah" in the land of Thukoo. As Brugsch says of this writing, it 
was made "certainly with the view on the part of the writer of 
giving to his superior a report on the admission of foreign immi 
grants to the Egyptian soil;" hence the conclusion is a fair one, if 
indeed it be not an inevitable one, that the border " Fortifications" 
which those immigrants were permitted to pass through, were the 
Fortifications of the border; the Great Wall of Mazor. And as 
Thukoo seems to have been a district, or region of country (with 
Pithom as its capital, or chief city 3 ) at or near the eastern border 
of Lower Egypt, 4 it accords well with all the known facts in the 
case to find the Khetam of Zor, and the Khetam of Thukoo, and 
the Khetam of Meneptah, as portions, or as appurtenances, of the 
Great Wall the Khetamoo of the eastern border of Egypt 
which is upon the edge of the wilderness. 

There are various other references in the papyri to the Khe 
tamoo, as to the well-known Border-Barrier of Lower Egypt, 
desertward. Thus, for another example, 5 a father writes of his 
son s recall to the boundary of his own land (when the son had 

1 A terminal 4 (or oo) is the ordinary sign of a plural noun or adjective, in the old 
Egyptian language. 

1 See Hist, of Egypt, I., 247; also Diet. Gtog., p. 642. 

8 Hist, of Egypt, I., 232 /. * See Ebers s Gosen zum Sinai, p. 520. 

1 Anast. Pap., V., 13, as translated in Brugsch s Diet. Geoy., p. 649. 


started out, like Saneha, 1 beyond " the Frontier Wall which the 
king had made to keep off the Sakti ") : " My son, who was on 
his way to Phoenicia, I have caused to return towards the Khetamu 
[the " Fortifications "] with his companions, to re-enter Egypt" 
Here, as in other cases, the Khetamoo would seem to be just such a 
well-defined border-barrier as we know the Great Wall to have 

But if added proof in this direction were still asked for, it 
could be found with equal explicitness on the pictured monuments, 
as in the written papyri. On the outer wall of the great hall of 
the Temple at Karnak, there is a series of sculptured designs, re 
presenting the great campaign of Setee I. in the north and in the 
east. 2 In one of these designs the king is shown as having reached 
the border of his own land, bringing with him many captives and 
other spoils of victory. As he passes through the open gates of 
the Fortifications, and crosses the bridge which spans the Great 
Canal within, he is welcomed by the priests and the princes of 
Egypt with rejoicings and with tributes of gratitude. The in 
scriptions accompanying this picture show that the fortification 
which the king is immediately passing is the famous "Khetam of 
Zor;" the Border-Barrier of Mazor. 3 It certainly is most im 
probable that the priests and people of Egypt would be represented 
as waiting inside a detached interior fortress for the king to enter 
its gates. But it is a most probable supposition, that the king s 
passing through the gateway of the Great Wall, which we know 
bordered the land of Egypt in the direction of his coming, would 
be recognized and pictured as his return to his laud and his people. 
And as if to make it clear beyond all controversy that it is the 
border Wall of Egypt to which the king has now returned in 

1 See page 47/., supra. 

- Reproduced in Lepsius s I)e/i/:m., Ahth. III., Rl. 12G and 128. 
3 See Ebers s JEgypt. u, die Buck. Mose s, p. 80 /. ; also Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, 
II., 19. 


triumph, the inscription gives the very words of the king s mar 
shal in proclaiming the royal victories ; and those words show that 
the triumph has been over the hostile Shasoo 1 the Arabs, or 
Bed ween, or Asiatics whose sweep was " from the Khetam of 
Zor [or Tar] to Kan aan." 2 

As the enemies of Egypt were not at this time inside the Great 
Wall of its eastern border, 3 it would here seem evident that the 
Khetam of Zor, from which their western boundary began, was 
identical at one point at least with the Great Wall itself. And if 
the Khetam of Zor, or the Khetamoo, and the Great Wall were 
identical at any one point, it is natural that the designation of 
Khetam, or Khetamoo, should come to apply to the Great Wall all 
the way along its course ; so that that line would be spoken of in 
terchangeably as the Fortifications, or as the Wall. 

Being influenced by his newer geographical theories of the route 

1 " The Shashous, or Schasu, was a generic term applied to the Arab or Bedouin 
tribes who inhabited the desert between Syria and the northeastern frontier of Egypt ; 
they were a great source of annoyance to the Egyptian kings, and were conquered, 
but only for a short time, by Amenhotep I., of the Eighteenth, and Seti I., of the 
Nineteenth Dynasties." (Xote to the " Inscription of Nes-IIor," by Paul Pierret, 
Sec. of Past, VI., 83.) 

1 See Lepsius s Denkm., Abth. III., Bl. 126, a. ; also Brugsch s Diet. Geog., p. 
591 /. 

3 Brugsch (Hist, of Egypt, II., 12) would infer from this picture, " that the Shasu 
had pressed forward westward quite into the proper Egyptian territory ; " and this 
idea is again expressed by him in Vol. II., p. 132, of his History. But his own ex 
planation of the record of Setee s campaign shows, that at this very time the Egyptian 
strongholds were occupied outside of the Great Wall, even beyond Ostracine to Absa- 
qab; and it is evident that while Aahmes and Amenhotep had expelled the Shasoo 
and re-walled them out from the Delta, Setee had now undertaken the subjugation 
of them in their roamings, from the Great Wall, or border Fortification, of his domain, 
to Kana an, a strong fortress of their remoter stretch. 

This fortress of Kana an has not been identified. It is pictured as crowning a hill 
top, with a lake near it. Brugsch has strangely enough proposed to find it in the 
Arabah, and has suggested the Dead Sea for the lake (Hist, of Egypt. I., 248 ; II., 
13/). But the route of Setee was up northeasterly toward Philistia, not out easterly 
across the desert; as the places which are known, in the sculptured record, abund- 


of the exodus, Brugsch has latterly l supposed that the Khetam 
of Zor of this triumphal representation at Karnak, is a double 
fortress at some distance westward of the line of the Great Wall. 
He even says now that, " according to this drawing, the strong 
place of Khetam was situated on both banks of a river (the Pelu- 
siac arm of the Nile)," 2 a stream " swarming with crocodiles, and 
with [its] banks covered with reeds." 3 Birch 4 (whose high attain 
ments in Egyptian studies are less marked in the realm of 
geographical details 5 ) follows Brugsch in this surprising state- 

antly prove. And this fortress of " Kana an " is again referred to as in the " land of 
Zulu," which comprised the Philistine and Phoenician country (Hist, of Ejypt, II., 
164, 420) ; and yet again, as on the road to Aranatu, or the Orontes (See Rec. of Past, 
II., 51). Its representation, on a detached hill, with a lake near it, together with 
its name, would seem to identify it unmistakably with Mount Tabor, from the sum 
mit of which there is seen the Lake of Galilee, which is called in the Egyptian re 
cords the Lake of Kaina (See Rcc. of Past II., 42, 50) ; and near the base of which, 
indeed, the sources of the Kishon form as it were a lake, after a rain. This fortress 
is afterwards called Dapur ; but it was specifically the fortress of the Plain, or the 
Kana an ; the stronghold of the plains of that region including the great Plain of 
Esdraelon. It is not necessary to suppose that the Edomitish Shasoo were the only 
enemies vanquished by Setee. lie began with them, at his own border Wall, and 
swept on through the land of Zahi, and up to the key-fortress of the plains near the 
Lake of Galilee, smiting whomsoever he met on the way. Yet the Midianites and 
Amalekites, and children of the East, (the Shasoo,) had sway in the days of Judges, 
up to that very region (Comp. Judges 4 : 1-13; 5: 14, 19-21; 6: 1-5, 33); as they 
may have had in the days of Setee. In fact, everything goes to identify the fortress 
of Kana an with the fortress on Mount Tabor. 

1 Brugsch s Geographic (Tafel XLVIII.) shows that he had another opinion as to 
this Khetam, before adopting his later theory of the exodus. 

2 Hist, of Egypt, II., 3S7. 3 jhid., II., 12. * Egypt, p. 115. 

5 As, for instance, when he would find in the Egyptian " Gailu," or " Tarn," or 
" Garu," " the frontier town of Egypt, probably ITeroopolis, if it is not Pithorn, which 
has been at all times the frontier and key of Egypt" (Egi/pt, p. 115) ; and again in 
the same place would find " Pelusium or Tsur " (Rir. of Past, II., 38, note), which 
as " Sin" has generally been counted the key to Egypt; " and yetasrain would find 
in this same " Pithom" (Eyypt, p. 125) the citadel of Tanis," or Zoan, and this as 
a stronghold in the line of the Great Wall of Sesostris ; and once more would find in 
this Gailu Khetam Ileroopolis Pelusium Tsur Sin Pithom Tanis thedwel- 


ment. 1 A fatal objection to this theory would seem to be found in 
an inscription on the famous picture itself, declaring that the water 
which the victorious king is crossing is not a branch of the Nile, 
but is " Ta-Tendt, y " The Cutting ; " 2 the Great Canal which was 
doubtless protected by the Great Wall, or the Khetainoo of Zor, in 
the days of this Pharaoh. 3 

As Ebers has suggested, this Karnak picture, " in spite of its 
apparent simplicity and naivete, is of the greatest significance and 
importance." 4 Its value in the settling of several questions con 
cerning the route of the exodus is even greater than has been 
generally recognized, even after what Ebers has said of it. That 
Brugsch could not deny the force of this hieroglyphic reference to 
" the cutting," is shown in the fact that in his " Geographic des Alten 
jEgyptens" 5 he gave a sketch of the Karuak picture, and marked 
as the " Kanal von Heroopolis " the very stream which he now 
calls " the Pelusiac arm of the Nile ; " and at the same time he 
marked the water into which this canal entered as " Dcr hcutige 
Birkct Timseh See " ("the modern Lake Timseh"). But that was 
before his adoption of an old-time theory of the exodus required 
of Brugsch a re-arranging of the identifications of sites in Lower 
Egypt, and an " improvement " on the plain declarations of the 
hieroglyphic inscriptions. 6 

ling place of "the hostile Shasu " in the days of Setee I. (Egypt, p. 114). Or yet 
again, when he would find Saneha stopping at a town in Lower Egypt of the 13th, 
or Heliopolite nome," some time after he had passed the Great Wall, and entered the 
thirsty desert (Rec. of Past, VI., 136, note). 

1 And Geikie (Hours with the Bible, II., 172 /.) actually crosses the Tanitic arm 
of the Nile on this bridge. Can he have been misled by the Egyptian designation of 
the canal Ta- Tenat ? 

2 The inscription is between the banks of the pictured stream (See 
Lepsius s Denkm., Abth. III., Bl. 128, a), in the form here given in the 
margin. 3 See p. 51 /., supra. 

* Pict. Egypt, II., 23. 5 Tafel XLVIII. 

6 Brugsch, indeed, comes back to the " Cutting " idea in his later Geo- i 
graphical Dictionary (p. 591). 


Once more, the famous poem of Pentaur (a copy of which 
appears on another face of the same wall at Karnak which presents 
the sculptured records of Setee) brings out the fact that Khetam [or 
Khetamoo] was the Great Wall of Egypt. Beginning with the 
accustomed tribute to the king 1 (Rameses II.), whose heroic ex 
ploits are now to be recorded, the poem details the preparations for 
a great campaign, as preliminary to the move from the Pharaonic 
capital. 2 " After the king had armed his people and his chariots, 
and in like manner the Shardonians, which were once his prisoners, 
.... then was the order given them for the battle. The king took 
his way downwards, and his people and his chariots accompanied 
him, and followed the best road on their march." And they came 
to the borders of the Walled Land. Only the Great Wall itself 
was to be passed before they were on the desert-road northward. 
" In the fifth year, on the ninth day of the month Payni, the 
fortress of Khetam of the Land of Zar [the Fortifications of the 
Walled Laud 3 ] opened to the king. ... As if he had been the god 
of war, Monthu himself, the whole world trembled [at his ap 
proach], and terror seized all enemies who came near to bow them 
selves before the king. And his warriors passed by the path of the 
desert, and went on along the roads of the north." The Great Wall 
itself being recognized in the Khetam [or Khetamoo] here men 
tioned, and this opening of its gates is a fit opening for the heroic 
poem; but to count this Khetam as a single border fortress which 
the king went into and out of, is to belittle alike the poem and its 
theme. Picture and poem combine to show that the Khetam of 
Zor is the Great Wall of Lower Egypt. 

1 " King Rameses Miamun May he live for ever ! " Here is the earlier equivalent 
of the "God save the king" which was the cry of the Israelites at the inauguration 
of Saul (1 Sam. 10 : 24), and which is echoed in every land of a king to-day. 

2 This beginning of the poem of Pentaur is not given in Lushington s translation 
(in Eec. of Past, II., 65 ff.}. I quote from Brugsch s translation (in his Hist, of 

Egypt, II., 56). 

3 These bracketed words are of my insertion. 


As to the correspondence of the Egyptian word " Khetam " 
with the Hebrew r or the Hebraized word " Etham," there is 
more than a mere probability. Brugsch s first assertion of it as a 
fact 1 did not give it full acceptance with philologists. 2 After 
wards Brugsch strengthened his claim by argument; 3 and Ebers 4 
added to the force of the evidence already produced. Even more 
than all that has been sho\vn by these two scholars can be brought 
forward in support of the claimed correspondence. 

It is admitted by all students of Egyptology that in the days of 
the Hebrew exodus, and earlier, there was a notable intermingling 
of the Egyptian and Semitic languages in Lower Egypt. " The 
memorial stones, coffins, and rolls of papyrus found in the ceme 
teries of ancient Egypt," says Brugsch, 5 "testify the undoubted 
presence of Semitic persons, who were settled in the valley of the 

Xile, and had, so to speak, obtained the rights of citizenship 

We only need to glance over Lieblein s valuable list of Egyptian 
proper names, to be fully persuaded of this fact." By this inter 
mingling of the races, not only did Semitic words come into 
frequent use in Egypt, but the blended peoples " even turned 
Egyptian words themselves into Semitic, by a dissection of the 
syllables, if we may use such an expression." 6 This being the case, 
we cannot wonder at finding an Egyptian word adopted into He 
brew with more or less of a provincial cast in its re-shaping. 

Brugsch and Ebers have shown that the rejection of the initial 
khe in the Egyptian word " khetam " is thoroughly in accordance 

" Khetam, the meaning of which a shut-up place, fortress, completely agrees 
with the Hebrew Etham (Hist, of Egypt, I., 234). " 

" It should be remarked that Professor R. Smith [W. Robertson Smith], looking 
at the question from a philological point of view, regards Urugsch s identification of 
the Khetam of the monuments with the Etham of Exodus as quite inadequate." 
(Greville Chester, in Surv. of West. Pal., "Special Papers," p. 97.) 

3 Diet. Geoy., p. 637. * Gosen zum Sinai, p. 521. 

5 Hist, of Egypt, I., 241. 6 Hi ^ L O f Egypt, I.. 242. 


with the Egyptian language, and that it appears in the Coptic, in 
thorn (-0-um,), thorn (-eoM,,), and torn (IOM.,), which arc substantives 
meaning " closure," and "walling," and which are radically con 
nected with the Coptic verb shctem, " to shut." Brugsch further 
claims that the E, or A (ft), of the Hebrew " Etham " may fairly 
be taken as a representative of the Egyptian khe ; that the root 
khatam is common to Hebrew and Arabic, as well as to Egyptian ; 
that changes similar to that of the Egyptian khe into the Hebrew 
E, take place in the Hebrew itself, as for instance atum and 
khatham, both meaning " to shut," " to close ; " which are, in spite 
of the difference of a and kh, and t (teth) and th (tau) incontrover- 
tibly connected by root. 

The Septuagint rendering of the Hebrew " Etham " is Othom 
^Odubjji), which shows a variation from the present Hebrew text in 
vocalization at least. It is noteworthy that the Arabic word 
( jvisf ) othm, or othom ; uthm, or uthum, means "citadel;" "forti 
fication built from stones." The Arabic word corresponds with 
the Hebrew " Etham " in all the consonants except one ; the th is 
a tha instead of a ti which would be the literal representation of 
the Hebrew th. This variation is not uncommon, as an actual 
count and comparison shows ; it takes place oftenest in cases where 
the corresponding Aramean form shows a tcth (Arabic tha). 
In these cases there often exist side by side, in the Aramaic, the 
Hebrew, and the Arabic, forms in both teth (or tha) and tau (or 
ti); as for example in kathaph (HD^) and ) athapha(^a.!a.) which 
are radically connected and show this variation, with another also. 
It is certainly not unreasonable to suspect a similar historical vari 
ation in the "Etham" case; inasmuch as there are found in the 
Hebrew itself two verbs, khatham ( Dj -7, tau for tJi), and khatam 
( D ^n ? teth for t), both meaning radically, according to Fiirst, 1 " to 
close ; " also an atam ( D 9^), with the same meaning. These three 

1 Heb. u. Chald. Worterb., s. vv. Dnn, Dtpn, Dtp* 


words in the Hebrew plainly corroborate the other evidence of the 
connection of Etham with khetam, " to close ; " and also with the 
Arabic othom, " a citadel/ or " a fort." l 

It appears to be evident, therefore, that the common Egyptian 
noun " khetam " (" a fortress," or " a closure"), came to be applied 
as a proper name to the Khetam, or the Khetamoo of Zor ; to the 
Great Wall, or the strong line of Fortifications, on the eastern 
frontier of Lower Egypt, along the edge of the wilderness. The 
Egyptians called this border-barrier, indifferently, by their own 
name, Anboo, or Khetamoo ; the Wall, or the Fortifications. The 
Hebrews called it indifferently by their own pure Hebrew name 
" Shur [the Wall] which is before Egypt," and by the Hebraized- 
Egyptian name " Etham [the Fortifications] at the edge of the 
wilderness." Naturally therefore, the desert which was just be 
yond the Great Wall was known to the Hebrews, indifferently, as 
" the Wilderness of Shur," or " the Wilderness of Etham." 


From the earliest historic days, there seem to have been three 
great highways out of Lower Egypt eastward. Each of these 
roads had its well known cognomen, or descriptive title, by which 
it was spoken of in the days of the Hebrew sacred writings, and 
by which it would be instantly recognized by Hebrews and Egyp 
tians alike. These three roads passed out, at the left, at the 
centre, and at the right, as one faced eastward from the Delta. 
They were called, in that order: "the Way of the Land of the 
Philistines," 2 "the Way of Shur," 3 "the Way of the Red Sea," or 

1 Since the above was in type I find that the very word atem (or etam) " to shut 
up " existed in the ancient Egyptian / /j <=> V\ r\ } . See McCauley s Diet. 

of Hierog, p. 12. This seems decisive. 

2 Exod. 13: 17. 3 Gen. ifi: 7. 



"the Way of the Wilderness of the Red Sea;" 1 or, "the Pliilistia 
Road," "the Wall Road," and, "the Red Sea Road." 2 

Our English translation has misled many readers into the belief 
that the term used in designating these well-known roads, "the 
way of," necessarily indicated " in the direction of," or " by," or 
"toward;" but the Hebrew word employed (}"vt dcrekJi) means 
literally a "road," a "beaten track," a " trodden course." 3 It is 
translated in several instances, " highway ; " as, " the king s high 
way." 4 

Traces of all three of these great highways out of Egypt are to 
be found to-day, as they could have been found at any time since 
the days of Abraham and the early Pharaohs. 


" The Way of the Land of the Philistines," or the northernmost 
road of the three, was the road more commonly taken by the 
Pharaohs on their expeditions into Canaan and Syria. It is 
spoken of by Brugsch as " the old royal road along the coast of 
the Mediterranean Sea, the well-known road of the Philistines 
of Scripture, the road Zahi of the monuments." 5 Strabo 6 de 
scribes it as coming in near Pelusium, from the regions east of 
Egypt. It crossed the line of lakes which form the bed of the 

. 13: 18; Num. 14: 25; 21: 4; Dent. 1: 40; 2: 1. 

z Bruce (Travels, I., 239 /.) described these three roads out of Egypt eastward, 
although, like so many others, he did not observe that they were named in the Bible 
text. His testimony is all the more valuable in its impartiality, from the fact that 
he thinks that no one of those roads was taken by the Israelites in their exodus. 

3 The term is still in common use among the Arabs. See, e. g., the references in 
the notes of Professor Palmer (Besant s Life of Palmer, p. 293) to "the Way of 
Wady Remliah, the Way Atrabin, and the Way of the Hajj." (See, also, 
p. 74 /., supra.) 

* Num. 20 : 17 ; 21 : 22. * Hist, of fyypt, I., 336. 

6 Geog., Bk. XVII., chap. I., 21. 


modem Suez Canal, just north of Lake Ballah, at, a point still 
known as " El-Qaiitarah," l " the Bridge," or " the Arch," or " the 
Span ; " where, before the days of the canal, the modern caravan 
route between Egypt and Syria passed over a two-arched bridge, 1 
in the line of " the caravan route " which Ebers specifies as " lead 
ing in ancient times from Syria into Egypt." 3 Its passage of the 
Great Wall must have been at some distance northeast of this 
bridge. The " Peutiuger Tables " 4 would seem to show that the 
Roman road in this direction ran close along the Mediterranean 

i This Arabic term El-Qantarah ( S^ilAJL !) j s translated by Freytag (Lexicon, s. v.) 
"the bridge." Palmer ("Name Lists," Surv. of West. Pal., pp. 23, 63, 162, etc.) 
translates it "the arch." It seems to differ from "Jisr"( *-w*^ ) or "Gisr" 
(the Arabic ^ is pronounced as hard "g" in Egypt, and as "g" soft, or " j " in 
Syria and Arabia), also sometimes translated the " bridge," in that it has the idea of 
a "span," either by archway or other open stretch, while the latter may be a solid 
causeway. As to this, see a foot-note a few pages farther on. This passway of the 
northern road to Syria is also called " Qautarat el-Khazneh," or similarly " Gisr el- 
Qanateer," " The Bridge of the Treasury." (See the Topographical Chart of Egypt 
in the Atlas of Napoleon s Descript. de VEgypte ; Berchere s Le Desert de Suez, p. 41 ; 
Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 426 ; Baedeker s Lower Egypt, p. 422 /. ; also " Map of 
the Delta" in the latter.) Is this a reference to the ancient store-houses, or grain 
magazines, or " treasure-cities " (Exod. 1 : 11), to which this passway was a prominent 
approach ? Or does it indicate an Oriental estimate of the Delta as the great treasury 
of food for the outside world ? "All countries came into Egypt, ... for to buy corn " 
(Gen. 41 : 57). Tacitus (Hist. Bk. III., chap. 8) speaks of "JEgyptus clatistra anno- 
n&:" " Egypt the treasure-house [" closure"] of corn [" annual produce "]. " Egypt 
. . . must have been to the wandering tribes of Asia what the Roman empire was to 
the Celtic and Gothic races when they first crossed the Alps. Egypt is to them the 
land of plenty, whilst the neighboring nations starve ; its long strip of garden-land 
was the Oasis of the primitive world." (Stanley s Sinai and Pal., Introduction, p. 

XXX. /.) 

* Berchere s Le Desert de Sues, p. 53. 

3 Ebers s Pict. Egypt, II. 21. 

And Poole (Cities of Egypt, p. 114) adds: "The frontier wall has disappeared, 
with its forts, but the eastward road, whereby the great armies of Egypt went to war 
in Syria, is yet followed by the caravans." 

* See a copy of these in Menke s Bibelatlas, No. VI. 



" The Way of Shur," or the central road of the three, is made 
known to us chiefly by its mention in the Bible ; although helps 
to its identifying are not wanting outside of the sacred text. The 
Bible references to it are commonly from the Canaan direction ; 
going toward Egypt, rather than coming from Egypt. It was the 
central road through Canaan, lengthwise, as it was the central road 
into and out of Egypt. It came down through Hebron and Beer- 
sheba, about half way between the Mediterranean and the Dead Sea. 

When Hagar fled from Hebron, before the birth of Ishmael, 
she went down into the wilderness to the fountain on the Wall 
Road. 1 The road she took seems to have been the road which 
Abraham had taken into and out of Egypt ; 2 and down along 
which he afterwards moved by stages until he sojourned between 
Kadesh and the Wall. 3 It was probably along this route that 
Jacob went down into Egypt, by the way of Beersheba and south 
ward, " in the wagons which Pharaoh had sent to carry him," 4 
when he moved thither with his family at the invitation of 
Joseph. Incidental proof of this is given in the Septuagint 
statement, that at that time, " Joseph having yoked his chariots went 
up to meet Israel his father at Heroopolis ; " 5 for no probable 
location of Heroopolis would put that city on the route from the 
then capital of Egypt to the Philistia Road into the Delta. Again, 
presumably, it was along the Way of Shur that Joseph went up 
to Hebron and returned thence, on the occasion of the burial of 
his father , 6 for Hebron was on that Wall Road. 

1 Gen. 16:7. 2 Gen. 12: 6-10; 13 : 1-3. 3 Gen. IS : 1 ; 20: 1. 

4 Gen. 46: 1-7. 5 Gen. 46: 29. 

6 Gen. 50: 7-14. " The route taken by Jacob s funeral procession was evidently 
along the usual caravan road between the Delta and Hebron. . . . The Egyptian at 
tendants waited somewhere in the neighborhood of Beersheba, while the Hebrews 



As each of the other roads passed the 
Great Wall at one of its flanks, the Wall 
Road probably passed it at its centre. 
West of the Wall, its course was probably 
between Lake Ballah and Lake Timsah, 
near the northern end of the latter, across 
the high table land El-Gisr ; " The Bridge," 
" The Causeway," or " The Threshold." l 
This would bring it not far from the site 
of the modern Station Isma ileeya. 

It will be seen by the diagram of a 
section through the Isthmus of Suez, 
along the line of the modern canal, given 
herewith, that the plateau of El-Gisr 
is the highest ground between the two 

went alone through the winding passes up to the an- g 
cestral sepulchre at Hebron "(Drew s /Scrip. Lands, p. 
38, note). 

1 The Arabic " Gisr " ( j"*"* ) is commonly trans- g 
lated the " Bridge " (See, e. g., Eli Smith s Arabic In 
dex " in Robinson s Bib. Res., first ed., III., Append., 
p. 215; Palmer s " Name Lists," Surv. of West Pal., M 
pp. 22, 43, 127, etc. ; also Freytag s Lex. s. v. " Gisr"). 
But Freytag also renders it a "causeway" (" Via la- 

pidibus strata" French " chatissee"). Again, it is 

sometimes rendered " the threshold." " El-Gisr 

in Arabic signifies elevation, and corresponds very 

nearly with our word threshold " (Berchere s Desert 

of Suez, p. 64. See, also, Baedeker s Lower Eyypt, p. 

422). Again (according to Dr. IT. H. Jessup, of Bay- 
root), it is a term applied to the larger beams or _ 
stringers of the ceiling of a house ; beams which ^ 
bridge the space between the walls, while they may R 
serve as a threshold, or sill, of the rooms above. It 
will be seen that whether the term as applied to this 
plateau, be understood as " The Bridge," " The Causeway, 
it plainly suggests the idea of a main passage just here. 

t*> r\j *. ^6 10 
O O O O O O < 

or "The Threshold," 
Justinian (Iiistit., Lib. 


shores ; and it is probable that such has been the case in all this 
geological epoch. 1 It is true that there has been much of fanciful 
speculation on this point, together with no little of honest doubting 
and inquiry ; but the finally gathered facts of the case would 
seem sufficient to put the matter at rest, within the limits of the 
above statement. The first careful surveys and scientific exami 
nations of Lower Egypt as a whole, in modern times, were made 
by the great French Commission under General Bonaparte (A. D. 
1798-1801) ; and the Maps and Memoirs of that Commission, as 
published in the early part of this century, are still invaluable 
as a thesaurus of information on many of the special points 
which they cover. The essay of M. Roziere on the " Ancient 
limits of the Red Sea," 2 includes a full discussion of scientific 
and historic indications of the changes in the configuration of the 

<_; O 

Isthmus of Suez ; and his conclusion is, that both geology and 
history go to show that that region has been substantially as at 
present during all this geological epoch. 3 Any independent and 
thorough investigation must reach the same conclusion. 

Between the Bitter Lakes and the present head of the Gulf 
of Suez, there stand the heights of Shaloof, an impassable barrier to 
the waters of the Gulf, and which are clearly of the tertiary for- 

I., Tit. XII., 35) says that, as " the thresholds make a certain boundary in a 
house, so also the ancients designed that the boundary of the empire should 
be its threshold. Hence also it was called the threshold." Wilkinson (Anc. Egypt., 
I., 71)andBrugsch (Hist. Egypt, II. , 3SS) translate " Gisr " as "Dyke;" they, per 
haps, having in mind its " causeway " signification. 

1 The diagram given is from Proceedings of Inst. of Mech. Engineers (England), 
for 1S67, accompanying a paper by M. Borel, of Paris. 

2 " MSmoire sur les Anciennes Limites de la Mer Eouge," in Memoires sur 
VEgypte (Vol. I., pp. 187-192), Paris, 1803. 

3 It is true that another member of this Commission (M. Du Bois Ayme, in Vol. 
VIII., pp. 77-143 of this work) incidentally expresses the opinion that the for 
mer limits of the Gulf of Suez were greater than now ; but he brings no new facts in 
support of that position, nor does he argue the question, like M. Hozire. 


mation, hence not formed within the period of the human habit- 
ancy of the globe. These heights are a continuation of the 
prominent heights of Geueffch, at the west of the Bitter Lakes, 
and would seem to shut off the possibility of a union of those 
Lakes and the Gulf. On this point M. Mauriac, the engineer of 
the Suez Canal Company/ was positive, in view of his study of the 
case. In his correspondence with President Bartlett, he held that 
" the ridge of Chaloof is now far above the highest known seas ; " 
that " it is of the same age with the mountain Geneffch, of which 
it is a kind of buttress or prolongation ; " that the overflow of the 
Red Sea into the basin of the Bitter Lakes, which left there the 
existing strata of salt, " could not have taken place during the 
present geological condition of the globe ;" that the level of the 
Red Sea has not materially changed within this geological epoch ; 
and that there has been " no communication of the Lakes with the 
Red Sea except in pre-historic times." 2 

Again, Dr. Klunzinger, a naturalist of no mean degree, who 
went to Egypt directly in the interests of science, and " with the 
special object of making zoological investigations and collections on 
the Red Sea," 3 has recently furnished important testimony on this 
point, as a result of observations in his particular sphere. He says: 
" The arm of sea which springs from the great Indian Ocean, and 
bears the name of Red Sea or Arabian Gulf, is a genuine tropical 

1 Reference is here made to M. Mauriac s correspondence with President Bartlett 
in the latter s work, From Egypt to Palestine (pp. 156-1G4), which contains a good 
exhibit of facts bearing on this discussion. 

2 Bartlett shows that Fraas (Aus dem Orient, p. 173), and Ritt (Hist, de I Isth. de 
Suez, p. 5), agree with Mauriac as to the tertiary formation of Shaloof; although the 
latter would like to introduce an earthquake for its later uplifting, in order to suit 
his theory of the exodus. Indeed Ritt makes no claim that there are any signs 
of volcanic action there. His reasoning seems to be, that as his theory of the 
changes of the Isthmus is not to be reconciled with that ridge as it is, it is easier to 
introduce au earthquake than to change his theory. 

3 Upper Eyypt, Preface. 


sea, although it stretches northwards far beyond the tropic. 
Though it is separated from the Mediterranean Sea only by the 
Isthmus of Suez, in the character of its animal life it is sharply 
distinguished from the former sea, and only a few cosmopolitan 
forms are common to both, a proof that in recent epochs at least 
there has been no communication between the two." 1 

In addition to this aspect of the scientific probabilities of the 
case, the historic evidence available is all in the same direction. 
Herodotus 2 was specific in giving " the shortest and quickest dis 
tance " between the shores of the Mediterranean, at Mount Casius, 
and the Arabian Gulf, or Gulf of Suez, as " exactly a thousand 
stadia " or Roman furlongs. This would show a distance, at 
that time, by the quickest route, of about one hundred and fifteen 
English miles; 3 somewhat more than the present width of the 
Isthmus. This testimony, of upwards of twenty-three centuries 
ago, carries us back more than two-thirds of the way to the days 
of Moses ; and it goes to show that whatever changes have taken 
place in the coast lines meantime, have tended to diminish rather 
than to extend the breadth of the Isthmus. 

Four centuries after Herodotus, Strabo, 4 writing of the same 
point said : " But the Isthmus between Pclusium and the head [of 
the Arabian Gulf] near Heroopolis, is a thousand stadia," and he 
quotes Poseidonios, a writer about half way between Herodotus 
and Strabo, as calling the distance " less than fifteen hundred " 
stadia. A little later than Strabo, Pliny 5 gave the length of the 

1 Klunzinger s Upper Egypt, p. 335. 2 Hist., II., 158. 

3 A strange perversion of the testimony of Herodotus has been made by M. Ritt, 
through a miscalculation of the length of the common classical stadion (see Hist, de 
VIsthm. de Suez, p. 5) ; but a reference to the text of Herodotus (Hist., II., 149) will 
show that his measurements are in the stadion hexaplethron, a stadion of six plethra 
(a plethron being one hundred and one English feet). Eitt quotes no ancient writer 
but Herodotus, and his measurements he misrepresents. 

* Gcog., Book XVII., chap. 1, 2 21. 
= Hist. Nat., Bk. V., chap. 11. 


Isthmus, " from Pelusium to Arsinoe," the same as it had been 
given by Herodotus. Yet two centuries later, and Ptolemy 
showed, by his tables of latitude and longitude (a surer definition 
of relative locations than distances along a traveled route would 
be), that the Isthmus between the Mediterranean, at Peluriium, and 
the head of the Gulf of Suez, was then a little broader than at 
present, and a little narrower than in the days of Herodotus. 
Ptolemy s plotting, as compared with the actual positions of 
to-day, is well shown by Kiepert s drawing of " Ptolemy s Map of 
the World," in the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britaimica. 1 
Again, the " Iter Antoniuum," a table of distances along certain 
routes in the Roman Empire, seems to confirm, by a comparison of 
its various measurements, the more direct testimony of Ptolemy, 
Pliny, Strabo, Poseidon ios and Herodotus, to the eifect that the 
Isthmus of Suez was certainly no narrower twenty centuries ago, 
than to-day. This view is affirmed by the competent editor of 
Baedeker s Lower Egypt ; 2 and it would seem to be also the 
opinion of Professor Huxley, in his latest study of the subject. 3 

In short, whatever theory of the " might have been " is elabo 
rated or defended by any advocate of a greatly narrower way than 

1 Conder (Handbook, p. 247) says: "The maps of Ptolemy (second and third cen 
turies of our era) show the mouths [of the Nile] some forty geographical miles far 
ther south than at present." Yet one of the latest careful students of this subject 
(Ruge, in Encyc. Brit., Art. "Map ") says: "No maps appear to have been drawn 
by Ptolemy himself; those to be found in the oldest editions of his work are by Aga- 
thodajmon (a mathematician of the fifth (?) century after Christ), though accurately 
based, it is true, on Ptolemy s data." Yet Ptolemy speaks (Book I., chap. 19-24) of 
his method of working on his maps. And a comparison of Ptolemy s plotting with 
the present line of the Mediterranean seems to show that the mouths of the Nile 
were farther north in his day, instead of farther south, than they are to-day. (Much 
information on the subject of the various editions, earlier and later, of Ptolemy s 
Geography is to be found in Justin Winsor a " Bibliography of Ptolemy s Geogra 
phy," in the Harvard University Bulletins for 1883 /. ) 

* Handbook, p. 412 /. 
3 " Unwritten History," in Macmillan s Mag. for May, 1883. 


that of the present, between Africa and Asia, in the clays of the 
Pharaohs, the hard facts of geology and history arc at one in 
showing that no such thing was. 1 Hence we may fairly look for 
the lines of the roadways of then, in the lines of practicable road 
ways of now. 

A suggestion of Mr. Reginald Stuart Poole, in a recent study of 
this subject, 2 is worthy of note just here, as illustrative of a whole 
class of errors in this discussion. Misled by his own inaccurate 
fixing of Heroopolis on the strength of an indefinite reference to 
its site by Strabo, 3 Poole is necessitated to reconstruct the Isthmus 
to suit that identification. He thinks that El-Gisr may haye been 
lower than now, so low as to have been under the Gulf of Suez 
level; that the shore levels north and south may have changed 
meantime; that there may have been "a gradual fall of the land, 
at least in the north of the Isthmus of Suez, and a corresponding 
rise in the south;" that the Gulf of Suez may even "have ex 
tended in historical times, so far north as to include Lake Ballah," 
without making Africa an island; because, forsooth, how otherwise 
could we account for the supposed fact that the only great road out 

1 Kurtz (Hist, of Old Cov., II., 312-316) argues in favor of the inclusion of the 
Bitter Lakes in the lied Sea within historic times. So also do Sliarpe (Bartlett s 
Forty Dni/s, p. 25); Hayman (Smith-IIackett s Bib. Die., Art. "Wild, of the 
Wand."); E. Stanley Poole (Ibid., Art. "Red Sea"); Canon Cook (Speaker s Com. 
Append, to Exod.) ; Graetz (Gesch. d. Jii len, I., 378 ff.) ; Cornier (Handbook, 
p. 247 /.); Burton (Gold Mines of Mid., p. M /.) ; Villiers Stuart (Xi/c Gleanings, 
pp. 5-7) ; and others ; but no one of these adds a single point to the arguments already 
disposed of; while in several instances the uiaiii facts relied on. are now siiowu to be 
bald errors. 

2 In his Oities of Egypt, pp. 112-123. 

3 All that Strabo says of the location of Heroopolis, can be reconciled with a con 
nection of that city and the gulf by a canal the "Trajan Paver," as Ptolemy (Geog., 
Bk. IV., chap. 5, g 54) calls it. Ptolemy (Coinp. % 13 and $ 54 as above) shows that 
Heroopolis is some twelve or fourteen miles farther north than the head of the gulf. 
Poole s conclusion, that "the gulf extended over forty miles northward of its present 
head at Suez," of course falls with the disclosure of his error in locating Hero 


of Egypt toward Syria passed north of the present Lake Ballah? 
"Obviously," he says, "the Pharaohs would have chosen the best 
line of march, north of the Red Sea, and so between the two seas ; " 
and since, as the face of the country now exists, the plateau of El- 
Gisr would proffer such a line, it is reasonable to suppose that that 
plateau was then under water, even if the Isthmus must be tipped 
up to keep it there. This is certainly an ingenious way of meeting 
the difficulties which must present themselves to any thoughtful 
student of the facts involved, who lacks a knowledge of the great 
central road out of Egypt over El-Gisr, south of Lake Ballah, in 
the days of the Pharaohs ; the " Way of Shur," or the Wall Road 
of Egypt. 

As over against this suggestion of Poole s, a writer in the Edin 
burgh Review, 1 not long ago, made an ingenious and plausible 
argument to show that in the days of the exodus this midland 
road over El-Gisr, or rather over the height next south of it, this 
" Way of Shur " must have been the only practicable highway out 
of Egypt eastward. His claim was, that the region of Qantarah, 
the pass of the " Way of the Land of the Philistines," including 
all " the space now covered by Lakes Menzaleh, Ballah, and 
Timsah, and the intervening and neighboring marshy and sandy 
districts, must at that time either have been far below the level of 
the Mediterranean, or have been covered by lagoon and marsh, 

*/ O 

accessible to the waters of that sea, when driven by a westerly 
wind." His argument was based upon the data of other changes 
along the Mediterranean shore ; and it was so neatly done as to 
half tempt a regret that it could not be true. But the real barrier 
to its acceptance was, that its conclusions were utterly at variance 
with the facts of the case as shown by the Egyptian monument?, 
the Hebrew records, and the classical geographers and historians. 
And the same may be said of any theory which would fail to leave 

1 For Jaii., 1877, Art. " Mediterranean Deltas." 


dry ground for both the " Way of the Land of the Philistines " 
and tlie " Way of Shur " in the days of the Pharaohs, and in all 
the days which have intervened since then. 

It has been claimed by many writers that a prophecy of Isaiah 
(11 : 15) was literally fulfilled in the shortening of the Gulf of 
Suez; and an appeal to this prophecy ("The Lord shall utterly 
destroy the tongue of the Egyptian Sea") has been frequently 
made in support of some hypothesis of a much narrower isthmus 
in the days of the exodus. But what reason is there for supposing 
the "Egyptian Sea "to have been the "Yam Sooph," or the Gulf of 
Suez ? l That gulf is never called the " Egyptian Sea " elsewhere 
than in this passage; and here the prophetic reference would seem 
to be to the Nile rather than to the Gulf. The Xilc is several 
times called the " sea," including at least two instances in Isaiah 
(18 : 2 ; 10 : 5) ; and it is so known among the Arabs at the pres 
ent time. 2 The Pelusiac arm of the Xilc, which was the great 
tongue of that Egyptian Sea eastward ; which both bounded and 
gave life to that portion of primitive Lower Egypt; 3 into which 
the Great Canal entered ; along which were the chief cities and 
inner fortresses of the eastern border, from Pelusium (the " Key of 
Egypt ") to Ilcliopolis ; and which was, in fact, worshiped as one of 
the legs of the great god Osiris ; this tongue of the Egyptian Sea 
has been so " utterly destroyed," and blotted from existence, that 
Egyptian explorers are unable to track its ancient course, or to de 
fine the line of its former channel and banks. 4 Surely there is here 
an ample fulfillment of the prophecy of Isaiah, without any call to 
pervert the teachings of the other Scriptures, the records of outside 
history, and the indications of geology, in order to meet the condi- 

1 The western arm of the Red Sea, by whatever name it was known. 

2 See Gesenius s Heb. Lex., s.v. Yam (D ) 1. a. In Ancient Egyptian, also, the 

correspondent word " im," signified both " the sea " and " the Nile"; as, again did 

the word, " uat ur " (water ?). See McCauley s Diet, of Egypt. Hieroglyph., pp. 66, 206. 

3 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 228 /. 4 Ibid., I., 236 /. 


tions of a hypothetical exegesis, and a hypothetical re-construction 
of the Isthmus of Suez. There is even reason for thinking that 
the triple parallelism of this portion of Isaiah s prophecy has ex 
clusive reference to the river Nile ; although the commentators 
generally would find in " the river " a reference to the Euphrates, 
and would understand that that river is to be smitten into " seven 
streams." Certainly a more natural meaning would seem to be 
found in a reference to the Nile in each of the three clauses of the 
verse ; 

" And the Lord shall utterly destroy the tongue of the Egyptian sea, 
And with his mighty wind shall he shake his hand over the river, 
And shall smite it in the seven streams, 
And make men go over dry shod." 

" The river" clearly applies to the Nile in Isaiah 19:5, and there, 
also, in a parallelism with the Nile as " the sea." And the Nile 
has been smitten in that portion of it which was known as "the 
seven streams ; " five of those seven streams being now closed 
from sight. 

Distinct traces of this Wall Road, midway of the Isthmus, have 
been discovered but recently ; and even yet their discovery does 
not seem to have been applied to the question here considered, by 
students of this region. In 1878, the Rev. F. W. Holland made 
his fifth visit to the Peninsula of Sinai, " in the hope of throwing 
some light upon the disputed question of the site of Kadesh- 
barnea, and the boundary of the ancient kingdom of Edorn." 
When on the edge of the Negeb, the " South Country " of Scrip 
ture, he was turned aside from his search of Kadcsh-barnea, by 
learning of an ancient road sweeping across the desert toward the 
modern station Isma tleeya. This road, which is a continuation of 
the caravan route from Hebron and Beersheba, desertward, passes 
to the north of Jebel Yeleq (which mountain, Holland says, " has 
been placed too far to the north," on the maps, hitherto) ; it 


"crosses Jebcl Mugharah, 1 an important range, where there are 
wells 2 and ancient ruins; and then turning due west, runs over a 
rolling plateau, in places much covered with sand drifts, to 
Ismailia." " Large numbers of flint flakes and arrow heads 
prove," says Holland, " that this road was much used in ancient 
times ; and there can be little doubt that it was the road followed 
by Abraham from the Xegeb, or South Country, to Egypt." A 
brief report of this discovery was made by Holland to the British 
Association for the Advancement of Science ; 3 but his death pre 
vented his pursuit of this clue and its Unkings. In reporting it, 
however, he said with enthusiasm : " The discovery of this road 
is regarded as one of great importance ; and, as far as the author 
can learn, it has been previously unknown." 4 It certainly fur- 

1 This mountain range is laid down on none of the maps (except that of Egypt, 
in Stanford s London Atlas, 1882), so far as I know, although a station marked 
" Magar" is noted in its region, in the Atlas of the Description de VEgypte, and on a 
few later maps. Nor is this omission to be wondered at ; for the mountain ran,"e is 
no longer on the ordinary route of desert travel, now that the " Wav of Shur" is 
discontinued as a main road ; and it is in a district left out of all the modern thorough 
surveys. It is however occasionally referred to as seen in the distance bv travelers 
between Suez and Gaza. A good description of it, witli accompanying illustra 
tions is given in the Archduke Ludwig s Caravan Route between Enypt and Syria 
(See also Stewart s Tent and Khan, pp. C 02, 215). Professor Palmer makes several 
references to Magharah, in his now famous ride from Gaza to Suez (See Besant s 
Life of Palmer, p. 269), and his biographer being unable to find the site on the maps 
falls into the natural mistake (p. 274) of supposing that this " Magharah " is the 
" Jebel Makrah," many miles eastward. 

2 Is "the fountain in the Way of Shur "the watering place between Beersheba 
and the Wall on that Wall Road yet to be recognized at this point. 

3 See Report of the British Assoc. for 1878, p. 622 ff. 

4 It is worthy of note that Laborde laid down this road on a route map in his great 
work ( Voyage de I Arab. Pet.), just as Holland describes it, and entitled it the " route 
of the caravans of the Midianites and Idumeans from Syria to Efrypt." It seems 
to be indicated in Kiepert s map which accompanied Robinson s Biblical Researches. 
Lepsius, also, (Denkm., Abth. I., Bl. 3) notes the remains of an ancient road (alte 
Strasse) between Lake Ballah and Lake Timsah, where El-Gisr furnishes the thresh 


nishcs a positive confirmation of the existence of the central Road 
of the "Wall, referred to in the Bible, and indicated by the whole 
contour of the country in the region of the " Wall that is before 
Egypt as thou goest toward Assyria." l 

There is even reason for supposing that the return of Setec I. 
from his campaign against the Shasoo and other enemies, as shown 
in the famous bas-relief at Karnak, was by the " Way of Shur," 
rather than by the " Way of the Land of the Philistines." Even 
if he went out through the Wall by the northerly road (as is by no 
means sure), he had certainly swept onward in a northeasterly 
direction to Galilee, and beyond, and it would seem natural for 
him to return by a director course from his victory at " Kana an," 
than the Gaza seaside-route could offer to him. 

One point is sure : near the place of his passing the Great Wall, 
and crossing the Great Canal, as there represented, was a " Well 
of the Tower," or a " Tower of the Well ; " a Migdol and a Well 
in conjunction. To this day there exists a "Bir Makdal," 2 a 
" Well of the Tower," on the edge of the wilderness, a short dis 
tance from El-Gisr, northeasterly, in the very line of that central 
roadway between Egypt and Syria the Way of Shur. If Sctee I. 
did not return to Egypt by that roadway, this " Well of the 
Tower " at the main entrance which he might have entered is a 
very remarkable coincidence. If, on the other hand, that was the 
road of his return, this "Well of the Tower" has retained its 
name, by tradition, in all the intervening ages, in accordance with 
the customs of the unchangeable East. There is certainly no Well 
of the Tower suggested as an identification of this landmark of 
Setee s approach to Egypt, or any other road than this Way of 

1 Gen. 25: 18. 

2 See " Carte Topographique," in Description de VEgypte (Arabic, JcX^^J s-o ; 
French, Bir Makdul); also " Karte von yEgypten," in Lcpsius s Denkmaler, Abth. 
I., Bl. 2 (German, Muktal) ; also any complete modern map of that region. 



" The Way of the Red Sea," or " The Way of the Wilderness 
of the Red Sea/ was the road which swept out of Egypt, across 
the wilderness between the two arras of the Red Sea, from the 
head of the Gulf of Suez to the head of the Gulf of Aqabah. 
It is to-day the great Hajj route from Egypt toward Mekkeh. It 
first finds mention in the Bible as the road toward which the 
Israelites w T erc turned, from their encampment near the exit of the 
Philistia Road through the Great Wall of the frontier, at the time 
of the exodus. " God led them not the Way of the Land of the 
Philistines; although that was near [i^p.qarobh, close at hand ]; 
. . . but God led the people about [or, better, turned the people 
to ] the Way of the Wilderness of the Red Sea." 1 After this 
mention, this road is frequently referred to in the narrative of the 
exodus and wanderings. 

When this southernmost road is spoken of, in the Bible, from 
the Egypt side of the Wall, it is called the " Way of the Wilder 
ness of the Red Sea ;" 2 but when it is mentioned from the wilder 
ness side it is called the " Way of the Red Sea" 3 simply. The 
reason for this distinction is obvious. 

As a question has been raised concerning the identity of the 
modern "Red Sea " with the term so translated in our English 
Bible, and in the Septuagint, it may be well to meet that question 

at this point. 

s/ The Hebrew term is Yam Sooph* The word Yam means "sea," or 
" lake." The word Sooph means " weeds," or " sedge," or " rushes," 
or " flags." Yam Sooph, therefore, might fairly mean " Sea of 
Weeds," or " Sea of Sedge," or " Lake of Rushes," or " Lake of 
Flags." Brugsch says emphatically, 5 that " suph is a plant which 

1 Exocl. 13 : 17, 18. 2 Exod. 13 : 13. 

3 Xum. 14: 25; 21: 4; Deut. 1: 40; 2: 1. 
4 See Geseuius aud Furst, . v. 5 Hist, uj Egi/pt, II., 430. 


grows in lakes, but not in the sea." And Philip Smith adds, 1 that 
"the leading passage to determine the original meaning of the 
word is Exodus 2 : 3, where the ark 2 of the infant Moses is made 
of stiph" But before these asseverations could be accepted as con 
clusive, it would be necessary to show how it was, then, that Jonah 
found a fresh-water turban in the depths of the Mediterranean 
Sea ; for it was when he had been thrown overboard on his way 
from Joppa to Tarshish, that he said : 3 " The sooph was wrapped 
about my head." In other words, since it is clear that the Hebrew 
word sooph is in one instance applied to the vegetation of the sea, 
and in another instance to the vegetation of the river, it is proper 
to look for some equivalent term, like " weeds," or " sedge," that 
shall be applicable alike to the vegetation of river and of sea. 

The Egyptian word sufi, or thufi,* which Brugsch counts the 
equivalent of the Hebrew sooph, is applied, according to his testi 
mony, to the aquatic vegetation of Lake Menzaleh and vicinity ; 
although the Hebrew word does not seem to be specifically applied, 
in the Bible, to the vegetation of a lake, as it is applied to that of 

1 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 430, note. 

2 This is an inadvertent error. The ark is made of gomt; but it is laid in the 
sooph. The same error is made by Greville Chester in his article in " Special 
Papers " (p. 107) of Surv. of West. Pal. 

3 Jonah 2 : 5. 

4 " The marshes and lakes rich in water plants, which at this day are denoted by 
the name of the Birket Menzaleh, shared the name common to all such waters, sufi 
(or, with the Egyptian article, pa-sufi, equivalent to the sufi ), a word which com 
pletely agrees with the Hebrew Snf [Sooph]. The interpreters generally understand 
this word in the sense of rushes or a rushy district, while in old Egyptian it denotes 
precisely a water rich in papyrus plants." (Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 232.) In the 
Appendix to his Geographical Dictionary (pp. 890-902, s. v. T/nift), Brugsch labors 
to show that this word was limited to fresh water lilies and rushes; but he simply 
multiplies evidence in proof of the admitted fact that the word was sometimes so 
applied. And he shows the essential insufficiency of his argument, when he admits 
that the word is of Semitic origin; so that Jonah is quite as likely as an Egyptian 
scribe, or any other dweller in Egypt, to have been informed of its possible 


the river and of the Great Sea. Yet in both his Lexicon 1 and his 
Geographical Dictionary, 2 Brugsch admits that the Egyptian \vord 
is applicable also to sea-\veed (alga marina). 

That the shores and the bottom of the Ked Sea arc such as 
readily to account for the application to that sea of some name in 
dicative of the peculiar growths which border and underlie it, is a 
fact made clear by the testimony of impartial and intelligent ob 
servers of all ages. Strabo, speaking of the Red Sea, says : 3 " Even 
trees (dsvopa, dendra ) here grow from under the water." Bruce 4 
says of the tree-like coral growths of that sea (although he was 
unfamiliar with the other marine growths reported by later scien 
tists) : " My opinion is, that it is from the large trees or plants of 
white coral, spread everywhere over the bottom of the Red Sea, 
perfectly in imitation of plants on land, that the sea has obtained 
this name " of Yam Sooph. And he adds : " I saw one of these 
[trees] which from a root nearly central, threw out ramifications in 
a nearly circular form, measuring twenty-six feet diameter every 
way." Fazakerlcy 5 told of the prominence given to this idea by 
the Arabs of Toor. " They proposed to us," he said, " to go with 
them in their boats, and promised to show us what they called 
trees growing at the bottom of the sea." lie accepted their pro 
posal. " There was not a breath of wind ; the water was as clear 
as crystal ; and when we had moved out to some little distance 
from the shore, we saw clearly what they meant by trees : large 
clusters of coral, and madrepores of different forms and colors, and 
some of great size, looking like shrubs growing out of the sand." 6 
Laborde, again, presented a strong array of testimony on this 
point, 7 as showing the impropriety of limiting the soopli to fresh 
water vegetation. Besides citing earlier writers, like Rosenmuller, 

iJIicr. Demot. Worterb., p. 1580. 2 Dirt. Geog., p. 890 /. 

3 Geog., XVI., 4, 7. 4 Travels (1768-1773), I., 247. 

B See his " Journey " (in 1811), in AValpole s Travels in East. 6 Ibid., p. 381. 

7 Voyage de I Arable Pctrec, p. 5. 


Buxtorf, Shaw, and Lipenius, he quoted the testimony of Lord 
Valeutia and Giovanni Finati to the effect that " weeds and corals" 
are to be seen in such profusion and beauty at many places along 
the shores of the Red Sea, and again below its surface, as dis 
closed at low water, " as almost to have the appearance of groves 
and gardens." ! 

Even if it were shown that sooph was % term applied only to 
the reeds of Egypt, there would still be reason for thinking that 
it designated a growth along the shores of the Red Sea. Thus 
Stickel 2 cites Frcsnel in proof that sooph signifies " the woolly 
bush of the ripe reed," " the juncus acutus, arundo ^Egyptiaca, and 
arundo Isaica, which grows commonly on the shore of the Red 
Sea ; and that it is a translation of the old Pharaonic/S ^an, in the 
Egyptian name of the same sea, PJii-yom-en-Shari, the Sea of the 
Reed (weed) ; just as at this day a bay of the same [sea] is called 
Ghubbd-el-bus, Reed Bay. " 

More recently, the observing naturalist Klunzinger has brought 
out added facts of importance bearing on this question, as a result 
of his long residence and careful studies on the Red Sea coast. 
He says that where the soil of the desert along that coast is kept 
moist by " lagoons of sea water, the eye is gladdened by spreading 
meadows of green rushes." 3 " The coast flora of the desert which 
requires the saline vapor of the sea is peculiar. A celebrated 
plant is the shora 4 (Avicennia officinalis), which forms large dense 
groves in the sea, these being laid bare only at very low ebb. 
Ships are laden with its wood, which is used as fuel, and many 

1 Burton (Gold Mines of Mid., p. 315 /.) tells of "the lovely coral-fields of the 
Northern Red Sea," as they are " described and figured in color and perspective by 
Eugene Baron Ransounet." 

2 " Der Israeliten Auszug aus ^Egypten, etc." in Stud. u. Krit., for 1850, p. 331. 

3 Upper Egypt, p. 238 /. 

4 Is not this shora the same as " the old Pharaonic shari in the Egyptian name of 
the same sea," as referred to by Fresnel and Stickel ? 


camels live altogether upon its laurel-like leaves." l He divides, 
indeed, the shore line of the Red Sea into the "outer shore zone," 
or the reef-line, and the " inner shore or sea-grass zone." Even 
in the outer shore zone there " flourish also in many inlets of the 
sea thickets of the laurel-like shora shrub " as above described; 
and there are "sea-grass pools." In the inner shore zone "among 
the rocks, which are Either bars or covered with a blackish and 
red mucilaginous sea-weed," there "grow green phanerogamous 
grasses of the family of the Naiadea?." 2 

This peculiarity of the shores of the Red Sea has attracted the 
attention of more than one traveler along its coast. While I was 
on my way from Suez to Mount Sinai, as our party halted for its 
mid-day lunch at a point between Ayoon Moosa and "Wady "Wer- 
dan, my two companions were tempted by a sight of the cool sea 
at the westward, to walk down to its refreshing shores. They 
found the distance tediously deceptive. It seemed indeed as if the 
shore receded before them. And when at last they reached the sea 
it was not there. Instead of the clean sandy shore that thev had 
looked for, there stretched before them a wide expanse of marine 
vegetation between the dry land and the blue waters beyond. 
Skirting this unexpected barrier of peculiar sea-growth, they espied 
a sandy peninsula above the water level, and going out on to that 
they looked back over this shore meadow or heather, which had 
been laid bare by the low tide, and if they had then been called to 
give a name to the sea before them they would have been quite 
likely to designate it as the " Sea of Sedge," the " Sea of Shora," 
the Yam Sooph, the " Yom-en-Shari" or by some such title ex 
pressive of its characteristic shores, unless indeed* -my companions 
had had some preconceived theory of the exodus, to prejudice 
them against an appropriate designation. 

It is evident that there are sound reasons for supposing that the 

1 Upper Egypt, p. 240. j 75;^ pp _ 342-349. 


Hebrew term sooph was applied to the vegetation of the sea as well 
as to the border rushes of the river. It is equally certain that 
the " spreading meadows of green rushes," and the "green phane 
rogamous grasses " which mark the " sea-grass zone " of the desert- 
bordered Ked Sea, together with the " large dense groves," and 
" thickets " of " the laurel-like shora shrub," which at low tide are 
there laid bare in such size and profusion as to furnish food for the 
camels, fuel for the ships, and confusion and bewilderment to the 
shore-seeking traveler (all these in marked contrast with the 
Mediterranean, or the Atlantic, shores), would abundantly justify, 
to-day, the designation of Yam Sooph, the Sea of Weeds, for the 
Red Sea. Yet, after all, it is more important, as a geographical 
question, to know what body of Avater was known as Yam Sooph, 
than to know what waters might have been, or even what waters 
ought to have been, so known. And as to this point the historical 
evidence seems complete. 

The Yam Sooph is first mentioned in connection with the plague 
of locusts (Exod. 10: 19) : "And the Lord turned a mighty strong 
\vest wind [literally, a " sea wind," a " wind from the Mediterra 
nean"] which took away the locusts and cast them into the Yam 
Sooph ; there remained not one locust in all the coasts of Egypt." 
Now if that wind blew from the Mediterranean Sea, it would have 
required a " boomerang " current quite unknown in the realm of 
meteorology, to have swept all the locusts of Lower Egypt either 
into Lake Serbonis, or Lake Menzaleh, on the southern border of 
the Mediterranean, or into any other of the lakes which have been 
named as philologically indicated in the Yam Sooph. 1 And the 
same would be true if the wind were one directly from the west, 
instead of a wind from the sea. But if a good strong wind either 

1 " Yam Souph, the Sea of Reeds . . . was applied as a general term to denote all 
the marshes and lagoons of Lower Egypt, which are characterized by their rich veg 
etation, consisting of papyrus and of rushes." (Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 


from the west or from the northwest were blowing across Lower 
Egypt, the locusts would have had to find a watery grave in the 
western arm of the lied Sea, in spite of all their protests against 
the philological impropriety of the performance. 

The next mention of Yarn Sooph is in the narrative of the 
exodus, 1 where it is said that God led not the people out of Eirvnt 

f X A O/ X 

by the Philistia Road, although that was just at hand, but he 
turned the people to " the Way [or, the Road] of the Wilderness 
of the Yam Sooph ; " and again that Moses, having crossed the 
miraculously-bared bed of the waters, " brought Israel from the 
Yam Sooph ; and they went out into the Wilderness of the Wall." 2 
Yet again the Yam Sooph was touched by them several stations 
later. 3 This " Wilderness of the Yam Sooph " would seem to be a 
general name for the entire wilderness between the two arms of the 
Red Sea. This view of it is sustained by every direct or inciden 
tal reference to it in the Old Testament. 4 But as if to put at rest 
all doubt as to the identity of the Yam Sooph with the Red Sea, 
the former term is clearly applied, in several instances, to the 
eastern arm of the Red Sea, or the Gulf of Aqabah. Thus, for 
example, God s promise to Israel is : " And I will set thy bounds 
from the Yam Sooph even unto the Sea of the Philistines, and from 
the desert unto the river;" 5 in other words, the boundary stretch 
on the south shall be from the Gulf of Aqabah to the Mediter 
ranean, and its reach north and south shall be from the Arabian 
Desert to the Euphrates ; and this promise was literally fulfilled in 
the days of David and Solomon. 6 To imagine this promised 
southern boundary as being from Lake Serbouis to the Mediter 
ranean, is to bring out the essential absurdity of the claim that 

i Exod. 13: IS. 

2 Exod. 15 : 22. 3 Xum. 33 : 10. 

*Comp. Exod. 13: IS; 14: 2; Num. 14: 25-33; 33: G-8 ; Deut. 1: 40; 2: 1; 
Jadg. 11 : 1C, etc. 

5 Exod. 23 : 31. 6 Sec Speaker s Con. at Exod. 23: 31. 


Yam Sooph refers to that lake ; or, indeed, to any lake near the 
border of the Mediterranean. 

Again, Yaui Sooph evidently refers to the eastern arm of the 
Red Sea, when Jephthah tells the king of the Amoritcs of the 
Israelites course from Egypt through the wilderness, until at the 
close of their wanderings they came to Ezion-gaber on their way to 
their final assembling at Kadesh. " Israel came up from Egypt," 
he says, and "walked through the wilderness unto the Yam Sooph, 
and came to Kadesh ; " l or as the record in Xumbers stands : 
" They . . . encamped at Ezion-gaber [at the head of the Gulf of 
Aqabahj. And they removed from Eziou-gaber, and pitched in 
.... Kadesh." 2 And yet again it was " on the lip of the Yam 
Sooph, in the land of Edom," that " king Solomon made a navy 
of ships" 3 to traverse seas very different from the oozing waters 
of the Scrbonian Bog and its appurtenances. 

It would be easy to multiply evidences that Yam Sooph is a 
term which the ancient Hebrews applied to the Red Sea. Indeed 
the proofs are so numerous in the accepted text of our Hebrew 
Bible, that some of the fresh-water theorists have urged that the 
Hebrew scholars who, while themselves resident in Egypt, two 
thousand years ago, made the Septuagint version, and other 
scholars before and after them, must have been misled by popular 
errors as to the geography of that region, and so were induced to 
give an unauthorized gloss to the text, where the term Yam Sooph 
is employed. 4 But, apart from all disputed readings and am- 

1 Judg. 11 : 1C. See page 146 f., supra. 2 Num. 33 : 35, 36. 3 1 Kings 9 : 26. 

4 See Schleiden (in his Die Landenge von Sus, pp. 177-199), as referred to, approv 
ingly, by Brugsch (in his Hist, of Egypt, II., 430); the author of "Mediterranean 
Deltas," in the Edinburgh Review for Jan., 1877 ; Chester, in Surv. of West. Pal., 
"Special Papers," p. 87; and others. Bartlett (Egypt to Pal., p. 170) by a single 
sentence, pricks the bubble of Sehleiden concerning the "gloss" by which Yam 
Sooph crept into the text : " Schleiden first alleged that this statement was in the 
Jehovistic, and not in the Elohistic, portion of Genesis, and miirht therefore be set 
aside. But if the importance of such a distinction be recognized, Exodus 13 : IS, iu 


biguous references, the evidence is ample that the Yam Sooph of 
the Hebrew Scriptures was the lied Sea of modern geography ; 
and in fact the ordinary method of making a fair show on the 
other side has been by ignoring 1 such of the passages quoted 
above as would in themselves be sufficient to put the matter finally 
at rest, or by denying the correctness of every historical verity 
which stands in the way of a particular theory concerning the 
interpretation of the only extant record on the subject of inquiry. 2 
This " Way of the Red Sea," or this Red Sea Road, which 
swept across the Wilderness of the Red Sea, from the head of the 
Gulf of Suez to the head of the Gulf of Aqabah, was probably 
the road taken by Kedor-la omer when lie turned into the wilder 
ness at the lower end of Mount Seir, and which he pursued until 
he reached El-Paran, or En-Xakhl, the mid-desert oasis, where he 
made his turn northward toward Kadesh-barnea. 3 It is also the 
road toward which the rebellious Israelites were turned back from 
Kadesh-baruea when they were sentenced to a life of wandering. 
"To-morrow, turn you and get you into the wilderness by the Way 
of the Red Sea," 4 was the direction. They were not to go to the 
Red Sea, but to take the well-known Red Sea Road into the wil- 

wliich the statement occurs, is Elohistic." Again, on Exodus 14: 1, Schleiden coolly 
remarks (note at p. 180) : " The name Jehovah is here and in the following verses 
obviously a later interpolation." It is easy to prove one s pet theory, from the 
Bible text, if the privilege is granted of changing the text to suit the theory. 
Schleiden h also at fruit in supposing that the " Egyptian Sea " (the Xile) is the 

1 Chester (as above, p. 15G) says unqualifiedly : " It is remarkable that throughout 
the direct narrative there is no mention of a Jam SAph, or Sea of Heeds, at all. The 
Jam, the Sea, alone is spoken of." And this in the face of two mentions of Yam 
Sooph in the direct narrative; one at Exod. 13: 18; the other at Exod. 15: 22. 

2 To deny the historical verity of the Bible record is one thing; but to take up for 
examination a Bible story as if it were veritable history, and then to deny the accu 
racy of such portions as fail to conform to one s pet theory of the history which has 
its only record in the Bible, can hardly be called a scholarly method of study. 

3 Gen. 14 : 6, 7. See page 36/., supra. 4 Num. 14 : 25. 


deruess. They were to take the same road from Kadesh to the 
wilderness that Kedor-la omer had taken from the wilderness to 
Kauosh. " Then we turned," says Moses, " and took our journey 
into the wilderness by the Way of the Red Sea [by the Red Sea 
Road], as the Lord spake unto me." l And that Red Sea Road is, 
to-day, as well defined and prominent a southernmost highway out 
of Lower Egypt eastward, as is the northernmost road toward 
Gaza, which marks the old-time Way of the Laud of the Philis 
tines; while mid-way between the two are the unmistakable traces 
of the central highway of the three, the Way of Shur. 

Brugsch, whose extended studies in the geography of Ancient 
Egypt have largely shaped popular opinion in that field in recent 
times, is seemingly so influenced by his peculiar theory of the 
route of the exodus, that he is disinclined to recognize the traces 
of more than one ancient highway out Lower Egypt eastward, 
while he does not seem quite decided as to the location and course 
of that one. 2 The writer in the Edinburgh Review, already re 
ferred to, was disposed by the theories to plunge the region of El- 
Qautarah (north of Lake Ballah) under water in the days of 
Moses. Reginald Stuart Poole s theory, on the other hand, led 
him to raise El-Qautarah as the single pathway of that period, 
while he sank El-Gisr (south of Lake Ballah) out of sight 
in the waters of the Gulf of Suez. To avoid either of these 
extremes, yet to have only the one highway which his theory calls 
for, Brugsch skilfully brings the two plateaus together, which now 
flank Lake Ballah, at the north and the south, and lays one of 

1 Dent. 2 : 1. 

2 In one place, Brugsch states that " the great Pharaonic road " was the one on 
which Khetarn was one of the main stations (Hist, of Egypt, II., 387). But again he 
insists that this great Pharaonic road," "the old royal road" (Ibid., I., 33C) "the 
Road of the Philistines of Holy Scripture, is not that which commenced at Khetaru, 
the Etham of the Bible, or no matter what other town in its neighborhood." (Ibid., 
II., 430.) 


them on the other, giving to the double-structure the compound 
"name of Gnisr-el-Qantharah, the dyke of the bridge " as he 
calls it, although that term might properly mean, " the bridge of the 
arch." 1 In spite of the separateuess of the two plateaus as shown 
by official surveys, and of the distinctness of the two Arabic 
names, as proven by like authoritative records, Brugsch is confident 
that his compound site of an old-time roadway " must be regarded 
as the last reminiscence of the only passage which, in ancient 
times, allowed a traveller to enter Egypt dryshod from the East." 
Yet in his Map of Ancient Lower Egypt 2 Brugsch, with ap 
parent unconsciousness, gives evidence of the inaccuracy of this 
sweeping statement of his. Just in the line of the southernmost 
road the " Way of the Wilderness of the Red Sea " he notes 
the " Wilderness Way of the Bed ween into Egypt " (" Wudenweg 
der Bcdmncn nach JEyypten"}. This would almost seem a para 
phrasing of the Hebrew designation of this Road ; and Brugsch 
can hardly think that the ancient Shasoo were accustomed to enter 
Egypt from their wilderness roaming-fields in boats. Again, on 
that Map, Brugsch shows the summit-level of the Isthmus, the 
water-shed, in the line of the lakes, to be just north of Lake 
Timsah, between that and Lake Ballah ; at the very point (El-Gisr) 
where, as it has been shown, the Way of Shur came in from the 
eastward. Certainly there seems no reason (unless it be found in 
a preconceived theory of the exodus which has to be sustained) 
why this table-land summit should not, in ancient times as in later 

1 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 388. No authority is given by Brugsch for this 
compound name. Is it possible that lie was misled by the Topographical Chart of 
Egypt in the Atlas of the Description de I sEyyptef On that chart, the Qantarah 
passway is called in Arabic " Jisr-el-Qanatir" ( Y^^-^-^ j-^r*) which might 
easily be mistaken for"Jisr el-Qantarah" (x* Ulb H y^^) ; but the French 
translation of the Arabic, on the Chart ("Pont du Tresor" "The Bridge of the 
Treasury"), shows that no such designation as Brugsch suggests was here intended. 
2 Accompanying his Hist, of Egypt. 


ones, have " allowed a traveler to enter Egypt dryshod from the 
East." Indeed, Brngsch s Map of Ancient Egypt taken by itself 
furnishes prima facie evidence of the existence of the three high 
ways out of Egypt eastward, which the Bible refers to as the 
" Way of the Land of the Philistines/ the " Way of Shur," and 
the "Way of the Wilderness of the Red Sea." 

Moreover, the Egyptian records would seem to give plain indi 
cations of more roads than one. In the ancient scribe s report of 
the pursuit of two fugitive slaves, to which a reference has already 
been made, 1 it is distinctly declared that the scribe was informed, 
at the barrier, or fortress, of Thukoo, that the fugitives " had de 
cided to go by the southern route." How there should have been 
any doubt as to the route they would take, or why that route 
should be called the "southern" one, if there was but one road 
above water eastward, is certainly not easy of explanation. Acting 
on his information at Thukoo, the scribe continued his pursuit; 
and the inference from the records as it stands would be, that his 
new course was southerly, in the supposed direction of the fugi 
tives. Having reached the Great Wall (" Khctam "), he received 
news that " the fugitives had got beyond the region of the Wall to 
the north of the Migdol of king Seti Miueptah." 2 This looks as if 
the Migdol here mentioned was yet southward of the scribe s point 
of reaching the Wall ; but Brugsch, in his narrative of the 
exodus affirms that the fugitives " had taken the northerly di 
rection," instead of the " southern " one as reported to the scribe. 
Brugsch was, indeed, in a sense, shut up to this opinion by his 
theory of the one road out of Egypt, easterly, and of one Migdol 
(and that a town), on the line of that road. 

1 From the Anastasi Papyri, as translated by Brugsch (Hist, of Egypt, II., 389) 
and quoted in this work (p. 47/., supra). 

2 The " Migdol of king Seti Mineptah" was the Migdol of the Well (as the pic 
tured inscription at Karnak distinctly declares); and "Beer Makhdal" (or the 
Well of the Migdol), still retains its name on the line of the Shur Road out of Egypt. 



As Brugsch s argument in support of his theory of the exodus 
has depended largely on his claim that there was but one Migdol 
in eastern Lower Egypt, it is not to be wondered at that he has 
been disinclined to see the full force of any indication of a Migdol 
elsewhere than at the site he has preempted for it. But as so 
much is involved in the question of one Migdol, or many, it is 
well to compare the opinions of Brugsch, in this matter, with the 
facts on which he bases them. 

Having fixed upon a place, now known as " Tell cs-Samoot, 1 on 
the eastern side of Lake Menzaleh," ~ and a short distance south 
west of the site of Pelusium, as the location of ancient Migdol, 
Brugsch proceeds to maintain that identification against all oppo 
nents or doubters whatsoever. He even goes so far as to say : 
" This Migdol is the only place of that name which I have met with 
in the Egyptian geographical texts ; among more than three thou 
sand geographical proper names." 3 Yet if the evidence which 
Brugsch proffers in defense of his claim be examined, it will be 
found that there is not in it a particle of proof that here was even 
one Migdol among many in the days of the Pharaohs. There 
certainly were several Migdols elsewhere in Lower Egypt at that 
period. There may have been one here. That is the best that can 
be said for the case as Brugsch himself presents the proofs. 

Brugsch s statement of the case is : that he finds on the monu 
ments a " Samhud " and a " Migdol," or " Makthal," named as at 
the same place; 4 that "Samhud" (Arabic, " Samoot ") is an 
Egyptian name, and " Migdol " a Hebrew one ; 5 that an Egyptian 

1 IIist. of Egypt, I., 237 /. 

2 The Arabic " Tell " corresponding with the Hebrew, Tel I 7fU means " a mound, 1 
"a heap/ especially a heap of ruins. See Deut. 13 : 16. 
*IIist. of Egypt, II., 382. 
4 Diet. Gcoy., pp. 707, 905. 5 Hist, of Egypt, I., 237 /. 


inscription of the days of Amenhotep IV., of the Eighteenth 
Dynasty, speaks of the stretch of Egypt from Samhud to Ele 
phantine/ while a prophecy of Ezekiel 2 speaks similarly of the 
stretch from Migdol to Syene, as if Samhud, or Migdol, was the 
northern landmark of Egypt, as Elephantine, or Syene, was the 
southern one ; that the Antonine Itinerary refers to a " Magdo- 
lum " as twelve Roman miles from Pelusium in a southerly direc 
tion, 3 a distance which well corresponds with the modern <f Tell es- 
Samoot ;" 4 that a " Makthal " was near the return road of Setee I., 
as he re-entered Egypt from his Syrian campaign ; 5 that a Migdol 
was near the position of Rameses III., when he watched a battle 
on the sea near Pelusium ; 6 and finally that there is no Egyptian 
mention of more Migdols than one. 7 

Now what is the force of this evidence in its details ? " Sam 
hud," or " Samhudt," or " Samhudti," is, according to Brugsch s 
own admissions, " the name of many places situated in Lower 
Egypt," 8 as proved by the ancient monuments. And " the more 
important of the cities named Samhud is that which the lists 
designate as the Metropolis of the Seventeenth Nome." 

This preeminent Samhud of Lower Egypt " is the same city the 
situation of which is indicated by the position of the modern city 
of Damictta " 9 the present name of which is obviously a relic of 
the ancient one. A glance at the map will show that Damietta is 
a salient northern land-mark of the coast of Egypt. It stood, of 
old, at a central point of the coast line of Lower Egypt proper, 
midway between the Pclusiac arm of the Nile eastward, and the 
Canopic arm westward. 10 Then, as now, if one were to speak of 

1 Hist, of Egypt, I., 498 ; II., 381 /. 

2 Ezek. 29 : 10, as rendered in the margin, " From Migdol to Syene." 

3 Hist, of Egypt, II., 427. * Hist, of Egypt, II., 426. 

*Ibid., II., 11-14. lbid., II., 153 ff. Ibid., II., 389. 

8 Diet. Oeog., p. 704. 9 Diet. Geog., p. 704. 

10 "We can have little hesitation in considering the inhabitants included between 


Egypt from its northern to its southern limits, he would naturally 
tell of the stretch from Damietta to Elephantine, or to Aswan. 
Who can doubt that the ancient Egyptians were as familiar as the 
modern archeologist with the relative prominence of the Phatnitic l 
Samhiul, in comparison with all the other Samhuds of Lower 
Egypt ? Why should we question that the Samhnd spoken of as 
a well-known northern boundary line, was the Samhud which was 
a well-known northern boundary line, instead of an insignificant 
Samhud which by its very location could not have been a northern 
boundary limit of Egypt ; and which we have historical reasons 
for knowing never was such a limit? Except for its supposed value 
in bolstering up a preconceived theory of the exodus, Tell cs-Samoot 
could never have been seriously considered in this connection. 

Now, as to the coincidence of Samhud and Migdol. If as 
some of Brugsch s followers have not unnaturally inferred, but 
which he himself does not directly assert 2 Samhud is simply the 
Egyptian equivalent of the Hebrew Migdol, of course every Sam 
hud was also a Migdol ; and as the Samhuds of Lower Egypt 
were many, so also were the Migdols. Since, however, the testi 
mony of Brugsch is only that one " Samhud," also called " Atef," 
was designated in the days of the Ramessids as the place of " Pa- 

the brandies of the Nile to have been for the most part of pure Egyptian race. The 
line of demarcation, which separated this race from the neighboring peoples was 
formed on the west by the Canopic branch of the Xile, as by the Pelusiac branch on 
the opposite side toward the East ". (Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 228 /., aud 

i Sec Stanley Lane-Poole s Egypt, p. 31. 

2Comp. Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 238, 498; II., 381, 42G; his Diet. Geog., 
p. 1050; Poole s Cities of Egypt, p. 123; Chester s "Journey," in Surv. of West. Pal. 
" Special Papers," p. 101; Baedeker s Lower Egypt, p. 470; etc. Poole speaks of 
ancient "Migdol" as a "place having, like Zoan, a double name, one Semitic, and 
the other (Samut) Egyptian." Baedeker, usually accurate in such matters, goes 
farther, and speaks, as if from Brugsch, of " the Egyptian name of Samut (also sig 
nifying a tower"). But Brugsch himself makes no such assertion. 


Makthal/ 1 the main question is, Was that Sarahud located on the 
border of the wilderness, near Pelusium? Brugsch shows that 
" Atef," was at one time the metropolis of a nome bearing the 
same name. 2 Rameses III. tolls of his honors, in being " crowned 
with the Atef-crown." 3 That Damietta or the city which it has 
succeeded may have been such a metropolis as this is possible. 
Brugsch, indeed, says 4 of the latter city, that it " was a second The 
bes, a second city of Amon;" that it bore a " whole set of names; 
that it was called, among other designations, " ( Na-mehit, the city 
(par excellence) of the Xorth, as Thebes is called Na-ris the city of 
the South ; " and that its importance " close to the sea, was pre 
eminent in ancient times as at the present day." It would have 
been not unworthy of a Rameses to speak proudly of assuming " the 
Atef crown, together with the Urseus serpents," in accepting the 
sovereignty of a metropolis like that, with its "whole set of 
names," including " Samhud " and " Pa- Makthal " ; but to suggest 
such a thing of a region like Tell es-Samoot, seems an absurdity on 
its face. 

" Migdol," whether in Egypt or out of it, is after all a recur 
rence of a Hebrew common noun, meaning " a tower," or " a great 
tower." Its first appearance in the Bible is as the "migdol" of 
Babel. 5 Afterwards it is frequently used sometimes interchange 
ably with bakhun, 6 bakhan, 7 or bakhon 8 with or without an 
accompanying local appellative, as descriptive of a separate 
fortification, or of a portion of a line of defences. 9 It would 

1 Diet. Geoy., pp. 707, 1050. In his formal arrangement of nomes, Brugsch clearly 
rests his assignment of "Atef," and " Samhud," and " Migdol " on his argument in 
favor of Tell es-Samoot; in other words he reasons in a circle, with no fixed point 
proven by the records. 

2 Ibid. 3 Hist, of Egypt, II., 144. * Ibid., II., 418 /. 

5 Gen. 11 : 1-9. 6 Isa. 23 : 13. 

7 Isa. 32 : 14. Comp. 2 Kings 17 : 9 ; 18 : 8. 8 Jcr. 6 : 27. 

9 Gen. 35 : 21 ; Judg. 8: 17; 9 : 46, 47, 49, 51 ; 2 Chron. 14: 7; Neh. 3 : 1, 25, 26, 27 ; 
12: 38,39; Psa.48: 12; 61: 3; Song4: 4; etc. 


appear to have been the same in the Egyptian records as in the 
Hebrew. " That the ancient Egyptians . . . were well acquainted 
with the meaning of this word, which was foreign to their lan 
guage, is proved most conclusively by the masculine article 
prefixed to it, and the sign of a wall ( ] [ ) which was added to the 
foreign word when written in Egyptian characters." 1 There cer 
tainly were a great many "towers," "great towers," "watch- 
towers," and " fortress-towers" in ancient Lower Egypt. Whether 
those towers were all called " migdols " by the Egyptians or not, 
they were likely to be so called by the Hebrews, and to be so 
designated in the Hebrew records. Mariette, indeed, applies the 
word " migdol " to those "triumphal towers" which are "repre 
sented in the bas-reliefs of Karnak, of Luxor, of the Ramcseum, 
and of Medinet-Abou itself, and which the kings of Egypt were 
wont to erect on their frontier, at once as a means of defence, and 
as a memorial of their victories." " 

A word often used for "tower" in the Egyptian records is 
bekhcn, bakhun, or bckhent? This word, Brugsch declares to be 
" identical with the Hebrew bckhon" and to mean an " outlook," 
" a tower built on a hill." It applies, he says, to " any building 
from which one can look far out into the land, and which itself is 
visible afar; thence any house standing high; a tower." This 
word may have had its root from the Hebrew, or again it may 
have been carried into the Hebrew from Egyptian. In any event 
it is a word which is used in the Hebrew (as has already been 
mentioned), interchangeably with migdol," for a " watch-tower." 4 
And whatever tower M r as called " bekhcn " in the Egyptian might 
naturally have been called " migdol " in the Hebrew. For ex 
ample, Brugsch says that on the shores of the Mediterranean, at 

1 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 237. 2 Monuments of Upper Egypt, p. 209. 

3 Diet. Geog., p. 648 /. 
* Comp. as above, Isa. 23 : 13; 32: 14; Jer. 6: 27; 2 Kings 9 : 17 ; 17 : 9; 18: 8. 


the place subsequently called Ostracine, " there was a bekhen, or 
tower, which the inscriptions designate as Pa-nakhtu, or the l Con 
queror s Tower of king Seti." l And he mentions that " at this 
point the proper Egyptian boundary ended, and the territory 
of the land of Zahi, which was afterwards the laud of the Philis 
tines, began." He even adds 2 that, in the days of Setee L, this 
bekhen was called " the Tower " [" the Migdol," as the Hebrews 
would have said]. Now if there was a " Tower " (" the Tower ") 
at the extreme territorial limit of Egypt northeasterly, is it not 
more probable that that Tower was referred to by the prophet when 
he spoke of a boundary Tower northward, than that he had in 
mind a Tower at Tell es-Samoot (if ever there was a Tower there), 
which was not at any time a limit of Egypt either eastward or 
northward ? 

It is clear, therefore, that in all the evidence furnished by either 
the Egyptian or the Hebrew records of the location of Samhud, or 
of Migdol, as a northern limit of Egypt, while there is much in 
favor of Damietta for the former, if not indeed for both, and of 
Ostracine for the latter, there is literally nothing that will justify 
the supposition that Tell es-Samoot was the site of either, or that 
it was anywhere in the vicinity of either. 

There is, indeed, no need to suppose that the term Migdol when 
used as a boundary limit, necessarily applied to a single place of 
that name. The migdols were the border towers of the land, the 
well-known accompaniment of the frontier fortresses. When the 
Hebrew prophet would speak of Egypt from its northern to its 
southern bounds, it was sufficient to refer to the stretch from 
border-tower to red-granite mountain, "from Migdol to Syene, 
even unto the border of Ethiopia." 3 Thus to-day, in the United 
States, one might speak of the stretch from prairie-fort to the 

1 Hist, of Egypt, II., 13. See also his Map. 2 Diet. Geoy., p 129. 

Ezelc. 29 : 9, 10 ; 30 : 6. 



Atlantic, from ocean to outpost, without being supposed to have 
in mind one particular fortification of the border ; far less a city 
bearing the name " Prairie-fort " or " Outpost." It is the well- 
known term itself which carries the meaning intended. So with 
the term Migdol as suggesting the northern boundary of Egypt. 
There is no good reason for supposing that there was any city of 
that name on the borders of that land in the days of the Pharaohs 
or of Ezckiel and Jeremiah. 1 All the available evidence is against 
the supposition. See, for example the uses of the term rnigdol in 
this sense, where (2 Kings 17 : 9) the idolatrous high-places of the 
Israelites are said to extend " from the tower [the migdol] of the 
watchman to the fenced city;" and where (2 Kings 18: 8) the 
sweep of Hezekiah s victories over the Philistines is said to be 
thorough, " from the tower [the migdol] of the watchman to the 
fenced city." 

As to the fact that there was a Well of Migdol, or a Migdol of 
the Well, near the return road of Setcc I., as he came from his 
Syrian campaign, it has already been shown that there arc traces 
of such a place in "Bir-Maktal" near the great central road, the 
Way of Shur, into Egypt from Syria. 2 Moreover, according to 
the bas-relief at Karnak, that Migdol was clearly on the Syrian 
side of the line of the Great Wall. Beer-Makhdal answers to this 
requirement ; Tell es-Samoot does not, as a glance at the map 
will show. 

In the records of Ramcses III., there would seem to be even 
less positive testimony, than in those of Setee I., in favor of a 
Migdol at Tell es-Samoot, or its neighborhood. Brugsch speaks 
confidently 3 of "a naval engagement at Migdol, at the mouth of 
the Pelusiac branch of the Nile," in the days of Rameses III. ; 

1 See Jer. 44 : 1 ; 4fi : 14, where Migdol is simply the northern starting-point of the 
sweep of Egypt toward its southern country. 

2 See page 351, supra. * Hist, of Egypt, II., 153. 


and he proceeds to give the details of that engagement from the 
Harris Papyrus, as if that record somehow justified his statement. 
His positiveness so carries away his English editor, Mr. Philip 
Smith, that the latter assumes to cite the " testimony ... of the 
Harris Papyrus, describing Rameses III. encamped (like Israel) 
between Migdol and the sea to witness the victory of his fleet." 1 
But in the translations of the Harris Papyrus as given by Brugsch 
in his " History," 2 or as published in the " Records of the Past," 3 
there is no mention of Migdol ; nor is there any indication of the 
naval engagement as " at the mouth of the Pelusiac branch of the 
Nile," or in the region of Tell es-Samoot. The basis of Brugsch s 
claim is, probably, the pictured records of Rameses III., on the 
walls of the temple of Medeenet-Aboo at Thebes. A naval com 
bat of that king s reign is represented there; and as Mariette Bey 
says : 4 " The scene is laid either close to the coast, or at the 
mouth of some river." Possibly it was off the coast from Ostracine. 
One of the pictures of this series represents the king, on his return 
to Egypt, stopping " at a fortified place called Migdol en Rameses- 
Hak-On, " the Tower of Rameses, Lord of On, in order to 
count the number of hands cut off from the vanquished in the 
battle. Where this Migdol was, is not indicated in the picture. 
It may have been the Migdol near Ostracine ; or again it may 
have been the Migdol near the Phatnitic mouth of the Nile, at the 
pre-eminent Samhud there. Certainly it would appear from its 
name that it was somewhere else than at "the Migdol of king Seti 
Mineptah," which Brugsch would locate at Tell es-Samoot. 

It is, indeed, true that the Antonine Itinerary locates a Magdolum 
at twelve Roman miles southerly from Pelusium ; and that this 
identification would suit the site of Tell es-Samoot, as it might 
suit a number of sites within a considerable sweep east and west. 

1 Hist, of Egypt, II., 427, note. 2 Ibid., II., 153-155. 

8 Vol. VI., pp. 23 70 ; Vol. VIII., pp. 5-52. * Hon. of Upper Egypt, p. 221. 


This evidence is, in fact, the only item of proof that there was ever 
a trace of a " Migdol " at Tell es-Samoot at any time in the his 
tory of the race. And the Antonine Itinerary does not, in whole 
or in part, go far back of the beginning of the Christian era. At 
the best it shows only that, say fifteen centuries after the days of 
the exodus, there was a station on a Roman road from Pelusium 
southward to Serapeum, which bore a name based on the old 
Hebrew term Migdol, a name then held by various places, stretch 
ing from the Magdala on the shores of the Sea of Galilee in the 
north, 1 to the Magdala among the mountains of Abyssinia 2 in 
the south. 3 

In fact, although it is not easy to find any proof that there was 
a Migdol in the neighborhood of Tell es-Samoot in the days of 
the Pharaohs, it is easy to show that there were more or less 
Egyptian Migdols elsewhere in that age, notwithstanding the un 
qualified assertion of Brugsch that he has found no other Mig 
dol mentioned "in the Egyptian geographical texts, among 
more than three thousand geographical proper names." 4 Apart 
from the " Makthcl," on the Karnak list of places conquered by 
Thotmcs III., which Brngsch identifies with "Migdol/ 5 but 
whether or not with his Tell es-Samoot-Migdol, does not appear, 6 
the latter certainly finds in the scribe s report (already referred to) 

1 The supposed home of Mary Magdal-ene. See Neubauer s Gcog. du Talmud, 
p. 216 /. 

2 Where King Theodore committed suicide, April 13, 1868 ; and for the capture of 
which General Napier was created Baron of Magdala. 

3 Perizonius (JEqypl. Orir/., p. 41 6) discussing the ancient cities of Egypt and Pales 
tine says that there were often many cities of one name; " certainly there were many 

4 Hist, of Egypt, II., 3,82. *>Ibid., I., 392. 

6 The place of this name in the lists would seem to indicate that it is in central or 
upper Palestine; but as Brugsch insists (Hist, of Egypt, II., 12, 132) that up to the 
time of Setee I. the Shasoo still claimed the eastern Delta as their own, it is more 
than possible that he looks upon this " Migdol " as the one of which, in his opinion, 
Tell es-Samoot covers the remains. 


concerning the fugitive slaves, a mention of a Migdol which has 
an identity quite by itself, at the same time that it indicates the 
probability of other " Migdols " from which it is to be distin 

It is " the Migdol of king Seti Miueptah " which the fugitives 
are said to have passed. 1 If there was but one Migdol in Lower 
Egypt, why was it necessary to distinguish it in this manner ? 
Does not this distinctive description in itself furnish presumptive 
evidence of the existence of more Migdols than one ; of a Migdol 
which was not " the Migdol of king Seti-Mineptah," as well as of 
a Migdol which was? As if to put the proof of his own error 
beyond all dispute, Brugsch further admits that he finds mention 
of a "Migdol Ilameses Haqau," 2 in the days of Ilameses III.; and 
this is at least the fourth Migdol which he reports out of the texts 
where he is confident that only one is named. 

The simple truth is, that Brugsch is so possessed of his " pre 
conceived theory of the exodus," and so swayed by its supposed 
necessities, that he deliberately takes " Migdol," " Pa-Migdol," 
" the Migdol of king Seti-Mineptah," " the Migdol of Ilameses 
Haqan," and all the other Migdols of the monuments and the 
papyri, and piles one of them on the other, at the site of Tell es- 
Samoot, saying to his admiring and enthusiastic followers : " Go 
to, let us build us a city, and a tower [a migdol ], whose top may 
reach unto heaven ; and let us make us a name." 3 And the result 
of this Migdol-building is the same as at the Migdol of Babel : 
there is a confusion of language among those who would have a 
part in it, or who would learn of the facts involved ; so " that they 
may not understand one another s speech " without the aid of a 

l llist. ofEyypt, II., 138, 389. See pages 47, 363, supra. 

2 Diet. Geog., p. 310. This is, doubtless, the Migdol of Ilameses- Haq-On, pictured 
at Medeenet Aboo, as mentioned on page 371, supra. 

Gen. 11: 4* 


studious and an unbiassed interpreter. And this is what Mr. 
Philip Smith points to approvingly as " the geographical determi 
nation of the places in question," as over against " the invention of 
sites to suit a preconceived theory of the exodus ! " l 

Traces of more than one Migdol in Lower Egypt are not lack 
ing in the Arabic and Coptic nomenclature of that region. Cham- 
polliou 2 pointed out two places there which bear the Coptic name 
" Meshtol " 3 by which the Coptic version renders the name Mig 
dol in Exodus 14: 2. Ebers 4 would see a correspondence of the 
Coptic " Meshtol " with the Arabic " Maschtul/ 5 and " of such 
Maschtuls " he says " there were a moderately great number, accord 
ing to the tax-list given by Silvestre de Sacy in his translation of 
Abd-el-Latccf." At all events, in addition to these supposed 
identifications, it is evident that there are traces of an ancient 
Migdol in the neighborhood of each of the three great roads 
through the Great Wall desertward, as might be supposed from the 
necessities of the case, in a fortification like that. 

1. A Migdol at the central road, or the Way of Shur, stands 
out in unmistakable identity in the Beer Makhdal, already referred 
to. 6 In the preservation of the name of an ancient site in Arabic, 
there is far stronger proof of identity than can be furnished in the 
filtration of that name through the Greek or Latin. In this in 
stance, the Arabic name corresponds closely with the Hebrew and 
the Egyptian. The engineers who made the surveys for the great 
map of the French Commission 7 at the close of the last century, 
entered that name on their charts in Arabic characters, the phonetic 
force of which was nearly identical with the Egyptian characters 

1 Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 423, note. 

2 L Eyypte sous les Pharaons, II., 69 /., 79 /. 3 Coptic, JJteXETJXUuV 

4 Gosen zum Sinai, p. 523. 5 Arabic, JJLM*XJ . 6 g ee page 351, supra. 

7 " Carte Topographiqne," in Descrip. de I Eyyptc. It will hardly be claimed that 
the savants of the French Republic of 1798 were influenced in their scientific 
researches by any preconceived theory of the Hebrew exodus. 


that marked the site of that well on the earliest known map in the 
world s history, 1 as still preserved on the temple walls of Karuak. 
2. Although there is no Arabic vestige of a Migdol near the 
northernmost road, or the Way of the Laud of the Philistines, the 
reference to a Magdolum iu the Antoiiiue Itinerary gives a proba 
ble trace of the ancient site of a Migdol in that vicinity. But 
whether that site is at Tell el-Heer, as supposed by many, 2 or at 
Tell Sahau, as suggested by Pococke, 3 or at Tell es-Samoot, as ad 
vocated by Brugsch and others, 4 is by no means clear; nor is it of 
much importance as bearing on the point now at issue that there 
was a Migdol near the northernmost road into Egypt from the 
East. There is much in favor of the site of Tell el-Heer, from 
its superior advantages for the place of a look out tower. " From 
the height of the eminence occupied by these ruins," say Joanne 
and Isambert, 5 " the eye embraces an extended horizon." " It is 
at once evident to the eye," adds Chester, 6 " that this was an im 
portant frontier fortress, and its importance is such as to justify its 
being considered the Migdol, or Fortress, par excellence, and to 
justify the Greeks in continuing and perpetuating its more ancient 
name under that of Magdolon." The claim of Lepsius, as rein 
forced by Brugsch, 7 that Tell el-Heer is a vestige of " the ancient 

1 It may be a question whether this map is earlier than the map of the gold mines, 
preserved in a papyrus at the Turin museum (reprodueed in fac-simile iu Chabas 
Inscriptions des Mines d Or, at p. 30). 

2 Joanne and Isambert s Itineraire de L Orient, p. 1013; Smith s Ancient Atlas, 
Map 39 ; Keith Johnston s map of " Modern Egypt and Sinai " in The Bible Atlas; 
Chester, in Surv. of West. Pal., " Special Papers," p. 100, etc. 

3 Map in Descrip. of the East. 

*IIist. of Egypt, I., 237 /., II., 381 ; Lepsius s Denkm., Abth. I., Bl. 3; Smith s 
Ancient Atlas, Map 33 ; Map of Egypt, in A Thousand Miles up the Nile, etc. 

5 Itineraire, as above. 6 " Special Papers," Surv. of West. Pal., p. 100. 

7 Hist, of Egypt, I., 235 ff., 270; II., 428, 431. It is true that Brugsch says in one 
place lhat " there is scarcely a hope of ever again finding the ancient site of the lost 
Hyksos city of Avaris " (I., 237) , but then again he says: " Lepsius, after his jour- 


Hau ar, (or Avaris,) of the Egyptian texts," by no means conflicts 
with the idea that the Migdol which guarded the northernmost 
highway into Egypt was located at this point. It is certainly as 
reasonable to suppose that there was a Migdol at the metropolis of 
Avaris eastward, as that there was a Migdol at the metropolis of 
Samhud (Damietta), northward. As against the claim that Tell 
es-Samoot was the site of a Migdol, it would seem rather that a 
lookout tower is needed to recognize that site, than that it marks 
the site of a lookout tower. Chester was unable to find its loca 
tion, or to get any track of it from the Arabs of the region ques 
tioned by him. 1 Although Brugsch still insists, and with reason, 
that the site was known by its present name as early as the four 
teenth century, that it is known by all the authors " of modern 
times, and that no doubt can exist on the subject of this identi 
fication," he does not claim that it occupies a commanding position 
for a look-out tower, over against a royal highway into ancient 
Egypt ; and as every other reason suggested by him for its identi 
fication with Migdol has been shown to have no weight, it can 
now hardly be said that Tell es-Samoot is to be compared with 
Tell el-Heer for that identification. But, at Tell el-Hecr, or at 
some other point in that region, there is a site of the Magdolum of 
the Antonine Itinerary, which in its time marked the site of the 
earlier Migdol that guarded the northernmost highway into 
Egypt ; and so there are found traces of a Migdol for the "Way of 
the Land of the Philistines, as for a Migdol of the "Way of Shur. 
3. At the southern road also, the " "Way of the Wilderness of 
the Red Sea," there are Arabic traces of the Migdol we should ex 
pect to find there. A short distance to the northwest of Suez, 

ney to these regions proved, in a clear and perfect manner, the identity of Tell el- 
Hir with the Hau ar, or Avaris of the Egyptian texts " (II., 431). Brugsch can be 
depended on for both sides of almost any question which has the possibility of a 
two-fold advantage, in the story of the exodus. 

iSurv. of West. Pal., "Special Papers," p. 99 /. 


beyond Qala at Ajrood, there is a station, or a pass, known as 
El-Maktal, 1 El-Muktala? El-Muntala? El-Muntula* Montala, 5 or 
El-Mukhdfeh. 6 It is directly on the line of the Hajj route, and 
near the track noted by Brugsch as the " Way of the Bed ween 
into Ancient Egypt." The Arabic names for " tower," and " watch- 
tower," and " outlook," are various, including mejdel, 1 muntdr* 
muntarah, 9 mutattah; 10 and the elements of these names are found 
in the alternative designations of the pass in question, 11 with the 
exception of the last named (El-Mukhd/eK), and that suggests a 
place of danger. 12 Wilkinson 13 judged " from its name and posi 
tion," that this represents " the Migdol of the Bible." It is at a 
point near which one would naturally expect to find an outlook 
station, 14 for guarding that entrance into Egypt from the eastward. 

1 See Wilson s Lands of the Bible, I., 45. 

2 Wilkinson s Mod. Egypt and Thebes, I., 303; Strauss s Sinai und Golyatha, 
p. 91 ; Keith Johnston s Royal Atlas, Map 42 ; Clark and Grove s Bible Atlas, 
p. 17 ; A Thousand Miles uj) the Nile, Map ; etc. 

3 Lepsius s Denkm., Abth. 1, Bl. 3; Baedeker s Lower Egypt, Map of "Suez 
Canal," etc. 

4 Robinson s Bib. Res., I., 44; Smith s Anc. Atlas, map 39; Murray s Syria and 
Pal., Map of Lower Egypt ; etc.. 

5 Burckhardt s Travels in Syria, p. 629. 

6 This is given as an alternative name by Robinson (Bib. Res., I., 44), with the 
meaning "fear; " and it appears in Lepsius s Denkm., Abth. 1, Bl. 3. 

7 J J^SXX . See Surv. of West. Pal., " Name Lists," pp. 30, 62, 85, 114, 131, etc. 

jaic . 2bid., pp. 131, 151, 165, 205, 235, etc. 
). Ibid., p. 186. 10 xJJoXJ Ibid., pp. 30, 432. 

11 Eli Smith (in Robinson s Bib. Res., III., 223, first ed.) gives "the ascent" 
as the meaning of el-Muntula; but the illustrations already cited from the Survey of 
Western Palestine show that the name suggests an ascent as for an outlook. 

Robinson s Bib. Res., L, 44. " Mod. Egypt and Thebes, I., 303. 

"Strangely enough Keil and Delitzsch (Bib. Com. at Exod. 14: 2) object to iden 
tifying this name with Migdol, on the ground " that a tower f/^ JO") [migdol] does 
not indicate a watch-tower (Ha^p) [mitspeh]. Yet it is clear that "migdol" is so 
applied and rendered again and again in the Old Testament. " The tower [migdol] 
of the watchman " (2 Kings 17 : 9 ; 18 ; 8) ; " There stood a watchman on the tower 
[migdol]" (2 Kings.!?: 17), etc. 


Several roads from the north and west come together just before 
reaching this point, and here is a turn of the main highway toward 
the lied Sea and the Hajj route at the head of that sea. 1 A hill 
near the pass bears the same name as the pass ; 2 and Burckhardt 
tells of it as still used as a lookout station by robbers. 3 Laborde 4 
also saw an identification with the ancient Migdol in this Arabic 
name. The very fact that the resemblances are various in the 
varying names of the place, gives added force to the reasons in 
support of this identification ; for it shows that there has been no 
modern fixing of the old site in Arabic nomenclature. 5 In spite of 
all forgetfulness of the earlier signification of the name/ and in 
spite of all the warping influences of a hundred generations, the 
unmistakable traces of the original name are there. 

And so we find that " Migdol " is not the name of a single city ; 

1 Mod. Egypt and TJiebes, pp. 302-308. 2 See Robinson s Bib. Res., L, 44. 

3 Travels in Syria, p. G29. 

4 Laborde is cited, to this effect, by Dr. Wilson (Lands of the Bible, I., 45). 

5 In his partisan advocacy of Brugsch s one-Migdol claim, Philip Smith (Hist, of 
Egyi>t, II., 427, note) says sweepingly : "A Migdol near the Gulf of Suez is a purely 
imaginary site invented to suit that theory " whatever " that theory " may be. But 
it is evident that the old-time Arabs were responsible for this " invention." 

6 It even seems that the modern Arabs would call this place Maqtaleh ( jjJLxJLo ) 
"slaughter," or the "place of slaughter" (of Pharaoh s host?), as a change from 
Makhdal ( JcX^oo ), or Mcjdel ( JjLSXX) ) a "tower;" through their habit of 
applying an odd name, of forgotten signification, under a new form, or with a new 
meaning. (See Wilkinson and Wilson, as above.) But the alternative designations of 
the place stand as added proofs of the earlier meaning. In illustration of the habit 
of the Arabs here referred to, see Palmer s Desert of the Exodus, I., 20, " In many 
parts of Palestine we find the Hebrew words just sufficiently distorted from their 
original form to give them an intelligible Arabic meaning. In Wady Feiran, for 
example, there is an evident reminiscence of the ancient name Paran. The Bedawin 
are unable to pronounce the letter^, and the word becoming Faran, the Valley of 
Mice, a mime which would appear particularly applicable to a place where their 
monkish predecessors had covered the hill-sides with excavated tombs and cells 
resembling, as the natives say, the burrows of field mice or jerboas." See also Surv. 
of West. Pal., "Name Lists," p. 53 (En-Nakurah}. 


but is a common noun applied to many an outlook-tower in 
Egypt and beyond. And especially are there traces of a Migdol 
at, or near, each of the three great highways out of Lower Egypt 
eastward. This leaves still untouched the question, Which Migdol 
is referred to in the Bible story of the Exodus ? 


A similar error to that so commonly made with reference to Mig 
dol, has misled students at several other points in the exodus story. 
The search has been for the site of a city or a town, when no city or 
town was referred to in the Bible record. As Etham was a Wall, 
and as Migdol was a Tower, so the earlier stations of Succoth and 
Rameses were districts or regions, and not cities of which the 
ruins are likely to be unearthed in the course of later Egyptian re 

There has been a vast deal of discussion over the probable site 
of the city of Rameses; and there have been attempts to show 
that the treasure-city, 1 or more properly the grain-magazine, 2 

1 Exod. 1 : 11. 

2 " It is said of the Israelites (Exod. 1 : 11), They built for Pharaoh treasure cities, 
Pithom and Raamses (v ujyeben arai meskinoth le-Phare oh eth-Pithom va-tth 
Ra amses ODn^TnXl DnzmK n;naS rnjDDO "\y p"0- Whatever the Egyptolo 

gists may bring forward to prove the word meskinoth (niJDDO) Egyptian, the unpre 
judiced investigator cannot part with the conviction that it is a regularly formed 
Hebrew word, and comes from a genuine Hebrew root. Meskinoth (niJDDO) means 
nothing else than magazines in which grain and food were stored. See 2 Chron. 32: 
28, magazines (oomeskinoth lethbooath dagan ve-tee rosh ve-yitshar riSOSTV? mjDD"}!,) 
inn UMVm pi for the tithes of grain, wine and oil. In Deut. 8: 9 it is said of 
Palestine: A land in which thou shalt not eat bread out of magazines [as in 
Egypt] (Erets asher lo bimeskenuth tokal beh lekhcm. SjDXn nJOD03 N 1 ? 
DnS D2)- That meskenuth /T\J3pO"\ signifies the same as meskinoth 
certainly will not be disputed. Pithom and Raamses, then, were towns in which 
reserves of bread stuffs lay stored." (Graetz s Oesch. d. Juden, I., 382.) 

The treasure cities, or store cities, were probably erections at the termini or prin- 


named in our English version as " Raamses," l one of the two 
treasuries built by the Hebrews during the period of the oppres 
sion, was the same as " Rameses," the starting point of the Israelites 
on their exodus. 2 It has been claimed, with a good show of 
reason, that the city of Zoan, 3 or Tanis, 4 or San, 5 was the capital 
city of Rameses II. and his sons ; and the further claim lias been 
made (although that point is in dispute), that this city, having 
been enlarged and practically rebuilt by Rameses II., received the 
name " Rameses" at that time. And out of all this discussion 
there has come the popular opinion, that the starting point of the 
Israelites was at the capital of the Pharaohs. Yet this opinion 
not only has no syllabic of proof on which to rest, in the Bible 
text ; but it is in direct conflict with the specific statements and 
the general tenor of that text. 

When the Hebrews came into Egypt, in the days of Joseph, 
they were assigned a dwelling-place in the land of Goshen. 7 The 
region given to them at that time is called by prolepsis " the land 
of Rameses." 8 This may mean that it was the land on the verge 
of which they afterwards built the treasure-city Raamses, or 

cipal stations of the caravan routes, such as are seen at the present day, for the ac 
commodation of merchandise." (Wilson s Lands of Bible, I., 119.) 

Saadia (the Arabic translator of the Bible), for the term "treasure cities," gives 
"cities, magazines. 1 So, again, does Eli Smith in the modern Arabic version. 
1 Exod. 1:11. Exod. 12 : 37 ; Num. 33 : 3. 

3 "Zoan" is the name given in the Hebrew text (Num. 13: 22; Psa. 73: 12, 43; 
Isa 19: 11, 13; 30: 4; Ezek. 30: 14). It differs but slightly from that given in the 
Egyptian records. (See Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 383; Ebers s Gosen zurn Sinai, 
p. 512 /. ; Poole s Cities of Egypt, p. 80 /.) 

4 "Tanis" (Tawf), is the Greek form and it appears in the Septuagint. 

5 " San " is the modern Arabic name. 

6 See Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 97-103; 383-380; Poole s Cities of Eyypt, pp. 
81-84. Ebers thinks (see his Gosen zum Sinai, pp. 512-518) that there were two 
cities bearing that name ; one at the site of Zoan, and the other in the region of the 
land of Goshen. 

" Gen. 46 : 28-34 ; 47 : 1-6, 27. 8 Gen. 47 : 11. 


Rameses. But if, as is commonly supposed, they came to Egypt 
under a Hykshos Pharaoh, whose court was at Tanis, 1 or at Mem 
phis, 2 or at Avaris, 3 they certainly were not in close proximity to 
that capital city (whichever city it was) ; for they merely settled in 
" the laud of Rameses " with a particular view to their separation 
from the Egyptian capital and court of then. 4 

At the time of the conferences of Moses with Pharaoh, over the 
release of the Israelites from bondage, when the Lord " wrought 
his signs in Egypt, and his wonders in the field of Zoan," 5 it is 
evident that " the land of Rameses," in Goshen, where the 
Israelites had their dwelling, was quite distinct and apart from the 
capital city of Lower Egypt ; and that even Moses himself was not 
then a dweller near the court of Pharaoh. When the plague of 
hail came, " and the hail smote throughout all the land of Egypt 
all that was in the field, both man and beast," then "in the land 
of Goshen, where the children of Israel were, was there no hail." 6 
And this was but a repetition of the division shown between 
Goshen and the rest of Egypt in the plague of flies. 7 So, again, 
when " there was a thick darkness in all the land of Egypt three 
days," " all the children of Israel had light in their dwellings " 
in Goshen. 8 And during all the period of those plagues, Moses 
and Aaron went back and forth between the city of Pharaoh s 
abode and the homes of the Israelites, as if the two places were at 
a considerable distance apart. The Lord s command came more 
than once to Moses, in- words that in Oriental speech are indicative 

1 Robinson s Bib. Res., I., ."> ; Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 300-302, 306 ; Lenormant 
and Chevallier s Anc. Hist, of the East, I., 197, 223; Philip Smith s Anc. Hist, of the 
East, p. 98; Bartlett s Egypt to Pal., p. 122, etc. 

2 Wilson s Lands of the Bible, I., 116^.; Birch s Egypt, p. 75; Palmer s Des. of 
Exod., I., 270, etc.; Sharpe, in Bartlett s Forty Days, p. 25 /. 

3 Poole s Cities of Egypt, p. 71 /.; Birch s Egypt, p. 75; Sharpe s Hist, of Egypt, 
I., 30 /., etc. 

* Gen. 46 : 28. 5 Psa. 78 : 43. 

8 Exod. 9 : 26. 1 Exod. 8 : 22. 8 Exod. 10 : 21-23. 


of a start for a journey : " Rise up early in the morning, and stand 
before Pharaoh." And when Moses returned from the mission on 
which he had thus been sent, " Moses went out of the city from 
Pharaoh." 2 

A search for the site of the city of Rameses is a very laudable 
pursuit ; and if it could be shown that the city of Rameses was the 
capital city of the Pharaohs in the days of the exodus, and if its 
site could be established incoutrovertibly, then at least it would be 
an established and an incontrovertible fact, that there was the sure 
site of one place in Lower Egypt from which the Israelites did not 
start. When the children of Israel came into Egypt, they settled 
down " in the land of Rameses," which was in, or which was, 
"the land of Goshen." AVhcu they started out of Egypt, " the 
children of Israel removed from Rameses " " the land of 
Rameses/ which was in, or which was, " the laud of Goshen." 
Tlie land of Goshen may have had the new treasure-city (or grain 
magazine) of Raamses, or of Rameses, on its border ; but that city 
was not an abode of the Israelites ; nor was it a starting point of 
their exodus. Their starting point was " the land," or the district, 
" of Rameses." 

The land of Goshen, in which, or which was, the land of Rameses, 
is fairly well identified. The various references to it in the Bible 
text and on the Egyptian monuments, as well as later historical data, 3 

1 Exoil. 8: 20; 9: 13. The Hebrew term employed here (03$, shakham, to "put 
on the shoulder ) is an Oriental phrase applied to getting ready for a caravan start. 
"It seems to signify, primarily, to load up camels and other beasts of burden, which 
among the nornades is done very early in the morning ; hence to set off early. " 
(Gesenius s Heb. Lex., s. v. "shakham.") See also Fiirst s Ilcb. und Chald. Wbrterb.: 
" to load up." Compare the Bible uses of this word as noted in Young s Analyt. 
Concord.: Gen. 22: 3; 23: 18; 31: 55; Num. 14: 40; Josh. 3: 1, etc. 

2 Exod. 6 : 20. 

3 See Robinson s Bib. Res., I., 51-53; Wilson s Lands of the Bible, I., 117; 
Brtigsch s Hist, of -Egypt, II., 340, 369, 443; Ebers s Gosen zum Sinai, pp. 500-513; 
Bartlett s Egypt to Pal., pp. 129-137 ; Poole s Cities of Egypt, pp. 92-96. 


all go to fix it as including the "Wady Toornilat 1 (which sweeps 
from above Cairo, northerly and easterly toward Lakes Timsah 
and Ballah), together with more or less of the country on either 
side of that wady. Ebers 2 outlines this region graphically, 
when he says : " As far as it is possible to fix its ancient limitations, 
it exhibits the form of a cornucopia, bounded toward the east, at the 
widest end or opening of the cornucopia, by the water-way [the series 
of lakes through which runs the Suez Canal] that divides Africa from 
Asia. The fresh-water canal which already existed at the time of 
the sojourn of the Jews in Egypt, and which was reopened by M. de 
Lcsscps, washes its southern frontier : the lake of Menzaleh lies to 
the north of it, and to the west the Taniticarm of the Nile which 
has now dwindled to a narrow watercourse." There are many who 
would not carry the Gosheu district west of the Pelusiac arm of the 
Nile, but who would extend it southward somewhat below the fresh 
water canal. Apart from these differences, however, the boundaries 
indicated by Ebers would be generally accepted among scholars. 

It was from their many homes in the length and breadth of this 
land of Rameses-Goshen, that the Israelites took their hurried 
start after that first passover night, which inaugurated their exodus. 
"And the children of Israel journeyed from Ixameses to Succoth, 
about six hundred thousand on foot that were men, beside children. 
And a mixed multitude went up also with them ; and flocks and 
herds, even very much cattle." 3 It was from no single city that 
such a host as that went out. Xor did they seek a city as a place 
of rendezvous. Any research which looks to identifying the re- 

1 " The general situation of Goshen is conceded. And whatever question may exist 
as to its extent, it is agreed that the Wady Tumilat was a part of it ; was, in the lan 
guage of Schleidcn, the kernel of it. We may also consider it an admitted fact 
that, in accordance with the testimony of Aristotle, Strabo and Pliny, corroborated 
by the evidence of ancient remains, and accepted by such writers as Bunsen, 
Brugsch, Wilkinson and Mariette, the canal from the Nile ran along that wady." 
(Bartlett s Egypt to Pal., p. 156.) 

1 Pict. Egypt., L, 87 /. s Exod. 12 : 37-38. 


mains of some city starting-point, or of some hotel stopping-place, 
of the Israelites in tlicir exodus, will be misdirected effort in its 
immediate object. Yet there has been a great deal of fruitless dis 
cussion over the possibilities and the results of such research. 1 

" And the children of Israel removed from Rameses, and pitched 
in Succoth." : It would appear that up to this time there had been 
no assembling of this people fora common movement. They were 
not brought together for a start from the land of Rameses-Goshen. 

o o 

In the evening each family in its own home had eaten of the pass- 
over meal. During the night an order had been issued for a 
hurried start on the long- planned pilgrimage. " On the morrow 
after the passover the children of Israel went out with a high hand 
in the sight of all the Egyptians." 3 Moving out from their various 
homes in the land of Rameses-Goshen, the Israelites must first find 
their way to a common rendezvous, in order to their united move 
ment, as one people, from Egypt into the wilderness beyond. 
That place of their rendezvous was Succoth. 


It is not necessary to suppose that all the Israelites reached 
Succoth on the day of their hurried start from their homes in 
Rameses-Goshen. There is nothing in the Bible text that requires 
such a supposition ; and there is much in the nature of the case to 

1 Since the above was written, a striking illustration of this mode of treating the 
exodus of the Israelites as if it were the journey of a commercial traveler, is given 
in Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole s sketch of The Discovery of Pithom-Succoth," in the 
" British Quarterly Review " (for July, 1883) : I have not only walked within the 
very rooms which the Israelites built, but I have slept a night where the Israelites 
slept anight when Moses led them out of the land of Egypt." Almost anywhere 
along the route from the Delta to Sinai, aman would have to sleep by day and travel 
by night, if he would avoid sleeping a night where some of the Israelites slept a 
night when Moses led them out of the land of Egypt. 

2 Num. 33: 5. 3 Num. 33: 3. 


forbid it. The start was made on the fifteenth day of the new 
year of the Israelites. 1 "On the fifteenth day of the second 
month after their departing out of the laud of Egypt, " 2 they came to 
"the Wilderness of Sin," which was their eighth station beyond 
Rameses-Goshen. At the briefest, the intervening period was a 
full month; 3 which had been spent at or between the stations 
named. This gives an average of say four days to each stage. 
From the intimations of the time occupied between the lied Sea 
and Elim, 4 it might even be supposed that ten days would be an 
ample period for the movement and rest on that side of the Egyp 
tian border ; leaving twenty days between the hurried start of the 
Israelites from their homes, and their midnight crossing of the 
Red Sea. 5 This would easily allow several days for the gathering 
at the Succoth rendezvous. 

Uncalled-for barriers to an understanding of the Bible narrative 
have been raised, by a popular belief that all the preparations of 
the Israelites for their departure out of Egypt had to be made 
during the passover night, and that the first stage of their journey 
was passed before the morning of the coming day. Nothing of 
that sort can be fairly inferred from the Bible text. 

i Comp. Exod. 12 : 1-20, 20-39 ; Num. 33 : 3. 2 Exod. 1C : 1. 

3 This would seem, on the face of it, to be the plain meaning of the text. They 
went out from Rameses on the fifteenth day of the first month ; they came to Sin on 
the fifteenth day of the second month. So think "Rashi" ( al ha-Torah) ; Bush (Notes 
on Exod.) ; Murphy (Com. on Exodus); all in loco; Kurtz (Hist, of Old Cov., III., 
12) and others. But Canon Cook (Speaker s Com. in loco) speaks of the time as 
" two months and a half," and again as "six weeks," and Geikie (Hours with thr 
Bible, II., 176) seems to think that the computation of time at Elim dates from the 
passage of the Red Sea, and that ten weeks or more may have elapsed after the pass- 
over-night, before Pharaoh started in pursuit of the Hebrews. 
4 Comp. Exod. 15 : 22-27 ; Num. 33 : 8-10. 

"According to Jewish tradition, the passage through the sea and the song of 
Moses belong to the seventh day after the celebration of the passover in Egypt. We 
have no decisive evidence to the contrary; at the same time it cannot be. positively 
established from the original narrative." (Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., II., 307.) 


While Moses was yet in the wilderness of Horeb, the whole 
plan of the wonders in Egypt, with their sure result, was foretold 
to him, and he was directed to lay it all before the elders of his 
people. 1 Then it was, also, that the instructions were issued, that 
the Israelites in making ready for their leaving Egypt should ask 
the customary gifts 2 (" bakhshecsh" such gifts arc called in the 
East to-day 3 ) from those whom they had served, and among whom 
they had lived ; now that they were to leave that land and go out 
on a sacred pilgrimage, for an observance of a sacred feast. 4 

. 3: 1-22. 

2 At the three clays festival which follows Ramadan, the month of fasting, in 
modern Egypt, as in other Muhammadan countries, "servants and other dependents 
receive presents of new articles of clothing from their masters or patrons ; and the 
servant receives presents of small sums of money from his master s friends, whom, if 
they do not visit his master, he goes to congratulate ; as well as from any former 
master." (Lane s Thousand and One Nights, p. 6 2f.) A Turkish writer (Oscanyan, 
in The Snltitn and His People, p. 86 f.) speaks of the generous giving to the poorer 
pilgrims who are starting for Mekkeh : " But few can withhold a tribute. The miser 
opens his hoards, and the widow adds her slender mite ; the grandee and the slave, 
one and all, gladly answer the appeal of their fellows," at such a time. A person 
coming back from a pilgrimage may bring presents. " When a person arrives from 
a foreign country, he generally brings some articles of the produce or merchandise of 
the country as presents to his friends. Thus, pilgrims returning from the holy places 
bring water of Zemzem, dust from the prophet s torn 1 ), etc., for this purpose." (Thou 
sand and One Nights I., 23.) But departing gviests would expect to receive gifts 
rather than to give them (See Pierotti s Customs and Traditions of PuL, p. 89). 
This, although the cry for bakhshcesh is now often raised against those who go as 
well as against those who come. 

3 This term, in one form or another, with the uniform idea of a present or gift, is 
in tise from the Straits of Gibraltar to India. 

4 " Let my people go, that they may hold a feast [literally, a fchag (JH), or a hajj] 
unto me in the wilderness " (Exod. 5 : 1), was the first message of God to Pharaoh at 
the hand of Moses. The hajj of the East means more than a mere pilgrimage jour 
ney. From time immemorial it has included the idea of circumambulatory movements 
in some way, as the Hebrew word here used would indicate. (See Gesenius and 
Fiirst, s. v.) Making a sevenfold circuit of the sacred Ka aba at Mekkeh, and 
making a similar circuit of the sacred sepulchre in the Church of the Holy Sepul 
chre at Jerusalem, are but illustrations of the well-nigh universal idea. It is illus- 


In the Hebrew, there is no necessary suggestion of any " bor 
rowing " from the Egyptians, as if with a proposal to return the 
things received. The term employed means " ask," l rather than 
" borrow." It evidently refers to the custom, which is fresh 
now as always in the unchangeable East, of soliciting a gift on the 
eve of a departure, or on the closing of any term of service of any 
sort whatsoever. 2 That this was the custom in that day, as it is now, 

trated again in the primitive ceremony at the annual feast, or hajj, at the ancient tomb 
of Neby-Saleh, near Mount Sinai (see Palmer s Des. of Exod., I., 50/., 262-264) ; 
also in the common method of worship at the chapel-tomb of any Arab saint (see 
Lane s Tliousand and One Nights, I., 215). The circuit by which the Israelites were 
led in all their pilgrimage, until it ended by their sevenfold circuit of the city of 
Jericho (Josh. 6 : 2-6, 20), and then moved every man straight before him into the 
first secured stronghold of their new inheritance, was longer and stranger than they 
had dreamed of. 

1 Shaal n\R&\ " To ask for either by way of demand or entreaty." (Gesenius s 
Heb. Lex., s. v.) This is precisely the idea of "bakhsheesh." 

2 "In Palestine men are born, live and die, to the one tune bakhshish, bakh 
shish, " says Pierotti (Customs and Traditions of Pal., p. 88 ff.). "It may perhaps 
be said," he adds, " that the custom exists generally in the East, and this is tme ; 
but it is nowhere so rampant and so unreasonable as in Palestine." Yet he who 
enters the East at Egypt will be likely to think that there is the region above all 
others, where the asking of gifts (for the call for bakhsheesh is distinct from begging) 
is the surest accompaniment of meeting and of parting. Burton says (Pilgrimage to 
El Mcdinah. etc., p. 121): " Bakhshish was the last as well as the first odious 
sound I heard in Egypt." And Macgregor, (7?oft Roy on the Jordan, p. 20), who 
entered the East at Egypt and went thence to Palestine, has re-phrased and extended 
this statement in his testimony : " Backshish ! was the first cry I heard in the East ; 
and the last I heard there, after wandering long, was Backshish ! " As to the cor 
respondence of this custom with that of olden time, Pierotti says confidently. " The 
Arabs only follow (though carrying to excess) the practice of the Hebrews in the 
matter of bakhshish." There could hardly be a better illustration of the extent to 
which this asking of bakhsheesh is carried throughout the East, than that given in 
the experience of Burckhardt, who learned so much of the ways of the Arabs, and 
who told it so well. He moved among them as one of them. Wherever he went he 
found them accustomed to ask gifts not only on any occasion when there was a show 
of reason for it, but also whenever they knew that a person had anything worth ask 
ing for. "An article of dress, or of equipment, which the poorest townsman would be 


is indicated in many Bible references to the giving of gifts ; l but 
more explicitly in the divine command to the Israelites themselves 
not to forget the bakhshcesh when they released a servant at the be 
ginning of the sabbatical year : " And when thou scndest him ont free 
from thec, thou shalt not let him go away empty : thou shalt fur 
nish him liberally out of thy flock, and out of thy [threshing] 
floor, and out of thy winepress : of that wherewith the Lord thy 
God hath blessed thcc thou shalt give unto him." And, as if the 
receiving of gifts from the Egyptians was to be brought to mind 
by this observance of the custom which was in that instance illus 
trated, it is added : " And thou shalt remember that thou wast a 
bondman in the land of Egypt, and the Lord thy God redeemed 

ashamed to wear, is still a covetable article with the Bedouins," he said. "They 
set no bounds to their demands ; delicacy is unknown among them, nor have they 
any word to express it. If indeed one persists in refusing, they never take the tiling 
by force ; but it is extremely difficult to resist their eternal supplications and com 
pliments without yielding at last." When he had given away as a present, or had 
exchanged for poorer ones, his every personal ornament or attractive article of dress, 
even to his "leathern girdle and shoes," and had cut down the tube of his tobacco 
pipe " from two yards to a span," in response to the incessant calls on him for gifts, 
he "expected to be freed from all further demands; " but he was mistaken. "I had 
forgotten," he says, "some rags torn from my shirt, which were tied round my 
ancles, wounded by the stirrups which I had received in exchange from the sheikh 
of Kerak. These rags happening to be of white linen, some of the ladies of the 
Iloweytat thought they might serve to make a berkoa, or face veil, and whenever I 
stepped out of the tent I found myself surrounded by half a dozen of them, begging 
for the rags. In vain I represented that they were absolutely necessary to me in the 
wounded state of my ancles: their answer was, You will soon reach Cairo, where 
you may get as much linen as you like. By this incessant teasing me, they at last 
obtained their wishes." (Burckhardt s Trnv. in Syria, pp. 309 /., 438.) Burckhardt 
would not have stumbled at the Bible declaration, that the Israelites asked bakh- 
sheesh from their old neighbors on leaving them for a religious pilgrimage; nor 
would Bishop Colenso have done so, if he had lived among Orientals instead of 
among South Africans. 

!See Gen. 12: 16 ; 20: 14, 16; 32: 13-15; 33: 11 ; 43: 11; Judg. 3: 15-18; 1 Sam. 
9: 7; 17: 18; 25: 18, 19, 23-27; 2 Kings 5: 15, 16, 21-23, 26; 8: 8, 9; 16: ; 20: 12; 
Ezek. 27: 15; Matt. 2: 11. 


thee : [and you received bakhslieesh] therefore I command thee 
this thing [of giving bakhslieesh to your departing servants] to 
day." 1 

In directing the request for bakhsheesh from the Egyptians, the 
Lord added a promise that he would give his people " favor in the 
sight of the Egyptians " z so that the gifts received should be large 
and many , so numerous and valuable, in fact, that it would be as 
though they had taken the "spoil" of the Egyptians 3 after a 
victorious battle ; such a battle for example, as that of the Israelites 
with the Midianites in the plains of Moab, when among the " spoils" 
given into the Lord s treasury were "jewels of gold, chains, and 
bracelets, rings, ear-rings, and tablets ; " 4 or, again, the battle when 
Gideon triumphed over the Midianites, " and the weight of the golden 
earrings " of the spoil " was a thousand and seven hundred shekels 
of gold ; besides ornaments, and collars, and purple raiment that 
was on the kings of Midian, and besides the chains that were about 
their camels necks." 5 

And all that the Lord had directed and promised was reported 
by Moses and Aaron, not only to the elders but to the people gene 
rally, on the first coming again of Moses into Egypt. " And the 
people believed : and when they heard that the Lord had visited 
the children of Israel, and that he had looked upon their affliction, 
then they bowed their heads and worshipped." 6 From that time 
forward preparations were making for the final move. 

After the ninth plague, the Israelites were told that the tenth 
plague would be followed by their going out on their journey un 
molested. 7 Instructions were renewed for the asking of the bakh 
sheesh, 8 and doubtless the gifts were then obtained. 9 Ample notice 

1 Deut. 15: 13-15. 2 Exod. 3 : 21, 22. 3 Exod. 3 : 22. 

4 Num. 31 : 7-12, 48-50. 5 Judg. 8 : 26. Exod. 4 : 31. 

7 Exod. 11 : 1. 8 Exod. 11 : 2. 

9 Exod. 11 : 3. The subsequent reference to this asking (Exod. 12 : 3."), 3C), and its 
results, at the time of the exodus, is to be understood as a mention of what had been 


was given in advance of the passover-night. 1 The Israelites were 
to have all things in readiness for an immediate move on the mor 
row after that night ; and this included the having their flocks and 
herds prepared for a start. They were even to stand at their pass- 
over-feast, having their loins girded about for a march, and having 
sandals on their feet and a staff in their hand; awaiting perhaps an 
agreed signal for a movement at the early dawn. 

It was at midnight that the first-born of Egypt were smitten. 2 
Not until after that were Moses and Aaron sent for by the king. 3 
Then followed directions for the exodus. 1 A single flashing lio-ht, 

o o o / 

bv the order of Moses on his coming out from the citv of the kino-, 

/ o / o/ 

or a single wave of a signal banner in the early morning, might 
have been sufficient in view of arrangements already made, 5 to 
start the order from lookout to lookout over all the land of 
Ramcses-Goshcn," and to set the mighty multitude in motion, to 
ward the appointed rendezvous at Succoth. 

As an illustration of the multiplication of difficulties in the 
Bible narrative, by their ingenious manufacture, the exhibit in 
this line by Bishop Colenso, in his description of the first move 
of the Israelites, is really worthy of reproduction just here ; for 
his method of criticism is by no means yet out of date. He says : 7 
" We are required to believe that, in one single day, the order to 

done. The Hebrew language has no such division of tenses as the English. " The 
children of Israel did according to the word of Moses," is only a Hebrew way of 
saying, " the children of Israel had done according to the word of Moses." 

1 Exod. 12 : 1-6. 2 Exod. 12 : 20. 3 Exod. 12 : 30, 31. * Exod. 12 : 31-33. 
5 Comp. Exoil. 4 : 29-31; 5: 15; 0: 13-25; 11: 1-8, 12: 1-28. 

6 The order for the celebration of the passover-feast in commemoration of the exo 
dus, was announced, year by year, in the later days of the Hebrew occupancy of 
Canaan, by the flashing of signal lights, first on the brow of the Mount of Olives, 
and then from hill-top to hill-top over all the land not only from Dan to Beersheba, 
but "far beyond the boundaries of Palestine to those of the dispersion beyond the 
river. " See, on this point, Edersheim s The Temple, its Ministry, etc., p. 170 f. 
The Pentateuch, I., 111/. 


start was communicated suddenly, at midnight, to every single 
family of every town and village, throughout a tract of country 
as large as Hertfordshire, but ten times as thickly peopled; 
that in obedience to such order, having first borrowed very 
largely from their Egyptian neighbors in all directions (though, if 
we are to suppose Egyptians occupying the same territory with 
the Hebrews, the extent of it must be very much increased), they 
then came in from all parts of Goshcn to Rameses, bringing with 
them the sick and infirm, the young and the aged ; further, that, 
since receiving the summons they had sent out to gather in all 
their flocks and herds, spread over so wide a district, and had 
driven them also to Ramescs ; and, lastly, that having done all 
this, since they were roused at midnight, they were started again 
from Ilamescs that very same day, and marched on to Succoth, 
not leaving a single sick or infirm person, a single woman in child 
birth, or even a single hoof (Exod. 10: 26) behind them ! This 
is, undoubtedly, what the story in the book of Exodus requires us 
to believe. (Exod. 12: 31-41, 51)." 

Yet there is hardly a single statement in that extended descrip 
tion which has any basis in either the letter or the general tenor of 
the Bible narrative. And that is a fair example of the difficulties 
in the narratives of the Pentateuch which Bishop Colenso delib 
erately, and, as it is claimed, conscientiously, put before the 
public as a source of perplexity to him and his Zulu flock. Nor 
is Bishop Colenso alone as a critic in this sort of misrepresenting 
the Bible narrative, as a preliminary to claiming its unreason 
ableness at the point where it is misrepresented. 

In no instance is it said that a day s journey took the Israelites 
from one station, or formal encampment, to the next ; if we ex 
cept the crossing of the Red Sea during a single night. 1 It is dis- 

1 The strange objection made by Colenso, and others of his stamp, to admitting 
the reasonable probability of rest-days between or at stations is : " Nothing whatever 


tiuctly declared that it was " on the morrow " after the passover, 
that they began their hurried move toward Succoth. It is by no 
means probable, nor have we any call from the text itself to sup 
pose, that every family from the remoter portions of the land of 
Rameses-Goshen reached the common rendezvous on the day of 
their setting out. But sooner or later, all the Israelites, with all 
the " mixed multitude " of Semitic and Egyptian refugees which 
accompanied them, were together at Succoth. 


Succoth l is a Hebrew word ; not an Egyptian one. 2 It means 
" booths " or t: tents," 3 and so a " place of booths," or " a place of 
tents." 4 It is a term that might naturally be applied to a common 
camping-ground, to a region where nomads, or tenters, were in the 
habit of pitching their tents. There is such a locality, for ex 
ample, a short distance outside of Cairo at Birket el-IIajj 5 

is said or implied about these days of rest in the Scripture. There would surely 
have been some reference made to them, if they really occurred." (Colenso s The 
Pent., p. 116.) Imagine this claim applied to every Bible narrative. For example : 
Jacob slept at Bethel one night. His next recorded stop is in Haran. (Gen. 28: 
18, 19 ; -!>: 1-4.) Of course he made the intervening " journey " in a day ! 
1 Sukkah (H33); in the plural, Sukkoth (iVOp). 

2 Even of the Egyptian word which Brug^ch would identify with Succoth, he says : 
"The meaning . . . can be established only by help of the Semitic" (Hist, of 
Egypt, I., 233; II., 373). Ebers (Gosen zum Sinai, -p. 520) thinks he sees in it a 
likeness to another Egyptian term. As the word is found in a Hebrew record, and 
has a well-defined Hebrew meaning, it is but fair to accept that meaning as the in 
tended one, in the absence of proof to the contrary. Any corroboration or corre 
spondence of the Hebrew meaning in the Egyptian records is, of course, legitimate. 
3 Comp. 2 Sam. 11 : 11 ; 22 : 12 ; 1 Kings 20 : 12 ; Psa. 31 : 20. 

4 See Gesenius and Fiirst, s. v. It is a frequent thing in the Hebrew, to apply a 
common noun to a locality, with the added idea of "the place of." Thus, e. g., 
"Gilgal," "Rolling"; the " Place of Rolling " (Josh. 5 : 9-10). 

5 " Birkctt el-IIajj, or the Pilgrim s Lake, where the last stragglers can join the 


where the great Ilajj caravan for Mekkeh makes its final rendezvous 
for a start every year. There is another such common camping- 
ground across the lied Sea southeasterly from Suez, where the pil 
grims from the East are tediously quarantined. Again there is an 
other, near Castle Nakhl, where every caravan from the east or west 
camps for a longer or shorter time. There was evidently a region 
of this sort between the line of lakes which formed the eastern 
boundary of the land of Goshen (or perhaps from a little west of 
that line, and the Great Wall (the Khetam-Etham-Shur), which 
lay between Lower Egypt and the Wilderness. 1 At that Succoth, 
the Israelites probably made their rendezvous. 

It is clear from the Egyptian records, 2 that the Shasoo, or Bed - 
ween, or nomads of the desert, were in the habit of finding their 
way into the Delta, and pitching their tents inside the Great Wall. 
A reference has already been made 3 to an official s report in the 
days of Mcneptah II., telling of the admission of Edomitish 
Shasoo through the Great Wall into the region of "the lakes of 
the city Pi-turn of Mineptah-Hotephima, which are situated in 
the land of Thuku, in order to feed themselves and to feed their 
herds on the possessions of Pharaoh." 4 For the region thus oc 
cupied by the Shasoo-teuters, between the Great Wall and the 
lakes (and more or less to the west of the lakes) on the eastern 
borders of the Delta, the term "Succoth" would be a most 
natural designation ; and its location corresponds with the in- 

caravan, where the skins are refilled with water, and the leader at last gives the defi 
nite signal for a final start eastwards, across the sandy wastes of the Arabian desert" 
(Ebers s Pict. Eyypt, II., 130). 

1 Niebuhr (Beschreibunrjvon Arabien, p. 358) suggests that the Succoth- rendezvous 
of the Israelites was Birket el-IIajj. This shows his understanding of the nature of 
their camping-place ; but from the known limits of the land of Goshen, and the 
direction of the Israelites route, as indicated in the text, it is evident that Succoth 
must have been well eastward of Birket el-IIajj. 

2 See Brugsch s Hist, of Efjypt, I., 247 /. ; II., 132 /. 
3 See page 329, supra. * Hist, of Egypt, II., 133. 


dications in the Bible text of the Succoth-rendezvous of the 

Brugsch argues strongly for the correspondence of the Egyptian 
" Thuku," or Tlmkoo (as mentioned in the above named record), 
with the Hebrew " Succoth." In his opinion, the Egyptian word, 
like the Hebrew one, meant " tent," or " tent-camp," and was 
applied to a district on the pastures of which "the wandering 
Bedouins of the eastern deserts pitched their tents to procure 
necessary food for their cattle." Ebers, however, 2 would derive the 
name Succoth from the hieroglyphic " Sckhet " (which has the 
meaning of "afield"); a place which he thinks was near Lake 
Timsah. But this meaning does not materially differ from the 
other ; nor is the probable location changed by its adoption. It 
merely gives a " campus " for a " camping-place." 

As to the location of the Egyptian Tlmkoo, it is shown by the 
monuments, that Pi-turn (the House of [the god] Turn), which 
probably was the Pi thorn of the Bible text was the chief city of 
the district of Tlmkoo; that that city was situated "at the entrance 
of the East ; " 3 and that it was near the lakes 4 of the eastern 
border. This is just where all indications would tend to fix the 
location of Succoth, in the narrative of the exodus ; and it is where 
Ebcrs finds his Sckhet. As has been shown, 5 the land of Rameses- 
Goshen was in the general shape of a cornucopia, with its mouth, 
or opening, by the line of lakes between the Red Sea and the 
Mediterranean. Out from that Rameses-Goshen cornucopia, the 
children of Israel poured forth in their flight, into the Succoth, or 
common Tenting-place, at the entrance of the East along those 

Explorations in the Delta, made since this writing was begun, 

1 Hist, of E<jnpt, I., 233 /. ; II., 373, 421 ff. * Gosen zum Sinai, pp. 510 /., 520. 

3 Ibid., p. 510 ; also Brugsch s Ifist. of E jypt, I., 233 /. 
4 See page 393, supra. 5 See page 383, supra. 


have seemed to identify the site of Pi-turn, or Pithom, at Tell el- 
Maskhootah, 1 a short distance west of Lake Timsah. This corres 
ponds very well with all the hints of both the Hebrew and Egyp 
tian texts, toward locating a chief city of Succoth ; if it only be 
borne in mind, that the temple-city, with its guarded grain-maga 
zines, of an entire border district, is not the district itself, nor yet, 
of necessity, in the centre of that district. Such a city would na 
turally be on the inner border of the district, as the safer location. 2 
Pi-tum, or Pithom, was not Thukoo, or Succoth ; but Pi-tum, or 
Pithom, seems to have been the chief city of Thukoo, or Succoth, 
and as such it might well have been located at the westernmost 
stretch of Thukoo or Succoth between the Shasoo-tenters and the 
Hebrew-fellaheen. There would seem to be the place for the 
fortified granary of the fertile district sweeping eastward from 
Goshen. And all this goes to show, that Succoth was a well-known 
Tenting-field, along the line of lakes of which Lake Timsah is a 
centre. 3 


And this would seem to make clear the region of the starting 
point, and the region of the first gathering place, of the children 
of Israel, at the time of their exodus. "And the children of 
Israel journeyed from [the laud of] Rameses to [their rendezvous 

1 See "The Discovery of Pithom-Succoth," in Brit. Quart. Rev., for July, 1883. 

2 The chief city of the district of Goshen (Qosem, or Pa-qosem) seems to have been 
at the western stretch of that district. (See Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 349, 369; 
also Ehers s Gosen zum Sinai, p. 519 /.) 

s In incidental proof of the error of Brugsch, in his locating of Pithom and Succoth 
(near the borders of Lake Men/.aleh) is his own use of the Egyptian scribe s report 
of the pursuit of fugitives toward the desert. That scribe reached the fortress of 
Thukoo on the tenth day of the month, and in zealous haste he reached Khetam, or 
the Great Wall, on the twelfth day. Yet Brugsch insists, in the face of this, that 
Khetam (Etham) and Thukoo (Succoth) are only one day s caravan march apart. 
(Comp. Hist. ofEyyjit, II., 387, 389, 390.). 


at] Succoth." And when they had all gathered at that Tenting- 
placc near the lakes, and were finally ready for their pilgrimage 
"they took their journey from Succoth, and encamped in 2 Etluini 
[that is, inside, or within, the Great "Wall, which is], in 2 [or, at] 
the edge of the wilderness." 3 And now they were at the ex- 
tremest limit of the land of Egypt, with only the frowning Wall 
between them and the forbidding desert. 


They had left their homes with the promise of being led toward 
Canaan. 4 A three-days journey into, or across, the desert was the 
length of the proposed stretch before them, after they should once 
be fairly outside the Great Wall which bounded the wilderness. 5 
With this in their minds, their natural course would be out from 
Ramcses-Goshen into Succoth. and up from Succoth toward the 
northernmost road of Egypt, the directest and shortest road into 
Canaan; the "Way of the Land of the Philistines," as that 
road was called. 6 As they had received the royal permission to 
journey into the wilderness 7 beyond the Great Wall, they were 
doubtless supplied with the needful authority to pass the guards at 
the gate, or sally-port, of the frontier fortifications. But instead 
of moving directly out, they encamped within the Wall which was 
on the edge of the wilderness. Instead of hastening through the 
border barrier, they halted before it. And why? 


It was not for the people to move or to rest entirely at their own 
will. As it was common for Eastern armies to be guided by a 

Exod. 12 : 37. 
2 The Hebrew word is be (3V " in, " within," or " at." 3 Exocl. 13 : 20. 

4 See Exod. 3: 7, 8, 15-17; 4: 29-31; G: 2-8; 14: 3-5, 11, 12. 
5 Exocl. 3: 18; 5: 3; S: 25-27. A three days journey might have taken them 
from Shur to Kadesh. 

6 See page 338, supra. 7 Exod. 12 : 30-33. 


column of smoke moving on in their van by day, and by a 
streaming banner of flame before them in the night ; l so now, as 

1 Traveling by night is a favorite practice with Eastern caravans, because of the 
heat of the day in contrast with the coolness of the night. Burton illustrates this in 
his Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Meccah (American edition, pp. 153-166). Roberts 
tells of it (Oriental lllus., p. 72) as common in India. Distance is even often noted by 
the number of "nights," rather than "days." Thus, for example, Egypt is said in 
an Arabian geography to be " forty nights " in extent from north to south (see Ex 
tracts from " Geography of Abd-er-Rashid el-Bakouy," in Memoirs Relative to 
E jDpt, p. 433, note). " The Arabian authors frequently reckon by nights , and not 
by days , journeys." 

The custom of guiding caravans by means of smoke and light is referred to by 
many authors. Kurtz (Hist, of Old Cov., II., 297 /.) clusters numerous illustrations 
of the custom. Curtius ( De Rebus Gestis, V., 2-7) tells of Alexander the Great em 
ploying this method in his campaigns. A trumpet gave the signal for a march. But 
as its sound could not be heard amid the noise and confusion of an encampment, it 
was supplemented by a beacon or cresset on a lofty pole before his head-quarters 
pavilion. This could be seen by all from near and far ; and it was a guide to all. 
" Fire was to be the signal by night; smoke by day" (" Observabatur ignis noctu, 
fumus interdiu "). The context of the narrative in Curtius shows that Alexander 
adopted this custom in the East where it probably had long prevailed. Harmar 
(Observations, II., 265-273) shows that to the present day the same custom is adopted 
by trading caravans. In one of the Anastasi Papyri (quoted in Speaker s Com. at 
Exod. 13 : 21), " the commander of an expedition is called, a flame in the darkness 
at the head of his soldiers. " It is not that the pillar of fire and cloud which led 
the Israelites was not miraculous ; but it is that its form and purpose were in the line 
of Oriental methods. "We cannot but acknowledge," says Kurtz, "that in the 
pillar of cloud and of fire, in which Jehovah himself accompanied and conducted 
his people, there was some reference to the ordinary caravan-fire, which served as a 
guide; as well as a signal of encampment and departure to the caravans and armies of 
the East. For, in the design and form of the two phenomena we can trace exactly 
the same features ; the difference being that the one was a merely natural arrange 
ment, which answered its purpose but very imperfectly, and was exceedingly insig 
nificant in its character, whilst the other was a supernatural phenomenon, beyond 
all comparison more splendid and magnificent in its form, which not only served as 
a signal of encampment and departure, and led the way in an incomparably superior 
manner, but was also made to answer far greater and more glorious ends." 

Pitts (Religion and Manners of Mahometans, p. 430 /.), describing the annual 
Mekkeh Pilgrimage, says : " They have lights by night (which is the chief time of 
traveling, because of the exceeding heat of the sun by day), which are carried on the 


the children of Israel went out at the Lord s command, " the Lord 
went before them by day in a pillar of a cloud, to lead them the 
way; and by night in a pillar of fire, to give them light; to go 
by day and night. He took not away the pillar of the cloud by 
day, nor the pillar of fire by night, from before the people/ 
And they must march or rest as the guiding pillar mossed on or 
stayed. 2 

" And it came to pass, when Pharaoh had let the people go, that 
God led them not through [out of Egypt by] the Way of the Land 
of the Philistines, although 3 that was near 4 [when, they were en 
camped there not far from it, within the Wall after their leaving 
Succoth] ; for God said, Lest peradventure the people repent when 
they see war, and they return to Egypt." The people were not yet 
a nation in condition for warfare ; to fight their way into Canaan. 
They muse have a farther training to fit them for a work of con- 
tops of high poles, to direct the hnyges [pilgrims] in their march. They are some 
what like iron stoves, into which they put short dry wood, which some of the camels 
are loaded with ; it is carried in great sack.s, which have a "hole near the bottom, 
where the servants take it out as they see the fires need a recruit. Every cottar 
[company, or division] hath one of these poles belonging to it, some of which have 
ten, some twelve, of these lights on their tops, or more or less; and they are likewise 
of different figures as well as numbers ; are perhaps oval way, like a gate ; another 
triangular, or like an N or M, etc., so that every one knows by them his respective 
cottor. They are carried in the front, and set up in the place where the caravan is 
to pitch, before that comes up, at some distance from one another. They are also 
carried by day, not lighted ; but yet by the figure and number of them the kagges are 
directed to what cottor they belong, as soldiers are, by their colors, where to rendez 
vous ; and without such directions it would be impossible to avoid confusion in such 
a vast number of people." 

1 Exod. 13 : 21-22. 2 Num. 9: 15-23. 

3 There has been some discussion over the force of the Hebrew word l-ee ( 2), here 
translated " although." It is claimed by some (see Schaff-Lange Com., in loco) that 
it should be rendered " for." But the meaning of the sentence is the same in either 
case. " They were not led that road for its nearness." Yet Gesenius, Kalisch, 
Alford, Murphy, and others, approve the reading "although." 

* Hebrew qarolh (3 <n P ), " nigh," " at hand." 


quest. " But God led the people about [around by] the Way of 
the Wilderness of the Red Sea." ] From the northernmost of the 
three roads out of Egypt desertward, they must turn to the south 
ernmost. Well-nigh the whole stretch of the Isthmus, the entire 
eastern border of Lower Egypt, must be wearily traversed by that 
restless and undisciplined multitude. " And the Lord spake unto 
Moses, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, that they turn 
[literally, "turn away " 2 ] and encamp before Pi-hahiroth, between 
Migdol and the sea, over against Baal-zephon : before it shall ye 
encamp by the sea." ; All that journey to be taken, and then an 
encampment at the end of it. A strange and bewildering order. 
And God knew that it would seem strange, and that it would be 
bewildering; and it was for just that reason that he gave the order. 
" For Pharaoh will say of the children of Israel [when he hears 
of this strange retrogressive movement, said the Lord], They are 
entangled 4 [confused, bewildered, dazed] in the land [in my land, 
in the land of Egypt] ; the wilderness [beyond, with its terrors] 
hath shut them in [here]. 5 And ... he shall follow after them ; 

1 Exod. 13: 17, 18. This statement is clearly a comprehensive one, in advance of 
the details of the narrative which it summarizes. It is so understood by scholars 
generally. " We have here to do with an introductory and summary account," says 
Lange (Schuff-Lange Com., in loco). 

2 See Gesenius and Fiirst, s. v. shoobh (21$). The word always means an entire 
change of direction, a turning away from. Commonly, although not always, it 
means to turn back, to return. In Josh. 19 : 12, 27, 29, 34, it is employed as describ 
ing an abrupt change of direction, yet not a return. The word is used for the turning 
away from sin in "conversion." (See Englishman s Ileb. and Chald. Concord, s. v.) 
As Mead says (in Sch^ff-Lange Com. in loco), " If merely turning aside had been 
meant [hero], soor PID), or panah (HJ3) would have been used." 

3 Exod. 14: 1,2. 

4 Hebrew bookh (^3), " confused," " perplexed." See Gesenius and Fiirst, s. v. 

5 It is a noticeable fact, that to this day a common argument against accepting the 
plain record of the Bible text, as to the directed course of the Israelites in this move 
southward from the northernmost road, is its seeming unreasonableness. Thus, for 
example, the Jewish historian Graetz (Gesch. der Juden, I., 384) says confidently: 


and I will be honored upon Pharaoh, and upon all his host." It 
has been so common to understand the word " entangled," of our 
English version, as referring to a geographical, instead of a mental, 
entanglement, that the plain meaning of the text has been obscured 
in the minds of most readers. When Pharaoh should hear that 
the people whom he had manumitted had failed to go out from the 
land of their bondage ; but that on the contrary, after days of 
waiting, they had actually turned back from the very gates of the 
wilderness barrier, and were now wandering in seeming aimlessncss 
along the inner face of that barrier, what could he think but just 
that which is foretold in the text, as sure to be his opinion? " Poor 
fools ! " he would say to himself. " They would not know when 
they were well off. Now that they have reached the borders of my 
land, and think of going out into the wilderness beyond, they 
shrink from it ; and no wonder that they do. They move from 
place to place, uncertain as to their better course. They are in 
sore perplexity here in the land ; but they cannot go outside of it. 
The wilderness is too forbidding for their entrance to it ; it shuts 
them in here. They arc now in a good state to be brought back to 
their work and their homes." 

Like the Bible narratives generally, this story of the exodus 
does not read in unbroken continuity. First there will come a 

"Arc we to suppose that they marched forty-five miles along the western shores of 
the Bitter Lakes [after reaching that part of the eastern border], and even to the 
southern point [of the Isthmus] ? To what purpose ? The farther south they followed 
that route the more dangerous was their march. It was just rushing into the lion s 
jaws." It evidently strikes Graetz now much as the Lord said it would strike 
Pharaoh at the time. So, again, it has impressed Villiers Stuart (Nile Gleanings, 
p. 7) : " It would he utterly inconceivable," he says, " that Moses, . . . would delib 
erately go out of his way to place the lied Sea between himself and the point to 
reach, when the direct route of the isthmus lay before him. That he may have done 
it to create an occasion for a miracle is quite untenable " notwithstanding the fact 
that the Bible distinctly declares (See Exod. 14: 1-4) that this was so! 

1 Exod. 14 : 3, 4. 


summary statement, as of the Lord s leading his people around by 
the southernmost road instead of the northern one. 1 Then there 
will follow the details of the people s movements, step by step. 2 
After that, in alternation, the movements of Pharaoh and of the 
people, will be given, one by one. 3 So now, after the Lord s an 
nouncement of what will surely be the opinion of Pharaoh, the 
record goes back to show how Pharaoh s mind had been prepared 
for this stage of the Lord s plans. 4 

The order for the manumission of the Israelites had been given 
by Pharaoh in an hour of intcnsest excitement, and under the 
pressure of personal grief and fear. 3 After the orders issued by 
him, had been obeyed, the report of their execution by those to 
whom they had been entrusted, was duly made to the king. Then 
came the natural conflict of feeling in view of all the facts involved. 
" And it was told the king of Egypt that the people [had 6 ] fled 
[had gone as he had directed]: and the heart of Pharaoh and his 
servants was turned against the people." 7 "A good riddance ! " 
was the first thought, with the memory fresh in mind of the terrible 
plagues which Egypt had endured on that people s account. But 
when the empty houses of all that people were numbered, and the 
thought came of the lack of those efficient laborers, and those 
border-laud defenders, 8 there was another feeling than that of re 
joicing on the part of Pharaoh and his servants. " And they said, 
Why have we done this, that we have let Israel go from serving 
us ? " And when Pharaoh was in that frame of mind, and the news 
was brought to him of the aimless wanderings of the bewildered 
people on the borders of his land, and still within its walls, is 
there any wonder that he should rouse himself up for their pursuit? 
His feeling must have been : " I will go down and drive back those 

1 Exod. 13 : 17, 18. Exod. 13 : 19, 20. 

3 Exod. 14 : 5-12. Exod. 14: 5. 5 Exod. 12 : 30-33. 

See note on Hebrew tenses, at p. 389, /. 7 Exod. 14:5. 8 Exod. 1 : 10-14. 


poor fools to their work again." And " the Egyptians pursued 
after them, all the horses and chariots of Pharaoh, and his horse 
men, and his army, and overtook them encamping by the sea, be 
side Pi-hahiroth, before Baal-zephou." l 


The prefatory summary of this narrative in the Bible text 2 
shows, that the new move of the Israelites was from near " the 
Way of the Land of the Philistines," to near " the Way of the 
Wilderness of the Red Sea;" or, as has already been shown, from 
the northernmost to the southernmost of the three great highways 
out of Lower Egypt eastward. This would place their encamp 
ment, at the time of Pharaoh s coming in their pursuit, at a point, 
or in a region, near the then head of the western arm of the 
" Yam Sooph," or Red Sea, the modern Gulf of Suez ; over 
against that gateway, or sally-port, of the Great Wall, which served 
as the exit of that southernmost road into the wilderness. This 
in itself sufficiently locates its vicinity, even without any identi 
fication of the particular land-marks noted in the narrative ; al 
though helps to such identifyings are not entirely wanting. 

It is obvious that the doubts which have been raised by some, 
concerning the ancient limits of the western arm of the Red Sea, 

O * 

and its identity with the Yam Sooph of the Bible-text, have con 
fused the minds of investigators in their endeavors to track the 
route of the Israelites. Tims, for example, Graetz 3 has latterly 
argued for the crossing of the Israelites at a point north of Lake 
Timsah, near what has been shown to be the highest point of the 
Isthmus, and not far from what must have been the Way of Shur. 
Any one who is familiar with the proofs of the limits of the Gulf of 

1 Exod. 14 : 9. 2 Exod. 13 : 17, 18. 

3 Gesch. der Juden, I., 378-300. 


Suez in ancient times will see the essential error in the argument 
of Graetz. M. de Lesseps 1 has suggested a crossing-place a little 
to the south of Lake Timsah. But he is evidently not so familiar 
with the Isthmus as it \vas in the days of Moses, as with the 
Isthmus as it is to-day. And so it might be said of many others 
who have proposed to find the ancient head of the Yam Sooph con 
siderably farther north at the time of the exodus, than at present. 

Yet another theory of the route of the exodus, would carry it 
along the borders of the Serboniau Lake, on a narrow strip of land 
between that lake and the Mediterranean Sea. This theory seems 
to have been first broached by Hase 2 at the beginning of the 
eighteenth century, and then taken up by Richter, 3 later in the same 
century. It was re-stated and pressed by Thierbach, in 1830. 4 It 
was further elaborated, and advocated with fresh vigor, by Schleidcn, 5 
in 1858 ; and it had the support of Schneider, and Radeuhausen. 6 
Again it was taken up anew with a really brilliant and dazzling 
array of claimed corroboratory evidence from the Egyptian monu 
ments, by Brugsch, before the International Congress of Orien 
talists at London, in 1874. 7 This theory, as thus re-shaped and 
presented by Brugsch, attracted very many and carried captive not 
a few. Its strength lay in the reputation of its eminent advocate, 
and in his unqualified claim of sure identifications in a field where 
his knowledge was unchallenged. But it could not stand the test 
of thorough examination. Its very foundations were baseless. 

For myself I can say, as an illustration of the effect of an ex- 

1 See Bartlett s Egypt to Pal., p. 146 /., and his sketch map at p. 156. 

2 Hamelsveld s Bib. Geog. (A. D. 1796), IV., 3., p. 349. 
* See Chester s " Journey " in Surv. of West. Pal., " Special Papers," p. 86. 
4 See Stickel s "Der Israeliteii Auszug aus ^Egypten" (p. 330), in Stud. u. Krit., 

for 1850. 

6 Die Landenge von Su(s, pp. 189-202. 

6 See Ebers s Gosen zum Sinai, p. 107. 

7 This essay, " The Exodus and the Egyptian Monuments," is given in full in 
Brugscu s Hist, of Egypt, II., 363-3y. 


animation into the several points claimed by Brugsch in support 
of his theory, in contrast with the effect of its surface reading, 
that I was swept along in the current of its bold assertions, 
and that I bcejan the investigations here recorded with a strong 

o o o 

prepossession in its favor ; a prepossession which was increased by 
a conversation concerning it with the late Professor Palmer, of 
London, and by a knowledge that it had the confidence of other 
scholars to whom I looked up with admiration. But at every step 
of an independent investigation I found fresh cause for rejecting 
the conclusions of Brugsch on the pointvS which were vital to his 
theory. In my studies I gave first prominence to his own volu 
minous and learned writings ; to his " History of Egypt under the 
Pharaohs," his " Geography of Ancient Egypt," his "Hieratic and 
Demotic Lexicon," and his " Geographical Dictionary." The re 
sult of these studies as supplemented in the broader field of kindred 
literature on the points in question, T have already referred to, in 
their order in the foregoing pages. I have found, and I think I 
have shown, that in the treatment of the sites of Ramcscs, Succoth, 
Etham, and Migdol ; in his limitation of the roadways out of 
Egypt, and the extent of the Wall, Sliur ; as, also, in his explana 
tion of the term Yam Sooph, at each and all of these points, 
Brugsch is clearly at fault in his exodus theory, and is at variance 
with positive declarations and exhibits of fact made by himself else 
where in his writings. He has re-arranged sites, changed direc 
tions, and mis-stated distances, as if for the purpose of conforming 
the facts to a preconceived theory of the exodus. And as to the 
one remaining point which his own writings did not negative for 
its necessary use in his theory, his brother Egyptologists affirm 
that he is wholly incorrect. Scholars so eminent in this realm as 
Ebers 1 and Ileuouf 2 insist that Brugsch s understanding of the 

1 In Gosen znm Sinai, pp. Ill, 526. 
a In Proceedings of Soc. of Bib. Arch., for Nov. 7, 1882, pp. 13-13. 


meaning, and hence of the location, of " Pi-hahiroth " is entirely 
at fault, Reuouf going so far as to say that Brugsch s attempt to 
identify this site " involves the wrong reading of many words, a 
fatally erroneous and exploded system of etymology, and false 
theories of decipherment and language." 

In short, it has been found that of the eight main points of 
claimed identification in Brugsch s theory of the exodus, as indi 
cated above, not one of them stands the test of a thorough ex 
amination ; whereas if any seven of them were show r n to be fairly 
probable, the proven error at the eighth is sufficient to necessitate 
the rejection of the theory. 1 


And now to return to the Israelites at their encampment " by 
the sea, beside Pi-hahiroth, before Baal-zephon." 2 They were yet 
within the Great Wall. They were near the Way of the Wil 
derness of the Red Sea ; near the modern Way of the Hajj out of 
Lower Egypt, a highway which has swept across the desert, from 
gulf to gulf, from time immemorial. They were not far from the 
shore of the Red Sea ; in a locality where three well known land 
marks were back of them, or about them 3 : Migdol, Pi-hahiroth, 
and Baal-zephon. Migdol was the outlook tower which overlooked 

1 1 will say, just here, that this examination of Brugsch s theory was substantially 
completed, and its results written out, before the record of the discovery of the site 
of Pithoin was received. In fact, that discovery does not in itself disprove a single 
essential point of Brugsch s theory ; although it seems to have reversed the opinions, 
concerning that theory, of reputable scholars, who had before this overlooked the 
great facts of the Hebrew and the Egyptian records which were irreconcilable with 

his claims. 

2 Exod. 14 : 9. 

3 The Hebrew liphnai ( 33?), rendered "before," and "over against," with refer 
ence to these places (comp. Exod. 14: 2, 9; Xum. 33: 7, 8), commonly means in 
front of," "at the east of," as indicating direction; yet it also may mean over 
against " in a general sense. 


that southernmost road dcsertward. A trace of its site seems to be 
preserved in the hill and pass of Muktala or Muntula, some five 
to six hours northwesterly from Suez. 1 Pi-hahiroth, or as it 
appears in the Hebrew, at Numbers 33 : 8, " Hahiroth " (without 
the Egyptian place-mark " Pi "), is not identified beyond dispute ; 
yet there are seeming traces of its name in Agrood, 2 or Ajrood, 3 or 
Akrood, 4 where is now, at about four hours northwest of Suez 
(northeasterly from Muktala), a fortress, with a very deep well, for 
the accommodation of pilgrims going out on the Way of the 
Red Sea. 5 The correspondence of Ajrood with Hahiroth has been 
recognized by such scholars as Ebers, 6 Ewald, 7 Kurtz, 8 Stickel, 9 
Keil and Delitzsch, 10 Laborde, 11 Strauss, 12 Tischendorf, 13 Canon 

1 See page 377, supra. 

2 jf^*\ as given in " Carte Topographique " of Description de VEgypte. 
3 ^3f "^ C as Si yen by Edrisi (see Ewald s Hist, of Israel., II., 69, note) ; also in 
"Arabic Index," Robinson s Sib. Res., III., Append., 201, first edition. 
4 As given by Xiebuhr (Reiseb. nach Arabien, p. 216). 

5 See Xiebuhr (as above) ; Burckhardt s Trav. in Syria, p. 627 ; Robinson s Bib. 
Res., I., 45 ; etc. 

6 As concerns the name Adjrud, Agirud, one can recognize in it, without hesita 
tion, Pi-hachiroth, or, as it appears in its Egyptian form, with the rejection of the 
prefix syllable Pa, or Pi, denoting locality (properly house ), Achiroth " (Ebcrs s 
Goscn sum Sinai, p. 52G). 

7 " The opinion of Leon de la Bordc, in his Comi/icntairc Geographique sur VExode 
ct Ics Xombrcs (Paris, 1S41), that the present castle Ajerud, or Ajrud .... is to be 
identified with its site and name [of Pi-hahiroth] .... is not without probability " 
(Ewald s Hist, of Israel., II., G9, note). 

8 "Pi-hachiroth, we find even by name, in Ajrud; for Pi is merely the Egyptian 
article, . . . and there are many instances of analogous changes (compare Stiekei 
[Studien u. Kritiken, for 1850], p. 391) " (Kurtz s Hist, of Old Cov., II., 323). 

9 " Der Israeliten Auszug," in Stud. u. Krit., for 1850, p. 391. 
10 " The only one of these places that can be determined with any certainty is 
Pihachiroth, or Ilachiroth (Num. 33: 8, . . . ), which name has undoubtedly been 
preserved in the Ajrud mentioned by Edrisi, in the middle of the twelfth century " 
(Keil and Delitzsch s Bib. Com., at Exod. 14: 1, 2). 

11 Com. Geog. sur VEsode, p. 75. u Sinai u. Golgatha, p. 92. 

13 De, Israditarum Transitu, p. 25. 


Cook, 1 Clark, 2 President Bartlett, 3 and many others whose opinions 
are entitled to weight. 

Baal-Zephon is the name of a divinity. It represents a com 
bination of Semitic and Egyptian objects of worship. The precise 
nature and symbolism of this divinity have been much in question ; 
but I think that an examination of the facts available will make 
the whole thing clear. 

When the Hykshos kings were in supremacy in Lower Egypt, 
they introduced there the worship of the sun-god Ba al, 4 a chief 
deity of the nations north and east of Egypt, 5 and probably their 

1 Speaker s Com., at Exod. 14 : 2. 

* " The spot [Pi-Hahiroth] may reasonably be identified with Ajrud " ( The Bible 
Atlas, p. 21 /.). 

3 "There seems on the whole to be good reason for finding Ilahiroth at Ajrood" 
(Bartlett s Egypt to Pal., p. 169). 

* " In mentioning the names of Ba al and Astarta, which we so frequently meet 
with in the inscriptions, it is scarcely necessary to point out that both have their 
origin in the Phoenician theology" (Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I. 244). Birch> 
as cited in Appendix to (A Thousand Miles up the Nile) names " Bal or Ba al " as an 
object of Egyptian worship " introduced from Semitic sources." See also his Egypt, 
p. 117. Ebers (Pict. Eyypt, I., 100) directly ascribes the introduction of Ba al wor 
ship into Lower Egypt to the Hykshos conquerors. 

5 " The inhabitants of the region from the valley of the Euphrates to the river of 
Egypt, and the Phoenician colonies in the Occident, were united in the worship of 
the supreme deity, Bel or Baal. The Babylonian and Assyrian Bel is probably a 
compressed form from 7^3 (Be el). It is, at all events, the same as the Hebrew and 
Aramaic 73 (Ba al) lord. Not infrequently, however, we find the plural Q 7j- 3 
(Be alim). This may, as a plural of number, in some cases, refer to a plurality of 
gods as worshiped at different places, and under different attributes, but usually it is 
an intensive plural, great lord, or supreme lord, like DTI^S (Elohim), the supreme 
object of reverence. . . . Baal was also the sun-god, and hence is associated with the 
term K^3t? (shemesh) sun ; and his place of worship is called Bfth-Shemfsh, and in 
Phoenician inscriptions he receives the predicate Baal Samim." (Prof. C. A. Briggs, 
on " Jehovah and Baal " in "The Sunday School Times " for Aug. 4, 1883.) 

" The Ba al of the Syrians, Phoenicians, and heathen Hebrews is a much less 
elevated conception than the Babylonian Bel. He is properly the sun-god, Ba al 
Shamen, Ba al (lord) of the heavens, the highest of the heavenly bodies, but still a 


own god before they entered Egypt. In doing this, with a view 
to meet the prejudices of the Egyptians, and to secure for their god 
a recognized place in the worship of the conquered people, they 
associated their deity, under an appropriate symbolism with Set, 
or Sutekh, or Typhon, who was already the patron-divinity of 
Lower Egypt; 1 and they uplifted that dualistic-god, of Ba al- 
Typhou, into the pro eminent place, in Lower- Egyptian worship. 2 

mere power of nature, born like the other luminaries from the primitive chaos." 
(Prof. W. Robertson Smith, in Encyc. Brit., ninth ed., Art., "Ba al.") 

Sanchoniathon (as given from Eusebius, in Cory s Ancient Fragments, p. 4 /.) 
says of the first inhabitants of Phoenicia, that when great droughts came [upon the 
land] they stretched forth their hands to heaven, toward the sun, for this (he says), 
they supposed to be the only god, the lord of heaven, calling him Beelsaniin [Ba al- 
shamem], which name among the Phoenicians signifies lord of heaven, but among 
the Greeks is equivalent to Zeus, or Jupiter." 

1 De Rouge (Six Prem. Dyn., p. 9, etc., cited by Tomkins) finds traces of Set in the 
Fourth Dynasty. Meyer (Set-Typhon, p. 47, cited by Tomkins) tells of a temple 
dedicated to Memphis in the Fifth Dynasty. An altar in the Turin Museum, of the 
time of the Sixth Dynasty, has on it an inscription to Set, according to Lepsius 
( Ueber d. erst. JEyypt. Gutterkr., p. 48). 

2 "Set . . . appears on the monuments as early as the Sixth Dynasty, and is treated 
with the same honor as the other members of the family of Seb. . . . But the great 
interest of the god Set was his connection with the Hykshos and Canaanites, when 
he generally bears the name of Sutekh or Sut. As such he was worshiped during 
the Shepherd rule in Amaris [ Avaris ?] ; after which his worship still continued, 
apparently in connection with Baal, and he was the type of Northern, as Horus of 
Southern, Egypt." (Birch in Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt, III., 144 /.) 

" The testimony of the Papyrus Sallier is clear and explicit : The king Apepi 
adopted Sutech as his god ; he did not serve any god which was in the whole land. 
[Lushington s translation, in Rec. of Past, VIII., 3, is: "King Apapi took to him 
self Sutech for Lord, refusing to serve any other god in the whole laud."] Sutech, 
or Set, in later ages the representative of the evil principle Typhon, is identified, and 
was certainly confounded with Ba al of the Phoenicians," says Canon Cook (in Essay 
I. appended to "Exodus" in Speaker s Com.); and he adds: " The peculiarity of 
Apepi, and probably of his predecessors, would seem to be his exclusive devotion to 
this deity." As will be shown, Ba al was not "identified" with Set, although he 
was combined with him in worship. 

"At the head of all stood the half Egyptian and half Semitic divinity of Set, or 


In the Egyptian mythology, Ril, Osiris, and Horus, represented 
the sun. There were various symbolisms in these deities, in their 
different manifestations and relations ; but in a peculiar sense they 
all stood for the sun, and its light, and its favor, and its life-e;ivin<r 

9 fJ O O 

power. 1 Over against them stood Set, as a symbol of darkness and 
the works of darkness ; and he was at times in conflict with each 
of these gods of light. In this antagonism, Set was the representa 
tive of evil, as in contrast with good ; more especially with good 
as represented by PTorus, his immediate and constant rival ; yet, at 
the first, it was rather the notion of evil as the necessary adjunct 
and complement of good, than of absolute evil an idea which had 
no place in the early Egyptian mythology. 2 

Sutekh, with the surname Nub gold, who was universally considered as the repre 
sentative and king of the foreign deities in the land of Mazor. In his essence a 
primitive Egyptian creation, Set gradually became the contemporary representative 
of all foreign countries, the god of the foreigners." (Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, I., 

1 " There can be no controversy about the meaning of Ra," says Renouf (Relig. oj 
Anc. Egypt, pp. 113-117). "Ra is not only the name of the sun-god, it is the usual 
word for sun." Again there are " mild Osiris, the sun," and Isis, the dawn, who 
were "wedded before they were born, and the fruit of their marriage was Horus, the 
sun in his full strength." And in the Egyptian Book of the Dead (chap. XVIII., 
42, 43, as cited by Renouf) it is told how Osiris came to the soul of Ra, and "each 
embraced the other, and became as one soul in two souls." "This," adds Renouf, 
" may be a mythological way of saying that two legends which had previously been 
independent of each other were henceforth inextricably mixed up. This, at all 
events, is the historical fact. In the words of a sacred text, Ra is the soul of Osiris, 
and Osiris the soul of Ra. But Horns also is one of the names of the sun, and had 
his myths quite independently of Ra or Osiris." There are some reasons for suppos 
ing that the two sun groups of Ra and Osiris were originally quite distinct, but wen- 
brought together through some political uniting of the regions of their central wor 
ship. (See R. S. Poole s Art. "Egypt" in Encyc. Brit.) At all events they were 
ultimately connected interchangeably. For added light on the myths of Ra, Osiris, 
and Horus, see Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt., III., 1-242 ; Bunscn s Er/>/pl s Place, Vol. I. : 
Lepsius s Ueber d. erst JEtjypt. Gotterkr.; Poole s Art. "Egypt" in Encyc. Brit.; 
Villiers Stuart s Funeral Tent of an Egyptian Queen, pp. 25-28, etc. 

8 " Set, though the antagonist of light, in the myths of Ra, Osiris, and Horus, is 


Set stood over against Ilortis (and in Horns there was, as we 
have seen, a certain blending of the symbolism of lla and Osiris 
also), in the relation of night to day, of winter to summer, of desert- 
waste to river-valley, of treacherous sea to solid land, of struggle 
and warfare to rest and peace. 1 Set, moreover, stood as in a sense 

not a god of evil. lie presents a physical reality, a constant and everlasting law of 
nature, and is as true a god as his opponents. His worship is as ancient as any. 
The kings of Egypt were devoted to Set as to Horus, and derived from them the 
sovereignty over North and South. On some monuments, one god is represented 
with two heads, one being that of Horus, the other that of Set." (Renouf s Rdirj. 
of Anc. Enypt, p. 119.) 

"Of evil in the positive sense as opposed to good, the Egyptian religion had no 
knowledge. Their feeling as to evil was that it was but transitory, a passage to 
future salvation ; as dying was merely the process of death, which was in fact the 
threshold of the true and everlasting life." (Ebers s Pict. Egypt, I., 100 /.) 

" Looking, therefore, upon the bad as a necessary part of the universal system, and 
inherent in all things equally with the good, the Egyptians treated the Evil Being 
with divine honors, and propitiated him with sacrifices and prayers. . . . During 
the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties, and perhaps long after that period, he 
continued to receive the homage of numerous votaries ; but subsequently a general 
feeling of hatred seems to have sprung up against him, and his figure was erased 
from the sculptures." (Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt., III., 142.) 

1 " Whatever may be the case in other mythologies," says Renouf (Rrttj. of Anc. 
Egypt, p. 113), in referring to Max Miiller s theories, " I look upon the sunrise and 
sunset, on the daily return of day and night, on the battle between light and dark 
ness, on the whole solar drama in all its details, that is acted every day, every month, 
every year, in heaven and in earth, as the principal subject of Egyptian mythol 
ogy." " Set the destroyer .... is darkness." " The victory of darkness over light 
was appropriately represented by the myth of the blind Horus." (11>i L, p. IIS.) 

Referring to the myth of the conflict between Set and Osiris (which was continued 
by Horus for his father Osiris), Ebers says (Pict. Egypt, II., 210"! : " The inundation 
of the Nile, and the fertility of the earth, the illuminating power of the sun, the 
fundamental principles of human life, the ultimate triumph of goodness and truth, 
as figured by Osiris, are apparently assailed and vanquished by Typhon [and Birch 
adds in a note, that in hieroglyphs Typhon is called Set ] that is, by drought and 
the encroachments of the desert, by the darkness of ni^ht, mists, clouds, and storms, 
by death, by lies, and all tlr^ evil and restless stirrings of the soul ; but as soon as 
the diminished flow of the rive- swells again, the young crops grow green, a new sun 
lights and cheers the world, and disperses the mists, the human soul rises figain in 


the guardian god of foreigners, as over against Horus the guardian 
god of the home-born. And as Horus was peculiarly the tutelary 
deity of Southern or Upper Egypt, so was Set of Northern or 
Lower Egypt. 1 

It was not uncommon in the mythology of Ancient Egypt, to 
combine divinities, as well as to interchange them in their peculiar 
symbolisms. This has been referred to in the association and inter 
mingling of Rti and Osiris, and again of Horus with both these 
gods. Again it is illustrated in " Amen-Ra," and " Aten-Ra," and 
in their combinations with other gods. 2 Ordinarily, however, these 

the other world to a new and everlasting life, truth triumphs over falsehood, and 
good conquers evil. Horus has overthrown Typhon, avenged his father, and restored 
him to his throne." 

Lepsius ( Ueber d. erst. ^Egypt. Gotterkr., p. 54) speaks of Set as the god of the 
empty desert, and the god of the unfruitful sea." Kenrick (Egypt of Herodotus, p. 
186) quotes Plutarch in proof that the Egyptian Typhon represented the burning 
" wind of the desert ; " also, that " as the sea-water swallows up the Xile, Typhon 
became an emblem of the sea, which was held in abhorrence by the Egyptian priests, 
as by the Brahmins." 

Ebers says (Pict. Egypt, I., 100) that " Seth or Typhon" was "worshipped first as 
the god of war, and of foreign lauds." " The connection of Typhon and Mars, of 
both of which the hippopotamus was said to be an emblem, is singular," says Wil 
kinson (Anc. Egypt., III., 147) ; "and there appears to be a great analogy between 
Hercules and other of the reputed Typhonian figures." Brugsch (Hist, of Egypt, 
II., 3) speaks of Sutekh as "the glorious god of war." In the representations of the 
coronation of the kings of Egypt, Ilorus, in one of his forms (Hat, or liar-Hat) is 
present to give to the king the emblems of life and power, while Set, in one of his 
forms (Xubti), conies to teach him the use of his weapons of war. (See Wilkinson s 
Anc. Egypt., III., 134 /.) 

1 Of Ilorus (as liar-Hut) Wilkinson (as above) says : " When opposed to Nubti 
[or Set] he appears to represent the Upper as the latter the Lower Country." 

2 "Amen-Rfi, like most of the gods, frequently took the character of other deities; 
as of Khcm, Ra, and Chnoumis; and even the attributes of Osiris. . . . which though 
it appears at first sight to present some difficulty, may readily be accounted for, 
when we consider that each of those whose figure or emblems were adopted, was only 
an emanation or deified attribute of the same great Being, to whom they ascribed 
various characters, according to the several offices he was supposed to perform. The 
intellect of the deity might be represented with the emblems of the almighty power, 


combinations were of deities which were similar, or kindred, in 
their symbolism. 1 Only in the case of Horns and Set does there 
seem to have been, in the days before the Hykshos, a combination 
of two gods of opposing or antagonistic characters and purposes. 
Indeed such a combination would hardly be possible except with 
the two forces, or essences, represented in these two gods. But this 
combination clearly did exist, as is shown by its representation on 
the monuments, 2 under the figure of a man with two heads ; the one 
the hawk-head of Horus (which was also the head of Ha) ; the 
other the peculiar head of Set, resembling " an ass with clipped 
ears." 3 

Xor is it difficult to understand the meaning of this symbolism. 
Horus, as representing the South with its light and life-giving 
power, stood for Upper Egypt with its supply sources of the Xile, 
the stream which was all in all to Egypt. Set, as representing the 

or with the attributes of his goodness, without in any manner changing the real 
character of the heavenly mind they portrayed under that peculiar form ; and in like 
manner, when to Osiris, or the goodness of the deity, the emblems of Ptah the crea 
tive power were assigned, no change was made in the character of the former, since 
goodness was as much a part of the original divinity from which both were derived, 
as was the power with which he had created the world." (Wilkinson s Anc. Eyypt., 
III., 9/.) See also a description of "Arnrnon-IIorus," and his worship as Khem, in 
Birch s Etji/pt, p. 50; and again of "Aten-Ra" (at p. 107/.). 

1 Wilkinson (Anc. E jijpt, III., 11) says of Amen iri his mythological combina 
tions, " Under the name Amen-Ra he was the intellectual sun, distinct from Ra, the 
physical orb." And he adds : " If it be true that Amunti, or Amenti, signified the 
giver and receiver, the Amen-Ra may be opposed to Aten-Ra, and signify the sun 
in the two capacities of the receiver and the giver. " 

2 See Plate 531, in Wilkinson s Anc. Eyypt., III. 135; also Plate in Bunsen s 
Egypt s Place in Univ. Hist., at close of Vol. I. 

3 Tomkins (Tunes of Abraham, p. 148) thinks that "the horns or ears of the Set- 
monster may be conventional representations of rays of light," such as are found on 
the eagle, and on the hawk-headed gryphon of Ba al, in the hieroglyphs. " The 
Set-monster is occasionally represented with wings," and in Tomkins s opinion, was 
intended for "an eagle-headed lion." lie thinks that the evidences "clearly estab 
lish the joint worship of Osiris (or his son Horus) and Set in these very early times 
of the Fourth Dynasty, by the builders of the great pyrmids." 


North with its shade and its desolation, stood similarly for Lower 
Egypt, where the desert and the sea received and absorbed the 
Nile. But the South and the North, the light and the darkness, 
the river and desert and sea, had certain common interests and 
relations, and were interdependent on each other. It was fitting 
that their combination and balance should have some such re 
cognition as was evidenced in the two-headed figure of Set-Nubti, 
whose seat of worship was at Ombos, 1 and who seemed in a pecu 
liar sense to indicate the co-working for a common end, of the 
protecting divinities of both Upper Egypt and Lower. 2 Indeed 
the two-headed Set-Nubti is called the "lord of the earth " 3 (which 
includes the idea of all Egypt), instead of being counted the divin 
ity of only one portion of Egypt. 

It will now be seen how naturally and easily the incoming 
Hykshos conquerors may have adapted the Ba al cult to the old 
Egyptian worship. Ba al, their sun-god, might stand for Ra, 
Osiris, and Horus, the sun-deities of the ancient Egyptians. And 
in dualistic conjunction with this sun-deity, they could take its 
fitting opposite, Set, or Typhon, the distinctive divinity of Lower 
Egypt, where they now ruled. Whether they had worshiped Set, 
or Sutekh, before they came into Egypt, or not, 4 there was now a 

1 Birch (in Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt., III., 145) says of Set : " The chief seat of his 
worship was at Ombos, where he had the name Xubti, or Ombos, and Set-Xubti, of 
Set, Lord of Ombos." It was Xubti whose figure was represented with the double 
head. (See plates in Wilkinson and Bunsen, as above referred to.) 

2 Ebers (sEyypt. u. d. Bach. Hose s, p. 248) says, that in addition to its cosmic signi 
fication, this combination of two opposing principles, in Horus-Sct, has " a political 
signification ; " for this dual-divinity " is often called the Single-one of both lands 
[the Twain-one of Upper and Lower Egypt] ; the Horus of the South and the 
North ; the bestower of the white crown of Upper Egypt, and the red crown of 
Lower Egypt. " See, also, on this point Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt., III., 135 f> 
Tomkins s Times of Abraham, p. 146 /. 

5 Wilkinson s Anc. Eijypt., III., Egypt is often spoken of, on the monuments, as 
the earth, or the world ; as including all the earth that was worth having. 
4 After the days of the Hykshos, the god Set, or Sutekh, was a chief god of the Klieta 


reason for their exalting his worship ; in the fact of his being both 
the local divinity of their new dominion, and the recognized patron 
god of foreigners such as they had been before their triumph. 

This new dualistic god would naturally be uplifted into a prom 
inence far beyond that ever occupied by Horus-Set; for it in 
cluded in its scope that which had been included in the worship of 
Rii, Osiris, and Horus, as well as of Set and Xubti. It was in a 
sense the worship of Ra-Sct, 1 or Set-Rfi, and traces of its attempted 
improvement under that very name have been found on the monu 
ments. 2 Yet Ba al so took the place of the Aineu-Ra, and the Ilfi- 

in the north of Syria. This may have been a result of the Ilykshos reign in Egypt ; 
or, again, it may indicate that Set was familiar to them before their Egyptian sway. 
An image of Sutekh, or Set, accompanied the image of Khetasin, the king of the 
Kheta, (as his patron divinity), on the silver tablet of the famous treaty of peace 
between that king and Rameses II. (See Ecc. of Past, IV., 32; Brugsch s Hist, of 
E jypt, II., 70, 410 /.). I have not found any evidence, nor any reason for supposing, 
that Set, or Sutekh, was a god of the northern nations before his Ilykshos wor 
shipers had brought a knowledge of him out of Egypt, at the time of their expulsion; 
whereas the evidence is complete, that, centuries before that date, Set was worshiped 
in Egypt, and Ba al was worshiped in the North and East ; and, that from the days 
of the Ilykshos rule Ba al was worshiped in Egypt, and Set was worshiped beyond. 

1 " There is reason to believe that the god Ra corresponded to the Syrian Ba al, 
a name implying lord, which was given par excellence to the sun," says Wilkinson 
(Anc. E<uipt., HI. 53). 

2 " M. Mariette has discovered the curious fact that one of those kings [of the 
Twenty-second Dynasty], a hitherto unknown Osorkon, altered the figure of Seth 
in the legends of Ramses II. at Tanis to that of a Set-Ra" (Jlusee Boulaq., p. 273). 
See R. Stuart Poole s Art. "Egypt," in Encyc. Brit., ninth ed. Birch adds, that 
Set s " worship as Set-Ra . . . was kept up by Osorkon II." (Wilkinson s A nc. 
Egypt., III., 145.) This change from Set, which had come to include the idea of 
Ba al-Set, to Set-Ra, is a natural change on the part of one who would restore the 
more ancient religion to the land. 

Plutarch (De Isid. et Osir., Chap. 50) tells of a statue of Typhon shown at Her- 
mopolis (Ileroopolis) in his day, as " a hippopotamus on which stands a hawk fighting 
with a serpent." This statue has been counted by some (including Graetz in Gesch. 
d. Juden, I,, 385) as " Ba al Zephon; " but its symbolism is clearly that of Ra-Set, or 
Ilorus-Set, rather than of Ba al-Set, or Ba al-Typhon. The hawk represented Ra, 
and also Horus and other sun-gods of Egypt. (See Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt, III., 4, 


Osiris, cult, that it is not strange that those who introduced it were 
charged with abandoning the worship of all the old gods save only 
Set. 1 

From this time on, the worship of Ba al in conjunction with the 
worship of Set, or Sutekh, or Typhon, was so general and so prom 
inent in Lower Egypt, that the intermingling of the symbols of 
the two gods in the inscriptions has led some of the Egyptologists 
to believe that the two gods were deemed absolutely identical, in 
stead of inter-dependent and co-equal ; that their individual per 
sonalities were lost, instead of being combined in a dualistic union. 
Buusen first suggested 2 that Bar, or Bal, or Ba al, was one of the 
names of Set ; and that Champollion had brought out the proof of 
this "without recognizing it." Ebers 3 has affirmed that in the 
hieroglyphics, " for Set, the Canaanitish Ba alim are regularly the 
representatives." 4 And Canon Cook 5 has claimed that "Sutech is 

50, 124). " Porphyry says, The hawk was dedicated to the sun, being the symbol 
of light and spirit, because of the quickness of its motion, and its ascent to the 
higher regions of the air." " The hawk-headed Har-IIat, whose emblem was the 
winged globe, placed over the doors and windows of the Egyptian temples," is also 
closely connected with Horns ; and indeed seems to be one manifestation of Horns. 
Moreover, Ilorus is frequently represented as battling with a serpent (Aphophis, or 
Apop), which in its turn is linked with Typhon. And Typhon is represented by the 
hippopotamus." (See Anc. Egypt., III., 121, 152, 154). Thus the Heroopolitan image 
seems to have been the lineal successor of Ba al-Zephon, but not that divinity him 
self. It was, in fact, Ba al-Zephon after the reformation. Yet that image illustrates 
the dualistic divinity idea of Ilorus-Set, and of Ba al-Typhon. 

1 " King Apapi [a Hykshos ruler] took to himself Sutech for lord, refusing to serve 
any other god in the whole land." " (First Sallier Papyrus " Bee. of Past,Vin., 3). 

2 Egypt s Place in Univ. Hist., I., 426. 3 Gosen zum Sinai, p. 524. 

4 Ebers has thought (see Pict. Egypt, I., 100) that the Egyptians gave the name Set 
to the Hykshos god Ba al as a term of opprobrium ; but the evidence from the 
monuments is conclusive that the god Set received unfeigned homage in Egypt down 
to long after the days of the Hykshos. As Renouf says (Relig. of Anc. Egypt, p. 
120) : " It was not till after the empire that this deity came to be regarded as an 

evil deity." 

5 In Essay I., appended to Exodus, in Speaker s Com. 


identified with Ba al in numerous inscriptions ; " and that " Sntech, 
or Set, in later ages the representative of the evil principle, is 
identified, and was certainly confounded, with Ba al of the Phoe 
nicians." But Lepsius l is sure, that while the fabulous beast which 
stands for Set is sometimes placed as a determinative after the name 
of the god Bar, or Barn (which Lepsius naturally thinks may be 
the Semitic Ba al 2 ) ; yet that the god Bar, or Ba al thus indicated 
is "always distinguished from Sutckh the son of Nut." And Lepsius 
thinks that the reason for this use of the Set-determinative in con 
junction with Ba al is, that Set was regarded in Egypt as the god 
of " the out-land," having patronage of foreign peoples and foreign 
gods ; hence Ba al as a god from an " out-land " is brought in under 
the guardianship of Set. 3 And this would well agree with the com 
bination of Ba al-Set, as inaugurated by the Hykshos conquerors. 

Certainly there was a clear distinction kept up between the gods 
Set and Ba al, even while they were worshiped together, in the 
days of the Ramossids. 4 Rameses I. gave to his son a name 
signifying "He that is devoted to Set." 5 At the crowning of 
Setee s son, Rameses II., Set and Horus are shown to have partic 
ipated. 6 Yet Rameses II., 7 according to the poem of Peutaur, is 

1 Uebcr d. erst ^Egypt. Gutterkr, p. 50. 

2 Bunsen (Egypt s Place, Vol. I., p. -127) gives Bar and Bal in the Egyptian as 
synonymous with the Phoenician, Syrian, and Babylonian Bel, Bol, Ba al, Ba hal, 
Belus. Birch, also (E<jy%>t, p. 117), gives Bar as synonymous with Ba al. And 
Lushington (Rec. of Past, II., GS, note) says: " Bar, a war-god of foreign origin, 
allied to Set in form and properties, supposed to he the same as Ba al." 

3 So Brugsch (already quoted at page 400) says Set gradually became the con 
temporary representative of all foreign countries, the god of the foreigners." 

* " King Seti and his race worshiped the foreign gods in the most obtrusive manner 
and at the head of them the Canaanitish Ba al-Sutekh, or Set, after whose name his 
father, Rameses I., had called him Seti that is, the Setish, or the follower of 
Set. " ( Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 24.) 

5 See Renouf s Rdirj. of Anc. Egypt, p. 119 /. 
6 See Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt., Plate LXI., at Vol. III., p. 361. 

7 See " Poem of Pentaur," in Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 58. 


likened by his eulogists to " Ba al in his time" ; l one of his brig 
ades, in the great battle of his life-dine, bears the name of Set; 
and by his enemies he is said to represent both "Set" and Bar;" 
"Sutekh " and " Ba al." 2 "No mortal born is he whoso is among 
us ; Set, the mighty of strength ; Bar, in bodily form," is their cry 
in the hour of his prowess at Kadesh on the Oroutes. 3 Set and 
Ba al were manifestly two gods, although, from the days of the 
Hykshos rule in Egypt, they had been worshiped in dualistic combi 
nation, as Ba al and Set ; and that combination justified (and it 
explains) their apparent interchangeable mention after that date. 

Finally, as if to put at rest all question as to the identity of the 
Ba al-Sct of the Hykshos cult, as revived by the Ramessids, 4 the 
name itself of the dualistic deity in its Semitic- Egyptian form of 
Ba al i-Zapoona, 5 or Ba ali-Tsapuna, 6 is found on the monuments ; 
and that this is the same name as the Ba al-Zephon (or the 
Ba al-Tsephon) of the Hebrew Scriptures does not admit of 

1 See Lushington s translation of " The Third Sallier Papyrus," in Rcc. of Past, 
II., 68. 

2 See Brugsch, as above (p. 60) ; and Lushington, as above (p. 72). 

3 The mention of Bar or Ba al, and Sut or Sutech, in conjunction, in this poem of 
Pentaur s, clearly does not mean that the two gods are identical ; for Ammon, an 1 
Ra, and Horus, and Ptah, are also named as represented by Rameses in that battle ; 
but they are not thereby confounded in their separate identities. 

4 The Ba al-Set worship in Egypt, which was introduced by the Hykshos kings, 
fell from its pre-eminence with their expulsion; and in this fall the worship of Set, 
himself, lost somewhat in its repute; although Set still received honor from the 
kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty, even from the last king of that dynasty Hor-em- 
heb, whose name indicates his devotion to Horns the opponent of Set, and who is 
called "Horus" by Manetho. (See Lepsius s Denkm., Abth. III., Bl. 119, 122.) But 
witli the Nineteenth Dynasty there was a marked revival of the Ba al-Set, or Ba al- 
Typhon cult. (Comp. Wilkinson s Anc. Egypt., III., 136-145; Brugsch s Hist, of 
Egypt, I., 243-245, 274-278; II., 23-25, 393; Renouf s Rdig. of Anc. Egypt, p. 119 /., 

6 As discovered by Goodwin, in one of the papyri in the British Museum. (See 
Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 393.) 

6 See Ebers s Gosen zum Sinai, p. 524 /. 


serious question. Indeed on this latter point there is no dispute. 
It is agreed, by all, that Ba ali-Tsapuna is Ba al-Zephon. The 
only remaining doubt has been, as to the identity of Ba ali Tsa- 
puna (or Ba al Zephon) with Ba al-Set or (Ba al-Typhon); 1 and 

1 Ebers (Gosen zum Sinai, p. 524 /.) recognizes the fact that Ba al-Zephon is re 
ferred to in the Ba ali-Tsapuua of the monuments. He is also confident (Pict. 
fyypt, !> 100; II., 210) that "Set" and "Typlion" are identical.; and in this he 
agrees with Lepsius, Bunsen, Wilkinson, Brugsch, Birch, Kenrick, Renouf, Maspero, 
Lenormaut, Cook, and Egyptologists generally ; but he is not sure that Tsapuna (or 
Zephon) is the same as Typhon, or Set. He thinks, indeed, that the " Tsapuna" in 
cluded in the " Ba ali-Tsapuna " of the monuments (the " Baal-Zephon" of the 
Bible) " may liave been the Phoenician god of the North Wind, which latter, accord 
ing to Philo, was named Tsaphon. " As a reason for his doubt concerning the 
identity of Ba ali-Tsapuna and Ba al-Set, he says of the hieroglyphs which represent 

the former: "After the Ba al group is placed the Set-animal/ ^vl ) as determina 

tive; after the name Tsapuna [is placed] the class sign ( n J, marking him as a god 
of foreign lands." But docs this properly throw doubt on the identification ? The class 
sign ( JI \ which here follows the name Tsapuna, is the ordinary determinative for 
" a god" ; and Lepsius has shown ( Ucbcr d. erst. JEyypt. Gottcrkr, pp. 30, 52) that this 

very determinative is repeatedly employed for Set ( ~ y) ) in the Egyptian " Book 

v iU 7 
of the Dead." Ebers may, indeed, consider this determinative as indicating a foreign 

god, because it is not the specific designation the proper name as it were of any 
well-known Egyptian divinity (although it was sometimes, as we see, employed as the 
proper name of Set, or Typhon, who was himself, according to Lepsius, and Ebers, 
and others, the "god of foreign lands"). It must be considered, however, that a 
composite god, combining the objects of worship of the old Egyptians and of their 
new masters, and bearing a Semitized Egyptian designation, could not well have a 
familiar specific Egyptian determinative. In this case, the name of the Semitic 
Ba al is followed by the determinative of Set an unmistakable Egyptian deity 
(although Ba al, the sun-god, and Set, the god of darkness, could not, in the nature of 
things be considered one and the same ; and they were not so considered, as Lepsius 
has shown). Then follows in a Semitic-Egyptian form the name of a god known in 
Egypt as Set, and in Phoenicia as Tsaphon, with a closing determinative to show that 
the combination as a whole was a divinity. This very peculiarity of presentation 
would seem to show that this dualistic divinity was an exceptional one in Egypt. 
The missing link of proof that the Ba al-Tsaphon and the Ba al-Set were one and 
the same object of worship, is found, in the evidence of their identity of symbolism. 


that doubt will be removed, I think, by the evidence of the iden 
tical symbolism of these two dualistic gods. 

" Ba ul-Zephon " is understood by many to mean " Lord of the 
North ; " l but this is to take the words in their hard and literal 
meaning, without recognizing their applied and symbolic signifi 
cation. Ba al had a personality in the minds of his worshipers, 
which went beyond the etymological meaning of his name as "lord" 
and " master." To them Ba al was Ba al. 2 So, also, it was with 

Tsaphon, 3 or Tsephon, 4 Tsephona, 5 means in Hebrew, and in 
Phoenician, the North, or the Darkness, or the Shadow, or the 
Winter, or the Region of Destructive Winds ; as over against the 
South, the Light, the Summer, the Region of Calm and Warmth ; 
" since the ancients regarded the North as the seat of gloom and 
darkness, in contrast with the bright and sunny South " ; 6 as " the 
dark cold region, where the sun and stars are extinguished, and the 
light swallowed up." 7 Tsaphon, as a god, therefore, included the 
idea not of the North as a region, but of that which the region of the 
North typified. "Tsephon," or " Tsaphon," in the Hebrew and 
in the Phoenician, 8 was the correspondent of " Tebha " in the 

See Selden s De Dis Syris (chapter De Bel-Tsephonte) ; Chabas and Lauth, as 
cited by Ebers, in Goscn zum Sinai (p. 524) ; Von Gerlach s Com. on Pent, at Exod. 
14: 2; Bunseii s Egypt s Place, II 1., 201; Brugsch s Hist, of Egypt, II., 393, 
427 ; Sayce, in " The Sunday School Times " for June 23, 1883. 

2 The prophets of Ba al, at the trial on Mount Carmel (1 Kings 18: 21-40), " called 
on the name of Ba al from morning even until noon, saying, O, Ba al hear us! " 
And Elijah s mocking comment was : " Cry aloud : for he is a god ; either he is 
talking, or he is pursuing, or he is in a journey, or perad venture he sleepeth, and 
must be awaked." 

3 | 12. This appears to be the form given by Philo, as cited by Ebers. 

4 |i3!f. As given with Ba al, at Exod. 14 : 2, 9. 

b KriSS. As given in Buxtorf s Lex. Chald. Tal. et Rab. 

*Gescuiub d Heb. Lex., s. v., " Tsaphon." T First s Ileb. Lex., s. v., " Tsaphon." 
8 See references at foot of page 418, supra. 


Egyptian, 1 of " Tephon," or " Tuplion," in the Aramaic, 2 and of 
"Typhon" hi tlic Greek. 3 Either word represented the idea of 
each and all of the other equivalents ; and each word when used 
as the name of a divinity represented a distinct identity, an ideal 

Every indication which the monuments or records of Egypt, of 
Phoenicia, or of the regions east or west of those lands, give to us 
concerning the characteristics of a divinity bearing any one of these 
names, goes to show the same idea which is represented in the 
earlier Egyptian divinity, Set ; in the later Hittitc divinity, Sutekh ; 
and in the still later Greek divinity, Typhon. It would seem clear 
indeed, that Set, Seth, Sutekh, Tebha, Tephou, Tuphon, Typhon, 
Tsapuna, Tsaphoua, Tsaphon, Tscphon, Zephon, represent one 
and the same idea, principle, essence, divinity ; and that Ba al 
(as the Semitic correspondent of the Egyptian Ra, Osiris, and 
Ilorus) in combination with any one of those names, represents 
the opposite of that idea, principle, essence, divinity ; the 
two terms together representing the dualistic divinity of Ba al Set, 
or Ra-Set, or Horus-Set, or Ba al-Typhon, or Ba al- Tsaphon, or 
Ba al-Zephon. 

How clearly all this brings out the identification and relative 
location of the sanctuary, or the image, of Ba al-Zephon, in the 
story of the exodus. Typhou was the guardian of Lower Egypt. 
Typhon was the god of the desert. Typhon was the emblem of the 
sea. Typhon was the controlling deity of all foreign peoples. 
Typhon was the favored divinity of the reigning Pharaohs in the 

1 Ebcrs (Gosen znm Sinai, p. 225) says : " Typhon appears, according to Diestel s 
thoughtful exhibition of the evidence, to be originally un-Egyptian. . . . We must, 
therefore, with Diimichen, look to Tebha, for an existent name, and one to be held 
as Typhon." 

y See Lcnormant s Beginnings of History p. 551. 

3 Kenrick (Egypt of Herodotus, p. 185) says : " The name [Tv0ui>] appears to be 
originally Greek." 


days of the Hebrew oppression. Ba al-Typhon, or Ba al-Zephon, 
was the one object of common worship among those who accepted 
the Bu al cult imported from the North, and those also who de 
terminedly adhered to the old divinities of the Egyptian theogony. 
The place of places for a shrine of Ba al-Typhon was over against 
the wilderness-gateway of Lower Egypt ; looking toward the East 
whither the Ba al worship was always directed ; overlooking the 
desert which Typhon ruled; above the sea which Typhon typified ; 
watching against the foreigners whom Typhon controlled. The 
northernmost highway out of Lower Egypt, as also the central one, 
went Canaan ward. Only the southern road led pre-eminently 
desertward, while at the same time it was in proximity to the sea. 
And when Pharaoh-Meneptah, of the family Devoted-to-Typhon, 
neared the eastern borders of his dominion, and saw the objects of 
his pursuit gathered there under the very shadow of his own 
patron-divinity, the guardian god of the Land which they would 
flee from, how auspicious must the sign have been to him ; and how 
confident his assurance that success was now his, so certainly as 
Ba al-Typhon was Ba al-Typhon. 1 

1 The more common symbol of Set, or Typhon, was a dog of peculiar form (as 
shown herewith, ^sjf ). It is noteworthy, therefore, that a rabbinical tradition 

was, that Ba al-Zephon " was a brazen dog fabricated by the magi of Pharaoh, . . . 
that he might turn aside the Israelites from their directed journey, by his horrid 
barking ; and so might stop their flight " (Dieterici s Antiq. Bib., p. 24). " Rashi " 
( al ha-Torah, at Exod. 14: 2) states that Ba al-Zephon was the one remaining idol 
of Egypt from whose seductions the Israelites were to escape (as, in fact, Ba al-Set 
was the one dominant idol of the region of the Israelites bondage); and "Rashi" 
declares that this idol was called 3VX (Ayob), or " Enemy," " from causing nations 
to err, and destroying them." This character corresponds with the Typhonic or 
Satanic idea. Indeed the Hebrew name of Satau (\V) means Adversary, or Accu 
ser (See Job 1: 6, and margin; also, Psa. 109: 6; Zech. 3: 1). And Villiers Stuart 
has suggested (Funeral Tent of an Egyptian Queen, p. 27) that Set being " repre 
sented as a beast with long pointed ears and erect tail" may "be the origin of the 
popular representations of Satan, the ears having come to be regarded as horns." 


In fixing the location of the shrine of Ba al-Zcphon yet more 
definitely, there are helps in its mention in the text. The place of 
the encampment of the Israelites by the Red Sea is described by four 
cardinal points. It is in some way bounded, or indicated, by : 
Migdol, the Sea, Pi-hahiroth, and Ba al-Zcphon. 1 The Sea must, 
in the nature of things, have lain at the eastward. As the com 
mandment was to encamp "between Migdol and the Sea," 2 Migdol 
is naturally to be looked for at the westward of the Sea. And as 
Pi-hahiroth is said to be " before," or "over against," Ba al-Zephon, 3 
while the camp is at one time said to be " before," or over against 
Pi-hahiroth, 4 and again to be " before " or " over against " Ba al- 
Zephon, 5 at the same time that it was " before " Migdol, 6 it follows 
that Pi-hahiroth and Ba al-Zephon must have been in the relation 
of northerly and southerly to each other ; 7 since Migdol was 
westerly, as over against the Sea which lay easterly. 

This corresponds, so far, with the supposed identifications of 
Migdol, at or near, Muktala; and of Pi-hahiroth, or Hahiroth, at 
Ajrood. The landmarks at the northerly and westerly bounds of 
the place of encampment are at points which conform with all the 
indications of the text. This goes to fix the shrine of Ba al- 
Zephon as at some point southerly from Ajrood, and southward of 
a line running from Muktala to the Sea. 8 In that direction the 

De Rouge, followed by Tomkins (Times of Abraham, p. 149 ff.), thinks that the 
Egyptian Set is connected with the Hebrew shedheem (D 119) translated "devils" iu 
Dent, 31 : 17, and Psa. 10G: 37. 

i Exod. 14: 2, 9; Num. 33 : 7, 8. 2 Exod. 14 : 2. 3 Num. 33; 7, 8. 

* Exod. 14 : 2. 5 Exod. 14 : 2, 9. 6 Num. 33 : 7. 

7 Our English translation renders the same Hebrew word with different equiva 
lents in the Bible narrative. Liphnai ( Jp/) * s rendered as before," and again as 
" over against. This is a word that frequently means " eastward," in the sense of 
" in the face of" (see note at page 44). But the fact that the word is applied in the 
course of this narrative to two or three places interchangeably, shows that it here 
means "over against," rather than "eastward." Two places could not, each of them. 
be eastward of the other; but each of them could be over against the othor. 

8 Keil and Delitzsch (Bib. Com., at Exod. 14 : 1, 2) say that the hill of Muktala, 


mountains of Atftqah stand out too prominently to be overlooked 
as a probable site of such a shrine, as that of Ba al-Zephon must 
have been. Their summit commands a view of the isthmus, of 
the sea, and of the desert eastward; just that sweep which the 
worshipers of Ba al-Typhon would have wished to have under his 
watchful gaze. Ebers 1 has advocated Gebel Ataqah as a site of 
Ba al-Zephon, and other scholars 2 have accepted his judgment on 
this point as probably correct. It is not easy to find any sound 
reason for questioning its correctness. 


A glance at the map will show the field where the Israelites 
encamped (over against Pi-hahiroth on the north, and Ba al- 
Zephon on the south, between Migdol on the west and the Red 
Sea on the east), when they had turned back at the Lord s com 
mand from their encampment within the Great Wall, in the 
vicinity of the Road of the Land of the Philistines. And it was 
there that they were surprised by seeing the chariots of Pharaoh 
coming down from the westward in their pursuit. 

It must not be forgotten that the Israelites were up to this time 
not fugitives, but emigrants. They had gone out from their 
homes not secretly, nor in the fear of pursuit, but openly and 
above-board ; " with a high hand, in the sight of all the Egyp- 

" when looked at from the sea, is almost behind Ajrud ; so that the expression en 
camping bofore Migdol does not suit the situation." But the hill is farther west, 
and farther south than Ajrood ; and its tower would plainly be a western landmark, 
as over against Ajrood as a northern one. The description of the locality, in the 
command to the Israelites, was not intended to fix the four cardinal points of the 
compass precisely, but to indicate well-known land (and water) marks, in four gene 
ral directions. 

1 Gosen zum Sinai, pp. 524-526. 

2 So, e. g., Keil and Delitzsch (as above) ; Hamburger (Real-Encyc., 8. v., " Ba al- 
Zephon") ; Bartlett (Egypt to Pal., p. 170). 


tians." l It is true that the " Egyptians were urgent " upon them 
to lose no time in leaving their homes, and that " they were thrust 
out of Egypt/ or out of their old Egyptian dwelling-place, because 
of the fear that to hold them back another day from their desired 
exodus would endanger the lives of all who hindered them. 2 
But all this made any pursuit of them for their re-capture the 
less probable, even though they dallied, as it were, for many days, 
at the entrance of the wilderness. Hence their surprise when, at 
their encampment by the sea, " the children of Israel lifted up 
their eyes, and, behold, the Egyptians marched after them ;" ! the 
chariots of Pharaoh coming toward them from the field of Zoan. 

Then it was that " they were sore afraid," and that they " cried 
out unto the Lord." And for what? Pharaoh s unexpected pursuit 
of them showed a new change of mind and purpose on his part. 
Either he was actuated by a desire to avenge the blood of his 
first-born, or his thought was to turn them back to the land they 
had come out from. In either case, if they were to pass through 
the Great Wall which frowned before them, they must now battle 
for the privilege. And that put a new face on the entire situation. 
After all, was the prize before them worth what it now must cost ? 
They had been long enough away from their homes to feel the 
discomforts of a nomadic life; but not long enough away to 
see its possibilities of good to them. The wilderness beyond 
the Wall was at the best a forbidding outlook ; more so than ever, 
with a prospect of a life and death struggle to reach it. 

The sight of their former masters brought fairly before them the 
question whether they had really gained anything by leaving their 
old service, or whether they were likely to gain anything. " And 
they said unto Moses, Because there were no graves in Egypt, hast 
thou taken us [from our old homes in Egypt] to die in the wilder- 

1 Num. 3:5 : 3. See, also, Exod. 14 : <?. 
2 Exod. 12 : 33. Exod. 14 : 10. 


ness [which stretches out before us here ? What are you looking 
for, anyhow ? Is it graves for us all ? If that is what you are 
after, there were graves enough in Egypt. It is a land of tombs 
and mummies. And there is certainly nothing better than graves 
in the wilderness we have set out for]. Wherefore hast thou 
dealt thus with us, to carry us forth out of Egypt ? Is not this 
the word that we did tell thee in Egypt, saying, Let us alone that 
we may serve the Egyptians ? For it had been better for us to 
serve the Egyptians, than that we should [go on any farther, to] 
die in the wilderness." 1 And the Israelites were more than half 
ready to make terms with Pharaoh, as he drew near their camping- 
place ; and to promise to turn back with him to their old bondage. 
They certainly were not ready to fight for a passage through the 
sally-port of the Great Wall in their front. 


Then it was that Moses spoke the words of cheer and promise 
which put new heart into that panic-stricken people : " Fear ye 
not," he said to them. " [You will have no fighting to do.] Stand 
still, and see the salvation of the Lord, which he will show to you 
to-day : for the Egyptians whom ye have seen to-day, ye shall see 
them again no more for ever. The Lord shall fight for you, and 
ye shall hold your peace." 2 And such a prophecy from such a 
source commanded respect, and prepared the way for renewed 
obedience on the part of those who had learned to look for wonder 
working from the Lord. Then followed the divine directions for 
the miraculous passage of the Red Sea at their right and front. 
The frowning Wall might continue to frown. The Lord s people 
should pass around its seaward bulwarks. 

" And the Angel of God which went before the camp of Israel, 

1 Exod. 14: 11, 12. Exod. 14: 13, 14. 


removed and went behind them ; and the pillar of the cloud went 
from before their face, and stood behind them : and it came be 
tween the camp of the Egyptians and the camp of Israel ; and it 
was a cloud and darkness [to them], but it gave light by night [to 
these]." "And the waters were divided. And the children of 
Israel went into the midst of the sea upon the dry ground : and the 
waters were a Wall l unto them on their right hand and on their left. 
And the Egyptians pursued and went in after them to the midst 
of the sea," 2 along that new Wall Road in the bed of Yam Sooph, 
in the darkness of that cloud. It was as though a dense fog had 
shut in between the Israelites and the Egyptians ; and all the land 
marks of the region were hidden from the host of Pharaoh, while 
they were still clear as daylight to the children of Israel. The 
Egyptians knew that the Israelites were moving off in their front, 
but they could not see whither. They groped on after them in the 
cloudy darkness, but without coming near them ; " the one came 
not near the other all the night." 

One of the most plausible objections that has been raised against 
the narrative of the crossing of the lied Sea as it stands in the 
Bible text is, that when the Egyptians saw that the Israelites were 
passing over on a new made ford, they would have been more 
likely to go with their chariots around the head of the sea, and 
intercept the fugitives on the other shore, than foolishly to follow 
them in their perilous path. But it is plain from the narrative, 3 
that the Egyptians were following the Israelites into the bed of the 
waters without knowing it. They were as in a fog, so that neither 
Wall nor mountain nor shore could be discerned by them ; and 
the last thing in the world they could have thought of as a possi 
bility, was a miraculous pathway through the waters of the Red Sea. 

1 In the Targum of Onkclos (at Exod. 14 : 22, 29) the word used for the water- 
walls is " Shurs " (Chaldaic Shooreen, j"W), the plural of Shur. 

2 Exod. 14: 19-23. 3 Exod. 14: 19-23. 


It was enough for the Egyptians that the Israelites were unmis 
takably moving before them. Where it was safe for Pharaoh s 
bondsmen to lead, it ought to be counted safe for Pharaoh s chosen 
chariots to follow. 

And so the night-march went on. The Israelites moved for 
ward in the light. The Egyptians groped on after them in the 
bewildering darkness of the fog-like cloud. And it came to pass, 
that in the early morning, after all that night s marching and 
groping, when at last the Israelites were safe on the eastern shore 
of the sea, and the Egyptians were all unconsciously midway be 
tween the shores, the chariot wheels of the Egyptians began to drag 
heavily, and to wrench and yield in the treacherous sands of the 
bared sea-bed ; and at the same time the Lord let in upon the eyes 
of the folly-blinded Egyptians the startling glare of a preternatural 
light, and caused them to realize at a glance that in pursuing the 
Israelites they were encountering Jehovah. " Jehovah looked to 
ward the host of the Egyptians, through the pillar of fire and of 
the cloud ; " and at that look the cry of the appalled and dismayed 
pursuers went up : " Let us flee from the face of Israel ; for Jeho 
vah fightcth for them against the Egyptians." 

But it was too late. The hour of the Egyptians doom had come. 
There was no help in Ba al-Zephon. " Jehovah said unto Moses, 
Stretch out thine hand over the sea, that the waters may come again 
upon the Egyptians, upon their chariots, and upon their horsemen. 
And Moses stretched forth his hand over the sea . . . and the waters 
returned and covered the chariots, and the horsemen, and all the 
host of Pharaoh that came into the sea after them ; there remained 
not so much as one of them." 2 

" Thus Jehovah saved Israel that day out of the hand of the 
Egyptians." Thus the Great Wall of the Land of Bondage was 
flanked, and Israel went beyond it into the Land of Training, as a 

1 Exod. 14 : 24, 25. l Exod. 14 : 26-28. 


nation of freemen. And Israel s song of rejoicing rang out in the 
morning air of the desert : 

" I will sing to Jehovah ; 

For excelling, he hath excelled : 

The horse and his charioteer hath he cast into the sea. . . . 

" The chariots of Pharaoh and his might hath He cast into the sea ; 

His choice captains were drowned in the Weedy Sea : 

The deeps covered them ; 

They went down to the bottom like a stone. 

" Thy right hand, Jehovah, is glorious in strength : 
Thy right hand, Jehovah, brake in pieces the foe ; 
In the greatness of thy exaltation, thou hast overcome them that rose 

up against thee : 

Thou didst send forth thy wrath and it consumed them like stubble; 
And with the breath of thy nostrils, the waters piled themselves on high : 
The flowing waters stood up like a mound : 
The waters were congealed in the heart of the sea. 

" Spake the foe : 

I will pursue ; 

I will overtake ; 

I will divide the spoil ; 

My soul shall be glutted upon them ; 

I will draw my sword ; 

My hand shall destroy them. 

" Thou didst blow with thy wind : 

The sea covered them ; 

They whirled down like lead in the mighty waters. 

" Who is like thee among the gods, Jehovah ? 

Who is like thee, glorious in holiness; terrible in renown ; doing 
marvels?. . ." 

" So Moses brought Israel from the Red Sea, and they went out 
into the Wilderness of the Wall." 2 

1 Exod. 15 : 1-11. * Exod. 15 : 22. 



In view of all that this study of the route of the exodus has 
disclosed, it is evident that several points which have been com 
monly overlooked or undervalued in the biblical narrative and in 
the monumental records, are of unmistakable importance in the 
resolving of that route. 

1. A prominent feature in the Bible narrative is the Great 
Wall of Egypt, which stood as a border barrier between the Delta 
and the desert, from the Mediterranean Sea to the modern Gulf of 
Suez. The existence of that Wall is established beyond all fair 
questioning. It was variously known, by the Hebrew name of 
Shur, by the Egyptian name of Khetam or Khetamoo, and by the 
Sernitized Egyptian name of Etham. The desert beyond the 
Great Wall, eastward, was known interchangeably, as the Desert 
of Shur, and the Desert of Etharn. It was into that desert that 
the Israelites made their exodus from Egypt. 

2. There were three great highways out of Egypt eastward. 
They are mentioned in the Bible text by their former well-known 
descriptive titles : the Road of the Laud of the Philistines, the 
Road of the Wall, and the Road of the Red Sea, or the Road of 
the Wilderness of the Red Sea. These three roads are clearly re 
ferred to in the Egyptian monumental records. The face of the 
country on the eastern borders of Lower Egypt, and beyond, shows 
where must have been the course of these roads ; and it still gives 
traces of them severally. The sure location of these roads, respect 
ively, fixes important points in the route of the exodus. 

3. The numbers of the Israelites, and the requirements of the 
Bible narrative forbid the suggestion that any city or town was a 
starting-point, or a stopping-place, in the route of the exodus ; 
hence the hope of determining that route by any discovery of the 
rnins of one town or another in Lower Egypt, is based on a miscon- 


ception of both the letter and the general tenor of the Bible narra 
tive. The Israelites started out from their scattered homes in the 
district of Rameses-Goshen, and made their general rendezvous at 
Succoth, in an extensive camping field along the line of lakes of 
which Lake Timsah is the centre. Thence they moved forward 
toward the Great Wall, and encamped within it, at some point near 
the northernmost of the three roads desertward. From that camp 
ing-place they were turned southward nearly the entire length of 
the Isthmus, and made their final camp, before the exodus, at a 
region bounded eastward by the western arm of the Red Sea, west 
ward by a prominent w r atch-tower such as guarded each of the 
three roadways out of Egypt, northward by Hahiroth, and south 
ward by an image or shrine of the Semitic Egyptian dualistic- 
divinity Ba al-Set. 

4. It would appear from the Bible narrative, that while there was 
haste in the starting out of the Israelites from their homes in 
Rameses-Goshen to their Succoth-rendezvous, there was no press 
ing haste in their subsequent movements, until the time of their 
midnight crossing of the Red Sea. The indications of the narrative 
would point to, from say ten to twenty days, or more, between the 
passover-uight and the night of the crossing. Moreover, there is 
nothing in the text that justifies the belief that there was but a 
day s journey between any two of the stations named as the great 
landmark camping-places ; while there is every reason to believe 
that several days must have been taken in passing down along the 
Great Wall, from the encampment near the Philistia Road to the 
encampment by the Red Sea. Hence, there can be no help to an 
identifying of any particular site, by its supposed single day s dis 
tance from another site. 

5. The northernmost stretch of the western arm of the Red Sea 
was then practically at the present head of the Gulf of Suez. 
Whatever difference existed must have been a slight one. Hence 
the last camping-field of the Israelites must have been near the 


northern shore of the Gulf of Suez, as being near the exit, 
through the Great Wall, of the lied Sea Road (which corres 
ponded with the modern Hajj route into and over the Red Sea 
desert). The crossing of the Red Sea must have been from that 

6. AVhatever disclosures may be made by further explorations 
in the region of eastern Lower Egypt, must be studied and viewed 
in the light of these facts, which by the Bible narrative and the 
monumental records are already made clear and definite beyond 
a perad venture. 



[This list indicates the particular edition of each work from which citations have been 
made in this volume. Where more than one edition has been cited, both 
editions are indicated. All of the works named in this list have 
been given at first hand. A supplemental list indi 
cates the works cited at second hand.] 


Descriptio Aegypti. Edidit, latine 
vertit, notas adjecit Johannes Da 
vid Michaelis. Gottingen : 1776. 
Historia Anteidamica. Edidit cum 
versione latina, notis et indici- 
bus Henricus Orthobius Fleischer. 
Leipzig: 1831. 

Tabula Syriae; cum excerpto geo- 
graphico, ex Ibn Ol Wardii Geo- 
graphia et Ilistoria Naturali. Ed 
idit Johannes Jacobus Reiskius. 
Leipzig : 1706. 

Tlteatrum Terrae Sanctae et Biblica- 

rum Ilistoriarum. Delft: 1593. 

The Book of Genesis and part of the 
Book of Exodus. A revised ver 
sion, with marginal references. 
London: 1872. 

Travels in Morocco, Egypt, Arabia, 
and Syria, between the years 1803 
and 1807. London : 1816. 

The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin of 
Tudelck. 2 vols. London and Ber 
lin : 1840. 

Historische und gcographische Be- 
schreibung von Palastina. 7 vols. 
Cleve and Leipzig: 1766-75. 

Lower Egypt, with the Fayilm and 
the Peninsula of Sinai. Leipzig : 
Palestine and Syria Handbook for 

travellers. Leipzig : 187(5. 
Booster s Comprehensive Bible. London : 


Legends of the Patriarchs and Pro 
phets and other Old Testament 
Characters. New York : 1872. 


English Bible. London : 1599. 

A Synopsis of Criticism upon those 
Passages in the Old Testament, in 
which Modern Commentators have 
differed from the Authorized Ver 
sion. London: 1847. 

Sacred Geography and Antiquities. 

New York : [s. a.] 

from Egypt to Palestine; Observa 
tions of a journey made with spe 
cial reference to the history of the 
Israelites. New York : 1879. 

Forty Days in the Desert, on the track 

of the Israelites. London: 1851. 

Das Ifeilige Land, und die angrenz- 
enden Landschaften. llerseburg : 

Le Desert de Suez; Cinq mois dans 

1 Isthme. Paris: [s. a.] 
BEER, E. F. F. : 

Inscriptiones Vetrres litteris et lingua 
hucusque incognitis ad montem 
Sinai servatae. Leipzig: 1840. 

The Life and Achievements of Ed 
ward Henry Palmer. London : 

Bible Educator, The. Edited by the Rev. 
E. II. Plumptre. 4 vols. London, 
Paris and New York : [s. a.~\ 
BIRCH, S. : 

Egypt from the Earliest Times to 

B. c. 300. London : 1879. 

Bedouin Tribes of the Euphrates. 
Edited, with a preface, by W. S. B. 
New York : 1879. 





Geographia Sacra; seu, Phaleg et 
Canaan. Leyden: 1707. 


Desert of /Sinai; Notes of a spring- 
journey from Cairo to Beernheba. 
London : 1857. 


Itinerariuni Hierosolimi. Spires: 


A Dictionary of the Holy Bible. 

Edinburgh: IS 10. 

Travels to discover the Sources of the 

Nile. 6 vols. Dublin: 1700. 

A History of Egypt ujider the Pha 
raohs. Translated and edited by 
Philip Smith. Second edition. 
2 vols. London : 1881. 

Dictionnaire Geographiquc. Leip 
zig: 1879. 

Die Geographic des Alien ^Egyptens. 
Leipzig : 1857. 

Hieroijlypltisch-Dcmot ischcs Wortcr- 

luch. 4 vols. Leipzig: 1861. 

Historic Ecclcsiastica Veteris Tcsta- 

mcnti. Halle : 1744. 

Itinerariuni Sacrx Scriptures; dass 
ist, Ein lleisebuch iiber die gauze 
Heilige Schrift. Magdeburg: 1.591. 

The Travels of the Holy Patriarchs, 

Prophets, &c. London : 1705. 

Egypt s Place in Universal History. 

5 vols. London: 1848. 

The Chronology of the Bible; Con 
nected with contemporaneous 
events in the history of Babylon 
ians, Assyrians and Egyptians. 
London: 1871. 

JScmerkungen iiber die Jjcduinen iind 
Wahabt/. Gesam melt wall rend sei- 
nen Reisen im Morgenlande. Wei- 
mar: 1831. 

Travels in Syria and the Holy Land. 

London: 1822. 

A Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and 
Meccah. American edition. New 
York: 1*5(5. 

The Gold Mines of Miclian, and the 
Ruined Midianite Cities ; A fort 
night s tour in North- Western Ara 
bia. Second edition. London: 1878. 

Unexplored Stirin ; Visits to the Li- 
banus, the tuliil el Safa, the Anti- 
Libanus, tlie Northern Libanus, 
and the Alah. 2 vols. London : 


Notes, Critical and Practical, on the 

Hook of Genesis. Ninth edition. 

2 vols. New York : 1850. 
Notes, Critical and Practical, on the 

Book of Numbers. Chicago: 1881. 


Lexicon Chaldaicum, Talmudicum, 
et Jlabbinicnm. Edidit Johannes 
Buxtorfius, films. Basle: 1640. 
Synagoga Judaica; hoc est, Schola 

Judseorum. Hanau : 1G04. 

Great Dictionary of the Holy Bible. 
Revised, corrected, and augmented 
under the direction of C. Taylor. 
American edition. Charlestown : 

Le.ricon tfyriaciim, ex eius Lexico 
Ileptaglotto. Adnotata adjecit Jo 
hannes David Michaelis. Gottin- 
gen : 1787. 

El devoto Peregrino ; Viage de Tierra 

Saiua. Madrid: 1(]G6. 

An English and Arabic Dictionary. 

In two parts. London: 1858. 

Notitia Orliis Antiqni; sive, Geo- 
gra])hia Plenior. 2 vols. Leipzig : 
ClIABAS, F. : 

Etudes sur V Antique 7Jf ,sfoiYr,d apres 
les sources Egyptiennes. Second 
edition. Paris : 1S73. 
Les Inscriptions des Mines d Or ; Dis 
sertation sur les textes Egyptiens. 
Paris: 1862. 

Enypte sous les Pharaons. Paris: 1814. 

The Bible Atlas. With an index of 
geographical names, by George 
Grove. London : 1868. 

Historical Geography of the Bible. 

Philadelphia : 1850. 

The Pentateuch and Book of Joshua 
Critically Examined. New York : 

Tent Work in Palestine ; A record of 
discovery and adventure. 2 vols. 
New York : 1878. 

A ILandbook to the Bible; A guide 
to the study of the Holy Scriptures. 
New York : [s. a.] 

Ancient Fragments of the Phoenician, 
Carthaginian, Babylonian, Egypt 
ian and other authors. Edited by E. 
Richmond Hodges. London : 1876. 



Critici Sicri; sive, Doctissimorum Vi- 
roriini in SS. Biblia Annotations et 
Tractatus. 9 vols. London : 1660. 

Expository A otes on the Book of 

Joshwi. New York, 1875. 
Lands of the Moslem ; A narrative 
of oriental travel, by " El-Mukat- 
tem. 1 New York : 1851. 
CUCHE, R. P. : 

Jesuits French Arabic Lexicon. Bay- 
root: 1802. 

De Rebus Gestis Alexandri Mayni 
libri qui supersunt octo. Eiiidit 
Georg .Enotheua Koch. Leipzig: 

Naukcurirje Beschryving van gantsch 
Syrie, en, Palestyn of Ileilige Lant. 
Amsterdam : 1677. 

Coiiimeittar iiber die Genesis. Leip 
zig: 1872. 

Le Puenie de Pen-Ta-Our. Lyons: 


Narrative of a Journey round the 
Dead Sea and in Bible Lands, in 
1850 and 1851. 2 vols. Philadel 
phia: 1854. 

Description de I Eg /pte, Recueil des ob 
servations et des recherches qui out 
te faites en Egypte pendant 1 ex- 
pedition de 1 armee Francaise. 20 
vols.. Paris: 1809-1822. Also, 
24 vols. Paris: 1816. 

Antiquitates Jiiblicae. Publicatse a 
Johanne Justo Pistorio. Giessen : 

Bibliotkecae Historicae quae super 
sunt. 6 vols. Leipzig : 1829, 
DREW, C. S. : 

Scripture Lands, in connection with 

their history. London: 1871. 

The Ride Through Palestine. Phila 
delphia: 1881. 

Observations in the East; Chiefly in 
Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and Asia 
Minor. Ninth edition. 2 vols. 
New York: 1851. 

jEt/ypten und die Biichrr Mose s ; 
Conimentar zu den /Egyptischen 
Stellen in Genesis und Exodus. 
Leipzig: 1858. 

Dnrch Gonrn zum Sinai ; aus dem 
Wanderbueh und der Bibliothek. 
Leipzig: 1881. 

Egypt : Descriptive, Historic and 
Picturesque. Translated from the 
German hy Clara Hell. Edited by 
Samuel Birch. 2 vols. London 
and New York. 1881. 

Oriental Geography. Edited by Wil 
liam Ousely. London : 1800. 

. The Exodus and the Wanderings in 

the, Wilderness. London: [s. a.] 
The Temple; Its ministry and service, 
as they were in the time of Jesus 
Christ. London : 1874. 

A Thousand Miles uj) the Nile. Lon 
don : 1877. 

Encyclopcedia Britannica ; A Diction 
ary of Arts, Sciences, and General 
Literature. Ninth edition. Ameri 
can reprint. Philadelphia: 1875 
Englishman s Hebrew and Chaldee Con 
cordance of the Old Testament. 2 vols. 

London: 1874. 

Onomasticon Urbium et Locorum Sa- 
crae Scripturae. Cum latina in- 
terpretatione Hieronymi. Edide- 
runt F. Larsow et G. Parthey. 
Berlin: 1862. 

The History of Israel. Translated 
from the German. Edited by Rus 
sell Martineau. 6 vols. London : 
1876. , 

Evagatorium in Tcrrae Sanctae, Ara- 
biae et Eqi/pti Peregrationem. 
3 vols. Stuttgart : 1843. 

The Imperial Bible Dictionary. 

2 vols. London : 1867. 

The Englishman s Critical and Ex 
pository Cyclopadia. Philadelphia. 

On the Desert; With a brief review 
of recent events in the East. New 
York: 1883. 

Jeogrdfeeah Misr. Cairo: A. H. 


A Visit to the East ; Comprising Ger 
many and the Danube, Constan 
tinople, Asia Minor. Egypt and 
Idumea. London : 1843. 

Israel in the Wilderness; or, Glean 
ings from the scenes of the Wan 
derings. London: 1865. 
The Historical Geography of Arabia; 
or, The patriarchal evidences of re 
vealed religion 2 vols. London : 




Lej-icon Arabico-Latinum. Halle: 


lieis-Beschreibung in Egypten, Ara- 
bien, Paldstinam, Syrien, etc. Nu 
remberg: first edition, 1565-67; 
second edition, 1646. 

Hebraisches und Chaldaisches Hand- 
worterbuch. Leipzig : 1857. 

A Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon to the 
Old Testament. Translated from 
the German by Samuel Davidson. 
New York: 1867. 

Illustrated Bible. Leipzig: 1819. 

Librorum S<tcrorum Veteris Testa- 
menti Concordantiae Hebraicac at- 
que Chaldaicae. Leipzig: 1840. 

Th e. I foli/ Bible ; the Books accounted 
sacred by the Jews. London : 1792. 


Hours with the Bible ; or, The Scrip 
tures in the light of modern dis 
covery and knowledge. Vols. I. 
and II. New York: 1881. 
Gesta Dei Per Francos; sive, Oriental- 

ium Expeditionum, et Regni Fran- 
corum Ilierosolimitani llistoria. A 
variisscriptoribus. Hanover: 1611. 

A Hebrew and English Lexicon of 
the Old Testament. Translated and 
edited by Edward Robinson. Bos 
ton, 1881. 

Hebraisches und Chaldaisches Hand- 
worterbuch. Edited by F. Miihlau 
and W. Volck. Leipzig, 1878. 

Hebrew Grammar. Enlarged by E. 
Rodiger. lie-edited by B. David 
son. London : 1852. 

Thesaurus philologicus criticus Lin 
guae Hebraeae et Chaldaeae Vete- 
rii Textamcnti. Leipzig: 182942. 

Geschichte der Juden, von den alte- 
ste.n Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart. 
Vol. I. Leipzig : 1874. 

The Hi broi Migration from Egypt. 

London : 1879. 

Illustrations of Scripture, suggested 
by a tour through the Holy Land. 
Boston: 1860. 

Biblia Hehraica Seeundum edi- 
tiones Jos. Athiae, J. Leusden, 
J. Simonis aliorumque, imprimis 
Everardi van der Hooght. Phila 
delphia: 1868. 


Real-Encj/clopadie filr Bihel und 
Talmud. Abtheilung I. Die bi- 
blischen Artikel. Strelitz: 1870. 


Observations on Various Passages of 
Scripture, placing them in a new 
light, and ascertaining the mean 
ing of several. Edited by Adam 
Clarke. Fifth edition. 4 vols. 
London: 1816. 

Harvard University Bulletin. Cam 
bridge: 1883. 

Reyni Duvldi et Salomoncui Descrip- 
tio Geoyraphica et Jl tutor ica. Nur 
emberg: 1739. 

Puln nti na ; sive, Terra JSanctapaucis 

capitibus explicata. [./.]: 1605. 

Commentary on Ezekiel. Edinburgh : 

Die, Authentic dcs Pentateuch. 2 vols. 

Berlin : 1839. 

Xotes during a l r isit to Egypt, Nubia, 
Sinai, and Jerusalem. London: 
HERODOTUS [Porsoni] : 

Opera. Ex editionibtia Wosselingii 
et Reizii. 4 vols. Edinburgh : 

IlERZO(}, J. J. : 

Real-Encyclopadie filr Prolestant- 
ische Tlieolo jie und Kirche. Leip 
zig: 1877. 

Onomasticon Sacrum. Tiibiugen : 


Der Prophet Ezckicl er/cldrt. Leip 
zig : 1847. 

Atlas Novus ; Terrarum Orbis Impe- 

ria, etc. Nuremberg : 1707. 

Biblical Criticism on the First Four 
teen Historical Hooks and the First 
Nine Prophetical Books of the Old 
Testament. 4 vols. London : 1820. 


Gleanings from the Natural History 
of the Ancients. London, Paris, 
and New York: [s. a.] 
Institution of Civil Engineers, proceed 
ings of, with abstracts of the dis 
cussion. Session 1850-51. Lon 
don: 1851. 
Institution of Mechanical Engineers, 

proceedings of. London : 1867. 
Dutch Bible. Leyden : 1596. 
JEROME [Eusebius Hieronymua Sophro- 
11 ins] : 

Onomasticon. Interpretatio latina, 
cum notK Ediderunt F. Larsow 
et G. Parthey, Berlin : 1862. 
Opera Omnia. Paris : 1546. 



Vila, S. Hilarionis Eremitae. In 
Migne s Patrologia Latina. Paris : 

Syrian Home Life. New York : 1874. 

Itineraire descriptif, historique et 
archeologique del Orient. Paris: 

The Royal Atlas of Modern Geogra 
phy. Edinburgh and London : 1882. 

Opera Omnia. Ab Imraanuele Pek- 
kero recognita. 6 vols. Leipzig : 

Genuine Works, including the Jew 
ish War, the Jewish Antiquities, 
etc. Translated by William Whis- 
ton. Edited by Samuel Burder. 
Philadelphia : [s. a.] 

Bible. Tiguri: 1550. 

Institutiomim Libri IIIL Amster 
dam : 1638. 

Historical and Exegetical Commen 
tary on the Old Testament. Lon 
don : 1858. 

Biblical Commentary on the Pro 
phecies of Ezekiel. Edinburgh : 
Handbuch der Biblischen Archaolo- 

gie. Frankfort : 1875. 

Biblical Commentary onthe Old Tes 
tament. Translated from the Ger 
man by James Martin. The Pen 
tateuch. 3 vols. Edinburgh : 1878- 
1880. Joshua, Judges and Ruth. 
1 vol. Edinburgh : 1880. 

The Egypt of Herodotus. With notes 
and preliminary dissertations. 
London: 1841. 

A Oydopxdia of Biblical Literature. 
Edited by W. L. Lindsay. Third 
Edition. Edinburgh: 1862. 
Scripture Lands Described in a Series 
of Historical, Geographical and 
Topographical Sketches. London : 

The Illustrated Family Bible. With 
introduction by T. K. Birks. Lon 
don : [s. a] 

Upper Egypt ; Its people and its pro 
ducts. New York: 1878. 

Kurzgefasstcs Exegetisches Hand- 
bitch zum Alten Testament. Die 
Biicher Numeri, Deuteronomium 
und Joshua. Leipzig: 1861. 

KURTZ, J. H. : 

History of Old Covenant. Trans 
lated from the German and edited 
by Alfred Edersheim. Second edi 
tion. 3 vols. Edinburgh : 1870-72. 

Commentaire Geographiqiie sur 
1 Exode et les Nombres. Paris 
and Leipzig : 1841. 
Voyage de I Arable Petree. Paris: 


A Journey through Arabia Petrxa, to 
Mount Sinai and the City of Petra. 
London: 1836. 

An Arabic-English Lexicon. Lon 
don : 1867. 

The Thousand and One Nights En 
tertainments. A new translation 
from the Arabic. Edited by Ed 
ward Stanley Poole. London : 1877. 

Egypt. London : 1881. 

The Peshitto Syriac. London: 1873. 

The Holy Scriptures carefully trans 
lated. Philadelphia: 1853. 

The Beginnings of History, accord 
ing to the Bible and the traditions 
of Oriental peoples. Translated 
from the second French edition. 
New York : 1882. 

A Manual of the Ancient History of 
the East, to the commencement 
of the Median wars. New edition. 
2 vols. Philadelphia: 1871. 

Denkmdler aus sEgypten und JEthi- 

opien. Berlin : 1853-57. 
Discoveries in Egypt, Ethiopia, and 
the Peninsula of Sinai. Edited by 
K. R. H. Mackenzie. London : 
Ueber den ersten jEgyptischen Gbtter- 

kreis. Berlin: 1851. 

The Hebrew Bible, with key to the 
Massoretic notes. New York : 1882. 

Onomasticon Sacrum. Leyden : 1684. 
The Holy Scriptures in Hebrew and 

English. London: 1844. 

Horx Hebraic^ et Talmudicx; He 
brew and Talmudical exercitations 
upon the Gospels, &c. Edited by 
Robert Gandell. 4 vols. Oxford: 

Letters on Egypt, Edom, and the 
Holy Land. Second edition. 
2 vols. London : 1838. 




Kedwr-M(tpida t or Vhedpr-laomer ; 
Travels and researches in Chaldea 
and Susiana. Now York : 1^57. 

The Caravan Route between Egypt 
and Syria. Translated from the 
German. London : 1881. 

Die Jiibel; oder, Die ganze Ileilige 

Schrift. New York : 1859. 
LYNCH, W. F. : 

Narrative of the United States Ex 
pedition to the River Jordan and 
the Red tiea. Philadelphia : 1819. 

The Rob Roy on the Jordan, Nile, 

and Red Sea. New York : 1870. 

The Monuments of Upper E jypt. 
Translated from the French by 
Alphonse Mariette. Alexandria, 
Cairo and London : 1877. 

Eastern Life, Present and Past. 

Philadelphia: 1848. 
McCAULEY, E. Y. : 

Dictionary of Egyptian Hieroglyph 
ics. Philadelphia: 1883. 


Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological 
and Ecclesiastical Literature. 10 
vols. New York : 1877. 
McCoAN, J. C. : 

E jypt as It Is. New York : 1877. 
Memo Ires sur VEyypte. Public* pendant 
les Campagnrs du General Bonaparte 

4 vols. Paris : 1800-1803. 
Memoirs Relative to E<jypt. Written in 
that country during the Campaigns 
of General Bonaparte. Translated 
from the French. London : 1800. 

Bibelatlas in acht Blattern. Gotha : 


At Ins Minor. Amsterdam : 1614. 
Atlas Major. Amsterdam : 1033. 

East of the Jordan ; A record of 
travel and observation in the coun 
tries of Moab, Gilead and Bashan. 
New York: 1881. 

History of the Crusades. Translated 
by W. Robson. 3 vols. New 
York: 1881. 

The History of the Crusades for the 
recovery and possession of the 
Holy Land. 2 vols. London : 

Three months Residence at Nablus, 
and an account of the Modern 
Samaritans. London : 18C4. 


The Jlixtory of the Jews from the 
earliest period down to the pre 
sent time. Preprinted from re 
vised London Edition. 2 vols. 
New York : 1883. 

Mischna; sive, Totius llebraeorurn Ju 
ris, Rituum, Antiquitatum, Legum 
Systema. Cum coinmentariis Mai- 
monidis et Bartenorae. Amster 
dam: 1048-1703. 

Beschreibung seiner in Asien und 
das gelobte Land, u. d. a., Reisen. 
Aus der bVantzosischen iibersetzet 
von Christian Juncker. Leipzig : 

Fremdling zti Jerusalem. Vienna 

and Nuremberg: 1735. 

Cosmographie ; oder, Besclireibung 

aller Lander. Basle: 1850. 
Cosmographw-e Geotjraphiae Univer- 

salis Liber. Basle : 1574. 

A Critical and Excgetical Commen 
tary on the .Book of Genesis, with 
a new translation. With intro 
duction by Alvah Hovey. Boston : 

A Critical and Excgetical Commen 
tary on the Bnok of Exodus. 
With a new translation. Boston : 

Murray s Hand-Bonk for Travelers in 
Syria and Palestine, including an 
account of the geography, etc., 
of the Peninsula of Sinai, Edom, 
and the Syrian Desert. New anJ 
revised edition. London : 1875. 

La Geographic du Talmud. Memoire 

couronne. Paris : 1808. 

Illustrations of the Exodus. London 

and Paris : 1830. 

Beschreibung von Arabien, aus eige- 
nen Beobachtungen und im Lande 
selbst gesammleten Nachrichten. 
Copenhagen : 1772. 
Reiscbeschrcibung nach Arabien nnd 
andern umliegenden Landern. Co 
penhagen: 1774. 

Reiscn durch Syrien und Paldstina 
nach Cypern. Herausgegeben von 
J. N. Gloyer und F. Olshausen. 
Hamburg: 1837. 

Geschiehte Assur s und Babel s seit 

Phul. Berlin: 1857. 

Travels in Egypt, Arabia Petrsea, and 
the Holy Land. 2 vols. New 
York : 1843. 




The Lund of (Jilead, with excursions 
in the Lebanon. New York : 1881. 

Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. Ant 
werp : 1870. 


The Sultan and His People. New 

York : 18.37. 

Lexicon Rabbinicum Philologicum. 

Geneva : 1675. 
Oxford University Press Bible, Oxford : 

[s. a.] 

Tent and Harem; Notes of an Orien 
tal trip. New York : 1859. 

Lectures on the Jewish Scriptures and 
Antiquities. Vol. I. Boston: 1838. 

The Desert of the Exodus ; Jour 
neys on foot in the Wilderness 
of the Forty Years Wanderings. 

Sinai, from the fourth Egyptian 
dynasty to the present day. Lon 
don: 1878. 

A Commentary upon the Fourth Book 
of Moxes, commonly called Num 
bers. London : 1099. 

JEgyptiarurn Originum et Tempo- 
rum Antiquissimorum Investiya- 
tio. Leyden : 1711. 

Omnia, quae exstant Opera. Edide- 
runt Sigismundius Gelenius, Adri- 
anus Turnebus et David us Hoe- 
schelius. Frankfort: 1691. 


Customs find Traditions of Palestine, 
illustrating the manners of the 
ancient Hebrews. Translated by 
T. S. Bonney. Cambridge and 
London : 1864. 


Les Origines du Cheval Domcstiquc, 
d apres la paleontologie, la zoologie, 
1 histoire et la philologie. Paris : 

A Faithful Account of the Religion 
and JIiinners of the Mahometans. 
Fourth edition. London : 1810. 

Latin Bible. Antverp : 1583. 
PLINY [Cams Plinius Secundus ]: 

Historic Natural!*. EdiditL. Januo. 

Leipzig: 1856. 

Moralia. 6 vols. Leipzig: 1847. 

A Description of the E<ist and some 
other countries 2 vols. London : 


Annotations upon the Holy Bible, 
wherein the sacred text is inserted, 
and various readings annexed. 
3 vols. New York : 1880. 
Synopsis Criticorum, Aliorumque 
Sancta; Soriptune Interpretum. 3 
vols. London : 16U9. 

The Cities of Egypt. London : 1882. 
PORTER, J. L. : 

Giant Cities of Bashan, and Syria s 

Holy Places". New York : 1866. 

The Old and New Testaments Connect 
ed, in the history of the Jews and 
neighboring nations. Fourteenth 
edition. 4 vols. Edinburgh: 1779. 

Boat Life in Egypt and Nubia. New 

York: 1864. 
PTOLEMY [Claudius Ptolemseus] : 

Geographia. Edidit Carolus Fredi- 
ricus Augustus Nobbe. Stereotype 
edition. 3 vols. Leipzig: 1845. 

Historica, T/ieologica, et Moralis Ter- 
rx Sanctse Eluddatio. Antwerp : 

Queen s Printers Aids, to the Student of 
the Holy Bible. London, Edinburgh 

and New York: [s. a.] 
Qurdn: Alcorani textus universus. ex 
correctioribus Arabum exemplaribus 
sumina fide atque pulcherrimia 
characteribns descriptus, et in lati- 
num translatus a Ludovico Mar- 
raccio. Padua : 1698. 

Histories of Herodotus. New York : 

History of Ancient Egypt. 2 vols. 

New York: 1882. 

The Five Great Monarchies of the 
Eastern World. Second edition. 
3 vols. New York : 1883. 
Tlie Origin of Nations. New York : 


The History of the World. London : 

" RASHI " [Solomon ben Isaac] : 

Al ha- Tor ah. 5 vols. Prag: 1833. 
Records of the Past; English translations 
of the Egyptian and Assyrian Mon 
uments. Published under the sanc 
tion of the Society of Biblical 
Archrcologv. Vols. I., II., III., 
IV., VI., VIII., X., XL, XII. 
London : \s. a.] 

Recovery of Jerusalem, A narrative 
of exploration and discovery in the 
city and the Holy Land. By 
Capt. Wilson, Capt. Warren and 
others. Edited by Walter Morrison. 
With appendix by F. W. Holland. 
London: 1871. 




Biblia Sacra Quadrilinguia. 3 vols. 

Leipzig : 1750. 

Reissbuch des Heiligcn Lands ; oder, Eine 
griindliclie Beschreibung aller Meer 
und Pilgerfahrten zum Heiligen 
LaiuU . Nuremburg: 1059. 

Palsestina- ex Monumentis Veteribus 

illustrata. Utrecht: 1714. 

An Elementary Grammar of the An 
cient Egyptian Language, in the 
hieroglyphic type. London: 1875. 
The Origin and Growth of Religion 
as illustrated by tlie religion of 
ancient Egypt. New York : 1880. 

Reisen in Europa, Asien und Afrika. 

Stuttgart: 1840-49. 

La Bible. 3 vols. 1 IIistoire Sainte. 

Strassburg: [s. a.] 

Handwdrterbuch des biblischen Al- 
tcrthums, fur gebihlete Bibelleser. 
Bielesfeld and Leipzig : 1878. 

Histoire de I lsthmc de Suez. Paris: 


The Comparative Geography of Pal 
estine and the Sinaitic Peninsula. 
Translated by W. L. Gage. 4 vols. 
New York : 1870. 

Oriental Illustrations of the Sacred 

Scriptures. London : 1843. 

Biblical Researches in Palestine, 
Mount Sinai and Arabia Petrsea ; A 
journey of travels by E. Robinson 
and E. Smith. 3 vols. Boston : 1841. 

Biblical Researches in Palestine, and 
the adjacent regions. Eleventh 
edition. 3 vols. Boston : 1874. 

La Tfr re Sainte. Paris: 1664. 


I Monument i dell Egito e dclla Nubia. 
10 vols. Pisa: 1832-40. 


JiiblJschc Geographic. Leipzig: 1823. 
Scholia in Vctus Testamentum. 

Leipzig: 1795. 
Ilandbuch drr biblischen Aftcrthums- 

kunde. 2 vols. Leipzig : 1825. 

French Bible. Lyons : 15G9. 

Reise ditrch Palastina und iiber den 

Libanon. Mainz: 1881. 

Reisen in Nnbien, Kordofan und 
dem petrtiischen Arabien. Frank 
furt am Main : 1829. 


The Koran, commonly called the 
Alcoran of Mohammed. With ex 
planatory notes. Sixth edition. 
Philadelphia : 1876. 

Atlas. Paris: 16G4. 

Latin Bible. Lyons: 1574. 

Through Bible Lands; Notes of 
travel in Egypt, the Desert, and 
Palestine. New York: 1878. 


The Apocrypha of the Old Testament. 
With historical introductions, a re 
vised translation, and notes critiea.l 
and explanatory. New York: 1880. 

A Commentary on the Holy Scrip 
tures, Critical, Doctrinal, and 
Ilomiletical. Genesis Ruth. 4 
vols. New York : 1809-1875. 

Die Lnndengr von Sues. Zur Beur- 
theilung des Canalprojects und 
des Auszugs der Israeliten aus 
Aegyjiten. Leipzig: 1858. 

Die Phonizische Sprache. Halle : 


A Descriptive Geography and Brief 
Historical Sketch of Palestine. 
Translated by Isaac Leeser. Phil 
adelphia: 1850. 

Ein neiie Reiss-Bcschreibung aus 
Teutsehland nach Constantinopel 
und Jerusalem. Nuremberg : 1039. 

Reisen durch Syricn, Palastina, 
Phonicien, die Transjordan-Liinder 
Arabia Petraea und Unter-Aegyp- 
ten. Herausgaben und commeii- 
tirt von Professor Kruse. 4 vols. 
Berlin: 1854. 

De Dis Syriis. Second edition. 

Leyden: 1029. 

Latin Bible. 1591. 

Hebrew Inscriptions from the valleys 
between Egypt and Mount Sinai. 
London : 1875. 

TJie History of Egypt, from the ear 
liest times to the conquest by the 
Arabs. 2 vols. London: 1876. 
The Hebrew Scriptures Translated. 

3 vols. London: 1805. 

Travels ; or, Observations relating to 
several parts of Barbary and the 
Levant. Second edition. London : 




Onomasticon Veteris Testamenti. 

Halle: 1740. 

The Cha/daic Account of Genesis. 

London : 1876. 

The Ancient History of the East, 
from the earliest times to the con- 

3uestby Alexander the Great. (Stu- 
ents edition.) New York : 1879. 

An Atlas of Ancient Geography, bib 
lical and classical. Edited by 
George Grove. Boston : 1874. 
The Old Testament History, from the 
creation to the return of the Jews 
from captivity. Students edition. 
New York : 1880. 

Ar ibic Bible. Bayroot and New j 

York : 1 865. 

Dictionary of the Bible; Its antiqui 
ties, biography, geography, and 
natural history. American edition. 
4 vols. New York : 1872. 
Society of Biblical Archaology, Trans 
actions of. London: 1882-1883. 

Opera, quatenus complectuntur Gco- 
graphiam, (Jhronologiam, et His- 
toriam sacram atque ecclesiasti- 
cam. Leyden : 1750. 
Speakers Commentary; The Holy Bible 
according to the authorized version, 
with an explanatory and critical 
commentary and a revision of the 
translation by bishops and other 
clergy of the Anglican Church. 
Edited by F. C. Cook. 10 vols. 
New York: 1872-1876. 

London At/as of Universal Geogra 
phy. London : 1882. 

Sinai and Palestine, in connection 
with their history. New edition. 
London : 1871. 
The History of the Jewish Church. 

New York : 1879. 
STARK, K. B. : 

Gaza und die Philistdische Kuste. 

Jena : 1852. 

French Bible. Geneva : 1567. 

Incidents of Travel in Egypt, Arabia 
Petraia, and the Holy Land. New 
York: 1854. 

The Tent and Khan; A journey to 
Sinai and Palestine. Edinburgh : 


Rerum Geographicarum Libri XVII. 
Edidit Thomas Falconer. Oxford : 

Sinai und Golgatha; Keise in das 
Morgenland. Neunte verbesserte 
Auflage. Berlin: 1870. 

JXile Gleanings, concerning the Eth 
nology, History and Art of An 
cient Egypt. London : 1879. 
TJie Funeral Tent of an Egyptian 

Queen. London: 1882. 
Studien und Kritiken. Berlin : 1850 

and 1853. 

Arabic and English Name Lists. 

1 vol. London : 1881. 
Map of Western Palestine. London : 


Memoirs of the Topography, Oro 
graphy, Hydrography and Archae 
ology. 3 vols. London: 1882. 
Special Papers on the Topography, 
Archaeology and Customs. 1 vol. 
London: 1881. 

Opera. 2 vols. Amsterdam: 1672. 
Talmud Babylonicum, Vienna: 1806. 
Talmud Hierosolymitanum, Cracow : 


The Lands of the Saracen; or, 

Pictures of Palestine, Asia Minor, 

Sicily and Spain. New York : 


Teachers Bible, published by Eyre & 

Spottiswoode. London : "[. a.] 

Reisen in Europa, Asia und Africa. 

Frankfurt am Main: 1693. 

Central Phoenicia, and Palestine (The 
Land and the Book). New York : 

Southern Palestine and Jerusalem 
(The Land and the Book). New 
York: 1880. 

Aus dem heiligen Lande. Leipzig : 

De Israelitarum per Mare Rubrum 

Transitu. Leipzig : 1847. 
Vetus Testamentum Graece, juxta 
LXX interpretes. 2 vols. Leip 
zig: 1875. 

Studies on the Times of Abraham. 

London : [*. a.] 

Testamenti Veteris Biblia Sacra. 

Geneva: 1530. 

Bible Plates; or, The Topography 
of the Holy Land. London : 1878. 



The Land of Moab ; Travels and dis 
coveries on the east side of tlie 
Dead Sea and the Jordan. New 
York: 1873. 

77<e Lund of Israel ; A journal of 
travels in Palestine, undertaken 
with special reference to its physi 
cal character. Second edition. 
London : 18(JG. 

Ein und zwanzig Sinaitischc In- 

schrijten. Leipzig : 184<J. 

Der Zay cler Israeliten aus /Egypten 
nach Canaan. Laugeusalza : 1800. 

Bible. Leyden: 1818. 


lieise (lurch Syrien und Paldstina, 

in den Jahren, 1851 uud 1852. 

2 vols. Leipzig: 1855. 
Map (./ the Holy Land. Gotlia : 

1 865 . 

Hiblische Gcoyrapliie. Aus dem Hoi- 

lilndisuhen iibersetzt von liiulolph 

Jiinisch. 3 vols. Hamburg: 1793. 
Victoria Institute : Journal of the Trans 
actions of the Victoria Institute, or 

Philosophical Society of Great 

Britain. London : 1881. 


Dan Ileilige Land, und das Land 
der israelitischen Wauderung. 
Stuttgart: 18G4. 
VOLNEY, C. F. : 

Travels through Syria and Egypt, in 
the years 1783, 1784 anil 1785. 
Translated from the French. 2 
vols. London : 1788. 

Commentary on the Pentateuch. 
Translated from the German by 
Ilenrv Downing. Edinburgh : 

Jieisen in Arabien. 2 vols. Bruns 
wick: 1873. 

Palaxtina. Mit einer Karte von 

Paliistina. Vierte, vermehrte und 

verbesserte Auflage. Leipzig : 


Der Zug der Israel/ten aus .^Egypten 

nach Canaan. Leipzig: 1837. 
Heine, in d<ts Morgenland in deu Jah 
ren 183(3 und 1837. 3 vols. Erlan- 
gen: 1838. 

Vulgate.: Biblia Sacra Vulgatre editionis 
Sixti V. et dementis VIII. jussu 
recognita atque edita. London : 
[. .] 

Praktisches Handbueh der neu-Ara- 
biscken Sprache. Geissen : 1861. 


Travels in Various Countries of the 

East. London : 1820. 

Biblia Polyc/lotta. 6 vols. London : 


Travels in Egypt and the Holy Land; 
or, The Crescent and the Cross. 
Philadelphia: 1859. 

In the Levant. Boston : 1877. 

An Historical Geoaraplnj of the Old 
and New Testaments. Oxford : 

Travels in Arabia. London: 1S38. 

The Manners and Customs of the An 
cient Egyptians. Revised and cor 
rected by Samuel Birch. 3 vols. 
New York : 1878. 
Topography of Thebes, and general 

view of Egypt. London : 1835. 

The Holy City; or, Historical and 
topographical notices of Jerusa 
lem. London : 1845. 

The Egypt of the Past. Second edi 
tion. London : 1882. 

Tlie Lands of the Bible, visited and 
revisited. 2 vols. Edinburgh : 

Christian Dictionary. London: 1678. 

The J\ r e(jcb, or " South Country " of 
Scripture. London and Cam 
bridge: 1863. 

Uib/isches Realworterbuch fiir Studi- 
rende, Candidate!!, Gymnasialleh- 
rer und Prediger. 2 vols. Leipzig : 

Chaldaische Grammatih fiir Bibel und 
Targumim. Dritte Auflage ver- 
mehrt (lurch eine Anleitung zum 
Studium des Midrnsch und Tal 
mud von Dr. Bernard Fischer. 
Leipzig: 1882. 

Holy Bible with Notes. London : 


Early Travels in Palestine. Lon 
don: 1848. 

Analytical Concordfincetn the Bible. 
Fourth revised edition. Author 
ized reprint. New York: 1881. 

Geography of Palestine. [No title- 
page.] Leyden : 1632. 




Karte von Syrien und Paldstina. 

Berlin : 1850. 

Egypt of the Pharaohs and the Khe 
dive, London : 1873. 


The Academy : 

London : May 5, 18S3. 
The Biblical Repository : 

Andover : October, 1832 ; April, 

1833; October, 1883. 
Bibliotheca Sacra : 

Andover: February, 1843; January, 
1848; May, 1849; January, 1869. 
British Quarterly Review : 

American reprint. New York : July, 

Bulletin de la Societe Geographique : 

Paris : June, 1839. 
Edinburgh Review : 

Edinburgh : January, 1877. 

The Independent : 

New York: December 7, 1882. 
Kitto s Journal of Sacred Literature: 
London: July, 1848; April, 18CO. 
Mac m Ulan s Magazine : 

London and New York : January 

and May, 1883. 

Monatsbericht iiber die Verhandlungen 
der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde: 

Berlin : May, 1848. 

Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly 
Statement : 

London : July, 1875 ; January, 1881 ; 

July, 1881. 
Studien und Kritiken : 

Berlin: 1850 and 1854. 
The Sunday School Times : 

Philadelphia: June 23 and August 

4, 1883. 
The Sunday School World : 

Philadelphia : January, 1883. 
Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palaestina- 
Vereins : 
Vols. I-VI. Leipzig. 



Kitab Talkis el-Atfar. In manu 
script : date of the work, 1403. 

Annales Moslemicae. Leipzig: 1788- 


Reliquiae Geographicae. Manuscript 
in the Imperial Library, at Vienna. 

Vollstandiges Bibelwerk : 1858-1870. 
Topography Embracing the Whole 

D AxviLLE, J. B. B. : 

Memoires sur VEyypte Ancienne et 

Moderne. Paris: 1766. 

Aus dem Orient. 1867. 


Biblia Hebraica. Paris : 1753. 


Kenaan : Volks- und Religionsges- 
chichte Israels. Konigsberg : 1844- 

Dissertatio de Locorum Differentia. 

Gottingen : 1769. 
MOVERS, F. C. : 

Die Phonicier. Bonn: 1841. 

Reisen in Europa, Asienund Africa. 

3 vols. Stuttgart : 1841-1849. 

Geographical Dictionary. 1220, 


Monatsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akndr- 
mie der Wisscnschaften. Berlin : 

Zach s Monatlicher Corrcspondenz. 1806, 
and following years. 


[The names of authors in this Index appear also in the List of Authorities Cited. Others 

again appear in the Topical Index. All are here given together for 

added convenience of reference.] 

AARON, 20, 23, 129, 130, 133, 135, 136, 
148, 149, 198, 210, 317, 381, 389, 390 

Aahmes, or Amasis, 48 

Abbott, Lyman, 228 

Abekcn, II., 230 

Abd-er-Rashid El-Bakouy, 72 

Abimelech, 255 

Abraham, 15, 28, 31, 33, 44, 56, 59, 60, 61,62, 
63, 64, 88, 89, 90, 102, 129, 13G, 188, 255 

Abulfeda, 41, 49, 50, 67, 170, 173, 174 

Achsah, 104, 106 

Adrichomius, Christian, 151, 196, 197, 
198, 201, 208 

Ainsworth, Henry, 151 

Alee, Muhammad, 72. 136 

Alford, Henry, 62, 94, 223, 398 

Ali Bey el-Abassi, 207 

Amalek, 40, 41 

Amalric I., 186, 188 

Amenhotep IV., 365 

Amenemhut I., 47, 48 

Amenemhat II., 54 

Antonio (of Castile), 199 

Arculf, 185 

Aristotle, 51, 54, 383 

Arnold, Franz, 223 

Asshur-bani-pal, 31, 32 

Athanasius, 175 

Ayme, Du Bois, 342 

Baedeker, Karl, 63, 112, 339,341,345, 366, 


Baldwin III., 186 
Baring-Gould, S., 176 
Barker, C., 194 

Barrett, Richard A. F., 19, 126, 127 




Barrows, E. P., 228 

Bartlett, Samuel C., 45, 63, 142, 166, 
228, 232, 233, 244, 246, 255, 257, 
284, 290, 291, 293, 343, 359, 381, 
383, 403, 407, 423 

Bartlett, W. II., 239, 346 

BiUsler, Ferdinand, 227 

Baumgarten, M., 153 

Beer, E. F. F., 278 

Berchere, N., 339, 341 

Berghaus, II., 227 

Bertou, 122, 1.36, 207 

Besant, Walter, 10, 245, 246, 350 

Bevan, W. L., 41 

Birch, Samuel, 39, 47, 49, 53, 56, 162, 
407, 408, 413, 414, 416, 418 

Bissell, E. C., 165, KJ6 

Blaeu, W. and J., 199 

Bochart, Samuel, 56 

Bonar, Horatius, 37, 63, 88, 239, 251, 
293, 295 

Borel, 342 

Breydenbach, Bernhard, 143, 191, 
196, 202 

Briggs, Charles A., 11 

Brocardus, 190, 192, 196, 197, 208 

Brown, John, 151 

Browne, E. Harold, 69 

Bruce, James, 338 

Brugsch, Ileinrich, 39, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 
53, 56, 63, 89, 99, 160, 161, 162, 164 
326, 327, 328, 329, 331, 332, 333, 335, 
336, 338, 339, 342, 352, 353, 357, 359, 
361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 
371, 372, 373, 375, 376, 377, 380, 381, 
382, 383, 392, 393, 394, 395, 403, 404, 
405,407,409,411,414,416, 417,418,41 J 




Buddeus, Carl Franz, 227 

Bunsen, Christian C. J., 48, 51, 54, 383, 

409, 412, 413, 415, 416, 418, 419 
Bunsen, Ernest de, 32, 46, 165, 223 
Bunting, Ileiurich, 25, 198 
Burckhardt, J. L., 37, 68, 128, 134, 144, 

150, 151, 154, 174, 175, 205, 206, 207, 

208, 238, 239, 240, 266, 377, 378, 388, 

Burton, Richard F., 36, 46, 68, 267, 346, 

355, 387, 397 

Bush, George, 41, 108, 228, 385 
Buxtorf, Johann, 176, 177, 355, 419 

CALEB, 104 

Callier, 88 

Calmet, Augustin, 25, 151 

Campbell, Colin, 261 

Cartwright, Lady Elizabeth, 261 

Catafago, Joseph, 170 

Cellarius, Christopher, 63, 151, 175, 201 

Chabas, F., 46, 47, 161 

Chalfa, 37 

Chambers, T. W., 11 

Champollion, Jean Francois, 56, 374 

Chedor-la omer, 31, 32 

Chester, Greville, 359, 360, 366, 375, 403 

Chevallier, E., 31, 32, 41, 89, 160, 164, 381 

Clarius, 41 

Clark, Samuel, 223, 225, 227, 377, 407 

Coit, T. W., 11 

Coleman, Lyman, 228 

Colenso, John William, 20, 390, 391 

Conant,T. J., 228 

Condor, C. R., 28, 62, 63, 101, 104, 105, 

162, 179,227,268, 345,346 
Cook, C. L, 39, 346, 385, 406, 415, 418 
Cory, Isaac Preston, 53, 408 
Cosmos, 278 
Cox, Geo. W., 186 

Crosby, Howard, 97, 108, 118, 133, 228 
Cyril, 63 

D AxviLLE, J. B., 135 

Dapper, O., 199 

Davidson, Samuel, 35, 174, 217, 218 

Delitzsch, Franz, 18, 19, 24, 33, 36, 41, 
63, 64, 65, 70, 71, 94, 97, 108, 110, 114, 
126, 142, 145, 149, 151, 176, 223, 377, 
406, 422, 423 

Delukah, 49 

De Roug6, 160 

De Sola, 41 

Dieterici, 421 

Diodorus, (Siculus), 49 

Drew, C. S., 130, 226, 341 

Drusius, 151 

Dulles, Allan M., 247 

Dulles, John W., 164 

Durbiii, John P., 26, 38, 97, 228 

EBEES, Georg, 39, 46, 47, 51, 54, 56, 143, 
160, 323, 329, 330, 333, 335, 339, 380, 
382, 383, 392, 393, 394, 395, 403, 404, 
406, 407, 409, 411, 413, 415, 417, 418, 
419, 420, 423 

Edersheiin, Alfred, 18, 21, 24, 151, 223, 

Edwards, Amelia B., 160 

Eleazer, 130, 135 

Elon, 37 

Esau, 37, 40, 41, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 

Espin, T. E., 21, 151, 224 

Eusebius, 18, 69, 120, 121, 130, 131, 167, 
168, 171, 173, 175, 178, 179, 180, 181, 
185, 187, 189, 190, 193, 194, 196, 198, 
199, 201, 202, 208, 408 

Ewald, Heinrich, 20, 25, 41, 43, 44, 46, 
138, 148, 222, 223, 406 

Ezekiel, 120, 122 

FABEI, Felix, 143, 191, 192, 202 

Fagius, Paul, 43 

Fairbairn, Patrick, 41 

Farrar, F. W., 261 

Faussett, A. R., 46, 151, 172, 226 

Fazakerley, 239, 354 

Field, Henry M., 239, 250, 297 

Fikry, Muhammad Ameen, 170 

Finati, Giovanni, 355 

Fischer, Bernhard, 41, 172 

Formby, Henry, 97, 239 

Forster, Charles, 36, 151, 152, 180, 278 

Fresnel, 355 

Freytag, G. W., 96, 105, 112, 150, 170, 

291, 339, 341 
Fries, W., 19, 21, 41, 64, 100, 126, 151. 

152, 222 
Fritzsche, 165 

Fiirer, Christopher, 151, 200 
Fiirer, Jacob, 200 
Fiirst, Julius, 24, 56, 84, 89, 103, 111, 116, 

150, 172, 386, 392, 399, 419 



GEDDES, Alexander, 107, 103, 110, 118 
Geikie, Cunningham, 21, 2 2 3, 333, 385 
Gesenius, William, 44, 55, 56, 70, 84, 89, 

103, 113, 125, 150, 223, 352, 386, 3y2, 

398, 399, 419 
Gildemeister, 174 
Glyun, Joseph, 51 
Goodwin, C. W., 47, 417 
Graetz, II., 27, 50, 223, 346, 379, 399, 403 
Greene, J. linker, 45 
Grotius, II., 43, 44 
Grove, George, 18, 40, 63, 64, 65, 75, 103, 

109, 105, 166, 172, 174, 377 

HACKETT, II. B., 24. 143, 41, 46, 64 

68, 71, 75, 89, 103, 104, 109, 143, 

165, 166, 172, 346 
Hagar, 28, 44, 58, 340 
Hall, Isaac II., 11 
Ham, 41 

Hamburger, I., 31, 223, 423 
Hamdli, 251, 253, 262, 263, 265, 276 
Harmar, Thomas, 397 
Harris, A. C., 371 
Hartranft, C. D., 11 
Hase, 403 

Hasius, J. M., 20, 63, 202 
Hauqal, Ibn, 173 

Hayman, Henry, 21, 68, 71, 226, 346 
Hedayah, Muhammad Ahmad, 260, 


Heidinann, 199 
Heilprin, M., 11 
Heiigstenberg, E. W., 41, 120, 122, 

149, 153 

Henniker, Frederic, 207, 293 
Herodotus, 56, 344, 345 
Herzog, J. J., 223 
Hillertis, Joannes, 25 
Hitzig, Ferdinand, 120, 227 
Hobab, 80 
Holland, F. W., 45, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82. 

101, 102, 140, 142, 227, 228, 233, 

315, 349, 350 

Homann, Johann Baptiste, 199 
Horsley, Samuel, 108, 110 
Houbigant, C. F., 107, 118 
Houghton, W., 39 
Ilus^an, 249, 250, 251, 252 
Huxley, T. II., 345 

IlJRAlIEEM, 251, 262, 299 

Irby, C. I,., 108, 109, 128, 174, 207 



, 83, 

Isaac, 62, 91, 92, 102, 255 
Isambert, 375 
Istachri, 56 

JACOB, 62, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 99, 102. 
Jerome, 18, 24, 43, 69, 101, 120, 121, 130, 

131, 166, 167, ItiS, 171, 173, 175, 178, 

179, 180, 181, 185, 187, 189, 190, 193, 

194, 196, 202, 208 
Jessup, II. II., 10, 90, 341 
Joanne, 375 
Johns, 212 

Johnson, Alexander Keith, 226, 375, 377 
Joseph, 340 
Josephus, Flavius, 52, 55, 56, 69, 93, 101, 

130, 131 , 167, 168, 169, 173, 175, 181, 202 
Joshua, 62, 94, 102, 103, 106, 120, 312 
Juda, Leo, 152 
Judah, 101 

KALISCH, M. M., 43, 62, 68, 71, 94, 223, 


Kedar-el-Ahmar, 32 
Kedor-la omer, 33, 34, 35, 36 37, 39, 40, 

42, 43, 65, 80, 82, 84, 88, 99, 185, 187 
Kedor-nakhunta, 31, 32 
Keil, Friedrich, IS, 19, 24, 33, 36, 41, 63, 

64, 65, 70, 71, 93, 97, 108, 110, 114, 

122, 126, 142, 145, 149, 151, 223, 377, 

406, 422, 423 

Kenrick, John, 411, 418, 420 
Kiepert, II., 345, 350 
Kitto, John, 35, 41, 71, 151, 217, 226, 227 
Klunzinger, C. 15., 239, 343, 344, 355 
Knobel, August, 104, 108, 111, 138, 223 
Koehler, J. B., 112, 176 
Kudur-Mabuk, 32 
Kurtz, Johann Heinrich, 18, 20, 21, 24 

33, 41, 46,55, 58, 63, 69, 70, 93, 97, 

115, 126, 145, 148, 149, 151, 152, 222, 

346, 385, 397, 406 

LABOEDE, LEON DE, 46, 128, 148, 177, 

206, 207, 238, 239, 240, 350, 354, 378, 


Lane, Edward William, 73, 170, 386, 387 
Lane-Poole, Stanley, 366, 384 
Lange, John, 19, 21, 27 31, 36, 55, 94, 104, 

108, 110, 119. 122, 126, 127, 138, 142, 

148, 149, 153, 223, 398, 399 
Leake, W. M., 175 
Leeser, Isaac, 108 



Legh, 128, 207 
Lengerke, 153 
Lenormant, Francois, 31, 32, 41, 53, 89, 

160, 164, 381, 418, 420 
Lepsius, Eichard, 37, 46, 47, 54, 140, 230, 

331, 333, 350, 351, 375, 377, 408, 409, 

411, 416, 417, 418 
Lerch, 56 

Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 383, 403 
Leusden, Johann, 25 
Lieblein, 335 
Lidenthal, De, 41 

Lightfoot, John, 19, 169, 176, 200, 201, 227 
Linant, 88, 206 

Lindsay, Lord, 38, 97, 133, 136, 137, 207, 239 
Lipenius, 355 

Loftus, William Kennett, 31 
Lot, 33 

Lowrie,S.T., 11, 19,21, 27, 148, 153,224, 228 
Luchvig, Salvator, 350 
Lushington, E. L., 408, 416, 417 
Luther, Martin, 95 
Lynch, W. F., 108 
Lyra, 41 


Maimonides, 189 

Malvenda, 41 

Manetho, 52, 53, 54, 56 

Mangey, 64 

Mangle, James, 108, 109, 128, 174, 207 

Maqdisi, See Abulfeda 

Mariette, Auguste, 47, 368, 383, 414 

Martineau, Miss Harriet, 97, 128, 144, 239 

Masius, 118 

Masper6, 418 

Maundeville, John, 185 

Maundrell, H., 144 

Mauriac, Antoine du, 343 

McClellan, George B., 261 

McClintock, John, 228 

McCoan, J. C., 116, 239 

Mead, Charles M., 261 

Meneptah, 425 

Menke, Theodor, 121, 122, 223, 339 

Menochius, 41 

Mercator, Gerard, 195, 196 

Merrill, Selah, 36, 239 

Meter aboo Sofieh, 245, 246 

Michaud, J. F., 186, 187, 188 

Mk-haelis, J. D., 44, 55, 67 

Mills, Charles, 186, 187 

Mills, John, 281 

Milman, Henry Hart, 27 

Miriam, 23, 148, 177, 278, 317 

Moncony, Balthasar, 177 

Montano, 199 

Moosa, Shaykh, 247, 248 

Moses, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 26, 43, 59,65, 
73, 75, 76, 79, 83, 93, 94, 101, 107, 130, 
135, 136, 148, 149, 177, 186, 198, 204, 
210, 252, 312, 317, 320, 353, 361, 381, 
382, 389, 390, 399, 403, 424 f., 427, 428 

Movers, F. K., 165 

Miihlau, F., 223 

Miiller, Max, 203, 410 

Miinster, Sebastian, 41, 194, 195, 196 

Murphy, James, 41, 385, 398 

Murray, John, 88, 105, 226, 295, 377 

Musleh, Shaykh, 244, 245, 246, 248, 250, 
251, 252, 253, 267 

NAPIER, JOHN T., 11, 171 

Neubauer, Adolph, 58, 164, 168, 372 

Newnham, \V. H., 177 

Niebuhr, Carlsten, 58, 143, 393, 406 

Niebuhr, Marcus Von, 31 

Nissim, 169 

Noah, 41 

Noldeke, Theodor, 41 

OLIN, STEPHEN, 38, 97, 228, 239 
Oliphant, Lawrence, 36 
Onkelos, 44 
Ortelius, 195, 196 
Oscanyan, O., 386 
Osiris, 54 
Osirtasin, 39 
Othniel, 104 
Otho, Johannes, 168 

Owdy, 251, 252, 256, 257, 258, 259, 262, 
263,272, 275,276, 279, 292,294,295 298 

PAINE, CAROLINE, 97, 239, 247 

Paine, J. A., 11 

Palfrey, John Gorham, 21, 71 

Palmer, Edward Henry, 18, 21, 27, 37, 38, 
39, 46, 63, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 77, 88, 
93, 94, 96, 100, 104, 105, 117, 119, 123, 
133, 134, 137, 142, 148, 165, 166, 175, 
223, 231, 232, 233, 239, 240, 241, 244, 
245, 248, 249, 250, 255, 256, 257, 264, 
266, 268, 270, 271, 281, 284, 287, 291, 
293, 294, 295, 338, 339, 341, 350, 378, 
381, 387, 404 



Patrick, Simon, 19, 151 

Perizonius, Jacobus, 372 

Pharaoh, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 425, 427 

Philo, Judseus, 64, 419 

Pierotti, Ernesti, 237, 239, 386, 387 

Pietrement, C. O., 40 

Pitts, Joseph, 397 

Plantin, Christopher, 194 

Pliny, 51, 101, 345, 383 

Pococke, 112, 138, 177, 204 

Pool, Matthew, 151 

Poole, 11. S., 326, 339, 346, 347, 361,380, 

381, 382. 409, 414 
Pool, Stanley Lane, 19, 41, 108, 111, US, 

127, 384 
Porphyry, 415 
Porter, j. L., 36, 45, 63, 89, 101, 164, 226, 


Poseidon ios, 345 
Post, G. E., 297 
Prideaux, Humphrey, 16 
Prime, William C., 11, 248 
Ptolemy, 54, 58, 101, 120, 194, 345, 346 

QUARESMIUS, Franciscus, 151, 199 


Raleigh, Walier, 62, 116, 151, 199 

Ram oses I., 416 

Rameses II., 50, 52, 54, 334, 380, 414, 416 

Rameses III., 53, 365, 367, 370, 371, 


Ranke, Leopold von, 149 
Ransouner, Eugene Baron, 355 
Raphall, 41 
Rashi, (Solomon lien Isaac), 43, 44, 123, 

151. 189, 38.-, 421 
Rawlinson, Henry, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 

40, 50, 56, 63, 64, 73, 163, 165 
Reland, Adrian, 41, 63, 85, 86, 88, 101, \ 

120, 121, 165, 166, 175, 201, 208 
Renouf, P. Le Page, 48, 404, 405, 409, 

410, 415, 416, 418 
Reuss, Edouard, 227 
Richardson, 144 
Richter, 403 
Riehm, C. August, 151 
Ritt, Olivier, 51, 344 
Ritter, Carl, 20, 25, 26, 37, 43, 62, 63, 64, 

68, 93, 104, 105, 148, 162, 166, 193, 

222, 223, 239 

Roberts, J., 397 

Robinson, Edward, 38, 42, 62, 63, 67, 70, 

76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 

94, 96, 104, 105, 109, 110, 112, 113, 
119, 120, 122, 126, 127, 128, 133, 134, 
136, 137, 138, 145, 146, 147, 151, 162, 
163, 165, 166, 173, 174, 175, 179, 190, 
192, 202, 204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 
211, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 223, 

224, 226, 217, 228, 231, 239, 242, 271, 
275, 281, 284, 288, 289, 293, 295, 310, 
314, 341, 350, 377. 378, 381, 382, 406 

Rodiger, E., 174 

Roger, Eugene, 19D 

Rosellini, Ippolito, 161 

Rosenmiiller, Ernst F. K., 73, 115, 202, 


Rouge De, 408, 422 
Rovillius, 194 
Rowland, John, 10, 45, 62, 64, 79, 93, 

95, 96, 100, 111, 151, 211, 212, 213, 
216, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 

225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 
233, 241, 242, 255, 274, 284 

Roziere, 342 

Riickert, K. T., 162 

Ruge, S., 194 

Riippell, Edward, 206, 207, 239 

Russegger, J. 207 

SAADIA, 58, 380 

Sacy, Silvestre, de, 374 

Saladin, 188 

Sale, George, 170, 252 

Saleh, 136 

Salim, Shaykh, 212 

Salvator, Ludwig, 116 

Sanson, Xicolas, 199 

Santander, 194 

Sanuto, Marino, 190, 195 

Saul, 55 

Saunders, Trelawney, 10, 27 

Sayce, A. II., 31, 32, 41, 56, 57, 66, 419 

Schaff, Philip, 19, 21, 27, 31, 36, 55, 94, 
104, 108, 110, 119, 122, 126, 127, 138, 
142, 148, 149, 153, 165, 166, 223, 233, 
239, 242, 398, 399 

Schleidcn, M. I., 359, 360, 403 

Schmidt, Sebastian, 107, 118 

Schneider, 403 

Schroder, Paul, 103 

Schubert, II., von, 38, 133, 136, 162, 207 



Schultens, H. A., 176 

Schwarz, Joseph, 69, 151, 222 

Schweigger, Salomon, 200 

Seetzen, Ulrich Jasper, 38, 67, 68, 88, 114, 

133, 13G, 174, 204, 205, 219, 220, 229, 

231, 233, 284, 295 
Selden, John, 419 
Selfisch, 194 
Sesoosis, or Sesostris, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 


Sesortosis II., 54 
Sesortosis III., 54 

Setee I., 51, 52, 54, 351, 369, 372, 416 
Setee Meneptah, 48, 50, 53 
Sharpe, Samuel, 50, 55, 108, 278, 346, 381 
Shaw, Thomas, 37, 177, 203, 204, 355 
Simeon, 106 
Simon, Johann, 24 
Sineh, 47 

Smith, Eli, 105, 173, 210, 341 
Smith, Geo., 32 
Smith, R. Payne, 21, 226, 227 
Smith, Philip, 39, 353, 371 
Smith, W. Robertson, 408 
Smith, William, 21, 27, 41, 46, 64, 65, 68, 

71, 75, 89, 103, 104, 109, 146, 165, 166, 

172, 225, 346 
Solms, 191 

Spanheim, Frederick, 199 
Spiegel, 56 

Stanford, Edward, 350 
Stanley, Arthur Penrhyn, 23, 26, 38, 43, 

44, 101, 112, 125, 128, 137, 225, 228, 

339, 366, 384 
Stark, K. B., 63 

Stephen, Francis, 194, 207, 239, 266 
Stewart, Robert Walter, 37, 46, 62, 63, 88, 

166, 229, 230, 239, 287, 295, 350 
Stickel, 355, 403, 406 
Strabo, 51, 56, 137, 338, 344, 345, 354, 383 
Strauss, Friedrich Adolph, 63, 223, 239, 

377, 406 

Strong, James T., 228 
Stuart, Villiers, 39, 53, 160, 346, 409, 421 
Sulayman, Shaykh, 223, 244, 240, 247, 

251, 255 

Thevenot, J., 37, 143, 203, 233 
Thierbach, 403 

Thomson, W. M., 26, 62, 63, 64, 90, 103, 
104, 105, 175, 230 

Thotmes I., 39, 53 

Thotmes III., 372 

Tischendorf, Constantine von, 55, 406 

Thrupp, J. F., 151, 224 

Tomkins, Henry George, 31, 32, 35, 36, 

56, 160, 161, 163, 408, 412, 422 
Toy, C. II., 11, 172 
Tremellius, 41 
Tristram, H. B., 40, 62, 63, 64, 104, 103, 

110, 120, 122, 151, 163, 165, 174, 175, 


Trumbull, J. Hammond, 11 
Tuch, Friedrich, 21, 34, 35, 38, 45, 58, 64, 

68, 71, 216, 217, 218, 222, 278 
Tuchcr, 193 
Tyrwhitt-Drake, C. F., 36, 264, 281 


Van de Velde, C. W. M., 62, 108, 122, 162 

Van Dyck, 10, 119, 380 

Van Hamelsveld, Ysbrand, 189, 204, 403 

Vitriacus, 196 

Volck, W., 223 

Volney, C. F., 207 

Volter, Ludwig, 223 

Von Gerlach, Otto, 41, 127, 140, 148, 227, 


Von Maltzan, Heinrich, 239 
Von Raumer, Karl, 44, 73, 122, 153, 175, 

176, 179, 202, 206, 207, 227, 228 
Von Schubert. See Schubert 
Von Zimber, Hans Werli, 191 

Usertesen I., 52 
Usertesen II., 54 

Walpole, Robert, 239, 254, 354 
Walton, Brian, 171 
Warburton, Eliot, 267 
Warner, Charles Dudley, 261 
Warren, Charles, 246 
Wattles, Geo. II., 247 
Webster, Noah, 74 
Wellbeloved, 108 
Wellhausen, J., 21, 25 
Wells, Edward, 69, 201 
Wellsted, J. R., 37 
Wctzstein, I. G., 36 

Williams, George, 38, 45, 62, 63, 93, 95, 
100, 211, 212, 213, 216, 230, 273, 284 



William of Tyre, 186, 196 

Wilson, E. L., 269 

Wilson, John, 217, 254, 378 

Wilson, Thomas, 25, 38, 39, 68, 94, 97, 

104, 113, 116, 120, 128, 130, 133, 136, 

137, 162, 239, 256, 377, 380, 381, 382 
Wilton, Edward, 18, 36, 39, 45, 62, 63, 

64, 82, 94, 99, 119, 120, 122, 123, 132, 

135, 138, 151, 152, 223 
Winer, Georg Benedict, 21, 31, 41, 65, 69, 

71, 112, 146, 153, 165, 166, 173, 217, 


Wolcott, Samuel, 40, 165 
Worcester, Joseph E., 74 
Wordsworth, Christopher, 94, 151, 223 
Wright, Thomas, 185 

Young, Robert, 172 

Zimmermann, Karl, 39, 193 
Zunz, Leopold, 189 



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n-xj Dpi 

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377, 378 



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374 . 




378 . 
377 . 
















KdJ^f roD Bapviy 24 

- 24 

Uoraudc Myv-rrov 116 

Tav^c . ... 380 

Te ppa. . . 48 

Teppov 48 


? P u ?ldi>7<u 88 

4x5 a Ai Orrrov 116 

_ , / -1 Qf\ 

j T-i / r T . "" 

\Etuabbow AiyvKTOv 116 

Gauapci . . .120 

T 0p. 130 




Ager Hamalckitarum 41 

Akrabbim 195 

Alga niarina 354 

Arad 180 

Arama 180 

Arundo JSgyptiaca 355 

Arundo Isaica 355 

Asason Thamar 121 

Avicennia officinalis 355 

Cades 180, 193, 197 

Cades-barne 194 

Cades-Bersabce 195 

Cades En-mishpat 194 

Chades Barneah , 195 

Filius mutationis 24 

Fumus in itinere 397 

Hamalekitarum, Incolas agri ... 41 

Ignis in itinere 397 

Juncus acutus 355 

Milvus ater 260 

Or 130 

Petra dura 96 

Eecem Superbam 171 

Via lapidibus strata 341 


Birket Timsah See 333 

Kanal von Heroopolis 333 

Muktal . . .351 

Strasse, alte 850 

Wiistenweg der Boduinen .... 362 


Bir Makdai 351 

Chausde 341 

Kedesch . . 164 

Muraille defensive 47 

Murailles, les 48 

Pont du Trfoor 362 




3-15 111 


17: 5. . . 




28: 18 . 


. . . 382 

18: 1 

. 61, 340 

28 : 18, 19 . . 
29: 1-4 . 


10 19 . . 


18: 17 . . 


11: 1-9 . . 
11: 4 . . . 

.... 307 
. . 327, 373 

20: 1 . . . 
20 : 1 2 . 

. 28, 44, 59, 60, 
61, 63, 340 
62 166 

30 : 25-43 . . 
31 : 55 . . . 
32: 1-3 


12 1-7 


12 : 2, 3 . . . 


20: 2 . . 


32: 3 . . . . 
32 : 3, 4 . . . 
32: 13-15 . . 
32: 24-32 . . 
33: 11 . 

. 85, 91, 131 


12: 6 . . . . 


20: 14, 16. 
21 : 14, 21 . 
21 : 20, 21 . 


12 : 6-10 . . 

.... 340 

12 : 9 . . . 

. 18 

12- 10-19 


21: 21 . . . 
21: 22-33.. 
22 : 3 . . . 
23 : 3-20 


12- 13 


33: 14 . 


12: 16 . . . 

.... 388 


33: 16 . . . 
33: 17-20 . . 

. 92 

13 1-3 


13: 1-4,14-18 
13: 7 


24: 62 

. . . 18 

34: 30 . 



25 : 18 . . . 

44, 51, 57, 351 
. . 90 

35: 1-8 . . . 
35: 4 . 


13: 18 ... 
14: 1-7 . . . 



25: 25. .. 
25 : 27-34 . 
25: 30 . . 

35: 21 . . . 
35: 27 . . . . 

.... 367 

14: 1-12 . . . 

33 3(> 

14: 1-16 


26 : 1 . . . 

63 166 

35 : 27-29 . . 
35 28 29 

. . 90, 91, 92 

14: 3 .... 
14: 5 

... 38, 40 

26: 1, 6 . . 

. . 61 

26 6-8 


36 : 1-8 . 

90 91 92 

14: 5,6 . 
14 : 5-7 . . . 
14: 6 . . .71, 
14: 6,7 . . . 

... 35, 306 
. . . . 223 
. . 360 243 

26 : 6, 16-18 
26: 6-17 . . 
26: 17 



36: 1, 8, 9,19, 
36: 2 . . . . 
36: 3 . . . . 
36: 6 . . . . 
36: 7 . . . . 
36: 8 . . . . 

21, 43 . .85 
.... 98 

26: 18-23 . 
26: 19-22 . 
26 23 


14:7 . . .17, 
99, 153, 
14: 7,8 . . . 

37, 43, 66, 67, 
170, 223, 306 

26 : 26-33 . 

. 62 

36 : 8, 9 . . . 
36: 8, 21 . . . 

.... 131 

14: 8-12 . . 
14: 11, 16, 21 
14 : 12-lff . . 
15: 6 


26 34 


26 : 34, 35 . 
27: 11 . . . 
27 : 34-40 . 


36 9-15 . 


36: 10-12 . . 
36: 11, 15 . . 
36: 12, 20, 22 
36: 21 . . . . 
36: 34 . . . . 
37 : 25 .. 

. . 40 
.... 118 
.... 131 
.... 118 

15: 16. . . . 
16: 3 .... 


. . 98 

27: 41-45 . 
27 : 44 . . . 


16: 7 . . .41, 
16: 12.. 

44, 75, 81, 
337, 340 

27 : 1-33 . . 
27- 46 



28 : 5 . . 

.... 90 

37: 28 . . . . 
41 : 43 ... 

.... 315 

16- 14 

28 44 213 

28 6 9 


17-1 8 


9S- Q 


41 : 57 . 

.... 339 





43: 11 . . . 


.... 388 


12 : 1-28 . 




17: 14 



46: 1-7 . . 

.... 340 

12 : 29 . . 


19 1 


46: 5-7 . . . 


12: 30,31 
12 : 30-33 
12 : 31-33 
12 : 31-41, 
12 : 33 . . 
12 : 35, 36 
12 : 37 . . 
12 : 37-38 
13: 14 . 
13: 17 . . 

. . . 390 

19: 1,2 
20 1 


46 : 20 . . . 

.... 340 



46: 28 . . . 
46 : 28-34 . 

.... 381 
.... 380 


20 : 2 . . 

. . 59 

51 . . 391 

20: 13,24 
23 : 31 . 
24 4 


46 : 29 ... 
47 : 1-6, 27 . 

.... 380 



47: 11 . . . 
48: 22 ... 

.... 380 

.... 380, 396 

26: 15-29 
27 14 

.... 282 


50: 7-14 . . 

. 340 

310 337 

34: 27 . 
40: 34-38 

1: 1-54 
1 : 51, 52 
2: 1-34 
2: 34 . 



50: 9 .... 

. 39 

1 : 10-14 401 

13: 17,18 
13: 18. . 

13: 18; 14 
13: 19,20 
13 : 20 . . 

. . . 352, 399, 
401, 402 
. . 75, 338, 352, 
358, 359, 360 
: 2 .... 358 
. . . 401 


1: 11 .... 
2: 3 

339, 379, 380 

. . 140 

2: 5 


. . 141 

2: 11-22 

. . . .59 

. . . 328 396 

7:3-8 . 

. . . . 78 

3 : 1 


13 : 21 

285 397 

9: 15-23 
9 : 18, 21, 
10: 11 . 

80 398 

3: 1-6 ... 
3 : 1-22 


13: 21-22 
14: 1 . . 


22 .... 145 


. . 19 

3: 7,8 . 


14 : 1, 2 . 
14 : 2 . . . 

14 : 2, 9 . 

14: 3,4 . 

. 399, 406, 422 
. 374, 358, 419, 
421, 422 
. 405, 419, 422 

10: 11, 12 
10: 12 . . 

... 68 69 

3:78 15-17 


3 : 13-17 


10 : 12, 33 
10: 13 . . 

.... 69 

3 15-17 


.... 149 

3: 18 .... 

.... 396 

10: 29-31 
10: 29-32 
10 : 33 . . 


3-21 22 


14: 3-5,11, 

12 .... 396 

3- 22 


14: 5 . . 


.... 142, 149 

4: 29-31 . . 
4 31 

. 60, 390, 396 

14 : 5-12 


10: 33-36 
11 : 1-3 . 


14 : 7 . . . 





14 : 9 . . . 

. . . 402,405 

11: 33-35 
12: 1-16 . 


5 3 


14 : 10 



5 15 


14: 11,12 
14: 13,14 
14: 19-23 
14: 22,29 
14: 24,25 
14 : 26-28 
15 : 1-11 . 
15 : 22 . . . 

15 : 22, 23 
15 : 22-24 . 

. . 425 

12: 16 . 

. 69 

6 2 8 


. . 425 

13: 1-20 


6 : 13-25 



13: 3 . . 
13: 11-16 
13: 17 . 
13: 21 . 

17, 148 

6 9 


8 20 



. . 18, 219, 277 
. . 19 

8 25-27 




.... 382 

57, 75, 327, 358, 
360, 428 

13: 21-26 
13 : 22 . . 


9 26 


10 19 


13 : 22 . . 


10 21-23 


13: 26. . 
13: 27 . 

. 17, 28, 67, 147, 
149, 151, 154 

10 26 .... 
11 1 

.... 391 


15 : 22-27 
16: 1 . . 
17: 1 . . 
17: 6 . . 
17: 8 . . . 
17 : 8-13 . 


11 1-8 ... 
11 2 .... 
11 3 .... 
12 1-6 ... 
12 1-20, 29-39 

.... 390 
.... 389 
.... 389 
.... 390 
.... 385 

. . . 140, 385 

13: 29-33 
14: 1-4 . 

. . 41,66,265 

14: 1,34 
14: 1-45 
14: 4 . . 


.... 19, 153 
17, 22 




14: 10. 
14 : 25 . 

14: 25-33 
14 : 2(3-34 
14 : 39, 40 
14: 39-45 
14: 40 . 
14 : 40, 44 
14 : 44, 45 
14: 45 . 
15: 35, 36 
1C . 


. . 81, 148, 309, 
338, 352, 360 
. . 308 


24 : IS 85 

27 14 28 67 119 


1 : 2, 44 28 
1 6 7 19 . . . 17 

31 : 1-8 . . 168 
31: 1-12 175 
31 : 7-12, 48-50 .... 389 
32: 8. . . .17, 19,24, 149 
33 : 1-49 145, 314 

1: 7 8 21 


1 : 19 . .19, 75, 80, 81, 
150, 215, 306, 
1 : 19-21, 27-31 .... 
1 : 19, 22 


. . . 17, 211, 382 

33 : 2 59 

1 : 19-24 307, 



33 : 3 . . 380, 384, 385, 424 
33 : 5 384 

1 : 19-40 . 

1 : 20 


. . 18, C5, 94, 98 

33 : 6 328 

1 : 20 24 . 


33 : 6-8 358 
33: 7 4 ? 2 

1 : 24, 41 

1: 40 75 81 318 



17 ... 

20 : 1 . . 

20: 1, 2 
20: 1-5 
20: 2-11 
20 : 7-11 

. 19, 23, 28, C7, 
71, 147, 151, 223, 
278, 309, 317, 318 

33 : 7, 8 405, 422 
33 : 8 327, 406 
33 : 8-10 385 
33 : 10 . . 358 

352, 358 
1 : 44 . . . .18, 65, 85 
94, 213 
1: 46 

33 : 10-14 . . . . 140 

2:1. . . 305, 309, 338, 
358, 361, 81, 7 
2:1-5 131, 


. 85 
. 88 

. 124 307 

33: 16-37 . . 150 

33 : 18 151 

33 : 18-36 20 

2 : 1-8 146 

20: 8 . 
20 : 12 . 
20: 12,24 
20: 13 . 
20: 14 . . 

. . . "3 

33 : 26, 27 153 
33 : 31 32 . 153 

2 : 4, 5, 8, 29 
2:5 .... 80, 90, 

33 : 32-35, 41-43 ... 153 
33 : 35, 36 359 

2:8. . . . 70, 75, 85, 
2 : 9, IS, 29 

. . . 23, 119, 169 

33 : 36 28, 71, 316 
33: 36, 37 . . . . 146, 147, 
150, 223 
33 : 37 .... 28, 127, 132 
33: 37-39 . . . . 1^8 

2: 12 
2 : 23 

20: 14-16 
20: 14-21 
20: 1C. . 
20: 17 . 

67 307 

. . 23, 24, 129, 223 
. 28, 83, 102, 305 
. . . . 75 338 


3 : 24-28 


4: 49 . ... 


20: 17, 19 
20: 18-21 
20 : 19 . . 
20: 22-28 
20: 21 . . 
20: 21, 22 
M : 22 . . 

20: 22-29 
20: 23. . 
20 : 26, 27 
21: 1. . . 
21: 3 . . 


33: 40 . . . 132, 318 




34 : 1 100 

6: 3-12 



34 : 3 94, 100, 131 
34 : 3 4 ... . 69 71 

6: 12 


8: 1-C 15 16. 


. . 23, 127, 128, 
130, 215 
.... 128, 318 

34 : 3-5 . . 28, 96, 107, 313 
34: 4 . . .24, 28, 71, 106, 
110,111, 114,125, 
280, 281, 289. 
34 : 4, 5 289 
34- 5 116 117 



8 : 7-10 

8:9 ... 



8: 14 

9 : 22 



10: 6 .... 128, 135, 
10- 6 7 . . 

75, 132, 278, 316 
. . 305 

34: 7, 8 127 

11: 10-15 

34 : 7-9 127 

13: 5 


21: 4. . 

21 : 4-20 
21 : 15, 28 
21 : 22 . . 
21 : 33 . 
22: 1 . 

. .131, 134, 309, 
318, 338, 352 

34: 10-12 . . 108 

13 : 16 . .... 



1 1 70 309 

15 : 13-15 
19: 14 


31: 17 

70 318 

1 : 1-19 75 
1:2. . . .42, 67, 71, 75, 
131, 153, 215, 305 

32 : 15 
32: 51 119, 
33 : 2 ... 




33 : 8 . . . 


. . 200 


17 : 16 



25 : 18, 19, 23, 27 ... 388 

27 : 8 41 44 

84- 1, 8 

. 70 

18: 19 .... 

. 59 


3 1 qfi9 

19: 2 

31 : 10, 12 . 154 

19: 12 

4:7 70 

3: 16 . . 


19 : 12, 27, 29, 34 . . 

1O 39 37 

5: 1; 10: 
5: 9-10 . 
5: 10 . . 

6 66 
. . 70 

20: 7-9 
21 : 9-15 
21 28 

11: 11 .... 392 

15 : 2 100 

15 : 29 59 

C: 2-6,20 


24-4 85 90 

21 : 2 66 

24: 7 

21 : 12 154 

10: 5; 24 
10: 31-35 
10: 36,37 
10: 36-39 
10: 36-40 
10* 38 

15 65 


1 : 11 

22: 12 392 

4 : 12 154 





6. K 1Q 90 inn 

1 : 13 

8 6 8 103 


1 : 17 213, 305 

8: 65 116 

10: 38,39 
10: 40,41 
11: 4,6,9 
11: 15-17 
11 : 16, 17 
11: 17 . 

.... 03,104 


1 : 27 

, 39 

1 : 36 81 

IS - 21-40 41 Q 


3 : 9-11 

19 1 18 59 


3 : 15-18 

19 4 5 1 p;n 


4: 1-13 

20 12 392 

95, 110 


2 : 2, 4, 6 59 


10 1 

19 Q 

5 : 14, 19-21 


12: 7 . . 

28 95 110 

6: 1-5, 33 

5 : 15, 16, 21-23, 26 . . 388 
8 : 8, 9 . 388 

12: 7,8. 
12 : 22 . . 


6 : 10 

9 : 17 327, 368, 377 
14 : 7 125 

6: 11, 19 


15: 29 163 

15: 1-3 . 
15: 1-4 . 
15: 1,8 . 

. . .69, 71, 308 
. . 28, 107,313 

6: 18 


16 : 8 388 

7: 1,12 . . . 

, 23 

17 : 9 . . 367, 368, 370, 377 
18 : 8 . . 327, 367, 368, 370 
18: 21 . 59 

7 : 6-12 

8: 17 

i c; 1 91 

15:3. . . 

28, 111, 125, 169, 
201, 280, 289 

8: 26 

9 : 46, 47, 49, 51 . . . . 
9 : 51 

19 : 24 56 

20 : 12 388 

15: 4 . . 

.... 223, 290 
.... 116, 289 

11 : 16 316, 

25 : 4 70 

11: 16,17 

25 : 5 70 

15: 13-15 
15: 15 

.... 108, 109 

11: 17 


. 68 

1: 53 118 


11 : 18 . . . 131 

11 : 26 

15: 16, 17 
15: 21-28 
15 : 21-32 . 
15 : 26 . . 

. .... 100 

9 : / 
10: 24 

4 : 28 120 
6 : 76 163 

7 : 29 .... ... 154 

15: 46 . . 

. . . . 100 

15: 7. . . 44 

3 16 103 

15: 49 . . 


17: 18 . . ... 

15 : 58 . . 


21 : 8 

15 : 59 . . 

. . 165 

23 : 14, 24 
25: 1, 2 68 

4:7-9 103 
8 : 17 146 

17: 11,16 




1" 1 





19: 1-18 . 

. . . 59 



3:1 421 

H. 7 

19 5 

348, 349 
. . . 56 

15 -17 

19: 6 


1 : 7-10 








19: 11, 13 

. . 380 

20-2 .38 

19: 18 

. . . 66 

5: 14 

on . 7 



1 2 

131 2v> : fi 

. . . 39 



25 11 12 

1 9; > 

23 : 8 . ... 

... Go 

26: 9, 10, 15 



23: 11 
23-13 ... 

. . . 66 
367, 368 
. . 116 

11 . 63, 73 


27 12 

30 : 4 

. . 380 

3: 1, 25, 26, 28 . . . . 
9- 16 17 17 



32 : 14 . . . . 327, 
37 25 

367, 368 

2 : 11 

17 25 26 ... 


2 : 42-45 . ... 

11: 26 

41 8 


12 38 39 


6 : 27 . . . . 327, 367, 368 
25 : 25 31 


G: 29 30 














. . 370 


49 : 7, 20 
49 34 39 

. . 118 

2-9 ... 


17- ~, 


25 : 13 

. . 118 

5- i-ll 


. 59 




31 9fl 

27 : 15 

. . 388 

9: 32, 35, 38 

48: 12 

f!1 3 

29 6-12 . . . 

... 59 


29 : 9, 10 

. . 369 

RV 1 

29 : 10 

. . 365 

30-5 ... 

... 57 

11: 1-6 

78 43 

30: 6 

. . 369 

10: 4 

10fi 37 

30 : 14 

. . 380 

32 24 


47 13 21 


10: 11 

120: 4 


22-28 . . . 

47-18 .... 

. . 119 


1 17 . 


47: 19 . . . .116 
47: 19; 48: 28 . . 


48 9Q 

169, 223 
28, 201, 



. 60 
. 59 


11 1 . . . 


. . .31 

4: 22-26 


3- 8 11 16 18 


24 14 


10 : 14 

. . 100 

12: 7 

. . .65 

4: 1-11 


12: 16, 17 

, 90 


8 14 

1: 12 

. . 118 


O . OQ 

, 59 

11: 11 
11: 15 109 
18: 2. . 

2- 9 10 . ... 

... 65 

11:8 . 


2: 5 . 



ABDE. See Abdeh, El. 

Abdeh, El, confounded with El- Aujeh, 

Aboo Retemat. See Retemat. 

Adar, identified with Qadayrat, 215, 
280 /., 290, 313. 

Aduma. See Atuma. 

vEgyptos, a name of Egypt, 56. 

jEgyptus, a name of Sesostris, 56. 

vElanitic gulf. See Aqabah, gulf of. 

Agrood. See Ajrood. 

Aileh. See Eloth. 

" Ain Khadees." See Ayn Qadees. 

Ajrood, probable location of Pi-hahiroth 
at, 406, 422. 

Akrabbim, meaning of the word, 109, 


. Akrabbim, Ascent of: a turn in the 
boundary-line at, 107 /., Ill, 113/. ; 
its proposed location in the Arabah, 
109 ; a description, not a proper 
name, 111 /. ; its proposed location 
at Pass es-Sufah, 111; its proposed 
location at Pass el- Yemen, 111 ff., 

Akrood. See Ajrood. 

"Although," Hebrew word translated, 

Amalek, Arab traditions concerning, 41. 

Amalekites, 18, 37, 55, 332 ; Arab tradi 
tions of their ancestry, 41 ; Bible 
account of their ancestry, 40/., 98; 
field of the, 40 /., 99, 306. 

Amen-Ra, 411 /. 

American scholars concerning Row- 
lands s discovery, 223 /. 

Amir, Ammurieh, Amr, forms of the 
word Omar, 246. 

Ammon, oracle of, 43. 

Amorites, 18, 37 ; location of their terri 
tory, 65; a representative people, 
65 /.; the "Highlanders," 65 /.; 
mountains, or hill-country of, 65 ff.; 
Way of the Hill-country of. See 

Anastasi papyri, See Papyri Anastasi. 

Anboo : understood to mean the Wall, 47 ; 
Egyptian name of a fortification, 48; 
a plural word, 48 ; designates a line 
of fortresses, 48 /. 

Anbu. See Anboo. 

Apda Martu, " the Conqueror of the 
West," 32. 

Apocrypha : Edom in the, 101; Kadesh 
in the, 165 ff. ; origin of the name 
Kadesh-palm from a misreading in 
the, 197. 

Aqabah : fort of, 42 ; gulf of, 36 ; name 
Yam Sooph applied to gulf of, 

Arab: traditions, 41, 131, 135 f.; conser 
vatism, 72 /. ; pretended ignorance, 
230, 256 /., 294 /.; method of ratify 
ing a contract, 252 /.; estimate of the 
value of books, 256 /., 261 ; use of 
weapons, 260 ; estimate of enemies, 
260; distinction between theft and 
"tax-collecting," 265^.; hostilities, 
danger from, 268 /.; timidity, 265, 
276, 279, 296 ; knowledge of the de 
sert exaggerated, 279; method of 
encampment, 281 ; women at Qasay- 
meh, 292 ; short cut, 292 ff. ; con 
tempt for the truth, 293 /.; super 
stitions, 294, 297 ff.; mode of balanc 
ing an account, 296 /.; shrewdness, 
296 /./dread of Christian invasion, 
298 /.; unwillingness to guide trav- 



ellers to certain wells, 298 /.; tribal 
names, 315 ; changes in Hebrew local 
names, 378. 

Arabs. See Bed/ween. 

Arubah : not the Wilderness of Zin, 69/.; 
309 ; strict use of the term, 69 /. ; 
Desert et-Teeh above the, 80; in 
cluded in Edom, 99, 13:2; proposed 
location of Kadcsh in, 82, 86 /,. 
227 /., 303 /.; closed to the Israel 
ites, 132; Kadesh located in, by 
Burckhardt, 205 /.; Kadesh located 
in, by Robinson, 209 ff. ; Kadesh 
either in, or at a much higher level, 
304; ten proposed sites for Kadesh 
in, 303 /. See, also, Wady cl- Arabah. 

Arabia, 34; the Land of Training, 59 ff. 

Arad, king of, 132, 134, 318. 

Areesh, El, fort and village of, 110. 

Arekeme, meaning of the word, 175 /. 

Ark of Moses, the, 353. 

Arkub. See Arqoob. 

Arqoob: meaning of the word, 112; as 
an identification of Akrabbim, 112^f. 

Ashteroth Karnaim, 35. 

Assyria, 44; highway from Egypt to, 

Atef, 367 ; crown, 367. 

Athareem: meaning of the word, 316; 
Way of. See Road of the Spies. 

Atuma, 89. 

Aujeh, El : erroneous location of Eboda 
and El- Abdeh at, 87/ ; a camp at, 
295 ff; proposed identification of 
Gcrar at, 295 ; ruins of, 296. 

Avaris: as a site of Migdol, 375; pro 
posed identification of, 375 /. 

Ayn, meaning of the term, 17. 

Ayn : TInsb, proposed location of Kadesh 
at, 207, 227 /., 303. 

- Karim, 172, 174. 

Mishpat. See En-Mishpat. 

- el-Hudhera, 78, 314. 

- Muwaylih, 219, 257. 

ol-Qadayrat : located by Row 
lands, 220 ; and Ayn Qadees, Row- 
lands s alleged confounding of, 219, 
231/.; its existence denied, 232 ; visit 
ed, 2S2/. ; described, 282 ff. ; meaning 
of the name, 283 /. ; and Ayn Qa 
dees compared, 283 ; departure from, 

Ayn Qadees : discovered by Rowlands, 
213 ff. ; confounded with Ayn el- 
Qadayrat, 218 /.; 221; failures to 
refind, 229 ff.; located by Stewart 
near Jebel Ilelal, 230; and Ayii 
Qadayrat, Rowlands s alleged con 
founding of, 2"! /. ; difficulty of 
reaching, 241 ; in the Azazimeh ter 
ritory, 241; inquiring for, 255 ff.; 
258 /. ; first sight of, 272 ; described, 
272 ff. ; departure from, 275 ; com 
pared with Ayn el-Qadayrat, 283; 
location of Kadesh at, 303 ; a repre 
sentative site, 304 /.; objections to it 
as the site of Kadesh, 309 ff.; the 
argument for it as a site of Kadesh, 
311 ff.; its surroundings, 311 ff.; 
319 ; in Canaan s southern boundary, 
312 /. ; in relation to the route of the 
Isralites, 312 /. ; failing of its waters, 

Qasaymeh : Azmon identified with, 

117; located by Rowlands, 220 ; shown 
to Bartlctt as Ayn Qadees, 232 ; 
Owdy s revelation concerning, 258; 
visited and described, 288 /. ; its pos 
ition relative to Ayn el-Qadayrat, 
291 /. 

esh-Shehabeh : as a site of Kadesh, 

225, 227, 303. 
el-Waybeh : location of, 209 ; de 

scription of, 209 ff. ; Robinson s loca 
tion of Kadesh at, 209, jf. 303 ; its lack 
of present importance, 210; Robin 
son s later defense of, 217 ff.; a re 
presentative site, 304 /. ; claims for 
it as a site of Kadesh, 305 /.; objec 
tions to it as a site of Kadesh, 306 ff. 

Azazimeh. See Bed ween, Azazimeh. 

Azazimeh mountain tract, 38 /. ; de 
scribed, 70 /. ; includes Wilderness 
of Zin, 71 ; alternative road through, 
82 /. ; Ayn Qadees in the, 241 ; diffi 
culties in crossing, 297. 

Azfizimat. See Azazimeh mountain 

Azmon : identified with Qasaymeh, 117, 
215, 289 /.; name given to it in the 
Targums, 117, 289 /. 

BA AL: his Egyptian worship introduced 
by the Hykshos, 407 /. ; associated 



with Set, 408; his place in Egyptian 
mythology, 413 ff. 

Ba al-Set, adualistic god, 415 ff. 

Ba al Shamen, 407 /. 

Ba al-worship, cairns possibly connected 
with, 287 /. 

Baal- Zephon : camp of the Israelites be 
fore, 402, 405 ; location of, 407 ff., 422 
ff. ; the name of a divinity, 407 ff. ; a 
dualistic god, 413 ; its place in 
Egyptian mythology, 415 ff.; origin 
of the name, 417 /. 

Ba ali-Tsapuna, 417. 

Ba ali-Tapoona, 417. 

Babel, Migdol of, 373. 

Babylonia, conquest of, 31. 

Badiyat et-Teeh Beny Israel, origin of 
the name, 67. 

Bakhsheesh : required by Arabs, 263. 

taking time and, 384 ff. ; univer 
sal demand for in the East, 386 /. 

Bakhun, bakhan, bakhon, 3(37. See also 


Ballah, Lake, 341, 346 /., 349, 361 /. 
Banias, fountain of, 283. 
Bar, meanings of the word, 24. 
Barley, Owdy s field of, 293. 
Barnea, use and meaning of the word, 

24, 165. 
Bashan, 36 /. 

Bathn-Nakhl. See Nakhl, Castle. 
Bayt Ainoon, 165. 
Beard, Oriental custom of honoring the, 

Bed weon : meaning of the word, 237. 

their tribal unity, 237 /.; 248; 

their tribal diversity, 237 /. See, 
also, Arab. 

Alaween, 240. 

Anazeh, 247 /. 

Azazimeh, 205 ; their location, 240 ; 

their superstitions, 240 /. ; in the 
stronghold of, 264 ff.; the inadvisa- 
bility of resisting, 268; first meeting 
with 275 /. ; second meeting with, 
296 ff. 

Hawaytat, 240. 

Haywat, 239, 315- 

Sa eediyeh, 94. 

Tawarah : territory of, 238 ; kind 
ness and fidelity of, 239. 

Teeyahah, 229 /., 233, 267, 296 ff. ; 

their location, 239; their character 
istics, 240; their plundering, 240, 

247/.; their deceit, 242. 
Bed ween Terabeen : their friendliness, 

242, 269; their assistance to Eow- 

lands, 242. 
Wilderness-way of, into Egypt, 

Bed wy, its suggested correspondence 

with Barnea, 24. 
Beer, meaning of the word, 17. 
Beer-lahai-roi. See Hagar s Well. 
Beer-Makhdal, 351 ; Tower of the Well 

at, 303, 370; Migdol identified at, 


Beersheba, 61 ff., 90; wilderness of. 68. 
" Before," Hebrew word translated, 405, 

422 /. 

BeitKerm, 174 /. 
Bekhen, Egyptian word for tower, 368. 

See, also, Migdol. 
Bekhon, a Hebrew word corresponding 

with the Egyptian word bekhen. 

368. See also bekhen. 
Bel. See Ba al. 
Belqa, El, location of, 173 ^ 
Beny Israel. See Israelites. 
Beny et-Toor. See Bed ween, Tawarah. 
Bered : Kadesh over against, 44 ; its lo 
cation uncertain, 64. 
Betane, or Betanoth, 165. 
Beth-Shemesh, 407. 
"Bir-Maktal." See Beer-Makhdal. 
Birket : el-IIajj,.its similarity to Succoth, 

392 /. 

Menzaleh, 353. 

Timsah See, 333. 

Books, Arab estimate of their value, 

256 /., 261. 
Border-Barrier of Egypt. See Wall of 

" Borrow," the Hebrew word translated, 

" Bridge," El-Qantarah translated, 339 ; 

Gisr translated, 341. 
Bridge of the Philistia Road, 339. 
Butrn, meaning of the word, 37. 

CAIRNS : in Wady Qadees, 270 /. ; in 
Wady -el-Qadayrat, 280; on Mount 
Ebal, 282; in Wady Sabh 287 /. 

Callah Nahhar. See Nakhl, Castle. 



Camp : finding the, 286 /.; the last, with 
in the Wall, 405 ff. 

Camping-ground, Succoth name for a, 
392 /. 

Campaign, the first, of history, 15, 28, 

Canaan : spies sent into, 17 ; Israelites 
final move toward, 23 ; permanent 
importance of, 34 ; the Land of Rest, 
59.$ . ; meaning of the word, 65 /. ; 
original application of the name, 66; 
new line of advance into, 317. 

Canaan s southern boundary : position of 
Kadesh in, 61, 106 /., 114, 119 ff., 
123 /.; Bible indications of, 106 ff.; 
Ascent of Akrabbim at the turn of, 

107 /., 114; an attempt to trace, 

108 ff. ; indicated by Ezekiel, 1 19 ff. ; 
wedge-shaped, 123 ; identified, 290/.; 
Ayn el-Waybeh not in, 309 ; Ayn 
Qadees in, 312 /. 

Canaanites, the " Lowlanders," 65 /. 

Canal of Egypt : traces of its early con 
struction, 51 ; its help in locating the 
Wall, 51 /. ; mistaken for the Nile, 

Caravan route between Egypt and Syria, 
61, 64. 

Castle Nakhl. See Nakhl, Castle. 

Catechising, Yankee, 255 ff. 

Chalasa, 166. 

Chaloof. See Shaloof. 

Chalutz, El, name for Gerar in the Ara 
bic Bible, 63. 

Chariots of Kedor-la omer s army, 39, 

Chawatha: proposed location of Kadesh 
at, 192, 303 ; a probable mispronun 
ciation of Hawwadeh, 192; its posi 
tion, 193. 

Chelus or Chellus, 166. 

Christian : supremacy lost in Palestine, 
188 ; power, superstitious dread of, 
294, 297 ff.; leniency implored, 298/. 

Cistern in Wady Qadees, 270. 

Cisterns, the Arabic word Hawwadeh 
means, 152, 270. 
ruins of, at Bayfc Ainoon, 165. 

City : Kadesh not a, 83 ; meaning of the 
Hebrew word translated, 83 /. ; Is 
raelites not encamped in any single, 
84; Migdol not name of a single, 

378 /; start of the Israelites not from 
a single, 383 /. 

City of Pharaoh. See Rameses. 

Compass, Hebrew method of marking 
points of, 44. 

Conclusions, fair, 320 /. 

Consonants, transposition of. See Semi 
tic languages, changes of consonants 

Contract, Arab method of ratifying a 252. 

Cottor, 398. 

Coub, 57. 

Crusades, a gleam during the, 186.$*. 

DAMIETTA, 365 /. ; other names for, 367. 

Dangers of the search for Ayn Qadees, 
259 /., 265 ff. 

Dapur, not Debir, but Tabor, 162. 

Darkness, a ride in the, 284 ff. 

Date-palms, mentioned by Seetzen, 283 f. 

Day s journey, a measure of distance, 
72 ff. ; length of, 73. See also Jour 
ney, a first day s. 

" Days of rest," in the Bible story, 391. 

Dead Sea, its southern end not a fixed 
point, 108; tongue of the, 109, 313; 
plain of the. See Siddim, vale of. 

Debeer. See Debir. 

Debir : taken by Joshua, 102 /. ; import 
ance of, 103 /.; its true identification 
at Dhahareeyah, 104; a faulty identi 
fication of, 161 /. 

Debooreyeh, 162. 

Dehikah, king, "El-Ajoos," or the 
" Old Woman," 49. 

Derekh. See Road, Hebrew word for. 

Desert: junction of roads of, 42; travel, 
fresh hints from, 203 ff. ; dangers, 265 
ff. ; lost in the, 278 /., 1^ ff. ; god of 
the, 420; of the wanderings. See 
also, Teeh, Desert ct. 

Dhahareeyah: Debir identified at, 104, 
163 ; considered a frontier town, 104 
/. ; inhabitants of, 315. 

Dhaygat el-Amureen, 66. 

Dhoheriyeh, Edh. See Dhahareeyah. 

Discovery of Rowlands, the, 211 ff. ; Ger 
man scholars concerning, 216 /., 222 
/. ; English scholars concerning, 223; 
American scholars concerning, 223 
/.; its truth established, 274/. 



Distances, Oriental method of calculating 
71 ff. 

Dowars, 281. 

Dragoman: Eowlands s 221, 232 /.; 
meaning of the term, 243 ; duties of 
the, 243 /.; help from a notable, 
260 ff. 

Dromedary : and camel, difference be 
tween, 253 /. ; run-away of the drag 
oman s; 275: seized by the Azazi- 
meh, 296. 

Dyke, the Old Woman s. See Gisr el- 

EBAL, Mount, stone enclosures on, 281. 

Eboda, ite proposed location atEl- Aujeh, 
87 /. 

Edom : messengers sent to the king of, 
23, 317 /.; the mountains of, 23; 
ancient reach of, 28, 84 ff., 101 ; Ka- 
desh in the border of, 67, 82 ff. , 
its relation to Seir, 84 ff. ; not limited 
to Mount Seir, 85; modern errors 
concerning the boundaries of, 85 ff. ; 
earliest mention of, 89 ; meaning of 
the word, 89 ; part of the Azazimeh 
mountain tract in, 93 ; Bible indica 
tions of its location, 100 ; historical 
indications of its location, 100 /. 

Effendi, use of the term, 262. 

Egypt : Shur before, 44; significance of 
its ancient name, 56 /. ; the Land of 
Bondage, 59 ff., 188; the world s 
treasury of food, 339 ; River of, or, 
Torrent of. See Wady el- Areesh. 

Egyptian : kings, their boastfulness, 52 ; 
language, sign of the plural in, 329 ; 
records, mention of more than one 
road in, 372 ; mythology, gods of the, 
409 ff. 

Egyptians : spoils of the, 389 ; their de 
struction in the Red Sea, 427 /. 

Eighteenth Century attempts to identify 
Kadesh 203 /. 

El, meaning of the word, 36. 

Elam, 32 /. ; location of, 31 ; road from, 
to Syria, 35. 

Elephantine, 365 /. 

Eleven days course, an, 71 ff. 

El-Paran : meaning of the name, 36 ; 
Castle Xakhl probably the site of, 
36/., 243. 

Elusa, 58, 63, 181; a proposed site of 
Kadesh, 227 ; a center of Pagan wor 
ship, 166 ; See, also, Khaloos, El. 

Embasch, proposed location of Kadesh 
at, 206, 3U3. 

Empire, Old, Middle, and New, Egyp 
tian, 46 /. 

Encounter, a bloodless, 275 ff. 

" Entangled," Hebrew word translated, 
399 /. 

En-gedi, 38, 40, 306. 

English scholars concerning Rowlands a 
discovery, 223. 

En-mishpat, 37, 41 /., 67, 153 ; a name of 
Kadesh, 17; origin of the name, 43 ; 
located in Gerar by Eusebius and 
Jerome, 180. See, also, Fountain of 

Erways el-Ebayrig, suggested as the site 
of Kibroth-hattaavah, 142, 144, 314. 

Esau, meaning of the word, 89. 

Etham: as a substitute for Shur, 327 ; a 
name of the wall of Egypt, 328 ff. ; 
its identity with Khetam, 328; Sep- 
tuagint rendering of the word, 336. 

Et^Teeh. See Teeh, Desert et. 

Euphrates, Kedor-la omer s route along 
the, 35. 

Exodus : Kadesh in the d ays of the, 65 ff. ; 
route of the, 325 ff. ; an old time 
theory of the, 333; "preconceived 
theories" of the, 356, 374; prepara 
tion for the, 3S6_/f. ; alleged difficul 
ties in announcing the start upon the, 
390 /. See, also, Route of the Israel 

Ezion-gaber: location of, 146 ; proposed 
location of Kadesh near, 303. 

FAILURES to refind Rowlands s site, 

229 ff. 

Favoring circumstances at Nakhl, 247 ff. 
Fat hat. See Quran, first chapter of. 
Father, an Oriental, honored by having 

sons, 90 /. 

Father s injunction, a, 253. 
Fayran, its connection with Paran, 69. 
Field enclosures. See Hazeroth. 
"Field," Hebrew word translated, 99. 
Fortified Land. See Walled Land. 
Fortresses, Anboo designates a line of, 



Fountain : of Judgment : Kadesh becom 
ing, 17; a second time becoming, 23. 
See, also, En-mishpat. 

of Miriam, a name of the Rock 

of Kadesh, 172, 177. 
on the Shur Road, 44. 

Frontier "Wall. See Wall of Egypt. 

GAILU, or Garu, proposed identification 
of, 332. 

Gar- imirisv, 60. 

Gaza : road to, 42 ; a sweep to, 102 ff. 

Gebel Atiiqah, 423. 

Gebel e- Tayr, remains of the Wall at, 50. 

Gehimsour, possible meaning of the 
term, oof. 

Geneffeh, heights of, 343 

Geographical Studies : lack of, 186 ; revi 
val of, 195. 

Gerar, 44 ; sojourn of Abraham at, 60 ; and , 
Bered, 61 ff.; proposed identifica- ! 
tions of, 62 ff. ; well in the valley of, 
62 ; located by Eusebius, 180 ; its pro 
bable identification at El- Aujeh, 295. 

Gerrhou, or Gerrha, Greek translation of 
Anboo, 48. 

Gerrhon horion, the Boundary-Wall, 55 

German scholars concerning Rowlands s 
discovery, 216 /., 222 /. 

Ghor, Arabah a continuation of the, 69 /. 

Ghubbet-el-bus, 355. 

Gifts : Oriental custom of demanding, 
386 ff.; the Israelites instructed to 
ask for, 386 /., 389. 

Gilgal, 392. 

Gisr : meaning and use of the word, 50, I 
339, 341 /. ; El-Qantarah distinguish 
ed from, 339. 

El : plateau of 341 /. ; its ancient 

level, 346 ff., 361 /. 
el-Agoos, 50. 

Goshen, Land of: assigned to the Israel 
ites, 380 /. ; at some distance from 
Pharaoh s capital city, 381 /. ; its 
probable identification with Wady 
Toomilat, 382 /. ; its shape, 383, 394. 

Grain-magazine, a, 270. 

Grave of Miriam, possible identification 
of, 278. 

Guides: Terabeen, 242; Tawarah, 239, 
244 ; Teeyahah, 244, 295. 

" Guisr-el-Qantharah," 362. 

HAGAE S WELL: its importance, 44; 
proposed locations of: 64, 213. 

"Ilugges," caravan of the, 398. 

Ilahiroth. See Pi-hahiroth. 

Hajj : meaning of the word, 386 /. 

road, traversed by Kedor-la orner, 
36. See, also, Road, Red Sea. 

Ilalak, Mount, 28 ; meaning of the name, 
94 ; identified, 95 ff. ; its name pre 
served in Es-Sufah, 96. 

Ilaloujah, identified with Elusa, 57 /. 

Halting-place, a strategic, 42. 

Ilamdh, the young shaykh, 251 ff., 262. 

Hanein, or Hanayn. See Wady Ilanayn. 

Hawwadeh, meaning of the word, 192. 
See, also, Chawatha. 

Haywat and Ilivite, correspondence of 
the names, 315 /. See, also, Bed - 
ween, Haywat. 

Hazar, use of the word, 281. See also, 

Hazerim. See Ilazeroth. 

Hazeroth : Israelites second encampment 
at, 148, 314; "Field Enclosures," 
2S1 /. ; location of, 314^ . 

Hazezon-tamar, 38, 306. 

Hebron : roads to, 42 ; captured by Josh 
ua, 102 ; mountain ascent to, 276 ; 
difficulties of the route to, 251, 
297 /. 

Heroopolis, location of, 340, 340. 

llezron, finding the ruins of, 280 /. 

Highlanders. See Amorites. 

Ilivites. See Haywat and Bed ween, 

Holy Land. See Canaan. 

Hor-hagidad, 138. 

Hor ha-IIor. See Hor, Mount. 

Ilor, Mount, 28, 305 ; a descriptive title, 
127 ; its traditional site unreason 
able, 129 ff., 208 ; its probable site 
at Jebel Madurah, 132 ff. ; death of 
Aaron at, 317. 

Horeb, distance of Kadesh-barnea from, 

Horites, dwellers in caves, 88. 

Horse, its introduction into Egypt, 39 /. 

Horns, an Egyptian sun-god, 409 ff. 

Ilorus-Set, 414. 

Hykshos, the, 39, 40 /. ; the Wall levelled 
by, 52 ; Ba al-worship introduced 
into Egypt by, 407 ff., 413. 



IBRAIIEEM, the young shaykh, 251. 

Iduraea. See Edom. 

" In," Hebrew word translated, 396. 

Inscriptions: in Wady Umm A sheen, 
277 f.; in Wady el-Mukatteb, 277; 
at Karnak. See Karnak. 

Interpreter. See dragoman. 

Isis, 409. 

Isma ileeya, ancient, 341 ; road toward, 
349 /. 

Israelites: their rebellion at Kadesh, 
17 /. ; their encouragement from the 
story of Abraham, 5^ ff. ; their most 
natural course Caiiaanward, 82 ; 
their organization at Sinai, 140 /., 
310 ; their start, 383 ff., 390 ; their 
first encampment, at Kibroth-hat- 
taavah, 313; their second encamp 
ment, at Hazeroth, 314 ; their third 
encampment, at Wady Qadees. 316 ; 
their advance into Canaan, 317 ff. ; 
the barrier to their passage, 325 ff. ; 
commanded to take the Ked Sea 
Road, 361 ; their location in Egypt, 
380 ; their starting-point, 380 ff., 396 ; 
their rendezvous at Succoth, 384, 
392 ; time of their departure, 385 ff. ; 
commanded to turn southward, 398 ; 
their last camp within the Wall, 
405 ff. ; their fear of the Egyptians, 
424 /. ; their passage of the Red Sea, 
426 /. ; their song of rejoicing, 428 ; 
route of. See Route of the Israel 

JEBEL : Anaygeh, 264. 

Araeef en-Naqah, 38, 42, 81, 318 ; 

Kadesh north of, 67 ; southwest of 
the Azazimeh mountain tract, 138, 

Hawwadeh, " Mountains of the 

Cisterns," 264, 270 /. 
el-IIelal, 42, 255. 

"el-Kudeis," 230. 

Ikhrimm, 254. 

- Madurah, 113, 312, 317; identifi 
cation of Mount Hor at, 132 ff.; de 
scribed and located, 133 ff. ; tradi 
tions concerning, 136 ; proposed 
location of Kadesh at, 303. 

Mawweeqa, or Miawaykah, 269. 

" Meraifig," 264. 

Jebel : Moosa, 77. 

Mu arrb, or Muarib, 269. 
Mugharah, location of, 350. 

Muqrah, 38, 83 ; proposed loca 
tion of Kadesh near, 227, 304. 
- Muwayleh, 42, 66, 255, /. 

Xeby Haroon, traditional site of 

Mount Hor at, 131 /., 146 /. 
Qadees, 269, 319. 

er-Rahah: proposed location of 

Shur in, 45 ; not before Egypt, 46. 


et-Teeh, 45. 
Yeleq, 255, 349. 

! Jeroor, equivalent of Gerar, 255. 

Jifar, Desert el, 58. 

Jisr. See Gisr. 

Jordan, Valley of the, 34. 

Jorf, meaning of the word, 96. 

Journey : a " three days, " 142 ff. ; a 
first day s," 143 ff., 254 ; Hebrew 
word for commencing a, 381 /. 

" Journeying," Hebrew term for, 145 . 

Judah s southern boundary. See Ca 
naan s southern boundary . 

KADESH: meaning of the word, 16, 24/., 
64, ISO/., 275 ; wrongly distinguished 
from Kadesh-barnea, ISO /., 189, 
200 /.; theerrorof counting a second, 
189, 200 ff.; this error disproved, 
200 ff. See, also, Kadesh-barnea. 

Desert of, 181, 197. 

mountain before. See Mountain 

before Kadesh. 

Naphtali. See Kedesh-Xaphtali. 

of the Araorites, 125, 160 /.; iden 
tified with Kedesh-Naphtali, 162 jf. ; 
not Kadesh-barnea, 164 /. 
- of the Hittites, 125, 159 /. 

on the Orontes. See Kadesh of 

the Hittites. 

palm, 197. 

Wilderness of, its proposed loca 
tion and extent, 180. 

Kadesh-barnea : a strategic stronghold, 
15, 84, 325; importance of, 15, 22 
ff., 27 /. ; in story and prophecy, 
15 ff. ; names of, 150 /. ; meaning 
of the name, 16, 25; origin of the 
name, 24; history at, 17; spies 
sent from, 17, 316; becoming En- 



mishpat, 17, 23, 153; a rallying 
point, 19 ; halt of the Israelites at, 
19 ff.; events at, 22 ff.; typical 
character of the halt at, 2 2 messen 
gers sent from, 23 ; becoming Meri- 
bah, 23, 153, 169; the linking* of, 
24; its first mention in the Bible, 
31 ; its first appearance in history, 
35, 43; approached by Kedor -la - 
omcr, 37; location of, 41, 43, 117; 
not the original name, 43, 150, 153 ; 
over against Bered and Shur, 44; 
and Shur, Abraham s sojourn be 
tween, 58 ff. ; typical significance of, 
61 ; readied by the Israelites, 65; in 
the Amorite hill-country, 60; in the 
Azazimeh mountain tract, 71 ; not a 
city, 84; modern errors in locating, 
86 ff. ; in the march of Joshua, 102, 
106 ; in the western border of Edom, 
102 ; as a boundary landmark, 106 
/.; as the Rock, 124 /.; in the list 
of stations, 147 /. ; in the Wilderness 
of raran, 148 /.; identified with 
Rithmah, 150 ff.; Bible aids to its 
locating, 155; in the Egyptian re 
cords, 159 jf.; Kadesh of the Amor- 
ites not, 164 /. ; in the Apocrypha, 
164 ff. ; in the rabbinical writings, 
167 . ; in the early Christian name 
lists, 178 ff.; and Petra, confounded 
by Jerome, 179 /.; Eusebius s location 
180, 1S6, 193; why it dropped from 
notice, 1S5/. ; mediaeval errors in lo 
cating, 188 ff.; and Kadesh, first dis 
tinction between, made by "Rashi," 
1S9 ; Maimonides s location, 189 ; 
Marino Sanuto s location, 190; Van 
Ilamelsveld s location, 204; "Ra- 
shi s " location, 189 ; Breydenbach ! 
and Fabri s location, 191 ff. ; located j 
by maps in early editions of the : 
printed Bible, 193 /.; located in 
early maps of Palestine, 194 ff. ; 
Ziegler s location, 195 ; Adrichomi- 
us s location, 196 /. ; Miinster s loca 
tion, 196; Ortelius s location, 196; 
Bunting s location, 197/. ; Montano s 
location, 199, 303 ; Raleigh s location, 
199; Quaresmius s location, 199; 
Blacu s location, 19!) ; Dapper s lo 
cation, 199; Ileidmann s location, 

199; Homann s location, 199; San- 
son s location, 199; Spanheim s lo 
cation, 199; Rogers s location, 199; 
Antonio of Castile s location, 199 ; Fii- 
rer s location, 200 ; Schweigger s loca 
tion, 200 ; Lightfoot s location, 200 
/. ; Shaw s location, 203 /. ; Pocoeke s 
location, 204 ; Seetzen s location, 
204^.; Burckhardt s location, 205 ; 
Laborde s location, 206 ; Von Rau- 
mer s location, 206 /. ; Stephens s lo 
cation, 207 ; Lord Lindsay s location, 
207 ; Bertou s location, 207 ; Robin 
son s location, 208 ff. ; Rowlands s 
location, 211 ff., 303; Tuch s loca 
tion, 216 /.; Wilson s location, 217 ; 
Ewald s location, 222 Ritter s loca 
tion, 222; Schwarz s location, 222; 
Fries s location, 222 ; /. ; Wm. 
Smith s location, 225 /. ; Conder s lo 
cation, 227 /. ; Unruh s location, 
227; Reuss s location, 227; Berg- 
haus s location, 227 ; Buddeus s 
location, 227 ; Basslcr s location, 
227; Von Gerlach s location, 227, 
303; Stanley s location, 223; lo 
cated at Chawatha, 192 /., 303; 
west of the Arabali, 194, 196 f., 
200, 202 ; near Castle Nakhl, 203 /. ; 
303; near Mount Sinai, 204, 303; in 
the Arabah, 199, 205 J., 217 /., 303; 
at Embasch, 206, 303 ; at Ayn Ilasb, 
206 /., 303 ; near Jebcl Madurah, 
207, 303 ; at Ayn el-Waybeh, 209 
ff., 303; at Ayn*Qadees, 213 ff., 216 
ff., 303; at Wady Gayan, 222, 303; 
at Ayn csh-Shchabeh, 225, 303; 
at El-Khaloos, 227, 303; at Wady 
Ghuwayr, 227,303; near Jebel Muq- 
rah, 227; near Ezion-gaber, 227 /., 
303; at Wady Feqreh, 228, 303; its 
Arab guardians, 237 ff. ; departure of 
the Israelites from, 318. 

Kadessa, 207. 

Kaina, Lake of, 332. 

Kana an, identifying the fortress of, 
331 /. 

Kanal von ITeroopolis, 333. 

Karkaa : meaning of the word, 289 /. ; 
located, 290. 

Karnak : geographical lists in the Temple 
of, 62 /. ; mention of Kadesh in 



ruins at, ICO ; temple ruins at, 160, 
330, 332 /., 351, 368, 375. 

Kedar-el-Ahmar, 32. 

" Kdeis," name of Qadees heard by Seet- 

Kedes. See Kedesh-Naphtali. 

Kedesh-Naphtali, 125 ; identified with 
Kadesh of the Amorites, 162 ff. 

Kedor-la omer : his campaign on an un 
precedented scale, 32 /. / his cam 
paign, objects, of 33 ff. ; his sway, 
revolt against, 35 ; his route, 35 ff., 
74, 83, 305, 360. 

Kedor-nakhunta, 31 /. 

Kerek, 174, 176. 

Kerm, connected with Ruqeem, 174. 

Khabour, 35. 

Khagra, derivation of the word, 57. 

Khalaq. See Halak, Mount. 

Khaloos, El, proposed location of Kadesh 
at, 227, 303. 

" Khan el-IIawadi," meaning of the 
name, 193. 

Khashm Usdum, 110. 

Khetam: identical with Etham, 327/., 
335 J. ; various references to it as 
Wall of Egypt, 328 ff. ; Egyptian 
name for a fortress, 328 ; not a single 
fortress, 334 ; meaning of the word, 
335, 337 ; in Egyptian and Semitic 
languages, 335 ff. ; rejection of the 
initial Khe, 335 ; its relation to the 
Philistia Road, 361. 

of Meneptah, 329. 

of Thukoo, 329. 

of Zor, 328 /., 331 ; proposed loca 
tion of, 332 /. 

Khetamoo, plural of Khetam, 328 ff. 

Khetamu. See Khetamoo. 

Kibroth-hattaavah : encampment of the 
Israelites at, 142, 313 ; proposed iden 
tification of, 142. 

Koran. See Quran : 

Kudur, meaning of the word, 32. 

Kudur-mabuq, or mabuk, 32. 

Kurnub, proposed location of Thamar at, 

LAKES, Bitter, 346. See, also, Red Sea. 
Land of Bondage. See Egypt. 
of Promise, or of Rest. See Ca 

Land of Training. See Arabia. 

the bottom. See Karka a. 

the fortified. See Egypt. 

Lands, three typical, 187 f. 

Languages, mingling of Egyptian and 

Semitic, 335 /. 
Laomer or Laganiar, 32. 
Lisan, El. See Dead Sea, Tongue of. 
Locusts, the plague of, 357 /. 
Lowlanders. See Cauaanites. 
Luxor, ruins at, 368. 

MAALEII, meaning of the word, 126. 

Mualeh-acrabbim. See Akrabbim, As 
cent of. 

Mackati, 193. 

" Maderah " and " Adar," suggested 
correspondence between, 228. 

Madurah, meaning of the word, 135. 

Magdala, name of various places, 372. 

Magdolon, 375. 

Magdolum, 365, 375. 

Makhdal and Maqtaleh, 378. 

Maktal, El, probable site of a Migdol at, 
377 /. 

Makthal and Migdol, 364. 

Makthel. See Makthal. 

Map-making, development of, 193 Jf. 

Map of Palestine: attributed to Maimon- 
ides, 189 /. ; Marino Sanuto s, 190 
/. ; the earliest, 190, 193^".; in Pto 
lemy s Geography, 194 /., 345. 

Maon, "Wilderness of, 68. 

Maqtaleh, its correspondence with Makh 
dal, 378. 

Marble-shaft in Wady Qadees, 270 /. 

Maschtul, 374. 

Matsor. See Mizraim. 

Mazayriat, " little plantations," 271. 

Mazor : Land of, 57 ; border-barrier of, 
328 ; Great Wall of, 329. See, also, 

Mazur, Assyrian name for Egypt, 57. 

Medeenet Aboo, 373 ; ruins at, 368. 

Mediaeval writers, their mistakes con 
cerning Kadesh, 188jf. 

Mediterranean, no ancient connection be 
tween Red Sea and, 343 ff. 

Mejdel, 377. 

Memphis, gates of, 326. 

Meribah: meaning of the word ; Kadesh 
becoming, 23, 153, 169. 



Meshtol, 374. 

Mesjid, Ibraheem, .205. 

Meskinoth, meaning of the word, 379. 

Meter abu Sofieh, 245. 

Menzaleh, Lake, 357. 

Midianites, 332, 389. 

Migdol : the theory of one at Tell cs- Sa- 
inoot, 3G3 ff.; 37 /. ; a Hebrew name, 
364 /. ; alleged correspondence of 
Samhud with, 366 /. ; meaning and 
use of the word, 367 /., 377 ; no one 
city of the name, 370, 378 ; at the 
Shur Road, at Bir Makhdal, 374 /. ; 
probable existence of one at Tell Et 
Heer, 375 /. ; at the Red Sea Eoad, 
376 ; probable site at Mukhala, 406, 

of Babel, 373. 

of King Setee Mencptah, 48, 363, 

371, 373. 

of Rameses Haq-On, 371, 373. 

Migdols : of the Great Wall, 326 ; the 

many, 364.^. 

Mizraim: ancient name of Egypt, 56 /. ; 
the two Matsors, 57. 

Moab, 36 ; the mountains of, 23 ; messen 
gers sent to the king of, 23, 317 ; 
plains of, 318. 

Moiiahi, or Moilahhi, 64, 213. 

Montala, 377. 

Mosera, 135. 

Moserah, plain of, 817. 

Moseroth. See Mosera. 

Mountain northward from Kadesh: its pro 
posed identification near Ayn el- 
Waybeh, 219 /. ; identified near 
Ayn Qadees, 276 /. 

Mountain : of the Cisterns. See Jebel 

that goeth up to Seir. See Seir. 

the mountain. See llor, Mount. 

the Smooth, 94. 
Move : northward, 9, 253. 

the first united, 395 ff. 
Muhammad Ahmad, "8 Silk Bazar, Al 
exandria," 260^"., 284. 

Muhammad, the waiter, 263. 
Mukhafeh, El, 377. 
Muktala, El, 377, 406. 
Muntala, El, 377. 
Muntar, 377. 
Muntarah, 377. 

Muntula, El, 406. 
Mutallah, 377. 

NAKHL, Castle: its probable identification 
with El-Paran, 37, 343; suggested 
meanings of the name, 37, 117 ; pro 
posed location of Kadesh at, 203 /., 
303 ; as a new caravan starting-point, 
243 /., 393 ; favoring circumstances at, 
247 ff. 

Name lists, Kadcsh-barnea in the early 
Christian, 17 tiff. 

Naqb : Fahadeh, 254. 
Hawy, 276. 

es-Sufah, 227 : proposed location 

of Kadesh-barnea, near 304. 

Negeb: 28, 67, 295; a proper noun, 18; 
entered by the Israelites, 18; ex 
plored by Palmer, 231 ; Abraham s 
approach to, 69. 

Night, a restless, 259 ; Eastern custom of 
travelling by, 397 /.; march of the 
Israelites, 427. 

Night s journey, reckoning distances by 
a, 397. 

Nile : Pelusiac arm of the, 332 ; ancient 
position of its mouths, 345 ; identified 
as the Egyptian Sea, 348 /. 

Nubti. See Set. 

" Nukb es-Sufa." See Naqb es-Sufah. 

Occupancy, traces of old-time, 269 ff. 

Omar, other forms of the word, 246. 

Ombos, 413. 

Onomasticon, its value, 178 /. 

Osiris, an Egyptian sun-god, 409 ff. 

O thorn, 336. 

Owdy, the guide, 251 ff. 

PADAN-aram, 92. 

Palestine : Christian supremacy lost in, 

188; the Land of Rest, 59 ff., 188; 

earliest maps of, 189.$:; See, also, 

Papyrus, Harris, 371. 

- Berlin Hieratic, No. I., 46, 326. 

First Sallier, 326, 408, 415. 

Third Sallier, 416 /. 

Papyri, Anastasi, 47, 326, 329 /., 363, 

Paran. See Paran, Wilderness of. 



Paran : palm grove of, 37. 

Wilderness of, 28, 37 /., 41, 378 

and Kadesh spoken of interchange 
ably, 17 ; in the song of Moses, 22; 
Kadesh in, 67 ; its varied extent, 67 
ff. ; and Zin, 67 ff. ; earlier name of 
the Desert et-Teeh, 68 ; main road 
across, 81 ; spies sent from, 148. 

Pass es-Sufah. See Sufah, Pass es. 

of the Winds, 276. 
Pelusium to Heliopolis, extent of the 

Wall from, 49 /., 51. 
Pentapolis, kings of the, 40. 
Petra : its relation to Reqem, 167 ff., 173 ; 

its relation to Kadesh, 169 /., 173 ; 

more than one, 173. 

of Edom, 175; not the Sel a 6f 

the Amoritish boundary, 125 / ; its 
ruins discovered, 205 /.; proposed 
location of Kadesh at, 228 /., 304. 

of Moab, 175. 

Pharaonic Road, the great easterly, 361. 

Philistines, laud of: in the time of the 
patriarchs, 62; Way of the. See 
Road, Philistia. 

Phi-yom-en-Shari, 355. 

Phcenicians, 65 /. 

Pi-hahiroth : an order to encamp before, 
399 ; encampment at, 402 ; a faulty ! 
location of, 405 ; its probable iden 
tification at Ajrood, 406 /., 422. 

Pilgrimage : places of, indicated by Sina- 
itic inscriptions, 277 ; Umm A sheen, 
a place of, 277 /. ; the yearly Mek- 
keh, 386 ; the method of travelling 
on a, 397. 

Pilgrimages to the Holy Land, me 
diaeval, 191 ff. 

Pilgrims, discoveries of, 191 ff. 

Pillar of cloud and fire, 285, 397 /. 

Pithom, 332 ; its probable identification 
with Pi-tum, 394; its probable loca 
tion at Tell el-Maskhootah, 395. 

Pi-tum. See Pithom. 

Place of enclosure. See Ilezron. 

Plagues of Egypt, 381 /., 389. 

Plain, cities of the, 35, 38 ; their location, 

Points now made clear, 429 /. 

Protest, an Azazimeh, 298 /. 

Promised Land. See Canaan. 

Pursuit, unlooked-for, 423 ff. 

QADAYRlT, connection of the name with 
Hazar and Ilezron, 280 /., 290. 

Qadees, Arabic equivalent for Hebrew 
Kadesh, 275. See, also, Ayn Qa 

Qadhesh, 16. 

Qadoos, 205. 

Qala at Ajrood, 377. 

Qantarah, El : translations of the term, 
339 ; not the same meaning as Gisr, 
339 ; ancient level of its region, 347, 
361 /. 

Qasaymeh : Azmon identified in the name. 
289 /. ; meaning of the name, 291. 
See, also, Ayn Qasaymeh. 

Qaysam, or Qesam. See Qasaymeh. 

Qodesh. See Kadesh. 

Qosem, the chief city of Goshen, 395. 

Quds, El, 16. 

Quran : name Ruqeem in the, 170 ; recit 
ing the first chapter of the, 252 ; 
Arab pledge of faith on the, 258. 

RA, an Egyptian sun-god, 409 ff. 

Raamses and Rameses, alleged identity 
of, 30/. 

Rabbinical writings, Kadesh-barnea in 
the, 167 ff. 

Ragam, root meaning of the word, 171 /. ; 
its relation to Reqam, 171 /. 

Rahah, Er, 276. 

Rainfall, Arab superstition concerning 
the influence of Christians over, 294. 

Rakim, 174, 176. 

Rameses : a district, not a city, 379 /., 382 ; 
probable site of, 379 ff. ; its alleged 
identity with Raamses, 380 /.; land 
of, 380 / 

Rameseum, ruins of the, 368. 

Ras Amir, 66. 

Fasooah, 269. 

Rashi," pseudonym of Solomon ben 
Isaac, 151. 

Rebellion : of the Israelites, at Kadesh, 
17 ff., Ttl ; of Korah s company, 22. 

Recem Superbam, 171. 

Red Sea : origin of the name, 89 ; no an 
cient connection with the Mediter 
ranean, 342 ^ / Hebrew name for 
the, 352 ff. ; marine growths at bot 
tom of the, 354 /. ; vegetation along 
its shores, 356 ; Israelites crossing of 



the, 391, 426 ; place of the Israelites 
crossing, 402 /.; its identity with the 
Bible Yam Sooph,402 ; the Egyptians 
swallowed up by the, 427 /. See, 
also Yam Sooph. 

Red Sea : Way of the. See Road. 

Reeds, Sea of, 3.55, 300. 

Rehoboth, its supposed identification, 63, 

Rekam. See Reqam. 

Rekem, as a name of Petra, 171 /. 

Reqam: a rabbinical name of Kadesh- 
barnea, 167 ff. ; suggested origin of 
the name, 167 ff. ; a second, probably 
identified with the Petra of Josephus 
and Eusebius, IQSff. ; the name ap 
plicable to both Kadesh-barnea and 
Petra, 169 ff. ; two-fold use of the 
name, 168, 171, 173 ; Arabic deriva 
tion of the name, 170 /. 

de-Geeah, or Giah, or clcgaia, 

167 /., 171; a natural designation of 
Kadesh, 173. 

of the Plain. See Reqam de- 


- of the Mountains, 170 /., 173. 
Research concerning site of Kadesh- 

barnea: beginnings of fuller, 

need of still further, 320 /. 
Retem: Arabic equivalent of rothem, 

" a broom," 150/. ; place of, 154. 
Retemat, continuance of word Rithmah 

in the name, 154 /., 319. 
Rethem. See Retem. 
Rhinocoroura. See Areesh, El. 
Rikham, or rukham, meaning of the 

word, 170; its relation to reqam, 

Rithmah: in the list of stations, 150, 153/.; 

the original name of Kadesh, 150, 

153 /., 316.#". ; meaning of the word, 

150 /. ; survival of the name in 

Aboo Retemat, 154, 319. 
Road : the Hebrew word for, 73^., 338. 

- across the Azaziineh mountain 
tract, 39. 

- the Amorite TTill -Country, 16, 65, 
75/., 315 /.; identification of, 80^.; 
most natural one for the Israelites; 82. 

- the Arabah, 75, 146, 305, 309, 


of the Athareem. See Road of 

Road : Edom Royal, 75. 

Ilajj. See Road, Red Sea. 

Mount Seir, 42, 75, 306; its iden 
tification, 74 ff. ; easternmost of the 
roads from Sinai, Canaaaward, 76, 

Pbilistia, 75, 310, 351 /., 396, 398 ; 
its course, 338 /.; its passage of the 
Wall, 339; probable traces of a Mig- 
dol at, 375/. 

- Red Sea, 75, 81, 134, 305,309, 318, 
352 ; route taken by Kedor-la omer, 
360; route taken by the Israelites, 
360/. ; its modern prominence, 361 ; u, 
Migdol at, 376 /. 

of the Spies, 75, 278, 3d ; journey 
ing along the, 287. 

Shur, 74 /., 81 ; fountain at the, 

44 ; its course, 340 ff. ; its passage of 
the Wall, 341 ; theories concerning 
its course, 346^7". / modern traces of 
the, 349 ff., 361 ; return of Setee I. 
by the, 351 ; a Migdol at the-, 374 /. 

Moab Wilderness, 75. 

Wall. See Road, Shur. 
Zahi. See Road, Philistia. 

Roads : natural, 74 /. 

in the Bible records, 75 ; from 

Egypt eastward, indications of three, 
337", 361 ff. 

Rock : rikham the Arabic term for a, 170, 
172 /. ; Hebrew words meaning a, 
124 /., 176. 

of Kadesh : struck by Moses, 23, 

317; name Rikham applied to 171 
/. ; application of name Reqam 
to, 176 ; Jewish traditions concern 
ing, 176 ff. ; called the Fountain of 
Miriam, 177 /. ; seen and describ 
ed, 214 ff., 273 /., 319. See, also, 
Sel a. 

City. See Petra. 

Roman Wall, remains of a, 50 /. 

Rothem: meaning of the word, 150; its 
relation to Rithmah, 150. 

Route: from Cabtle Nakhl to Hebron, 
229 ; its dangers, 251. 

of the Israelites : a discussion of 

the, 74 ff. ; modern theories of the, 
76 ff. ; untenable theories of the, 78, 
86 f., 361, 402 ff.; Ayn el-Waybeh 
not on the, 306 /. ; Ayn Qadees on 

the Spies. 



the, 312; no cities on the, 379 ff.; a 

study of the, 325 ff. 
Routes into Canaan, the choice of, 38. 
Ruqeem : meaning of the word, 170 ff. ; 

in the Quran and the Arabic Bible, 

170 /. ; mentioned by Abulfeda, 

173 /. 

SAKTI, frontier wall against the, 47. 

Salt, Owdy s use of, 293 ff, 

Samhoot. See Samhud and Tell es- 

Samhud, an Egyptian name, 364 /.; its 
alleged correspondence with Migdol, 
364, 366 /. ; its location, 365 ; a name 
applied to many different places, 365. 

San, city of, 380. 

Saneha, story of, 47, 89, 326, 333. 

Saqqarah, step-pyramid of, 264. 

Satan, possible origin of the name, 421 /. 

Sayl, a rainfall, 294, 297. 

Scorpions, Ascent of. See Akrabbim, 
Ascent of. 

Scribes pursuit of the slaves, story of 
the Egyptian, 47/., 363, 372 /., 395. 

Sea, Egyptian : tongue of, 348 /. ; not the 
Gulf of Suez, 348 /. ; identified as 
the Nile, 348 /. 

Sea-weed, sooph a name of, 354. 

Seer, Es : identified with the Seir of the 
Exodus, 93^.; its location, 94 /. 

Seil. See Sayl. 

Seir: meaning of the word, 89, 94; con 
tinuance of the name in Es-Seer, 95. 

a name of Esau, 84 /., 89 /. ; de 
scent of the Ilorites from, 88 /. 

land of, its boundaries, 28 ; its re 
lation to Edom, 84 ff. ; distinguished 
from Mount Seir, 85, 99 ; inhabited 
by Esau, 91 ; "the mountain that 
goeth up to," described, 95 ff., 110. 
Mount : in the song of Moses, 22 ; 

in Kedor-la omer s campaign, 35 /.; 
the Israelites forbidden to approach, 
79 /. ; located in Edom, 85 ; the 
earliest mention of, 88 ; Esau s re 
moval to, 92. 


Sel a : " The Rock," 124 ff. ; a name of 
Kadesh -barnea, 124 /. , contrasted 
with tsoor, 124 /., 176 ; described, 
214 ff., 273 ; what the word indicates, i 

319; no traces of, at Ayn el-Way- 
beh, 210 ; found at Ayn Qadees, 214, 
273. See, also, Rock of Kadesh. 

Semitic languages, change of consonants 
in, 113, 135, 173 /., 290, 336. 

Septuagint : reference to Sliur in the, 
55 /. ; name Yam Sooph in the, 352. 

Serbal, Mount, 277. 

Serbonis, Lake, 48, 357 ff., 403. 

Set : associated with Ha al, 408 ; his place 
in Egyptian mythology, 408-421; 
representative of darkness and con 
flict, 410 /.; god of the north, 412 /. 

Set-Nubti, 413. 

Seyal tree in Wady Ayn el-Qadayrat, 

Shaloof, heights of, 342 /. 

Shari, an old Egyptian word, 355; Sooph 
the Hebrew representative of, 355. 

Shasoo : an ancient name of the Bed ween, 
331 ; invasions of the, 329, 393 ; ter 
ritory of the, 331, 372. 

Shaybh : an escorting, powerless beyond 
his tribal lines, 244 ; el-Belad, head 
shaykhofatribe, 238. 

Shaykh: Abimelech, 255. 

Hussan, imprisonment of, 248 ff. 

Husayn ibn-Egid, 248. 

Moosa, described, 247. 

Musleh, described, 244 /.; treach 

ery of, 244 ff., 250. 
Selim, 212. 

Sulayman Ibn Amir: described, 

246 ; Bartlett misled by, 232. 

Shetem, 336. 

Shephelah, the Lowland, 62, 126. 

Shora, its growth by the Red Sea, 355. 

Shur : Kadesh over against, 44; before 
Egypt, 44, 55 ; meaning of the word, 
45, 55 ; its proposed location at Jebel 
er-Rahah,45/.; wrongly understood 
to mean a town, 46 ; indicates the 
Wall of Egypt. 46, 325; a Hebrew 
translation of the Egyptian Anboo, 
48; known to Josephus as the Wall, 
55; talmudical translations of the 
word, 57 /. ; important results of 
identifying it as the Wall, 58 ; Etham 
as a substitute for, 327. 
Wilderness of, 57, 327. 

Shushan, 31. 

Siddim, Vale of, 38 ; its location, 40. 



Signals for marching, Oriental, 397. 

Sin, or Shin, Mount, 278. 

Sinai, Mount : over against Kadesh-bar 
nea, 16 ; Israelites march to Kadesh- 
barnea, from, 16; time of the jour 
ney, IS/.; in the song of Moses, 22; 
roads to Gaza, from, 42, 79 ; distance 
of Kadesh-barnea from, 71, 73 /. ; 
roads north from, 76 ; Survey Expe 
dition, 77 ; proposed location of Ka 
desh-barnea near, 203 /., 303. 
Wilderness of, 68. 

Sineh. See Saneha. 

Site of Kadesh-barnea, refinding the 

Sites of Kadesh-bamea : confusion con 
cerning the proposed, 216 ff.; two 
representative, 304 ff. 

Smooth Mountain, the, 94, 211 ; described, 
96. See, also, Halak, Mount. 

Soutli Country. See Negeb. 

Sooph : meaning of the word, 352 ff. ; 
applied to marine growths, 353 ff., 
356 /. See, also, Yam Sooph. 

Spies : sent from Kadesh-barnea, 17, 316; 
the word Athareem wrongly trans, 
lated, 316 ; Way of the. See Road. 

Starting point, Castle Nakhl a mid-des 
ert, 243 .Jf. 

Stations of the Israelites : Bible mention 
only of the more important, 20, 145 /. ; 
more than one day apart, 139 ff., 
146 /.; Kadesh in the list of, 147 ff. ; 
Rithmah in the list of, ISO/., 153. 

Stone heaps and stone enclosures. See