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THE 

Kansas Historical 
Quarterly 



KIRKE MECHEM, Editor 
JAMES C. MALIN, Associate Editor 



Volume 1 
1931-1932 

(Kansas Historical Collections) 

VOL. XVIII 



Published by 

The Kansas State Historical Society 

Topeka, Kansas 

14-5605 



Contents of Volume 1 



Number 1 November, 1931 

PAGE 

PIONEER PRINTING OF KANSAS Douglas C. McMurtrie, 3 

FREIGHTING: A BIG BUSINESS ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL. .Walker D. Wyman, 17 
THE FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT: From the Diary and Remi- 
niscences of Samuel James Reader Edited by George A. Root, 28 

THE MILITARY POST AS A FACTOR IN THE FRONTIER DEFENSE OF KANSAS, 

1865-1869 .* Marvin H. Garfield, 50 

WAS GOVERNOR JOHN A. MARTIN A PROHIBITIONIST? James C. Malin, 63 

NOTES ON HISTORICAL LITERATURE OF THE RANGE CATTLE INDUSTRY, 

James C. Malin, 74 

KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE STATE PRESS . . 77 



Number 2 February, 1932 

PAGE 

THE PRATT COLLECTION OF MANUSCRIPTS Esther Clark Hill, 83 

SOME BACKGROUND OF EARLY BAPTIST MISSIONS IN KANSAS: Based on 
Letters in the Pratt Collection of Manuscripts and Documents, 

Esther Clark Hill, 89 
SURVEYING THE SOUTHERN BOUNDARY LINE OF KANSAS: From the Private 

Journal of Col. Joseph E. Johnston Edited by Nyle H. Miller, 104 

DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER, 1864-1865 Marvin H. Garfield, 140 

NO-KO-AHT'S TALK: A Kickapoo Chief's Account of a Tribal Journey from 
Kansas to Mexico and Return in the Sixties, 

Edited by George A. Root, 153 

NOTES ON THE LITERATURE OF POPULISM James C. Malin, 160 

THE ANNUAL MEETING (1931): Containing a Summary of the President's 
Address ; Report of the Executive Committee ; Report of the Secre- 
tary; Revised Charter, Constitution and By-laws. . .Kirke Mechem, 165 

RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY Compiled by Helen M. McFarland, 176 

KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE STATE PRESS 184 

KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 190 

(3) 



Number 3 May, 1932 

PAGE 

EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN LAMBERT BOWMAN WOLF, 

Edited by George A. Root, 195 
GENERAL BLUNT'S ACCOUNT OF His CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES, 

James G. Blunt, 211 

UNITED STATES SURVEYORS MASSACRED BY INDIANS (Lone Tree, Meade 

County, 1874) Mrs. Frank C. Montgomery, 266 

SOME PHASES OF THE INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG, KANSAS, 

Fred N. Howell, 273 
Book Review Nichols: Franklin Pierce: Young Hickory of the Granite 

Hills James C. Malin, 295 

KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE STATE PRESS 298 

KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES . . 304 



Number 4 August, 1932 



PAGE 

EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS Cortez A. M. Swing, 307 

DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER, 1866-1867 Marvin H. Garfield, 326 

SOME FAMOUS KANSAS FRONTIER SCOUTS Paul I. Wellman, 345 

THE LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE, 1882-1892 Lela Barnes, 360 

A HISTORY OF KANSAS CHILD-LABOR LEGISLATION Domenico Gagliardo, 379 

KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE STATE PRESS 402 

KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES . . . 410 



Number 5 November, 1932 

PAGE 

THE MILITARY PHASE OF SANTA FE FREIGHTING, 1846-1865 

Walker D. Wyman, 415 

THE EMIGRANT AID COMPANY IN KANSAS Samuel A. Johnson, 429 

DIARY OF SAMUEL A. KINGMAN AT INDIAN TREATY IN 1865 442 

DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER, 1868-1869 Marvin H. Garfield, 451 

KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE STATE PRESS 474 

KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 481 

INDEX TO VOLUME I 483 

(4) 



THE 

Kansas Historical 
Quarterly 




Volume 1 Number 1 

November, 1931 



PRINTED BY KANSAS STATE PRINTING PLANT 

B. P. WALKER, STATE PRINTER 

TOPEKA 1931 

14-1266 



The Quarterly 

For some years many members have felt that quarterly publication 
of the historical material printed in the biennial Collections would be 
of advantage to the Society. This of course was not criticism of the 
content of the Collections, since their popularity has always testified to 
their worth, but it was believed that the unwieldiness of the volumes 
and the infrequency of their appearance set a regrettable limit to their 
use and value. The Kansas Historical Quarterly was authorized by the 
directors in the hope of gaining a wider range of usefulness for this 
type of publication. Every effort will be made to secure articles that 
are historically sound as well as interesting in style and subject. It 
is planned to make frequent use of the Society's vast collection of 
original manuscripts and documents. Over the two-year period the 
Quarterly will publish approximately as much material as did the bien- 
nial Collections. It is printed in larger type and on better paper. 
Each volume will be indexed. An arrangement whereby members 
may exchange unbound numbers for bound volumes will be announced 
later. THE EDITOR. 



Pioneer Printing of Kansas 

DOUGLAS C. McMuRTBiB 

BY AN act of congress of May 26, 1830, the United States govern- 
ment, as if in the belief that its domain embraced land enough 
for all its people to grow in, magnanimously set aside an indefinite 
area, some six hundred miles from north to south and two hundred 
miles in width, as Indian territory. To this region, which lay west 
of the territory of Arkansas and of the ten-year-old state of Mis- 
souri, extending northward to the Platte and Missouri rivers, all 
Indians from the eastern portion of the country were to be removed 
as rapidly as the government could persuade them to cede their an- 
cestral lands and take other lands, far to the west, in exchange. 

The plan of the government seems to have been to make over 
these various Indian groups, once they had been transplanted to 
their new homes, into self-supporting communities. To this end, 
provision was made for teachers and missionaries to accompany 
them, and for agricultural tools and supplies, paid for out of funds 
held in trust for the Indians by the paternal government, to be dis- 
tributed under the benevolent direction of agents appointed from 
Washington. The teachers were to teach the Indians their letters 
and the rudiments of civilized deportment. Farmers and artisans 
employed by the government were to teach them to plow, sow, and 
reap, and such elementary industrial arts as blacksmithing. Mis- 
sionaries were to persuade them to give up the evil ways of barbar- 
ism and become Christians. Meanwhile, the evacuated Indian lands 
east of the Mississippi could be distributed to land-hungry pioneers. 

There is abundant record of how that grandiose plan, in its ex- 
ecution, fell somewhat short of expectations. And there would be no 
place for even a mention of it here except for the fact that one of 
the missionaries who accompanied a certain band of Indians into the 
far west had started life as a printer and in his new career combined 
printing with preaching. 

Jotham Meeker was the name of this printer-missionary. He had 
been born in or near Cincinnati, Ohio, November 8, 1804. His birth- 
place had been settled in the wilderness only some dozen years be- 
fore, and he first saw the light a little over a year after the Louisiana 
Purchase had brought into the United States the far-distant terri- 

(3) 



4 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

tory in which he was to spend most of his active life. In the days of 
his youth, Meeker was trained as a printer at Cincinnati. 1 

In the summer of 1825, when he was in his twenty-first year, 
Meeker decided to become a missionary teacher, and just after his 
twenty-first birthday he arrived at the Carey Mission Station, in the 
wilds of Michigan, among the Pottawatomies on the Saint Joseph 
river. Here he was about one hundred miles from Fort Wayne, the 
mission's nearest outpost of civilization. About two years later he 
was superintendent of the newly established Thomas Station, among 
the Ottawas, on the Grand river. Here he received his license to 
preach the gospel, under the authorization of the Baptist congrega- 
tion at Carey. After nearly five years of mission work, Meeker 
married Eleanor Richardson, a fellow worker at the Thomas Station, 
and with a wife and mother to support went back to Cincinnati to 
work as a printer. But in 1832 he and his wife were back in the 
missionary field, this time among the Chippewas, at Sault Ste. Marie. 

The Pottawatomies, Ottawas, and Chippewas all spoke closely re- 
lated languages, in the use of which young Meeker had become 
fluent. At Sault Ste. Marie he first began his experiments in devis- 
ing for the Indian languages an orthography which might be written 
or printed with the ordinary characters of our alphabet. He re- 
corded in his journal that after a few hours' instruction he had suc- 
ceeded in teaching two young Indian boys to read. But before he 
could carry his experiments further he was transferred to a new 
location in the Indian territory. It was now arranged that Meeker 
should take with him a printing outfit. He went to Cincinnati to 
procure the equipment, which cost, press, type and everything else, 
$550, and set out for the West. 

Just west of the Missouri boundary, and just "over the line" of the 
city limits of the present Kansas City (Missouri) , Meeker set up the 
first press in what is now the state of Kansas, in February, 1834. On 
the first day of March he set the first types in the new territory, and 
on the eighth of that month he made the first press impression. 
These details of printing chronology are accurately known from the 
precise entries in Meeker's own journal, which sets forth his life and 

1. The two printing concerns principally identified with Cincinnati at what was probably 
the time of Meeker's apprenticeship were Looker, Reynolds & Co. (later Looker, Palmer & 
Reynolds, and Looker & Reynolds), and Morgan, Lodge & Co. (later Morgan & Lodge, and 
Morgan, Lodge & Fisher). There were six or seven other master printers at work at Cincin- 
nati for a year or two at a time during the same period, but the probability is that the 
young apprentice served his time in the plant of one of the two larger and more firmly estab- 
lished firms. 



McMuRTRiE: PIONEER PRINTING OF KANSAS 5 

doings in brief but comprehensive form from his twenty-eighth 
birthday, in 1832, until within ten days of his death in 1855. 2 

The press which Meeker operated was at first set up at the Baptist 
Shawanoe (Shawnee) Mission. Here, until May of 1837, Meeker 
produced about ninety pieces of printed matter. 3 Most of the output 
of the press was in the form of small books containing hymns, selec- 
tions from the Scriptures, and other works of a religious nature, 
translated into various Indian languages by Meeker and by other 
missionaries. The orthography was that which Meeker had devised, 
whereby the letters of the alphabet were assigned, sometimes rather 
arbitrarily, to the task of representing sounds found in the Indian 
speech. The system seems to have been quite successful with those 
Indians who would permit themselves to be taught. 4 

In the summer of 1837, Meeker established himself as a mission- 
ary and teacher among the band of Ottawas, from Michigan, who 
had been given lands near the present city of Ottawa, Kansas. The 
press remained at Shawanoe, in charge for a time of Rev. John G. 
Pratt, also a Baptist missionary, who must be recorded as the second 
printer in Kansas. 5 In the summer of 1846, the press, still in charge 
of Pratt, was removed to Stockbridge, an outpost of the Shawanoe 
Mission which had been opened in 1843 at a site a short distance 
north of the Kansas river, near the Missouri. Pratt is known to 
have produced eighteen pieces of printing at Shawanoe and four at 
Stockbridge. But this printer did not keep a diary as Meeker did, 
and it may be that there were some other products of his press of 
which there is now no record. 

Meeker returned three times from Ottawa to Shawanoe to see to 
the printing of books prepared by himself for his Ottawas, or to help 
Pratt in 1838, in 1840, and again in 1845. Finally, in 1849, Pratt 
having discontinued the use of the press entirely, Meeker transported 
the dismantled equipment to Ottawa and there occasionally did 

2. The original of Jotham Meeker's journal is in the possession of the Kansas State His- 
torical Society, at Topeka. Copious extracts from it, especially as the record concerns 
Meeker's activities as a printer, will be found in Jotham Meeker, Pioneer Printer of Kansas, 
pp. 45-126. 

3. See Jotham Meeker, Pioneer Printer of Kansas, pp. 34-35. 

4. Op. cit., pp. 25-30. In Meeker's orthography the functions of the letters differed ac- 
cording to the language. Thus in the Shawnee texts the letter b represented the sound of th 
in "thin," but in Delaware it was used for the sound of u in "tube"; in Pottawatomie and 
Ottawa, the letter r represented the sound of e in "met," but in Dtelaware it stood for a in 
"fate." These arbitrary differences in the use of letters seriously impaired the general use- 
fulness of the system. 

5. This statement is not strictly accurate. Before Pratt had come to Shawanoe, Meeker's 
journal had recorded the temporary employment of Thomas E. Birch as a journeyman in the 
summer of 1835; during November, 1835, Meeker employed a "Mr. Day," and in April, 
1837, a "Mr. Quisinbury." But these representatives of the printing craft are shadowy 
figures, existing for us only momentarily in the pages of Meeker's journal. 



6 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

some printing. About ten pieces of printing are listed from the press 
at Ottawa up to the time of Meeker's death in January, 1855. 

Notable among the products of the Meeker press was a little four- 
page or sometimes two-page paper in the Shawnee language. To 
this paper may be granted the distinction of being the first printing 
in the form of a newspaper in what is now Kansas. In the Meeker 
orthography its name was printed Siwinoe Kesibwi, pronounced, 
according to contemporary spellings, Shauwaunowe Kesauthwau, 
meaning in English Shawnee Sun. This publication began with a 
fairly regular monthly issue, but in its later years it seems to have 
been an occasional affair, published whenever Johnston Lykins, its 
Baptist missionary editor, had time for it. Contributions written by 
some of the Indans themselves appeared now and then in its columns. 
Its first issue was printed by Meeker on March 1, 1835, and it was 
continued until about 1844. Meeker mentions the printing of it 
from time to time in his journal up to the fourteenth issue, in April, 
1837. The only existing copy of it is one dated November, 1841, 
printed at Shawanoe Mission by John G. Pratt, who was then the 
printer at that station. It has only recently been discovered in 
private ownership in Kansas City, Kansas. 6 

The activities of this pioneer Kansas press covered in all a period 
of twenty-one years, during which time it had operated at three lo- 
calities Shawanoe, 1834-1846, Stockbridge, 1846-1848, and Ottawa, 
1849 ca. 1854. Of these, Stockbridge and Ottawa were the third 
and fourth printing points in what is now Kansas. For the second 
point at which printing was done in that area, we must turn to an- 
other Indian mission, in the northeastern corner of the present state. 

Here, a mile or so east and north of the present town of Highland, 
was a Presbyterian mission among the loway and Sac Indians. This 
mission had been established in 1835, and in 1837 there had come to 
it two young men from Pittsburgh, Samuel M. Irvin and William 
Hamilton. Already in 1835, and again in 1837, Presbyterian mis- 
sionaries had engaged the services of Jotham Meeker, at Shawanoe, 
to print for them two or three small books in the language of the 
loways. 7 But Irvin and Hamilton wished to do their own printing. 

6. Jotham Meeker records in his journal that on December 12, 1836, he had bound up 
two sets of the eleven issues of the Sun which had appeared up to that time. And in Oc- 
tober, 1839, Johnston Lykins transmitted copies for 1835, 1836, and 1837, to the Depart- 
ment of Indian Affairs, at Washington, with other material from the Baptist Mission Press. 
But all these have disappeared. The one copy now extant was reproduced in the Kansas 
City (Kansas) Sun of February 18, 1898, and only recently came to light again, in March, 
1930, after the publication of Jotham Meeker with the statement (p. 33) that it could not be 
located. 

7. Jotham Meeker, pp. 145-146 (nos. 37 and 38), p. 150 (no. 54). 



McMuRTRiE: PIONEER PRINTING OF KANSAS 7 

In April, 1843, therefore, the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions 
sent them a small printing equipment, at a total cost of about $250. 8 
With this outfit, the two missionaries set themselves to the task of 
learning how to print. 

For neither Hamilton nor Irvin had had any previous experience 
with printing. Not only that, but they had first to devise a sylla- 
bary for the sounds of the loway language and also to translate the 
texts which they desired to print all this, of course, in addition to 
their other missionary labors. Yet one of the first fruits of their 
labors was a book of 101 pages. The pages were small about 3% 
by 5% inches but the production of the book was nevertheless an 
achievement under the circumstances. The title was An Elemen- 
tary Book of the loway Language, and the imprint was "Iowa and 
Sac Mission Press, Indian Territory, 1843." 9 

Even in 1848, when they had had the press for five years, the two 
self-taught printers thought it necessary to insert in their 156-page 
loway Grammar an apology for their craftsmanship. "Any de- 
fect, which may appear in the mechanical execution of this work," 
they said, "will be accounted for, when it is remembered that the 
little press at the station, on which it has been done, is provided with 
only two kinds of type, and that our experience in the art has been 
acquired entirely in the Indian country, and without any instructor." 

The known output of this Presbyterian mission press was quite 
small; only nine titles from it have been recorded. But it deserves 
mention as the second press to operate in Kansas. 

Since Meeker first set up his press at Shawanoe in 1834, many 
changes had come over the Indian territory before the death of that 
pioneer in 1855. The pressure of population threatened the far- 
spreading prairie lands set apart for the Indians, and the country 
was becoming distracted with the question of slavery. The result 
was that on May 30, 1854, President Pierce signed the Kansas- 
Nebraska bill. This meant that the Indians had to readjust them- 
selves once more to an invasion of their lands by the whites, and 
that the new territories of Kansas and Nebraska were to settle for 
themselves, on drafting their state constitutions, whether or not they 
should permit slavery. The rush of settlement began at once. And 
with the settlers came newspapers, and bitter political campaigns. 

An interesting little thread of connection between the old Indian 

8. A Forgotten Pioneer Press of Kansas, p. 14. 

9. Op. cit., p. 16. 



8 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

territory and the new territory of Kansas is found in Jotham 
Meeker's journal. On September 5, 1854, he wrote: "A Mr. Miller 
staid with us last night he came to try to buy our printing estab- 
lishment to commence his Kansas Free State, but the press being too 
small he does not buy." 10 And on November 7 of the same year the 
entry was: "Write a letter to Messrs. G. W. Brown & Co., and sub- 
scribe for their Herald of Freedom, published at Wakarusa, K. T." 
The following January, Meeker passed from the earthly scene and 
left the printing field to the Millers and the Browns of the new order 
of things. 

The new order of things was in sharp contrast with the relatively 
peaceful days of scattered Indian reservations. The newcomers to 
Kansas were partisans, whether of slavery or free soil, and came de- 
termined to predominate in the voting which should determine the 
status of Kansas as slave or free. There is no proper occasion here 
to mention the bitter and tragic conflicts that arose, other than to say 
that the spirit of them gave a characteristic brand to the early news- 
paper press of Kansas, and attracted to local journalism, which 
would have been normally inconspicuous under other circumstances, 
the attention not only of the nation, but of the world. 

The forerunner of the long line of Kansas newspapers was the 
Kansas Weekly Herald, which began publication at Leavenworth on 
September 15, 1854. Its printer and publisher was William H. 
Adams, a Kentuckian by birth, who happened to be publishing the 
Platte Argus at Weston, Missouri, when the Kansas excitement 
started. He also happened to be the son-in-law of George W. Gist, 
who organized a company to create a townsite not far from the gov- 
ernment's military outpost at Fort Leavenworth. The fact that the 
new town was to be laid out on lands that still belonged to the Dele- 
ware Indians does not seem to have been considered by the pro- 
moters. Even before there was a town, there was a newspaper. 
Adams set the type for his first issue in the open air, under an elm 
tree. Some visitors to this interesting scene described "four tents, all 
on one street, a barrel of water or whisky under a tree, and a pot, on 
a pole over a fire. Under a tree a type- sticker had his case before 
him and was at work on the first number of the new paper, and 
within a frame, without a board on side or roof, was the editor's desk 
and sanctum." 11 When these same visitors returned a little later 

10. Jotham Meeker, p. 125, and pp. 41-42. 

11. Boynton and Mason, A Journey Through Kansas, with Sketches of Nebraska (Cin- 
cinnati, 1855), pp. 23-24. 



McMuRTKiE: PIONEER PRINTING OF KANSAS 9 

from a short journey into Kansas, the editor had removed his office 
from under the elm tree to "the corner of Broadway and the levee," 
where, with the exception of Fort Leavenworth, there was probably 
not another house on either side for forty miles. 

Adams was a mild-mannered person, a printer rather than an 
editor, and his paper at first was colorless enough, although repre- 
senting the proslavery cause. For the first six issues Adams was in 
partnership with William J. Osborn. Then General Lucien J. Eastin 
became a partner in the publishing enterprise in place of Osborn, and 
under the firm of Eastin & Adams the Kansas Weekly Herald began 
to emit editorial fire. 

Leavenworth was the fifth site of printing in Kansas, although the 
first under territorial conditions. The second location of a press in 
the new territory was at Kickapoo, about seven miles from Leaven- 
worth. Here A. B. Hazzard and a man named Sexton started the 
second proslavery paper, the Kansas Pioneer, in November of 1854. 
This press seems to have had the distinction of printing the earliest 
known official document connected with the territorial history of 
Kansas. This was a broadside list of the officers and members of 
both houses of the legislative assembly, which convened at a place 
called Pawnee on July 2, 1855, and a few days later moved to the 
Shawnee Manual Labor School, a Methodist establishment not far 
from the Baptist mission where Meeker had first labored. John T. 
Brady, of the Manual Labor School, was chosen as public printer by 
the assembly, but such printing as he did not send to Saint Louis 
seems to have been executed at Kickapoo. 

Hazzard in all probability was also the printer of the opinion of 
Samuel D. Lecompte, chief justice, concurred in by Rush Elmore, 
associate justice, of the territorial supreme court, concerning the 
validity of the acts of the legislative assembly. This is a pamphlet 
of nine printed pages, with the imprint "Shawnee M. L. S.: J. T. 
Brady, 1855." The New York Public Library has a copy of each of 
these rarities. 

At first, the proslavery party had everything its own way. It 
could find plenty of sympathizers just across the border in Missouri, 
while the free-state adherents had to make long journeys to reach 
Kansas. The legislative assembly of July, 1855, known to history as 
the "Bogus Legislature," had been chosen largely with the help of 
bands of determined Missourians who had moved into Kansas for 
the purpose. The free-state settlers ignored its enactments and in 



10 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

the following winter organized their own "government" at Topeka, 
much to the embarrassment of the authorities at Washington. And 
in a very short time the first free-state newspapers appeared. The 
first of these, and the third newspaper in territorial Kansas, was the 
Herald of Freedom, established at Lawrence by George Washington 
Brown on January 3, 1855. This was the paper for which Jotham 
Meeker had entered his subscription two months before its first ap- 
pearance. 

There were three entries in the race to become the first free-state 
paper in Kansas. These were Brown's Herald of Freedom, the Kan- 
sas Free State, by Josiah Miller and Robert G. Elliott, and the Kan- 
sas Tribune, by John Speer. All three had independently fixed on 
the new settlement at Lawrence as their goal, and Brown's paper 
won by a lead of only about one week. Brown was the editor and 
publisher of the Courier at Conneautville, Pennsylvania. As early 
as March, 1854, he published in the Courier an announcement of his 
intention to go to Kansas and start a newspaper. A little later he 
procured the backing of the newly organized Massachusetts Emi- 
grant Aid Company, which widely advertised the proposed new 
paper at Lawrence, where the company's first settlement was to be 
made. The prospectus of the Herald of Freedom was published in 
the Courier in July, 1854, and on September 21 Brown printed at 
Conneautville the first number, with the date line "Wakarusa, Kan- 
sas Territory, October 21, 1854." Twenty-one thousand copies of 
this issue were widely circulated. Soon after its issue, Brown started 
west with a party of about three hundred prospective settlers, in- 
cluding a printing crew of seven persons. In his outfit Brown had a 
newly purchased press. 

Difficulties of transportation delayed the arrival of Brown's party 
until December. In the meantime, the name of the proposed settle- 
ment had been changed from Wakarusa to Lawrence. With the aid 
of the Emigrant Aid Company's sawmill, a building for the news- 
paper plant was completed about the first of January, 1855. The 
first issue of the Herald of Freedom at Lawrence appeared on Jan- 
uary 3, although it was dated January 6. 12 

Josiah Miller had decided upon establishing a newspaper in Kan- 

12. Contemporary evidence abundantly establishes the priority of the Herald of Freedom 
over the other two papers at Lawrence, in spite of claims to the contrary. The evidence is 
conclusively set forth in Flint's Journalism in Territorial Kansas, pp. 49-54. I am much 
indebted to this searching and exhaustive essay for many details of early Kansas newspaper 
history. Much of Flint's account of the events at Lawrence in January, 1855, is based on 
personal interviews with Robert Elliott and with William Miller, a brother of Josiah Miller, 
in the summer and fall of 1915. 



McMuRTRiE: PIONEER PRINTING OF KANSAS 11 

sas at about the same time that Brown did. He had already visited 
the region in April, 1854, and when the Kansas-Nebraska bill was 
passed he formed a partnership with Robert Gaston Elliott, then a 
school teacher in Tennessee, and returned to Kansas, deciding upon 
Wyandott as the place in which to locate. Elliott was to procure 
materials and follow, but was delayed by difficulties of transporta- 
tion. We have seen how Miller, in the hope of hurrying matters, 
had visited Jotham Meeker, but finding his press too small did not 
buy it. Elliott finally arrived, with a press bought in Cincinnati and 
type and paper procured in Saint Louis, but the partners could not 
get a suitable location at Wyandott and so moved on to Lawrence. 
Refused assistance there by the Emigrant Aid Company because of 
its arrangement with Brown, Miller and Elliott had some difficulty in 
getting a building, but finally were able to begin installing their 
equipment in an unfinished shack which had been intended as a 
dwelling. Neither Elliott nor Miller were printers, so we must as- 
sume that somewhere they had procured technical assistants. When 
they started work on their initial issue of the Free State, Brown with 
his well-equipped establishment was on the ground, and also John 
Speer. 

Speer, editor and publisher of the New Era at Medina, Ohio, first 
came to Kansas in the summer of 1854. Because his was to be a 
free-state paper, he was coldly received at Tecumseh, near Lecomp- 
ton, where he first planned to settle. He then went to Lawrence and 
prepared part of the copy for his projected Kansas Pioneer, expect- 
ing to get the printing done at the plant of the Enterprise in Kansas 
City, Missouri. But that establishment also refused to help a free- 
state publication, and so did the Herald, at Leavenworth. Speer re- 
turned to Ohio, therefore, and issued his first number there, dating it 
October 15, 1854. With his foreman, Charles Garrett, he then set 
out again for Kansas, hoping to get out his second issue before any 
other free-state paper should appear. 

It was a season of low water, and Speer, like his competitors, was 
delayed by difficulties of transportation. His load of equipment was 
put on shore near Boonville, Missouri, in November or December, 
and Speer and Garrett set out for Lawrence in light marching order, 
with "two composing sticks and a change of clothing." Meanwhile 
the proslavery Kansas Pioneer has made its appearance at Kickapoo, 
so Speer changed the name of his projected paper to Kansas Tribune. 

At Lawrence, in order to comply with the terms of his prospectus, 



12 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Speer tried to arrange with Brown to get out the first issue of the 
Tribune for him, offering a partnership when his equipment should 
arrive. Brown refused, so Speer threw in his lot with Miller and 
Elliott. The Tribune was to use the matter set up for the Free State, 
with a change of heading and with a few columns of new material. 
With all their efforts, however, the Free State-Tribune combination, 
with type enough for only one side of the sheet to be printed at a 
time, was defeated in the race with Brown and his seven printers and 
big equipment. The first Free State was dated January 3, but was 
not actually on the streets of the crude settlement at Lawrence until 
a week later. 

Following Leavenworth and Kickapoo, Lawrence was the third 
printing point in territorial Kansas. Atchison was the fourth, with 
the establishment of the Squatter Sovereign, a violently proslavery 
paper, by John H. Stringfellow and Robert S. Kelley, on February 3, 
1855. Fifth was Topeka, where E. C. K. Garvey established the 
Kansas Freeman on July 5, 1855. Fort Scott may have been the 
sixth, but the record of the Southern Kansan is not clear whether it 
began in August, 1855, or in August, 1856. The press, brought from 
Boonville, Missouri, seems to have been actually on the ground, how- 
ever, in 1855. 13 

Topeka was the site of the free-state "government" set up in oppo- 
sition to the "bogus legislature" at Shawnee. This Topeka govern- 
ment, however, evidently refrained from putting itself on record by 
printing anything, although there was a press at Topeka as early as 
February, 1855. The first printed record of free-state politics, other 
than newspapers, seems to have been the proceedings of the terri- 
torial convention held at Big Springs on September 5 and 6, 1855. 
These proceedings were printed in a 16-page pamphlet by the Herald 
of Freedom office at Lawrence. The so-called "Topeka Constitution" 
was written in 1855, but it was not printed until 1857, when it ap- 
peared in 16-page format from the office of the Lawrence Republi- 
can, a paper established on May 28 of that year. 

Although the proslavery partisans made the first start in Kansas 
territorial printing, they were soon outnumbered by the free-state 
printing establishments. Because the advocates of the "peculiar in- 
stitution" could not migrate and settle in Kansas without the risk of 
losing their slave property if the new state should vote itself free, 
they were at a disadvantage in point of numbers against the free- 

13. Kansas Annual Register, 1864, p. 138; Flint, pp. 600-601. 



McMuRTRiE: PIONEER PRINTING OF KANSAS 13 

state settlers, who brought no embarrassing "property" with them. 
But in spite of the disparity in numbers, the struggle between the 
two factions lacked nothing in bitterness and violence, with both 
sides at fault for deeds of cruelty and ruthlessness, until after the 
close of the Civil War. Newspapers and printing plants suffered from 
violence as well as individuals and other forms of property. 

The first newspaper to suffer from violence was the Leavenworth 
Territorial Register, established July 7, 1855, by Mark W. Delahay 
and A. M. Sevier. Delahay was a delegate to the Topeka constitu- 
tional convention in the fall of that year, and while he was away a 
party of Missourians, not liking his political attitude, crossed the 
Missouri river on the ice and on December 22 ransacked the Register 
office. The press was dropped through a hole in the ice, and the type 
was distributed in the street. Five months later, following an in- 
dictment charging them with constructive treason in denying the 
legality of the territorial authorities, the plants of the Free State and 
of the Herald of Freedom were destroyed by violence on May 21, 
1856. John Speer's Kansas Tribune escaped by having been removed 
to Topeka a short time before. The Tribune and E. C. K. Garvey's 
Kansas Freeman, both at Topeka, were for a time the only free-state 
papers left in Kansas. 

New printing points in 1856 were Doniphan, where Thomas J. 
Key planted the proslavery Constitutionalist on May 3, and Le- 
compton, where the Union, also proslavery, was established on the 
same date by A. W. Jones and C. A. Faris. Printing materials were 
also assembled at Osawatomie by Oscar V. Dayton and Alexander 
Gardner, of New York, in the spring of 1856. But during the dis- 
turbances of that year the materials were hidden, and the projected 
Osawatomie Times did not appear. But in 1857 the tide definitely 
turned. Newspapers started in at least fifteen new locations, and 
only two of these were of the proslavery faith. In the order of their 
appearance they were as follows: 14 

Quindaro Chindowan: May 13, by J. M. Walden and Edmund Babb. 
Lawrence Republican: May 28, by Norman Allen and T. Dwight Thacher. 
Wyandott City Register: May, by M. W. Delahay. 
White Cloud Kansas Chief: June 4, by Solomon Miller. 
Emporia Kansas News: June 6, by Preston B. Plumb. 

Centropolis Kansas Leader: June 13, by William Austin and Elias Beard- 
sley. 

Prairie City Freeman's Champion: June 25, by S. S. Prouty. 

14. This list is compiled from the "Roll Call of Newspapers in Territorial Kansas," 
Flint, pp. 595 ff. 



14 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Atchison Kansas Zeitung: June, by Charles F. Kob. 

Geary City Era: June, by E. H. Grand and Earle Marble. 

Elwood Advertiser: July, by John S. Fairman. 

Tecumseh Note Book: July, by S. G. Reid (proslavery). 

Sumner Gazette : Sept. 12, by J. P. and D. D. Cone. 

Wyandott Citizen: Sept. 19, by Ephraim Abbott (revival of the Wyandott 
Register). 

Ottumwa Journal: September, by Jonathan Lyman; removed in October to 
Burlington, where it became the 

Burlington Free Press. 

Delaware Kansas Free State: revival in the fall of 1857, by R. G. Elliott, of 
the Free State destroyed at Lawrence in May, 1856. 

Marysville Palmetto Kansan: November, by J. E. Clardy (proslavery). 

Osawatomie Southern Kansas Herald: November, by Charles E. Griffith. 

Some of the products of the early Kansas press deserve mention, 
as they may be said to be comprised among the incunabula of terri- 
torial Kansas. Some of the printing done by A. B. Hazzard at Kick- 
apoo for the proslavery, or "bogus," legislature has already been 
mentioned. In all probability, Hazzard also printed the four-page 
pamphlet containing the drastic act to punish offenses against slave 
property passed by that legislature August 14, 1855. Other publi- 
cations of that session the journals of the council and of the house 
of representatives, and the volume of more than a thousand pages 
containing the statutes passed were printed in St. Louis, although 
they bear the imprint of John T. Brady, public printer, at the Shaw- 
nee Manual Labor School. 

Eastin & Adams, of Leavenworth, printed at their Herald office 
the proceedings of the Kansas Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted 
Masons in an adjourned meeting at Leavenworth in July, 1856. In 
1857 there appeared two addresses to the people of the United States 
from the two opposing parties in Kansas. The Democratic Terri- 
torial Convention, held at Lecompton on January 12, 1857, had its 
address printed in Leavenworth at the office of the Leavenworth 
Weekly Journal, a proslavery paper established about June 1, 1856, 
by S. S. Goode in partnership with a Major Wilkes of South Caro- 
lina. The Free State convention met at Topeka on March 10, 1857, 
and its address was also issued with a Leavenworth imprint, though 
it is not known which office in that town had the hardihood to 
print it. 

The journals and the laws of the second session of the territorial 
legislature, held at Lecompton in January, 1857, were issued at Le- 
compton by R. H. Bennett, successor to John T. Brady as public 



McMuRTRiE: PIONEER PRINTING OF KANSAS 15 

printer and probably associated with the office of the Lecompton 
Union, & proslavery paper established at the new temporary capital 
in May, 1856. In 1857 the imprint of Eastin & Adams, of the Leav- 
enworth Herald, again appeared on the proceedings of another meet- 
ing of the Masonic grand lodge that assembled in Leavenworth in 
October. In that year the Leavenworth Journal office printed A 
Historical Sketch and Review of the Business of the City of Leaven- 
worth the city being then about three years old. 

The laws of the third and fourth sessions of the territorial legis- 
lative assembly have the imprint of S. W. Driggs & Co., at Lecomp- 
ton in 1858. Driggs had established there, in July, 1857, the Na- 
tional Democrat, still another organ of the proslavery party. But 
in 1859 and thereafter the imprints of printers identified with the 
free-state sentiment come more and more to the fore. The proceed- 
ings of the Wyandott constitutional convention of July, 1859, were 
printed at Wyandott (now a part of Kansas City, Kansas) by S. D. 
Macdonald, "Printer to the Convention." This printer about a year 
before, in August, 1858, had begun publication of the Wyandott 
Commercial Gazette. It was under the so-called Wyandott constitu- 
tion, also printed at Wyandott in 1859, that Kansas eventually was 
admitted to the Union in 1861. The journals of the legislature of 
1859 have the imprint of J. K. Goodin, at Lawrence, and the laws 
of that session were printed at the "Herald of Freedom Steam Press," 
the imprint showing that G. W. Brown's paper had been quite suc- 
cessfully revived after the destruction of its plant in 1856. 

In the period before 1860, the press in what is now Kansas got no 
farther west than Junction City, which point was reached in June, 
1858, when B. H. Keyser began his Sentinel there, with George W. 
Kingsbury as printer. A line drawn from Marysville at the north, 
southward through Junction City to Cottonwood Falls, and thence 
southeast to Fort Scott, will delimit the area in which the early press 
of Kansas operated. It is noteworthy that no fewer than eight 
enterprising printers set up their presses in the small area of the 
present Doniphan county, all but one of these being free-state ad- 
vocates arriving in the years 1857-1859. This area, in the extreme 
northeastern corner of the territory, was probably more accessible to 
the free-state invasion than locations that could be reached only by 
quite extended journeying through hostile Missouri. 

This chapter on the press in Kansas may well close by taking 
leave of the old press first brought there by Jotham Meeker. After 



16 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Meeker 's death, the press became the property of George W. Brown, 
of the Lawrence Herald of Freedom. From Brown it passed to S. S. 
Prouty, who used it in connection with his Freeman's Champion, at 
Prairie City in 1857, and with his Neosho Valley Register at Bur- 
lington in 1859. Prouty sold it to S. Weaver, who used it at Lecomp- 
ton. Thence it went to Cottonwood Falls and from there on south to 
Cowley county, where it was used at Winfield. It is also said to 
have been at Liberal, in Seward county. Next it passed into Okla- 
homa and into a period of obscurity and neglect. In the summer of 
1929 parts of an old wooden press were found in a cellar in Guymon, 
Oklahoma, and tentatively identified as belonging to the ancient 
Meeker press. Whether this actually is the press of Meeker is 
doubtful, as all accounts describe the original press as an iron press 
of the Seth Adams make. At last accounts the old press found in 
Oklahoma was the property of Mr. Giles Miller, editor of the Pan- 
handle Herald, at Guymon. 15 

15. The story of the wanderings of this old press was told by S. S. Prouty in the Win- 
field Courier of August 27, 1870, quoted by Flint, p. 613, as "the most probable account," 
and repeated in Martin's Hand Book of the Kansas Publishing House (Topeka, 1875), pp. 
34-35. It was carried further by Mr. J. T. Crawford, general secretary of the Kansas State 
Baptist Association, in an article in the Kansas City Star of October 15, 1929. According to 
Prouty, twenty stars on its original frame indicated that it had been made in 1817, before 
Illinois became the twenty-first state in 1818. 



Freighting: A Big Business on the Santa Fe 

Trail 

WALKER WYMAN 

"Kearny's baggage train started a new era in plains freight- 
ing. ... It became a matter of business, running smoothly 
along familiar channels. . . . Between the Mexican and the 
Civil Wars was its new period of life. . . ." l 

IN THE fifties overland freighting became a great business, em- 
ploying a vast outlay of capital and great numbers of men and 
animals. Like a tide it rose through that decade, reaching its flood 
in the sixties. Then came the Kansas Pacific railroad, stretching 
westward from Kansas City. Overland freighting with ox teams re- 
ceded as the railroad advanced. With this ebb tide went the big 
business of freighting. 

During the last half of the decade of the forties, Independence, 
Missouri, became the best market west of St. Louis for cattle, mules, 
and wagons. Overland freighting gradually fell into fewer hands. 
St. Louis, Philadelphia, and other eastern cities continued to be pur- 
chasing places for goods. As the years of the fifties came, steamers 
ascended the Missouri beyond Independence to Westport, Kansas 
City, Ft. Leavenworth, and Atchison with goods destined for the 
New Mexican trade. From these towns caravans of prairie schooners 
pulled by ox and mule teams made the monotonous journey across 
the plains on a trail which became a wide, hard-beaten road. 

Before the fifties cargoes of calico, groceries, and leather goods 
were exchanged for specie, furs, and mules. Much of the goods went 
to Chihuahua, Mexico, some five hundred miles south of Santa Fe. 
A high ad valorem tax on goods entering Mexico as well as the flour- 
ishing market in the territory of New Mexico in which no duties 
were charged after 1852, discouraged the Chihuahua trade. The de- 
velopment of gold fields in the territories of Arizona and New 
Mexico, the flow of Americans to these areas, and the rapid Ameri- 
canization of the natives created demands for a diversified supply of 
goods. There was an "uncommonly large demand" for calicoes, 
bleached domestics, and small white hosiery. A contemporary, in 
giving a survey of the trade, commented upon the diminutive char- 

1. Frederick Logan Paxson, The Last American Frontier (N. Y., 1910), p. 67. 

(17) 
21266 



18 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

acter of the Mexican women's feet which made small sizes neces- 
sary. 2 Dealers of shoes also had to meet this requirement. But 
flour, whisky, hardware, and ammunition packed in boxes, sacks, 
and barrels formed the bulk of the freight. By 1860, reported this 
writer, a greater part of the specie had been drained from New 
Mexico by the demands of commerce, and mules had long since 
ceased to be of any importance as an article of exchange. 3 After 
about 1858 enormous quantities of wool began to flow to Missouri in 
wagon trains many of which had heretofore returned empty. 4 Goat 
and sheep skins were additional articles of import. In the year of 
1859 nearly 30,000 skins were imported into Missouri, selling at 
twenty-five cents each. Dry hides, some tallow, and a few furs con- 
tinued to come. Total imports in 1859 were valued at $500,000. 5 

Until 1850 Independence was the principal outfitting place. In 
the first few months in 1849 traders were arriving from New Mexico. 
The frozen snow and jagged ice along the trail lacerated the feet of 
some of the mules. One train had been snowbound for three days. 
For five days the men had existed on nothing but "an ear or two of 
corn." These instances were rare merely because the overland trains 
were few until June. At that time an observer said that there was 
a Mexican invasion. "These swarthy teamsters . . .," he said, 
"were having a great life in breaking 'mulos'. Many who had never 
seen a mule professed to understand 'all about them' , and it is 
quite amusing to see these gentlemen undertake the taming of these 
animals." Good mules were scarce after May, and cholera was bad. 
Traders hurried out of town. Adjutant Hart, with the purpose of 
settling in Chihuahua, took machinery with him. Carriages for 
Mexican senators were dragged through the streets along with the 
caravans. The Expositor mused: "How they [the carriages] will 
delight the belles of Mexico." 6 

The extent of trade in 1849 is difficult to explain. Many mer- 
chants were reported to have failed in Santa Fe during the winter of 
1848. The whole country, according to one merchant, was com- 
pletely glutted and every town overstocked with goods. He be- 
lieved there were sufficient supplies for several years to come. This 

2. This excellent article, "The Great Overland Trade with New Mexico," appeared in the 
Missouri Republican (date not given) and was quoted in the Topeka State Record, October 16, 
1860. Author unknown. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Kansas City Star, April 5, 1908, found in volume 1 of Trails Clippings (Kansas State 
Historical Society), p. 187. 

5. Topeka State Record, October 16, 1860, quoting Missouri Republican. 

6. Missouri Republican, June 3, 1849 ; St. Louis Weekly Reveille, June 22, 1849. 



WYMAN: FREIGHTING ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL 19 

condition was unchanged after the arrival of the caravan in the sum- 
mer of that year. William Messervy, a merchant of Santa Fe, 
warned "introducers of new goods" that they were bound to lose 
money. Calico sold in New Mexico for the cost price in St. Louis. 
The high duties levied on goods imported into Chihuahua, ranging 
from sixty per cent to thirty-three and one-third per cent, made 
freighting for that market hazardous as a profit-making enterprise. 
It was alleged that merchants lost approximately eight cents on 
every yard of cloth imported from Missouri. 7 

The plains Indians caused no great trouble during the summer 
although a band of them camped on the Arkansas during most of the 
freighting season. The government gave them $1,000 worth of pres- 
ents which, perhaps, kept them in a friendly mood. Hard weather 
conditions were the most distracting elements with which freighters 
had to contend. James Browne, enroute to Santa Fe in the fall, ex- 
perienced a three-day snowstorm in the middle of November. A 
newspaper reported that the weather "was so intensely cold as to 
freeze all the oxen attached to the train, leaving the wagons standing 
in the Jornada . . . [the Cimarron desert south of the Arkan- 
sas in the present state of Kansas] ." A few men went for aid while 
ten or fifteen stayed with the goods all winter. In March, 1850, they 
were seen by a passing trader. Two wagons had been burned for 
fuel in the struggle for life during the winter. 8 

The greatest tragedy of the year was the murder of J. M. White, 
his family, and a few of his employees. In the latter part of the 
freighting season he started to Santa Fe with thirteen wagons. Va- 
rious reports say that when some of his mules became exhausted, he 
cached a part of his goods, and pushed ahead. About 150 miles from 
Santa Fe, in the area where the Apache and Comanche had attacked 
many trains and were to attack many more, the bodies, with the ex- 
ception of Mrs. White and her youngest child, were found in a muti- 
lated condition. Merchants of Santa Fe were sufficiently aroused to 
offer $1,000 reward for the recovery of Mrs. White. The troops later 
found her, but not before her life had been taken. 9 

The following year, 1850, passed without great change. Trade 
was brisk, without doubt. A fatal disease, "dry murrain," caused 
from drinking unwholesome water, left many oxen along the trail to 

7. Missouri Republican, February 16, August 25, and September 8, 1849. 

8. Missouri Commonwealth, quoted in the Weekly Reveille, January 21, 1850. 

9. For various reports see Weekly Reveille, December 9, 1849 ; February 11 and May 6, 
1850. 



20 ,' THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

die. The Missouri Republican believed that nearly all trains had 
lost animals. The dry season threw many wagons out of service. It 
may have been local pride that caused the Republican to remark 
that "of all the wagons taken to and from Santa Fe this year, those 
only that were manufactured in this city [St. Louis], by Mr. J. 
Murphy, have withstood all the injurious effects of the heat." 10 The 
Arkansas river was believed to have been the lowest it had ever been 
in that particular season. The Indians south of the Arkansas were 
extremely hostile. One train of Browne's was attacked and ten 
teamsters killed. Others were robbed and pillaged. One journalist 
spoke of the "imbecility of our government [which] excites the pity 
of our own people and the contempt of our poor Indians." n Ft. 
Mann and an encampment on the upper Arkansas gave some protec- 
tion to the Trail north of the Arkansas. 

The removal of the army depot in 1851, from Santa Fe to Fort 
Union, caused the report that business was dull in Santa Fe. When 
one hundred and twenty-nine wagons had arrived it was believed 
that there were enough goods to last two years. A few traders went 
on south to Chihuahua. The postmaster of Santa Fe, one Mr. Mc~ 
Knight, said that 549 wagons constituted the total trade for the year. 
These wagons were in trains ranging from seven to forty. 12 

Since the days of the Kearny military government, merchants of 
Santa Fe had paid a license for transacting business. Much of the 
time an ad valorem tax on imports had been paid in spite of great 
protest. In 1852 the latter restriction was removed, thereby permit- 
ting free trade for practically the first time since overland commerce 
began in 1822. 13 Trade with Mexico decreased because of the high 
duties levied at Paso del Norte (El Paso). The failure of crops 
along the Rio Grande prostrated trade in that region until 1854. 

Independence continued to share the overland trade with West- 
port in the early fifties. 14 The Republican testified in 1851 that a 
"great many wagons still depart from Independence, particularly the 
trains for New Mexico, but the town is not advancing. . . ." 15 

10. Missouri Republican, September 28, 1850. 

11. Independent, June 16, 1850, quoted in Missouri Republican, June 23, 1850. 

12. For this account and other reports which seem to vary somewhat see the Missouri 
Republican, September 8, August 18, September 28, and July 8, 1850. 

13. H. H. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico (San Francisco, 1890), 644 ; Senate Execu- 
tive Documents, 34th Congress, 2d session, vol. VIII, part 4, p. 536, ser. No. 831. 

14. A clipping from the Kansas City Journal, May 22, 1905 (given in Trails Clippings, 
vol. I, p. 70, Kansas State Historical Society), quoting the Annals of the City of Kansas and 
of Great Plains of the West, says that in 1847 it was conceded that Kansas City fairly di- 
vided the trade with Independence, and since 1850 the former had exclusive benefit of all 
business "save a few wagons which were owned in Independence." 

15. Missouri Republican, August 11, 1851. 



WYMAN: FREIGHTING ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL 21 

The heyday of this river town was over. Westport Landing, a good 
dock a few miles west of Independence, became a popular shipping 
point. A settlement grew up around the landing. Kansas City, 
located south of the Kansas (or Kaw) river, grew up as an auxiliary 
to Westport. As late as 1859 a correspondent wrote that "nearly 
all" the trade came first to Westport and was from thence dis- 
tributed." 16 

The treaty of Fort Atkinson was signed with the Comanche, 
Kiowa, and Apache in 1853. Good behavior, the inviolability of the 
plains traffic, and the right to establish military posts and railroad 
depots was pledged in exchange for an annual payment of $18,000 
for ten years in "strips of red calico, red blankets, red beads, copper 
kettles, butcher knives, and hatchets [but no guns]." But "irre- 
sponsible Indians and evil white men soon violated every pledge 
made." 17 

Smallpox and Indians made freighting hazardous in 1854. In- 
solent Indians accosted many trains begging for whisky and tobacco. 
They were inveterate thieves, and this often led to casualties, but 
some traders formed bands to oppose them effectively. In some 
cases the Indians were quite as eager to trade. One old freighter be- 
lieved that bright silks attracted them as strongly as scalps. 

The year of 1855 was one of the wettest seasons in the memory of 
the oldest inhabitants. Business was poor, and money was scarce. 
Kansas was in a state of turmoil. In 1856 the passion aroused over 
the status of Kansas territory played havoc with the Santa Fe 
freighting. Trade on the Missouri river was reported dead. Some 
of the steamers went elsewhere since "passengers were few . . . 
and freights comparatively unknown." Westport merchants com- 
plained that they had no business. There was no demand for horses, 
cattle, or wagons. By the latter part of April only Mexican trains 
had departed for Santa Fe. A special correspondent of the New 
York Tribune wrote that the warehouse of Russell, Majors & Wad- 
dell in Leavenworth, was a reselling shop for rifles, stores, and agri- 
cultural implements which had been stolen from free-state immi- 
grants. 18 Abolitionists attacked trains starting from Kansas City or 

16. Ibid., July 18, 1859. Given in a letter written from Westport, July 15, 1859. 

17. An account of the activities of Thomas Fitzpatrick in negotiating this treaty is given 
in LeRoy R. Hafen and W. J. Ghent, Broken Hand, The Life Story of Thomas Fitzpatrick, 
Chief of the Mountain Men (Denver, 1931), pp. 250-255; also, see Wichita Beacon, March 
11, 1928, quoted in Trails Clippings, vol. II, p. 198. 

18. New York Tribune, July 17, 1856. 



22 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Westport, the two cities presumed to be proslavery in sentiment. 19 
Colonel S. L. McKinney lost about sixty cattle and ten wagons, in- 
cluding the contents, to a band under a Captain Cutter. 20 Accord- 
ing to the Evening News, the men were well treated and upon release 
were given a wagon and six oxen. 21 

A dry season and begging Indians caused difficulties of a nature 
slightly less dangerous than the Abolitionists. Many wagons had 
to turn off the trail for miles to find grass for the oxen. The Repub- 
lican (August 26, 1856) believed that there was "scarcely a wagon 
train . . . but which . . . has to pay tribute for the sake of 
passing through [the Indian country] without . . . being killed." 
This paper stated that each train had been compelled to give $200 or 
$300 worth of goods as bribes to the Indians. 

The Kansas Weekly Herald (Leavenworth, Kansas), proudly 
stated on August 8, 1857, that the Santa Fe trade was not "pining" 
away, but instead the trail was one great bustle for nearly 800 miles, 
"almost lined with wagons, stock, and horsemen." Indians above 
the Arkansas were harassing beggars, demanding "ox," "shug," and 
"tobac" as frequently as ever before. Some traders, to show a com- 
plete lack of suspicion, did not arm their trains. 22 Kansas troops 
were recalled from the frontier posts. When a great number of 
Indians surrounded J. C. Hall and his train, demanding "ox," he 
pointed to Fort Lamed in the distance. They showed their insolence, 
according to Hall, by replying "Fort! Dam! Forty men." One of 
them stayed for a meal with the train, and was a guest of eight 
different messes without serious injury to himself. 23 

The character of the trade changed in 1857. 24 Machinery for gold 
mines, such as crushing machines, was sent from the States. In that 
year the first American caravan loaded with wool arrived in Mis- 
souri. The previous year Mexicans had tried that business on a 
limited scale. Wool was a resource undiscovered until this year. 
Beck and Giddings, New Mexican ranchers, had driven 1,100 sheep 
overland in 1853 to make the first attempt to improve the sheep of 

19. History of Jackson County, Missouri (St. Louis, 1881), p. 432; New York Tribune, 
September 16, 1856; also, Wallace Law in Kansas City Journal, March 10, 1905, given in 
Trails Clippings, p. 61. 

20. Kansas Weekly Herald, September 13, 1856. 

21. New York Tribune, September 16, 1856. 

22. J. C. Hall in Kansas Magazine, vol. V, p. 54. 

23. Ibid. 

24. This statement is based upon information taken from the Kansas Tribune } April 6, 
1857; Missouri Republican, March 28, 1857; History of Jackson County, Missouri, p. 434; 
and Charles P. Deatherage, Early History of Greater Kansas City (Kansas City, 1927), I, 
p. 468. 



WYMAN: FREIGHTING ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL 23 

the territory. Great herds had been driven to Chihuahua, and some 
to California, to be marketed for the carcasses. Now this source of 
wealth could be utilized, and empty wagons could be filled in return- 
ing from New Mexico. The importation of wool rose to unparalleled 
volume. Sheep, in being driven from the mountain valleys to the 
haciendas of the proprietors in the spring, lost much wool on the 
prickly bushes and branches through which they passed. The Kan- 
sas City Journal believed that one large herd often lost from 1,000 
to 2,000 pounds in a single drive. Shearing was unknown, but peons, 
eager to earn an extra penny, armed themselves with sacks and 
picked the wool as if it were cotton, and sold it for a trifling sum to 
freighters. Some of the proprietors, offered the fleeces to the freight- 
ers if they would shear the sheep. The Journal estimated that fleeces 
could be sheared for two cents per pound, freighted to Kansas City 
for three or four cents per pound, and shipped to St. Louis for less 
than one cent. Thus it argued that the wool business gave indica- 
tion of a profitable future. 25 

S. M. Hayes & Company, located on the trail at Council Grove, 
Kansas, kept a registry of those engaged in the Santa Fe trade. In 
1858 they recorded 2,440 men, 1,827 wagons, 429 horses, 15,714 oxen, 
5,316 mules, 67 carriages, and 9,608 tons of goods. They estimated 
the total capital invested at $2,627,300. If wagons were included 
the astounding sum of $3,500,000 was spent in this trade in that 
year, or enough, they said, to build 350 miles of railroad at $10,000 
per mile. The cash record of this firm showed receipts in gold and 
silver for $1,600 in one day of that busy season. Proud citizens be- 
lieved that " 'C. G.' has a future that no other town off the Missouri 
river can ever hope to have in Kansas." 26 

An old pioneer remembered some years later that on a certain day 
in May, 1858, the entire quarter section of land at Lone Elm, Kan- 
sas, was covered with wagons. The wagons commenced to pull out 
at twelve o'clock at night and the last train did not pass him before 
four o'clock in the afternoon. 27 These wagons distributed goods in 
Chihuahua and the territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and Colo- 
rado. 28 The legislature of New Mexico raised the license fee re- 

25. This resum6 of the wool trade was taken from the Missouri Republican, December 17, 
1858, quoted from the Kansas City Journal. 

26. These statistics are pasted in front of the copy of John Maloy's History of Morris 
County, Kansas, 1820 to 1880, which is in the Kansas State Historical Society. 

27. Kansas Historical Collections, XI, p. 457, "The Santa F6 Trail in Johnson County, 
Kansas." A Mr. Ainsworth gave an address at the dedication of the Trail marker at Lone 
Elm, Kansas, November 9, 1906. 

28. A correspondent of the Missouri Republican (October 21, 1858), made this statement 
in a letter from Santa Fe, September 22, 1858. 



24 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

quired for merchants, which was the only source of revenue, hoping 
to liquidate a debt of nearly $10,000 in a year or so! But this did 
not materially discourage traffic on the trail, nor did the abolitionists 
who surrounded wagon trains that fall. 29 

Before the grass in 1858 was at any height, Westport bustled with 
business. The Westport Border Star proudly wrote that the "Mex- 
ican trains and traders are arriving daily with gold, silver, furs, pelts, 
wool. At Bernard & Go's we see a pile of silver rocks ... At the 
same place a piece of pure gold (from Mexican mines, not from 
Pike's Peak) as large as an apple dumpling. . . ." 30 The streets 
were crowded with wagon trains. "Sometimes it was difficult to 
tread one's way across the streets on account of the blockade of 
wagons, mules, cattle, bales, boxes, etc.," wrote a correspondent of 
the Republican, 51 Among the exports he noticed a "patent reaper, 
and mower, a steam engine and boiler, together with all the ma- 
chinery necessary for a new flouring mill at Albuquerque." By July 
15 the streets were again quiet, "the merchant trains having all de- 
parted, and the last hunter, peon, and greaser have left. . . ." 32 

The trade in 1859, believed one contemporary writer, had risen to 
$10,000,000 annually. Between March 1 and July 31, the Missouri 
Republican, perhaps quoting S. M. Hayes & Company, reported that 
2,300 men, 1,970 wagons, 840 horses, 4,000 mules, 15,000 oxen, 73 
carriages, and over 1,900 tons of freight left for New Mexico. These 
figures were exclusive of gold seekers who "were too numerous to 
count." 33 

The Civil War affected the trade to some extent. Trade from 
Kansas City and Westport practically ceased, according to W. R. 
Bernard, a merchant of Westport. Cities farther north on the river 
became safer starting places. The suspected slavery sentiment of 
Kansas City brought upon wagon trains starting from there the 
wrath of Kansas abolitionists. Wallace Law, a contemporary, said 
that trains starting from Ft. Leavenworth were never molested. 34 

29. The Missouri Republican, September 8, 1858 (quoting the Independent, September 3), 
states that after the proslavery party had decided to cease activities for awhile the Abolition- 
ists, "driven to extremity by hunger," surrounded returning Santa Fe trains. William Mc- 
Kinney's train of twenty wagons, oxen, and provisions were taken while "Bent's and one or 
two others" close in the rear may have shared the same. One of the outward bound trains 
was afraid to leave. 

The Missouri Republican, September 1, 1868 (quoting the Kansas City Enterprise) says 
the drivers of McKinney's train were released since most were from northern states. 

30. Quoted in Missouri Republican, June 1, 1859. 

31. Missouri Republican, June 8, 1859. 

32. Ibid., July 18, 1859. 

33. Ibid., August 15, 1859. 

34. Kansas City Journal, March 10, 1905, given in Trails Clippings, p. 61. 



WYMAN: FREIGHTING ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL 25 

The State Record (Topeka) reported the largest return train of the 
season: Thirty-seven wagons extending for over a mile, bringing 
50,000 pounds of wool from New Mexico. S. M. Hayes and Com- 
pany gave the total of the season: 2,984 men, 2,170 wagons, 464 
horses, 5,933 mules, 17,836 oxen, 76 carriages, and 80,000 tons of 
freight. 35 

The wool crop of 1860 was unprecedented. One firm in Tecolati, 
New Mexico, had contracted for 150,000 fleeces. Shearing sheep had 
become quite common. Provisions were scarce in Santa Fe flour 
sold for $14 per hundred pounds, and other articles sold in propor- 
tion. Indian hostilities continued in spite of the great hordes of men 
and beasts which poured across the continent. The race of Governor 
William Gilpin of Colorado, with a force of infantry and cavalry, 
aided in driving the Confederates out of northern New Mexico be- 
fore the arrival of the annual caravan. R. L. Duffus says that the 
Cimarron route, or the short cut across the headwaters of the Cimar- 
ron river was abandoned entirely during the war because of the fear 
of Confederates and the ever present Apache. 36 S. M. Hayes & 
Company reported that business was paralyzed during the last of the 
year, but the Mexican teamsters going eastward the following spring 
had been "thick as locusts." 37 

In 1862 the Council Grove Press reported that more than 3,000 
wagons, 618 horses, 20,812 oxen, 6,406 mules, 96 carriages, and 3,720 
men made their way over the old trail to the Southwest. The busi- 
ness had grown to amazing proportions, for now over 10,000 tons of 
freight valued at $40,000,000 constituted the cargo. 38 

It was "flush times" in Council Grove in 1864. S. M. Simcox of 
that village registered the traffic of the season: 3,000 wagons, 618 
horses, 20,812 oxen, 8,046 mules, 98 carriages, 3,012 men and 15,000 
tons of merchandise. 39 

The Kansas Tribune (Lawrence) complained of a great amount of 
pillaging and robbery on the trail in that year. "Bushwhackers and 

35. Topeka State Record, September 29, 1860. 

36. Robert L. Duffas, The Santa Fe Trail (London, New York, and Toronto, 1930), 
p. 247. 

37. "Innumerable small trains" had passed through Council Grove in the latter part of 
1860, exclusive of the Pike's Peak immigration, which, according to S. M. Hayes, "would out- 
fit here had we the goods to outfit them." See the Council Grove Press, July 28, 1860, and 
the Topeka State Record, July 28, 1860. The report of the eastbound traffic is given in 
Council Grove Press, April 27, 1861. 

38. Council Grove Press, June 15, 1863. 

39. These figures given by John Maloy in his History of Morris County, Kansas, 1820 to 
1880. 



26 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

thieves have joined themselves in trains in disguise, palming them- 
selves off as belonging to these trains, for the purpose of spying out 
a good show for stealing. Then they saunter back in small squads 
and commit their depredations." 40 Colonel Milton Moore, who had 
been a Santa Fe freighter in his youth, said that after the com- 
mencement of the Indian war on the upper Arkansas in 1864, cara- 
vans were not permitted to proceed west of Fort Lamed unless they 
were in groups of one hundred men or more. 41 

The plains Indians were on the warpath in 1865. H. W. Jones 
says that they attacked every train that crossed the plains. His 
train proceeded through the Indian country in two columns side by 
side. When they started from Fort Larned 1,000 wagons made up 
the enormous train. An escort of troops accompanied them from 
Fort Dodge to Bent's Fort, but did not prevent Indian attacks. 
C. H. Whittington wrote to the Emporia News that the following 
had crossed the Osage bridge at 142 creek between May 12 and July 
12, 1865: 1,188 wagons, 2,692 men, 736 horses, 2,904 mules, 15,855 
oxen, 56 carriages, and 10,489,200 pounds of freight. 42 

On February 28, 1856, Fort Riley and Fort Larned were desig- 
nated by the military department of Missouri as the rendezvous for 
trains for New Mexico. Trains were compelled to organize for de- 
fense, arm themselves properly, and submit to the regulations laid 
down by the captain of the train, before they would be permitted to 
enter the Indian country. No train consisting of less than twenty 
wagons and thirty armed men was allowed to leave the forts. 43 

Colonel J. F. Meline toured the plains with a troop of cavalry in 
1866. His journal records that he passed great numbers of ox teams. 
For the season he estimated that between 5,000 and 6,000 would pass 
over the trail. "The trains are remarkable," he wrote, "each wagon 
team consisting of ten yokes of fine oxen, selected and arranged not 
only for drawing but for pictorial effect, in sets of twenty, either all 
black, all white, all spotted or otherwise marked uniformly." 

In that eventful year the Kansas Pacific railroad pushed west- 
ward. Where ox teams were once counted by the thousands, regret- 
fully said the Junction City Union (August, 1867), "the shriek of 

40. Kansas Tribune, March 24, 1864. 

41. Kansas City Journal-Post, September 6, 1925. 

42. John Maloy, op. cit. 

43. Raymond Welty in his Western Army Frontier, 1860-1870 (Doctor's Thesis, Uni- 
versity of Iowa, 1924), appendix IV, pp. 392-397, gives General Pope's military order No. 27, 
issued from the Headquarters of the Department of Missouri, St. Louis, Missouri, February 22, 
1866. His reference is Senate Executive Document, No. 2, 40th Congress, 1st session, pp. 2-4, 
ser. No. 1308. 



WYMAN: FREIGHTING ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL 27 

the iron horse has silenced the lowing of the panting ox and the old 
trail looks desolate." Hordes of cattle began to pour from the ranges 
of Texas to be shipped eastward over the Kansas Pacific. Trade 
continued from the end of the rails. In 1873 Las Animas, Colo- 
rado, was the "Kansas City" of a decade before. The old and the 
new were in a death conflict. Destiny settled down on the Old Trail. 
The ox team made way for the iron horse, and with the ox team went 
a big business. In the decade of 1860-1870, the number of oxen de- 
creased forty-one per cent in the United States. This industry of 
supplying the traders with cattle had enriched the country adjacent 
to the Missouri. Before the Mexican War, and hence before the rise 
of the big business of freighting, the people of New Mexico could 
buy but a few articles for consumption. Sugar and coffee to them 
were practically unknown. Calico had sold for fifty cents per yard, 
which was more than most women could earn in a week. A cloth of 
hairy wool had been used but "even this could not conceal the grace 
that had survived the wreck of so many noble gifts." Indians gave 
way to white men as had the Mexicans. The commissioner of Indian 
affairs said that it was of no regret that so much of the United States 
had been wrested from the original inhabitants and "made the happy 
abode of an enlightened and Christian people." The Indian and the 
"bullwhacker," soldiers of a receding and an advancing frontier, 
were but the workers at a "vast roaring loom on which was woven 
the fabric of modern America." 



The First Day's Battle at Hickory Point 

From the Diary and Reminiscenses of Samuel James Reader 

Edited by GEORGE A. ROOT 

I. INTRODUCTION. 

OAMUEL JAMES READER was born in the village of Green- 
O field, now Coal Center, Pennsylvania, January 25, 1836. He 
was the son of Francis Reader and Catherine James. His mother 
died when he was four months old, leaving him and his sister Eliza, 
aged two years, in the care of their aunt, Miss Eliza James. In 1841 
they removed to La Harpe, a frontier town in western Illinois, where 
in 1843 Miss James married James M. Cole. Mr. Reader attended 
school in La Harpe until he was sixteen. For a time he worked on a 
farm and later in a stone quarry near Hillsgrove, sixteen miles from 
La Harpe. 

On May 10, 1855, the family started for Kansas Territory in a 
covered wagon. By the middle of June they were located on the 
farm near Indianola, north of Topeka, where Mr. Reader resided 
until his death. On December 17, 1867, he was married at La Harpe, 
Illinois, to Miss Elizabeth Smith. They had three children, a daugh- 
ter who died at sixteen, a second daughter Elizabeth, who still lives, 
and a son who died in infancy. Mrs. Reader died March 30, 1898. 
After her death Mr. Reader spent most of the winter months with his 
daughter in Topeka. He died September 15, 1914. 

Samuel Reader's unique contribution to Kansas history was a 
diary which he began when he was thirteen years old and in which 
he wrote every day to the end of his life. Despite his meager school- 
ing he constantly improved an active and observant mind by reading 
and study. He taught himself the Pittman shorthand system and 
acquired a reading knowledge of French. In some places his diary 
is a strange mixture of shorthand, French and abbreviated English. 
It is illustrated throughout with marginal and full-page sketches, 
many in water colors. During his later years he wrote his "Remi- 
niscences," based upon the diary. The volumes of the diary and a 
copy of the reminiscences are among the prized possessions in the 
manuscript collections of the Kansas State Historical Society, to 
which they were given by his daughter, Miss Elizabeth Reader, who 
now lives in San Diego, California. 

(28) 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 29 

Mr. Reader observed and experienced much of the Kansas Terri- 
torial conflict. He was a free-state sympathizer. The community 
centering at Indianola was largely proslavery. Mr. Reader was by 
nature a pacifist and for the most part avoided the clashes that often 
stirred the neighborhood. He became, however, a member of the Sec- 
ond Kansas State Militia and participated in the first day's fight at 
Hickory Point. During the Civil War, in 1864 when the Price Raid 
threatened Kansas, he joined the Topeka contingent that was thrown 
into the defense. He was captured in the Battle of the Big Blue, but 
later escaped while being taken as a prisoner to Texas. This ended 
his military service, for after recovering from the effects of this ex- 
perience he returned to the farm. 

The battle of Hickory Point occurred on September 13 and 14, 
1856, and was one of the many collisions between the free-state and 
proslavery forces. Gov. John W. Geary had just arrived in the 
territory, and had issued his proclamation ordering all armed forces 
to disband. Gen. James H. Lane was at or near Topeka and did not 
hear of the order to disperse. With a small party of men he was 
about to start out towards Holton when he was met by messengers 
from the neighborhood of Osawkie, who informed him that proslav- 
ery men were committing outrages in the vicinity, that Grasshopper 
Falls was burned, and that it was their intention to burn other free- 
state towns and drive the citizens from the country. Lane marched 
to Osawkie at once, where his force was recruited from the free-state 
settlers near there. Learning that a large party of proslavery men 
was at Hickory Point, Lane marched his men to that place. The 
proslavery men were under command of Capt. H. A. Lowe, and in- 
cluded about forty South Carolinians. 

Hickory Point consisted of a few buildings on the Ft. Leaven- 
worth-Ft. Riley military road and the Atchison-Topeka stage road. 
Its location was five and one-half miles north of the present Oska- 
loosa and about twenty-eight miles northeast of Topeka. 

II. ENTRIES FROM THE DIARY: SEPTEMBER 8 TO 20, 1856. 

[In the following extract from the diary the words which were written in 
shorthand are indicated by small capitals, stars appearing where shorthand 
characters were undecipherable; the words which were written in French are 
italicized. An explanation of some of the abbreviations and names follows: 
Jenner, Dr. Thomas Jenner; Fouts, J. W. Fouts; Captain Whipple, alias of 
Aaron D. Stevens; C., James M. Cole; Me, Robert McNown; E, Eugene Cole; 
Cole and Doc, James M. Cole and Dr. M. A. Campdoras; Milne, David Milne; 



30 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Young, George L. Young; Kemp, Kemp Ferguson; T-a, Topeka; La, nickname 
for Eliza Reader; B. R's, Border Ruffians; Pepper box, Allen revolver, 7-shot, 
commonly dubbed a "pepper box"; I-a, Indianola; Peter, Peter Fiederling; 
H. P., Hickory Point; Mrs. F. & Kemp, Mrs. Ferguson and Kemp Ferguson; 
Col. Harvey, Col. James A. Harvey.] 

September, 1856. 

Monday.8 Cloudy. KANSAS MUST BE FREE. 70 I no go 
to war. God for me. I to Jenner's. Dr. bad wounds. Sore. Went 
to Drs. maison. T. Jenner got me a little nitric acid. I to the spring 
at Fouts. Saw Stevens, Moffat, Capt. Whipple and Dennis. Came 
home C. to Mcs trial P. M. I to CLAIM, fenced my stack. E put 
acid dans son den. It dident smoke like a tar kiln, as old Alley said 

it would. I beat hens. [ COLE AND Doc HOME.] Milne 

and Me here. He on bail. A DRUNKEN TIME. Cohee jumped INTO 
creek the morn WE WERE there. He has moved to Topeka. 

Tues 9 Warm COOL agreeably. MOWING GRASS. I TO MY CLAIM. 
GOT A FEW STONE PUT SOME PLUMS TO DRY. CAME HOME. P. M. 
MADE MY AX HANDLE. COLE MOWING. MILNE HERE PUT UP HIS 
HORSES AND WENT ON FOR COLE TO TOWN TOPEKA BOYS WENT BY. 
COLE HOME THEY PLUNDERED YOUNG (?) ... OF $1200. LEFT 
MILNE'S because Mrs. M. said they were free STATE. Osawkie WAS 
PLUNDERED liier. Wells went on Kemp's horse TO GET Fulton's au 
riviere, but lost his own. COLE TO GO OVER TOMORROW FOR THEM. 
THER. WAS 92 TODAY. 

Mercredi 10 Clair; le soir passe. Chaud. Ther. 75 I took team 
drew all my rails &c. 4 load and the stones. Got wood. Came 
home. Sprinkly, cleared. C. and Kemp to T-a. Len and Johnny 
left INDIANOLA. Good. P. M. C home. Got horse. A boy took it 
of Holls. Farnsworth I GUESS. C. to town. I to my claim. Got 
plums. Warm. Milne here at night. Dr. better. La milked Kaw 
cow. 

Thurs. 11. I put plums to dry. C. to town to head WELL bucket. 
THER. etais 47. Warm, clear. TOWN quiet. FIRE (?) TODAY. P. M. 
mowed. Jenner here. His horse gone. I to claim, cut a board tree 
with new ax. Home. Another gang IN TOWN. Plundered Fulton. 
C. saved Milne. Got un chapeau. Buck sick. Mrs. Milne here. 
Fulton has taken his horse. 

Frid. 12. Clear. Kittens play. C. and I mowed. Jenner and 
others here. Went to river, for horse ; met Co. Shook hands with 
Lane. Home. P. M. Hot. Mowed. Milne here. B.Rs TO BE at 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 31 

Calhoun. C to T-a. I to town. Paper. C. et Penfield here. T-a 
boys to go to Lane. I to Papans. Helped THEM cross 30 of them. 
Came on in wagons. 

Sat 13. Got to 0[zawkie] after sun up. Gen. Lane there. Ate at 
houses* Started to H. P. [Hickory Point.] Fisher let me ride old 
grey horse. 11. Got to H. P. They will fight. Fired some. We 
retreated to 0. 3 of our horses and 1 man wounded. Several B.Rs 
killed; horses &c. Ate watermelons. 8 or 9 started home for fear of 
U. S., the Gov. &c. I will buy a pepper box $6. Got home late. 
Sleepy and tired but full of glory. 

(*Captain Bainter I guess. Yes.) 

Sund 14 Read Ate melons. Young Kemp and others to Ta for 
help to get horses of Fulton &c. P. M. I wrote got nuts. Kemp 
Furgeson here. 12 men from I-a. I sick at night. VOMITED. THER. 
92. hot windy 

Mond 15 Feel better. Windy COOL & agreeable. I read. P. M. 
Fulton's going to la [Indianola]. Got corn. C. to town. I there. 
Got socks 30 caps 10. DUG UP MY MONEY [and] TOOK OUT $20. 
WARM . . . Peter here. He wants to fight. Wells drunk. 
THER 92. 

TUESDAY 16 CLEAR. WARM. WROTE. . . . last NIGHT. SCON 
BE WINTER. AWFUL. WE DREW ONE load of hay. WINDY. I put a 
BETTER LOCK ON MY pistol ; fired 2 TIMES Shoots well. P. M. THER 
92 Hot. McN. here. Will turn out to fight. Got nuts. 

WEDNESDAY, 17 Clear. Warm. WINDY. I TO MY CLAIM. CUT A 

HOLE IN MY HOUSE FOR CHIMNEY. Bruno WANTS TO CUT HAY. Came 

home. P. M. I made some chimney. A hard N. W. rain. Fisher 
and a fellow were here; left his gun. Col. Harvey and Lawrence 
boys drove out B. Rs. from H. P. last Sund. Cold. N. 

Jeudi 18. Warm. I made chimney all day. Went to Young's. 
Paper. A letter to E. FROM S. ONE TO ME FROM pere. Gov. troops 
at T-a taking us boys. 

Frid 19. We drew 2 loads hay. Warm. My glass gone, I think. 
Bon p n pie. P. M. Drew other load; all in. GOES TO Johnsons. 
.... Dr. quite sick. Got nuts. 

Sat. 20. I to claim. MAKE CHIMNEY UP to plates. Chiens avec 
moi. Buck cross. C. drew stone from Kemps, and melons. P. M. 
I with C. for stone. Got nuts. Mrs. F. & Kemp came with us. I 
took them to ferry to get Nell [mare]. Fine stone from Kemp's. 



32 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

III. REMINISCENCES. 

On September 12 Mr. Cole 1 and I were mowing grass south of 
Indianola. At 10 a. m. Thomas Jenner 2 and others came to us and 
reported that his ( Jenner 's) horse had been "pressed" into military 
service in the "free-state army," by his having been mistaken for 
a proslavery horse. Our assistance was asked in recovering the 
animal. We dropped our scythes and all started for Topeka. 

When we reached the Kaw river we saw a body of mounted men 
who had just crossed at Papan's ferry. 3 They were all armed and 
equipped and evidently on the warpath. 

"There is Lane!" cried my uncle, pointing to a man riding a 
cream-colored or "clay-bank" horse. When we met, my uncle, who 
was well acquainted with the general, explained to him our neigh- 
bor's trouble in regard to his horse. In the meantime I was looking 
at the redoubtable chief with great curiosity. 

He was a medium-sized, dark-complexioned man, rather thin of 
face, clean-shaven jaw and chin, and wore a short, black mustache. 
His eyes seemed dark (what could be seen of them through their 
half -closed lids), giving them a rather searching expression. The 
nose was a little irregular in outline ; the chin firm and shapely. On 
the whole he was a harsh-featured, severe-looking man. There was 
nothing about him to indicate his rank. His wool hat was gray and 
coarse. He wore a dark-blue flannel overshirt, and his side arms 
were a Colt's revolver and a large butcher knife. 

As we were about to separate Mr. Cole said: "General, this is my 
nephew, Reader." 

General Lane gave me a penetrating glance as he leaned from his 

1. Joseph M. Cole, uncle ojf Samuel J. Reader. 

2. Dr. Jacob F. Jenner was born in the Kingdom of Wurtemburg, Germany, January 16, 
1828. He came to America with his parents in 1838, settling in Vandenburg county, Indiana. 
After completing his school studies he took up the study of medicine at a medical college at 
St. Louis, Mo., where he was graduated. He came to Kansas in 1855, settling near Topeka 
or Indianola, and took part in some of the early struggles in the territory. In 1857 he 
married Mary J. Bradshaw. They were parents of five children. Dr. Jenner moved to 
Grantville and later to St. Marys. 

3. Papan's ferry was located at the west end of a large island in the Kansas river at 
Topeka, west of the Kansas avenue bridge of later days, the south terminal being at the foot 
of Western avenue. Giles' Thirty Years in Topeka, 1886, pages 16 and 17, says: "The 
first ferry that is known to have been established on the Kansas river, however, was that by 
Joseph and Ahcan Papan, in 1842, at the precise site of Topeka. At that time the south 
bank of the river was four or five hundred feet farther to the north than at present, and 
the Papan's dwelling house was near the bank. During the great flood of 1844 their house 
was carried away, as well as their ferry boats, and when the waters subsided they found the 
site of their home to have become an island, a portion of which still remains above the bridge. 
It was several years before the Papans reestablished themselves, but their ferry was popular 
and remunerative." [Within the past forty or fifty years, this island has again become part 
of the land on the south side of the river.] . . . "the military road from Leavenworth 
to Santa Fe lay across that stream via Papan's ferry, to the west of Burnett's mound, crossed 
the Wakarusa near the site of Auburn, and bore away to the southwest." 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 33 

saddle with the murmured words, "I'm happy to make your ac- 
quaintance," or something of the kind, and our hands clasped for 
the first and only time. I felt it an honor to have shaken hands with 
Jim Lane. Seeing him for the first time, I perhaps involuntarily 
invested him with heroic attributes. He was immensely popular 
with the "free-state boys"; they made themselves hoarse hurrahing 
for him, and I might have done so myself, had I been of an ex- 
citable temperament. 

I also saw Whipple. He was Colonel Whipple 4 now, and he car- 
ried a bugle on which he sounded a call. Then came the command, 
"Second regiment, fall in!" The men mounted, and the gallant 
band with Lane at its head took the road toward Fort Leavenworth. 
Many of my former comrades were in the regiment and I was press- 
ingly invited to go along. But I could not; they were all mounted 
men and I had no horse. So I regretfully returned home to the 
humdrum of ordinary life. 

In the afternoon we began mowing grass again, when David 
Milne 5 came to us in haste and reported that a band of border ruf- 
fians were marching on Calhoun, our county seat. This, if true, 
would be a serious matter. My uncle threw down his scythe and 
started for Topeka as soon as possible, while I returned to the 
house to await events. 

Our neighborhood was badly stirred up. Only three days before 

4. Captain Charles Whipple, whose real name was Aaron Dwight Stevens, was born at 
Lisbon, Conn., March 15, 1831. He was a son of Capt. Aaron Stevens, of Norwich, Conn. 
He resided in the vicinity of his birth until about 1845, when he left for Boston where he 
joined a company of volunteers for the war then beginning with Mexico. He served through 
the Mexican campaign, and on coming out was honorably discharged. On returning home, he 
remained there until 1851, when he enlisted as a bugler in a United States D*ragoon regiment, 
commanded by Col. E. V. Sumner, being drafted to the west at once. He served in western 
Kansas and Nebraska, and in Wyoming, Colorado and New Mexico. In 1855, when his regi- 
ment was returning to Fort Leavenworth, Stevens thoroughly chastised a major who had 
harshly disciplined a member of the company, and for this attack Stevens was marched 
across the plains with a ball and chain attached to his ankles. On reaching Fort Leavenworth 
he was courtmartialed and sentenced to be shot. On application to the President this sen- 
tence was commuted to three years hard labor, with ball and chain attached to the ankle. 
He served the government in this way till -early in January, 1856, when he deserted and con- 
cealed himself among Delaware Indians on the Kaw river. He remained with them about 
two months, then appeared in Topeka, where he at once identified himself with the free- 
state cause, assuming his mother's name and being known as "Charles Whipple." He filed 
on a preemption claim in Shawnee county. During the spring of 1856, Whipple organized 
several mounted companies which were formed into the Second Regiment of Free-state volun- 
teers. Later he joined John Brown's command, and during the fight at Harper's Ferry, was 
dangerously wounded while bearing a flag of truce. He recovered from this, and on March 16, 
1860, was hung for his participation in the Harper's Ferry affair. 

5. David Milne, a Scotchman, who located at Indianola and built a small half-log shanty 
in 1854, which he operated for a time as the Milne Hotel. This early hotel later became 
the Clinton Hotel. 



31266 



34 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

a party of free-state men visited Indianola 6 and took from the most 
rabid proslavery citizens their arms and military stores, together 
with sundry articles claimed to be contraband of war. The whisky 
was emptied into the street. I had no hand in it, and whether the 
act was justifiable or not is not for me to say. It was called a 
reprisal. Osawkie 7 had taken a dose of the same kind of medicine 
only the day before (on the 8th). But it was claimed that our 
ruthless enemies did far worse; besides plundering they added "fire 
and sword," and numberless outrages on free-state men. 

Toward night my uncle returned, and his first words were: "Sam, 
there is going to be a battle to-morrow do you want to go with the 
Topeka boys?" 

Boy like, I was only too eager to be off, but I met with strong 
opposition on the part of the women of the family. My sister was 
determined I should not go, and when all arguments failed she hid 
my gun. But I searched until I found it, and soon had my blanket, 
powderhorn and ammunition pouch gathered together. 

General Lane had sent Guilf ord Dudley 8 back for reinforcements 
with orders to join him at Osawkie by sunrise next morning. The 
journey was to be made in wagons, and the party would not leave 
Topeka until some time after dark. I started on foot for the ferry 
and reached it in less than an hour. No one was there; I wrapped 
my blanket around me and sat down on a log to wait. Hours 
seemed to pass, and no sign of Dudley or his party. The moon 

6. Indianola was laid out in November, 1854, by John F. Baker, Hayden F. McMeekin 
and George H. Perrin. It was situated at the crossing of Soldier Creek, a mile and a half 
from Papan's ferry, on the road from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Riley. The land for the 
townsite was purchased from Louis Vieux, a Pottawatomie-French half-breed, who operated 
a ferry at this point. The first public sale of town lots was on June 27, 1855. A good frame 
hotel, the Clinton House, and other buildings were erected, and during the next year or two 
the town attained quite a degree of prosperity. During the '60s the town was gradually over- 
shadowed by its neighbor, Topeka, and began declining and later disappeared. The last re- 
maining structure on this once flourishing village, that of the old hotel, was used in later 
years as a barn. 

7. Osawkie is the oldest town in Jefferson county. The first settlement was made in the 
spring of 1854 by W. F. and G. M. Dyer, who erected a store and staitted a trading ranch 
on the old military freight road. The Dyers were soon joined by Wm. H. and O. B. Tebbs, 
and later by R. McCauslin and Morris S. Knight. Early in 1855 a town was laid out by 
these parties, and when the county was organized, became the county seat. A large hotel 
was erected at a cost of many thousands of dollars, and for a time the town grew rapidly. 
In 1858 the county seat was removed to Oskaloosa. Osawkie, which had been on the decline 
for several months, now entirely collapsed and was deserted by nearly all its residents. Soon 
after the removal of the county seat the large hotel was burned down. In later years, after 
the surrounding country was settled, the town became a quiet little country village. 

8. Guilford Dudley was born at Bath, N. Y., in 1835. He came to Kansas in 1855, 
settling for a time at Lawrence, then locating at Topeka, where he engaged in the real-estate 
business and also opened a hotel. During the territorial troubles he enrolled himself with 
the free-state forces and took an active part. In 1859 he was clerk of the territorial legis- 
lature, city clerk in 1861, and in 1862 was appointed adjutant general of Kansas. In 1869 he 
started a bank, with which he was connected for more than thirty years. He was a farmer 
and for years was a breeder of fine stock. He was also president of the Crosby Roller Milling 
Co., of Topeka, of which he was principal owner. He was married at Topeka, June 5, 1867, 
to Samantha V. Otis. He died at Topeka April 14, 1905. 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 35 

climbed high and I had almost lost hope when I heard a rumble of 
wheels coming up the river from the direction of Topeka. It stopped 
at the landing opposite. 

"Bring over the boat!" shouted a voice. 

The ferryman's house was near at hand, but I found it impossible 
to arouse him to a sense of his duty; he only grunted. I returned 
to the landing and reported. 

"Bring the skiff, and we'll man the boat ourselves!" they called. 
I crossed to them in the skiff, not without great difficulty, as I knew 
nothing of the management of a boat. Sometimes I was pulling 
upstream, sometimes down, and I finally reached shore a long 
way below the landing. 

Four or five men returned with me, and we manned the old flat- 
boat. It was attached to a rope stretched across the river, and we 
used poles to propel it. In about an hour we had the whole party 
on the north bank of the river. It consisted of about thirty men 
and three or four wagons, which were in charge of Quartermaster 
Chas. A. Sexton. 9 I went to him and asked for transportation which 
I considered I had fully earned. He answered briefly, "Climb into 
one of those wagons." 

He and Dudley were horseback, as were also, I think, several 
other men ; the rest of us rode in the wagons. We left the river after 
midnight. Osawkie lay eighteen miles northeast from our starting 
point. The roads were good and dry and the night was warm and 
still. At break of day we were on the open prairie a few miles from 
our destination. 

"We would have been crossing the Kaw river about this time if 
it hadn't been for you," said Dudley, as he rode alongside the wagon 
in which I sat. 

Guilford Dudley was then a beardless youth, younger than my- 
self, and a typical free-state soldier; ardent in his enthusiasm for 
our cause, and having a gayety that dispensed cheerfulness on all 
sides. Charley Sexton was a different type of soldier; cool, sedate 
and taciturn, he might well have been compared to one of Oliver 
Cromwell's "Ironside Puritans." Between these two extremes, we 
had with us men smarting under intolerable wrongs visited upon 

9. Charles A. Sexton was one of the pioneers of Shawnee county, and took an active part 
in the affairs of the early days. A Topeka city directory of 1868 lists him as engaged in the 
book and stationery business. Enuring the latter 70's he was proprietor of a "racket" store. 
Radges' directory of 1880 lists him as a minister, pastor of the Wesleyan Methodist church r 
and for 1883-'84 as proprietor of a Faith Cure establishment, and publisher of Good Tidings. 
In 1887-'88 he was operating a broom factory. Later he was engaged in a small job printing 
establishment. His death is said to have occurred some years since. 



36 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

them by the proslavery faction, others actuated by a restless love of 
adventure, and, I fear, a very few, by mercenary motives. In the 
same wagon with me was a man who had been captured at Indianola 
a few weeks before, on the charge of not having a clear title to the 
horse he rode. He claimed to be innocent, and he may have been. 
I did not see him, but was told that some of the proslavery men in 
town proposed hanging him on general principles. However, cooler 
heads prevailed and he was taken to Osawkie and put at hard labor 
in a blacksmith's shop. Here he remained until the 8th of Septem- 
ber, when he was released during the raid. Whether he had had any 
previous political sentiments or not, he now developed into a zealous 
free-state man, but I could see that the men generally stood aloof 
from him. During the night he must have gathered from what I said 
that I was from Indianola, and at the first light of dawn he scanned 
my face with great curiosity ; probably to see if I were not one of his 
former would-be executioners. 

The sun had risen as we reached the high ground west of the 
Grasshopper [now the Delaware], and the little town of Osawkie 
could be seen nestling on its banks. Guilford Dudley pointed toward 
it and cried out, "0 saw keel Oh, how we sacked it!" 

General Lane and his command were waiting for us, and we were 
sent to different free-state houses for breakfast. Boyd and I got a 
very good one at Captain Bainter's. 10 While we were eating the 
captain came in and hastily buckled on his revolver and bowie knife. 
His wife looked anxious and distressed, but seemed resigned to the 
situation. 

It was not long before we were on our way to Hickory Point, 
which was some fifteen miles nearly due east of Osawkie on the 
military road. The cavalry was in advance, the infantry in wagons 
next, and perhaps a baggage wagon or two in the rear. We had a 
number of recruits from the surrounding neighborhood, and it was 
estimated that we had about a hundred and fifty men all told ; some 
said more, some said less. 

When we had gone about half the distance a man named Fisher 
whom I knew very well, rode up and proposed that I should take 

10. Captain Ephraim Bainter was one of the pioneers of Jefferson county, and took a 
prominent part in the territorial troubles of 1856. He was with Whipple's men at the sack- 
ing of Osawkie and with Lane at Hickory Point the day before the battle. He was captured 
later with other free-state men and was taken to Lecompton, where he was tried and sen- 
tenced to six years in the penitentiary. He got out on a furlough and that fall was elected 
free-state sheriff of Jefferson county. During the period of the Civil War he is said to have 
been a jayhawker, and eventually got in trouble with the federal government on that ac- 
count. His later life was uneventful and he was a respected citizen. His death occurred late 
in April, 1891, and he was buried at Osawkie on the 30th of that month. 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 37 

his horse and he take my place in the wagon as a mutual rest. I 
consented, and the exchange was made. The horse was a large gray 
with a remarkably prominent spine and a general lack of flesh. 
Fisher assured me that the noble beast had carried General Lane 
from the "States" into Kansas; that some of the boys had presented 
the general with the clay-bank he was then riding, and the gray 
had become the common property of the regiment. 

There was an old quilt strapped to his back but no saddle. I 
soon found it impossible to make him go faster than a very slow 
trot. His walk was uncomfortable; his trot was agony, and my 
feet soon felt as if two flatirons were suspended from them. Some of 
the boys bantered me; advising that I lose no time in "pressing" a 
saddle as soon as "we met the enemy and they were ours." I had 
made a bad bargain, but was obliged to make the best of it. 

About one mile from Hickory Point we stopped at a farmhouse 
for water. The man who lived there was "all right on the goose," 
or at least a sympathizer of the proslavery party. After I had 
taken a drink of water from a barrel standing in the yard, I noticed 
a lot of our men standing at the door of the cabin. I joined them, 
and looking in, saw General Lane slowly pacing to and fro across 
the room. Colonel Whipple and some others of our party were 
seated near the door. Lane had just about finished telling some 
tale of atrocity said to have been committed by the border ruffians. 
His listener was a young lady seated near the door of an inner 
room, where other members of the family could be seen. Then to 
show the other side of the picture, the general told her what chival- 
rous, kindly, nice boys we were in comparison, but still the lady 
seemed incredulous. She happened to mention that she was a school 
teacher, when Lane promptly offered to assist her in finding a 
school. 

"What is your name?" she asked. Lane glanced inquiringly at 
Whipple. 

"Tell her! Tell her!" laughed the colonel, in his boisterous, hearty 
way. General Lane turned to the young woman, and said very 
quietly and impressively: 

"My name is Lane/' 

"What?" she asked. "You are James H. Lane?" Lane bowed. 
"Well," she continued after a slight pause, "as I am not personally 
acquainted with General Lane you must excuse me for doubting 



38 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

your identity." There was a general laugh. Whipple fairly shouted, 
and Lane looked very sheepish. 

Just then some one in the yard called out: 

"What are we waiting here for? let's be going." It certainly 
did not seem judicious from a military point of view to stop and 
chat with the neighbors on the eve of a battle. 

Some people living in the neighborhood had told us by this time 
that the Kickapoo Rangers, 11 some fifty strong, were at Hickory 
Point. (A man named Boydson [Nathaniel Boydston?] who was 
one of them, has since told me their number was eighty-five.) We 
were soon on the road again and toward midday reached the brow 
of the hill overlooking Hickory Point from the west. 

It could not be called a town, as it consisted only of a double 
log house, of very respectable size for those days, a log blacksmith's 
shop and a few sheds and outbuildings. They were on the north 
side of the road nearly at the bottom of the hill, and just west of 
a small stream of water which had a general course from south to 
north. A few stunted trees and bushes fringed its banks south of 
the road, while to the north of the house quite a cluster of trees 
could be seen. The shop was west of the house and on somewhat 
higher ground. About 100 yards further up the hill was a slight 
elevation or "bench," which partly hid the buildings from our sta- 
tion at the top. We could see nearly all of the shop, but only the 
roof and upper part of the house. A man named Charly Har[d]t 12 
lived there in 1855; afterwards a Mr. Lowe owned or occupied it. 

From where we stood we had a magnificent view of the surround- 
ing country. We could see the military road after it crossed the 
stream, winding its way up the opposite slope and appearing on the 
crests of successive ridges until lost in the distance to the east. 

11. Hall and Hand's History of Leavenworth County, Kansas, page 320 says : "The term 
'Kickapoo Rangers' was a name quite early applied to the northern division of the territorial 
militia of the Territory of Kansas. They numbered all the way from two to three hundred 
men. The majority of these men were of proslavery inclination and their officers were all pro- 
elavery leaders. A great many of the ruffian acts of territorial days were committed by parties 
of these men under the guidance and direction of their radical leaders. David R. Atchison, 
at one time senator from Missouri, was a leader and advisor among them and urged them on 
to commit many of their atrocities." In Blackmar's History of Kansas we find the following 
account of a speech made by Atchison, the occasion being immediately after the entering of 
Lawrence by this body May 21, 1856 : "Boys, this day I am a Kickapoo Ranger. This day 
we have entered Lawrence with 'Southern Rights' inscribed on pur banner, and not one 
abolitionist dared to fire a gun. And now, boys, we will go in again with our highly honor- 
able Jones, and test the strength of that Free State hotel and teach the Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany that Kansas shall be ours. Boys, ladies should, and I hope will, be respected by every 
gentleman. But, when a woman takes upon herself the garb of a soldier by carrying a Sharp's 
rifle, she is no longer worthy of respect. Trample her under your feet as you would a snake. 
If one man or women dare stand before you, blow them to hell with a chunk of cold lead." 

12. Charles Hardt settled at Hickory Point in June, 1854, on the government road from 
Fort Leavenworth to Fort Riley, and started a trading house. Hardt's house was designated 
as a voting place in the election of March 30, 1855. In June, 1856, Capt. H. A. Lowe be- 
came owner of Hickory Point, and was in possession at the time of the battle. 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 39 

General Lane soon made his dispositions for attack. The cavalry 
were formed to the south of the road. They crossed the stream and 
occupied an elevation about four hundred yards southeast of Hick- 
ory Point. I think Captain Mitchell was in command of this party. 

As my steed seemed hardly in fighting trim I tied him to one of 
the wagons and fell in with the infantry that was just being formed 
in line across and to the left of the road. Our formation was one 
rank and we had at least fifty men. We were commanded by Cap- 
tain Creitz, 13 who was a stranger to me. He worked pretty hard 
in getting his men properly placed and "dressed up," for some of 
our new recruits were very "raw." "No crowding," was frequently 
added to the military commands. At last we were in some kind of 
shape, and stood at "order arms." 

We had all sorts of guns ; perhaps not more than one-third of our 
force had Sharp's rifles. Kickapoo Stevens was armed with a 
Hall's breech-loading rifle, and there were a good many condemned 
United States rifles and muskets. The rest of us were armed with 
sporting rifles and shotguns. 

We were now all ready for the work before us. The sensations 
and emotions of soldiers waiting for the signal that may possibly 
mean death, are as various, perhaps, as the temperaments of the 
men themselves. For myself I felt almost as if it were a dream, 
and this feeling of unreality benumbed a latent dread of possible 
wounds and death. While a sense of duty and a natural curiosity 
to participate in actual battle; pride and the fear of ridicule and 
disgrace, all contributed in keeping me at my post. 

General Lane was in the saddle less than thirty yards from where 
I stood, and by his side was the sturdy Whipple and other officers. 
There was a short consultation, then a horseman left the group 
carrying a white handkerchief tied to a ramrod. He galloped down 
the hill waving his flag as he went. We saw two or three men on 
foot coming to meet him from the direction of the shop. They 
walked deliberately, and met our messenger near the rising ground. 
The conference was very brief, and when he returned I heard him 
say to the general : "The leader of the gang read your summons and 
returned it with these words, Take this dirty paper back to 

13. Captain William F. Creitz, was one of the pioneers of Calhoun (now Jackson) county, 
arriving there in 1856. He took an active part in the territorial troubles in that section. He 
erected the first house on the townsite of Holton. 



40 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

' (I think the name given was Colonel Harvey), 14 'and tell 

him we will fight him and all the hireling cutthroats and assassins he 
can bring against us.' " 

I heard afterwards that Lane simply demanded unconditional sur- 
render, stating that resistance would be useless against our force, 
which he claimed to be 1,500. Evidently he had not signed the 
paper ; why, I never learned. 

I heard the bearer of the flag say to a comrade: "I was glad 
enough to leave those fellows. The leader was a bullet-headed, 
vicious looking ruffian, and I didn't think myself safe even under 
the flag of truce." 

"Look!" cried some one, "there goes one of their men now." Some 
five hundred yards to our left we saw a man on foot with a gun on 
his shoulder, walking briskly in the direction of Hickory Point. A 
young man named Shepherd left the cavalry line and dashed past 
out front to engage the Ranger in single combat. 

The attention of the entire command was enlisted. With silent, 
thrilling interest we watched every movement of the actors in this 
possible tragedy. We could almost imagine ourselves back in the 
days of chivalry, as Shepherd, like a gallant knight, urged his horse 
to its utmost speed across the slope, and rapidly neared his man. 

The footman saw his pursuer, and changing the direction of his 
course a little to the north, ran with great swiftness toward the trees 
and bushes on the creek. He had too much of a start to be cut off, 

14. James A. Harvey arrived in Kansas in August, 1856, at the head of a company of 
seventy-six emigrants fitted out in Chicago in June of that year. A written statement of 
Harvey's, found in the Hyatt manuscripts in the Historical Society, gives his age as twenty- 
nine, and married. Johnson's History of Anderson County, Kansas, states that he was a sol- 
dier in the Mexican War. While at Iowa Point, on his way into the Territory, he was 
elected captain of his company. He and his party arrived at Tppeka on August 13, twenty- 
six of his men having dropped out by the way. Troubles having broken out afresh in the 
Territory, Harvey and his men were actively engaged in fighting from the time of their 
arrival. On reaching Lawrence, Harvey was requested to remain and assist in its protection, 
and was made colonel of the Third Free-state Regiment. He took part in the siege and cap- 
ture of Fort Titus, Douglas county, August 16, following. Early in September he took part 
in an expedition against Easton, Leavenworth county. On September 11, 1856, he surprised 
and captured a proslavery camp on Slough creek, near present Oskaloosa. Two days later 
his company had a fight with proslavery forces under Lowe and Robertson, at Hickory Point, 
the battle taking place on an upper branch of Little Slough creek, in the southeast corner 
of section 32, township 8, range 19, six miles due north of Oskaloosa, the proslavery forces 
surrendering after a six hours fight. After the battle, and while his men were in the vicinity, 
they were surrounded by United States troops under Col. P. St. George Cooke, arrested and 
disarmed, and marched to Lecompton, where they were held prisoners for some time. On 
being liberated, Harvey and his men made their way to Lawrence where they arrived penniless 
and stranded in dead of winter. Thaddeus Hyatt, president of the National Kansas Com- 
mittee, seeking relief for these unemployed men, formed a colony and led them to Anderson 
county where a town called Hyattville was started, Mr. Harvey being one of the trustees 
of the new venture. Mr. Hyatt provided tools, agricultural implements and subsistence for 
the colonists who at once set to work erecting buildings, but were obliged to live in tents for 
the most part of that winter. This was the first settlement in Anderson county. Mr. Harvey 
lived on a claim at this place, and died there during the year 1858. Hyattville began de- 
clining during the gold rush to Pike's Peak in 1859, and a few years later had disappeared. 
The sword of Colonel Titus, captured during the taking of his fort, and a South Carolina 
flag, captured during the Slough Creek fight, are in the museum of the State Historical 
Society. 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 41 

but Shepherd succeeded in getting within less than one hundred 
yards of the Ranger. He then suddenly reined up his horse, quickly 
dismounted and took deliberate aim at the fugitive. As the man saw 
Shepherd about to fire, he stooped as he ran, so as to almost resemble 
a four-footed beast. I could not help mentally wishing he would not 
be hit it looked cold-blooded and cruel. The white puff of smoke 
came, the report of the rifle followed but the human target ran on I 
If hurt the man was not disabled, and in a few moments he dis- 
appeared from view. 

"Well!" exclaimed one of the men, "that's the first time I ever 
saw a man chased and shot at, like a wolf." 

But the spectacle was not ended. We saw Shepherd insert a fresh 
cartridge in his breech-loader, swing himself into the saddle, and ride 
rapidly in the direction of the rising ground near the shop. When he 
reached it and was in full view of the enemy, he suddenly checked 
his horse, took a rapid aim and fired. As he wheeled around and put 
spurs to his horse, a scattering volley came from the buildings. 
Shepherd swayed in his saddle from side to side, while his horse 
galloped zigzag back and forth across the road as he ran in our 
direction. 

"There he's shot!" cried one. 

"Yes, he's falling from his horse," said another. "He'll keep his 
seat!" "He'll come out all right!" was heard from all sides, as the 
rider straightened himself up and urged his horse up the hill. As he 
neared us, Colonel Whipple rode forward and met him. They were 
both laughing when they reached our position. Shepherd was un- 
hurt; his pretense of being wounded was a ruse to induce the Rangers 
to cease firing. There was a reckless daring in the whole perform- 
ance that was captivating, and the praise of Shepherd's gallantry 
was heard on all sides. General Lane himself was hardly more 
popular for the hour. 

Captain Creitz stepped to our front. "Attention, Company!" All 
eyes were directed toward him. "Right shoulder shift arms." He 
glanced along our motley line, then with a sweep of the arm in the 
direction of our foe, he shouted the single word: "March!" 

The line moved forward down the slope, Creitz in advance. His 
coat was thrown aside, his vest was open in front, and he wore but a 
single suspender. He was intending us to assault those log buildings, 
but we had advanced less than fifty paces when the order was given 
to halt; I think by Lane himself. Creitz looked disappointed. Just 



42 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

then an elderly man rushed up to him and exclaimed: "Captain, we 
can't take those houses with the number of men we have it will be 
little better than murder to try ; I live here and know how strongly 
the houses are built." The man's face was twitching with excite- 
ment as he spoke. Creitz answered not a word. 

General Lane and his staff rode up near our right flank. "Try 
them with your Sharp's rifles!" he called out. Creitz cautioned us 
to fire with no other guns. This left me out of the game entirely. 

The man who had been released at Osawkie stood second from me 
to the right. He stepped out in front, dropped on one knee, took 
careful aim and fired. But the ball fell short; we could see where it 
struck the ground by the rising dust. Two men who stood at my 
left now walked out some two or three paces in front. One rested 
his rifle over the other's shoulder and fired, and again the ball fell 
short of the mark. Some one remarked that "Sharp's rifles were not 
what they were cracked up to be." A man near General Lane dis- 
mounted and came over to us. He was likely an expert marksman. 
A carbine was put in his hands. He fired offhand ; this time no dust 
was seen, and we knew the bullet had reached the mark or passed 
beyond. 

In the meantime a cracking fire extended along our entire infantry 
line. Some of the balls struck the ground, but the shooting seemed 
better than at first. I think there was little or no firing from the 
cavalry line. Now and then we could see a puff of smoke from our 
flanking party on the other side of the stream and hear the distant 
sound of the shots. 

At last the enemy was awakened. I was looking at the shop when 
I saw a tiny, circular cloud of white smoke appear ; then in the road 
some thirty paces in front of our line a sudden dash of dust was 
seen, followed by a fearfully wicked whiz, that came buzzing over 
our heads like a monster hornet. Our line recoiled a few paces for 
ten or fifteen feet on either side of the diabolical sound. I was not 
in the slightest danger, as the glancing bullet sped some dozen feet 
to my right, but I must acknowledge taking several backward steps. 
At the stern command of our captain we all dressed up into line 
again, and there was no more dodging. 

The enemy's fire was very deliberate, but their shooting seemed 
better than our own. None of us were hit, however. Their bullets 
generally passed over our heads with a clean-cut "zip," that was far 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 43 

less unpleasant than the nerve-shaking whiz of the introductory one. 
We were learning to "face the music." 

I wanted to take a shot myself. I either saw or fancied I saw some 
of our men firing with muskets, and I had noticed some spare arms 
in the wagon where I had tied my horse. Without considering what 
a breach of discipline I would be committing, I left the line and went 
back to the wagons. Among the arms was an old United States 
musket which I eagerly seized upon. 

"That gun won't go off," explained a man who appeared to be in 
charge of the wagon. "Your own gun will serve you better." I re- 
turned to my place at the front; not the slightest notice was taken of 
my absence or return. 

The rangers had now ceased firing altogether. They were either 
sparing of their ammunition or took this course to challenge us to 
advance. On our side we were wasting good powder and lead against 
the log walls that concealed our foe. Our own fire soon slackened 
and then died out completely. It was a regular deadlock; what next? 

A small group of men were collected about General Lane. "We 
can drive them out, but we should lose too many men," he said. "We 
must wait another day and get artillery." 

Preparations were now made for the infantry to withdraw. Con- 
sidering our military experience it was done with considerable grace 
and precision. Captain Creitz faced us to the right. We were in 
Indian file, and at the word "March!" we stepped out marching by 
the right flank toward the south. Hardly had we gone a dozen paces 
when the command, "File right!" turned our file-leader sharply at 
right angles to the west. Some twenty paces were covered, when the 
same command was repeated, and the head of the file turned to the 
north. About the same distance was traversed when the command, 
"File left!" turned our file-leader to the west, and in a moment more 
were were out of sight of the enemy behind the ridge. 

We broke ranks when we reached the wagons, and most of the men 
got in and started for Osawkie, where, I understood, we were to go 
into camp for the night. The season was dry, and I think there was 
no water for the horses nearer than the Grasshopper. 

In the meantime our flanking party, that was posted across the 
creek, returned and joined the main body of cavalry on the ridge. 
Charley Lenhart was with them and may have been in command. 
The mounted men remained in nearly their original position over- 



44 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

looking Hickory Point, and acting as a rear guard to cover our re- 
treat. 

Fisher was gone and I found that the gray horse was committed 
to my care again. After adjusting the quilt over his bony struc- 
ture as well as I could, I climbed on. I was hardly seated when I 
heard a rifle shot from the cavalry line on the ridge. There was a 
small group of mounted men to the left and rear of it, and I joined 
them. The only one whom I knew was Dr. Geo. A. Cutler, 15 a 
very youthful looking man but no doubt a good surgeon. The 
buildings were hidden from our position by the crest of the hill in 
front of us. 

There came another shot from the line; then another and still 
another. Then a brisk scattering fire that increased to quite a hot 
engagement. There was no sparing of ammunition now, and soon 
a thin veil of smoke gave the farther end of the line quite a hazy 
appearance. Most of the men fired from their horses, especially 
such as had Sharp's rifles, but some dismounted on account of their 
horses being restive, or for greater ease in loading. Some of the 
horses were held just behind the line. I could hear the sound of 
shots from the direction of Hickory Point, accompanied at inter- 
vals by fierce yells. A young fellow near me remarked: 

"Our men must be hitting them the way they holler." It was 
not that; it was the embryo Southern war cry or "Rebel yell," after- 
wards heard on so many battlefields. Our line fought in silence so 
far as cheering was concerned. 

The scene was in the highest degree inspiring. It was a battle. 

15. Dr. George A. Cutler was born in Nashville, Tenn., December 25, 1832. He was 
a graduate of the University Medical College of New York City, in 1853, and shortly 
afterwards moved to Gentry county, Missouri, and commenced practicing medicine. Upon the 
passage of the Kansas -Nebraska bill he moved to Kansas, settling at Doniphan, which was then 
being laid out. He took an active part in the free -state struggles. In the spring of 1855 he 
was selected as the free-state candidate for the territorial legislature, being opposed by Dr. 
John H. Stringfellow. At the election Cutler received every free-state vote, and Governor 
Reeder sent him a certificate of election. He was next elected a member of the constitutional 
convention which met at Topeka, October 22, 1855. Being a member of the Topeka Town 
Company, at the close of the convention he decided to make Topeka his home. He was 
elected auditor under the Topeka movement, and reelected again in 1857. In the spring of 
1859 he, with others, started a new town at the junction of the Cottonwood and Neosho, 
in what was then Breckenridge county. He was elected to the first free-state legislature from 
the counties of Osage, Breckenridge and Coffey. He was appointed by President Lincoln as 
United States Indian agent to the Creeks. He helped organize the Indian regiments for the 
Union service. He later resigned from the Indian service and removed to Sherman, Texas, 
and founded the Sherman Patriot. He later founded the Red River Journal and the Dallas 
Daily Commercial. He was the originator of the Texas Press Association, and was one of its 
founders, and its president in 1873. Dr. Cutler was in every battle (with possibly two or 
three exceptions) fought on Kansas soil. He was married at Topeka, in February, 1857, to 
Miss Hattie A. Tuttle, of that place, who died in the spring of 1878. He married later Miss 
Fannie J. Dougherty, by whom he had three children. Dr. Cutler later removed to Gueda 
Springs, Sumner county, where in the early 80 's he conducted a drug store, practiced his 
profession, and was postmaster. He later removed to California, where he was living about 
1890. 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 45 

But a rear view cannot compare with what may be seen in front. 
I was just kicking up my old Rozinante intending to ride up to the 
left of the firing party, and at least see what the enemy looked 
like, when I saw a man leave the line and ride toward us at full 
speed. Blood was trickling down his face, and I saw that the outer 
angle of one of his eyebrows was shot away. The ball had appar- 
ently glanced from the bone but had cut the skin and flesh com- 
pletely from it. He rode up to Doctor Cutler and demanded his 
attention. The doctor tied a bandage over the hurt so as to leave 
one eye uncovered. The man was either naturally gruff or the pain 
of his wound made him crabbed, for he gave me a very short answer 
when I addressed a question to him, coupled with an ugly expletive. 
But he had true grit, for instead of remaining in the rear, he re- 
mounted and dashed back in the midst of the fray. 

Immediately after another man joined us from the front; he was 
not hurt. He looked to be well up in years, and was probably one 
of our recruits from the neighborhood. As he rode up he exclaimed 
vehemently. 

"I'll swear, if a dozen bullets didn't come within a foot of my 
head!" and added as if in excuse, as he called our attention to the 
gun he carried, "I couldn't do a particle of good out there, so I 
thought I'd better leave." 

This made me think that I myself would be out of place if I 
rode out on the ridge ; my own company was gone, and my presence 
would be utterly useless as my rifle had a range of only 150 yards. 
For a brief space I halted between two opinions, and when I at last 
determined to ride forward I found it was too late the firing had 
slackened and died out. It had lasted but a few moments. 

The rear guard fell back from the crest of the hill and came into 
the road. There seemed to be no hurry, and of course no pursuit 
was now apprehended. I gathered from what was said that the 
Rangers had left their cover and fought us until our fire drove them 
back to the shelter of the buildings. It was supposed that their loss 
amounted to half a dozen or more in killed and wounded. There 
was no one killed on our side and the man I had seen was the only 
one wounded. (He was an Irishman, judging from his brogue.) 
Three horses were hurt, one of them fatally. 

We soon resumed our backward march. It was very hot for the 
time of year for several days the thermometer had been over 
ninety degrees in the shade. There had been no water on the field, 



46 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

and I was suffering fearfully with thirst. We made a short halt at 
the Evans house, but I got no water there. But I succeeded in get- 
ting Fisher on the old war horse and took my place in the wagon, 
to my great relief and comfort. 

When we were within a few miles of Osawkie our wagon stopped 
at a settler's cabin for water. General Lane was there, talking to 
a very fine looking old lady who was at the door. He had evidently 
been telling her about our skirmish, for as we drove up I heard her 
inquire how many men the enemy had lost in the affair. 

"Six or seven," replied the general promptly. "None of our men 
were killed, and we had only one wounded; here he comes," added 
Lane, as the Irishman and several companions rode up and halted 
near by. 

"The poor fellow!" exclaimed the lady. "Oh, sir, won't you come 
and have some bread and butter? The general is going to have 
some." 

But the wounded hero answered curtly, "No, mum." He then 
said something to a comrade in a low voice. The other produced 
a flask filled with some kind of amber-colored liquid. The Irishman 
took off his bandage, poured some of the contents in the hollow 
of his hand, bent down his head and applied it to his wound. After 
thoroughly rubbing it in, he put the flask to his lips and allowed 
quite a quantity of the remedy to run down his throat. Was it the 
popular cure for snake-bite? It looked like it. 

We reached Osawkie rather late in the afternoon, and went into 
camp west of the Grasshopper. 16 We were close to the town and on 
the north side of the main road. A little further north of us was 
an enclosure on a hillside. Fisher came to me and reported that 
there were "lots of watermelons up there," and added that the pro- 
prietor was a good free-state man and was willing we should help 
ourselves. The patch contained four or five melons less by the time 
we were through with it. Many thanks to the "good free-state 
man," for we were nearly famished. A good supper of slapjacks 
and bacon still further revived us, and we were soon in the best of 
spirits. As a matter of course our conversation was principally 
"war talk." We fully discussed the incidents of the day and the 
probabilities of success of our intended attack in the morning. 

General Lane had his headquarters in a house just east of our 
camp and close to the road. It was here that I first saw Charley 

16. Now called Delaware river. 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 47 

Lenhart 17 to know who he was, and it came about in this way. 
Lenhart was leaning against the side of the house smoking a cigar 
when a young man the boys nicknamed "Brick" came around the 
corner, much exhilarated by stimulants. He was complaining bit- 
terly that some one had accused him of having shown the "white 
feather." 

"Charley Lenhart!" he cried, "you know I didn't act the coward in 
the fight to-day." Lenhart assured him that he certainly had not, 
but "Brick" was not satisfied with his words of approval. 

"I'm a brick molder of Topeka," he went on excitedly, "and I'll 
whip any man in the regiment who says I'm a coward. Why, I can 

whip the whole regiment, if you only come down to the 

reality of the thing!" 

At the name "Lenhart," I took a good look at the possessor of that 
renowned cognomen. Instead of a dark, fierce-eyed frontiersman, I 
saw a slender young man with an indolent, inoffensive manner that 
I could hardly reconcile with his reputation as a daring, reckless, 
fighting man. 

Brick went to Captain Mitchell and different ones in camp, all the 
time loudly and profanely declaring his ability to whip the entire 
regiment if the reality could be tested. 

"Put that man under arrest!" cried Lane in thundering tones, as 
he suddenly appeared on the scene. "What, is the whole camp to be 
kept in an uproar by one man?" 

As he was seized, Brick once more cried out, "I could whip the 

whole regiment!" He was pulled down on his back and 

held by two stout men, but still he raised his head and shouted, "If 
you only come down to the reality of the thing!" 

Night came and I was looking for a suitable place to spread my 
blanket, when a rumor crept in among us that to-morrow's battle 
was "off." Governor Geary was "up and doing," the terrible United 
States dragoons were to take the field, and we would have two ene- 
mies to fight instead of one. We still felt a respect for the soldiers 
of our country, even when they appeared in the guise of active 
enemies and oppressors. We were already denounced by the pro- 

17. Charley Lenhart came to Kansas in the spring of 1855, from Iowa. He was then 
eighteen or nineteen years old. He began work on the Herald of Freedom as a printer. He 
was in the Wakarusa war in the fall of 1855, and took an active part in free-state activities 
later. In 1856 he allied himself with the Lane and Brown factions. From this time on very 
little is known about him. He was of a reckless, adventurous nature, ardently free-state, and 
ready to fight for the cause at any time. It was reported that he was shot under the walls 
of the prison at Charleston, Va., where he was reconnoitering with a view of effecting the 
escape of Captain John Brown. 



48 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

slavery administration as traitors and outlaws, and an armed con- 
flict with the federal troops would have proved our utter ruin. 

(I was told long afterwards that Governor Geary sent word to 
Lane on this Saturday evening, requesting him to disband his men, 
as our presence as an armed force embarrassed him in the discharge 
of his official duties.) 

Lane immediately sent a messenger to Colonel Harvey at Law- 
rence, countermanding the order for a field gun and reinforcements; 
sent the infantry back to Topeka, and started himself for Nebraska 
with the mounted men the same night. We were in the wagons ready 
to start about eight or nine o'clock in the evening. The general came 
out to us and gave us a few words at parting. He ended by saying, 
"I'll give you a chance at them some other time." It is unnecessary 
to say that this promise was never fulfilled. It was the last time I 
ever saw Whipple and Mitchell and many of my comrades, for I 
never bore arms in the free-state cause again. 

With our backs a second time to the foe, we pursued our dreary, 
sleepy way back to Topeka. Save for the dull rumble of the wheels 
and the driver's voice urging on his team, a cheerless silence pre- 
vailed. Several times we were halted and formed in line to repel 
some fancied attack. They were all groundless alarms, but they 
served to awaken us for the time being. It was almost impossible to 
keep my eyes open, and several times I narrowly escaped falling 
from the wagon. 

I reached home about two or three o'clock the next morning, and a 
few moments afterwards was lost in the oblivion of sleep, deep and 
dreamless. It was needed, for in little less than thirty hours I had 
been transported a distance of seventy miles and had witnessed that 
most exciting of all human events, an armed conflict. 

Sunday, Sept. 14, 1856. The day was far advanced when I awoke 
It was warm and clear, with some breeze. On this day was fought 
what I have generally called, "The second day's battle of Hickory 
Point." Colonel Harvey attacked the Rangers with musketry and 
artillery, but failed 18 to dislodge them. After some loss on both 
sides he withdrew, and nearly all of his command were afterwards 
captured by the United States troops. 

This is a matter of history and is well known, but I have yet to 
learn that any written account whatever exists of our own attack on 
the day before, and it is for this reason that I have written out these 

18. Error. The Rangers were forced to surrender after a six hours' fight. 



ROOT: FIRST DAY'S BATTLE AT HICKORY POINT 49 

additional details. It has been my aim to state nothing but the facts 
that came under my own personal observation. It may contain 
some errors, for the memory is often a little treacherous after a 
lapse of forty years. My diary of 1856 is not voluminous, but it 
gives all the dates and main incidents, and can be relied upon as 
correct so far as it goes. 

As a private soldier I knew nothing of the plans and motives of 
our leaders. They were brave men and may have been able, but 
they certainly proved to be unfortunate. General Lane's friends 
called him a clear-headed, heroic champion of our cause; his enemies 
the reverse. He was and still is, a puzzle. Perhaps there was no one 
who came in personal contact with him who was not swayed more or 
less by his subtle influence. Some of that influence lingers with me 
still, and there is a secret pleasure in the knowledge that I was one 
of "Jim Lane's boys." 

But to a cool, dispassionate judgment this Hickory Point affair 
yields him little credit. It was a series of abortive attempts culmi- 
nating in an unfortunate blunder that left Colonel Harvey to fight 
and suffer defeat alone. On the other hand, had Lane disregarded 
Governor Geary's request and gained a victory at Hickory Point, 
would our cause have been advanced? The nation was seething, and 
a successful battle might have acted like a spark to a powder maga- 
zine, and precipitated our Civil War four years too soon. Most likely 
all was ordered for the best. For it was ballots and not bullets that 
finally freed Kansas from the threatened curse of African slavery. 

JANUARY 25, 1896. 



1266 



The Military Post as a Factor in the Frontier 
Defense of Kansas, 1865-1869 

MARVIN H. GAEFIELD 

/ TVHE name "fort" is perhaps a misnomer when applied to the 
A military posts of the western frontier during the sixties. No 
huge, grim structure of defense which usually is associated with the 
name fort was ever erected on the western border. Nor did the 
western fort usually possess a stockade or blockhouse for defensive 
purposes. Officers' quarters, soldiers' barracks, stables, military 
storehouses and headquarters buildings, grouped around a trim pa- 
rade ground, constituted the frontier fort. While no doubt a dis- 
appointment to many of its critics the military post of the Middle 
West admirably fulfilled the purposes for which it was constructed, 
i. e., the keeping open of lines of travel and communication and the 
protection of outlying settlements. 

Forts were located without any definite prearranged plan. A mili- 
tary necessity for a post at a certain point determined that the post 
should be there established. 1 During the Civil War and in the 
period immediately following, increased Indian activity on the plains 
caused an expansion in the total number of frontier posts. In 1860 
there were seventy-three army posts on the frontier, four located in 
Kansas. These forts had an average garrison of 180 men. By 1864 
the number of forts had increased to 101. Kansas, in the meantime, 
had had its quota raised to five. In 1867 the American frontier 
possessed 116 posts with an average of 212 men per post. This was 
the high mark in frontier garrisons. By 1870 the number of posts 
had decreased to 111 with an average garrison of 205 men. 2 

Army forts were of two types : The permanent fort, and the tem- 
porary outpost or camp. The former was built as a definite protec- 
tion to some route of travel or communication and was in service 
for years, whereas the latter usually was operated for only a few 
weeks or months as military needs determined. 

The first military post in Kansas, Cantonment Martin, was estab- 
lished in 1818 when Kansas was nothing but an unknown portion of 
the Louisiana Territory. The cantonment, or military camp, came 

1. Raymond L. Welty, "The Army Fort of the Frontier," North Dakota Historical Quar- 
terly, v. II, No. 3, p. 155. 

2. Ibid., 156-157. 

(50) 



GAEFIELD: THE FRONTIER DEFENSES OF KANSAS 51 

into existence as a base of supplies for Major Stephen H. Long's 
engineering expedition of 1819-'20. It was located on Cow Island in 
the Missouri river within the bounds of the present Atchison county, 
Kansas. 

Major Long and his explorers reached Cantonment Martin, August 
18, 1819, on the Western Engineer, the first steamboat to go up the 
Missouri river. Before leaving Cow Island for his famous scientific 
journey into the Rocky Mountains, Major Long held a peace pow- 
wow with thirteen Osages and 161 Kanzas Indians. The Kanzas or 
Kaws as they were later called, admitted depredations against the 
soldiers but promised to be peaceful in the future. White Plume, 
ancestor of Vice President Charles Curtis, was one of the Kaw chiefs 
who signed the agreement. 

Cantonment Martin was occupied until Long's expedition re- 
turned in October, 1820. The camp was then abandoned until 1826 
when it was temporarily occupied by the First United States In- 
fantry and called Camp Croghan. No buildings remained on the 
island in 1832 due to numerous destructive floods of the Missouri. 
The island was not occupied again until the Civil War. On June 3, 
1861, members of the First Kansas Volunteers used it as a base of 
operations against the Confederate town of latan, which lay opposite 
on the Missouri side of the river. 3 

Nearly all the permanent military establishments within the state 
of Kansas were built to serve as guardians of the great highways to 
Colorado and New Mexico. The Santa Fe trail was defended by 
three of these : Forts Zarah, Lamed, and Dodge ; while Forts Riley , 

3. Authority for the statements concerning Cantonment Martin comes from the following 
sources : 

Andreas, A. T., History of Kansas, pp. 58, 54, 59. 

Remsburg, George J., Atchison County Clippings, v. 1, pp. 8, 15, 28, 48, 69, 70, 
92, 192. 

Adams, F. G., "The Kansas Indians," Kansas Historical Collections, v. 1, pp. 280- 
285, 287, 289, 297-299, 301. 

McCoy, John C., "Survey of Kansas Indian Lands," Kansas Historical Collections, 
v. 4, p. 303. 

Remsburg, George J., "Isle au Vache," Kansas Historical Collections, v. 8, pp. 
436-442. 

Chappell, Phil E., "A History of the Missouri River," Kansas Historical Collections. 
v. 9, pp. 277, 278, 309, 312. 

Adams, Zu, and Root, George A., Historic Locations in Kansas, with map, Kansas 
Historical Collections, v. 9, pp. 565, 676. 

Montgomery, Mrs. Frank C., and Root, George A., compilers, "Indian Treaties and 
Councils Affecting Kansas," Kansas Historical Collections, v. 16, p. 748. 

Morrison, T. F., "The Osage Treaty of 1865," Kansas Historical Collections, v. 17, 
p. 699. 

Napton, William B., "The Pioneer Soldiers of Missouri, Kansas and Iowa. History 
of Cantonment Martin and Council Bluffs," unpublished manuscript in Kansas His- 
torical Society. 

Thwaites, Reuben G., ed., Early Western Travels, Maximilian, v. 22, pp. 255, 256. 

Long, Major Stephen H., Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky 
Mountains, Performed in the Years 1819 and '20, Compiled by Edwin James, v. 1. 
pp. 110-118, 136, 137, 141; v, 2, p. 321, 324, 325. Apx. pt. 1, pp. 14, 15; pt. 2, 
p xlii. 



52 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Marker, Hays and Wallace stood guard over the Smoky Hill route 
to Denver. Fort Leaven worth, father of all the Kansas military 
posts, stood at the head of both these famous trails, in addition to 
being connected with the Platte trail to California and Oregon. Of 
the major forts, Fort Scott alone remained aloof from the busy 
thoroughfares to the West. 

Kansas was defended during the sixties by two types of forts ; the 
U. S. army posts of both classes, garrisoned by army regulars, and 
the local defensive fort which sprang up to meet some sectional emer- 
gency and was usually garrisoned by state militia, although some- 
times merely by local settlers. A map of Kansas in 1868 indicated 
eight United States army posts within the boundaries of Kansas. 4 
A ninth, Fort Wallace, was also in service although not shown on the 
map. The following United States army posts were denoted: Fort 
Leavenworth in Leavenworth county, Fort Scott in Bourbon county, 
Fort Riley in Riley county [now in Geary county], Fort Ellsworth 
(Harker) in Ellsworth county, Fort Zarah in Barton county, Fort 
Larned in Pawnee county, Fort Hays in Ellis county and Downers 
Station in Trego county. The last was a temporary outpost; the 
first seven were permanent structures. 

To give a clear notion of the extent of frontier defense in pioneer 
Kansas it is necessary to do more than merely name the United 
States army posts. To do justice to the subject not only must each 
of these major military defenses be located and a brief history of 
each given, but mention must be made of the more important tempo- 
rary camps or stations of the regular army as well as the local fort- 
resses of the settlers. It would also be illogical to overlook those 
army posts located adjacent to but outside of Kansas. These ma- 
terially aided in the state's defense. The following study, therefore, 
will concern itself with each class of fortifications in the order 
named: (1) Permanent United States army forts in Kansas; (2) 
temporary United States army camps or stations in Kansas; (3) 
local defensive forts in Kansas ; (4) permanent United States army 
forts adjacent to, but outside of Kansas. 

Fort Leavenworth was the first permanent United States army 
fort established in Kansas. It was founded by Colonel Henry 
Leavenworth in 1827. From that date until well in the 70's this fort 
on the Missouri served as the chief unit in the system of frontier de- 
fense. In the fifties and sixties it was the general depot from which 

4. Daily Kantas State Record (Topeka), June 19, 1868. 



GARFIELD: THE FRONTIER DEFENSES OF KANSAS 53 

supplies were sent to all the United States military posts,* camps and 
forts in the Great West. 5 Here the military commanders of the de- 
partment of Missouri, of which Kansas was a part, made their head- 
quarters. With only a few exceptions Leavenworth remained the de- 
partment headquarters. When necessity demanded the department 
commander shifted headquarters to the other forts within his de- 
partment. For example, General Sheridan moved his headquarters to 
Fort Hays in 1868 and later to Camp Supply in Indian Territory. 
During the winter of 1869-70 General Schofield was forced to shift 
his headquarters to St. Louis in order to make room at the post for 
the Seventh Cavalry, which had been on the plains the previous 
year. 6 The importance of Fort Leavenworth is demonstrated by the 
fact that General Sterling Price made it one of the objectives in his 
famous raid of 1864. 

Fort Scott was established four miles west of the Missouri line in 
east central Kansas in 1842. Because of its location it never was a 
factor in the frontier defense of the state against the Indians in the 
sixties; although for a short time in 1865 garrisons stationed in the 
town patrolled the eastern border of the state as a protection against 
possible bushwhacker invasion from Missouri. 7 

Fort Riley was established in 1853 on the north bank of the Kan- 
sas river at the junction of the Smoky Hill and Republican forks. 
Since it was closer to the area of Indian troubles it soon became the 
point of departure for most of the mounted expeditions against the 
hostile tribes. 8 During the great Indian wars of the sixties, how- 
ever, the forts farther to the west and south became the starting 
points for expeditions against the Indians. Fort Riley's chief func- 
tion during that period became one of organizing and drilling troops 
and as headquarters for military supplies. Here the famous Seventh 
Cavalry was organized in the fall of 1866. The fort held a unique 
position in the military organization of the nation, being listed in 
army records as an independent post. 9 

5. Elvid Hunt, History of Fort Leavenworth 1827-1927 (Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, The 
General Service School's Press, 1926), 97. Hereafter cited as Hunt, History of Fort Leaven- 
worth. 

6. Ibid., 97. 

7. Telegram from General Robert B. Mitchell to Governor Samuel J. Crawford, May 12, 
1865, Correspondence of Kansas Governors, Crawford (Telegrams), 6, Archives, Kansas State 
Historical Society. Hereafter cited C. K. G., Crawford, (Telegrams). [The various forms of 
this series of correspondence will hereafter be cited C. K. G.] Mitchell, commander at Fort 
Leavenworth, stated that Colonel Blair of Fort Scott was under orders to look after the eastern 
border of Kansas as far north as the Kaw river. 

8. Hunt, History of Fort Leavenworth, p. 93. 

9. Report of the Secretary of War, 1868, 40th Cong. 2d sess., House Ex. Docs., v. II, 
No. 1, part 1, p. 39. 



54 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Of the guardians of the Santa Fe trail in Kansas during the six- 
ties, Fort Larned was the oldest and most important. Established 
in 1859 as the "Camp on Pawnee Fork," its history dates back 
further than that of either Forts Dodge or Zarah. On February 1, 
1860, the place was rechristened Camp Alert, and later in the year 
received its permanent name, Fort Larned. The fort was located 
on the bank of the Pawnee Fork about eight miles west of its junc- 
tion with the Arkansas river near the present town of Larned. Fort 
Larned's principal usefulness was as a headquarters for military 
forces detailed to guard traffic along the trail. It also served as an 
Indian agency and gathering place for the plains tribes. When a 
rumor reached Kansas in 1872 that General Pope proposed to dis- 
continue Fort Larned as a military post Governor Harvey protested 
vigorously, stating that the people of south-central Kansas, and 
especially the workmen engaged in constructing the Santa Fe rail- 
road, needed the fort as a protection against the Indians. 10 Accord- 
ingly the fort was not abandoned until 1878. 

Fort Zarah, located on Walnut creek about one mile from its con- 
fluence with the Arkansas, was established by General S. R. Curtis 
in 1864 and named in honor of his son. 11 Fort Zarah aided ma- 
terially in the guarding of the Santa Fe trail, escorts being con- 
stantly employed to accompany trains west to Smoky Crossing be- 
tween Zarah and Larned and east for twenty-five miles toward 
Council Grove. 12 The post was abandoned in December, 1869. 13 

Fort Dodge, the most westerly of the big forts along the trail in 
Kansas, was established in 1864 by Major General Grenville M. 
Dodge. The post was near the intersection of the dry and wet 
routes of the Santa Fe trail. It lay between the two points where 
the Indians most frequently crossed the Arkansas the Cimarron 
Crossing, twenty-five miles west, and Mulberry Creek Crossing, 
fifteen miles east. It attained its greatest importance during the 
latter part of 1868 when it was used for a time by General Sheridan 

10. Letter of Governor James M. Harvey to General John Pope, February 2, 1872 C K 
G., Harvey (Letter press books), v. I, pp. 101-102. 

11. Landmarks, Barton County (a typewritten collection of notes and manuscripts dealing 
with the historical landmarks of Kansas, compiled by the library of the Kansas State His- 
torical Society, Topeka). Hereafter cited as Landmarks with or without the county name 
following. 

12. W. F. Pride, The History of Fort Riley (n. p., n. pub., c. 1926), p. 148. 

18. List of military forts, arsenals, camps, and barracks, T. H. S. Hamersly, Complete 
Army and Navy Register (New York, T. H. S. Hamersly, publisher, 1888), 162. Hereafter 
cited as Hamersly. 



GARFIELD: THE FRONTIER DEFENSES OF KANSAS 55 

as headquarters for his famous winter campaign against the In- 
dians in Indian Territory and Texas. 14 

That the locality near Fort Dodge was of strategic importance in 
guarding the trail is evidenced by the fact that several other forts 
preceded it in the region. The earliest of these was Fort Mann, 
established in 1845 near the Cimarron Crossing and abandoned in 
1850. 15 While Fort Mann was in its prime another post called Fort 
Mackay was located farther to the east. The exact date of its 
establishment and abandonment are unknown. In 1850 Fort At- 
kinson was established, and was abandoned in 1854. 16 It was near 
the site of Fort Atkinson that Fort Dodge was later established. 

In 1864 and 1865 a chain of forts extended along the Smoky Hill 
valley through which ran the Butterfield Overland Dispatch from 
Leavenworth and Atchison to Denver. Forts Harker, Wallace and 
Hays were built in the order named to guard this short cut to 
Denver which passed through the most Indian-infested region in 
Kansas. 

Fort Harker, originally Fort Ellsworth, was built in 1864 near 
the present town of Ellsworth, thirty-six miles from Salina. It was 
located on the Smoky Hill river at the crossing of the old Santa Fe 
stage road. 17 A brief description of it is given by the traveler, Bell, 
who refers to it as a "well-built, three-company post, with spacious 
storehouses filled with munitions of war, but like all these military 
establishments, carrying out in no particular the term fort. 18 

During its active career of nine years Fort Harker proved to be a 
bulwark of defense against the hostile Indians. It was one of the 
strongest, if not the strongest, of the western Kansas forts and effec- 
tively protected the town of Salina from Indian incursions. 19 When 
General Pope, commander of the department of the Missouri, was 
considering the abandonment of Fort Harker in 1871, the Kansas 
legislature, on February 16, passed a joint resolution of protest to 

14. G. D. Bradley, "Famous Landmarks Along the Trail," Santa Fe Employees Magazine, 
v. VI, No. 11, pp. 41-42. 

15. Letter of May 2, 1924, from Joseph R. Wilson to William E. Connelley, secretary of 
the Kansas State Historical Society, Landmarks. 

16. Ibid. 

17. Hamersly, p. 136. With the construction of the Union Pacific, Eastern Division, 
through the Kaw and Smoky Hill valleys in 1866 and 1867, much of the Santa Fe traffic 
shifted north to the railroad. Travelers to Santa Fe took the railroad to "End of Track," 
where the stage made connections. From there they went by way of the Fort Harker-Fort 
Lamed military trail to its junction with the Santa Fe Trail at the latter place. 

18. William A. Bell, New Tracks in North America (Second Edition, London, Chapman & 
Hall; New York, Scribner, Welford & Co., 1870), pp. 27-28. 

19. The Republican Journal (Salina), January 31, 1902, refers to Fort Harker as the 
Strongest post on the plains in 1868. Perhaps local pride entered into the statement. 



56 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

the government. The legislature gave as reasons, first that Fort 
Harker was essential to the defense of the north-central Kansas 
frontier, and second, that it would be a great financial loss, since the 
buildings cost the United States $1,000,000 and would sell under the 
hammer for about $25,000. 20 The government finally abandoned the 
fort in 1873. 

Forts Hays and Wallace came into existence at approximately the 
same time, Wallace being constructed in September while Hays was 
established in October of 1865. 

Fort Hays was known as Fort Fletcher until November 11, 1866. 
It was located on the line of the proposed Kansas Pacific railroad, 
near the site of the present city of Hays. Like all the forts on the 
Kansas Pacific line, Hays contributed much toward protecting con- 
struction camps along the road and keeping open the Smoky Hill 
route. In the Indian wars of 1867 it was headquarters for General 
Hancock during part of his campaign. Again in 1868 General Sheri- 
dan made Fort Hays the headquarters for his campaign. 21 This 
honor must be shared with Fort Dodge and Camp Supply, however. 
The famous Seventh Cavalry, under Colonel George A. Custer, was 
quartered at Hays from 1867 to 1870, and the Nineteenth Kansas 
Cavalry was mustered out there in the spring of 1869. 22 The fort 
was abandoned by the government in 1889. 

Fort Wallace was first called Camp Pond Creek. It was located 
near the western boundary of Kansas on Pond creek, a tributary to 
the Smoky Hill. Wallace was the last and most western military 
post of any permanency in Kansas. From 1865 to 1878 it bore the 
brunt of the contest with the Indian tribes. 23 Its functions were 
similar to those of Forts Hays and Harker with the exception that 
the latter were larger and were more often selected as headquarters 
for large expeditions against the Indians. That Fort Wallace was 
unusually active in frontier protection cannot be doubted however. 
There is little evidence to refute the following statement concerning 
the importance of the fort: 

"It is very evident after checking up the assignments of troops and engage- 
ments between the Indians and the military in Kansas, that the small garrisons 
at Fort Wallace participated in more actual engagements with the Indians and 
were sent to the relief of more scout and escort parties than the soldiers from 

20. Senate Miscellaneous Documents, p. 76, 41st Con., 2d sess. 

21. J. H. Beach, "Fort Hays," Kansas Historical Collections, v. XI, p. 571. 

22. Ibid., p. 574. 

23. Mrs. Frank C. Montgomery, "Fort Wallace and Its Relation to the Frontier," Kansas 
Historical Collections, v. XVII, p. 189, Hereafter cited as Mrs. Montgomery, Fort Wallace. 



GAKFIELD: THE FRONTIER DEFENSES OF KANSAS 57 

any other post in Kansas. Other posts were bases of supplies and regimental 
headquarters where large forces were mobilized for Indian campaigns. But none 
defended a larger territory on the western frontier of Kansas. . . ." 24 

Garrisons at Fort Wallace were usually low during the Indian 
wars of 1866-'69, since troops were constantly acting as escorts for 
railroad surveyors and laborers, stage coaches, wagon trains, and for 
government officials and quartermasters trains. 25 

Notwithstanding the fact that these forts comprised the backbone 
of the frontier defense in Kansas they were ably assisted by smaller 
outposts and camps of a temporary nature. Among those graced 
with the dignity of the term "fort" were the posts of Aubrey, 
Downer, Monument, Ogallah, Kirwin and Lookout. Of the camps 
the most prominent was Camp Beecher. 

Fort Aubrey was built to aid in the defense of the Santa Fe 
Trail during the Indian war of 1865. Its location was sixteen miles 
west of Choteau's island on the Arkansas river and approximately 
one hundred miles west of Fort Dodge by the wagon road and fifty 
miles east of Fort Lyon, Colorado. The site of the fort is four miles 
east of the present town of Syracuse, Kansas. Fort Aubrey was 
established by Companies D and F of the Forty-eighth Wisconsin 
Volunteer Infantry in September, 1865. 26 The fort was abandoned 
April 15, 1866, during a lull in Indian activities along the Old Trail. 

Fort Downer, an outpost on the Smoky Hill route to the Colorado 
gold fields, was located about fifty miles west of Fort Hays in Trego 
county. It was established as a stage station in 1865 and was a 
military post in 1867-'68. 27 The place was abandoned May 28, 
1868. The post was used by General Custer as a base for Indian 
operations in Trego County in 1867. An eating station of the But- 
terfield Overland Dispatch, located at this point, was burned in 
1867 by hostiles. 28 

Fort Monument or Fort Pyramid was another outpost which was 
short lived. It was established in 1865 and abandoned in 1868. 
The post was constructed in Gove county on the route of the Kan- 
sas Pacific railroad between Forts Hays and Wallace near some 

24. Ibid., p. 203. 

25. Ibid. 

26. Landmarks. 

27. H. Harlan, Trego County Clippings, p. 76. (A series of unbound newspaper clippings 
in the library of the Kansas State Historical Society) ; Landmarks, Trego County. The first 
of these references gives 1865 as the date for the founding of Fort Downer, while the second 
says 1867; Hamersly states that the fort was established May 30, 1867, p. 181, List of Forts; 
see, also, Kansas Historical Collections, v. IX, p. 578. 

28. Landmarks, Trego County. 



58 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

monument-shaped rocks which gave the station its name. Although 
originally merely a station on the Butterfield Overland Dispatch 
it was soon found necessary to station troops there as a protection 
to the stage road. General Dodge in 1865 placed soldiers at this 
point simultaneous with the garrisoning of Big Creek, Pond Creek, 
and other B. 0. D. Stations. 29 

Trego county boasted of another defense besides Fort Downer. 
Camp Ogallah, on the Kansas Pacific railroad about one mile west 
of Wakeeney, came into existence in 1867 or 1868. It protected 
the railroad builders during a most hectic period of Indian depre- 
dations. 30 According to one pioneer version the camp's name was 
taken from the expression "0 Golly"! A better explanation is that 
early settlers corrupted or mispronounced the name of the famous 
Ogallala band of Dakota Indians and applied it to the fort. 31 

Camp Beecher, located in June, 1868, at the junction of the Little 
Arkansas and Big Arkansas rivers, was a new unit in the defensive 
chain of forts in Kansas. It was built following the great Indian 
scare of 1868 when the Cheyennes raided the east central portion 
of the state. The primary purpose of Camp Beecher was as head- 
quarters for a border cavalry patrol which extended northward to 
Marion Center. 32 During the Sheridan winter campaign of 1868-'69 
against the Indians, Camp Beecher was used as a supply station 
by the Nineteenth Kansas Cavalry. The camp was abandoned in 
October, 1869. Even as early as 1868 the camp site was referred 
to as Wichita. 33 

Somewhat different from that of other forts in Kansas is the his- 
tory of Fort Kirwin. Built to meet the necessity of frontier de- 
fense, it failed to meet that need and consequently was abandoned. 
The fort was established in 1865 by Colonel Kirwin and a company 
of Tennessee volunteers who were sent to protect the Kansas 
frontier. The site chosen was near the confluence of Bow Creek 
with the North Solomon river in what is now Phillips county. 
Colonel John Kirwin, its builder, finding the country swarming 

29. Mrs. Frank C. Montgomery, Fort Wallace, 198. 

30. Ogallah should not be called a fort. It was never more than a railroad construction 
camp, although used for defense against Indians by construction gangs. Kansas Historical 
Collections, v. XVII, p. 228. 

31. Trego County Clippings, 78. 

32. Daily Kansas State Record (Topeka), June 12, 1868. 

33. Daily Kansas State Record (Topeka), June 12, 1868. A news item reprinted from 
the Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence) mentions that "A company of United States infantry 
and eighty -four volunteers are stationed at Wichita at present and will probably remain there 
during the winter." 



GARFIELD: THE FRONTIER DEFENSES OF KANSAS 59 

with the hostile Indians, judiciously decided to vacate. There were 
no settlers needing protection within one hundred miles of the 
fort. 34 

Another of the lesser fortifications was Fort Lookout, in Republic 
county. Situated upon a high bluff commanding the Republican 
river valley, it guarded the military road from Fort Riley to Fort 
Kearney, Nebraska. Unlike the large military posts, it was con- 
structed in the form of a blockhouse. This sturdy two-story log 
structure performed regular duty before 1868, when it was aban- 
doned by the regular army. State militia used the building during 
the Indian war of 1868. Following their withdrawal the old fort 
was used as a rendezvous for settlers of the White Rock and Re- 
publican valleys during the Indian scares of the early 70's. 35 

Pioneer Kansas was well supplied with local fortifications to which 
the settlers could fly for refuge during the numerous Indian raids 
and scares of the 60's. Included in this group were Fort Montgom- 
ery at Eureka, Fort Brooks in Cloud county, Fort Solomon in Ottawa 
county, Fort Camp Jewell on the site of present Jewell City, and 
two forts, names unknown, located in Mitchell and Republic coun- 
ties respectively. 

At the beginning of the Civil War citizens of the Eureka neighbor- 
hood constructed Fort Montgomery as a fort for home guards. When 
they disbanded at the close of the war the fort was occupied by a de- 
tachment of the Fifteenth Kansas Cavalry. 36 During the Indian 
scares of 1864-1869 it was used as a rallying place for settlers of 
Greenwood county. 

Enterprising militia of Shirley county, later Cloud county, con- 
structed Fort Brooks in August or September, 1864. Situated on the 
left bank of the Republican river the log blockhouse was head- 
quarters for the local militia engaged in frontier defense. 37 

Fort Solomon in Ottawa county was a true frontier block house. 
Built early in 1864 as a defense against the Indians, it was the only 
shelter for the majority of the people of Ottawa county from the 
summer of 1864 to the spring of 1865. It consisted of log houses, 
arranged in the form of a square and enclosed with palisades. For- 

34. Z. T. Walrond, Annals of Osborne County, Kansas 1870-1879 (a bound volume of 
clippings in the library of the Kansas State Historical Society), p. 21. 

35. Kansas State Historical Society, Twenty-fifth Biennial Report, 1925-1926, pp. 74-75. 

36. Greenwood County Clippings, I, 15. 

37. Clay Center Times, January 12, 1922. 



60 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

tunately for the settlers they were never forced to undergo a siege by 
Indians. 38 

Home guards of Jewell county were responsible for the construc- 
tion of a sod fort in 1870 as a protection against the Indian raids, 
while Republic county in 1869 and Mitchell county in 1867 each con- 
structed an Indian defense. In May, 1869, nearly all the settlers on 
Salt and Reily creeks, in the Republican river region, left their 
claims and took refuge in a log fort in Belleville township until a 
small body of militia was sent to their aid. 39 The Mitchell county 
fort was built by settlers in 1867 during the period of great Indian 
activity in northwestern Kansas. Indian scares during that year 
greatly retarded immigration into the county. 40 

In harmony with the home-guard movement during the Civil War, 
the state capital built a wooden stockade at the intersection of Sixth 
and Kansas avenues. Although intended as a place of refuge against 
guerrillas, it was never forced to defend Topeka from invaders. 
Christened with the enlightening title of Fort Simple, its existence 
was never complex from its birth in 1863 to its final destruction by 
Topekans after the Civil War. 

Kansas was not entirely defended by forts within her own boun- 
daries. Since the plains Indian roamed unwittingly over state 
boundary lines it frequently happened that Indian depredations were 
broken up by soldiers stationed in the forts of the adjacent terri- 
tories of Nebraska and Colorado. 

Of these frontier watch dogs, Fort Kearney, Nebraska, was the 
most prominent. Located on the Platte river in southern Nebraska 
its jurisdiction often extended into northern Kansas. 41 From the 
time of its founding in 1848 this fort on the Platte trail was the 
headquarters for nearly all the military operations in Nebraska. 42 
. Forts Cottonwood and Sedgwick also defended the Platte trail and 
contributed to the defense of Kansas. The former, located at Cot- 
tonwood Springs, one hundred miles west of Fort Kearney, on the 
south bank of the Platte, proved of valuable assistance in keeping 

38. Landmarks, Ottawa County. 

39. Landmarks, Republic County. 

40. Letter from a settler in Ottawa County, Kansas, to Governor Samuel J. Crawford, 
September 23, 1867, C. K. G., Crawford (Incoming Letters). 

41. Telegram from Adjutant General John P. Sherburne of Fort Leavenworth to Governor 
Samuel J. Crawford, July 20, 1866, C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), 28. Sherburne informed 
the Governor that one company of cavalry from Fort Kearney and Fort McPherson was 
scouting in the region of the Little Blue river. 

42. Frank A. Root and William E. Connelley, The Overland Stage to California (Topeka, 
Kansas, published by the authors, 1901), p. 242. Hereafter cited as Root and Connelley, The 
Overland Stage. 



GARFIELD: THE FRONTIER DEFENSES OF KANSAS 61 

overland traffic going during the Indian raids of 1864. 43 Two years 
later the fort's name was changed to McPherson. During the grand 
trek to the western mining country, Cotton wood Springs was an im- 
portant supply depot for the miners. 44 

Farther west on the Platte trail, near Julesburg, Colorado, was a 
sod fort named Fort Sedgwick. It, too, was an important point since 
it was a depot of government supplies for a region extending fully 
one hundred and fifty miles along the South Platte. 45 

South of Fort Sedgwick, on the Arkansas river, stood Fort Lyon. 
It was situated on the Santa Fe Trail about one hundred and fifty 
miles west of Fort Dodge. Known first as Bent's New Fort, from 
the time of its building in 1853 until 1859 when it was leased to the 
government, it later adopted the title of Fort Wise and finally, in 
1861, Fort Lyon. 46 When it became necessary to relocate the fort 
in 1867, it was renamed New Fort Lyon. In 1890, by act of con- 
gress, the fort was abandoned. The site of New Fort Lyon is near 
the present town of Las Animas, Colorado. Although principally 
engaged in protecting commerce and travel on the Santa Fe Trail, the 
troops of Fort Lyon participated in numerous Indian campaigns, 
chiefly that of Sheridan into Indian Territory in 1868-'69. 

Particularly fitting is the observation of a prominent traveler of 
the period concerning the military forts of the frontier. 

"Along the main lines of travel throughout the whole western country, at 
distances from sixty to three hundred miles apart, the United States govern- 
ment are obliged to maintain a great number of these little military establish- 
ments. ... In many instances not a white man lives in the intervening 
country, and yet without them overland travel would be impossible." 47 

A brief explanation of the military organization of the Middle 
West following the Civil War will help to an understanding of ref- 
erences to posts and commanders. 

The United States was divided into military divisions com- 
manded by major generals of the army. The Middle West be- 
longed to the military division of the Missouri, which was organized 
in 1865 by the War Department to include the states of Kansas, 
Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Illinois and the terri- 

43. Ibid., p. 498. 

44. Julius Sterling Morton, Illustrated History of Nebraska (In two volumes, Lincoln, 
Jacob North & Co., 1905, 1906), v. II, p. 168. 

45. Root and Connelley, The Overland Stage, p. 342. 

46. For an interesting and colorful history of Bent's Fort see George Bird Grinnell, "Bent's 
Old Fort and Its Builders," Kansas Historical Collections, v. XV, pp. 28-88. 

47. W. A. Bell, New Tracks in North America, p. 28. 



62 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

tories of Nebraska, Dakota, and Montana. Headquarters of the 
division was variously located at St. Louis, Chicago, Omaha and 
Fort Leavenworth. The division was subdivided at the time of its 
organization into four geographical departments of the Dakota, 
the Platte, the Missouri, and the Arkansas. 

The third of these, the department of the Missouri, maintained 
permanent headquarters at Fort Leavenworth. This department 
was subdivided into four districts: The District of Kansas with 
headquarters also at Fort Leavenworth; the district of the Upper 
Arkansas whose headquarters was Fort Harker; the district of New 
Mexico, headquarters at Santa Fe; and the district of the Indian 
Territory, with headquarters at Fort Gibson. 48 Of these districts 
in the department of the Missouri, the district of the Upper Arkan- 
sas was of the most interest to Kansans. Within its limits were Forts 
Dodge, Larned, Zarah, Wallace, Hays, Harker and Lyons. Down- 
er's Station, Monument Station and "End-of -Track/' Union Pacific, 
Eastern Division, were also included. 49 

From 1865 to 1869 the military division of the Missouri was com- 
manded by Generals Pope, Sherman, and Sheridan in the order 
named. Department commanders changed even more frequently. 
The department of the Missouri during this period was in charge 
of Generals Dodge in 1865-'66, Hancock in 1866-'67, Sheridan in 
1868-'69 and Schofield in 1869. Prior to the organization of the 
military division of the Missouri, the state of Kansas made up three 
districts of the department of Kansas under the command of Gen- 
eral S. R. Curtis. 50 

In addition to the national military organization each state had 
its geographical departments for militia organization. Under a 
legislative act of February 13, 1865, Kansas was divided into four 
brigade districts with a brigadier general of militia in command of 
each district. The entire militia was then under the supervison of a 
major general commanding. General W. F. Cloud, of Leavenworth 
City, acted in the capacity of state commander from 1865-'67, 
when he was succeeded by General Harrison Kelley. 

48. Report of the Secretary of War, 1868, 40th Cong., 2d sess., p. 39. Home Ex. Docs., 
v. II, No. 1, part 1. 

49. Ibid., p. 40. 

50. Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence), March 4, 1864. 



Was Governor John A. Martin a Prohibitionist? 

JAMES C. MALIN 



adoption of the policy of prohibition of the liquor traffic by 
A constitutional amendment in 1880 brought little but embarass- 
ment to many Kansas politicians. When it became clear that pop- 
ular sentiment supported strongly the new departure, those who 
wished political preferment at the hands of the voters found that 
they must conform, outwardly at least, on this highly explosive 
matter. 

John A. Martin, editor of the Atchison Champion since 1858, was 
opposed to prohibition and spoke out vigorously during the cam- 
paigns for adoption of the prohibition amendment and for the en- 
actment of the enforcement legislation. He had been deprived of the 
nomination for governor in 1878 by a peculiar combination of cir- 
cumstances not associated with the liquor question. At that time 
temperance, as distinguished from prohibition, was an important 
factor in politics and Martin gave it his full endorsement. During 
the next four years the radical position on the liquor question de- 
veloped within the St. John wing of the Republican party and domi- 
nated party councils. During the same period the Democratic party 
offered itself as the champion of the liquor interests as well as of the 
"practical" temperance people. The defeat of Governor St. John in 
1882 by an antiprohibition Democrat, George W. Glick, meant the 
downfall of the radical faction in the Republican party, although it 
did not mean the overthrow of prohibition. A Republican legisla- 
ture was chosen which refused to resubmit the prohibition amend- 
ment. But Martin had one political ambition to become governor 
of Kansas. Politically speaking, it was his turn in 1884, except that 
he was not understood to have followed the trend of opinion in the 
state on the subject of liquor. Could he be nominated, and if nomi- 
nated, could he be elected as an antiprohibitionist? An ambitious, 
practical politician could have adjusted himself easily to the neces- 
sities of the situation, but could a man of John A. Martin's convic- 
tions? Shortly before the meeting of the nominating conventions, 
however, he indorsed prohibition. Was his change sincere, and if so, 
what caused him to reverse his position? Was it a shift for the sake 
of political expediency dictated by a long-standing personal ambi- 

(63) 



64 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

tion which could not be gratified otherwise under the changed con- 
ditions? The liquor faction chose to accept the second view, and 
likewise many of the radical prohibitionists believed him insincere. 
The latter prepared to join the Prohibition party if Martin was 
nominated by the Republicans. 

The selection of Martin to lead the Republican party in 1884 
placed upon him the responsibility of rehabilitating a demoralized 
party and reconciling factional conflicts which had developed as a 
result of the attempt of the radical St. John prohibitionists to domi- 
nate the party. The line of argument used during the campaign of 
1884 to explain his position on the prohibitory amendment, and to 
reconcile differences among Republicans who were at odds on the 
question, emphasized the practical considerations involved and ap- 
pealed to reason. The single aim of Republicans should be to insure 
a Republican victory, and with this as the goal of the campaign he 
argued that the amendment had been adopted by a majority of the 
voters, and that it had been upheld by the court as legal in all its 
aspects, therefore it was the duty of all good citizens to conform to 
the expressed will of the majority. So far as his personal position 
was concerned it is best expressed in his speech at Washington, 
Kansas, October 24, 1884: 

"I want to be fairly, explicitly understood. If I am elected governor, when in 
the presence of Almighty God and the sovereign people of Kansas, I raise my 
hand to take the oath of office, I shall not do so with falsehood on my lips and 
perjury in my heart. I will not equivocate. I will do my duty, under the con- 
stitution and laws I have sworn to see faithfully executed. I make no apology 
to any person under the shining stars for holding this faith. . . . Alike as a 
citizen and as a public officer I shall at all times maintain and uphold these 
ideas of private and public duty, because the whole fabric of our American 
system of government rests upon them." 1 

As governor his first message to the state legislature January 13, 
1885, restated his position invoking the authority of the expressed 
will of the people and asked for legislation to provide certain adjust- 
ments in detail of the enforcement law to make it less obnoxious and, 
as he hoped, more effective. Even at this time the general public 
was not wholly convinced of his sincerity on the liquor question, al- 
though there were few who doubted his personal integrity. Ex-Gov- 
ernor Charles Robinson, a vehement opponent of prohibition, a man 
who had spent most of his life in Kansas politics and who passed 

1. "The Republican Party," John A. Martin, Address. Collected by D. W. Wilder. 
(Topeka, privately printed, 1888), pp. 50-63, at 60, 61. 



MALIN: WAS GOVERNOR MARTIN A PROHIBITIONIST? 65 

judgment on public men in the light of that experience, wrote to 
Martin cynically on January 15: 

"Today's mail brings your inaugural & message, both of which I have read 
with deep interest & gratification. The recommendations are excellent & your 
navigation of the fluids is worthy of a Columbus. You have dodged both 
Scylla and Charybdis with consummate skill & I shall now watch the nautical 
maneuvers of the legislature with brother Anthony as pilot with great in- 
terest." 2 

The opponents of prohibition found little comfort, however, in the 
action taken by the governor and the legislature during this session. 
The public was not fully informed regarding the background of pro- 
hibition legislation enacted but Martin explained it privately to a 
correspondent. 

"Concerning the prohibition law of 1885, to which you refer, every section 
of it was drawn up, and the law was presented to the Legislature, by the offi- 
cers and Executive Committee of the State Temperance Union, the recognized 
organization of the prohibitionists of the State. If it has any faults, neither 
the Legislature nor the Governor is responsible for them. The Legislature 
has never hesitated a moment in passing all laws regarded by the prohibition- 
ists themselves as essential to the enforcement of the prohibitive amend- 
ment.'* 

He pointed out in this letter, as he often did in writing on the sub- 
ject, that prohibition was not in danger in Kansas from its enemies, 
only from its fanatical friends. The philosophy of moderation on 
which he based his own course is epitomized in another letter: 

"Maryborough said that it was patience that conquered everything. He is 
a very stupid man who, when everything is drifting in the direction of his own 
ideas, turns the current by his own intemperate zeal." 4 

At the end of this article four letters are printed. These have 
been selected from Martin's confidential letterbooks because they 
seem to answer as fully as seems possible the question which is put 
by the title of this paper. In the light of the evidence the reader 
may frame his answer to his own satisfaction. The first of these 
letters was written to Sol Miller and was occasioned by two edi- 
torials which appeared in Miller's weekly newspaper, The Kansas 
Chief for November 19 and December 3, 1885. Under the title of 
"Done Monkeying" Miller declared that he intended to remain 

2. Correspondence of Kansas Governors, Martin (personal). Hereafter cited as C. K. G 
Martin (personal). 

3. Martin to Judge James A. Ray, Manhattan, Kansas, July 13, 1886. C K G Martin 
(Letterpress books, personal), vol. VII, p. 294. 

4. Martin to J. R. Detwiler, Erie, Kansas, December 4, 1885, ibid., vol. V, pp. 61-65, 

5-1266 



66 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

straight Republican henceforth regardless of candidates except in 
cases where a candidate was notoriously dishonest. He analyzed 
the last three campaigns and concluded that the Democratic party 
was not sincere, not even in prohibition. Whenever prohibition itself 
was an issue he would vote against it, but where candidates were to 
be voted on he would vote Republican. If Kansas was to have pro- 
hibition, however, he preferred to have it "under Republican rule," 
rather than to use it to break up the Republican party. After 
awaiting reactions to the first editorial he wrote the second "The 
Returns All In" in which he renewed his pledge. 

"We are honestly opposed to political prohibition, and were willing to go 
half way to meet members of any other party in united opposition to it. But 
we were not willing to go all the way over. This was the only thing that would 
satisfy the Democratic party." 

While Martin was influenced by several factors in the situation 
the general argument which pervaded the letter to Miller might be 
stated as the necessity for eliminating the evil influence of liquor 
from politics. More particularly this argument centered around 
two points. First, he had come to the conclusion that the basic aim 
of the liquor interests was complete freedom from regulation, and 
that they would join any faction or party which held out a hope of 
bringing about a relaxation of control. As soon as this was realized 
they would desert freely their allies and join any other party who 
would assist in carrying a step further the removal of liquor re- 
strictions. This process would stop only when they had gained 
their goal. Martin came to see clearly that it was not prohibition 
that liquor was fighting, it was regulation of any kind. When the 
issue was stated thus, his course became clear. Second, the liquor 
interests were using the prohibition question to break the ranks of 
the Republican party. To the full-fledged Republican of Martin's 
type such an act was little less serious than disloyalty to the nation. 

The second of the letters in the series was written for the pur- 
pose of setting forth the political situation in the state with relation 
to the prohibition issue. His conclusion emphasized the contention 
that the liquor interests were definitely allied with the Democratic 
party, that they were in the minority, and that therefore the Re- 
publican party had nothing to gain by a backward step on the pro- 
hibition question. 

The third letter was written to Judge David Martin of Atchison, 
November 10, 1886. By this time Governor Martin had dropped 



MALIN: WAS GOVERNOR MARTIN A PROHIBITIONIST? 67 

all arguments in justification of prohibition. He was now speaking 
with all the ardor of a confirmed prohibitionist in expressing the 
one ambition for his term of office the real enforcement of prohi- 
bition. The purpose of the letter was to secure the assistance of 
the judge in framing the proposed "metropolitan police law" which 
would enable the governor to enforce fully the liquor laws in cities 
of the first and second classes, when the local authorities did not 
perform their duties. The bill of Senator R. N. Allen, of Chanute, 
was the foundation of the proposed system, and Judge Martin 
formulated such changes as he considered necessary to make it 
effective. These changes were incorporated into the bill which was 
introduced by Allen January 12, 1887. It had a stormy legislative 
history but finally a substitute was accepted and signed by Gover- 
nor Martin March 1, to become effective the following day. 

The fourth of the letters was written in answer to an appeal for 
assistance in the prohibition campaign then in progress in Texas. 
It is similar in many respects to letters written to leaders in other 
states where prohibition was a pending issue. In a sense it com- 
pletes the cycle in Governor Martin's expressions on the subject. 
When Kansas was voting on prohibition in 1880 he was writing in 
the interest of the opposition. In 1887 he was defending prohibition 
in Kansas and throwing his influence into the balance in support 
of it in several other states. 

LETTER No. I. 
Personal. DECEMBER 4, 1885. 

MY DEAR MILLER I have read your article of two weeks ago, and 
that published in the Chief this week, with very great pleasure. I 
have never doubted, however, that sooner or later you would reach 
the conclusions you now have. I never doubted because I knew that, 
like myself, you were a Republican born and bred, and could not 
possibly become a Democrat. 

I got my fill of the antiprohibition-Democrat business in the spring 
of 1883. You probably remember that the Republicans carried 
Atchison in the spring of 1881, electing Sam King as mayor, and a 
Republican council. The previous administration had been extrava- 
gant and reckless, and went out of office leaving a floating debt of 
$16,000, and nothing to show for the large expenditures made. King 
was an antiprohibition Republican. He took charge of the city gov- 
ernment just before the prohibition law went into effect. For two 



68 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

years he protected the saloon keepers ; had ordinances passed favor- 
ing them ; and used all of the power of the city government to pre- 
vent prosecutions against them. He, however, demanded of them 
two things: First, that they should close these places on Sunday; 
and second, that they should not sell liquor to habitual drunkards or 
minors. And these rules he enforced. 

From a business point of view, he made an unusually good mayor. 
He had, before the end of six months, paid off the floating debt ; he 
made many improvements; and at the close of his term he went out 
leaving $40,000 in the treasury. The Republicans renominated him, 
by acclamation, and nearly every business man in the city supported 
him. 

The previous fall Mayor King and hundreds of other Republicans 
in Atchison supported Glick. In the spring of 1883, when the Re- 
publicans nominated King, a confessed good officer, an antiprohibi- 
tionist who had protected the saloons for nearly two years, the 
Democrats put a candidate in the field against him, and every saloon 
keeper in the city, with possibly three exceptions, voted for and bit- 
terly opposed King. Why? Simply because he had insisted that 
they should close on Sunday, and should not sell to minors and hab- 
itual drunkards. 

This election satisfied me concerning three things: First, that the 
saloon keepers as a rule, were a lot of shameless ingrates, who were 
not only opposed to prohibition but to any and all restraints on their 
dirty business; second, that they were wedded to the Democratic 
party ; and third, that the Democratic party was, in the prohibition 
business as in everything else, selfish and insincere. 

I served notice on the saloons, immediately after that election, 
that I was against them from that time on. I made up my mind, 
then, that they were, no matter what we might say or do, against the 
Republican party, and that Republicans whether they wished to or 
not would be compelled to fight them. Everything I have seen since 
that time has only confirmed and strengthened my convictions. 

I am against the saloons, first, because they are naturally and in- 
evitably against the Republican party; and second, because no 
decent man can afford to defend or endorse the saloon business. In 
Kansas we have got to down the saloons, or they will down the Re- 
publican party. A saloon keeper with his white apron on behind his 
bar is a powerful political factor; when he is sent to jail for thirty 
days for selling whisky, he has no more political influence than a 
horse thief. 



MALIN: WAS GOVERNOR MARTIN A PROHIBITIONIST? 69 

I am not, I think you know, a "crank" on any subject. Certainly 
I am not on prohibition. But I am, as you are, a born Republican, 
and I am against everything that assails the Republican party 
whether it be the prohibition "cranks" of the St. John variety at one 
extreme of the line, or the whisky "cranks" at the other extreme. 

I didn't mean, when I started, to write so long a letter. I only 
wanted to express my gratification that you have written the articles 
you have, and to congratulate you on the position you have taken. 

Yours very truly, 
Hon. Sol Miller, Troy, Kan. JNO. A. MARTIN." 

LETTER No. II. 

Personal. AUGUST 14, 1885. 

J, B. Lawrence, Esq.: 

MY DEAR SIR I write to express my sincere appreciation of the 
kindly and generous articles published in the Journal, concerning my 
official action and utterances! I only hope that I may, in all that I 
do, deserve the good words you have said concerning me. 

My term of office has, thus far, had crowded into it an unusual 
number of difficult and delicate questions. The legislature had 
hardly adjourned before the Missouri Pacific "strike" occurred, and 
this was followed by the pleuropneumonia trouble, the Texas cattle 
difficulty, the Indian scare, and a dozen or more serious local compli- 
cations, all presenting phases of danger or annoyance. So I have 
kept unusually busy and it is a source of gratification to be assured 
that I have made few mistakes. 

The position of the governor, in this state, is now one of extreme 
delicacy and difficulty. There is danger, in the prohibition question, 
on every side, as I suppose you know: First, prohibition is the con- 
stitutional and statute law of the state. Whether right or not, an ex- 
ecutive officer must recognize the law. Second, more than one-half 
of the Republican voters of the state are advocates of, and firm be- 
lievers in prohibition, and any backward step, by the party organi- 
zation, on this question, would alienate their sympathy and support. 
Probably one-fourth of the Republican voters care little whether 
prohibition is or is not enforced, while the remaining one-fourth is 
opposed to prohibition. Third, the fanatical prohibitionists the 
St. John faction, who want a third party organization, and who are 
not Republicans are actively working to alienate more Republicans 

5. Ibid., vol. V, pp. 61-67. 



70 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

who believe in prohibition from their allegiance to their party ; while 
the fanatical antiprohibitionists are, on the other hand, as actively at 
work endeavoring to alienate those Republicans who do not believe 
in prohibition. Fourth, the Republican party of Kansas, has lost, 
permanently, the support of the liquor interests. These interests are 
identified with the Democratic party, and cannot be brought back. 

I believe this is a fair statement of the situation in Kansas, and 
you will easily understand how difficult it is, with all these con- 
flicting ideas and sentiments, to preserve harmony in the party 
ranks, and keep the organization united. To take any backward 
step would alienate the support of fully one-half of the Republican 
voters, and it would not bring back those who, on account of pro- 
hibition, have already left the party. 

On the other hand, it is equally important to avoid radical or 
extreme measures, which might eliminate those Republicans who 
are indifferent on the question of prohibition. 

The "cranks" at each extreme of the line are equally annoying 
and unreasonable. The prohibition "crank" is always insisting 
that something unusual and absurd shall be done, while the anti- 
prohibitionist "crank" is always demanding that the party shall do 
something which would be equally unwise and unpolitic. 

It may fairly be said that the "fool friends" of prohibition are its 
most dangerous enemies, while the "fool enemies" of prohibition 
are its most efficient helpers. The "fool friends" of the cause nomi- 
nated St. John for a third term and adopted a platform which alien- 
ated the support of the moderate people, thus incurring a Demo- 
cratic victory; the "fool enemies" of prohibition whip ministers, 
deny the rights of free speech, interrupt the orderly proceedings of 
public meetings, and insist that the saloon business is as honorable 
and reputable as any other business, thus intensifying and pro- 
moting the public sentiment against the liquor traffic. 

Pardon this long letter. But I want to give the Journal my im- 
pression of the condition of affairs in this state, so that you may 
understand the situation. Of course, this letter is not for publica- 
tion. It is personal and private. 

Please accept for yourself and your associates on the Journal 
my grateful thanks for the constant kindness you have shown me. 

Yours truly, JNO. A. .MARTIN. 6 

6. Ibid., vol III, pp. 45-47. 



MALIN: WAS GOVERNOR MARTIN A PROHIBITIONIST? 71 

LETTER No. III. 

Personal NOVEMBER 10, 1886. 

MY DEAR JUDGE Among the many letters of congratulations I 
have received since the election, none were more highly esteemed 
and more gratifying to me than was yours. Public office is attended 
with many embarrassments and annoyances, but it has its com- 
pensations, and not the least among these are assurances of confi- 
dence and regard expressed by citizens of such high character and 
great judgment as yourself. 

The late canvass was a very arduous and embarrassing one. All 
the forces of the opposition were massed against me and in every 
section of the state there was a definite understanding that every 
one was to be traded off for votes for Moonlight. Under such cir- 
cumstances, the majority I received was in the highest degree satis- 
factory. 

I have one ambition which I wish to realize during my term of 
office, and that is that on the expiration I may be able to surrender 
the office to my successor, and say to him that there is not an open 
saloon within the limits of the state of Kansas. You probably fully 
understand, however, that while the constitution of the state says 
that the governor shall see that the laws are faithfully executed, 
the laws at present upon the statute book really confer upon him 
very little authority to enforce its directions. More than ten years 
ago Governor Osborne called the attention of the legislature to the 
embarrassing fact, in a special message, but nothing was done at 
that time to correct this defect, nor has anything been done since. 
Under our laws, their enforcement largely rests with the local offi- 
cers of the several counties and cities, and, although the constitu- 
tion distinctly imposes upon the governor the duty of seeing that 
the laws are enforced, our lawmakers have failed to provide the ma- 
chinery by which this duty may be discharged. 

I fully realize that it is dangerous to confer upon any executive 
officer arbitrary powers which might, if in the hands of a tyrannical 
or bad man, be abused. But surely some provision should be made 
by law for giving the governor .power to see that the local officers 
are not the tools and creatures of unlawful combinations, or are not 
the willing abettors of lawbreakers. It has been suggested that in 
our cities a metropolitan police should be established. There are 
some objections to any system of this character. It is, however, 



72 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

notorious that the city governments, in many of the cities of the 
first and second classes, are in entire sympathy with the liquor in- 
terests, and really encourage and assist them in avoiding the pen- 
alties of the law. This is true, also, of some of the county officers 
of several of the counties of the state. Now can you suggest a 
remedy for this, or could you find time to draw up a law that would 
confer upon the governor sufficient authority to carry out what the 
constitution enjoins upon him, avoiding, at the same time, the con- 
ferring of extraordinary or arbitrary powers? I am sure you will 
realize how difficult and embarrassing the situation is, especially to 
the incumbent of this office. I am anxious to perform the duties 
which the constitution imposes upon me, and yet I lack all the 
essential power to see that the laws are faithfully executed. Surely 
something ought to be done by the lawmakers to supply this defect 
in our laws. But I am not lawyer enough to suggest the proper 
remedy. If you can do so, I will be under many obligations, and 
I feel confident that your experience and knowledge of the laws, and 
of their existing defects, may enable you to suggest the proper 
remedies. 

Accept my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations and the 
assurance that I cordially appreciate your good wishes. 

Very sincerely yours, JOHN A. MARTIN. T 
To Judge David Martin, Atchison, Kansas. 

LETTER No. IV. 

JUNE 15. 1887. 
Judge J. Mellhany, Baird, Texas. 

MY DEAR SIR I acknowledge the receipt of your letter of June 
13th. If the opponents of temperance reform in Texas deny the 
authenticity of a printed message to the legislature, it seems to me 
that it would be useless to endeavor to convince them of the au- 
thenticity of a written letter. I gave, in my last message to the 
legislature of Kansas, my candid and honest opinions concerning the 
results of the prohibition law in this state. I was not, originally, 
in favor of the prohibition amendment. In fact, I voted against it 
when it was submitted to the people for approval or rejection. But 
a personal and official observation of the effects of prohibition, dur- 
ing the past six years, has thoroughly convinced me that, in so far 

7. Ibid., vol. VIII, pp. 388-390. 



MALIN: WAS GOVERNOR MARTIN A PROHIBITIONIST? 73 

as Kansas is concerned, our prohibition law has abolished fully 
nine-tenths of all the drinking and drunkenness in the state; has 
added very largely to the general prosperity and happiness of the 
people; has abolished the always pernicious influence of the saloon 
in politics; and has made the people of Kansas the soberest people 
in this country. 

I do not claim, and never have claimed, that our prohibition laws 
have entirely abolished drinking and drunkenness. To expect that 
a vice, existing for centuries under the protection of the law, can be 
wholly abolished in a few brief years, would be absurd. But we 
have wholly obliterated the saloon in Kansas, and with it have 
abolished unnumbered evils that are inseparable from the saloon. 
The open doors of the saloon no longer tempt the youth of our 
state to dissipation, and to the forming, through social influences, 
of habits which, in the end, make drunkards of them. We have 
steadily and thoroughly reduced, almost to a minimum, the evils 
of the drinking habit. And I feel confident that the next generation 
in Kansas, if the present laws are sustained and enforced, will be 
a soberer and purer generation than the present. 

If this expression of my views will be of any interest and service 
to the cause of temperance in Texas, you are at liberty to use it as 
you please. Yours very respectfully, 

JNO. A. MARTIN. 8 
8. Ibid., vol. X, pp. 154-155. 



Notes on Historical Literature of the Range 
Cattle Industry 

JAMES C. MALIN 

THE traveler who views the wheat fields of western Kansas in 
1931 can see little sign that this region, within the span of a gen- 
eration, was once dominated as completely by cattle as it now is by 
wheat. The plains region is a large country and its industries seem 
to partake naturally of the magnitude of their geographical setting. 

The contemporary Kansan, surfeited with wheat, may look back 
to the day of the cattlemen with a sense of escape from an unpleas- 
ant situation into a romantic past. But the economic system of that 
day suffered also from depressions and surpluses accompanied by 
disastrous failures, and the social system was agitated by its liquor 
question and crime wave even its equivalent of the Wickersham 
commission. While these economic and social accidents may have 
left some scars, time has a way of easing painful memories. 

For the most part the cattlemen did not acquire a talent for writ- 
ing that was in any way comparable with their skill in handling 
steers. The industry during the open range era was never stabilized. 
The period was less than twenty-five years in duration. Under the 
circumstances it was impossible to accumulate a relatively large 
store of standardized information. In consequence there are few 
contemporary accounts that are comprehensive in scope, or that 
possess a high quality of content or form. One classic work was pro- 
duced, however, within the Kansas region Joseph G. McCoy, His- 
toric Sketches of the Cattle Trade of the West and the Southwest 
(Kansas City, Mo., 1874) . A second contemporary work of impor- 
tance was printed as a United States government publication in 1885 
Joseph G. Nimmo, The Range and Ranch Cattle Traffic. These 
books are now long out of print and are difficult to obtain, outside of 
large libraries. Toward the close of the range period the appeal of 
the subject to eastern readers created a substantial demand for 
magazine articles dealing with the various phases of the cattle busi- 
ness. In this class of literature Kansas readers will be interested 
particularly in C. M. Harger's "Cattle Trails of the Prairies," in 
Scribner's magazine (June, 1892) . 

It is only in recent years, and more particularly since the World 
War, that historians have undertaken systematic collection of his- 

(74) 



MALIN: NOTES ON THE RANGE CATTLE INDUSTRY 75 

torical materials in this field, and on this foundation, promoted his- 
torical research and writing. In reviewing a few selected titles from 
the product of such investigations it is in keeping with the subject 
matter to begin at the south and work north as the cattle did. 

In the brush country of south Texas the first scene is laid and the 
story is told by J. Frank Dobie, of the University of Texas, in A 
Vaquero of the Brush Country (Dallas, Texas, The Southwest 
Press, 1929). The book is based on the recollections of a prominent 
cattleman, but is supplemented by substantial research and is written 
in a masterly style. Chronologically this book is among the more 
recent publications in the field, but historically it properly ante- 
dates all the others and is the first to deal with that region from 
which most of the cattle drives originated. It is true to the local 
color, even to the cover, which is in simulation of a section cut out of 
the back of a huge rattlesnake skin. 

Contrasting with the brush country of south Texas and the period 
of beginnings, the next book deals with the high-plains country of 
the Texas Panhandle where ranching was developed near the end of 
the open-range period. This story is related by J. E. Haley in The 
XIT Ranch of Texas (Chicago, Trustees Capitol Reservation 
Lands, 1929). The story of this enterprise illustrates effectively 
how the range herds were built up into high-grade Hereford and 
Angus cattle, superior to much of the stock produced on the farms 
of the corn belt during the eighteen nineties. This angle of the cattle 
business recalls also one of the major reasons why the latter regions 
came to depend on the range for feeders instead of producing them 
as formerly on middle western farms. 

A book which gives an overview of most of the industry is that of 
E. E. Dale, The Range Cattle Industry (Norman, Oklahoma, Uni- 
versity of Oklahoma Press, 1930). Professor Dale has spent many 
years studying cattle, especially in the Oklahoma area. The book is 
therefore a mature piece of work. It epitomizes the results of his 
own research, and reflects the contributions made by special studies 
of others. While there is little in it that is essentially new, neverthe- 
less it possesses distinction in the concise but comprehensive quality 
of the presentation. 

The northwest high plains region, which Dale omits, is treated 
in a remarkably able volume by E. S. Osgood, The Day of the 
Cattleman, a Study of the Northern Range, 1845-1890 (Minne- 
apolis, The University of Minnesota Press, 1929). In this work 



76 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

the manuscript records of the cattlemen's associations are used ex- 
tensively and, it might properly be said, for the first time in any 
extended study of the Northwest. 

Closely related to the studies in the economic history of the in- 
dustry come two recent and able works on that all but legendary 
person, the Cowboy. P. A. Rollins in a book, The Cowboy (New 
York, Scribner's, 1922), stripped him of most of the clap-trap of the 
wild-west story and movie, describing in more sober terms the men 
who handled range cattle. More recently the subject has been dealt 
with from a somewhat different angle in an uneven but brilliant 
volume by E. Douglas Branch called The Cowboy and His In- 
terpreters (New York, Appleton, 1926). 

Possibly the reader has already discerned a gap in the record of 
the cattle industry as it would be treated by the books mentioned. 
The omission is not intentional, but one of necessity. No inclusive 
story of cattle in the Kansas region proper has yet been written. 
Books of varied quality are available which deal with certain phases 
of Kansas live-stock history, but for the most part the basic re- 
search must yet be done. Such work on the subject as is known to 
be under way has made only what might be called substantial be- 
ginnings. 



Kansas History as Published in the State Press 



Kansas newspapers publish many historical articles. In this and 
succeeding issues we wish to mention editors and authors who are 
helping to preserve the record of the past. Space does not permit 
us to reprint the articles, but complete files of Kansas newspapers 
are maintained by the Society, where they may always be consulted. 
This list is necessarily very incomplete; the editor will welcome 
notices and copies of articles so that recognition may be given. 

The 104-page seventieth anniversary edition of the Marshall 
County News, Marysville, appearing February 27, was an out- 
standing weekly Kansas newspaper achievement. The edition was 
filled with historical news of the county and city. 

"Stories of a Kansan" (46 chapters) , by Bernard James Sheridan, 
was published in The Western Spirit, Paola, during 1930 and 1931. 

The Chapman Advertiser conducted a series of pioneer articles, 
commencing February 5, on eastern Dickinson county. 

"A History of Burlingame" was the title of a series of articles 
by Frank M. Stahl which started in The Enterprise-Chronicle, Bur- 
lingame, March 26. 

The May 1 edition of The Yates Center News announced that it 
was celebrating its fifty-fourth anniversary and printed a brief 
history of the city. 

"Women in Butler County History" was the theme of the 36-page 
woman's pictorial edition published by The El Dorado Times, 
April 29. 

The issues of April 30 and May 7 of The Garden City News con- 
tained many historical articles on the Finnup pioneer day celebra- 
tion held in Garden City, May 8. The Garden City Daily Tele- 
gram also published a special edition. 

Residents of Sherman county who have lived in the county forty 
years or more were listed in the May 6 edition of The Goodland 
News-Republic, a dedicatory issue for the corner-stone laying of 
the new courthouse. 

An "Early History of Sedgwick," by Francis Doty, was published 
in the May 14 issue of The Sedgwick Pantagraph. 

The Democratic Messenger, Eureka, published a 24-page his- 
torical and industrial edition, July 16. 

(77) 



78 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Horton of the "gay nineties" was recalled in a 12-page edition 
of The Horton Headlight-Commercial appearing July 27. 

The Hays Daily News of June 20 published a 14-page special 
announcing the official dedication of the Fort Hays Frontier Park, 
June 22 and 23. 

Pony express riders brought five letters to Marysville August 17 
and delivered them at the speakers' stand at the dedication of the 
Pony Express marker. Both The Advocate-Demo cat and the Mar- 
shall County News carried historical matter pertaining to this 
famous western service and the latter newspaper published a lengthy 
article by John G. Ellenbecker. 

The "Final Indian Scare in 1885" in the counties of Kingman 
and Barber, was the title of an article by Ed M. Moore in the 
weekly edition of The Hutchinson News, August 7. Mr. Moore also 
conducts a "History of Reno County" as a regular feature in the 
daily News. 

The Marion Review of September 15 and The Marion Record of 
September 17, issued special pioneer editions announcing the annual 
Marion County Old Settlers' picnic which was held Friday, Sep- 
tember 18. 

The "History of Kingman," by Mary Alice Livingston, was a 
feature of the September 18 issue of The Kingman Leader-Courier. 

The Fiftieth Anniversary of The Clifton News was observed with 
a 16-page historical edition, September 17. It was compiled by 
Edna L. Rossman, the editor. 

A 43-page pamphlet, The Story of Old Ft. Hays by Eye Wit- 
nesses, including the widow of Buffalo Bill, Mrs. Geo. A. Custer, 
Mrs. Josephine Middlekauff, C. J. Bascom, and others, was published 
under the auspices of the Fort Hays Frontier Park Committee. 
"Some Ancient History," by Mrs. Frank C. Montgomery, was a 
part of this collection. 

Reminiscences of Geo. Throckmorton reprinted from the Daily 
Republican, Burlington, appeared as a pamphlet early in 1931. 

Famous Indian battles of the West have been pictured through 
the pen of Paul I. Wellman, magazine editor of The Wichita Eagle 
during the last several years. 

A personal history of the development period of northwestern 
Kansas entitled Prairies and Pioneers, by J. S. Bird, was pub- 
lished by McWhirter-Ammons Press, Hays. This attractive fifty- 
six page pamphlet is in its second edition. 



KANSAS HISTORY IN THE STATE PRESS 79 

A history of the Donner Party, one of the caravans which trav- 
ersed Marshall county on the Oregon Trail in 1846, was written by 
Wm. E. Smith, of Wamego, for The Advocate-Democrat, Marys- 
ville, in the June 11, 18 and 25 issues. 

The Major Robert H. Chilton monument in Chilton Park, Dodge 
City, was unveiled May 28. The Dodge City Daily Globe and 
The Dodge City Journal carried historical articles in connection 
with the dedication. 



PRINTED BY KANSAS STATE PRINTING PLANT 
8. P. WALKER, STATE PRINTER 

TOPEKA 1931 

D 

14-1266 



THE 

Kansas Historical 
Quarterly 




Volume 1 Number 2 

February, 1932 



PRINTED BY KANSAS STATE PRINTING PLANT 

B. P. WALKER, STATE PRINTER 

TOPEKA 1932 

14-2345 



Contributors 

ESTHER CLARK HILL is known to all Kansans as a writer and poet, 
author of The Call of Kansas and other poems. She is now a member 
of the staff of the Kansas Historical Society. 

NYLE H. MILLER, who has charge of the newspaper section of the 
Kansas State Historical Society, is a graduate of the College of Wil- 
liam and Mary. 

MARVIN H. GARFIELD is instructor of history in Roosevelt Inter- 
mediate School, Wichita, Kansas. 

GEORGE A. ROOT, curator of archives, Kansas State Historical Society, 
has been an employee of the Society since March, 1891. His father, 
Frank A. Root, was an express messenger on the Holladay Overland 
Stage Line, a pioneer Kansas editor, and co-author of The Overland 
Stage to California. 

JAMES C. MALIN, associate editor of the Kansas Historical Quarterly, 
is associate professor of History at the University of Kansas. He is 
author of United States After the World War, and other books. 

KIRKE MECHEM is editor of the Kansas Historical Quarterly and 
secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society. 

HELEN M. MCFARLAND is librarian of the Kansas State Historical 
Society. 

(82) 



The Pratt Collection 

ESTHER CLARK HILL 

/ TVEE Pratt collection of manuscripts and documents takes its 
A name from that of John G. Pratt, a young missionary-printer 
who came to the old Shawnee Baptist Mission from Reading, Mass., 
in 1837, to take the place of Jotham Meeker, who was going farther 
south in the Indian Territory to found the Ottawa Baptist Mission 
on the Marais des Cygnes (Osage) river.* These two young men 
operated the first printing press in Kansas, and there is much men- 
tion (and some samples) of their workmanship among the Pratt 
papers. 

The collection, which had lain for years in the attic garret of the 
old Delaware Mission house (since torn down), was given to the 
Kansas State Historical Society in 1907 by Rosamond Pratt Burt, a 
daughter of John G. Pratt. The original mission building was of 
walnut logs, with hewed edges, and stood, in 1837 (the year of its 
founding by Ira D. Blanchard and his wife, Mary Walton Blan- 
chard, Baptist missionaries), on the present site of Edwardsville, 
Wyandotte county, Kansas, at the Grinter crossing of the Kaw 
river, on the old military road between Fort Leavenworth and Fort 
Scott. The flood of 1844 broke up the school, and in 1848 John G. 
Pratt removed the log building to higher ground, putting it up again 
in its first form, and for fifty years it served as the middle part of 
the Pratt homestead. 

It was from this old mission-homestead that the Pratt collection 
was removed by George A. Root, a member of the staff of the Kan- 
sas State Historical Society. The Society had had some correspond- 
ence with Mrs. Burt on the subject. Mr. Root's diary in 1907 
records: 

"Nov. 5. Called on Mrs. Rosamond Burt, daughter of Rev. John 
G. Pratt, the Delaware missionary. She gave me several papers 
to add to the Pratt collection, one being Rev. Pratt's last sermon, 
and another a photo of him. Mrs. Burt asked me to go down to 
the old mission at Piper, Wyandotte county, and tell Mrs. Pratt 
[her sister-in-law, widow of E. H. Pratt, who was living in the old 
Pratt mission-home] that she was anxious that her father's old pa- 
pers should be added to the Historical Society collection. . . . 

* See the next article, Some Background of Early Baptist Missions in Kansas, in this issue. 

(83) 



84 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Reached the Pratt home about 7:30; found Mrs. Pratt absent, but 
a daughter of one of the Journeycakes in charge. She was also 
looking after the four Pratt children. She got me a supper, saying 
that I was expected. Mrs. Pratt got back about 9:30, and we had 
a pleasant chat for an hour or more. 

"Nov. 6. Raw and chilly. Good frost. Put in entire day ran- 
sacking the attic, third floor, hunting up boxes, papers and manu- 
scripts. Packed a number of curios, a communion set (pewter) 
globes for studying geography in school room, a cuspidor used by 
Rev. Pratt and his Indian callers, etc. . . . 

"Nov. 7. Finished packing the last of the things I had boxes for 
this morning. ... In the afternoon I got a relative of Mrs. Pratt 
to drive to the depot, where we went with the load of Indian things 
I brought back with me. There was an Indian-made bookcase, 
cherry lumber and glass front, which was in the collection. Ran 
out of nails and had to take the last of the collection to the depot 
loose, where the station agent, a young girl, kindly offered to pro- 
cure string and wire and bind them for shipment." 

There are, it is estimated, 10,000 papers in all; handwritten and 
printed, with not a typed line in the lot. There are letters, land 
grants, allotments, deeds, contracts, government papers and a va- 
riety of miscellany, covering a period of more than sixty years, the 
bulk of them lying between 1837 and 1870. John G. Pratt was not 
only a missionary-printer, but teacher, preacher, United States In- 
dian agent, and physician extraordinary to the Indians, in the course 
of his western life. 

Taking it as a whole, the collection falls logically into the fol- 
lowing divisions of Pratt's varied activities: 

From 1837 to 1844 he was missionary-printer at the Shawnee 
Baptist Mission in Johnson county. 

From 1844 to 1848 he was in charge of the Stockbridge Mis- 
sion, near Fort Leavenworth. (This was abandoned in the lat- 
ter year.) 

From 1848 to 1864 he was in charge of the Delaware Baptist 
Mission in Wyandotte county (from which the collection was 
taken) . 

From 1864 to 1868 he was United States Indian agent at the 
old Delaware agency, with headquarters at Leavenworth. He 
was the last of the Delaware agents, as the tribe removed to 
the Indian Territory (now Oklahoma) in 1868. 



HILL: THE PRATT COLLECTION 85 

Other Indian agents and individuals are represented to a lesset 
extent in the collection, which is broken and in many instances il- 
legible from stains and the wear and tear of the manuscript. The 
government papers are for the most part intact, and the series fairly 
in order. 

The letters for the first few years are altogether personal; even 
those from officers of the missionary board in Boston, under whose 
auspices the Pratts had taken the Indian post, were often pleasantly 
chatty of mutual acquaintances and interests. What, after all, were 
these two adventurous young missionaries but babes in the dark 
woods along the shores of the sullen Missouri river, alone save for 
other missionary company hardly older than themselves? 

The families of both John G. Pratt and Olivia Pratt are well rep- 
resented in this correspondence. The letters are extremely religious 
in tone, and those of friends and acquaintances not the less so. Even 
the younger children of the Evans family caught the solemnity of 
the elders, and the letters that passed between the young Pratts 
before their marriage are not only models of propriety, but deeply 
serious in contemplating their coming separation from home and 
kindred, and the spiritual importance of the western undertaking. 
Their very youth made the step the more momentous, for all their 
high courage. And their inexperience in the wild new country and 
the perils that may befall them there is never for an instant out of 
mind with those in the east, who had sent them forth with blessings 
and prayers and not a few tears. 

The reports of the missionary-printer from the beginning of his 
long correspondence with the secretary of the missionary society in 
Boston, Dr. L. Bolles, are almost painfully detailed as to the ex- 
penditures of the slender funds placed in his hands, and his recital 
of the hardships and privations of the Indian wilderness. The last 
penny is faithfully accounted for; the calculations of how much 
more will be actually needed for bare comforts are stated with an 
apologetic hesitation. 

Practically all the letters of those first years, both from the board 
and the families and friends, as well as the western Pratts them- 
selves, are written on the old-fashioned, unruled foolscap, once white 
but now yellowed with age and much handling. There are one or 
two daintily penned missives on a faded pink paper, from the young 
ladies of the female seminary which Olivia Pratt had so lately left, 
but even their cheerful color does not relieve the awful solemnity of 
their religious tone. 



86 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

There being no envelopes used in this country until about 1845, 
the letters are addressed in the middle of the back, or fourth, page. 
In many instances they were sent by persons traveling west, or 
tucked in the "missionary barrels" and boxes that were sent from 
the missionary rooms in Boston to the several stations under their 
supervision in the Indian Territory of that day. Lists of the ar- 
ticles sent always accompanied the container, and were usually a 
part of the letters. Homely and useful items, all of them clothing 
for the children, which were beginning to arrive in the missionary 
families, as well as for their elders; bedding and household necessi- 
ties of the plainest character. 

With the removal of the Pratts from the Shawnee Mission to that 
of the Stockbridge Indians (still under authority from the Boston 
board) the letters are infrequent from the families and friends, but 
increase in volume from the mission board as the scope of the 
work in the west widens. The bookkeeping is somewhat involved 
and irregular, as the business accounts are almost invariably in- 
cluded with letters, and often on the same page with personal mat- 
ter. But John G. Pratt remains faithful to detail and conscientious 
in the smallest expenditure, to the very end of his dealings with his 
Boston superiors. 

In the beginning the salary for the double office of printer and 
missionary had been $300 annually ; on Pratt's taking charge of the 
Stockbridge Mission, in 1844, this was increased to $400, and 
by 1859, according to the letters, he was receiving $500 a year. 

From 1844 to 1848 there is an appreciable increase in the ac- 
countancy contained in the letters, both to and from the board. At 
times the soul of the conscientious young missionary was sorely 
tried by the demands made upon him from headquarters. There 
seems to have been one kind of accounting done there and another 
at the mission. More than once he writhes, in his letters, at what 
he deems injustice done him by those to whom he is humanly ac- 
countable. Once, indeed, he and Mrs. Pratt gave up the Shawnee 
Mission and went back to Massachusetts. But that was for barely 
a year, and in 1841 they had returned to their first charge. 

After the abandonment of the Stockbridge Mission, and the re- 
opening of the Delaware Mission, the letters of various Indian 
agents begin to increase in this collection. Also those of a certain 
shrewd commission merchant in St. Louis, R. H. Stone, whose busi- 
ness correspondence is mixed with much dry humor and a bit of 
Baptist piety. His bills of lading, however, of which there are many 



HILL: THE PRATT COLLECTION 87 

as the letters drop into the 1850's, are scrupulously drawn up, and 
his accounting with his missionary customers is rigidly correct, in 
figure and in detail. 

It is not until 1864 that John G. Pratt was made United States 
Indian agent for the Delawares and took up his office in Leaven- 
worth. In the following four years the government papers of the 
collection swell in volume, running into the thousands, of printed 
form and more or less filled in. These usually follow a series, and 
considering the length of time the papers have lain in the old walnut 
log building's attic, it is remarkable that they have retained as much 
of their physical integrity as they have ; and there are few missing 
numbers in any given series. Treaties, land allotments, reports of 
Agent John G. Pratt to the government, letters to and from poli- 
ticians in Washington and elsewhere these form the mass of the 
papers of his four-year term. That his relations with his charges 
were almost invariably cordial is richly in evidence all through the 
collection, both in letters some from the Indians themselves and 
in contracts and treaties made with them. 

With his entrance into government service Pratt seems to have 
left behind him the pressing cares of the missionary and the fac- 
tional differences that grew up with the new territory. The last 
years of the letters are devoted to government business: with offi- 
cials and commissioners of the Indian Department in Washington, 
superintendents in St. Louis, St. Joseph, Atchison and elsewhere, 
and with other agents at different stations. There is not, in the 
official correspondence, a very clear distinction between agents and 
subagents, and the seat of the superintendency shifts often. In the 
latter years, too, there was some desultory communication with 
army men; sometimes Indian guides were wanted; in one instance 
the Pratts, for all their kindly character, needed the protection of 
the army from an unfriendly Stockbridge Indian, one Konk-a-pot, 
whose viciousness aroused the commandant at Fort Leavenworth to 
a most spirited letter to the Pratts. 

After the retirement of John G. Pratt from his duties to the gov- 
ernment, in 1868, the letters dwindle down to personal and real- 
estate matters until the time of his death in 1900. The letters of the 
last of the century are negligible in quantity and in historical value. 

The miscellanies of the collection include some irregular church 
records of the Delaware and Stockbridge church, beginning in 1841 
and ending abruptly in 1848, about the time of Ira D. Blanchard's 
abrupt dismissal from the church and the withdrawal of his ordina- 
tion. 



88 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

There are also many fragments to which there are no supporting 
papers that might add a valuable chapter to the history of this 
section of those days. Painfully scrawled Indian letters; others 
purporting to come from the Indians but written in the intelligible 
and by the intelligent hand of the white man usually some Indian 
agent. Many of these leave a speculative interest with the reader 
as to how much of the first American's demands on the government 
and the Great White Father (as he is addressed) originated with 
themselves, and how often they were prompted by the cupidity of 
the white men. 

Two letters, in a class by themselves, are in the year 1855, from 
a Mrs. C. P. Chapman; one addressed to Commissioner George W. 
Manypenny, of Washington, and the other to the local Delaware 
agent, B. F. Robinson. They outline a most ingenuous plan for an 
Indian school along communistic lines, which is rather startling at 
that date in the United States and in that particular section. The 
fact that the proposed school was to be nonsectarian is indicated 
in so many words, and the inference left that it was to be more cul- 
tural than religious, with only women in charge of the boys and 
girls proposed to be taken, and a single man-of-all-work. 



Some Background of Early Baptist Missions 

in Kansas 

Based on Letters in the Pratt Collection 

of Manuscripts and Documents 

ESTHER CLARK HILL 

A PACKAGE of letters, some of them nearly a century old, that 
** have lain in the vault of the Kansas Historical Society for al- 
most twenty-five years, are an integral part of the foundation of 
the Baptist church in Kansas, if not its very corner stone. These 
letters belong to what is known as the Pratt collection, and those of 
the first decade (1837-1847) are mostly from the families and 
friends of the two young missionaries, John Gill Pratt and his wife, 
Olivia Evans Pratt. 1 All are of a deeply religious nature, but there 
is in the letters of Amos Evans, father of Mrs. Pratt, and Elizabeth 
Pratt, mother of John Gill Pratt, a keen note of parental solicitude 
that in places rises to real anguish in their contemplation of the 
perils and privations of the far-distant new country which seemed 
to have swallowed up their children. 

At the time these letters were written the Indian missions were 
still in the pioneer stage in the United States. They had only a 
bare foothold in the Indian country to which the eastern tribes 
were being removed under the authority of the act of May 26, 1830. 
This location, selected by Isaac McCoy and two other commis- 
sioners for such tribes, lay west of Missouri and Arkansas, and be- 
tween the Platte and Red rivers. Of emigrant tribes, the Shawnees 
had been the first to come, settling south of the Kaw river, just 
over the western Missouri boundary, directly after the treaty with 
the Kanzas and Osages in 1825. The Delawares followed them, 
locating in the fork of the Kaw and Missouri rivers some five years 
later; and the Sac and Fox tribe, about the same time, took up land 

1. John Gill Pratt was born September 9, 1814, at Hingham, Mass., and after a period 
in Wakefield Academy, Reading, he graduated from Andover Seminary 1836, completing the 
entire course, including the theological. On March 29, 1837, he married Olivia Evans, of 
South Reading, and they almost immediately started for the Indian Territory, where Pratt 
was to succeed Jotham Meeker as missionary -printer at Shawanoe Baptist Mission. In 1844 
he left that point to take charge of the Stockbridge Baptist Mission, which was abandoned 
in 1848, Pratt going directly to the Delaware Baptist Mission. He was made United States 
Indian agent to the Delawares in 1864, serving until 1868, when the tribe removed into the 
Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). Mrs. Pratt was closely associated with all his missionary 
work, and after his death, April 23, 1900, she survived him only two years. 

(89) 



90 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

north of the Delawares. The Kickapoos came in 1832 and held 
their ground between the Delawares and the Sac and Fox. And 
the Pottawatomies, coming in 1837, were the new settlers in what 
is now Miami and Linn counties (removing in 1846 to the lands 
northwest that have shrunken to their present holdings in Jackson 
county). This was the distribution of the more important tribes, 
up to about 1840, in what is now northeastern Kansas. 

It was in 1817 that Isaac McCoy, at his own request, had been 
appointed the first Baptist missionary to the Indians. 2 His first 
charge was among the Miamis in Indiana, and later the Carey and 
Thomas stations among the Pottawatomies in Michigan. During 
his missionary years he had drawn to himself a group of younger 
men who, under his direction, were to lay the groundwork of the 
Baptist missions in the Missouri valley. The Shawanoe Baptist 
Mission, opened July 7, 1831, was in charge of Johnston Lykins. 3 
It was a log structure and stood about five miles west of the Shaw- 
anoe Methodist Mission (built about the same time) in Johnson 
county, and an almost equal distance from the Shawanoe Quaker 
Mission, established in 1834, a mile southeast of Merriam, Kan. 

In 1837 Ira D. Blanchard founded the Delaware Baptist Mission, 
where the town of Edwardsville (on the interurban line between 
Kansas City and Lawrence), in Wyandotte county, now stands. 4 
(This mission building was swept away in the flood of 1844 and was 
rebuilt in 1848, by John G. Pratt, on higher ground.) Jotham Mee- 

2. Isaac McCoy, government surveyor, missionary, preacher, was born June 13, 1784, in 
Fayette county, Pennsylvania. He married Christianna Polke, October 6, 1803, and she was 
ever after that associated with his missionary life. After his first years as missionary to the 
Miamis and other tribes in Indiana, he entered the service in Michigan at the Carey and 
Thomas stations, leaving them to establish missions in the newly opened Indian Territory in 
the Missouri valley, after the passage of the act of May 26, 1830. It was McCoy's idea to 
give the Indians a permanent home in the territory, with a seat of government, and eventually 
ask for admission of the territory as a state. He was known as "the Apostle Paul of the 
Baptist denomination to the Indians of Kansas Territory" and his work among them continued 
until the last four years of his life, which were spent in editing a Baptist magazine at Louis- 
ville, Ky., where he died, June 21, 1846. 

3. Johnston Lykins was born April 15, 1800, in Franklin county, Virginia, and his asso- 
ciation with Isaac McCoy began when he was 19, as teacher among the Weas and Kickapoos 
on the Wabash river. He followed McCoy into Michigan and married Delilah McCoy, Feb- 
ruary 27, 1827. She lived but a few years. Lykins founded the Shawanoe Baptist Mission, 
in the Indian Territory, in 1831, and later did much translating of the Indian language. He 
was associated with Jotham Meeker in the publication of the first newspaper in Kansas, in 
the Indian language, the Shawanoe Sun, which lasted from 1836 until 1842. Lykins was one 
of the founders of Kansas City, Kan., building its first "mansion" and being its first full -term 
mayor. He was a practicing physician at the time of his death in Kansas City, Mo., August 
15, 1876. 

4. Ira D. Blanchard first entered missionary work as a teacher under Isaac McCoy, in the 
Indian Territory in 1833. In 1835 he married Mary Walton, a missionary teacher, and they 
founded the Delaware Baptist Mission, at Grinter's crossing of the Kaw river, in 1837. He 
did a valuable work on the Indian alphabet and syllabary, and in his translation of the 
Harmony of the Gospel, the original compilation of Rev. Zeisberger, of the Moravian mission 
farther south. The Blanchards left the missionary field in January, 1848, and retired to a 
farm in Iowa. 



HILL: EARLY BAPTIST MISSIONS 91 

ker, 5 who had been a convert to missions under the preaching of 
Robert. Simerwell 6 in the East, had arrived with him from Michigan 
at the Shawanoe Mission in 1833. Meeker was leaving that station 
in 1837 to found a similar one among the Ottawas on the Marais 
des Cygnes (Osage) river, south, where the town of Ottawa now 
stands. But he stayed at the Shawanoe Mission, along with another 
Baptist missionary, David B. Rollin (who seems to have been but 
a transient there) , long enough to welcome the young Pratts and in- 
duct them into the work they had undertaken. 7 

They had decided on this step only after much agonizing heart- 
searching and prayer, as is evidenced by their mutual letters. A 
sense of solemnest responsibility to God and man attended them. In 
a letter from Reading, Mass., dated October 5, 1836, Olivia Evans 
writes to young John G. Pratt at Andover Seminary (the same 
state) : 

"In regard to the state of my own mind, since I concluded to go with you 
to the far west, I think I can say I have enjoyed great peace." 

And on December 21, 1836, from the Charlestown Female Semi- 
nary, a letter from her expresses the wish that 

"that western valley become indeed the cultivated garden of the Lord. And 
shall we be the unworthy instruments of bearing these glad tidings to them? 
I feel it to be a glorious privilege to labour for God. I know that if we would 
labour among the Indians we must forego the enjoyment of friends and home, 
and deny ourselves take up the cross daily." 

No responsive letter from the sober young student at Andover 
Seminary appears in the collection ; but her own to him, January 20, 
1837, bears witness that he shared her exaltation: 

5. Jotham Meeker, missionary-printer, was born November 8, 1804, in Hamilton county, 
Ohio, and received his training as printer in Cincinnati. In the summer of 1825 he came 
under the influence of Robert Simerwell, a Baptist missionary to the Indians in Michigan, who 
was touring the East, and the two were associated at the Carey and Thomas stations in 
Michigan until 1833, when they both came to the Indian Territory. In September, 1830, 
Jotham Meeker married Eleanor Richardson, a missionary teacher, in Cincinnati, and the two 
immediately took up work at the Shawanoe Baptist Mission, leaving it in 1837 in charge of 
the Pratts. In 1832 he began a daily entry in his remarkable journal, which has survived 
him, and kept it up until a week before his death at Ottawa, Kan., January 12, 1855. Mrs. 
Meeker, whose life was devoted with his to the cause of missions, survived him until March 
15, 1856. His system of "writing Indian" opened a new world to those in his charge, and 
he did much patient translating for them. 

6. Robert Simerwell's association with missions, under Isaac McCoy, began in 1824, when 
Simerwell came to the Carey station, in Michigan. On March 17, 1825, he married Fannie 
Goodridge, a missionary teacher there. Simerwell was a practical blacksmith and farmer, and 
turned his hand cheerfully to these duties in the missionary field. He spent some time in the 
early 1830's at the Shawanoe Baptist Mission, but later devoted his time wholly to the Pot- 
tawatomies, beginning at the mission five miles west of Topeka, in 1848. This is said to 
have been the equivalent of a modern training school. It is claimed the youngest daughter 
of the Simerwells was the first white girl born in Kansas. The family has several descendants 
in Shawnee county. 

7. David B. Rollin and his wife were workers among the Creek Indians in 1834, and 
following some disturbances in that nation they came to the McCoy home in Westport, No- 
vember 4, 1836. They spent some time at Shawanoe Mission, being there on the arrival of 
the Pratts in 1837. Rollin was then in failing health and left missionary work in 1839, dying 
at the home of his wife's father in Michigan, April 11, the same year. 



92 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

"I rejoice in those feelings of devotion to [the] cause of God, which you 
express. I think much of our usefulness as well as happiness depends upon 
the state of feeling with which we enter upon this great work, and how very 
important [it is] that we should be entirely consecrated to the service of God. 
how unworthy am I to engage in such a glorious work. How weak and in- 
sufficient am I in and of myself; but God is my helper." 

In the meantime John G. Pratt had received a letter from Jotham 
Meeker, which he mentions in writing to Olivia Evans, January 31, 
1837: 

"He speaks of the resolution of the board to release him from his present 
field of labor on our arrival, with much feeling. 'We thanked God and took 
courage.' . . . We [the Pratts] are . . . confidently expected soon. 
. . . With all my courage the work looks big with importance, and full of 
momentous consequences. I feel sensibly we shall both of us need divine as- 
sistance in every step of this great undertaking. Sometimes temptations strong 
and trying may fall in our way. On account of them shall we abandon the 
cause? ... I hope you remember me at the throne of grace, where alone 
our mutual hope of success is centered." 

The letter concludes unemotionally, "Yours in truth." 
Before Olivia answers this serious communication she has re- 
ceived a letter dated December 11, 1836, from Mary Walton Blan- 
chard, wife of Ira D. Blanchard, both in charge of the Delaware 
Baptist Mission, which is particularly illuminative of the missionary 
situation at that time : 

"I have just received an intimation . . . that it is possible that I may 
have you for a neighbor in the spring. I do not know as more cheering in- 
teligence could be received than that there is a sure prospect of a printer 
for Shawennoe, not even that of a much-needed laborer at this [the Delaware] 
station, for it does seem altogether wrong that brother Meeker, after having 
spent six years of hard labor in acquiring a knowledge of the Ottawa language, 
should be kept from them [the Ottawa Indians] by work that another could 
just as well perform while there is probably no man upon earth that can, with- 
out spending much time in conquering an unwritten language, fill his place 
among a people with whom he can converse and over whom he has gained an 
influence. . . . - 

"I presume that you are expecting that it is at a distance from the abodes of 
civilized beings, that you must be deprived of all the conveniences and many 
of the comforts of life; but it is not so; it is but four miles to West Port, to 
which place steamboats commenced running last summer. When I came here, 
it was a dense harsh thicket with only two buildings on the site of the town, 
one of which was a P. O. I do not know the number of inhabitants it contains 
but there are at least four dry goods and grocery stores, any of which for a 
draft on the board are willing to put their goods at 30 per cent advance on 
their cost, which brings them to about St. Louis retail prices. The rooms that 
Mr. Mteeker] ocopies are a large one below and a small one (which was 
fited up for the press but not being large enough for two to work in, it has 



HILL: EARLY BAPTIST MISSIONS 93 

been moved to the schoolhouse) and a half-story chamber with a small fire- 
place. I mention these things more to gratify your mother than yourself, for 
I hope that no such consideration would move you in your purpose, but per- 
haps you would like to know what things you cannot obtain here. Among 
these are beds and cabinet furniture, except at an enormous price. We have 
all procured ours at Cincinnati, but iron and crockery ware are plenty almost 
al kinds of clothing will be more easily obtained than to take more than a 
present suply as I know by experience that trunks are a great care in travel- 
ing ; one thing however is very scarce woolen yarn I know not what I should 
have done had not our Ohio friends suplied us, but the setlers, most of whom 
are from the South, are begining to find that our winters are too cold for 
cotton or silk stockings, and are trying to raise sheep; our Indians talk of 
trying it, but wolves are too plenty, it will not however be so bad with you 
as it is here. We are 16 miles from Shawnee and the Kaw is % mile wide 
between us, and the feriage for a single person 50 cents and for a wagon 2 
dollars yet we are far better situated as to obtaining supplies than I had ex- 
pected to be. I should think this the most healthy place I ever was ac- 
quainted with, this is a great thing for without health we cannot do much. 
There has been no regular school either here or among the Shawwenoes since 
I have been here but our's is to be commenced very soon. It seems as though 
little had been done here but what can one family do alone? Yet something 
has been accomplished; many have learned to read their own language and 
nearly half of the gospels' is ready for the press and the rest of it in a state of 
forwardness. ... I feel anxious to see an English school commenced here; 
but I hardly see how it is to be kept up; it will be impossible for Sylvia or 
I to be much in school as you know that my health is not very good and I 
have a babe, and we shall have to cook dinners for all the children and ought 
to board at least three orphans children of deceased members of the church, 
who will otherwise be left without instruction as the relitives live at so great a 
distance that they cannot come daily; nor would it be satisfactory to the In- 
dians at present for a female to teach as many who design to attend are 
young men. If Mr. B[lanchard] is confined to a school, who shall finish the 
translation of the gospel? Who shall visit from family to family as he has 
done? he will it is true have some time left for to devote to these subjects, 
but each seem to demand all his time. Oh, that some one of the hundreds of 
young men who have professed to give themselves to the Lord might feel it 
duty and be permited to labor for the poor Delawares. If they are needed 
more in other places how great indeed must be the want of labourers ! . . . 
I have an opportunity to send to the ofice this morning and think of nothing 
but shoes, which you perhaps would think of, I thought I took a good suply 
but now have reason to regret I did not take more, there are plenty to be 
had, but I will not say of what quality." 

Under date of February 8, 1837, Olivia comments happily upon 
the letter: 

"It is indeed gratifying to hear from one so near the field of our future 
labors." 

And in a very feminine "P. S." she writes: 



94 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

"The young ladies of the seminary . . . frequently say '0, I wish I was 
going with you.' Yes, say[s] one yesterday, 'My soul exults for your happy 
fate thus to give all to Christ. Go. I would not wrest the privilege from you. 
And though Nature frowns and foes surround, yet it will be sweet to suffer for 
Christ/ " 

From Reading, March 2, 1837, Olivia writes to John Pratt, still 
at Andover Seminary. For all its high courage and resolution there 
is an undercurrent of youthful heartache at the prospect of leaving 
her familiar surroundings: 

"Having bid adieu to the loved ones at Charlestown I have returned to my 
own dear home. I felt that the dear friends in C. were bound to my heart 
by the strong ties of affection, but I knew not how strong till the hour of 
separation arrived. If the ties of nature are stronger than those of friendship, 
I know not how painful it will be to rend them. I will not however, be over- 
anxious about the parting hour. . . . Since my return, friends and home 
seem so dear that the wish to always stay with them has sometimes half in- 
truded itself into my mind. But six hundred millions of precious souls are 
perishing . . . and shall I hesitate to leave friends and home, however 
dear, if I can in any way be instrumental to leading any to the knowledge of 
the truth? . . . The glory of God and the salvation of these poor perishing 
souls is infinitely more important than my own personal feelings . . . 
Christ ... is entitled to my all, and He shall have it. ... I cannot 
contemplate this great work upon which we are so soon to enter without emo- 
tions of deep concern and intense anxiety; its responsibilities cause me to 
tremble . . . it is arduous enough to task to the uttermost the noblest 
energies of man. ... I have been told that it is indeed impracticable to 
go among those cruel and revengeful Indians who thirst for the blood of the 
white man that it is an insalubrious clime that will surely deprive me of 
health and prevent my doing any good . . . that a mother's love is too 
dear to be sold for any other . . . 'yet none of these things move me, 
neither count I my life dear unto myself' ... for this glorious object 
would I live, for this labor, and for this die." 

A scant "P. S." only is devoted to personal matters: "He [father] 
will attend to the publishment of our intentions, if you desire it." 
(Probably the publishing of the old-time "banns.") 

This is the last of the letters of the collection that passed between 
Olivia Evans and John G. Pratt. The diary of Jotham Meeker 
(May 11, 1837) speaks briefly of their advent at the Shawnee Mis- 
sion: "Mr. and Mrs. Pratt arrive from Massachusetts." 

The slip of a girl who, with the young printer-and-theological 
student had "left all for Christ," was yet to "learn to bear the dis- 
appointments and trials of life with patience," as she had written 
him, December 27, 1836, and to find among "the cruel and revenge- 
ful Indians" some of the warmest friends of her after life. She is 



HILL: EARLY BAPTIST MISSIONS 95 

said to have been a most attractive young woman at the time of her 
marriage, red-cheeked, black-eyed and with her hair worn in ring- 
lets, as was the fashion for many of the young women of that day. 

A picture of her that has come down with the collection shows her 
as she became in her last years the black eyes still sparkling, and 
with glints of the humor in them for which she is said to have been 
noted, though none of it appears in her letters. The hair that was 
worn in ringlets on her wedding day is softly white and parted in 
the middle, above a face that all the sorrows of the lean missionary 
years could not make less than lovely. For she had borne seven 
children, at the different missions, and four of them had died little 
Ann, the first, and Johnny and Eddie, all in childhood; only Lucius, 
the second born, had lived to manhood. He married Nannie, the 
daughter of Charles Journeycake. 

It was June 24, 1837, before John G. Pratt made an informal re- 
port to the society that had sent him west, as its missionary-printer. 
Under that date he writes to Dr. Lucius Bolles, corresponding secre- 
tary, describing a fairly uneventful journey, and then proceeds to 
affairs nearer at hand: 

"We met with a very kind reception at the mission house from our friends, 
Messrs. Rollin, Meeker and their families. Though much disappointed at 
the appearance of things in this wilderness and benighted country, it is agree- 
ably so. The location of the mission buildings is elligible; being a little re- 
moved from the immense Prarie, health must be retained much better than 
in the more marshy and timbered lands. I have found scarcely one object to 
meet the expectations I had previously formed, except the great moral desti- 
tution. We are located where the principles of the Gospel are much wanting; 
and it is truly painful to us to notice the stupidity of these 'sons of the 
forest,' in the reception of religious instruction. How was my heart pained 
the first Sabbath after we reached this place, to see so few attend religious ex- 
ercises; four or five Indians, only, being present. Their inattention and dis- 
regard to the word preached was lamentable in the extreme. While in the 
room, instead of listening, they were diverting themselves with some object, 
which uniformaly kept them engaged; and when that ceased to engage their 
curiosity, they would rise and walk out of doors a few minutes and then re- 
turn; all their actions seemed to say 'We desire not a knowledge of his 
ways.' And though faithfully informed of the blessedness of religion, and the 
love of Christ, as manifested on the cross towards others; by actions they 
replied 'we will not have this man to reign over us.' We have previously 
felt for the condition of those without the Gospel, and destitute of its sancti- 
fying influences, but when we now behold how degraded they are, and how 
unhappy in time and eternity they must be, we pity their case; we rejoice 
that God has directed our steps to this land of darkness, and pray that as 
those who love the blessed Saviour, we may shine as lights amid the sur- 
rounding midnight; that these poor souls wandering they know not where, 



96 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

may be induced to embrace the same Saviour, and become heirs, also, of the 
kingdom of Heaven. We feel that there is here abundant opportunity to try 
the effect of example; and excellent situation to live religion and show by 
works that there is a reality in the doctrines we profess to believe and teach 
them. 

"In many respects we are tried, but not discouraged, though so far from 
home and earthly friends, we feel to adhere the closer to our friend in heaven, 
who we find in truth 'sticketh closer than a brother.' Leaving, as we have 
done, at an early age the land that gave us birth, and the friends and other en- 
joyments we had ever been accustomed to hold dear, it may not seem strange 
to you that we often think, and speak of what we have left behind; it is hard 
to realize how great the distance is which separates us from home, but [we] 
feel happy in the reflection that we are no farther from heaven and our kind 
parent above. We never for a moment suffer ourselves to be carried away 
with reflections on our present condition in comparison with what it was in 
Massachusetts; though deprived of many enjoyments we then possessed, still 
Christ is ours, and in him all our wants are supplied, and every needed com- 
fort is granted us from his liberal hand; so that while health and the pros- 
pect of usefulness are ours, we remain happy and content. 

"Brother Meeker left on the 17th for the Ottawa settlement with his family; 
the man who moved them has just returned and says they arrived in health 
and spirits. The missionaries are generally in health except my wife, who has 
been feeble and billious ever since we arrived. We have had for several weeks 
past almost daily much rain, accompanied with heavy thunder; everything is 
so wet and decaying, fevers are much feared. Whenever the sun appears, it 
is so scorching as to be almost unendurable in the open air. My health has 
uniformly been good thus far. 

"I have been so much engaged since my arrival in preparing to fill Bro. 
Meeker's place, it has kept me out of the printing office more than was disir- 
able. There has for some time past, been much work in the office, so that a 
man employed by Mr. Meeker before my arrival, is still with me, assisting in 
printing Mr. McCoy's Register, which is nearly finished. 

Yrs. JOHN G. PRATT." 

This seems to be the letter proper; but there is some additional 
matter on the last page : 

"We have found much difficulty in preparing to keep house since Mr. 
Meeker's departure, every article is exorbitantly high, both of furniture and 
food. So that of the money left after paying for our journey we have spent 
50 dollars for the house. We have purchased but few articles with the above 
sum, as few as we could get along with, and have nearly exhausted our first 
half year's salary, still our want of necessary articles in the house is very 
great. Much is needed to be done both in the house and printing office, before 
the winter months set in, to make them comfortable. Mr. Meeker feeling un- 
settled as to his stay at Shawanoe, has neglected repairs; the buildings all 
being made of log and the space in between each log filled with nothing but 
mud, the mud has fallen out, leaving large cracks for the admission even of 
rabbits. We have already been thoroughly drenched while in bed at night 
several times, and it cannot be conducive to health, especially as slender as is 



HILL: EARLY BAPTIST MISSIONS 97 

that of my wife. It should be fixed with lime mortar, and in regard to it I 
hope you will remark, before winter sets in. The following is the state of 
my money affairs with the Board: 

Received for myself and wife before leaving Boston $115 

Do. to defray expenses to this place 185 

Do. of Mr. Smith in Cincinnati an addition of 50 

$350 

Expense of the journey was $166 

Paid for feathers at Louisville, Ky 29 

For furniture and so forth at this place 50 

$245" 

In an unsigned, undated letter, evidently written about the same 
time, and to Dr. Bolles, the young missionary speaks of the new 
field darkly, as "a land shaddowing with death." 

"We are frequently compelled to lament that so little is or can be done 
for the religious advancement of these Indians. We sometimes think our 
usefulness might have been greater had we remained among friends at home, 
but we do not cherish such feelings; if God has sent us to this part of his 
vineyard and bid us occupy it, here we desire to remain until he in his wise 
providence shall make it plainly our duty to remove. We do not feel our- 
selves alone; Bro. Rollin and family are the kindest of friends; in their 
society and council we enjoy much. We look to them as our earthly guides 
in all matters of doubt, as those who have been over that part of the path of 
life which remains for us yet to travel. 

"On the Sabbath, we as families, have resolved ourselves into a Bible 
class which we attend to after the public services are over. We feel happy 
in our situation, notwithstanding [we are] away from home and friends. The 
health of Mrs. Pratt has not been as good as formerly since our arrival; and 
so many persons frequently being with us considerably increases her labor. 
Many friends in Mass, have predicted we shall soon become unreconciled 
to our condition, because we were young, this has often been mentioned; but 
while Christ remains our hope; while we love him and his cause; while a 
field of usefulness remains open at this place we apprehand no disinclination 
to remain will be manifested by us." 

There is an appealingly boyish anxiety in the "P. S.": "Will the 
magazine be sent to us?" Possibly this was some Baptist periodical. 

A letter from the mother of John G. Pratt is a chronicle of the 
village happenings since the departure of the young missionaries, 
and voices a concern for their welfare: 

"WOBURN, [MASS.] July 31, 1837. 

"My DEAR SON With deep feelings of emotion I now sit down to address 
an absent Child although Huge Mountains and deep valies separate us in 
person yet we have the privilege of communeicating our thoughts on paper 
and convey them to each other but their is another and still greater we 
can meet at a Throne of Grace and there ask those blessings wich will stand 

72345 



98 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

in dayly need, in wich you share largely among your friends here. I cannot 
but rejoice that you have been permited to arive to your destined station 
without any accident after you left we heard of a great many Steamboat 
disasters wich caused me some anxiety but learning that most of them started 
on the Sabbath I was confident that you were not among them. ... I 
will endeavor to give you an acount of the afaires here as for myself I have 
a verry pleasant situation and find Woburn people friendly and inteligent 
. . . Louisa is with me yet [a daughter] Harrison [possibly a son] is still 
in North Reading has had but little Business . . . they have a son wich 
was born the 27 of May Olivia [Harrison's wife] got along verry comfortable 
for 2 weeks . . . Harrison at her solicitation and without the consent of 
her Nurs prepared and gave her some Bacon wich distressed her verry much 
. . . she went into fits and continued to have them for 24 hours . . . 
and did not sleep all that time continually talking upon every subject except 
religion she would repeatedly say John [G. Pratt] is Married is he not well 
I did not go to his wedding at other times she would say I did not have any 
of his Cake, she has since been to Wfoburn] and appears very much herself 
they have a fine little boy they think of nameing John Gill or John Harrison 
I supose you will have no objection. . . . Wee attended meeting yesterday 
Saw George Evans [brother of Olivia Evans Pratt and a strong Abolitionist] 
he came to W[oburn] to attend an Antislaverry Lecture by W[endell] Philps 
... he said he had not received a letter from Olivia he said he suposed 
you had not got your lugage yet was one reason ... as neare as I can 
learn Olivia's mother did not break her heart about her [Olivia] leaving 
. . . Brother Silas Richardson he called to see me the other day says that 
the Printing Business is verry dull. Mr. Gould has dismissed most of his 
printers . . . Mr. Clough has no painting ... he has ben to Boston 
to seek imployment but could find none . . . Capn. West has failed and 
Esq. Funnall [?] Posted down to Martha's Vinyard to atach his property 
but it was all out of his power to find anything . . . W. O. Johnson your 
late teacher and principal of the Lattin Academy is no more. . . . Caleb 
Shute has resigned the office in the Sabbath School Depository and ben 
out of Business for 3 months . . . I do not know any one that does not 
Complain of the times Business of all kinds is stagnated Many that were rich 
have become poor and those that were poor have become distressed it 
verryly [is] serious times here in a Pecuniary point you are better of[f] 
where you are ... I have ben thus particular because you wanted to 
know all the particulars now I want you in return to tell me all the partic- 
ulars and wheather you have got cured of the dispepsia and how Olivia's 
health is I feel sometimes that you were to young to go so far to labour 
among the Indians wich are so savage and a climate so uncongenial? I then 
ask myself the question was it an uncalled for Sacrifice ... I have lived 
nearly 60 years in the pleasantest part of our Country, but have found it 
thus far but a vaste howling wilderness and a desart to the aspiring mind 
wich believes nothin true but Heaven 

"Yesterday we attended the ordination of Mr. Hoper and there I saw your 
Father and Mother Evans from them I received a letter to read from Olivia 
to Emily Mr. E[vans] said ... he was verry anxious about you on 



HILL: EARLY BAPTIST MISSIONS 99 

account of your leakey house he said he should see the board and have 
Something done . . . 

"I will now give you some information concerning our ministering brethren. 
Mr. Sayer of South Reading has ben found guilty of kissing his maidservant 
... it took place some time since but of late the Editor of the Trumpit 
was applied to to publish it he desirous to know the fact aplyed to Sayer to 
know the truth of the story he acknowledged it but remarked that it was more 
disgraceful than wicked it was not published but the story is going the rounds 
amongh the Universalists the Church However has settled it with him and 
forgiven . . . Another case is that of Mr. Harris of Maiden he has come 
out a Universalist and publickly acknowledged it before his Congregation 
and the consequence was that his people dismised him he has got up quite 
a flowerishing high Scool in M[alden] has contracted for a valuable Apperatus 
for the use of it he has also applied to several young ladies to become his 
Wife but has hitherto ben unsuccessful . . . Amasa [Brown, her son-in-law] 
is here he thinks much of you and prays fervantly for you. Louisa [Brown's 
wife] says she often imagines herself where you are and looks in to see what 
you are doing your Aunt Otterman wishes to be remembered to you with 
her best wishes and kind regards she thinks much of you Aunt Shute and 
family visited me this summer they tender the same love give my best love 
to Olivia and tell her to rite me verry soon I hope you will be suported under 
your various hardships and tryals to this end you must look to God he a 
lone is able to give you strength eaqual to your day to him I commend you 

ELIZABETH PRATT to John G. Pratt." 

The faint warning of the struggle to come a quarter of a century 
later, in the reference to Wendell Phillips' antislavery lecture, deep- 
ens in tone in the letters from George Evans himself, several years 
later. But on the whole the New England correspondents were 
more concerned with the Indian perils to which their young family 
in the new territory were subjected. Elizabeth Pratt J s letters, in 
their fidelity to homely detail, must have somewhat appeased the 
human hunger for home news; and for all their rather bleakly ma- 
ternal note the "deep feelings of emotion" are there. 

A calamitous strain runs through much of the eastern news, re- 
flecting an economic depression similar to that of our own times. 
An undated letter with those of 1837, from Catherine Wellington, 
contains the intelligence that 

"L. Wyman of Woburn has faild and commenced bisness again at Hudson 
faild again and tryed to hang himself B. Brooks in company with Darius 
has taken the bankruptcy law and now they are looking him up, so you see 
we all have a share." 

Another letter of this period, undated and signed only "M. L. L.," 
swings away from the religious line a bit in confessing: 

"I suppose that some time hence I may leave the home of my youth and 
cast my lot with another, but do you keep this hint & not let any one know 



100 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

that ever I gave it to you. that person is a relative although a distant one, 
a person that you never saw, my friends like him. there may be something 
to prevent on further acquaintance, but I hope my heavenly father will direct 
me." 

There is a marginal note: "Burn this." faithless Olivia! 

Another letter from young Pratt to Dr. Bolles, September 22, 
1837, complains of receiving no word from the Society to which he 
was responsible, and contains the news that Mrs. Pratt "has been 
very sick for some weeks past." 

"The disease appears to have been brought on" he writes "by the change 
of climate and working beyond her strength. . . . The labor is too severe 
for her feeble constitution and help is not easily obtained 'in these ends of 
the earth.' " 

Again the appealing postscript: "Can we have the magazine?" 

Before Dr. Bolles has answered this, the third of John G. Pratt's 
letters to him, in the collection, comes one to his "Beloved Children" 
from Amos Evans, under date, Reading, October 23, 1837 : 

"We have heard some thing respecting the hostile appearance of the Osage 
Indians" the anxious father says. "We hope & pray that the Lord will pre- 
serve you from all harm & restore your health that you may labor for him. 
But we ask, if the Indians appear quarrelsome & have lost confidence in the 
whites & are not disposed to receive the truth from you or hear your words, 
does not prudence & duty require you to leave them? We know God can 
preserve us amid the greatest dangers, but can there be any confidence placed 
in the specious appearance of friendship of the Indians, when their jealousies 
are aroused against our people? . . . Dr. Bolles read your letter sent to 
us, & said that he did not believe it was required that you do so much for 
other missionaries, to labour excessively & destroy your health, or to continue 
there for any considerable time if it is evident you cannot enjoy health in 
that climate . . . We hope your house will be made comfortable should 
you be directed in the providence of God, & spared to labour there . . . 
Mr. Pratt's mother & brother have recently called on us . . . We all ex- 
change letters which are sent from you . . . 

"Business is dull with us, we think the labouring class of the community 
anticipate a harder winter than we have been wont to see. We live in an 
extravagant world, & at an extravagant age; and we must now learn by ex- 
perience that we do not really need (as you have expressed it in your letter) 
so much as we have been in the habit of thinking. And now as to the little 
church, you requested me to write all about it. As to our outward sircum- 
stances the state of business is such that I think we shall not be able at present 
to pay the Debt on the M[eeting] house, the notes on those pews which were 
just sold are now due, & altho 20 per cent was paid at the sale yet some say 
they had rather give up their pews than to be compelled to pay the remainder 
at this time; for notwithstanding the scarcity of money & the want of em- 
ployment every article of food bears a high price. Yet we are waiting for 
brighter prospects, & would not repine under these adverse providences, but 
pray that they may all work for our good. . . . 



HILL: EARLY BAPTIST MISSIONS 101 

"I feel I am not half awake, & that I do not feel a hundredth part as I 
ought upon the subject [of religion.] I sometimes think I wish to feel so as 
to prevent my usual repose, that I may offer up my supplications with strong 
crying & tears to him who is able & willing to answer the prayer of faith. But 
Alas, it is too often otherwise with me." 

On the same sheet, George Evans, Olivia's brother, wrote: 

"In one of Olivia's letters she mentioned about Amos [another brother] and 
me thinking of the West . . . This emigrating is not what it is cracked 
up to be. I have seen a great many from there who do not give very favor- 
able accounts of the country and the people." 

It is in his short letter, too, that "little Rosetta," a younger sister, 
makes her first appearance: 

"She says she should like to slip her hand into a large pan of red plums 
and I don't doubt it." 

On November 20, 1837, Dr. Bolles, of Boston, writes the long- 
looked-for letter: 

"My DEAR BROTHER We are concerned to hear of the sickness of your 
amiable companion & hope you will take measures without delay to afford 
her some relief. If no faithful assistant can be obtained for her for a time, 
she must decline serving others than her own family, as I perceive from her 
letters to the friends in Reading, she has accustomed herself to do. Strangers 
have no claim to crowd themselves on your hospitality, when your wife is 
actually too feeble to serve them, nor shd. you hesitate under such circum- 
stances to excuse her, & request them to seek accommodations elsewhere. The 
house which you occupy must be made tight & comfortable, & we wish, if it 
has not been done, that you will take immediate measures to make it so, when 
this reaches you. You will exercise a sound discretion as to the amount of 
repairs, & see that they are obtained on the best terms & report the same to 
us. For the expense so incurred, presuming it will not be large, you will 
be at liberty to draw on our Treasurer." 

It must have warmed the hearts and cheered the failing spirits of 
the youthful missionaries, so recently transplanted from New Eng- 
land soil, to know that the Society in Boston was really concerned 
for their earthly as well as their spiritual welfare. Anxiety over the 
health of Olivia Pratt spread through both families in the East, as 
well as to their friends, and occasioned much perplexity as to what 
Divine Providence expected of its young emissaries under the trying 
circumstances. That they were both homesick to the genuine im- 
pairment of their health, is apparent. The eastern contingent of 
the blood might advise and caution, as they assuredly did in their 
letters, but seldom was anything that might be construed as a com- 
mand to return ever given. The New England Baptist did not trifle 
with the Higher Will, nor question it too rigidly. In spite of the 



102 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

very natural forebodings of Olivia's mother and father, and the 
mother of John G. Pratt, there seems to have been a feeling among 
them all that the very finger of God was pointing to the west, and 
that His hand was overshadowing His bewildered children in "that 
Western Valley" where young, untried Olivia Evans (while still in 
the shelter of Charles town Seminary) had expressed herself as will- 
ing to "labor" and if necessary, "to die." 

But she lived to see much of it "the cultivated garden of the Lord" 
under the ministrations of John G. Pratt and herself, though not 
until they had both found in a welter of hardships and disappoint- 
ments and in times of stress when the Society in Boston seemingly 
had failed them that "there is no discharge in that war." 

"Our prayer is," Elizabeth Pratt once wrote to her much-tried 
son (Nov. 22, 1837), "that you may come out of the furness as gold 
tryed in the fire." 

They could hardly have done that had it not been for the whole- 
some cheer of the home letters, burdened though they are, for the 
most part, with deep religious solemnity in contemplating the ul- 
timate salvation, not only of the western savages but of themselves. 
The quaint expression, "indulging a hope," occurs in almost every 
letter, even in an undated and unsigned one: "Sarah Williams 
has lately spoke of a hope." 

The friendly, heart-warming gossip of Elizabeth Pratt's letters is 
conscientiously toned down before their close. On November 22, 
1837, she writes: 

"Joseph Shute has returned and appears . . . much improved in his 
manners at least. I should think he had returned from an Acadimy instead 
of a man of Wars vessel, he bids fair to make a stidey man Ebens wife 
has become pios and James wife also I hope their Husbands will soon follow 
their example ... I need tryals and the Lord knows how to try me." 

There are but two letters from Catherine Evans, the mother of 
Olivia, one a scant half page to "Ever Remembered Olivia," under 
date April 16, 1838, after the arrival at Shawanoe Baptist Mission 
of little Ann Eliza Pratt, to whom brief reference is made: "Rosett 
says you must kiss Ann for she and Jonas." 

But some years later, from the pen of the same young Rosett 
(February 13, 1841), we have an appealing picture of the mother: 

"She says ... I must write for her ... She cannot tell you how 
much she wants to see you all. when she thinks of you for awhile the great 
big tears would roll down her cheeks . . . she hopes she shall see Ann 
before she grows so large she shall not know her she has got the little chair 
all painted up green ready for her when she comes." 



HILL: EARLY BAPTIST MISSIONS 103 

From Catherine Evans herself, in the second letter (September 
14, 1843) : 

"Do write very soon. I feel as if I could not wait one day longer. How I 
long to see them little children [Ann and Lucius] do kiss them for me. Tell 
Ann she cant tell how much I do want to see her and ask her if she thinks 
she shall ever see me again." 

The sweet and shadowy figures of the two children, especially 
little Ann, run in and out of the letters; but sometime before 1848 
she fades from the picture; but not until she had made one or two 
visits to the East with her parents, since on March 4, 1844, from 
Reading, Mary Evans, the sister of Olivia, writes: 

"It seems but yesterday that I saw Ann in grandma's garden picking posies 
to carry to meeting." 

There is nothing in the letters more poignant than the picture that 
simple sentence draws, unless it is of a contented little Ann sitting 
by the loving-hearted Catherine Evans, in the little green-painted 
chair. 

It is to be regretted that there are so few letters in the collection 
from John G. Pratt himself, and none from Olivia Pratt after her 
marriage. There are scores of letters from the East; human, whole- 
some, intelligent, for all the depressing character of their somberly 
religious content. They are valuable as well for the faithful deline- 
ation of the sturdy life of New England in that period, from which 
so much of the actual life of Kansas was drawn; and which, in its 
hard idealism, was no doubt the mainspring of the fanatical puritan- 
ism of which Kansas stands accused at times. There is prima fade 
evidence that the letters did much to keep alive two valiant young 
souls who had chosen the Indian service as their portion until the 
hardy faith of the early Baptists, somewhat modified of its primitive 
sternness, had taken unmistakable root in the Missouri valley. The 
Baptist church in Kansas was founded on a rock, no less that of 
Israel because human hands in New England helped in the laying 
of it. 



Surveying the Southern Boundary 
Line of Kansas 

From the Private Journal of Col. Joseph E. Johnston 
Edited by NYLB H. MILLER 

I. INTRODUCTION. 

ON March 25, 1856, nearly two years after Kansas was organized 
as a territory under provisions of the Kansas-Nebraska act, 
May 30, 1854, a bill was introduced in congress by John S. Phelps, 
representative from Missouri, to provide for the survey of the south- 
ern boundary line of the territory. 1 The boundaries of the territory 
after its organization were described as follows: 

"Beginning at a point on the western boundary of the state of Missouri, 
where the thirty-seventh parallel of north latitude crosses the same (about 
thirty miles north of the southwest corner of Missouri, or 36 30' parallel of 
north latitude) ; thence west on said parallel to the eastern boundary of New 
Mexico; thence north on said boundary to latitude thirty-eight; thence fol- 
lowing said boundary westward to the east boundary of the territory of Utah, 
on the summit of the Rocky Mountains; thence northward on said summit to 
the fortieth parallel of latitude; thence east on said parallel to the western 
boundary of the state of Missouri ; thence south with the western boundary of 
said state (being a meridian line passing through the middle of the mouth of 
the Kansas river) to the place of beginning." 2 

Until January, 1854, the parallel 36 30' was the proposed south- 
ern boundary of the new territory. This was to enable the territorial 
government to control the Santa Fe trail. 3 The significance of the 
line 36 30' in the Missouri compromise also might explain its use 
in tentative bills for territorial organization drawn up previous to 
that date ; the proposed repeal of the Missouri compromise did away 
with this significance. 4 A map of Kansas and Nebraska, indorsed 
August 5, 1854, by George W. Manypenny, Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, shows the thirty-seventh parallel as the dividing line be- 
tween the Osage and Cherokee reservations. 5 This and similar 
mappings of the territory may have influenced Senator Stephen A. 

1. House Journal, 34th Cong., 1st and 2d sess., part 1, s. n. 838, p. 719. 

2. Martin, Geo. W., "The Boundary Lines of Kansas," Kansas Historical Collections, 
v. 11, p. 55. See, also, Kansas-Nebraska bill, 10 U. S. Stat, L. f pp. 283-284. 

3. Hall, Willard P., February 10, 1853. Congressional Globe, 32d Cong., 2d Bess., p. 560. 

4. Gittinger, Roy, "Separation of Nebraska and Kansas From the Indian Territory," 
Chronicles of Oklahoma, v. 1, p. 28. 

5. The compiler erred. Corrected maps show the division 3 miles north of the thirty- 
seventh parallel. 

(104) 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 105 

Douglas to establish the thirty-seventh parallel in section nineteen 
of the Kansas-Nebraska bill as the southern boundary of Kansas. 6 

Indian tribes located within the limits or jurisdiction of the terri- 
tory were expressly "excepted out of the boundaries," in the provi- 
sions of the act, and were in no way to become a part of the terri- 
tory of Kansas until such tribes signified their assent to the Presi- 
dent of the United States to be included within said territory. 7 A 
similar "exception" clause was contained in the act of January 29, 
1861, admitting Kansas as a state. 8 Thus, the thirty-seventh paral- 
lel did not become the effective southern boundary of Kansas until 
the treaty of February 23, 1867, when the Quapaws, last of the tribes 
to conform, ceded all their right, title and claim to land in Kansas. 9 
The Cherokee Nation, another principal Kansas land-owning tribe, 
relinquished its title by the treaty of July 19, 186.6, ratified and con- 
firmed by the act approved July 31, 1866. 10 

Surveying of the ultimate boundary line was not to be delayed un- 
til such Indian claims had been quieted, however, for the house re- 
ferred the bill providing for the survey of the southern boundary of 
Kansas (34th Cong., 1st sess., H. R. 197) as introduced by Mr. 
Phelps, to its committee on territories. The bill was returned with 
an amendment in the nature of a substitute therefor which was 
passed by the house June 23, 1856. n Seven days later the senate 
concurred, 12 and the act as approved on July 8 became law: 

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United 
States is hereby authorized and directed to cause the southern boundary line 
of the territory of Kansas, between the state of Missouri and the territory of 
New Mexico, to be surveyed and distinctly marked, and a plat of said survey 
shall be deposited in the office of the Secretary of the Interior, and another plat 
of said survey shall be deposited in the office of the secretary of the territory 
of Kansas." is 

A supplementary act making an appropriation of $35,400 for the 
work was approved August 18, 1856. 14 

The Kansas Weekly Herald, Leavenworth, on April 25, 1857, 
printed notices of military movements for the spring and summer. 
Among these was the announcement that Lieut.-Col. Joseph E. 

6. 10 U. S. Stat. L., p. 283. 

7. Ibid., p. 284. 

8. 12 U. S. Stat. L., p. 127. 

9. 15 U. S. Stat. L., Treat. 3, p. 30. 

10. 14 U. S. Stat. L., Treat. 8, pp. 120-121. 

11. House Journal, 34th Cong., 1st and 2d sess., part 2, s. n. 839, p. 1100. 

12. Ibid., p. 1132. 

13. 11 U. S. Stat. L., p. 27. 

14. Ibid., pp. 139-140. 



106 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Johnston, 15 First cavalry, with four companies of that regiment and 
two companies of the Sixth infantry, was to proceed early in May 
upon duty connected with the survey of the southern boundary of 
Kansas. 

On May 2 the Herald reported that extremely cold weather as- 
sured but little grass for two or three weeks and the expedition 
might be delayed as a result. Colonel Johnston had been in St. 
Louis, April 25, on business relating to the survey. He was to 
return to Fort Leavenworth and conduct the troops to the starting 
point on the Missouri line at the thirty-seventh parallel, there to be 
met by J. H. Clarke and Hugh Campbell, astronomers, and J. E. 
Weyss, surveyor, with their party. 

Colonel Johnston kept a day-by-day account of this survey, 
covering the period from May 16, when the expedition left Leaven- 
worth, to October 29, 1857, when he encamped on Spring river be- 
low Cherokee county, Kansas, on his return. The journal was 
penciled in an account book, 8 x 14 inches, and is a part of the 
Johnston collection donated to the library of the College of William 
and Mary in Virginia by Hon. Robert M. Hughes, a nephew of 
Joseph Johnston. Through the courtesy of Dr. E. G. Swem, college 
librarian, the journal is here reproduced exactly as written except 
for the employment of punctuation marks and capitalization for 
clarity. 

A plat of the survey, in seven sections, is a part of the Kansas 
State Historical Society's map collection. It was an 1878 accession 
from former-governor James M. Harvey and assisted materially in 
the preparation of notes for the journal. Presumably it is the copy 
provided the office of the secretary of the territory in compliance 
with the act of congress relative to the survey. The trail of the 
wagon train as it meandered about the thirty-seventh parallel to 
the New Mexican boundary line and as it returned through the 
confines of present-day Oklahoma is clearly shown. 

The supply train which was due on the Santa Fe trail August 31, 
near the end of the line, was delayed, and part of the command was 
dispatched nearly 80 miles toward Fort Leavenworth to meet it. 16 

15. Joseph Eccleston Johnston was born at Cherry Grove, Va., February 3, 1807. He was 
graduated at West Point on July 1, 1829. Following the customary advancements for meri- 
torious service, he attained the rank of lieutenant -colonel of the First cavalry March 3, 1855, 
and was in command of the surveying party sent to mark the southern boundary of Kansas in 
1857. On June 28, 1860, he was made quartermaster general of the army with the rank of 
brigadier general, but resigned April 22, 1861, after Virginia seceded. He was then made 
major general of Virginia volunteers and later full general in the Confederate service. He died 
on March 21, 1891, in Washington, D. C. 

16. Letter from the Secretary of War, house of representatives, 35th Cong., 1st sess., Ex. 
Docs., No. 103. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 107 

A report from friendly Kiowas that a large band of Cheyennes was 
in the vicinity sent the troops scouring the countryside while the 
surveyors were completing their work, but the search was futile. 

Final calculations on the line were made September 10. The 
corner stone was established on that date near the source of Willow 
creek, a small tributary of the Cimarron river. Total distance from 
the Missouri border was 462 miles, 1,001 feet. 17 

The homeward march was begun September 20. A copy of a letter 
from Colonel Johnston to the adjutant general, June 5, indicated 
that the party would return via Crawford's Seminary. 18 Receipt of 
a communication September 8 from John B. Floyd, Secretary of 
War, dated May 5, 1857, directed Colonel Johnston to ascertain the 
most practicable route for a railroad from the initial point of the 
boundary to the Rio Grande. 19 The tardy delivery of the message 
prohibited a thorough exploration of the terrain, but, obviously as 
a result of this order, Colonel Johnston split the caravan when it 
reached the juncture of Buffalo creek with the Cimarron river in 
order that the two divisions might examine more territory on their 
return. Captain Wood was instructed to lead the wagon train back 
to the Missouri line. Colonel Johnston, with a cavalry company, 
turned south to the bend of the Canadian river near the ninety- 
ninth meridian, before again resuming the northeasterly trek to the 
southeast corner of Kansas. 

II. ENTRIES FROM THE JOURNAL: MAY 16 TO OCTOBER 29, 1857. 

May 16th. Left Fort Leavenworth about 11 o. c. A. M. with two 
companies 6th Infy (E & K Capt. Garnett; Lieut. Smith & Mc- 
Lemore) 20 & two squadrons 1st cavalry, with two-fifths of six- 
months provision. Cavalry officers: Capts. Wood, De Saussure, & 

17. Methvin, J. J., "The Fly Leaf," Chronicles of Oklahoma, v. 6, pp. 348-349. 

18. The letter, Johnston to Samuel Cooper, was copied on a flyleaf of the journal, now in 
possession of the College of William and Mary library. Crawford Seminary, a Quapaw mis- 
sion school of the M. E. Church, South, was established in the Quapaw Nation, March 27, 
1843, and was named for T. H. Crawford, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1832-1845. About 
April, 1848, it was moved to a new site about five miles north, near and east of the present 
Baxter Springs, close to the north line of the Quapaw lands. This new site was on the 
military road from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Gibson, about five miles west of the Missouri 
line, and was the most southern post office on the government mail route in the territory from 
1848 to 1863. See Mrs. Frank C. Montgomery's list of "Dead Towns of Kansas," Kansas 
State Historical Society. (Not published.) 

19. House of representatives, 35th Cong., 1st sess., Ex. Docs., No. 103. 

20. Infantry officers were : Capt. Richard Brooke Garnett, who became a brigadier general, 
C. S. A., and was killed July 3, 1863, at the battle of Gettysburg; Lieut. Benjamin Franklin 
Smith, who was made a brigadier general of volunteers in the Union army, and Lieut. Owen 
Kenan McLemore, who went into the Confederate army as a lieutenant colonel, and died from 
wounds, September 14, 1862. Heitman, Francis B., Historical Register and Dictionary of the 
United States Army, v. 1. 



108 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Anderson; Lieuts. Bell, Otis, Thompson, Ingraham & Taylor. 21 
1,000 bushels of corn had been sent forward 200 miles by Capt. 
Beall. 22 Forage for 12 days accompanied the party. Three Dela- 
ware guides were employed: Jim Connor, Benjamin Love & George 
Washington (the last name probably selected by the bearer) . The 
1st encampment was on 9 Mile creek. 

May 17th. Marched at 7 o. c. The Corny train which had started 
on the 15th & the two companies of Infy with their wagons were 
sent to the Delaware Crossing. 23 The rest of the party went to 
Tola's ferry. Companies F & K with the prairie guns, crossed. So 
did the Infantry at the lower ferry. 

May 18th. Companies C & I crossed, the latter at the lower 
ferry, & joined the other four near the Baptist church on the Califor- 
nia road, 24 where we waited for the Corny & forage wagons which 
came up about 9 A. M. 

May 19th. The whole party encamped on Indian creek, where 
Dr. Wright joined it, about 13 miles from the ferries. 

May 20th. Passed Little Santa Fee, 25 about 2 miles from Camp. 
4 miles further a branch of the Big Blue. A mile further the Big 
Blue. Four M. further wood & water on the left. Four further 
crossed the head of Grand river. 26 Encamped 2% M. further on a 
small branch, at the upper timber. 

May 21st. March at 6h 45m. Crossed a small stream at 7h 45m 
& at noon reached Sugar creek 27 & encamped. 

May 22d. Misled by the guides through West point Mo. 28 5 M. 
from camp. A mile from it, passed into the valley of the Marais 
des Cygnes, crossing several of its small branches. Troublesome. 

21. Captains of the cavalry were: Thomas John Wood, who remained in the Union army 
and retired with the rank of brigadier general ; William Davie De Saussure, who joined the 
Confederate army as a colonel, and was killed July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg, and George Thomas 
Anderson, who became a Confederate brigadier general. Lieutenants of the cavalry were: 
David Bell, who died December 2, 1860 ; Elmer Otis, who became a colonel, U. S. A. ; John 
A. Thompson, who followed the same flag to attain the rank of major; Edward Ingraham, who 
became a Confederate captain; and Joseph Hancock Taylor, who reached the rank of a colonel, 
U. S. A. Ibid. 

22. Capt. William N. R. Beall joined the Confederate army and reached the rank of a 
brigadier general. Ibid., p. 203. 

23. Delaware crossing was at the mouth of Delaware creek, about seven miles west of the 
Missouri border on the Kansas river. The stream is now known as Mill creek, Wyandotte 
township, Wyandotte county. 

24. The Baptist church was located about three miles west of the Missouri border, and 
about the same distance south of the Kansas river, on a trail leading from Westport, Mo., 
to California. 

25. Little Santa Fee or New Santa Fe is near the state line in Jackson county, Missouri. 

26. Grand river rises in northeastern Miami county and is a tributary of the Osage river. 

27. Sugar creek has its source in the east central part of Miami county and flows south, 
emptying into the Marais des Cygnes river in Linn county. 

28. West Point, Mo., was about three miles east of the old Fort Lea venworth- Fort Scott- 
Fort Gibson military road, a trail followed by the caravan for a considerable distance. The 
old town site was north of the present city of Merwin, Bates county, Missouri. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 109 

Crossed the stream (at the lower crossing) & encamped about a 
mile from the ford at noon, on a small tributary. Twenty-five 
Corny wagons remained on the N. side. 

May 23d. A fatigue party deployed until 7h 30m in assisting the 
wagons which had encamped on the N. side, in crossing. Marched 
at 8h. Crossed in 1% mile, a bold little stream. 3% miles further 
a creek in timber & a small tributary on the S. At 10 on summit of 
"divide." At 12 crossed (in timber) a branch of the Osage. In 
three miles the little Osage. 29 Encamped a mile from it, on a little 
branch. 

May 24th. Marched at 7 A. M. At 8h 5' halted at a little prairie 
stream (or rather succession of pools) to water. In motion again at 
8h 30'. Crossed the Marmiton 30 at 9h 50'. Fort Scott at lOh. En- 
camped at llh 30' on a small creek which looks as if it might be 
dry in summer. Heavy rain in the afternoon & evening. Coal 
found in the bank of the creek. 

May 25th. On account of rain of yesterday, started at 10. At 
eleven crossed a stream with wood on its banks. At llh. 40' crossed 
the big Dry Wood. Stream rising rapidly, so that only 3 or 4 of 
the Compy wagons were able to cross. Encamped on a bold stream 
3 miles further, to "wait for the wagons." 

May 26th. Moved at 9h 10'. Road parallel to the stream two 
miles. At four, about a thousand yards from it. At llh watered at 
a prairie stream. A patch of timber a half M. below (east). In 
motion again at llh 35'. At Ih halted to encamp on a creek in 
which the water lay in deep pools. No wood. Timber visible about 
two miles to S. W. Coal visible in the channel of the creek. 

May 27th. Marched at 7h 10'. In a half hour opposite to the 
wood mentioned yesterday & about a mile from it. The wood of an- 
other creek almost parallel to the road from this point. At 8h 20' 
halted to water at such a creek as that at the last encampment. At 
8h 45' in motion. At lOh 50' at Cow creek. At 12h 45' reached & 
encamped on a wet-weather stream with abundance of wood. Coal 
in its bed also. Rain before night. 

May 28th. Waited until 9h 10' to let tents & the surface of the 
ground dry. At lOh 30' the party left the Mil. Road to avoid spring 
river. I followed that road. Crossed the river at the mouth of 
Shoal creek, at llh 45'. At Ih 15' passed the Agency, once Crawford 
Seminary, & in an hour's ride up "five miles creek," reached Mr. 

29. The Little Osage river, flowing eastward through northern Bourbon county. 

30. Marmaton river. 



110 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Clark's Camp. Found his position established (in lat:) by satis- 
factory observations. Extreme difference between means of the 
results of each of three nights being 0" 18. Found the party en- 
camped on a creek a half mile N. of Baxter's, 31 the 2d below the 
road. Coal abundant in the neighborhood. A strong Calybeate 
spring 32 at Baxter's (or rather two near each other), each rising in 
the vertex of an obtuse cone of red mud. 

May 29th. Moved to the edge of the wood opps to the ford near 
Baxter's. Mr. Clark fixed his meridian, about 150 ft. W. of the 
Missouri line. Gave it to Mr. Weysse on 

May 30th. Mr. Weysse commenced work on the line. Marked 
the initial point 5,770 ft. north of Mr. Clark's observation. The 
Missouri line is marked by blazing trees on a breadth of from ten 
to twenty feet, so that we had no mode of fixing the initial point 
accurately with reference to it. 

May 31st. Mr. Weysse commenced running & marking the Kan- 
sas line. The wood being thick & the ground broken, his progress 
was slow. About a mile & one monument. 

June 1st. Moved the camp about a mile S. Mr. Clark established 
his observatory by it (N). Mr. Weysse at work on the line. Mr. 
Kennerly 33 moved his camp to within about a mile of "the Agency" 
on five mile creek. 

June 2d, 3d, 4th & 5th. Mr. Clark established another astronom- 
ical point 34 & Mr. Weysse reached the prairie W. of Spring river & 
connected his work with it & measured iy 2 miles beyond. 

June 6th. Heavy rain in the morning. Mr. Clark moved his 
observatory to the W. side of the Neosho. Troops moved about 
7% miles to Tar creek, 35 to which the line was measured. 

June 7th. The troops encamped on Russell's Ck 36 about 4 miles 
from the ford of the Neosho near Mr. Clark. Mr. Weysse crossed 
Four Miles creek, on which Mr. Kennerly made his camp. 

31. Home of A. Baxter, a squatter, and a Universalist missionary. His claim, lying along 
Spring river in Cherokee county on the military road, was a favorite camping place for trav- 
elers. Later, the townsite of Baxter Springs was located here. See Kansas Historical Col- 
lections, v. 7, p. 245, and Allison, N. T., History of Cherokee County, pp. 35, 152. A cor- 
respondent of the Missouri Democrat, quoted in the Lawrence Herald of Freedom, June 27, 
wrote of the assembling party as follows: "The surveyors are already on the ground and 
prepared for running the southern boundary line ; their duties to commence about first proximo, 
and continue during the season. Surveyors, commissioners, dragoons more than one hundred 
wagons with their teamsters a thousand horses and mules! Such are a few of the require- 
ments for running the line of the state. . . ." 

32. Chalybeate springs impregnated with salts of iron. 
83. Mr. Kennerly probably heads the wagon train. 

34. Astronomical station was located about % mile south of Baxter Springs. 

35. Camp was established one mile south of line on Tar creek, nearly midway between the 
Neosho and Spring rivers. 

36. This stream funs nearly parallel to the line (in Oklahoma) and empties into the 
Neosho river 1^ miles from the boundary. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 111 

June 8th. The cavalry started at 10 A. M. for Camp Snow 37 
twenty miles W. where we have 800 bushels of corn. Mr. Weysse 
reached the Neosho too late, when it was rising rapidly and no 
longer fordable. Rained all night. 

June 9th. River still rising. Another rain at night. 

June 10th. Mr. Weysse's surveying party crossed the river in a 
canoe. Ran the line about % mile in the bottom. On the llth, 
reached Mr. Clark's station. On the 12th, Mr. C. gave the Meridian 
& the new tangent was established. The river falling, but not ford- 
able. 38 

June 13th. Mr. Clark went to (started) the west side of the Ver- 
digris. Neosho not fordable. Two fords above examined, near 
Roger's & Magee's. Said to be shallower than the lower one. 

June 14th. McMaster employed to guide Mr. Kennerly to Ma- 
gee's ford. Reached the camp so late that the wagon couldn't get 
nearer to the ford than a mile. Mr. Weysse's party crossed in the 
canoe in the afternoon & worked two or three hours. 

June 15th. Mr. Kennerly crossed the river during the forenoon 
(including cutting a road) & went about 7 miles. Encamped in the 
prairie on a rain-water stream. Capt. Garnett moved to the same 
ground. Mr. Weysse made about 6 miles on the line, passing the 
30th [mile] . The line marked this side of the Neosho, with a mound 
(conical) at the end of every mile; a stake in the center with the 
distance marked on its east face, & the letter K on the north. The 
mounds two feet high, except every sixth, which is four. The line 
to-day parallel to Russell's creek & from half to three quarters of a 
mile from it. The country gently undulating & soil rich black loam, 
limestone showing itself occasionally. Wood showing itself two or 

37. On Snow Camp creek, which crosses the border four miles east of the Verdigris river. 

38. A letter from the Neosho river, dated June 11, was published in the Lawrence Herald 
of Freedom, July 11. It was signed by "Camanche," a member of the expedition, and is 
herewith quoted in part: "This morning four companies of cavalry and one of infantry 
struck tents and, together with seventy-five wagons laden with supplies, took up their line 
of march westward across the prairie toward the Verdigris river, thirty miles distant, where 
they will again encamp until they shall be joined by those in the rear. The services of the 
military portion of the expedition being wholly unneeded at this early stage of the route, 
they are enabled to make more rapid progress than the scientific corps and those in immediate 
attendance thereon. 

"Messrs. Clark and Campbell, who have charge of the astronomical calculations, are now 
encamped on the western bank of the river, near the mouth of Russell's creek, where they 
must, of course, remain until an observation can be had. Yesterday the surveyors struck the 
eastern shore, near the mouth of Fly creek, where they are detained by reason of high water, 
the Neosho having been swollen by recent heavy rains. Every twenty -four hours we are 
favored with one or more heavy storms of wind and rain accompanied by thunder and light- 
ning; and at this writing, the Neosho is rising and rolling rapidly. At this point, owing to 
a sudden bend in the river, the line will run for a distance of three miles, directly through the 
heavily timbered bottom, which being now covered by water, is impassible; therefore a de- 
tention of several days must be endured. And here the great thoroughfare from the vast lead 
region and Grand Falls in S. W. Missouri, which has been greatly improved by the passage 
of this expedition along the route, crosses the Neosho, whence a good carriage road has been 
opened along the southern boundary to its western extremity. . . ." 



112 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

three miles to the S. E. on the crest of a ridge beyond the creek. The 
wood of the creek terminates opposite to the camp. Heavy rain in 
the afternoon & night. 

June 16th. Mr. Weysse made near 7 miles stopping on the 
"divide" between 12 Miles creek & an affluent of the Verdigris, the 
latter running to the S. W. in a broad & beautiful valley, the West- 
ern side of which is abrupt; wood scattered through it. The surface 
of the country like that passed over yesterday. A 2d wood visible 
to the S. E. of that seen from the last camp. Found Mr. Kennerly 
& the two companies encamped on 12 Miles Ck near the road. The 
37th mile passed. 

June 17th. The ground more broken than yesterday. After cross- 
ing the valley mentioned yesterday, the line follows the "divide" be- 
tween a branch of that valley & Su-ka-tunk [Turkey creek] . The 
camp was fixed by Capt. G. near (about a half mile above) Camp 
Snow. Parallel to this creek (the portion below Camp Snow) is an- 
other, some 3 miles to the N. W. The wood skirting it visible from 
its mouth to a point nearly N. of Camp Snow, from a hill W. of the 
latter. Its Osage name is Watunk a kashink (Pumpkin creek). 
The 44th mile was marked. The line passes near two miles S of 
Camp Snow. The soil passed over rich like that of yesterday. Mr. 
Clark observed dis: Z. D. of 10 prs. of stars. 

June 18th. Capt. G. marched at 9 A. M. following Capt. Wood's 
road, it being ascertained from Joe Spaniard that the left-hand one, 
which is nearest to our course, terminates at the wood on this side 
of the Verdigris. 6 M. from camp crossed the Wa tunkakashink at 
a very bad ford, thence to the ford of the Verdigris, 3 M. The 
mouth of Nenetunk [Big Spring creek] is just above the ford. An 
Osage village of 27 huts, a half mile west of the ford. 39 The inhab- 
itants buffalo hunting. Two miles to the S. is Niskeokaka (Salt 
creek) coming from the west; well wooded. 40 Found Capt. Wood 
encamped on the south side near its mouth. Mr. Clark, a mile to 
the S. W.; by his observations of the night before 19" north of the 
line. The most beautiful district of Kansas visible from a hill 
% M. S. of his observatory. Mr. Weysse reached the wood skirting 
the river on the E. Mr. Clark observed Z. D. of 14 prs. of stars. 

June 19th. Looked for a route westward, accompanied by Lt. 
Bell, who had ridden over the ground. Went to the crest of the 

39. The Osage village was located in what is now the northwest part of the city of Coffey- 
ville, Montgomery county. 

40. Description fits that of present-day Onion creek. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 113 

dividing ridge this side of the Little Verdigris, 41 from which every- 
where S. of the line the country appeared to be much more broken 
& wooded than that east of the Verdigris. 

Mr. Weysse crossed the river. The dis. to the E. bank: 52 miles, 
1,400 ft. 

Night cloudy. A little rain. No ast'l observations. 

June 20th. Mr. Weysse came up to Mr. Clark's camp at noon 
(about 5 M. back to the river) . Night not favorable. 8 prs. of stars 
observed. 

June 21st. The party (except Capt. Wood's company left to fol- 
low with Mr. Weysse) moved at 9 A. M. Lt determined & Medn 
fixed by 10. Mr. Weysse's line [omission] ft. S. of astl pt., the 
route taken along the dividing ridge between the Piematunk & the 
Niskeokaka as far as the divide & between the Main & E. b. of 
Little Verdigris. 42 A large body of timber on the left. A mag- 
nificent view from the summit of the ridge, about 9 miles from the 
last camp. A wide valley on the west, that of the Little Verdigris 
enlarged by several intermediate tributaries. The country beyond 
wooded & broken. Encamped on the nearest branch, about 4 M. 
further. 

June 22d. Marched at 10 A. M. preceded by a pioneer party of 
20 under Lt. Thomson. In 5 miles reached the Little Verdigris. 
Pioneers employed some 2 hours in making a road across it. The 
ford S. of the line. Moved on a little S. of W. to avoid rugged hills. 
In 4 M. another creek (water stagnant) which employed the pio- 
neers an hour. 5 M. further encamped on a creek, Cow-a-wha 
(horse head) having a very deep channel, 1^ M. N. of its mouth 
in a stream W. branch (largest) of the Little Verdigris, the valley 
of which seems to come from a little N. of W. An Osage trail 
apparently crossing the little Verdigris S. of our ford, was struck 
2 M. from the latter & followed to camp. The country, especially 
to the N., very broken. A good deal of oak in the heights. Obser- 
vations on B. U. M. & B. Librae showed our camp to be in Lat: 
37 58' 20". 

June 23d. After crossing the creek went about 20 N. of W. (the 
Osage trail bearing S. of W.) 2 M. to the top of a ridge from which 
the route entered & followed the valley of a small creek, which was 
crossed 3 M. further, then passed over a rugged ridge covered with 

41. The Little Verdigris, as described here by Colonel Johnston, is now known as the 
Little or North Caney creek where it crosses the boundary. 

42. Between the Verdigris river and Little or North Caney creek. 

82345 



114 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

post oak 12 M. into the valley of a middle branch of the Little 
Verdigris some 2 M. above its junction with the S. one which seemed 
to come from the S. W. Both broad, well wooded & deep. Followed 
this valley a little N. of W. 7 M. & encamped. The channel of the 
stream very deep; the water accessible at very few points. Lat: 
as determined with the sextant by Mr. Clark, 37 00' 12". A large 
valley enters this one from the S. which has its course from the W., 
a mile above the junction. 

June 24th. Mr. Thomson reported a ford a mile above & an easy 
route from it to and along the ridge between the vallies & made a 
road thro' the river bottom. 43 Capt. Anderson & Lt. Ingraham 
followed the ridge 15 miles, finding it nearly due west in its course, 
& a good route. Moved camp in the afternoon to its point, between 
the branch & main stream. Mr. Clark fixed his observatory; com- 
menced operations. 44 The additional obser. made 25 and 26th were 
thought sufficient. The Meridian was marked. 

June 27th. Moved 1% mile up the creek, crossing it. Saw Mr. 
Weysse in the afternoon, in the N. edge of the valley, 4% miles 
below. 

June 28th. Capt. Anderson, with Compy I & the pioneers, went 
forward to reconnoitre & make a road. Mr. Weysse connected his 
line with the astronomical point; his tangent 1,531 feet N. of the 
pt fixed astronomically. Capt. Wood came into the camp with his 
company. 

June 29th. Left Capt. De Saussure with compy F to escort Mr. 
Weysse & moved with the other five on Capt. A's road. Found that 
he had left the "divide" after 4 or 5 miles, to enter & follow the 
creek on the north, two or three miles from the line. 45 The troops 
followed to his camp. I followed the dividing ridge about 12 Miles 
opposite to where I supposed his camp to be, then turned to the 
creek. Found the camp 3 M. below. Moved it up to where I had 
struck the creek. Our last camp was just with the timbered country. 
The march to-day was in prairie. The dividing ridge opposite is a 
plateau about 300 feet above this valley; the sides very abrupt & 
rocky. Limestone near the summit. The distance by the road to 
the last camp said to be 16 miles. 

June 30th. Muster & inspection between 7 & 9 A. M. Moved up 

43. The Big Caney crosses the boundary three times, in two miles, in central Chautauqua 
county, and caused the party considerable trouble. 

44. The observatory was established in Oklahoma, one- quarter mile southwest of Elgin 
Kan. 

45. The troop train followed Rock creek, which flows east from Cowley county, emptying 
into the Big Caney above Hewins. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 115 

a branch about 2^ miles S. to the plateau & turned then due west. 
Soon found that the slopes on the left are those of the Arkansas. 
Encamped on the W. side of a small creek (Ne-is-ka-bi-ka-kha or 
Spring creek) after bridging it. 46 The slopes on this side of the 
dividing ridge are comparatively gentle. This valley broad & rich. 
A good deal of timber below (S. S. W.), apparently. Mr. Clark 
observed with his sextant & found our position to be % M. S. of the 
line. 

July 1st. Marched at S 1 /^ due west, after turning a branch which 
enters the Ck a little below the pt at which our camp had been. 
Four miles from camp crossed a little stream; clear, cool water, 
skirted with wood. 2 M. further a canon with a clear stream. 7 M. 
further, after crossing two gentle ridges & a broad valley, encamped 
on the W. side of a little creek lined with timber, in a very narrow 
valley, l 1 ^ M. from its mouth in the Arkansas. The soil passed 
over to-day is much like that E. of the Verdigris. The grass knee 
high & very thick & fresh looking. 

July 2d. Moved into the timbered bottom. The Infantry made a 
ferry boat, under Capt. Garnett's direction, of four of the metallic 
wagon beds. Crossed & encamped on the W. bank, the loads of more 
than half the wagons carried over in the boat. The wagons forded 
a half mile below. Mr. Ingraham sent up the valley of river, crossed 
a clear creek 3 miles above the ferry & a much larger one 9 M. 
further, both coming from the N. E. 47 The river valley here is about 
a half mile wide, very sandy. The surface irregular. Mr. Clark 
crossed immediately after the infantry. The course of the valley 
a little W. of S. from the mouth of the creek 3 M. above, to a point 
about 4 M. below. 

July 3d. Mr. Taylor went down the river on the west side about 
10 M. & made in the afternoon a sketch of it & its little tributaries. 
The 3 companies of cavalry crossed after the remainder of the 
corny wagons & encamped above the ferry. Mr. Clark fixed his 
observatory on a hill 1 M. N. of camp & about a half M. S. of the 
line. The neighbouring country resembles very much that E. of the 
Verdigris. 

July 4th. National salute fired by "Taylor's Battery," the troops 
being under arms, at noon. 48 Capt. De Saussure arrived, with his 

46. One of the streams now known as Beaver creek rising in southeastern Cowley county 
and flowing south into Oklahoma. 

47. Lieutenant Ingraham crossed Grouse creek and Walnut river, in Cowley county. 

48. The troops were encamped slightly over five miles east of Chilocco, Okla., on Inde- 
pendence day. 



116 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

company about 3 o. c. P. M., reporting the surveyors have sent back 
a guard for their camp. 

July 5th. Mr. Kennerly's wagons in sight at 8 A. M. A party 
detailed to assist him in crossing. Mr. Weysse in sight at 10. Mr. 
W. triangulated across the river. Mr. Clark's observations very 
satisfactory. His observatory 2,601 ft. S. of 37. 

July 6th. Mr. Clark's obsv of last night excellent. Pioneers 
moved at 8%. Troops started under Capt. Wood at lOh A. M. The 
Meridian marked & 2,601 ft. measured northward on it. Mr. Weysse 
unwell. Capt. Anderson & his company left to escort the surveyors. 
Instructed to lead the unmounted men every day with the party 
on the line. Found the camp on the Ni-hi-pa [Good-for-nothing 
creek], about 14 miles from the Arkansas. The road crossed the 
Bay-Chay-ne-ata 49 at about 7 miles. The dividing ridge between 
the Ck & river very broad & low. The grass on it thick & luxuriant. 
Soil, black loam. Limestone shows itself in the bluffs on the river. 
The Ck is marked by a line of trees about 8 M. The dividing ridge 
between the last Ck & this one is also low and broad with very 
gentle slopes. The top of it dry with poor thin grass; in the valley 
vegetation is fresh. Another branch of the Ck heading a mile E. 
is indicated by a strip of wood, like this one. They seem to join l 1 /^ 
M. southward & probably flow into what Joe says the Osages call 
the Little Arkansas: the Red fork as Col. Boone calls it. 50 

July 7th. March at 9 A. M., an hour after the pioneers, crossing 
the Ck a little above the camp & a branch of it coming in from the 
W. I/A M. further. After crossing a gentle ridge, another Ck 1% 
M. from camp. Our route then crossed a plateau 5 or 6 miles wide, 
the soil of which seemed very dry & the grass thin. Another Ck, 
the wood of which commences % M. S. of the road; 7% M. from 
camp. Then another low ridge & broad rich valley in which we 
crossed two branches of a Ck % M. apart, 51 the 2d 10 M. from 

49. Bache-e-ne-o-ta or Whisky-drinking creek. 

50. The "Little Arkansas" and "Red Fork" refer to the stream now known as the Salt 
Fork of the Arkansas river. Col. Nathan Boone, whom Colonel Johnston cites, made a cir- 
cuitous trip from Fort Gibson (eastern Oklahoma) in 1843, along the Arkansas river, crossing 
into Kansas in Harper county and traveling as far north as McPherson and Barton counties 
before heading south again, touching at the Cimarron and Canadian rivers on his return. 
Nathan Boone was the youngest son of Daniel Boone, famous Kentucky pioneer. He moved 
with his family in 1796 into the present borders of Missouri, and grew into manhood there. 
At the outbreak of the War of 18i2 President James Madison commissioned him captain of a 
company of Missouri volunteers. When Missouri was admitted to statehood under the pro- 
visions of the Missouri compromise of 1820 Nathan Boone was elected delegate to the state 
constitutional convention. Later, when the First regiment of United States Dragoons was or- 
ganized, Boone quit politics and accepted a captaincy with that unit. After twenty years' 
service he retired, with the rank of lieutenant colonel, to a Missouri farm, where he died 
January 12, 1857. For a copy of Boone's journal and a map of the route traversed, see 
Chronicles of Oklahoma, v. 7, pp. 58-105. 

51. Forks of Shoo Fly creek. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 117 

camp. From the table land just mentioned, a broad valley is visible 
3 or 4 M. to the south, a line of timber in it indicating a considerable 
stream. The Cks crossed yesterday & to-day have not running 
water. A slight ridge in which (E. side) soft whitish limestone ap- 
pears, separates this valley from that mentioned above. After riding 
in it across more than 3 M. came to a small river flowing from N. 
W., clear, with a sandy & deep channel. 52 It joins 3 or 4 M. E. S. E. 
another of nearly the same size, but less clear, flowing nearly from 
the west. 53 The grass in the low bottom land (the valley first men- 
tioned is a 2d bottom) is in some places very luxuriant; in others, 
like much of that passed over to-day, thin & burnt. The country 
this side of the Arkansas seems to have [been] much frequented by 
buffalo until the last two or three weeks. The soil is easily washed ; 
every little hollow has a deep gully. The channels of the creeks are 
very deep. The bank of this river wherever the stream strikes the 
side of the bottom, is perpendicular & 30 or 40 ft. high, of red clay. 
A spring of cool water found, as usual. 

July 8th. Marched at S 1 /^, 1% hours after the pioneers. The 
route lay for 4 M. in the 2d bottom, then crossed the S. branch of the 
Ne-shu-che-sink & was carried so near its valley on the S. as to 
cross innumerable spurs & ravines. 54 The soil, red clay, apparently 
sterile. Limestone visible occasionally. Passed the red bluff seen 
ahead yesterday at 10^2- Just opposite to it the Ck seemed to fork, 
one branch coming from the N., 55 the other pafssing] a little N. of 
W. Encamped on the last timber of a S. branch of the latter 1% 
M. from the main valley, & 14 from the last camp, % M. from our 
course. Wood within sight 4 or 5 M. to the S. when we turned off. 
Water very near, lying in pools which have been frequented by 
buffalo very lately. A party of 30 or 40 Osages of the band of Big 
head & Black Dog, 56 made us a visit while we were pitching tents, 
under Big Head & Shun-ma-lo. Gave them a little hard bread & 
sugar. They asked for more sugar, coffee & tobacco, & thought 
people who travel without a supply of the latter to give away, very 
improvident. They informed us that some of their people were 
hunting Comanches & that another party would set off in a few 

52. Chikaskia river. 

53. Bluff creek and Fall creek become one, before crossing the boundary line and join 
the Chikaskia four miles south of Hunnewell, Kan. (in Oklahoma), all emptying into the 
Salt Fork of the Arkansas river about 25 miles south. 

54. This creek is now known as Bluff creek. 

55. Fall creek. 

56. A party of Osages under Black Dog met the Nathan Boone expedition in southern 
Pratt county on June 27, 1843. See Boone's journal, Chronicles of Oklahoma, v. 7, p. 88. 



118 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

days, to join in the war. They had heard of no Comanches this 
year. 

July 9th. Marched at 8h 10' due west, soon getting upon a 
plateau near 6 M. wide. 8 M. from camp crossed a small stream in 
a very slight valley. A mile further another with a single cotton- 
wood in sight. The first on slaty limestone. The red clay was much 
washed by the rain. After crossing a broad ridge near 3 M. wide 
we came to a lower country with much fresher vegetation. That 
passed before is parched by the sun. Encamped after marching 
18 M. on a ravine containing a few pools of muddy water. 57 Hot 
south wind all day. 

July 10th. Marched at 8h 35', a range of sand hills on our left 
which our route gradually approached. Jim Conner says that "the 
salt" is beyond it. The end of it was passed 6 M. from camp. I 
turned to the left to see the country from the range of S. hills. The 
country from the last pt low & sandy. A creek crossed at 3 M. I 
overtook the party at another 3 M. further & turned it back to en- 
camp on the first, opposite to "the salt." Said to be 5 or 6 M. to the 
south. Mr. Clark prepared to observe. 58 Rain soon after tents were 
pitched. 

July llth. A buffalo hunt; two bulls, two cows & three calves 
killed. Mr. Clark made obsns on 12 prs. of stars. A little rain in 
the morning. 

July 12th. Started at 8h 45' to the salt plain 59 accompanied by 
the Hon. J. S. Phelps, his nephew Mr. Eno, Capt. Garnett & Lts. 
Otis & Thomson. Rode S. 8 miles to a range of sand hills on which 
there is a growth of low cottonwood. From the top of one of these 
hills the salt was seen 5 or 6 miles to the S. Continued on that 
course. A mile before reaching it, crossed a stream of fresh water 
in a broad shallow channel. The plain is about 4 miles in extent, 
formed probably by the filling up of a lake. It is a bed of sand in 
which the salt water coming from the river above is absorbed, ap- 
pearing in occasional pools generally filled with crystallized salt. 
The higher parts are covered with a thin efflorescence, not clean 
enough for use. Found several broad & shallow dry channels en- 
tering the plain from the West & one small stream of salt water. 
The cavalry sent to encamp 4 M. further west for better grazing. 
Hot south wind. 

67. Encampment was made in southern Spring township, Harper county. 
58. Observatory set up one-half mile south of the line on Sandy creek, Alfalfa county, 
Oklahoma. 

69. Salt plain visited on July 12 was in Alfalfa county, Oklahoma. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 119 

July 13th. Waiting for surveyors & astronomical point. Hot 
south wind. 

July 14th. Hon. Mr. Phelps left camp with Mr. Eno to return 
home. 60 Compy I & Mr. Kennedy's party came into camp at 
1 p. m. Mr. Weysse in the evening. Hot, south wind. 

July 15th. March 10 miles to a clear stream of sweet water in a 
broad channel shallow & sandy. 61 The valley nearly a mile wide. 
The sandy country ended about the middle of the march, the latter 
half of it over a dry hard soil and gentle undulating country. Mr. 
Weysse's line brought up before sunset. The hot wind repeated* 

July 16th. Mr. Weysse desired not to move. Marched at 8h 30', 
17% miles over a plateau in which we crossed several ravines along 
which are scattered cottonwoods. The first, 5 M. from camp, is 
moist and sandy. The two last contain chains of pools of clear & 
slightly brackish water. Encamped on the W. side of the last. The 
plateau has been much frequented by buffalo. The soil very hard 
& dry, covered with very short buffalo grass. The south wind hotter 
& stronger than ever. 

July 17th. March at 8h 40'. In 2 M. crossed a dividing ridge 
from which a broad valley is visible, on the farther side of which we 
could see abrupt hills of red clay. At 6 M. passed a Ck with pools 
of water & a little timber. At 8 M. reached the river of the salt 
plain, in a valley of % M. wide; sandy & sterile. 62 The channel 50 
yds. in breadth. A bed of sand saturated with water. No stream. 
The grass in the valley thin ; a little timber, principally elm & cot- 
tonwood. l l /2 mile further encamped on a little Ck resembling the 
river in character. A high cliff of red clay over hanging the creek 
opposite the camp. The country passed over to-day a desert, like 
that of yesterday, & indeed the 3 previous days March. Cool water, 
but brackish (68), obtained by digging 7 ft. in the "bottom." 

July 18th. Marched at 8h 30', following for 12 M. the ridge 
dividing the valley of the river from that of the camp of last night. 

60. Mr. J. S. Phelps, Missouri congressman, returned after reaching the present Harper- 
Barber county line. An article published in The Missouri Republican, St. Louis, August 15, 
reprinted in the Kansas Tribune, Topeka, September 5, 1857, and the Lawrence Herald of 
Freedom, September 12, said: "Maj. Phelps was in this city yesterday on his way to the 
East. He accompanied Col. Johns [t]on's expedition to survey and mark out the southern 
boundary of Kansas, for about 220 miles west of the Missouri boundary line. When he left, 
the expedition was making good progress, expecting to complete their work and return by the 
month of November. The command had met with no interruption whatever, and Col. 
Johns [t]on it is believed will make a very flattering report of the country over which he has 
passed and will have to pass hereafter. A well-marked road has been made by the number 
of wagons attached to this expedition and work done upon it at the crossing of streams and 
other difficult places. Hereafter there will be no difficulty in following this route to New 
Mexico and wood and water will be found in abundance." 

61. Probably refers to the Medicine river. 

62. Salt Fork of the Arkansas river. 



120 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

The country, red clay, intersected in every direction by hollows and 
deep ravines worn by rain water. The course of the dividing ridge 
being too southerly, left it & after marching 3 M. further over its 
spurs, encamped in a little grove of elm & cottonwood, on a creek 
percolating in sand. A few cedars seen in the heads of ravines near 
the top of the dividing ridge. 

July 19th. Marched at 8h 30', the country less dry, the hills less 
abrupt, & the ravines less decided. After marching 12 M. we halted 
on the ridge between the valley of the Cimarron & that of the Salt 
Plain river. George Washington pointed out, a little E. of S. what 
he took to be the mouth of the Cimarron. 63 Conner, when he came 
up, agreed with him. Turned to the left & encamped in a hollow 
with pools of fresh water & a line of cottonwoods in it. The top of 
the dividing ridge & those of the spurs near it are of pale yellow 
clay, having a thin covering of sandy soil. This yellow clay is 
shown in the ravines too, near the ridge. All the hollows near this 
ridge have lines of cottonwood & elm. 

July 20th. Mr. Clark prepared to observe. Night cloudy. Ther- 
mometer at 4 P. M. 106. 

July 21st. Cavalry moved 1% M. to the north, for better grass 
& water. 

July 22d. Went with Company I (Capt. A. & Mr. I.) to find the 
junction of the Cimarron & Red fork. Morning rainy. Started at 
lOh. Jim Conner, guide. Course, a little E. of S. 3h & 40' to the 
edge of the channel of the Cimarron opposite to the point of the 
cliff between the two rivers. Just 20' in riding across it at a brisk 
walk. A good deal of small drift in the channel. Near the middle 
we came to a thin crust of salt which gradually increased in thick- 
ness; then shallow & apparently stagnant salt water in which the 
salt is not less than an inch thick. Near the S. W. shore for 15 
or 20 yards, the water was 6 or 8 inches deep & the salt several 
inches in thickness. Conner pointed out a cove to the S. E. on the 
farther side of the Red Fork as the point where the salt is thickest 
& hardest. In riding to it across the bed of the Red fork, we crossed 
two streams of very strong salt water each 15 or 20 yards wide 
with smooth swift current, on a bed of crystallized salt 3 or 4 inches 
thick. About the point which Conner showed, the salt lay in broad 
sheets between the running water & S. shore not in water. Several 

63. Buffalo creek, originating in Harper county, Oklahoma, joins the Cimarron river to 
form what Colonel Johnston, and other members of his party, designated the Red Fork 
of the Arkansas river. Now, the whole length of the river, until it unites with the Arkansas 
river at Keystone, Okla., retains the name of Cimarron. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 121 

holes cut in them showed a thickness of not less than 8 inches. At 
one of these holes there is a very small discharge of salt water. The 
nearest approach we could find to the salt springs mentioned in 
Capt. Boone's journal. The ridge separating the two valleys is, for 
a mile, very narrow. A heavy stratum of transparent gypsum near 
the middle of its height makes cliffs on both sides. 64 From the point, 
the Red fork is visible 10 or 12 miles below. Its course a little S. 
of E. ; the salt disappeared in a mile or mile & a half. Beyond, the 
reddish sand between high bluffs made a shore like the Mississippi. 

We crossed the Red fork a half mile above the Cimarron, finding 
no change in the quantities of .water & salt. Encamped in the valley 
of a creek which has fine running water 10 or 12 miles off. Here, 
but two or three bitter pools. The grass destroyed by buffalo & 
grasshoppers. 

July 23d. Moved up the Red fork. The appearance of salt & 
water diminished gradually & ceased [altogether about 2^ M. 
from the Cimarron. The valley from % to % M. wide. Quite 
green compared with the country we have been seeing for the last 
100 M. A few hundred yards above the salt, I found a small pool 
of salt water. Some 3 miles further, abundant pools of fresh water 
were found in the channel. Between 5 & 6 miles from the fork, 
two little groves of wild China trees. 65 Cottonwood occurs after 
7 M. From this point turned N. N. E. & reached the salt plain 
of the Cimarron in about 5 M. No salt, the water percolating 
through the sand strongly saline. 4 M. from the plain, in the 
valley in which our camp lies, Jim Conner found a very bold boil- 
ing spring of cold water, near which we encamped. 

July 24th. Moved up the ridge west of the valley. 2 M. from 
camp saw the troops & train moving westward, Mr. Clark's astro- 
nomical tent visible at the same time. Compy turned N. W. to 
join. I reached camp at 9%. Found the Pt satisfactorily de- 
termined. (39 Obns.) The Meridian marked & Lat. computed so 
that Mr. Weysse resumed his line westward about 12 M. I found 

64. The above is a description of the salt marsh near Leafie, Okla., at the juncture of 
Buffalo creek with the Cimarron. John Bradbury in Thwaites' Early Western Travels, v. 6, 
pp. 192-193, says the "Grand Saline" is situated "between two forks of a small branch of 
the Arkansas, one of which washes its southern extremity; and the other, the principal one, 
runs nearly parallel, within a mile of its opposite side. It is a hard level plain, of reddish- 
colored sand, and of an irregular or mixed figure. Its greatest length is from northwest to 
southeast, and its circumference full thirty miles. . . . This plain is entirely covered 
in hot dry weather, from two to six inches deep, with a crust of beautiful clean white salt, 
of a quality rather superior to the imported blown salt; it bears a striking resemblance to a 
field of brilliant snow after a rain, with a light crust on its top. . . ." See, also, Nathan 
Boone's description in Chronicles of Oklahoma, v. 7, pp. 89-91. 

65. A shade tree sometimes known as chinaberry, pride of India, bead tree, Indian or 
Persian lilac, etc. 



122 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Capt. Wood, with the Cavalry, encamped 3 or 4 M. W. Capt. 
Garnett with the Infantry and Mr. Kennerly's party, 2 M. further. 

July 25th. Capt. De Saussure reported the death of private Brown 
of Compy F last night. He was buried this morning. Marched at 
9 l /2. Came to the edge of the salt plain, after passing through a 
slight range of such sand hills, on a small scale, as those of Cape 
Cod, 4 M. from camp. Our route crossed a sort of bog of this 
plain, bordered E. & N. by the sand hills, then a green low sandy 
ridge _% M. wide, then the Cimarron (its channel waterless) 200 
yds. wide. By digging a foot in the sand we found water very 
slightly brackish & near above, a pool of water nearly fresh. Above 
the line the valley turned almost westerly, the line itself gradually 
rising for 3 or 4 miles over very gentle spurs. The soil hard & dry. 
Buffalo grass short. 7 M. from the Cimarron we crossed a hollow 
having in it a few pools of water. 6 M. further, in the next hollow, 
we encamped on Pioneers Ck, 66 the Cimarron apparently 3 or 4 
miles to the N. A violent storm at night. 

July 26th. Didn't move until 10 on account of the rain of last 
night. The crest of the ridge dividing the valley of the last camp 
from the next one W., the Cimarron on the right, a branch seem- 
ing to join it from the N. W. The line nearing the river. At 6 M. 
crossed a creek of swift, dark red water, the deep channel 60 or 80 
yards wide. 67 From the crest of the next hill saw the Cimarron on 
our course, the valley broad. A range of sand hills on each side, 
the northern one much the largest & covered (thinly) with scraggy 
cottonwoods. A stream of clear salt water at the -edge of the valley, 
the first sand hills separating it from the river valley. The chan- 
nel of the Cimarron 200 yards wide, water not visible; wet sand. 
Water about a foot below its surface, slightly brackish. The sand 
hills about 1% M. apart. A pond of strong salt water in the flat 
N. of the channel. At 15 M. Mr. Thompson's route led into the 
sand hills on the right. Waited there 1% hour for the wagons. 
They then appeared 3 M from [us] . Moved S. W. to the Cimarron 
1% & encamped. The wagons came up at 5%. 7 M. of the day's 
march in deep mud or heavy sand generally. A little water running 
in the broad bed of the river. Thunder & heavy clouds in the west 
in the afternoon & evening. The pioneer party didn't come in. Jim 
Conner reported it 5 or 6 M. ahead. 

66. Probably Snake creek, Cimarron township, Clark county. 

67. The stream is now known as Redoubt creek. (Named for the redoubts built by the 
government for Indian protection in southern Clark county on the trail between Camp Supply 
and Fort Dodge.) 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 123 

July 27th. Marched at 9%, guided by Ben Love, to where he had 
passed the night with Mr. Thompson. Found him 6 M. off, at the 
W. edge [of] the very broad valley of the Cimarron which termi- 
nates here, beginning 12 or 15 M. below. A mile further reached 
the top of a high ridge from which the valley of a large Ck 68 [was 
visible] & beyond it that of the Cimarron, could be seen crossing 
our course. Took the first to be that described by Jim Conner as 
rising near Fort Atkinson. The country broken. Deep gullies 
washed in the hillsides. Grass more abundant & green. 3 M more 
to Conner's branch, 15 yds. wide, running in a broad deep valley 
from the N. W. Destitute of wood, but very green. 4 more miles 
into the valley of the Cimarron & one along it to camp. The 
valley % M. wide, without trees, but grass abundant & green. 

Just before we marched the channel of the Cimarron, about 200 
yds. wide at our camp, & until then showing very little water, con- 
tained a stream near two feet deep entirely across it. Here the 
river is about 30 yds. wide, running freely, probably from the late 
rains, as the water contains a great deal of pale mud. 

July 28th. Private Charlton of Compy C died at 2 A. M. & was 
buried at 9 o. c. this morning. Marched 7 miles due west up the 
valley, after crossing the stream. The lower slopes of the hills on 
the S. side very sandy. Left the valley immediately after crossing 
a broad arroya with a few cottonwoods on its banks. Marched 
about 5 M. over abrupt ridges, having the river in view on the 
right. Then turned N. W. 2 M. & encamped in the valley, the ap- 
pearance of which is unchanged. 69 After we had encamped Ben 
Love reported a good spring in an arroya which we had crossed, 1 
M. from camp. 

July 29th. Marched up the valley at 8 l /2. 6 M. from camp 
crossed a very large dry creek. The lower slopes of the hills sandy. 
At 8 M. from the last camp left the valley. After crossing several 
spurs, reached in 3 M. more, a plateau. Several ponds of rain 
water. Grass poor, very, the country a sandy desert. Very little 
buffalo "sign." Encamped 2*/2 M. further on some little ponds 
about which we found better grass. Storm of wind & rain at night. 

July 30th. Mr. Thompson with 18 men besides two of the Dela- 
wares, sent forward to examine the country for 25 M. on our route. 
Three wagons sent back 14 or 15 miles for wood. They returned at 

68. Crooked creek. 

69. A notation on the surveyors' maps near the place of this encampment reports "No 
wood along the line from this point till after crossing the Santa Fe road. Dist. about 105 
miles." 



124 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 



the corporal in charge reported that the party had met & 
talked with (in Mexican) two Indians calling themselves Kioways 
& that Capt. Garnett's party had encamped on the river 8 or 9 M. 
from us. A little after 6 o. c. 4 of Capt. G.'s men, mounted on 
mules, arrived. They were sent, they said, to report that "the 
Indians had driven in the surveying party, killed the ambulance 
driver & driven off its two mules." 70 Capt. De Saussure ordered 
with Jim Conner as guide, to go with his company to Capt. Gar- 
nett's camp to-night to take up the pursuit at daybreak. The 
messengers questioned could give account of but two Indians seen. 
Lieut. Ingraham was sent to ascertain the distance north to the 
Cimarron & its course. Reported the distance 7% M., course N. 
N. W. The plateau extends to the river valley. 

July 31st. Mr. Thompson returned with his party at 2 p. m. Had 
gone nearly 30 M. due west, finding the plateau unbroken, plenty of 
water from the recent rains, & grass; but no fuel. No signs of 
buffalo, or any other animals than antelopes. 

August 1st. Capt. Garnett's party arrived about 10. Mr. Weysse 
about 12. His account of the affair two days ago was, that two 
Indians joined his party from the front, shook hands with every- 
body. Gave them to understand partly in Mexican, partly in 
English, that they had talked with me & with Capt. G. & that they 
were going then to find a broken-down horse I had given them. 
They accompanied the party for some time, long enough to see 
who were armed, then took leave & went off to the rear. Soon re- 
joined, accompanying the party as before, watched their opportunity 
&, when the little wagon was hidden by a low ridge from the guard, 
shot the driver & drove off the vehicle at full speed, one riding on 
each side. The guard ran back, but when they reached the crest 
of the hill the Indians were at long gunshot. The soldiers, out of 
breath, fired without effect. After crossing the Cimarron, they cut 
the mules out of the harness, ransacked the wagon, cutting off some 
of the curtains, & drove off the two mules. They had thrown the 
driver, Le Clair, out, on stopping. He was probably dying, for when 
our men came out, his hand was grasping the single tree as if he 
had caught it in his fall & died instantly. Mr. W. corrected by the 
new astronomical determination & went on. We marched in the 
afternoon 4 miles to find better grazing & encamped near Capt. 
Garnett's party. 

70. The skirmish occurred in the vicinity of the ranch kept by Geo. H. McCoy, thirty 
years later, at the most northern bend of the Cimarron in Meade county. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 125 

Jim Conner came up before dark, reporting that he had left 
Capt. De Saussure on the Cimarron 2 or 3 miles above our last 
camp on it, & that Capt. Wood had, when he left, just encamped 
a little above Capt. D. The trail of the Indians (2, each with a 
led mule) had been followed about 33 miles E. of N. They had, 
after riding 6 or 7 miles, mounted the mules; had evidently traveled 
all night & were on their way to the gathering of Indians in the 
vicinity of Fort Atkinson to receive their annual presents. Capt. 
D. after becoming satisfied on this point, turned back, according to 
instructions. Poor Le Clair was probably killed with a gun & 
ammunition just presented to the savage by the strange policy of 
the Indian Department. 

August 2. Capt. De Saussure came into camp just as we were 
about to move a half mile to get near more abundant water. En- 
camped on a comparatively large pond close to Capt. Garnett's 
road. His party had just passed. Capt. Wood came up at ll 1 ^. 
A shell fish like the king crab found in the pond, about 2 inches long. 
A storm passed from N. to S. a few miles west of us. 

August 3d. Marched at 8h 40'. In 5 or 6 miles found the ground 
very heavy from the rain of last night. Passed a great many ponds 
of several acres each, the country more level & less sandy. The 
place of the Infantry camp of last night 12 M. from their previous 
one. Marched 8 M. further & encamped, 300 or 400 yds. S. of the 
road on 3 or 4 little pools of rain water. 71 Bois de vache abundant 
for the first time on this plateau. 

August 4th. Marched 8h 40'. Appearance of the country un- 
changed for seven miles. Water abundant. Found Capt. G. just 
leaving camp at 6 M. The pools of water disappeared. Surface 
of the ground sand. This continued 15 M. In the next 3, the sand 
almost disappeared, the grass becoming fresher, even luxuriant. A 
good deal of what the Texans call Gramma grass. 72 Encamped 
at the end of 24 miles on a large pool of good water. Another still 
larger % M. to the south. 

August 5th. Remained in camp to give horses & mules the bene- 
fit of the good grazing. Mr. Weysse made 10 miles on the line, 
passing the camp [at] 7. 

August 6th. Remained in camp for the sake of horses & mules. 
Directed Mr. Bell, with company K, to prepare to move southward 
to-morrow morning to look for the N. fork of the Canadian. 

71. Encampment was south and slightly west of Liberal, just across the boundary line 
in Oklahoma. 

72. Grama grass, a creeping grass, belonging to the genus Bouteloua. 



126 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

August 7th. Marched at 8%. Mr. Bell & his company taking the 
Delawares, set off on his expedition. We found the plateau very 
flat for 10 or 12 miles, then it seemed to take the form of a ridge, 
very flat, the crest on the right. 8 or 9 M. further crossed this crest 
& had the valley of the Cimarron in view. After crossing the spurs 
of the dividing ridge for 6 M. encamped without water. The 
ground for the last 2 or 3 M. very sandy. Grass fresh, but coarse. 
A refreshing shower at night. 

August 8th. Left the Infantry & surveyors & marched at 8h 22', 
10 M. due west, the ground sloping gently toward the Cimarron, 
the valley of which seemed to be about 5 M. from camp & 2% from 
the 10 M. pt. Turned from this pt N. W. & encamped on the dry 
channel 15 or 20 ft. wide & 3 or 4 deep. 73 The Santa Fe road 150 
yds. N. of camp & a pool of water in the channel 400 yds. above. 
The bottom of the valley % M. wide. The slopes of the hills gentle. 
Obtained abundant water by digging 1 or 2 feet in the channel. 
The route to-day through loose sand. Mr. Weysse came into camp 
with his party a little after dark. 

August 9th. Moved up the valley (by the Santa Fe road) 10 M., 
its character unchanged. Halted to fix an astronomical station. 
We had made so much southing that I thought we could not be 
north of the parallel. It turned out by Mr. Clark's observations, 
that we were 3' 43" S. of it. 

August 10th. Marched down the valley at 8h 30' to place the ob- 
servatory near the parallel, which was done by moving nearly 5 
miles. 74 Met Capt. Garnett's party & also Mr. Weysse's, just 
at the point. A teamster dangerously wounded with a butcher knife 
& picket maul by another. Mr. Clark observed at night, also, 
August llth. 

August 12th. Meridian marked & Mr. Weysse placed on its in- 
tersection with the parallel, about noon. March at Oh 50' to the 
point at which the road leaves the Cimarron & encamped at 2h 40'. 

August 13th, 14th & 15th. Remained at this point waiting for the 
Santa Fe mail party to inquire concerning the supplies to be sent to 
us from Fort Leavenworth, expected at the end of August. This 
mail party arrived about noon on the last of the above dates. Heard 
from Dr. Geisler, U. S. A. & Capt. [A. A.?] Gibson, Mil. Storekeeper, 
that they had not left F. L. on the 24th July. 

73. The party encamped approximately four miles west of the present Kansas-Colorado 
boundary. 

74. The observatory was set up nearly nine miles west of the southwest corner of 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 127 

Mr. Weysse running the line westward under protection of the two 
Infantry companies. 

August 16th. A party of New Mexican Indian traders coming up 
the Cimarron, arrived about 7%. Waited until 9 o. c. to order [at 
the order of?] the general, while the men were buying moccasins, &c. 
The course up the valley 287 30' for 10 miles. At 7 M. passed 
Capt. Garnett's first camp; at 12 M. the 2d. At 10 M. crossed 
Aubrey's road, 75 above which the valley becomes narrow, the bluffs 
coming in close to it. These bluffs of sandstone. The valley very 
winding. Cottonwood in view everywhere above Aubrey's road. 
The soil very poor, grass scanty. At 15% M. found the Cimarron a 
bold running brook. Encamped 1% M. further. A Texan "wet" 
norther at night. 

.August 17th. North wind with rain, all day. Remained in camp. 

August 18th. Marched at 10. Found Capt. Garnett's camp 
within four miles. Four miles further the valley widens very much. 
At this point met Lt. Bell & his company. He had come down 
Cedar creek, which joins the Cimarron 3 miles above & is the larger 
stream. 76 Encamped & rode up the Cimarron S. W. 3% & W. 2. 
Then N. 4 M. to a branch of the C. on which is a large (compara- 
tively) clump of cottonwoods & several deep pools of good water. 

August 19th. Moved to the point last named. Mr. Ingraham, 
with 12 men, went up the creek, leaving camp at 7%, to examine its 
valley. Made at night, an unfavorable report. 

August 20th. Moved up the Cimarron about 7 M. above Cedar 
Ck, then turned N. N. W. into a broad valley, & encamped 1% M. 
from its mouth. 77 The ridge which divides it from the valley of the 
Cimarron twice as high as the hills east of it. The upper half of 
burnt sandstone. A scanty supply of water in a deep winding & 
muddy channel lined with young willows. The grass short & poor. 
The line crosses this valley about 3% M. from its mouth. Capt. 
Garnett remained at the camp of yesterday. Mr. Weysse's party 
came at night to our camp. 

August 21st. Capt. Garnett's party came up. We encamped a 
mile further up the valley. Mr. Weysse reported at night that but 

75. Aubrey's road or trail was named after the famous freighter Col. F. X. Aubrey, who 
went over this short cut in a record-breaking ride from Santa Fe to Independence. It 
crossed the Cimarron river about 25 miles from the southwest corner of Kansas. See 
Kansas Historical Collections, v. 7, p. 61. 

76. Cedar creek rises south of the present town site of Mineral, Okla., and flows north 
into the Cimarron river. 

77. Apparently Colonel Johnston's train turned up Carrizo creek, rising in Colorado, and 
encamped 1% miles from its mouth in the Cimarron. The troops remained in this valley 
until the morning of August 26. 



128 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

1% M. remained to be run. Capt. Anderson & Mr. Ingraham spent 
the morning in looking for the best position for the final astro- 
nomical station & reported a good one within about 1% M. of the 
end of the line. Rain at night. 

August 22d. Moved camp % M. north for better grazing, the 
grass in the country everywhere too poor & thin to permit us to 
occupy any one point for several days. A N. E. storm at night. 
August 23d. Storm continued & prevented another move. 
August 24th. Moved at 2 P. M. 1 M. N. E. Remained in this 
place. 

August 25th. Mr. Clark encamped about 6 M. W. of camp to 
establish his final observatory. 78 

August 26th. Moved about 3 M. W. into the valley in which Mr. 
Clark is encamped. 

August 27th. Mr. Ingraham (with a party of 13, including a 
corporal, of company I) sent to Cedar Spring 79 to meet the upward 
Santa Fe mail to inquire concerning the train with our supplies. 
Moved camp 10 or 12 hundred yards up the valley for fresh grass. 
August 28th. Moved camp a few hundred yards to place the 
horses on fresh grass at night. Mr. Clark had made observations 
on the 3d pairs of stars. Very satisfactory. Set up transit instru- 
ment & prepared to observe moon culminations. 

August 29th & 30th. Moved each day far enough to put the 
horses on fresh grass at night. Same 31st. Muster. 

Sept. 1st. Mr. Ingraham returned at 11 A. M. The mail had 
passed Cedar Spring on the night of Aug. 30th. Left our train at 
Council Grove on the morning of the 19th. The conductor of the 
mail was told, he said, by the wagonmaster, to say to Col. Johnston 
that "the train would reach Cedar Spring in 20 days." Moved a 
few hundred feet. Left that place Sept. 3d to approach the Santa 
Fe road, down the Cimarron. Marched 12 miles. Rain at night. 

Sept. 4th. Continued the march down the valley. Somewhat less 
than 8 miles below, turned out of it to the north. Encamped on a 
rocky ravine, after marching 5 M. further. Night cold & rainy. 
N. E. wind. 

Sept. 5th. Marched S. S. E. about 3 miles into the valley & 
encamped about 3 M. above Aubrey's road. N. E. wind continued. 

78. Observatory was established on or near the Oklahoma -New Mexico boundary on the 
left bank of the Cimarron river. 

79. Authorities and maps differ as to the location of Cedar Springs. Colonel Johnston 
does not include it on his map but, presumably, it was near the present town site of 
Garrett, Okla. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 129 

Weather of course cloudy with drizzling rain. Capt. Anderson set 
off with his company, before us, to go down to the road to watch 
for our supplies. 

Sept. 6th. Moved a mile down the valley & encamped. At 12 
o. c. at night received a note from Capt. A. He stated that a party 
or traders who had passed his camp during the day had just sent 
to inform him that a small party of Kioways reported a body of 
about 300 Cheyennes (on foot) passed on the road 22 or 23 miles 
below his (Capt. A's) camp. They further said that an ox-wagon 
train had crossed the Arkansas on the 4th. I supposed it to be ours. 

Sept. 7th. Marched at 4 A. M. Breakfasted 13 miles from camp 
near the "upper crossing." 80 The Kioways came up. Knew of no 
Cheyennes. Had not been on the road. Had seen Cheyennes 
several days' journey to the E. between the Arkansas & Cimarron. 
Nevertheless, we moved on. Reached the trader's camp about 3 
p. m., about 13 M. further. Encamped two miles below it. In- 
formed by the chief of the party, Mr. Hickman of Westport, that 
the Cheyennes were reported to be about 10 miles off, on the 9- 
mile ridge. 

Sept. 8th. Set off at 4 A. M. Searched the locality designated to 
no purpose. No other "sign" than a few pony tracks. Went on to 
the middle Cimarron spring. 81 Met one train there. Encamped & 
remained till the morning of (borrowed $15 from Capt. Wood for 
5 of Mr. Kennerly's men). 

Sept. 9th. Returned. Met the mail party 3 or 4 M. below the 
mound marking the line. Advised Mr. Fields, the conductor, to 
wait for Mr. Wells & his train, regarding the road as unsafe for so 
small a party ; but five. Encamped a little above the mound. Mr. 
Wells went on with his train to the neighborhood of the upper 
crossing. 

Sept. 10th. Went to our old camp at the upper crossing. Left 
Capt. De Saussure ... the unloading was [remainder of page 
torn off containing entries for September 11, 12 and 13]. 

Sept. 14th. Marched 7 or 8 miles to McNeiss creek, 82 4 miles 

80. The troops breakfasted at the trail's upward crossing of the Cimarron river. 

81. The middle Cimarron spring was located in southwest Morton county, about seven 
miles north and six miles east of the southwest corner of Kansas. See Kansas Historical 
Society's Eighteenth Biennial Report, p. 122. 

82. Ralph E. Twitchell in Leading Facts of New Mexican History, v. 2, p. 127, wrote t 
"McNees' creek was the site of one of the melancholy tragedies of the days of the old trail. 
Here McNees and Munroe, two traders from Franklin, Mo., on their way home from Santa 
Fe, in 1828, were killed by the Indians. This creek is now known by the name of Currum- 
paw; it flows into Beaver creek, thence into the North Fork of the Canadian." The trail 
crossed the creek 555 miles from Independence, Mo. 

92345 



130 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

below the road. Went down the valley 4 miles for wood. Remained 
there for 1 day. 

Sept. 15th. That the men might wash their clothes. 

Sept. 16th. Marched to the Cottonwood 83 without touching the 
Santa Fe road, & encamped 1% M. below the road. 

Sept. 17th. Marched to the Rabbit Ear 84 & encamped on it 1% 
miles below the point at which the road crosses it. The valley 
narrow, the south side abrupt & rocky, like the hills about the 
upper [remainder of this entry and that for September 18, torn off] . 

[Sept. 18th or 19th] they asked as an addition to their escort, 
two skeleton companies of [omission]. Didn't feel authorized to 
comply. 

Sept. 20th. Marched at 9h 40', parallel to the Rabbit Ear. The 
character of the valley changed very much 4 miles below camp. 
The valley widening & the south side sloping gently, water dis- 
appearing. 8 or 9 further it again contracts & is very narrow for 
some five miles. The channel lined with cliffs of sandstone, at the 
base of which are occasional pools of water. Below this it again 
widens. Is joined by McNeiss' Ck; the channel very wide & dry. 
Its valley sandy. Occasional cottonwoods. Found water & wood 
25% M. from the last camp. Halted for the night. 

Sept. 21st. Marched at 9h 55', about E. leaving the valley to the 
left. The country like that over which the line runs before striking 
the Cimarron near the Santa Fe road. After marching nearly due 
east 11% M. struck Mr. Bell's trail & followed it into the valley, 
finding several large pools. Encamped. Distance 19% M. 

Sept. 22d. Marched at 7 o. c., leaving the valley to the right. 
Course S. 76 30' E. The plateau level, ground smooth & fine; grass 
short. 14% M. from the camp of last night encamped on a shal- 
low pond of 50 or 60 acres. 

Sept. 23d. Marched at 8h 20" due east. Country like that passed 
over yesterday, the grass short, but green & thick. 14% M. from 
last camp found a large pond (about 40 acres, shallow water) on 
the right, near our course. Course struck the Ck (N. F. of Cana- 
dian) 21 M. from last camp. A mile from Ck turned N. E. & 

83. The Cottonwood, as referred to by Colonel Johnston, was a tributary of Rabbit Ear 
creek, rising in New Mexico and flowing southeast. Its entire length as shown on the sur- 
veyors' maps was not over 13 miles, and crossed the Santa Fe trail between McNees' and 
Rabbit Ear creeks. 

84. Rabbit Ear creek derived its name through its proximity to the Rabbit Ear moun- 
tains, so named by early travelers because of the peaks' fancied resemblance to a rabbit's 
ears. The stream flows eastward, joining the Currumpaw to form Beaver creek (N. F. of 
the Canadian). 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 131 

reached the Ck 23% M. from camp of last night. 85 The valley 
600 or 800 yds. wide, water abundant; grazing very good. Some 
fuel, dry brushwood, picked up (drift) . 

Sept. 24th. Marched at 8h 30' N. 62 E. (first 2 M. E., the course 
above then commenced). At 12% M. recrossed the Ck, a bold, 
running stream of excellent water. 86 The valley broad, sides sloping 
gently. Valley about equally divided between sand & soil, the 
latter partly covered with luxuriant grass. The course of the valley 
below the camp of last night being concave to the south, the march 
was on the chord of the arc. The plateau on the south of the valley 
is as level as that on the north & covered with short but abundant 
grass. No wood. Distance 14 M., 2,000 ft. Lat. 36 42' 18". 

Sept. 25th. Marched down the valley at 8h 30'. First 5 M. on N. 
side of the stream which, where we crossed, is twice as large as at 
our camp of last night. Some two miles after crossing the stream a 
party of Indians met us, about 20 Kioways headed by the principal 
chief. Their camp, they said, was a few miles down the valley. 
They accompanied our march, guiding us by what they said was a 
better route than that of the valley, along the hills on the S. Passed 
in sight of their camp of about 50 lodges, more than half of which 
had been dismantled, their owners having fled, probably at the 
news of our approach. 87 Few people or horses were visible about it. 
Encamped in the valley some two miles below. March 16 M., 
2,920 ft. Had a conference with [omission in the MS.] in the after- 
noon in relation to the existing treaty. He professed to be most 
friendly to the whites, in which expressions the members of his 
party joined. He averred his determination to execute faithfully 
the terms of the treaty. Promised to have the two murderers of the 
man of the surveying party surrendered to us as soon as they could 
be discovered. The stream 12 or 15 feet wide & two deep, with a 
bold current. Distance marched, 16 M., 2,900 ft. Lat. 3,6 42' 42". 

Sept. 26th. 30 or 40 Kiowas, a few women among them, spent 
the morning in camp trading buffalo robes, moccasins, & lariets. 
The spokesman of yesterday, who seemed to [be] the old chief's 
staff officer, was so grieved to see us going, that he thought nothing 
but whisky could revive his drooping spirits. Marched at 8h 30'. 

85. Camp was established approximately nine miles east of Rice, Okla., on the North 
Fork of the Canadian. 

86. The train crossed Lowe creek, Texas county, Oklahoma, at 7% miles and recrossed 
it at 12% miles. 

87. The Kiowa camp was located about 2% miles west of Hardesty, Okla. The troops 
passed to the south of the camp and spent the night of September 25 almost on the present 
town site of Hardesty. 



132 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

The valley to the east seemed to make a long bend concave to the N. 
Our march was on the plateau, by the chord of the arc, the latter 
part of the march in heavy sand. The descent into the valley was 
thro' bare sand hills like those of the seashore, down which it was 
difficult to pull the wagons. The valley a mile wide, the stream 
much larger than at the last camp. The soil poor, much of it bare, in 
which a salty efflorescence is visible. A salt pond 300 yds. long be- 
tween our camp & the stream. A little cottonwood among the sand 
hills. Distance marched, 18 M., 4,600 ft. Found afterwards that 
the salt pond is a copious spring discharging itself by a bold stream 
into the N. F. of Canadian. Lat. 36 41' 55". 

Sept. 27th. About 20 mules missing this morning. Not found & 
brought back until 11 A. M., consequently we marched but 9 M., 
following the valley N. of the stream for about 4 M. then crossing it, 
& marching on the S. slope, a gentle one, the soil poor. Encamped 
on a little tributary from the S. Fresh water, bois de vache & 
gramma grass abundant. The N. side of the valley more abrupt, 
generally high bluffs of bare sand. Lat. 36 45' 05". 

Sept. 28th. Marched at 8h 50', continuing to follow the slope on 
the S. side of the valley. The soil like that of yesterday, hard & 
poor, the grass short but green ; water abundant. A stream in every 
2 or 3 miles, two of them copious. All the banks of a very bright 
red clay. Distance to-day, 20 M., 1,800 ft. Lat. 36 46'. Camp on 
Kiowa Ck, the valley broad (500 yds.), stream 25 ft. wide. 88 
Visited by 3 begging Kiowas. 

Sept. 29th. Marched at 8h 30'. Sent Jim Conner under escort of 
8 men, including a corporal, to look on the N. side of the valley, for 
our route to the hd of the Red fork. The country like that of yes- 
terday. A large bank of chalk, or something very like it, passed 2 
or 3 miles E. of Kiowa Ck. After marching 18 M. & 2,000 ft., en- 
camped on the N. side of the little river, a good running ck, crossed 
11*4 M. from Kiowa ck, the hills on the N. showing red banks in- 
stead of the bare sand banks seen on that side above. Ben Love 
gave [me] a lump of what seems to be red chalk picked up near 
Kiowa Ck. Lat. 36 46' 15". 

Sept. 30th. Marched at 8h 30' leaving the valley & ascending the 
hill N. E., obliquely. After marching about 2 M. along the hill found 
a hollow in front running to the N. into a large valley we supposed 
to be that of the Red fork. After moving N. E. about 8 M. further, 

88. Possibly one of the streams now known as Clear creek, emptying into the North Fork 
of the Canadian 3% miles east of Beaver, Okla. (Not the present Kiowa creek in Beaver 
county.) 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 133 

recognized the valley of the Cimarron, the broad plain & sand hills in 
the neighborhood of the 2d "crossing." Turned back & encamped 
on a shallow pond 13^ M. from last camp. 

Oct. 1st. Marched at 8h 30', as usual, moving due S. 4% M. to 
a range of sand hills % M. from the Canadian. Turned then East- 
wardly, & about 11 M. further struck the first branches of the N. 
branch of the Red fork & encamped. 89 We crossed no perceptible 
ridge between the valley of the Canadian & this one, but after turn- 
ing eastward, until the first branches of the Red fork were met, the 
ascent was insensible. It seemed, until we looked down the valley 
of the Red fork, from the "divide," that we were still among the 
sand hills of the Canadian. For the last 4 or 5 M. the heights on the 
N. of the Red fork were visible; those on the south only when we 
had almost reached the summit. Level. The distance between these 
heights from N. to S. there, seemed to be 5 or 6 M. March to-day, 
16 M. The heights all appear to be of red clay. In the gullies, at 
their bases, pale yellow clay appears. 

Oct. 2d. Marched at 8h 30' in the general direction of the valley 
(E) or rather, basin, crossing the spurs running down from the S. 
Rain began to fall just before we started & continued all day. 
The broad valley dotted with herds of buffalo. Encamped in the 
bottom of the valley, immediately on the stream, the channel of 
which is here about 30 yds. wide. A small stream of clear & pure 
water in it. A great deal more percolating in the sand. Distance, 
17.8 M. 

Oct. 3d. Marched at 9h 30', having waited for tents to dry, taking 
a route along the S. slope as yesterday. Entered the valley about 2 
M. above the mouth of the S. branch. Followed it to within 2% 
M. of the Cimarron. Encamped on a small S. tributary. Distance, 
13.7 M. The frequent crossings of the creek made the march a hard 
one. The appearance of salt gone. It was abundant opposite our 
camp in July, probably swept out by the recent flood, which seems 
to have been a very high one. 

Oct. 4th. Moved a mile eastward, & encamped on a little stream 
in a wide valley coming from the south. Detailed a party of 75 
cavalry under Capt. De Saussure (Lt. Thomson) to accompany me 
to the Canadian. Capt. Wood instructed to conduct the main party 
E. to the Arkansas; thence Mr. Weysse connect the marking of the 

89. Surveyors' maps show that the train had now reached tributaries of Buffalo creek, 
which empties into the Cimarron (or Red fork of the Arkansas as Colonel Johnston some- 
times calls it) farther east. 



134 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

line to the initial pt. Capt. W. to endeavour to strike the head of 
the S. W. branch of the Little Verdigris. Mr. Ingraham, after ex- 
amination, reported that the large deposits of crystalized salt that 
we had seen in July had disappeared. 

Oct. 5th. The two parties marched at 8h 40'. 90 Our course 35 
(by Smalkalder) crossing a very rough country, the main hollows 
running to the N. E., but their sides cut up by deep gullies worn by 
rain water. At 5 M. crossed a clear stream 12 ft. wide in a sandy 
channel of 40 yds. ; the valley narrow, between rocky bluffs. 8 M. 
further came to a broad valley, or rather cove, in the S. E. side of 
which we found a good stream, in a narrow hollow. Its bed sand. 
Lined with trees. Pine (short leaf) & cedar on the bluffs. En- 
camped. Distance about 15 M. 

Oct. 6th. Marched at 8h 30', S. 35 E. 3 M. to the summit of the 
ridge between the N. F. of Canadian & the Salt [Cimarron] river. 
The dividing ridge crossing our course, we turned due south 15 M. 
to the N. F. of C. & encamped, the valley 1% M. wide, Sandy, in- 
tersected by ranges of sand hills. 91 The channel of the river about 
50 yds. wide, the stream 30 [feet wide] & 2 ft. deep, with a bold 
current. Course of the valley S. 39 E., the S. slope of the "divide" 
a sandy plain, dotted with sand hills, like that we ascended in pass- 
ing from this valley to that of the Red fork. Cottonwood & Elm 
abundant ; comparatively. 

Oct. 7th. Marched at 8h 30' S. for 1% M., crossing the river at 
the % M. Then turned S. 22 E. for 3 M. on a plain somewhat 
sandy, but sufficiently firm. Then struck & passed thro' a range of 
sand hills % m. across (running from W. to E.) ; on their S. side a 
bold & clear Ck 5 or 6 ft. wide, lined with wood of different kinds. 
S. 53% E. the rest of the march, ascending very gradually for 7 M., 
a Ck running from the W. crossing our course at three miles. Re- 
mains of an Indian camp just above. 1% further encamped on a 

90. At the division of the party here at the junction of Buffalo creek with the Cimarron 
river, Captain Wood was directed to conduct the train in a northeasterly direction to the 
original starting point. The surveyors accompanying Captain Wood marked the camp sites 
of the train on their maps until the return trail converged with the outward one. On Octo- 
ber 6 the party encamped about four miles southwest of Whitehorse, Woods county, Okla- 
homa; October 7, near Hopeton; October 8 and 9, near Daley, Alfalfa county; October 10, 
three miles southwest of Florence, Grant county; October 11, five miles west of Medford; 
October 12, north of Numa; and October 13, on Bluff creek, in northeastern Grant county, 
Oklahoma. On October 14 the expedition again entered Kansas southwest of Drury, Sum- 
ner county, between Bluff creek and the Chikaskia river. The return trail was lost here, 
but it is likely they followed the outward road back to the Missouri border. Colonel John- 
ston turned south, October 5, with seventy -five cavalrymen, and does not again refer to 
Captain Wood's party in his journal. The government maps do not show his route from 
here, but it may be traced fairly accurately by a check of directions and distances in the 
journal. 

91. Colonel Johnston's party encamped about midway between Sharon and Cedardale, 
Woodward county, Oklahoma. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 135 

branch of the last. The course of the N. F. of C. nearly parallel to 
the last course & about 3 M. distant. 

Oct. 8th. Marched at 8h 30' S. 40 E. about 6 M. to the top of the 
dividing ridge whence the Canadian was visible 2 or 3 M. before us, 
coming from the S. W. & bending around to the S. E. Turned along 
the "divide" about 4 M. & encamped on the E. side of a little 
branch running into the Canadian which was about 1% M. dis- 
tant S. 92 The channel about as wide as that of the Arkansas where 
we crossed it (250 yds.). A bottom of nearly the same breadth, 
only 2 or 3 ft. higher, & the 2d bottom, some % M. wide, about 20 ft. 
higher, still. The N. F. seemed to be but 6 or 7 M. from the curve 
of the Canadian, the ridge between them 300 or 400 ft. above the 
Canadian. The valley of the N. F. not so low as the former. 

Oct. 9th. Marched at 8h 45' N. 75 E. along the N. edge of a post- 
oak wood extending as far southward as we could see on both sides 
of the N. F. & into the valley of the Canadian. All the heads of the 
creeks emptying into the N. F. make gaps in the dividing ridge. 
About 8 M. from last camp we left the crest of the ridge & after 
crossing two arroyas crossed the N. F. 14 M. from camp of last 
night, & encamped on its bank a M. below. 93 Its course being 
nearly E., 1% M. below camp it turns strongly southward. The 
valley where we entered it very broad. The slopes gentle. Its ap- 
pearance less barren than above. 

Oct. 10th. Marched at 8h 45' in the direction taken yesterday. 
At 4 M. in the edge of a blackjack wood which proved to be 4 M. in 
breadth, its E. edge at the brow of the hill from which we looked 
down into a very broad valley running eastward, which we followed, 
& encamped on the Ck running thro' it at 3 P. M. 4 M. from Ne-ish- 
ke-koash-ke-pi (Rock Salt river). 94 A S. branch, apparently the 
largest, joined that [which] we had followed, just above the pt at 
which we encamped. 

Oct. llth. Marched at 8h 30'. At 9h 30 reached the river & 
crossed two channels divided by an island, the E. one the main. As- 
cended a gentle slope 15' (N. 75 E.), found a plateau covered with 
black-jack woods. Marched on this plateau 8 M., wood & prairie 
about equal. Encamped a M. E. of the last wood, on two little 
pools, at the head of a hollow running N. into a larger, 3 M. distant, 
apparently running E. Grass poor, having been consumed by 
buffalo. 

92. Camp was situated west of Munice, Dewey county, Oklahoma. 

93. The expedition encamped about three miles east of Fonda, Okla. 

94. Colonel Johnston and party were now approaching the Cimarron river, southeast of 
Isabella, Major county, Oklahoma. 



136 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Oct. 12th. Marched at 8h 30' 115 (by Smalkalder) . At 9h 45' 
crossed a clear Ck of brackish water flowing Southward (the hollow 
of last night's camp joins its valley), the branches of this Ck being 
troublesome. Worn deep in the red clay. At 2h 15' crossed a 2d 
clear Ck, but of fresh water. 95 The valley like the last, very broad. 
Buffalo numerous. 3 or 4 Osages chasing them, spoken with by Joe 
Spaniard. Said their camps & families are on the Little Arkansas. 
Encamped on the E. side of the Ck. 

October 13th. Marched at 8h 30', 115, 6 M. to the ridge separat- 
ing the valley from one running northward, the channel in which 
was 9 M. from the last camp. The summit E. of it 3 M. further. 
A valley running E. visible from it, of which the one last crossed 
is a branch. A line of cottonwood marking the course of the stream 
winding thro' it, as far as the eye could reach. Numerous branches 
indicated also by cottonwood. Encamped on one of them at 3 p. m. 
Joe Spaniard gives as the Osage name of the creek, Wasaape oche 
(Black bear). 96 We crossed the Ck 2 M. above camp. The grass 
luxuriant. 

Oct. 14. Marched at 8h 30' (115) 5 M. to the crest of the dividing 
ridge. A very broad valley visible to the N. & a heavy line of 
timber. Opposite to us a large branch of the Ck on our right 
seemed to come in from W., the branch we had just left bending 
strongly S. to meet it. Our course for 13 M. crossed the S. branches 
of the valley, gradually approaching the timber marking the streams. 
Encamped on one of them, about l 1 /^ M. from the main stream. 
The soil passed over to-day better than any seen W. of the Arkansas. 
The grass fresh & rank. 

Oct. 15th. Marched at 8h 15' (115), the Ck on our left receding. 
Our course still over the spurs from the ridge on the S. Appearance 
of the country unchanged. 12 M. brought us to the edge of the 
valley of the Arkansas, 1 M. from it, & 2 M. S. of the mouth of the 
Ck, which is near the head of an island (main channel on its E.) 
some 3 M. long. 97 At the lower end of the island the river turns to 
the N. E., the lesser channel first striking a rocky bluff. We moved 
S. about 2 M. & encamped on an Osage trail from the E. after 
crossing the two branches of a Ck, the mouth of which is just above 

95. Probably Mulberry creek, south of Enid, Garfield county, Oklahoma. 

96. The expedition encamped in mideastern G'arfield county, on a tributary of Black 
Bear creek, the latter creek bearing the same name to-day. 

97. The creek referred to here may be the present Red Rock creek emptying into the 
Arkansas river in western Pawnee county, Oklahoma. The camp site on the evening of 
October 15 was south of the mouth of the creek and west of the present town of Masham. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 137 

the bluff aforesaid. Where we struck the Arkansas, a high ridge 
covered with post oak, is parallel to it & E. The river runs from 
N. E. around the N. end of this ridge & in the same way turns to 
the N. E. around its S. E. end. A good deal of post oak on the hills 
S. W. of the river. Much more on those opposite. A quantity of 
sandstone. 

Oct. 16. Marched E. on the Osage trail found yesterday, 14 M. 
to the point at which the party making it had crossed the river. 
Found it barely fordable. Crossed & encamped, the ground passed 
over being rough; our course being perpendicular to the ridges 
which run to the Arkansas. 98 A deep gully in every hollow. The 
valley of the A. broader than at the 37th parallel & the land better. 
More timber also. 

Oct. 17th. Marched at 9 up the valley on the Osage trail about 
1 M., then turned up a steep hill of 200 ft. high. A short detached 
ridge. From its summit turned to 115. A great deal of wood (oak) 
on the right. Our course crossed ridges running almost due S., to 
the river, all day. Near the top of each hill & on each side, a ledge 
of rock was encountered. The soil good, & grass fresh & abundant. 
Encamped in the edge of an apparently extensive oak wood. Dis- 
tance 14 M. Rain, with a cold strong S. wind, began about 1 o. c. & 
continued. 

Oct. 18th. Rain continued. Marched at 12. Country very rug- 
ged & wooded. At 3 M. crossed a Ck in a deep valley which was 
followed about 2 M. The road required great labour. Encamped 
at 4 o. c., rain continuing. 

Oct. 19th. Marched at 9h 30' over the ridges (rocky & wooded) 
between the branches of a deep stream, the valley of which could 
be seen running off to the S. E. near 20 M." This valley is broad 
& beautiful. Prairie & woodland mixed. Its branches, which we 
crossed, have very rich soil. The rock, like that on the Verdigris, 
generally sandstone. Some limestone. Encamped in one of these 
branches at 3 o. c., the third. All the water crossed E. of the Ar- 
kansas seemed to flow into the same valley. 

Oct. 20th. Marched at 9 o. c., crossing a ridge covered with post 
oak & blackjack. The valley E. of it broad & open in both direc- 
tions (N. & S.). Crossed a small Ck following its valley on the 
N. E. side 2 or 3 M. 3 or 4 M. of high prairie succeeded. Then a 

98. The camp was located across the Arkansas east from Ralston, Okla. 

99. Bird creek, a stream rising in Osage county, Oklahoma, empties into the Verdigris 
river. 



138 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

wooded & stony hollow & ridge. Then a broad valley (open) in 
which are two streams a mile apart, the first 30 or 40 ft. wide with 
a good current, the other, on which we encamped, small. 

Oct. 21st. Rain. Moved (115) at llh 40', about 5 M. in rough 
prairie & one in a blackjack wood. The ground so heavy that we 
encamped at the end of these 6 M. on a little stream flowing S. 

Oct. 22d. Marched at 10 (drizzle), 120, about 6 M. thro 7 oak 
wood (P. 0. & B. J.) over ridges running S. Detained near 2h 
making a practicable road down a steep & rocky hillside. A broad 
open valley at the foot of this hill. Encamped on a branch (W.) 
of the main stream, 2 M. from the foot of the hill. This main 
stream, the Little Verdigris, was but a quarter of a mile from our 
camp. 100 Lined with heavy timber 400 yds. wide, the low ground 
more than a mile in breadth, perhaps 1% M. on an ave. 

Oct. 23d. Employed all day in making a way & getting the 
wagons across the L. Verdigris. Encamped in the N. E. edge of the 
low ground, near a Cherokee road. A Mr. Keyes has a house 1% 
W. of the camp, near the L. V. Trades with the Osages. 

Oct. 24th. Marched at lOh 15' (124), having been kept waiting 
for two wagonloads of corn. Ascended gently for a mile, then 
marched 4 M. on a level prairie, 3 M. crossing obliquely a valley 
running to the S. W., then 4 M. on a plateau, a step (upward) in 
the country about 3 M. to the N. running across to the valley of the 
Verdigris from that just left, parallel to our course. Then 12 M. 
brought us to the top of the descent into the valley of the Verdigris, 
very broad & open. The courses of the river & its tributaries 
marked by belts of wood. Encamped near the foot of the hill. 

Oct. 25th. Marched at 9 o. c. E. 4 M., under the guidance of Joe 
Spaniard, to the first house of Coodey's settlement. 2 M. further 
E. S. E. struck the California road. 101 5 M. from this point, reached 
the Verdigris at Coodey's. 102 Detained 2h repairing the road & 
encamped a Mile to the E. 

Oct. 26th. Marched at 9h 20' in a heavy rain which continued 
until noon, for 5 M. followed a trail leading E. N. E. Then struck 
a road leading, Joe Spaniard said, to Hudson's on the Neosho just 

100. The expedition was now nearing the Little Verdigris in southern Washington county, 
Oklahoma. 

101. The California road mentioned by Colonel Johnston probably was the route which 
passed through Fayetteville, Ark., thence across the corner of the Indian Territory, entering 
Kansas in Chautauqua or Montgomery county. The trail joined the old Santa Fe trail in 
McPherson county. See Kansas Historical Collections, v. 5, p. 90; v. 9, pp. 576-577; and 
"Early Trails Through Oklahoma," Chronicles of Oklahoma, v. 3, pp. 110-111. 

102. The expedition may have crossed the Verdigris at the present town site of Coodys 
Bluff, Nowata county, Oklahoma, although maps and references do not entirely coincide. 



MILLER: KANSAS BOUNDARY LINE SURVEY 139 

above its junction with Spring river. 103 A range of heights like 
that west of the Verdigris, parallel to the road on the left. En- 
camped on a creek running S. E. This road from the pt where we 
entered it to the brow of the hill, % M. above camp, runs thro' a 
high and almost level prairie; apparently the dividing ridge be- 
tween the Verdigris & Neosho. Camp % M. from the road. 

Oct. 27th. Marched at 8h 35' a little S. of E. in a very broad 
valley subdivided by low ridges separating several branches. At 
9 M. opposite to a projection from the range of heights mentioned 
yesterday (timber hill). Course to the pt in the road opposite to 
the camp of last night 272 .(n. 51 E.). At this pt the course of 
yesterday was resumed ; the road had been bent around the wooded 
hill. The country passed over to-day generally better land; the 
ridges low, all of rich soil. Encamped on E. side of a Ck which, 
Joe Spaniard informed me, is the last this side of the Neosho. 104 

Oct. 28th. Marched at 8h 35' (114) over a succession of low 
ridges separating hollows running S. E. into Grand river. In 10 M. 
struck the road leading down the Neosho from Blyth's, following it 
2 M. (S. E.) came to the Emigrants' road to Texas at Hudson's. 105 
Turning into that road (154) we reached the Neosho in 1% M., 
2 M. above its junction with Spring river. Marched l^fe M. from 
the ford, the 1st 2 M. 154, 2d 148, 3V 2 M. 167. Encamped in 
the edge of the timber of Spring river. Country, high prairie. 

Oct. 29th. Marched at 8h 30' (145) 6 M. to the lower ford of 
Spring river. Crossed & encamped in the W. edge of the prairie 
near the middle ford. Rain. 

103. Present-day maps show Hudson creek flowing northeast into the Neosho river in 
Ottawa county, Oklahoma. It is likely that this stream is identified with the Hudson men- 
tioned by Colonel Johnston. 

104. Little Cabin creek, Craig county, Oklahoma. 

105. During the Mexican War many emigrants to Texas left Kansas through Cherokee 
county and followed the divide between the Verdigris and Grand rivers to Fort Gibson. 
Chronicles of Oklahoma, v. 3, p. 117. 



Defense of the Kansas Frontier, 1864-'65 

MARVIN H. GARFIELD 

BEFORE the outbreak of the Civil War, the plains Indians and 
the rapidly onrushing white invaders had come to look upon 
each other as enemies. To the plains Indians it mattered little 
during the Civil War whether a white man espoused the cause of 
the Union or the Confederacy. They recognized all white men as 
common enemies. The Comanche Indians will serve as an illustra- 
tion. In Texas the members of this tribe raided the settlements of 
Confederates, while farther to the north in Kansas other Co- 
manches were engaged in depredations upon the lives of Union 
men and women. These Indians were too little concerned with the 
issues in the slavery struggle and too far away from the scene of 
action to have been an important factor in the war. Nevertheless, 
North and South accused each other of having incited Indian at- 
tacks. Especially was this accusation circulated in Kansas. 
Throughout the Civil War Kansas newspapers alleged that Con- 
federate plotters were at work among the plains tribes, and par- 
ticularly among the Cheyennes and Arapahoes. Governor Craw- 
ford shared this view also. 1 

In contrast with the number of rumors of collusion between the 
Confederates and Indians, however, the proven instances were few. 
In 1864 Gen. S. R. Curtis, commander of the Military Department 
of Kansas, fearing that the Confederates were planning to make a 
raid upon Fort Lamed and Fort Lyon, ordered federal troops to 
be transferred from the Platte to the Arkansas river. The Con- 
federate raid proved to be only a rumor. 2 Some evidence, never- 
theless, does exist to show that the Indians were aware of Con- 
federate plans. Simon Whitely, United States Indian agent at 
Denver, mentioned having heard threats by Comanches, Kiowas 
and Cheyennes to take all the forts on the Arkansas river when 
joined by the Texas soldiers. 3 Despite these disquieting rumors, 
the War Department reports from the plains indicate that prior 
to March, 1864, no conclusive information had reached headquar- 
ters that the Indians were planning hostilities. 4 

1. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, 223. 

2. G. B. Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1915), 144. 
8. Report of the Commission of Indian Affairs 186%, 236-237. 

4. Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes, 131. 

(140) 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER. 141 

General Curtis was busily engaged at that time in fighting bush- 
whackers on the border and evidently had no idea that an Indian 
war was at hand. Like the Sioux War in Minnesota during 1862, 
the Cheyenne War of 1864 was precipitated by injudicious action 
upon the part of young military officers. A certain Lieutenant 
Eayre, in attempting to recover cattle supposedly stolen by Chey- 
ennes, punished the wrong Indians. To make matters worse, Lieu- 
tenant Dunn, of the First Colorado cavalry, on April 12 attacked a 
small band of Dog Soldier Cheyennes on the South Platte. The 
Indians were young warriors who were on their way north to visit 
their Northern Cheyenne relatives. A little later Lieutenant Eayre 
drove Crow Chief and his Cheyenne band from their camp on the 
Republican river. In another expedition Eayre and his troops met 
a. group of Cheyennes near Fort Lamed and attacked them. This 
time he received the worst of the encounter and was forced to re- 
treat to the fort. The wrath of the warlike Cheyennes was aroused 
to a high degree by these attacks. A general Indian outbreak in 
eastern Colorado and western Kansas and Nebraska was the result. 

Logically the Indians selected the great western highways as 
their main objectives. Immediately following Lieutenant Eayre's 
fight with the Indians near Larned the redskins raided the stage 
road between Fort Larned and Fort Riley. Arapahoes, antagonized 
by Captain Parmenter, of Fort Larned, joined their Cheyenne 
friends on the warpath. The combined tribes then set about sys- 
tematically to attack the Platte trail and Santa Fe trail, concen- 
trating their efforts on the former. The trail to Santa Fe was gen- 
erally left to the tender mercies of the Kiowas and Comanches 
residing south of the Arkansas river, who also took to the warpath. 

Realizing that a general outbreak was at hand, Gen. Robert B. 
Mitchell, commanding the Nebraska district of the Military De- 
partment of Kansas, asked General Curtis on May 27 for one thou- 
sand men and an artillery battery to protect the Platte trail. Gov- 
ernor Evans, of Colorado territory, also requested that Curtis 
protect the South Platte and Arkansas routes. The Colorado 
executive, apparently not getting satisfaction from the department 
commander, on June 16 turned to General Carleton at Santa Fe for 
aid. He desired that Carleton send troops to Fort Union, New 
Mexico, subject to call from Colorado. 5 An attempt at handling 
the hostile Indians was made by Governor Evans in June. A proc- 
lamation was issued and sent to the Indian tribes in eastern Colo- 

5. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 186^, 229. 



142 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

rado warning all friendly bands to report at specified concentration 
points. Cheyennes and Arapahoes were assigned to Fort Lyon 
while the Kiowas and Comanches were ordered to Fort Lamed. 
But this proclamation was generally ignored by the Indians. 6 

Since the aborigines preferred taking chances with their lives in 
preference to coming in and being "good Indians/' the war on the 
plains continued throughout the summer. In July the hostiles again 
commenced depredations in the neighborhood of Fort Lamed. A 
government train bound for Fort Union, New Mexico, was attacked 
and twelve men were killed, while a large quantity of merchandise 
was destroyed. 7 Shortly afterwards four large trains were besieged 
near Cow Creek, where a battle ensued. The beleaguered crews 
were finally rescued by some of Curtis' forces from Fort Riley. 8 

General Curtis had taken the field during July in a campaign de- 
signed both to protect the trails and settlements and intimidate the 
Indians. Kansas militia, stationed at Emporia, were ordered to re- 
port to Curtis and hold themselves in readiness for assistance. 9 
Curtis reported that his force numbered 396 men and consisted of 
militia, volunteers and regulars aided by a section of Ninth Wiscon- 
sin artillery. In his letters the general referred to the siege on Cow 
Creek and an attack by Indians on Fort Larned. 10 Curtis was 
highly commended by the press for his energetic campaign. 11 Before 
he had time really to accomplish much in an Indian war, however, 
it became necessary for him to abandon the project and return to 
Fort Leavenworth. The eastern border of Kansas demanded im- 
mediate protection against the threatening raid of Gen. Sterling 
Price into western Missouri. Curtis' chief accomplishment during 
his summer on the plains was the founding of two military posts, 
Fort Ellsworth (Harker) and Fort Zarah. 

While Curtis was still on the plains numerous Indian attacks oc- 
curred in northern Kansas and southern Nebraska. Newspaper 
reports from Marysville, Kan., stated that sixteen whites had been 
killed and scalped and that nearly the entire population of Wash- 
ington county was encamped in the town for protection. 12 In 

6. Ibid. 23, 218-219. 

7. Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence), July 27, 1864. 

8. Ibid. August 7, 1864. (Reprint from the Leavenworth Conservative.) 

9. Adjutant General's Correspondence 1864, (Kansas). Major Pollard, commander of the 
Eighth regiment K. S. M. had previously urged Governor Carney to let the regiment assist 
Curtis. Pollard to Carney, July 24. 

10. Kansas Daily Tribune, (Lawrence) August 7, 1864. A reprint from the Leavenworth 
Conservative. 

11. Kansas Daily Tribune, August 10. 

12. Ibid., August 23. Reprint from Marysville (Kansas) Enterprise. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER. 143 

Marshall county the militia, assisted by a company of Seventh 
Iowa cavalry, staged a four-hour battle with a superior Indian force, 
but were compelled to retreat. 13 In Nebraska and eastern Colorado 
the overland mail was forced to abandon 400 miles of its route, while 
all stations but one along a line of 120 miles had been burned. Im- 
migration into Colorado and California over the Platte trail was 
seriously checked. 14 The hostile Indians were reported to have pro- 
claimed that the land belonged exclusively to them and that they 
intended to regain and hold it if they were forced to destroy every 
white man, woman and child to accomplish their purpose. 15 To 
meet this situation Governor Evans in August issued a proclamation 
to Colorado citizens advising them to hunt down Indians and kill 
all hostiles. This resulted in all the Indians of the region going to 
war. 16 Evans later testified before a joint congressional committee 
that he had issued this proclamation at a time when Colorado had 
no troops to defend it. 17 

In an effort to make peace, Major Wyncoop, commander at Fort 
Lyon, rounded up the leading Cheyenne and Arapahoe chiefs and 
took them to Denver to interview the governor. Evans refused to 
come to terms with the chiefs, informing them that he was not the 
peace-making power and that they must make peace with the mili- 
tary authorities. 18 For taking this stand Governor Evans was se- 
verely rebuked by Commissioner Dole of the Bureau of Indian 
Affairs. Mr. Dole reminded Evans that his duty as ex officio 
superintendent of Indian affairs in Colorado required him to receive 
and encourage all overtures of peace made by the Indians. 19 

Peace efforts having failed, the Indian war continued until cold 
weather drove the hostiles into winter quarters. Before the descent 
of winter, however, there were several Indian scares in Kansas. 
Manhattan residents on October 19 informed Adjutant General 
Holliday that the entire military escort of the Santa Fe express had 
been massacred west of Salina. Holliday was petitioned, conse- 
quently, to send the Pottawatomie county militia back to the west- 
ern frontier at once. 20 The adjutant general as a result directed 

13. Ibid., August 24. Reprint from Leavenworth Conservative. 

14. Letter from general superintendent of the Overland mail line to the Hon. Wm. P. 
Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, August 31, 1864, Report of the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, 1864, 254. 

15. Ibid., 255. 

16. Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes, 148. 

17. Senate Report No. 156, Appendix, 39 Cong., 2d sess., 48. 

18. Ibid., 47. 

19. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 1864, 256. 

20. Adjutant General's Correspondence 186$. (Kansas.) 



144 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Col. John T. Price, of the Fifteenth Kansas militia, then located at 
Fort Riley, to give special attention to the frontier in the neighbor- 
hood of Salina. Governor Carney was also requested by Holliday 
to grant the petition concerning the Pottawatomie county militia. 
Colonel Price, however, discovered that the story of the massacre of 
the stage escort was a fake. The escort arrived safely at Fort Zarah 
although the frightened stage driver, having mistaken buffalo for 
Indians, returned to Salina. Price promised to keep the state 
authorities informed concerning future Indian disturbances. He 
clearly indicated, on the other hand, that he would use his discre- 
tion in defending the frontier settlements. 21 

As a climax to the year's fighting came the Chivington massacre 
of the Cheyenne Indians at Sand creek on November 29. The Sand 
creek camp was located near Fort Lyon on the reservation which 
had been set aside for the Cheyenne and Arapahoe tribes by the 
treaty of Fort Wise [later Fort Lyon] in 1861. As a matter of fact 
the Cheyennes had seldom remained on the reservation, which lay 
south of the Arkansas river in Colorado, but had roamed at will 
from the Red river to the North Platte. In the late summer of 1864, 
however, Black Kettle and White Antelope, in compliance with 
Governor Evans' proclamation, brought in a part of their respective 
bands of Cheyennes and camped near Fort Lyon. The camp was 
composed almost entirely of women, children, and old men. The 
warriors in most cases remained on the warpath. 22 While Black 
Kettle, White Antelope and other chiefs were in Denver engaging in 
a peace pow-wow with Governor Evans three war parties of Chey- 
ennes and two of Arapahoes were still out. 23 

On November 29 the Cheyenne and Arapahoe camp on Sand 
creek was attacked by Colonel Chivington with a large force com- 
posed of regulars and Colorado volunteers. Of the 500 Indians in 
camp about 150 were killed, two-thirds being women and children. 24 
The slaughter was frightful, since the Indians were surprised and 
poorly armed. Atrocities committed by the troops were fully as bad 
as those usually practiced by Indians upon their victims. 25 Fol- 

21. Price to Holliday, October 31, 1864, Adjutant General's Correspondence, 186J f . 

22. Even George Bird Grinnell, who presents the Cheyenne side of the story, admits that 
most of the Indians in the tribe were hostile. He states that the old men were for peace while 
the young men were all for war, The Fighting Cheyennes, 152 ; for Governor Evans' side of 
the case see Senate Re-port 156, Appendix, 43-49, 39 Cong., 2d sess. 

23. Black Kettle and other chiefs to Major Colley, August 29, 1864, Grinnell, The Fight- 
ing Cheyennes, 152. 

24. Kansas Historical Collections, VII, 67, footnote. Chivington in his report stated that 
over 500 were killed, while George Bent estimated 150. 

25. Numerous testimonials given before the Joint Congressional Committee on the Conduct 
of the War agree on this statement. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER. 145 

lowing the attack, the remnants of the tribes fled to the Big Timbers 
of the Smoky Hill river in western Kansas. 

A great furore was raised in the East when the news of the 
massacre was fully published. General Halleck, chief of staff, at 
once ordered an investigation of Chivington's conduct, while Gen- 
eral Curtis attempted to have him court-martialed. Chivington's 
term of service had expired, though, and he was beyond the reach 
of military law. Congress in 1865 attempted to punish Chivington 
and all members of the Third Colorado regiment who engaged in the 
massacre. The resolution, S. R. 93, was introduced into the senate 
to suspend the pay of all officers and men who had participated 
until an investigation could take place. The measure passed the 
senate in January, but was defeated in the house. 26 In the following 
session of congress, however, the annual Indian appropriation bill 
was so amended that the members of the Cheyenne and Arapahoe 
bands who suffered at Sand creek were to be recompensed in United 
States securities, animals, goods, provisions or such articles as the 
Secretary of the Interior might direct. The total amount of these 
gifts was $39,050. 27 This congressional act was in harmony with 
article six of the treaty of the Little Arkansas, which had been 
drawn up on October 14, 1865. The entire article was a condemna- 
tion by the United States government of Chivington's action. 28 

Explanations of the Sand creek massacre stressed three factors. 
First, that it was good judgment to carry the war to the home of the 
Indian, and that experience had proved that by such methods alone 
could Indian uprisings be crushed. Chivington used the same pro- 
cedure which later won such nation-wide fame for Sheridan and 
Custer. Secondly, there had been a demand for a winter campaign 
against the Indians. This had been urged on November 19, by Gen- 
eral Hunt, commander of the upper Arkansas district, in a letter to 
General Curtis. 29 Also, Governor Evans, of Colorado, had previ- 
ously suggested the scheme as the only means of conquering the 
hostiles and bringing them to respect governmental authority. 30 
Public opinion in the frontier regions also was favorable to the plan. 
The Junction City Union, a Kansas paper, openly advocated it on 
August 20, 1864: 

26. Senate and House Proceedings 1865, Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., 2d sess., 254, 1336. 

27. Senate Debate 1866, Cong. Globe, 39 Cong., 1 sess., 3506. 

28. Official Copy of the original treaty. Archives, Kansas State Historical Society. 

29. Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes, 161. 

30. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1864, 222. 

10-2345 



146 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

"A successful war can only be waged against them [the Indians] by or- 
ganizing an expedition that will penetrate their country and find the rendez- 
vous of their women and children. Then they will stand and fight armed 
men and not before." 

A third reason for the massacre is that the "hundred-day volun- 
teers" who made up the Third Colorado cavalry were chiefly fron- 
tiersmen who had suffered at the hands of the Cheyennes and Arap- 
ahoes throughout the previous summer. To these men rules of war- 
fare meant nothing. They retaliated with atrocity for atrocity. 31 

In the long run the real sufferer from the Chivington massacre was 
the frontier settler. Public sentiment in the East largely turned 
against him and sympathized with the Indian. This view spread 
into congress and seriously handicapped legislation aimed at frontier 
defense. Senator Ross, of Kansas, on July 18, 1867, attempted to 
amend an army bill by providing that the general of the army 
should be authorized to accept the services of mounted volunteers 
from the governors of western states for suppression of Indian hos- 
tilities. He was outvoted, however, and compelled to accept a modi- 
fication which defeated the purpose of the amendment. 32 Morrill, of 
Maine, speaking in opposition to Ross, stated that volunteers from 
the frontier states caused all the difficulties with the Indians. As 
an example he cited the work of the Colorado volunteers in the 
Chivington Massacre. 33 

Indian raids did not die out altogether during the winter of 1864- 
1865. Early in the new year a raid occurred on the Santa Fe trail 
west of Fort Lamed. Cheyennes and Arapahoes numbering close 
to 150 attacked a wagon train at Nine Mile ridge, wounding six 
white men. The Indian loss was unknown. 34 Shortly after this 
episode the hostile bands of the two tribes moved north into Ne- 
braska headed for the Powder river country. General Mitchell, 
commanding the district of Nebraska (this was before its reorgani- 
zation in 1865 as the Department of the Platte), in order to drive 
the Indians out of the Republican valley region, burned the prairie 
grass for over 100 miles. 35 The burned area extended throughout 
a favorite Indian hunting region. This action of Mitchell's con- 
tributed to the exodus of the hostiles from Kansas and southern 
Nebraska. It simply meant, on the other hand, that their forces 

31. Root and Connelley, The Overland Stage, 353-356. 

32. Senate Debate 1867, Cong. Globe, 40 Cong., 1 sess. (Debate on the Ross Amendment 
to S. 136.), 708-709. 

33. Ibid., 708. 

34. Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence) January 15, 1865. 

35. Ibid., February 2, 1865. Report of General Mitchell to General Curtis January 29. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER. 147 

were to be concentrated with the hostile Sioux along the Platte trail 
and Overland telegraph line. As a consequence the great Indian 
wars of 1865 took place outside of Kansas. 

During the absence of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes the Kansas 
frontier enjoyed a brief respite. Of course, the Kiowas and Coman- 
ches were engaged in a series of depredations, but, comparatively, 
things were quiet during the spring and summer. On April 25 In- 
dians attacked Cow Creek station on the Santa Fe Stage Company 
line driving off sixteen head of cattle. 36 On June 9 Kiowas charged 
upon a wagon train on Crooked creek in the southwestern section of 
the state. The train, which consisted of about seventy wagons un- 
der a military escort, successfully defended itself. In August the 
government was compelled to send a heavy escort to Fort Zarah 
in order to prevent the Indians from confiscating the 8,000 rations 
which were being delivered to the fort. 37 These rations were con- 
signed to the Indians, but the Great Father at Washington pre- 
ferred handing them out to his red children instead of having them 
taken by force. 

Having learned by experience the terrible cost of the Indian war 
of the preceding year, the United States military authorities took 
steps in 1865 contemplated to bring the war to a close. A three- 
fold plan was developed: First, to defend the settlements and 
routes of travel from Indian aggression ; second, to invade the Pow- 
der river region in the Dakotas and strike a blow which would teach 
the Indian to respect the power of the government; third, to make 
peace with the Indians in Kansas and arrange for their removal from 
the state. In pursuance of the first objective the Kansas government 
and people cooperated. Kansas troops also made up a large part 
of General Dodge's Powder river expedition. As to the wisdom of 
the third part of the plan, making peace with the Indians, Kansans 
were frankly dubious. 

The Kansas state legislature on January 17, 1865, adopted a 
concurrent resolution requesting congress to secure from the Presi- 
dent (1) full and ample protection against hostile Indians on the 
western border; (2) prosecution of an active campaign against the 
Indians by an adequate force of federal troops; (3) permission for 
the governor of Kansas to organize a regiment of veteran volunteer 
cavalry to serve for one year in the Indian campaign. 38 These 

36. Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence), May 2, 1865. 

37. Junction City (Kansas) Union, August 19, 1865. 

38. House Journal, Kansas Legislature 1865, 88-89. 



148 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

requests reveal the trend of popular feeling within the state at the 
time. 

Another event of significance in January was the reorganization 
of the military departments. The old Department of Kansas was 
replaced by the Department of the Missouri with Gen. Grenville 
M. Dodge succeeding General Curtis. The state legislature upon 
receipt of this information extended Curtis a vote of thanks for 
his services. 39 

In an effort to insure a greater degree of safety to travel on the 
Santa Fe trail, Colonel Ford, commanding the district of the upper 
Arkansas, provided for escort service between Council Grove and 
Fort Larned. 40 Twice a month, on the first and the fifteenth, a 
company of troops left Council Grove as an escort for travelers 
and freighters. From Larned west to Fort Union, New Mexico, 
the escort was composed of troops sent from the district of New 
Mexico. 41 A similar arrangement was made for east-bound trans- 
portation. Fort Dodge was also constructed during the year as an 
added protection to Santa Fe travel. 

An additional burden of protection was put upon the shoulders 
of the military authorities in Kansas when the Butterfield Over- 
land Despatch line was organized* in 1865. Its route extended 585 
miles from Leavenworth and Atchison to Denver via the Smoky 
Hill river. 42 In order to give the route adequate defense, a chain 
of forts and outposts was constructed along the Smoky Hill valley 
by the government. The Butterfield line, despite this assistance, 
failed to make profits. Hostile Indians and the competition of the 
Holladay line on the Platte trail proved its undoing. 43 

The frontier settlements in Western Kansas were successfully 
defended during the year by Colonel Cloud and the Fifteenth Kan- 
sas cavalry. 44 A contemplated offensive against the Indians by 
Colonel Ford was never carried out due to the interference of 
Colonel Leavenworth, agent to the Kiowas and Comanches, who 
fancied that he could end the war by negotiation. 45 Colonel Ford 
was delayed by Interior Department officials until spring was so 

39. House Journal, Kansas Legislature, 1865, 168. 

40. Colonel Ford's order was published in the Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence) May 11, 
1865. 

41. Ibid. 

42. Root and Connelley, The Overland Stage, 395. 

43. Root and Connelley, The Overland Stage, 400-401. 

44. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, 224. 

45. Editorial, Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence) May 2, 1865. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER. 149 

far advanced that the hostiles were too strong to be attacked by his 
forces. 

While these events were transpiring, Governor Crawford was not 
idle. With his customary energy he plunged into the problem of 
frontier defense early in the year. In answer to numerous petitions 
from settlers in the south-central portion of the state, he en- 
deavored to persuade both Curtis and Dodge to send a small force 
of cavalry to the region. 46 Troubles had arisen between settlers 
and Indians in the Indian Territory on account of cattle stealing. 
Many settlers were leaving because of the danger of possible In- 
dian raids. 

In August the governor wrote to General Sheridan asking for 
the immediate muster-out of the Eighth and Tenth Kansas volun- 
teer infantry. The reason given for the request was that the In- 
dian situation on the western border looked threatening. 47 A few 
days later a similar request for the muster-out of the Sixteenth 
Kansas cavalry was transmitted to General Grant. 48 

While the Fifteenth Kansas cavalry remained in the state, the 
Eleventh and the Sixteenth were sent north with General Dodge 
to restore communication along the Platte trail, to protect frontier 
settlements, and to drive the Indians into the Black Hills. 49 Al- 
though in February it had been the purpose of the Department of 
the Missouri to send the entire Eleventh cavalry into the Smoky 
Hill region for an Indian campaign, a change of orders sent them 
to Fort Kearney, Nebraska. While part of the regiment guarded 
the Platte trail and Overland telegraph, the remainder was sent to 
Fort Laramie for the spring campaign against the Sioux on Powder 
river. 50 The work of protecting the transcontinental highway was 
difficult. Indians fairly swarmed along the telegraph line, but 
the soldiers were never driven from the field and the wires were 
kept in working order. 51 On June 11 Col. Preston B. Plumb was 
ordered to reopen and protect the Overland stage line and give all 
possible protection to emigrants and other travel. For the next 

46. Crawford to Curtis, February 7, 1865, Correspondence of Kansas Governors, Crawford, 
(Letterpress books), 1863-1865, 28. Hereafter cited C. K. G. Crawford (Letterpress books) ; 
Letter from Crawford to General Dodge, February 11, 1865, Correspondence of Kansas Gov- 
ernors, Crawford, (Copy Book), 4-5. Hereafter cited as C. K. G. Crawford (Copy Book). 
Archives, Kansas State Historical Society. 

47. Crawford to Sheridan, August 12, 1865, C. K. G. Crawford, (Copy Book), 13. 

48. Crawford to Grant August 29, 1865, C. K. G. Crawford, (Letterpress Book), 53. 

49. Will C. Ferril, "The Sixteenth Kansas Cavalry in the Black Hills in 1865," The 
Kansas Historical Collections, XVII, 855. 

50. Official Military History of Kansas Regiments, 338-339, Library of the Kansas State 
Historical Society, n. d., n. p. 

51. Ibid., 342. 



150 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

two months Plumb and his men guarded the stage line, drove the 
stages by using cavalry horses, and kept the United States mail on 
schedule. 52 In August the Eleventh cavalry was ordered to Fort 
Leavenworth and mustered out of service. 

Less glorious was the performance of the Sixteenth Kansas cav- 
alry in the Black Hills. The Sixteenth had the misfortune to par- 
ticipate in a disastrous campaign. General Connor's forces were 
outnumbered and outgeneraled by the Sioux and Cheyenne war- 
riors. The attempt to strike the Indian in his stronghold resulted 
in so much grief that the project had to be abandoned. The losses 
of the Sixteenth nevertheless were very small. One soldier was 
killed and one wounded. 53 

In October General Grant announced his Indian policy. Gen- 
erals Sherman and Pope were instructed to give particular atten- 
tion to the problem of putting an end to Indian troubles along the 
great overland highways. Additional permanent forts were to be 
established along the Platte, Smoky Hill and Arkansas river routes. 
Finally the volunteers were to be replaced by 4,000 colored troops. 54 
The Negroes were supposedly more free from prejudices against 
the Indians. 55 In addition to this advantage the Negroes were 
willing to serve, whereas the white volunteers became quite in- 
effective on account of their anxiety to be mustered out. 56 

Another important event of October, 1865, was the negotiation 
of a treaty with the southern plains tribes. The Chivington mas- 
sacre had had the effect of practically annulling the treaty of Fort 
Wise, since the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were afraid to remain 
in the region set aside for them in Colorado by the treaty. Hence 
it was desirable to make a new treaty which would include not 
only peace terms but provisions for settling the Indians on a 
permanent reservation. Indian commissioners selected by con- 
gress came to Kansas in October and negotiated treaties with the 
Cheyenne, Arapahoe, Comanche, and Kiowa tribes. Two treaties 
were made: one with the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, the other with 
the Comanches and Kiowas. On October 14, on the Little Arkan- 
sas river, near the site of the present city of Wichita, the final 
agreements were drawn up. The United States was represented 

52. Official Military History of Kansas Regiments, 342. 

53. Wilder, D. W. : Annals of Kansas, 381. 

54. Junction City (Kansas) Union, October 28, 1865; Daily Kansas Tribune (Lawrence) 
October 26, 1865. 

55. Junction City Union, October 28, 1865. 

56. Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence), September 14, 1865. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER. 151 

by seven commissioners: General Sanborn; Gen. W. S. Harney; 
Thomas Murphy, superintendent of Indians affairs in the central 
superintendency ; Kit Carson, the famous frontiersman; William 
W. Bent, the fur trader; Jesse H. Leavenworth, agent of the Co- 
manches and Kiowas; and James Steele. The Indian delegation 
was composed of the most influential members of their respective 
tribes. 57 

The most important terms of the treaty were contained in articles 
2, 3 and 4. The first of these provided for setting aside a permanent 
reservation for the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, south of the Arkan- 
sas river in Kansas and Indian Territory. The Kiowas and Co- 
manches were assigned to a region in northwestern Texas and Indian 
Territory. The Indians were not to settle upon the reservations 
until the United States had extinguished the titles of the Cherokees 
and other claimants. When absent from these reservations the 
Indians were not to go within ten miles of any of the main-traveled 
routes. All claims of the Indians to the region between the Platte 
and the Arkansas were given up. Article 3 permitted the Indians to 
range in the unsettled portions between the two rivers. Article 9 
abrogated all existing treaties. 58 

The United States senate on May 22, 1866, ratified the treaty 
with four amendments. The most significant of these was the 
amendment to article 2. The senate provided that no Indian reser- 
vation mentioned in the treaty should be located within the state of 
Kansas. It was also amended to remove personal reference to 
Colonel Chivington. 59 

The senate amendments were accepted by the Indians in Novem- 
ber, 1866, and the treaty was formally proclaimed by President 
Johnson on February 2, 1867. 60 

As a preventive of future Indian wars the treaty was defective. 
The Cheyennes and Arapahoes were left without any definite reser- 
vation, since the senate amendment to article 2 excluded them from 
Kansas, while article 9 took away their Colorado reserve. With 
these tribes turned loose and allowed to roam at will between the 
Platte and the Arkansas, the danger of conflict with the whites 
remained as grave a problem as ever. Furthermore, that part of 
article 2 which provided for the Indians remaining away from the 

57. Official Copy of the Original Treaty, Archives, Kansas State Historical Society. 

58. Ibid. 

59. cf. previous reference to article of the treaty. 

60. Official Copy of Original Treaty. Archives, Kansas State Historical Society. 



152 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

main-traveled routes could not possibly have been enforced except 
by the Indians themselves. 

Much evidence exists to cast doubt upon the permanency of the 
Indians' peaceful intentions. On their way to the council grounds 
a party of braves celebrated by attacking a Mexican train near 
Fort Dodge and killing five men. 81 Also, the treaty, like most 
agreements with the Indians, was made in the fall when the warriors 
were tired of fighting and were looking forward to a winter of rest 
and recuperation in order to get ready for another big year. In 
November, 1865, consequently, Colonel Leavenworth was able to 
report truthfully that "his Indians" had for the most part, if not 
entirely, stopped depredations along the Santa Fe trail. 62 

61. Editorial in Kansas Daily Tribune (Lawrence), October 5, 1865. 

62. Report of the Central Superintendency, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, 1865, 46. 



No-ko-aht's Talk 

A Kickapoo Chief's Account of a Tribal Journey from Kansas 

to Mexico and Return in the Sixties. 

Edited by GEORGE A. ROOT 

IN 1867 Franklin G. Adams, 1 the agent for the Kickapoo Indians, 
received a visit from Chief No-ko-aht, who, a few years before, 
had led a band of about 120 Kickapoos on a visit to relatives in Old 
Mexico. No-ko-aht, with less than a dozen of his followers, had 
just returned from their pilgrimage to the reservation in Kansas. 
The "talk" which took place during this call was at the agency, at 
Kennekuk, Atchison county, on May 31, 1867, and forms the basis 
of this article. This interview was taken down in shorthand by Mr. 
Adams in a book of Kickapoo memoranda, now in the manuscript 
collection of the State Historical Society. 

The Kickapoos were first found by white men in the country bor- 
dering Lake Michigan on the west. The earliest mention of the 
tribe is of their near destruction at the hands of the Puans (Winne- 
bagos) 2 between 1640 and 1660. After the lapse of nearly a hun- 
dred years, and much warfare, the tribe took up new homes on the 
Sangamon and Wabash 3 rivers, in present Illinois and Indiana. By 
1820 most of the Kickapoos had moved to a new home on the 
Osage and the Pomme de Terre 4 rivers, in southwest Missouri. This 
location had long been the hunting ground of the Osages, and they 
objected to their new neighbors settling down there, protesting they 
would spread all over their grounds and kill the game. 5 In 1824, 

1. Franklin George Adams was born in Rodman, N. Y., May 13, 1824. He came to 
Kansas in 1855 from Cincinnati, returning there, where he was married to Harriet Elizabeth 
Clark on September 29. He returned to Kansas in 1856, settling at Leavenworth, taking an 
active part in the free-state struggles. He engaged in the banking business in Leavenworth 
in 1857, and that fall moved to Atchison, becoming part owner of the Squatter Sovereign, 
changing its politics to free-state. He was elected first probate judge of Atchison county 
in 1858. In 1861 he was appointed register of the land office at Lecompton, removing the 
office to Topeka and serving till 1864. He was first secretary of the State Agricultural So- 
ciety, and edited the Kansas Farmer. In 1862 he was part owner of the Kansas State Record, 
of Topeka. He removed to Atchison in the spring of 1864, and established the Atchison 
Daily Free Press. He was appointed agent of the Kickapoo Indians in the spring of 1865, 
serving until 1869. In the fall of 1870 he moved to Waterville and edited the Waterville 
Telegram from January, 1871, to August, 1872. In the winter of 1872-73 he published 
The Homestead Guide, a volume of 312 pages. In 1875 he removed to Topeka, and in 1876 
was chosen secretary of the newly organized State Historical Society, serving in that capacity 
up to the time of his death on December 2, 1899. A more extended biography will be found 
in Kansas Historical Collections, v. 6, pp. 171-175. 

2. Basqueville de la Potherie's Histoire de I'Amerique Septentrionelle, published at Paris 
in 1722 and again in 1755, in Wisconsin Historical Collections, v. 17, p. 7. 

3. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, part 1, pp. 684, 685. 

4. Treaties Between the United States of America and the Several Tribes of Indians, from 
1778 to 1837, p. 283. 

6. Houck, Louis, A History of Missouri, v. 1, p. 196. 

(153) 



154 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

therefore, a number of these Kickapoos left and started south, finally 
presenting themselves to the alcalde in the city of Austin, in the 
then republic of Mexico. They stated that they wished to acquire 
land and make a home for themselves with the Mexican people. 
They were granted a tract lying to the north of where the San An- 
tonio road crosses the San Angelo river, and acted as a buffer be- 
tween the Mexicans and the wild Indian tribes of the plains. 

In the years following a part of these Kickapoos crossed the Rio 
Grande and settled in the state of Coahuila, Mexico. The balance 
of those who had gone south lived on the tract allotted them until 
1842, when by common consent they were given another tract, forty 
miles square. Here they lived until the outbreak of the Civil War 
in the United States, when at the advice of Gen. Sam Houston, they 
moved north into Indian Territory, settling in the vicinity of present 
Shawnee, Okla. In 1862 these Kickapoos decided to return to Texas 
and make their home in the wilds of that state, their objective being 
the Concho river, in Tom Green county. 

This band finally arrived at the ranch of William Tankersley, 
about two miles from Knickerbocker. Tankersley was known to 
them, and at his invitation they camped on his ranch. The next day 
a large company of Confederate cavalry appeared at Tankersley's, 
inquiring for the Kickapoos. The officer in charge said that the 
Kickapoos had a large number of fine horses which would be of more 
value to the Confederacy than their friendship. He ordered a 
charge on the Indians. The Kickapoos were not expecting an as- 
sault, but nevertheless offered a most stubborn resistance, and as 
a result the cavalry lost sixteen men mortally wounded. The Con- 
federates withdrew for reinforcements, not even stopping to bury 
their dead. The Kickapoos broke camp at once and started for 
Mexico, thinking Texas had declared war on them, and the trail of 
carnage and destruction they left in their wake is a matter of Texas 
history. They forded the Rio Grande and entered Mexico at the 
north end of the Sierra del Carmen range, following down this range 
into the state of Coahuila, finally taking up their home at Nacimi- 
ento. Here they were welcomed by both state and federal authori- 
ties, not only because they were a protection to the native popula- 
tion of the country, but in remembrance of the protection that these 
same Indians had been when Texas was a part of Mexico. President 
Benito Juarez made a service grant to them and a treaty by which 
the Kickapoos rendered valuable aid in exterminating the Lipans 
and in driving the Comanches beyond the Mexican border. 6 

6. 60th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Document No. 215, Pt. 3, pp. 1885, 1886. 



ROOT: NO-KO-AHT'S TALK 155 

The Kickapoos who had remained in Missouri moved during 
1832 and 1833 to the reservation provided for them on the Missouri 
river, in present Kansas. 7 In 1864 about one-half of those remain- 
ing on the reservation, becoming dissatisfied with their treatment at 
the hands of the government, 8 started south under No-ko-aht, and 
joined their relatives in Old Mexico. Not finding conditions to 
their liking, No-ko-aht and a few followers returned to Kansas. 9 
The statement which follows gives the reasons for the pilgrimage of 
No-ko-aht and his band, and an account of the trip going and 
coming: 

TALK WITH NO-KO-AHT. 

May 31, 1867. 

The following talk was had with No-ko-aht at the agency: 
"When we left here we went and joined with two parties of 
Kickapoos, making then three parties. Two other parties were al- 
ready gone. We followed. That was the same fall [1864] that 
we left. We overtook the other parties in the spring. There were 
about 700 of us in the three parties. My party numbered [number 
not stated]/ In the winter we had a fight with the Texans. It 
was very cold. I joined the two parties of Kickapoos just on the 
Kansas river line. We started to go south in the same fall. We 
traveled slowly along over and hunting buffalo on the plains. We 
joined the other two parties not till after the fight. The other 
two parties had no trouble. Those two parties numbered about 
1,000. We overtook the two parties just as we got out of Mexico. 
There were about twenty persons living in Mexico. They had 
lived there for about twenty years. The seven men were soldiers 
in the Mexican army and had been for a long time. The men stay 
in a little town called San Juan, close by a lake, about 40 miles 
from the Rio Grande, and about 40 miles northwest of Santa Rosa. 
We arrived in Mexico in the spring of '65, early, about time to 
plant corn in that country. 

"When the Kickapoos first went to Mexico, about twenty years 
ago, the president of Mexico offered them a sack of money, but 
they came away before they received the money. The president 
of Mexico had ordered them to go on an expedition against the 
Comanches. They had made one expedition and had turned their 
spoils over to the Mexicans, but refused to go again and the presi- 
dent refused to give the sack of money unless the Kickapoos would 

7. Kansas Historical Collections, v. 12, p. 66. 

8. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report 1865, p. 373. 

9. Ibid., 1867, p. 295. 



156 THE KANSAS HISTOKICAL QUARTERLY 

do it, and then the Kickapoos came away. Then in 1864 the presi- 
dent sent a message to the Kickapoos to request them to come and 
get their sack of money. The Kickapoos went. When we got 
there the Mexicans wanted our young men to enlist. They wanted 
fifty young men to each party, 200 men, and came down to twenty. 
The Kickapoos refused. The Mexicans became displeased and 
ordered us into the mountains. There nothing can be raised. They 
should live by hunting. It was a false message that came to us. 
It was brought by Tas-ca-tap-ia, one of the seven. We went where 
we were ordered. That was the same spring of 1865. There were 
some white families and some black. They had farms, and ap- 
peared to have been there for some time. They were planning on 
the Mexican government taking their produce and stock which 
they raised for rent or taxes. There were six families of whites 
and eight or ten families of blacks. The whites left and the blacks 
remained for a short time. They raised cattle, sheep, and horses 
a good deal, and corn, pumpkins, and sugar [cane] and made sugar 
[?] and raised sweet potatoes. It was in a little valley at the foot 
of the mountain where the Sobrinas river comes out. The white 
families left in the spring of 1866. They didn't say where they 
should go to. They would come to the Rio Grande and work till 
they should get some money and would then come to the North. 
They didn't belong to the South. They went into Mexico for the 
war next, and all returned after it closed. The farms were pretty 
old and must have been bought of Mexicans. The Indians took 
the farms after the whites left. The white men offered to trade 
their farms for the Kickapoo lands in Kansas. 

"Our first trouble in going out was the killing of one of our num- 
ber by one of the wild tribes Kiowa, on the Red river, pretty well 
west. He was cut off while out hunting. After that we went on 
till we got to where we saw some tracks of soldiers. We camped 
and sent a messenger to hunt them up. We failed to find the 
soldiers, and leaving a white flag went on. A number of days after 
we reached another track by a stream and we camped seven days. 
One day I was out setting traps when I met one of our leading men 
who told me we were to move back next day. Next morning I was 
out hunting horses, and I went across a mountain, and as I was 
going home I was fired upon by soldiers. I saw as I was on the 
mountain, a good many horses, and thought they were ours, but 
think they were soldiers. All our young men were scattered that 
morning hunting horses, and one or two were killed while out. 



ROOT: NO-KO-AHT'S TALK 157 

Then the soldiers came upon our camp. There was a stream be- 
tween the two camps. The first killed was Aski. The Indians con- 
tinued firing yet. Then a woman was killed. This was before we 
fired. The fight was but a few minutes. A good many were killed on 
both sides. When we drove them to one side another force came 
in behind us. Then we whipped the second party back and the 
third one attacked us and we fired on them once. We killed a good 
many of the first party, a few of the second and none of the third. 
When we were first attacked we divided, part pursuing the first 
Texan party and the others fighting the rest. The second and third 
Texan forces went [?] to the mountains and we couldn't do any- 
thing with them. We followed the first force quite a distance. 
The two parties at the mountain went and drove up all our stock. 
After it was all over we went up to the mountain and saw a good 
deal of blood. After the Texans drove off our stock we pursued 
for awhile, when we returned. We saw bodies of two or three 
Kickapoos who had been killed before the fight. They had taken 
two of our boys prisoners before the fight, and they took them 
along with them. Afterwards they got away. We had fifteen 
killed altogether: Aski, Kap-i-o-ma, Ki-sha-pi, Pen-i-a-la, Ki- 

sha-qui, George Washington, Ko-ki-pi-ah, , Me-sho-kum-i, 

Pa-mo-tha-ah, Ah-chi-mo, Me-hahq, Nan-ma-qua-tah, Ka-ke-to, 
and a boy. 

"All our stock was taken away nearly; some families had none. 
We were obliged to leave most of our things. Aski tried to shake 
hands and make peace with the Texans, but they shot him. 

"We found some papers among the Texans which showed that 
they had followed us ten days. 

"After we had got into Mexico and had gone to the mountains 
the Texans later came and asked the Kickapoos to deliver the girl 
prisoner. 

"We think we killed about forty Texans. They left their dead 
on the field of battle. They came back and buried them. There 
was a Texas family living not far away. The Kiowas had been into 
a settlement and took a girl prisoner. The Kiowas pointed to our 
trail so that the Texans thought we had stolen their child. 

"The killed were seven of my party. 

"From there we had a hard time. Some had to walk. We had 
sent for water it was a dry region. 

"During the year that we remained in Mexico we subsisted by 
hunting. We sold beaver, deer and bear skins. We sold our ponies 



158 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

[?] for $10 apiece for subsistence. We raised a very little corn. 
About 40 started home last spring ; 33 Kickapoos, the rest Delawares. 
Over one-half of all started once, and when we got out a short dis- 
tance, our horses were so poor and we were out of ammunition, and 
most went back. After we had come on ten days, two young men 
overtook us and wished us to wait ten days till they could go back 
for their things. We waited, but they didn't come. Before we 
started two of the chiefs wanted us to go around through the 
Comanche country. 

"In coming home we had no trouble except in one place. We 
came upon three parties of plains Indians, one of whom shook 
hands with us, but the others refused. In a few days twelve of our 
horses were stolen. The friendly chief advised us to go on, which 
we did. After that ten more were stolen. We went back to hunt our 
horses and Indians brought us twenty horses. These Indians had 
a good many cattle which they had stolen. There had been a fight 
near there recently. 

"I think these Kickapoos will come back this year to the Indian 
country. Some of them may come here. Some will have to stay 
because they have no ponies. They may get into trouble by steal- 
ing. They steal nearly everything in that country. The best man 
gets it. The chiefs can't control the young men. It's all war the 
conversation down there. There were a good many traders from 
the French. 

. (No-ko-aht has nothing, but argued that the government ought 
to do for these Indians. The most of them want to return and live 
under our government.) 10 

"You asked me the other day how I felt. I told you I didn't feel 
well in my mind. There had been a great change here since I left. 
I want to know how all our arrangements with the government 
stand. At the time the treaty of '63 was making I always told 
the agent the treaty should not be left till a certain time. Finally I 
[illegible] about making a treaty. I thought I would go south and 
see the country. I saw that I couldn't live among the white people, 
for every year my stock was being stolen. I thought I had better 
leave. I tell you why I got scared. I insisted that the agent gave 
notice to all the white people around to steal our stock so that we 
would be obliged to go because we were poor. The agent told us 
that if we didn't make the treaty we would be taken prisoners and 

10. Comment by F. G. Adams. 



ROOT: NO-KO-AHT'S TALK 159 

removed. That is why I left. The treaty was forced upon us. The 
agent told us the government owned the land, and the Indians only 
had a lease for a certain number of years. It is a fact that much 
complaint has been made about trouble between the Indians and the 
settlers. All this [was made] by the white people. In old times 
all Indians were called together when the treaty was made, and 
if all the old men and the young men were willing the treaty was 
made, and there was no trouble. So the [illegible] to choose a chief. 
The trouble arises because the agent chooses chiefs. When you 
told me about the treaty lately made, I thought the tribe was all 
broken up. It was the understanding of the Kickapoo tribe in 1854 
that the Kickapoos should remain here as long as the world stood. 
In twenty years we were to meet so we should obtain that $100,000. 
Now you understand me how I feel towards treaties. I ask you how 
these Pottawatomies come in." 11 

11. No-ko-aht's reference was to those Pottawatomies who had been living with the 
Kickapoos since about 1819- '20, and had intermarried. In 1851, by a treaty or national 
compact, they had been adopted into the Kickapoo tribe. The rights of nationality pur- 
chased from the Kickapoos cost the Pottawatomie nation nothing. In 1865 these Potta- 
watomies were for the first time permitted to enjoy the privileges of the tribe. By order of 
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs this year they received allotments of lands under the 
late treaty and were fully incorporated with the tribe. This was in conformity with the 
agreement of 1851. 



Notes on the Literature of Populism 

JAMES C. MALJN 

TO THE general reader of historical literature the word Populist 
usually carries with it a simple and elemental meaning. But 
as one becomes more inquisitive regarding its causes and its rela- 
tions with other political, economic and social movements he finds 
himself facing an extremely baffling subject. Pursuit of satisfac- 
tory explanations will lead him halfway around the world. So far 
as Populism was an agricultural movement, it involved two different 
features. First, agriculture as an industry had not developed as 
rapidly as urban industry in its application of scientific discoveries, 
in its use of machinery and power, in its utilization of scientific 
management in farm operations, or in its organization of business 
methods as applied to marketing its products. This fact applies 
to agriculture in Europe as well as in America, and in New England 
and the Middle States as well as in the West and South. The de- 
velopment of railroads, steamships, refrigeration, and the telegraph, 
toward the end of the nineteenth century, produced a revolution in 
much of the machinery for marketing such basic farm products as 
grain, cotton and meat. The prices came to be made in world 
markets on the basis of world-wide competition. These changes 
occurred so rapidly that much of the marketing machinery worked 
inefficiently because adjustments were not made as rapidly as 
needed, and on occasion these conditions invited unfair manipula- 
tion in the interest of speculators. All of these matters affected the 
whole of the agricultural industry. 

The second aspect of Populism was the local complications which 
aggravated the problems presented by the first group of factors. In 
the South there was the heritage of the Civil War, reconstruction 
and carpetbaggers, the peculiarities attached to the production of 
cotton and the social demoralization aggravated by racial antag- 
onisms and lack of education. Poverty had become the most 
cherished institution of the rural South, and every feature of the 
prevailing farm life seemed to be designed to preserve it. In the 
West the complicating factor was frontier conditions complicated 
by what was probably the greatest agricultural expansion the world 
had ever witnessed in a similar length of time. More land was 
brought into cultivation in the United States between 1870 and 
1900 than in the whole preceding period of American history. In 

(160) 



MALIN: LITERATURE OF POPULISM 161 

the Northeast agriculture was demoralized, and by 1880 the aban- 
donment of farm land had become a subject of concern. The farm- 
ers' revolt centered in the South and West, however, and an al- 
together adequate answer has never been given which will explain 
why the revolt did not take a stronger hold upon the Northeast. 

The Farmers' Alliances preceded the People's party and in their 
beginnings approached the farm question primarily from the point 
of view of improving rural social conditions. This approach to 
their problems soon led the farmers to shift the emphasis to the 
improvement of economic conditions, especially to methods of mar- 
keting farm products. There were two of the Alliances, the South- 
ern and the Northwest, as they were conveniently referred to. In 
1889 and 1890 attempts were made to unite them and other farm 
groups into one national organization. The plan even contemplated 
bringing into the combination certain groups of organized labor. 
The plan of union failed, and this failure marks the transition of 
the movement to the third or political approach to farm relief 
the People's party and the high point of this period of rural 
agitation. 

The Alliance and Populist movements gave rise to a voluminous 
literature of exposition and argument and inspired several of their 
members to write "histories" which resembled communiques from 
the field of battle rather than judiciously phrased historical narra- 
tive. One of the first of these histories was that of William L. 
Garvin and S. 0. Davis, History of the National Farmers' Alliance 
and Cooperative Union of America (Jacksboro, Tex., 1887). Garvin 
was one of the state Alliance leaders in Texas, where the Southern 
Alliance originated, and the book was written before the national 
aspect of the organization had developed very fully, so it centers 
around the Texas region. By 1891 the Alliance movement had 
reached its high point or passed it. The Populist phase was already 
in the offing. The farmers were threatened with overproduction of 
histories as well as field crops, but only three will be mentioned 
here: W. Scott Morgan, History of the Wheel and Alliance (several 
editions 1889-1891) ; J. E. Bryan, The Farmers' Alliance: Its Ori- 
gin, Progress and Purposes (Fayetteville, Ark., 1891) ; and N. A. 
Dunning (editor in chief) , The Farmers' Alliance History and Agri- 
cultural Digest (Washington, D. C., 1891). A later book was that 
of F. G. Blood, Handbook and History of the Farmers' Alliance 
and Industrial Union (Washington, D. C., 1893). The Populist 

112345 



162 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

movement had its literature, also, but less of it was historical, as 
is indicated by the following titles: William A. Peffer, The Farmers' 
Side (New York, 1891) and James B. Weaver, A Call to Action 
(Des Moines, Iowa, 1892). Peffer was the Populist senator from 
Kansas and Weaver was the presidential candidate for the party in 
1892. No doubt many readers, if they look through their book- 
cases or attics, can find copies of some of these books, as well as 
others not mentioned here. If the books have not been read for 
thirty-five or forty years, to reread them would be an excellent 
method of measuring whether the world, or the reader, has changed 
any in that time. 

During recent years Populism has become a favorite subject of 
historical research. A few of these studies are of book length: Alex 
M. Arnett, The Populist Movement in Georgia (New York, Colum- 
bia University Press, 1922) ; F. B. Simpkins, The Tillman Move- 
ment in South Carolina (Durham, N. C., Duke University Press, 
1926) ; Paul R. Fossum, The Agrarian Movement in North Dakota 
(Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1925) ; F. E. 
Haynes, James B. Weaver (Iowa City, The State Historical Society 
of Iowa, 1919). Shorter studies of the length of magazine articles 
are more numerous than the longer studies and deal with the move- 
ment in Minnesota, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, Indiana, North Caro- 
lina, Louisiana and Texas. 

The history of Populism as a whole has been attempted only a 
few times. The first such study was that of Frank L. McVey, The 
Populist Movement (New York, 1896) and it was written in a highly 
critical spirit. The second landmark in this field was the book by 
F. E. Haynes, Third Party Movements Since the Civil War (Iowa 
City, Iowa, The State Historical Society of Iowa, 1916). As the 
title indicates, this book is not limited to Populism, but it brought 
together within the covers of one book a good summary of what 
was then available. Of similar character, but more superficial, is 
Solon J. Buck, The Agrarian Crusade (New Haven, Yale University 
Press, 1920). As most of the special state studies indicated in the 
preceding paragraph were written after the World War, the time 
is ripe for a new book based on this wider range of specialized in- 
formation. 

During the late summer of 1931 the University of Minnesota 
Press (Minneapolis) published a book by John D. Hicks, The Pop- 
ulist Revolt. It was advertised as a "definitive" history of the 
Farmers' Alliance and the People's party. Readers should not be 



MALIN: LITERATUKE OF POPULISM 163 

misled by such advertising, however, even when it comes from one 
of the large university presses. The book is not definitive within 
any accepted meaning of that term, even if one grants the possi- 
bility of any history being definitive. The book does not deal with 
the international economic situation which was a major contributing 
cause of the depression of the nineties in the United States. The 
chapter on silver is similar to much of the writing of the "goldbugs" 
of the McKinley era. There is no analysis of the machinery for 
marketing and distributing farm products which would afford the 
reader a background by which to judge Alliance and Populist griev- 
ances against the middlemen. More broadly speaking, there is a 
serious want of a comprehensive survey of agriculture for the whole 
period in question. When judged from these points of view the 
book is a conspicuous example of what most American historians 
have been doing trying to write the history of the United States 
in a vacuum, assuming tacitly if not explicitly, that this country is 
isolated from the rest of the world and insulated completely from 
the influence of economic and political events outside. There are 
serious gaps in the local material. The author has made systematic 
use of the Minnesota and Nebraska newspapers and has used simi- 
larly one paper in each of the following states: Illinois, Texas, North 
Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, together with two papers 
published in the interest of the Alliance and the People's party, re- 
spectively, in Washington, D. C. The author has made good use 
of these, but Kansas readers may ask why no paper representing 
their state is in the list, as Kansas was generally understood to be 
one of the leading Populist states. Kansas men appear only oc- 
casionally, and then scarcely more than as names, in spite of the 
prominence they held in the headlines of contemporary newspapers. 
This is not the provincial criticism of a Kansan, but it illustrates 
similar deficiencies in the narrative for other states, especially those 
whose newspaper files Professor Hicks has not examined personally. 
In the field of manuscript sources the limitations are even greater. 
Only four important collections are listed: Those of Donnelly of 
Minnesota, Weller of Iowa, and Allen and Maxwell of Nebraska. 
Labor union connections with the Alliances and People's party are 
alluded to at various times, but no systematic study was made of 
that field. There is reason to believe that an investigation of these 
connections is essential to the solution of several peculiar turns of 
events in Populist history. 

Prof. John D. Hicks was for several years head of the history de- 



164 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

partment at the University of Nebraska and at present is Dean of 
the College of Arts and Sciences. For about a decade he has been 
making the Populist movement his special field of historical re- 
search. He brings to the writing of this book a mature background 
of knowledge of his chosen subject. In his preface Professor Hicks 
calls attention to the book of McVey, to that of Haynes, and then 
states his own position thus : 

"But Haynes lacked monographic material on which to rely, and in the 
case of a movement so widespread and so many-sided as Populism the work 
of a single investigator was bound to be inadequate. Since the time when 
Haynes wrote, books and articles dealing with various phases and segments 
of the Populist movement have multiplied amazingly, and for this reason, if 
for no other, the time is ripe for another general treatise on the subject." 

Here, then, is a statement of what Hicks set out to do, and his 
book should be measured by the degree to which he accomplished 
his own purpose and not by the exaggerated claim of his publishers. 
From this point of view an estimate of the book becomes a very 
different matter. He has supplemented his own investigation with 
the special studies of others and has fused the whole into an effective 
book. He has developed to a high degree his ability to write in a 
simple and direct language a story which in itself is highly compli- 
cated. Criticism might be directed at some minor questions, but 
there are rather few points in which he has failed to appreciate fully 
the significance of monographic materials he has used. The present 
writer is of the opinion that more emphasis should properly be given 
to the work of H. C. Nixon, "The Cleavage within the Farmers' 
Alliance Movement" in The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 
15 (June, 1928) 22-33. In this study Nixon emphasizes the sharp 
differences which developed over the oleomargarine and lard-com- 
pound questions. The cotton and range-cattle interests of the South 
defended these products and the dairy and hog-corn interests of the 
North demanded federal legislation which would limit if not destroy 
those industries. This controversy illustrates a fundamental truism 
in the whole field of economic legislation, that what is relief to one 
industry may be disaster to another. On some other of these sec- 
tional differences Hicks has given a most illuminating treatment. 
Such conflicts as these help to explain more adequately why the 
Populist farm-relief program went on the rocks at that time. Tak- 
ing the book as a whole, it sums up in a quite satisfactory manner 
what is known about the Alliance and Populist movements. 



The Annual Meeting 

THE fifty-sixth annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical 
Society and the board of directors was held in the rooms of 
the Society on October 20, 1931. Since the Society is required by 
law to submit a biennial report of its activities, a full account of 
the proceedings will appear in the biennial report to be published 
following the annual meeting of 1932. In order to avoid duplication, 
a summary only is given here. 

The officers elected for the year 1931-1932 were John S. Dawson, 
president; Thomas A. Lee, first vice president; H. K. Lindsley, sec- 
ond vice president. The directors whose terms of office expired at 
the annual meeting were reflected for three years. New directors 
elected to fill vacancies were: for the term ending October, 1933, 
Wilder S. Metcalf, Lawrence; Charles E. Beeks, Baldwin; T. F. 
Morrison, Chanute; Mrs. W. D. Philip, Hays; for the term ending 
October, 1932, John G. Ellenbecker, Marysville; John H. Wilson, 
Salina. Mrs. W. E. Connelley, widow of the late secretary of the 
Society, was elected to honorary membership. 

The retiring president, Charles M. Harger, of Abilene, made a 
most interesting extemporaneous address. A summary of his talk, 
prepared by Mr. Harger, follows: 

THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS 

The annual meeting of the State Historical Society is merely a milestone 
in a long path of usefulness. Here we can evaluate our progress and plan for 
the future. The past year has been one of advancement, with new functions 
and revision of old ones to fit into the needs of these times. No organization 
of this kind can go on successfully without constant readjustment of its 
methods and the acceptance of new ideas that will further its object. This is 
what gives stimulation to its membership and accomplishment worth while in 
its achievements. 

Recorded history, as other phases of civilization, is undergoing change. In 
the beginnings of historic time the record was of dates and persons. Wars, 
massacres, cruelty stalked across the pages. Revolutions, assassinations, all 
the brutal characteristics of untamed rulers, made the story. Later, affairs of 
state, of conquest by well-instituted armies, crept into the picture. 

With the settlement of the new world came the recital of the trials and 
tribulations of settlerhood, of the varied methods evolved by pilgrim fathers 
to establish order in an environment strange in its physical aspects and a 
citizenry difficult to please in government. 

Until within a century and a half of these times the history of America was 
of experiment, of migration to the West, of setting up new communities, later 

(165) 



166 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

to be gathered into states. It was concerned largely with the objective, only 
incidentally with the subjective in human experience. 

Gradually into our national life came modern problems of government, the 
complexities of industrial life, the dawn of new theories in social progress, the 
rise of literature, the press and rapid communication. The tide of popula- 
tion swept to the Pacific coast and turned back on itself there was no more 
free land, Uncle Sam was not "rich enough to give us all a farm" his farms 
were exhausted. Storm and stress of a civil war disturbed and then abated. 
This nation finished one era and began another. Settlement in its first forms 
of development was over. Succeeding came the period of ideas, of changing 
social orders, of problems of maintaining among more than a hundred million 
persons constituting our population a rational procedure in living so framed 
as to give to each his opportunity and to protect the weak against the strong. 

Somewhat parallel to this hastily sketched program has been the history of 
Kansas. The Kansas State Historical Society is entering a new era, one in 
which it has to deal with the subjective rather than the objective. For more 
than a third of a century it has been gathering the facts of early settlerhood. 
Marvelous is this collection of historical material preserved for the future. 
But Kansas is not old. We shall by continuing the process eventually gather 
all available records of what our forefathers did and how they developed this 
commonwealth. The efforts of this Society and of the county associations 
that are working toward the same end must some day have the picture of 
settlerhood completely recorded. 

After this comes the period when we consider causes, events, civic and so- 
cial accomplishments rather than the story of the pioneer. The rise and fall 
or the establishment of movements in government; the psychology of social 
trends; the spectacular rise of new leaders and why; the cross currents in the 
commonwealth's administrations what all these factors in Kansas life mean 
and how they were evolved all these are to be part of the Society's endeavor, 
and upon it rests the duty of preserving these while they are fully attainable 
and their interpretation or at least their real historic value is possible. 

The preservation of material things pictures, diaries, furniture of signifi- 
cance is not to be belittled. These have their place. No one can traverse 
the countryside of Virginia valleys or the hills and vales of New England 
without being impressed by the devotion to their noble history that animates 
their people. Kansas has no history going back 300 years as do they. Its his- 
tory is recent. Many of those who took part almost in its beginnings are yet 
with us. It is far simpler to record events than in older commonwealths. 
Hence this Society has opportunity for a comprehensive record that will not 
only preserve every possible feature of the beginnings of things but may add 
to this an interpretation of the events that have come in the building of the 
structure of state and in its many significant activities. 

Kansas is making history to-day that is as fascinating as any in its past. 
Present-day events will be as interesting to future generations as is to us the 
record of pioneering and settlerhood. The new era is concerned with things 
spiritual rather than with adventure; it touches on economics and social re- 
adjustments. The story of trends in government, in education, in rural and 
urban life will never end. 

Coming historians will look back on these years as offering material for 



THE ANNUAL MEETING 167 

speculation as to what sort of people we were in the second decade after the 
World War. They will realize that Kansas faced a type of problems new to 
its experience, and will seek to determine how it met them. The stress of eco- 
nomic conditions its effect on community life, on government, its influence 
in retarding progress or in arousing a determination to conquer and so spir- 
itually uplifting the people to new heights will be analyzed to decide what 
kind of men and women made the Kansas of to-day. 

The history of these times should be preserved fully that it may be known 
by those who come after how sanely, fearlessly and intelligently this common- 
wealth overcame difficulties for so it will solve its problems. Kansas has 
ever won victories; it has never known defeat. We shall fail in our full duty 
if we do not visualize for future generations the strong manhood and woman- 
hood of this Kansas of our period. 

We should not devote all our energies to gazing into the past, for we are 
makers of history now, writing a page in the chronicle of the state's accom- 
plishments that challenges in abundant interest the pages our forefathers in- 
scribed. All the glory of days gone by was but the forerunner of the greater 
glory of the Kansas of to-day. 

The Society has a wider field than merely the local tradition. In every 
county should be an historical society that will have for its object the preserva- 
tion of material and records that pertain to its own existence. The state So- 
ciety has for its field the consideration of broader trends in development. 
Notable as is its accomplishment, it cannot hope to cover every minor field. 
To devote its attention to those matters that relate to the state as a whole 
seems to me its true function. If we accomplish that successfully, if we give 
to that our unified attention, if we make this Society a group of earnest seekers 
for establishing a picture of Kansas -as its history develops and so arrange and 
preserve that record as to make it available to those who come after us we 
shall have accomplished its high purpose. This is the duty that lies before us 
as members of the Society. This is the path that will lead the Society to its 
greatest usefulness and make its endeavors a satisfaction to this generation 
and of notable value to our children and our children's children. 

The members of the executive committee for the year 1930-1931 
were W. W. Denison, chairman; E. A. Austin, H. K. Brooks, 
Thomas A. Lee, T. M. Lillard. This committee was reappointed 
by President Dawson for the year 1931-1932. The annual report 
of the executive committee for the year ending October 20, 1931, 
follows: 

REPORT OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

The executive committee of the board of directors of the Kansas State His- 
torical Society hereby submits the following report : 

Monthly meetings of the committee have been held except during the sum- 
mer months, at which the president, Mr. Harger, and the secretary, Mr. 
Mechem, attended. 

The committee has examined the vouchers made in the expenditure of funds 
from the membership-fee fund, and three members of the committee, in ac- 
cordance with the constitution and by-laws, have approved of all the vouchers 
for such expenditures. 



168 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

The state accountant has audited and checked the books of the treasurer 
and the receipts and disbursements of the Society, including state appropria- 
tions and other receipts and disbursements. 

The committee has reconciled the books of the treasurer of the Society with 
the report of the state accountant and with the cash certified to be on hand 
by the National Bank of Topeka to the credit of the Society. 

The special committee of seven appointed by the president to rewrite or 
revise the charter, constitution and by-laws of the Kansas State Historical 
Society, performed this duty and made a report revising the charter, constitu- 
tion and by-laws, practically following the constitution and by-laws of the 
American Historical Society, which by the direction of the executive committee 
has been approved and copies sent out to each member of the board of direc- 
tors of the Society more than four months prior to the annual meeting now 
in session. The committee recommends its adoption. 

The president and secretary recommended to the executive committee the 
publication of a quarterly in place of the annual or biennial bound volume 
of the Collections. The executive committee approved this recommendation 
and the first number of the Quarterly is now ready for distribution. 

The executive committee accepted the generous offer of John A. Hall, 
Esquire, of Pleasanton, Kan., to deed to the Society a small tract of land near 
Pleasanton, Kan., of very considerable historical interest from several points 
of view, explained more fully in the secretary's report. 

The executive committee takes pleasure in reporting to the Society that our 
president, Mr. Charles M. Harger, has shown a most unusual and diligent in- 
terest in the affairs of the Society, unexcelled by any previous president, and 
the committee hereby tenders to him the thanks of the Society for his services. 

The committee further reports to the Society its very real satisfaction with 
the services of our new secretary, Mr. Kirke Mechem. We feel that the 
Society has made unusual progress during the past year under his efficient 
and able management. 

Further actions of the committee will be shown by the secretary's report 
to the Society. Respectfully submitted, 

W. W. DENISON, Chairman, 
EDWIN A. AUSTIN, 
THOMAS AMORY LEE, 
HENRY K. BROOKS, 
T. M. LILLARD, 

Committee. 

The report of the secretary, as read at the annual meeting, is 
given below. The report in detail will appear later in the biennial 
report: 

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY 

The Society in the past year has progressed steadily in all departments, both 
in volume of accessions and in usefulness to the public. In the affairs of an 
organization so large and so well established there is little necessity for innova- 
tion. With the exception of the new work being done in the archives depart- 
ment and the establishment of the Quarterly there have been no changes. This 
statement, therefore, is mostly a recital of the volume of routine work ac- 



THE ANNUAL MEETING 169 

complished. While our staff is limited it is efficient and harmonious, and it 
handles smoothly the many demands made upon it. 

The secretary has been greatly assisted in the work of the year by the 
president of the Society, Mr. Charles M. Harger, and by the executive com- 
mittee. The executive committee has met regularly once a month, and all 
matters of importance have been referred to it. Mr. Harger came from Abilene 
for nearly every meeting. 

LIBRARY 

The library has had a normal growth in number of accessions and in volume 
of business transacted. The loan file constantly increases in number of 
subjects and in usefulness. During the year approximately 2,000 requests for 
information were received. Much help was given to students preparing thesis 
material. 

Accessions to the library proper and to the archives and newspaper sections 
for the year ending June 30, 1931, were as follows: 

Books (volumes) 886 

Pamphlets 2,909 

Newspapers and magazines (volumes) 1,149 

Archives : 

Separate manuscripts 84,445 

Manuscript volumes 84 

Maps 20 

Maps, atlases and charts 134 

Pictures 255 

These accessions bring the totals in the possession of the Society, including 
the museum, to the following figures: 

Library, including books, pamphlets, bound newspapers 

and magazines 336,247 

Archives, separate manuscripts 847,699 

Archives, manuscript volumes 26,541 

Archives, maps 414 

Maps, atlases and charts 10,051 

Pictures 14,092 

Museum objects and relics 32,430 

ARCHIVES 

The 1931 legislature gave the Society two additional clerks for repairing and 
calendaring manuscript material in the archives. These clerks began work the 
first day of July. In order to be able to institute proper methods the secre- 
tary made a trip to the East, where he inspected processes used in the Library 
of Congress, the New York Public Library and the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society. The preservation and cataloguing of manuscripts presents a difficult 
problem in any institution, and this is especially true in one like ours, where 
the work is new and the methods unfamiliar. Progress is slow and but little 
headway can be made by two clerks on the vast collections owned by the 
Society. We have been taking inventory and have unearthed hundreds of 
priceless manuscripts that have been stored away uncatalogued and forgotten. 
It is essential that this source material be made available to the historian and 
the public, and it is hoped that two more clerks may be secured at the next 
session of the legislature. 



170 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Many valuable accessions have been received by the archives department. 
Notable among the additions to official state documents was the voluminous 
accession which came from Gov. Clyde M. Reed, including thousands of 
letters from the general office correspondence of former governors. 

NEWSPAPER SECTION 

The death on March 10 of William E. Bacon, who for thirty years had 
been in charge of the newspaper section, was a severe loss to the Society. Mr. 
Bacon had a wide acquaintance in the state, especially among newspaper 
men, and he had done much to build up what is one of the largest newspaper 
collections in the country. 

The Society is now regularly receiving 735 newspapers and periodicals. Of 
these 56 are dailies and 504 are weeklies. The 1931 legislature appropriated 
$1,800 for new steel shelving, which is now installed and which for the time 
relieves the congestion in this department. It is still necessary to stack 
hundred of volumes of out-of -state newspapers on benches. New shelves for 
these are necessary for their proper preservation. Outstanding among news- 
paper accessions for the year were 81 volumes of Leavenworth newspapers 
dating from 1864 to 1921, which the late D. R. Anthony II, of Leavenworth, 
donated to the Society before his death. In September the Society made a 
gift of 186 volumes of duplicate northwestern Kansas newspapers to the State 
Teachers College at Hays. The 1931 annual list of Kansas newspapers and 
periodicals received by the Society was published in June. 

MUSEUM 

The museum continues to be the most popular department with the general 
public. During the year ending June 30, 1931, the attendance was 29,546. The 
total number of accessions was 131. With the exception of the Goss collec- 
tion of birds, all the relics in the museum have recently received a thorough 
cleaning and have been newly labeled. The 1931 legislature appropriated 
money to give the walls a much-needed plastering and painting. This work 
is now being done and the museum will be closed for nearly two months. 

KANSAS UNIVERSITY SEMINAR 

For the first time in the history of the Society a class of students did special 
research work under the direction of an instructor. Dr. James O. Malin, 
associate professor of history at Kansas University, conducted a seminar dur- 
ing the last summer and six students of the University spent their full time 
examining source material. In addition to this class many other students, a 
number of whom came from universities out of the state and in the East, 
did special work. Also, several well-known writers and historians consulted 
the Society's records. Much constructive use was made of source material 
during the past year. 

MEMBERSHIP 

The year since the last annual meeting has been a most successful one from 
standpoint of membership. We now have 716 life members and 234 annual 
members. Since the last meeting 102 life members have been enrolled, con- 
siderably more than in any one year in the history of the Society. Senator 
H. K. Lindsley, of Wichita, personally secured 68 of these. Aside from his 
personal efforts there has been no membership campaign. The secretary ex- 



THE ANNUAL MEETING 171 

pects to make a more S3'stematic effort to secure members as soon as the 
press of other work will permit. The membership of the Society, considering 
its size and importance, is not nearly as large as it should be. 

THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

For some years many members have felt that quarterly publication of the 
historical material printed in the biennial collections would be of advantage 
to the Society. This, of course, was not criticism of the content of the 
Collections, since their popularity has always testified to their worth, but it 
was believed that the unwieldiness of the volumes and the infrequency of 
their appearance set a regrettable limit to their use and value. After investi- 
gation by a special committee and approval by the executive committee of 
the committee's report, the proposal was submitted to the board of directors 
by letter for approval. With only one exception the answers expressed full 
approval. Over the two-year period the Quarterly will publish approximately 
as much material as did the biennial Collections, and it is believed that their 
more frequent appearance will be of greater value in maintaining the interest 

of our members. 

PUBLICITY 

In the belief that publicity about the activities of the Society will attract 
members and increase its usefulness, a series of newspaper stories has been 
written and will be sent regularly to all the leading daily and weekly news- 
papers of the state. The first of these was released this week. For the past 
three months station KFBI, owned by the Farmers & Bankers Life Insurance 
Company, of which Senator H. K. Lindsley, a director of this Society, is 
president, has been broadcasting a series of biographical sketches of eminent 
Kansans which were prepared by this Society. By this means a wide distribu- 
tion of historical information is secured, for which the Society is given proper 
credit. The new Kansas Historical Quarterly, it is believed, will also attract 
new friends to the Society. 

LOCAL AND COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETIES 

Since the last annual meeting two county historical societies, two local his- 
torical societies, and one old settlers association have affiliated themselves with 
the state Society by taking out life memberships. In addition the Society has 
given assistance to the organizers of three other county historical societies 
not yet affiliated. Since our records show only twelve county historical so- 
cieties in the state it is felt that the past year represents a good beginning 
upon what should develop into an important branch of the Society's activity. 
In this connection it may be of interest to know that the Society has given 
advice and instruction to several persons planning to write county histories. 

County societies are asked to submit annual reports prior to the Society's 
annual meeting. Only one complied this year, the Hodgeman County Society. 
This society reports a membership of 119. It held eight meetings during the 
year, possesses 50 manuscripts relating to county history and has collected 212 
historical relics. 

SHAWNEE MISSION 

The most important of the properties belonging to the Society is the Shaw- 
nee Mission at Kansas City, Kan. In their present condition these buildings 
do little credit to the state. The north building is in such a bad state of re- 



172 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

pair that visitors cannot be admitted. The east building has had considerable 
work done upon it and is fairly presentable. It was discovered this spring that 
all the original oak and walnut studding had rotted out and the building had 
to be jacked up and new timbers installed. When the plastering and painting 
which is to be done this fall is finished this building will be in good condition. 
The legislature reduced our appropriation for repairs at the Mission below 
what we thought was necessary. However, it allowed $500 a year for 1931 and 
1932 for landscaping. Under the supervision of L. R. Quinlan, of the Kansas 
State College at Manhattan, the first year's appropriation was used in grading 
the grounds and seeding them to blue grass. The Shawnee Mission Floral 
Club is installing at its own expense a lily pool and rock garden. 

FIRST CAPITOL OP KANSAS 

The First Capitol building, on highway 40 near Fort Riley, continues to 
attract many visitors. Road signs erected by the Junction City Chamber of 
Commerce have greatly increased the attendance. There were 9,349 visitors 
for the five months ending with September, an increase of 1,788 over the cor- 
responding period last year. 

PIKE PAWNEE MONUMENT 

Pike Pawnee monument, near Republic, was improved last spring by the 
addition of a slate promenade with stone trim about the base. It has been 
suggested to interested persons in Republic that the road from the town to 
the monument be suitably marked. 

KANSAS FRONTIER HISTORICAL PARK 

The 1931 legislature established at Hays the Kansas Frontier Historical 
Park on the site of old Fort Hays. The park is under the control of a board of 
five, of which the secretary of the Historical Society is a member. On the 
23d and the 24th of June the citizens of Hays celebrated the dedication of the 
park and the thirtieth anniversary of the Kansas State College. It was esti- 
mated that 10,000 persons visited the two old stone buildings and heard Gov. 
Harry H. Woodring dedicate the park. Vice President Charles Curtis spoke 
in the auditorium of the college in the morning. Charles M. Harger, president 
of the Historical Society and chairman of the State Board of Regents, presided 
at both meetings. 

GIREAU TRADING POST 

John A. Hall, of Pleasanton, a director of the Society, recently gave to the 
Society the site of the old Gireau trading post. This is situated in the town 
of Trading Post, where Highway 73E crosses the Marais des Cygnes river. 
It is in the center of a section full of historical associations. The site itself 
marks the spot where Michael Gireau traded with the Indians as early as 1834. 
It was later the site chosen by General Scott for the erection of barracks, be- 
fore Fort Scott was established in 1842. It was here that John Brown dated 
his famous Parallels, which were written in January, 1859. Only a few miles 
northeast the Marais des Cygnes massacre occurred; just outside the town 
the bodies of the victims now lie; here General Pleasanton quartered his 
troops during the winter of 1864; and only a few miles south of the near-by 
town of Pleasanton the battle of Mine Creek was fought. 

In addition to giving the site Mr. Hall will pay one-half the cost of a 



THE ANNUAL MEETING 173 

permanent marker which will be erected. Signboards descriptive of the his- 
torical significance of the site and surrounding country will be erected. 

Respectfully submitted, KIRKB MECHEM, Secretary. 

REVISED CHARTER, CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS 

As directed by the Society at its 1930 meeting, the president ap- 
pointed a committee to revise the charter, constitution and by-laws. 
The members of the committee were George P. Morehouse, chair- 
man; Mrs. Lucy Greene Mason, John S. Dawson, T. F. Doran, and 
James C. Malin. The revisions as prepared by this committee 
were submitted to the executive committee. After approval by the 
executive committee they were submitted in writing to the directors. 
In the absence of Mr. Morehouse, chairman, the revisions were pre- 
sented to the members of the Society at the annual meeting by 
James C. Malin. Upon vote, they were unanimously adopted. The 
revised charter, constitution and by-laws, as adopted, follow: 

CHARTER 

Be it resolved by the Kansas State Historical Society: That the charter of 
said Society, heretofore filed with the secretary of state on December 15, 1875, 
as amended June 2, 1928, by the action of its executive committee, be further 
amended to conform to the provisions of the constitution and by-laws of said 
Society adopted by it December 3, 1912, and that section 4 be amended to 
read as follows : 

Fourth. The said corporation shall be managed by a board of ninety-nine 
directors of three classes, one class of thirty-three to be elected each year at 
the annual meeting of the Society. 

And further be it resolved by the Kansas State Historical Society: That 
the amendment of section 2 of the said charter, duly adopted by the executive 
committee of the Society May 28, 1928, and duly filed with the secretary of 
the state of Kansas, June 2, 1928, by which amendment power is given to 
acquire by purchase and otherwise title to historic spots, together with the 
authority to improve and repair grounds and structures, be and the same is 
hereby confirmed and approved. 

CONSTITUTION 

SECTION I. The name of 'this Society shall be the Kansas State Historical 
Society. 

SEC. 2. Its object shall be the promotion of historical studies. 

SEC. 3. The Society shall consist of annual, life and honorary members, to 
be elected by the board of directors. Fees and dues of life and annual members 
shall be fixed by the board of directors. The term of life and annual member- 
ship shall begin with the date of payment of fees or dues, subject to election 
by the board. County and city historical societies may affiliate with the state 
Society by taking out one life membership and may elect one delegate mem- 
ber. Editors and publishers of newspapers and periodicals who contribute 



174 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

regular issues of their publications to the Society shall be considered annual 
members during the continuance of such contributions. 

SEC. 4. The officers shall be a president, a first vice president, a second vice 
president, a secretary and a treasurer. The president and the vice presidents 
shall hold office for a term of one year. The term of office for the secretary 
and treasurer shall be two years, each new term to begin on July 1 after elec- 
tion. 

SEC. 5. There shall be a board of directors consisting of ninety-nine, who 
shall be elected from among the members, and who shall maintain their resi- 
dence in Kansas. The directors shall serve for three years and shall be divided 
into three classes, one class of thirty-three to be elected each year. Vacancies 
on the board shall be filled for the unexpired term by the executive committee. 
Any number not less than ten shall constitute a quorum. 

SEC. 6. The board of directors, in conformity with the state laws governing 
the Society, shall conduct the business, manage the property, and care for the 
general interests of the association. In the execution of its proper functions 
the board of directors may appoint such committees, commissions and boards 
as it may deem necessary. 

For the transaction of necessary business when the board of directors is 
not in session, there shall be an executive committee of five members, to be 
chosen from among members of the board of directors, as follows: The 
president elected at the 1931 meeting shall appoint two members for one 
year and three members for two years, and thereafter each newly elected 
president shall appoint members to fill vacancies as they expire, the term 
being two years. Subject to the general direction of the board of directors, 
and in conformity with the state laws governing the Society, the executive 
committee shall be authorized to exercise the powers of the board, and 
shall be responsible for the management of the Society and the carrying out 
of its policies. 

SEC. 7. The annual meeting shall be held in Topeka on the third Tuesday 
in October. Any number not less than fifteen shall constitute a quorum. 

SEC. 8. This constitution may be amended at any annual meeting, notice 
of such amendment having been given at the previous annual meeting, or the 
proposed amendment having received the approval of the executive commit- 
tee and having been submitted in writing to the members of the board of di- 
rectors at least three months previous to the annual meeting. 

BY-LAWS 

1. The officers provided for by the constitution shall perform the duties 
and functions customarily attached to their respective offices, together with 
those fixed by law, and such others as may from time to time be prescribed. 
The secretary and treasurer shall be required to give satisfactory bonds. 

2. Income from membership fees shall be used to supplement state appro- 
priations. All warrants drawn on the treasurer shall be upon sworn vouchers 
approved by a majority of the members of the executive committee. The 
executive committee shall examine and audit the accounts and vouchers of the 
treasurer annually before the time of the annual meeting, and at the annual 
meeting they shall make a written report to the board of directors. 



THE ANNUAL MEETING 175 

3. There shall be a committee on nominations, to consist of five members 
of the board, to be selected by the president. It shall be the duty of this com- 
mittee, annually, at some time previous to the annual meeting, to make a se- 
lection of persons whom they deem proper to recommend for officers and mem- 
bers of the board of directors, and shall present the same for action at the 
annual meeting. If elective offices become vacant it shall be the duty of this 
committee to nominate candidates; vacancies on the directorate shall be filled 
by the executive committee. KlRKE MECHEM, Secretary. 



Recent Additions to the Library 

Compiled by HELEN M. MCFARLAND, Librarian 

OINCE the library is specialized, books which are purchased or 
O received by gift generally fall into the following classes: The 
Kansas library, including books by Kansans and books about Kan- 
sas; the western section, covering explorations, overland journeys 
and tales of the early West; genealogy and local history, including 
family histories, vital records, Revolutionary records, publications 
of patriotic and hereditary societies, and state, county and town his- 
tories; and books on the Indians of North America, United States 
history and biography. 

We are always interested in obtaining information about Kan- 
sas authors and their work and shall consider it a great favor if our 
readers will send us any information that will put us in touch with 
local authors. 

The following books have been added to the library from October 
1,1930, to October 1,1931: 

KANSAS 

AI/THATJS, GAEL B. : Study of School Legislation and School Support; Or- 
ganization and Financing of Special High School Provisions in Kansas. 

Published in mimeograph form by author, 1931. 
ANDERSON, G. W., Publishing Company: Atlas of Nemaha County, Kansas, 

Containing Maps of the Townships of the County. Des Moines; Anderson, 

1922. 
ANDERSON, THOMAS: Rebel Prison Life, 1863-65; a Graphic Story of the 

Capture, Imprisonment and Escape of a Union Soldier. Lawrence, Kan.; 

Lawrence Journal Company, 1906. 
BAYS, MRS. BERTIE (COLE) : The Harp of One String. Newton, Kan. ; Kansan 

Printing Company, 1930. 

BIRD, JOHN S.; Prairies and Pioneers, n. p., Ellis County News, n. d. 
BRAINERD, A., Publisher: Atchison City Directory for 1876. Atchison; Daily 

Champion, 1876. 
BROCK AND COMPANY, Publisher: Atlases of Cheyenne, Rawlins, and Thomas 

Counties. 3 vols.; Chicago, Brock, 1928. 
BROWN, LTJLA LEMMON: Cherokee Neutral Lands Controversy. Pittsburg; 

Girard Press, 1931. 
CARLSON, ANNA MATILDA: Heritage of the Blue Stem; a Romance of the 

Prairies. Kansas City; Burton Publishing Company, 1930. 
CHAMBERS, W. L.: Niles of Nicodemus; Exploiter of Kansas Exodusters. 

Los Angeles; Washington High School, n. d. 

CLEMENTS, FREDERIC EDWARD: Rocky Mountain Flowers; an Illustrated Guide 
, for Plant Users. New York; H. W. Wilson Company, 1914. 

(176) 



RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 177 

COATES, MRS. GRACE (STONE): Black Cherries. New York and London; A. A. 

Knopf, 1931. 
CONNELLY, MRS. CLYDE DAVIS: Facts for Patriots. Kansas City, Mo.; Craf- 

ters Publishing Company, 1919. 

CRAVEN, THOMAS: Men of Art. New York; Simon and Schuster, 1931. 
CRAWFORD, NELSON ANTRIM: Unhappy Wind. New York; Coward-McCann, 

1930. 

DALTON, EMMETT: When the Daltons Rode. Garden City, N. Y.; Double- 
day, Doran and Company, 1931. 
DAVIS, MARGARET BURTON: The Woman Who Battled for the Boys in Blue. 

Mother Bickerdyke; Her Life and Labors for the Relief of Our Soldiers. 

San Francisco; A. T. Dewey, 1886. 
DE Moss, JAMES ANDREW: From Patmos to the Holy City, or The Ages 

Foretold; a Treatise on the Book of Revelation. Cincinnati; Standard 

Publishing Company, 1902. 
DE Moss, JAMES ANDREW: Information About Thayer, Kansas. Thayer; 

News Printing House, n. d. 
DE Moss, JAMES ANDREW: A Look Through the Lens of Prophecy, or What 

Daniel Saw and Heard. Cincinnati; Standard Publishing Company, 1903. 
DE Moss, JAMES ANDREW: Medics, or the Glory of Man. Thayer, Kan.; 

n.p., 1931. 
DREELING, B. M.: Golden Jubilee of German-Russian Settlements of Ellis and 

Rush Counties, Kansas, August 31 and September 1 and 2, 1926. Hays, 

Kan.; Ellis. County News, 1926. 
DRISCOLL, CHARLES BENEDICT: Doubloons; the Story of Buried Treasure. New 

York; Farrar and Rinehart, 1930. 
ENDACOTT, JOHN: Biographical Booklet Compiling Information to be Used 

in Celebrating the Centennial of Kansas Methodism, Especially on Sunday, 

November 2, 1930. Parsons; Commercial Publisher, 1930. 
ERNEST, ELVENOR: Present Status of Women in Medicine. Reprinted from 

Journal of Kansas Medical Society, December, 1930. 
FARNHAM, MRS. MATEEL (HOWE) : Wild Beauty; a Novel. New York; Dodd, 

Mead, 1930. 
FISHER, R. H.: Biographical Sketches of El Dorado Citizens. El Dorado; 

Thompson Brothers, 1930. 

HAUGHAWOUT, MARGARET E.: Sheep's Clothing. Pittsburg, Kan.; n. p. 1929. 
HAUGHAWOUT, MARGARET E., Editor: Pittsburg College Verse, 1924-30. Pitts- 
burg; College Inn Book Store, 1930. 
HAWLEY, D. E., Compiler: Atchison City Directory for 1878-79. Atchison; 

Champion Steam Print, 1878. 
HUBER, MRS. FLORENCE M.: The Golden Stairway ; a Book of Verse. London; 

Stockwell, n. d. 

HUGHES, LANGSTON: Not Without Laughter. New York; A. A. Knopf, 1930. 
JACKSON, MRS. MAUD C.: Faith Lambert. Nashville; Sunday School Board 

of Southern Baptist Convention, 1929. 
KUYKENDALL, WILLIAM L.: Frontier Days; a True Narrative of Striking 

Events on the Western Frontier, n. p., J. M. and H. L. Kuykendall, 1917. 

122345 



178 THE KANSAS HISTOKICAL QUARTERLY 

LIVERMORE, MRS. MARIAN (SORLIE) : Prairie Flowers and Heather Bells; 

Poems. St. Joseph, Mo.; American Printing Company, 1910. 
McCLiNTOCK, MARSHALL: We Take to Bed. New York; J. Cape and H. 

Smith, 1931. 

McENTiRE, MRS. ADELE (TUTTLE) : Candlelight. Topeka; author, 1930. 
McKERNAN, THOMAS A.: Musings; Lines and Rhymes in Varied Mood. No 

impr. 

McMuRTRiE, DOUGLAS CRAWFORD: A Forgotten Pioneer Press of Kansas. Chi- 
cago; John Calhoun Club, 1930. 
MALONE, D.: Atchison City Directory, 1872-73. St. Joseph, Mo.; Steam 

Printing Company, 1872. 
MARKHAM, WILLIAM COLFAX: Forty Years Agone; Address at the Final Chapel 

Assembly of Baker University, May 30, 1931. No. impr. 
MARKHAM, WILLIAM COLFAX : The Secret of the Years. Washington ; Ransdell 

Incorporated Press, n. d. 
Memorials of Henry Brace Norton, Born February 22, 1836, Died June 22, 

1885. n. p. [1885]. 
NORTH, MARY M.: A Prairie Schooner; a Romance of the Plains of Kansas. 

Washington; Neale Publishing Company, 1902. 
OGLE, GEORGE A., AND COMPANY, Publisher: Atlases of Bourbon County, 

1920, Chautauqua County, 1921, Decatur County, 1921, Dickinson County, 

1921, Geary County, 1909, Harper County, 1919, Harvey County, 1918, 
Kingman County, 1921, Lane County, 1920, McPherson County, 1921, 
Marion County, 1921, Miami County, 1901, Osage County, 1918, Rice 
County, 1919, Saline County, 1920, Wallace County, 1908, Wichita County, 
1920, and Wilson County, 1910. Chicago; Ogle, 1901-1921. 

PERKINS, JACOB RANDOLPH: Trails, Rails and War; the Life of Gen. G. M. 
Dodge. Indianapolis; Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1929. 

POLK, R. L., AND COMPANY, Publisher: Topeka, Kan., City Directory, 1931, 
Including Shawnee County Taxpayers. Kansas City, Mo.; R. L. Polk and 
Company, 1931. 

PUGH, BURTON HOMER: Legend of St. Augustine, or The Love of a Cavalier; 
a Florida Idyll. Kansas City, Mo.; Homerian Publishing Company, 1930. 

Record of Hiester Clymer and Historical Parallel Between Him and Maj. Gen. 
John W. Geary. No impr. 

RULEY, A. N.: History of Brown County. Hiawatha; World, n. d. 

SCOFIELD, MRS. DOLORES MAY: Beacon Lights; Poems by Princess LaLomita. 
Pittsburg, Kan.; Beacon Light Publishing Company, 1930. 

SCOTT, JOHN R.: Ottawans in Rhyme. Ottawa, Kan.; Central Printing Com- 
pany, 1927. 

SLOSSON, EDWIN EMERY: A Number of Things. New York; Harcourt, Brace 
and Company, 1930. 

STEVENS, ARTHUR ALONZO: Key of the Universe. Norcatur, Kan.; author, 1925. 

THRASHER, AMANDA McCLURE, Compiler: In Memory of Luther A. Thrasher, 
1835-1903. lola; Daily Register Print, 1916. 

WALTERS, MRS. MAUDE OWENS, Editor: Book of Christmas Stories for Chil- 
dren. New York; Dodd, Mead and Company, 1930. 



RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 179 

WARE, EUGENE FITCH: From Court to Court, 6th ed. St. Paul, Minn.; West 

Publishing Company, 1930. 
WOODS, NELL LEWIS: Over the Back Fence. Boston; R. G. Badger, 1929. 

THE WEST 

ATWOOD, A.: The Conquerors; Historical Sketches of the American Settlement 
of the Oregon Country. Cincinnati; Jennings and Graham [1907 ?]. 

BANNING, WILLIAM, AND GEORGE HUGH: Six Horses. New York; Century 
Company, 1930. 

BIRGE, JULIUS CHARLESS The Awakening of the Desert. Boston; R. G. Badger, 
1912. 

BRANCH, EDWARD DOUGLAS: The Cowboy and His Interpreters. New York; 
D. Appleton and Company, 1926. 

BRANCH, EDWARD DOUGLAS: Westward; the Romance of the American Fron- 
tier. New York; D. Appleton and Company, 1930. 

BREWERTON, GEORGE DOUGLAS: Overland with Kit Carson; a Narrative of the 
Old Spanish Trail in '48. New York; Coward-McCann, Inc., 1930. 

CANTON, FRANK M.: Frontier Trails; the Autobiography of Frank M. Canton. 
Boston; Houghton Mifflin Company, 1930. 

COKE, HENRY J.: A Ride Over the Rocky Mountains to Oregon and Cali- 

. fornia. London; Richard Bentley, 1852. 

DALE, EDWARD EVERETT: The Range Cattle Industry. Norman, Okla.; Univer- 
sity of Oklahoma Press, 1930. 

DUFFUS, ROBERT LUTHER: The Santa Fe Trail. New York; Longmans, Green 
and Company, 1930. 

FERGUSON, CHARLES D.: Experiences of a Forty-niner During Thirty-four 
Years' Residence in California and Australia. Cleveland; Williams Publish- 
ing Company, 1888. 

FOREMAN, GRANT: Indians and Pioneers; the Story of the American Southwest 
Before 1830. New Haven; Yale University Press, 1930. 

GOODWIN, CARDINAL LEONIDAS: John Charles Fremont; an Explanation of His 
Career. Stanford University, Cal.; Stanford University Press, 1930. 

HAFEN, LfiRoY R., AND GHENT, WILLIAM JAMES: Broken Hand; the Life Story 
of Thomas Fitzpatrick, Chief of the Mountain Men. Denver; Old West 
Publishing Company, 1931. 

HASKINS, C. W.: The Argonauts of California, Being the Reminiscences of 
Scenes and Incidents that Occurred in California in Early Mining Days; by 
a Pioneer. New York; Fords, Howard and Hulbert, 1890. 

HITCHCOCK, ETHAN ALLEN: A Traveler in Indian Territory; the Journal of 
Ethan Allen Hitchcock, Late Major General in the United States Army. 
Edited and Annotated by Grant Foreman. Cedar Rapids, Iowa; Torch 
Press, 1930. 

HOBBS, JAMES : Wild Life in the Far West ; Personal Adventures of a Border 
Mountain Man; Comprising Hunting and Trapping Adventures with Kit 
Carson and Others; Captivity and Life Among the Comanches; Services 
Under Doniphan in the War with Mexico, and in the Mexican War Against 
the French. Hartford; Wiley, Waterman and Eaton, 1872. 



180 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

HOWE, OCTAVIUS THORNDIKE: Argonauts of '49; History and Adventures of the 
Emigrant Companies from Massachusetts, 1849-1850. Cambridge; Harvard 
University Press, 1923. 

HUNT, FRAZIER: Custer, the Last of the Cavaliers. New York; Cosmopolitan 
Book Corporation, 1928. 

KELLY, CHARLES: Salt Desert Trails; a History of the Hastings Cut-off and 
Other Early Trails Which Crossed the Great Salt Desert Seeking a Shorter 
Road to California. Salt Lake City; Western Printing Company, 1930. 

LEACH, A. J.: Early Day Stories. 2d ed. Norfolk, Neb.; Huse Publishing 
Company, 1916. 

LYMAN, GEORGE DUNLAP: John Marsh, Pioneer; the Life Story of a Trail 
Blazer on Six Frontiers. New York; C. Scribner's Sons, 1930. 

MUMEY, NOLIE: Life of Jim Baker, 1818-1898, Trapper, Scout, Guide and 
Indian Fighter. Denver; World Press, Inc., 1931. 

PAGE, ELIZABETH: Wagons West; a Story of the Oregon Trail. New York: 
Farrar and Rinehart, 1930. 

PAXSON, FREDERIC LOGAN: When the West Is Gone. New York; H. Holt and 
Company, 1930. 

RAINE, WILLIAM MACLEOD: Cattle. Garden City, N. Y.; Doubleday, Doran 
and Company, 1930. 

RIEGEL, ROBERT EDGAR: America Moves West. New York; H. Holt and Com- 
pany, 1930. 

RIEGEL, ROBERT EDGAR: The Story of the Western Railroads. New York; 
Macmillan Company, 1926. 

RONSHEIM, MILTON: Life of General Custer. Cadiz, Ohio; Reprinted from 
Cadiz Republican, 1929. 

RUCKER, MRS. MAUDE (APPLEGATE) : Oregon Trail and Some of Its Blazers. 
New York; W. Neale, 1930. 

SAGE, LEE: The Last Rustler; the Autobiography of Lee Sage. Boston; Little, 
Brown and Company, 1930. 

STANLEY, CLARK: Life and Adventures of the American Cowboy, n. p., Stan- 
ley, 1897. 

STEELE, JOHN: Across the Plains in 1850. Chicago; Printed for the Caxton 
Club, 1930. 

SUTLEY, ZACHARY TAYLOR: The Last Frontier. New York; Macmillan Com- 
pany, 1930. 

WEBB, JAMES JOSIAH : Adventures in the Santa Fe Trade, 1844-1847. Glendale, 
Cal.; Arthur H. Clark Company, 1931. 

WILLIAM, JAMES: Seventy-five Years on the Border. Kansas City, Mo.; 
Press of Standard Printing Company, 1912. 

GENEALOGY AND LOCAL HISTORY 

ALLEN, CHARLES EDWIN : History of Dresden, Maine, Formerly a Part of the 
Old Town of Pownalborough, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Year 
1900. Augusta, Me.; Kennebec Journal Print Shop, 1931. 

ARMSTRONG, ZELLA: Taylor of Tennessee. Chattanooga; Lookout Publishing 
Company, n. d. 

BEESON, JASPER LUTHER: Beeson Genealogy. Macon, Ga.; Burke Company, 
1925. 



. RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 181 

BELL, OVID: Cote Sans Dessein. Fulton, Mo.; Author, 1930. 

BOYD, JOHN : Annals and Family Records of Winchester, Connecticut. Hart- 
ford; Press of Case, Lockwood and Brainard, 1873. 

BRAND, FRANKLIN MARION: The Brand Family of Monongalia County, Vir- 
ginia. Charleston, W. Va.; Tribune Printing Company, 1922. 

BRAND, FRANKLIN MARION: The Wade Family, Monongalia County, Virginia. 
n.p., 1927. 

BURHANS, SAMUEL: Burhcens Genealogy; Descendants from the First An- 
cestor in America, Jacob Burhans, 1660. New York; Printed for Private 
Distribution, 1894. 

CAMPBELL, WILLIAM W.: Annals of Try on County. New York; Dodd, Mead 
and Company, 1924. 

CHALKLET, LYMAN, Compiler: Chronicles! of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in 
Virginia; Extracted from the Original Court Records of Augusta County, 
1745-1800. 3 vols. Rosslyn, Va.; Commonwealth Printing Company, 1912- 
1913. 

COLTON, GEORGE WOOLWORTH : A Genealogical Record of the Descendants of 
Quartermaster George Colton. Lancaster, Pa.; Wickersham Printing Com- 
pany, 1912. 

COOK, MRS. ANNA MARIA (GREEN) : History of Baldwin County, Georgia. 
Anderson, S. C.; Keys-Hearn Printing Company, 1925. 

CRAIG, H. STANLEY, Compiler: Cape May County (New Jersey) Marriage 
Records. Merchantville, N. J.; H. S. Craig, 1931. 

CRAIG, H. STANLEY, Compiler: Gloucester County, New Jersey, Marriage 
Records. Merchantville, N. J.; H .S. Craig, 1930. 

DAUGHTERS OP THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION: Lineage Book. vols. 115-120. 
Washington, D. O.; Press of Judd and Detweiler, Inc., 1931. 

DAUGHTERS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, GEORGIA: Historical Collections of 
the Georgia Chapters, Daughters of the American Revolution. 3 vols. 
Atlanta, Ga.; C. P. Byrd, State Printer, 1926-1930. 

DAUGHTERS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, KENTUCKY: Directory of the 
Daughters of the American Revolution in Kentucky, 1926-tfl. No impr. 

ELY, WILLIAM: The Big Sandy Valley; a History of the People and Country 
from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. Catlettsburg, Ky.; 
Central Methodist, 1887. 

HAYDEN, HORACE EDWIN: Virginia Genealogies. Washington, D. C.; Rare 
Book Shop, 1931. 

HOFFMAN, LABAN MILES: Our Kin; Being a History of the Hoffman, Rhyne, 
Costner, Families. Charlotte, N. C.; Press of Queen City Printing Com- 
pany, 1915. 

HUDDLE, WILLIAM DAVID: History of the Descendants of John Hottel (Immi- 
grant from Switzerland to America). Strasburg, Va.; Shenandoah Publish- 
ing House, Inc., 1930. 

HUGHES, WILLIAM JOSEPH LEANDER: The Hughes Family and Connections; 
Especially the Gass, Ward and Boze Families. Owensboro, Ky.; n.p., 1911. 

Index to Printed Virginia Genealogies, Including Key and Bibliography. Rich- 
mond, Va.; Old Dominion Press, 1930. 

JACOBUS, DONALD LINES : Genealogy as Pastime and Profession. New Haven ; 
Tuttle, Morehouse and Taylor, 1930. 



182 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

JACOBUS, DONALD LINES, Editor: History and Genealogy of the Families of 
Old F 'airfield. New Haven; Tuttle, Morehouse and Taylor, 1931. 

JOHNSTON, JOSIAH STODDARD: Memorial History of Louisville from Its First 
Settlement to the Year 1896. Chicago; American Biographical Publishing 
Company, 1896. 

JONES, MRS. MARY (GIBSON) : Coweta County Chronicles for One Hundred 
Years, with an Account of the Indians from Whom the Land Was Acquired, 
and Some Historical Papers Relating to Its Acquisition by Georgia. At- 
lanta, Ga.; Stein Printing Company, 1928. 

KISLINQ FAMILY ASSOCIATION FOR RESEARCH: Record of the Family Kisling. 
Fredonia, Kan.; author, 1931. 

MCINTYRE, WILLIAM IRWIN: History of Thomas County, Georgia. Thomas- 
ville, Ga.; n. p., 1923. 

McNAiR, JAMES BIRTLEY, Compiler: McNair, McNear, and McNeir Geneal- 
ogies. Chicago; author, 1923. 

MILTON, MASSACHUSETTS: Milton Town Records, 1662-1729, Issued in Ob- 
servance of the Tercentenary of the Founding of the Massachusetts Bay 
Colony. Milton, Mass.; Sherill Press, 1930. 

OHIO; ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE: The Official Roster of the Soldiers of the 
American Revolution Buried in the State of Ohio. Columbus, Ohio; F. J. 
Heer Printing Company, 1929. 

OUTLAW, ALBERT TIMOTHY: Outlaw Genealogy; Including English Records. 
Wilson, N. C.; Gold Publishing Company, 1930. 

PRICHARD, ARMSTEAD MEAD, Compiler: Abstracts from the County Court 
Minute Book of Culpeper County, Virginia, 1763-1764- Dayton, Va.; Joseph 
K. Ruebush, 1930. 

PRICHARD, ARMSTEAD MEAD: Allied Families of Read, Corbin, Luttrell and By- 
waters. Starting from Culpeper County, Virginia. Stanton, Va.; McClure 
Company, Inc., Printers, 1930. 

RICE, JAMES CLAY: History of the Town of Worthington (Massachusetts) from 
Its First Settlement to 1874- Springfield; Bryan and Company, 1874. 

RICHMOND, MABEL E.: Centennial History of Decatur and Macon County. 
Decatur, 111.; Decatur Review in Cooperation with the Decatur and Macon 
County Centennial Association, 1930. 

ROGERS, R. W.: History of Pike County (Georgia) from 1822 to 1922. Zebu- 
Ion, Ga.; n. p., n. d. 

ROWE, H. J., Publisher: History of Athens and Clarke County (Georgia), 
1923. Athens, Ga.; McGregor Company, Printers, n. d. 

SHINN, JOSIAH HAZEN: The History of the Shinn Family in Europe and 
America. Chicago; Genealogical and Historical Publishing Company, 1903. 

SWAIN, GEORGE THOMAS: History of Logan County, West Virginia. Logan, 
W. Va.; author, 1927. 

U. S. CENSUS OFFICE: Census Returns of Harrison County (West Virginia) 
for 1850. Clarksburg, W. Va.; Printed by Clarksburg Publishing Company, 
1930. 

U- S. CENSUS OFFICE: Census Returns of Lewis County (West Virginia) for 
1860. Clarksburg, W. Va.; Printed by Clarksburg Publishing Company, 
1930. 



RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 183 

VIRKUS, FREDERICK ADAMS, Editor: Compendium of American Genealogy, 
Vol. 4. Chicago; Virkus Company, 1930. 

BOOKS ADDED BY MRS. CARRIE A. HALL TO THE LINCOLN AND 
ROOSEVELT COLLECTIONS DONATED BY HER 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN ASSOCIATION: Papers Delivered Before the Members of 
the Abraham Lincoln Association at Springfield, III., 1929. Springfield, 111.; 
Lincoln Centennial Association, 1930. 

ANGLE, PAUL MCCLELLAND, Compiler: New Letters and Papers of Lincoln. 
Boston; Houghton Mifflin Company, 1930. 

BROWN, KATHARINE HOLLAND: The Father. New York; John Day Company, 
1928. 

FRY, SMITH D.: Lincoln and Lee; a Patriotic Story. Washington, D. C.; 
Model Printing Company, 1922. 

LEWIS, LLOYD: Myths After Lincoln. New York; Harcourt, Brace and Com- 
pany, 1929. 

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM : Four Speeches by Abraham Lincoln, Hitherto Unpub- 
lished or Unknown. Columbus; Ohio State University Press, 1927. 

LUDWIG, EMIL: Lincoln. Boston; Little, Brown and Company, 1930. 

SHAW, ALBERT: Abraham Lincoln; His Path to the Presidency. New York; 
Review of Reviews Corporation, 1929. 

SHAW, ALBERT: Abraham Lincoln; the Year of His Election. New York; Re- 
view of Reviews Corporation, 1929. 

WALL, BERNHARDT, Etcher-Publisher: The Invitation to Gettysburg. Lime 
Rock, Conn.; Wall, 1930. 

WARREN, RAYMOND: The Prairie President. Chicago; Reilly and Lee Com- 
pany, c. 1930. 

EINSTEIN, LEWIS DAVID: Roosevelt, His Mind in Action. Boston; Houghton 
Mifflin Company, 1930. 

WISTER, OWEN: Roosevelt, the Story of a Friendship, 1880-1919. New York; 
Macmillan Company, 1930. 



Kansas History as Published in the 
State Press* 

"A History of Coffey County," by Judge Burton L. Kingsburg, 
one of the pioneer jurists of the county, appeared in the May 29, 
June 5 and 12 issues of the Le Roy Reporter. Articles written by 
John P. Hamilton, Sr., during the middle eighties on "Pioneers of 
Coffey County," "Early Modes, Manners and Customs," "Some 
Border War Experiences," "Indian Refugees in Coffey County," and 
"Stories of Old Wagon Trails," were republished in the Reporter 
from June 19 through August 28. An account of the organization 
of two Indian regiments at LeRoy was appended in the issue of 
September 4, by the editor. 

"Reminiscences of Early Days in Coffey County" is a regular 
feature of the Burlington Daily Republican. In this column a series 
of historical sketches by old settlers is run, telling of events in the 
early days and incidents of pioneer life. 

How Oakley and Colby were named, and the reason for Oakley 
avenue in Colby, was explained by David D. Hoag, town founder, 
in a letter published in the Oakley Graphic, September 18. The 
article was later reprinted in an eight-page pamphlet. 

A "Historical Sketch of the Immaculate Conception Parish," by 
Rev. W. T. Doran, S. J., of St. Mary's College, and Rev. Gilbert 
Gallaghan, S. J., of St. Louis University, was published in the St. 
Marys Star June 25, July 2, 9 and 16. 

An old mill, built by Edgar Nichols in 1874 on the Smoky Hill 
river, southeast of Russell, was the subject of an article by Oswald 
Dryden, writing for the Hoisington Dispatch, July 23. It was re- 
printed in the Russell Record of July 30, and supplementary in- 
formation appeared in the latter newspaper on August 6. 

W. K. Myers, of Cotton wood Falls, last survivor of the Indian 
raid on Adobe Walls, retold the story of the attack in the Dodge 
City Journal, July 30. 

"Trail Days in Kansas," dealing with aspects of the history of 
the cattle business in the state, was written by Alice Hockley for 
the July 31 and August 7 issues of the Cedar Vale Messenger. 

* All dates are in 1931. 

(184) 



KANSAS HISTORY IN THE STATE PRESS 185 

Pioneer reminiscences of William Wayman and George Knouse 
were published in the August 6 issue of the Emporia Times. Her- 
bert Miller, pioneer cattleman, recounted some of his experiences in 
the Times of August 13. 

Early life in Alexander was reviewed in the La Crosse Republican, 
August 13. 

Mrs. John Hennes, of Beloit, recalled the last Indian raid in 
Mitchell county, on its sixty-third anniversary, in the Beloit Daily 
Call, August 13. 

A "History of the Beef Cattle Industry from Frontier Days to the 
Present Time," by Dorothy Woodbury, ran in the Cawker City 
Ledger, August 13, 20 and 27. 

"Turning Back the Pages of History" was the title of a column 
conducted in the Kansas Optimist, Jamestown, from August 13 to 
September 10. Information for this series of articles was gleaned 
from old records of Grant township. 

On August 21 and 22 Oskaloosa celebrated the passing of the 
three-quarter-century mark. John Arnold was among the pioneers 
who wrote of early-day scenes in the August 14 issue of the Inde- 
pendent. He came to Jefferson county in July, 1859. 

The Santa Fe trail picnic August 27 at Baldwin prompted the 
Baldwin Ledger to publish accounts of pioneer events in its issues 
of August 21, 28 and September 4. 

A letter from E. T. Wickersham, of Fall River, published in the 
Eureka Herald, August 27, related some of the early-day incidents 
in Greenwood county. 

Historical notes of Elk community, Marion county, compiled by 
William Knode, appeared in the Marion Review, September 1 and 8. 

J. F. Randolph, writing for the Clyde Republican, September 10, 
reviewed many incidents relative to pioneer days at Clyde, Cloud 
county. 

The Humboldt Union, of September 24, in advocating a new bridge 
for the Neosho river at Humboldt, traced the evolution of the river 
crossing from 1867 to 1931. 

Jack Ebbutt, veteran cattleman of Geary county, recalled his part 



186 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

in driving 6,000 head of Texas cattle to Abilene, in an interview ap- 
pearing in the D wight Advance, September 24. 

A sketch of the life of Jacob Achenbach, builder of the Beaver, 
Meade and Englewood railroad, and organizer of the town company 
of Hardtner, was contributed by John Hudson to the September 27 
issue of the Wichita Eagle. 

"A Brief History of Fort Riley and the Cavalry School" appeared 
in the Junction City Union, September 28. 

Announcing an old settlers' picnic held at Schnack park, Lamed, 
the News of October 1 carried letters and interviews from early 
settlers and historical authorities of Pawnee county. Among them 
were S. E. Huston, Mrs. C. E. Grove, Kelso Clark, J. F. Upson, 
J. M. Pruett and Isaac Ulsh. 

The monument erected in Library park, Baxter Springs, by the 
Daughters of the American Revolution in honor of Gen. James G. 
Blunt and the 135 soldiers killed in the Quantrill massacre, October 
6, 1863, was dedicated October 2. Frank Arnold, a survivor, was in 
attendance. A special edition of the Baxter Springs News, October 
1, contained historical articles apropos of the anniversary. "Baxter 
Springs as a Military Post, 1862-1863," written by Hugh L. Thomp- 
son in 1895; "Account of Baxter Springs Massacre, Including 
Quantrill's Report," from F. D. W. Arnold's history of the Arnold 
family ; and "The Baxter Springs Massacre," as dictated in 1929 by 
Lewis G. Coon, Co. I, Third Wisconsin cavalry, a survivor, were 
features of the edition. 

The fiftieth anniversary of McCune as a city of the third class 
was observed Friday, October 9, according to the McCune Herald. 
Many old-timers participated in a pageant which depicted early 
scenes. 

A brief history of the Jewell City Catholic church, by Mary 
Hurley Fay, appeared in the Abbey News, Atchison, October 10. 

"Pioneer Railroading Out West," was the title of a series of 
articles commencing in the Ellis Review October 15, by Jesse C. 
Martin. 

An article on the "History of Beef Cattle Industry from Pioneer 
Days Until the Present Time," by Geraldine Hammond, appeared 
in the October 22 issue of the St. John County Capital. 



KANSAS HISTORY IN THE STATE PRESS 187 

A short history of St. Mary's College, incidental to its change 
from a college to a school for priests, appeared in the October 22 
issue of the St. Marys Star. It was reprinted from the Jesuit 
Bulletin, a St. Mary's College publication. 

The dedication of the reconstructed monument over the grave 
claimed to be that of Juan de Padilla, Franciscan priest who was 
slain by Indians in 1542, was held October 25 at Council Grove. 
The site, as originally marked with a heap of stones by friendly 
Indians, has been restored by the Emporia Knights of Columbus 
organizations, and was presented to the Council Grove Historical 
Society by George Bordenkircher, president of the Kansas Catholic 
Historical Society. Father Padilla accompanied Coronado in his 
search for the cities of Quivira and remained on the plains with the 
Indians after Coronado's return. It has been recited that the 
priest suffered martyrdom on December 25, 1542, while he was 
kneeling in prayer. The Emporia Gazette and the Topeka Daily 
Capital of October 26 printed the dedicatory program. 

The battle of Mine creek, October 25, 1864, was described by 
Milton Tabor in the Topeka Daily Capital, October 29. Company 
A, Eleventh Kansas regiment, was among the Union troops engaging 
the Confederate forces under General Sterling Price. 

The stirring days of Carrie Nation's saloon-smashing activities 
were recalled by Jimmy Woods in the November 1 issue of the 
Wichita Beacon. 

A copy of Topeka's first city directory, published in 1868-1869, 
inspired Arthur L. Conklin to an article entitled a "History of To- 
peka," appearing in the Topeka Daily Capital, November 1. 

The Eleventh Kansas regiment's expedition to the Platte river 
country in Wyoming in 1865 was described by Paul I. Wellman in 
the Wichita Eagle, November 1. In the issue of December 20 the 
massacre of the Bogardus family near Beloit by raiding Indians 
was featured. These stories appeared in Mr. Wellman's series of 
Sunday magazine articles on Indian battles of the West. 

The history of the Pawnee Capitol, where the first territorial 
legislature met, was sketched by Rufus Babb in the Junction City 
Union, November 2, and the Junction City Republic, November 5. 



188 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Kansas pioneer women were the subject of a special edition of the 
Osborne County Farmer, Osborne, November 5. The editor ex- 
pressed hope that the edition would create greater interest in the 
proposed Kansas women's pioneer memorial to be erected on the 
statehouse grounds in Topeka. The number was replete with pio- 
neer reminiscences. 

Russell county was first permanently settled on April 19, 1871, 
by a colony of seventy persons, organized at Ripon, Wis. The 
names of the first child born in the county, first teacher, first school 
board, first persons married, and old settlers before 1880, were 
listed in the Russell County News, Russell, November 5. 

Nearly 100 old settlers answered the roll call of the Phillips 
County Old Settlers Association at its third annual meeting held 
in Phillipsburg, November 11. Marion Scott, Will Churchill, E. G. 
Lee and K. W. Rutherford recalled pioneer experiences. Early 
songs, "Little Old Sod Shanty on the Claim," and "Kansas Land," 
were sung. A detailed program with the list of registered old settlers 
was published in the Phillipsburg Review, November 19. 

Comanche county celebrated its seventh annual home-coming of 
old settlers at Antioch church, in Avilla township, November 5. 
The Western Star, Coldwater, published the register of those at- 
tending, in its issue of November 13. 

C. W. Sprouse, of Sublette, an Indian relic collector, has made 
arrowhead and scraper "finds" near the Cimarron river in Haskell 
county. An account of his activities appeared in the November 12 
issue of the Satanta Chief. 

Stolzenbach post office and mission house, fifteen miles northeast 
of Marysville, one of the oldest landmarks in Marshall county, 
was described in the Topeka Daily Capital, November 15. A sketch 
of an old English colony in Harrison township, five miles northwest 
of Wetmore, Nemaha county, was another feature of this issue. The 
site was selected and colonized in 1870 by the Cooperative Coloniza- 
tion Company, of London. 

"Kansas Memorials" was the subject of a newspaper sketch by 
Paul Schmidt and Corwin Schawe, appearing in the Spearville News, 
November 19. 



KANSAS HISTORY IN THE STATE PRESS 189 

Construction of a miniature mountain in a rock garden along the 
west side of Boot Hill block is being considered by Dodge City busi- 
ness men and historians, according to the Dodge City Daily Globe, 
November 25. Historic spots such as Adobe Walls, El Quartelejo, 
Fort Atkinson, Wagonbed Springs, site of the Lone Tree massacre, 
Fort Larned, Fort Zarah, and various other places will be scaled 
geographically with two streamlets, representing the Arkansas and 
Cimarron rivers. 

"The Wichita Eagle is the real 'Father of Oklahoma/ " Major 
Gordon W. Lillie (Pawnee Bill) is quoted as saying to John Hud- 
son, Eagle reporter, in a story appearing November 29. Under Col. 
Marsh M. Murdock the Eagle aggressively demanded that Okla- 
homa be opened for settlement. It assisted in Boomer organization 
along the border and helped induce Pawnee Bill to accept the lead- 
ership of a Wichita contingent to the territory. 

Old Fairmount College, the forerunner of Wichita University, 
was the subject of a historical sketch by Rea Woodman in the 
Wichita Democrat commencing in the November 28 issue. 

A biographical sketch of John W. Niles, of Nicodemus, was pub- 
lished in the Oakley Graphic, December 4. The account was writ- 
ten in 1925 by W. L. Chambers, former editor of the Stockton Rec- 
ord, at the request of the late Judge C. W. Smith, of Topeka. Mr. 
Niles was one of the leaders of Nicodemus, a Negro colony in east- 
ern Graham county, inhabited by over 500 persons in 1880. 

The days of buffalo hunting in the late sixties and early seventies 
were recalled by Byron E. Guise in an interview with John Branden- 
burger, Sr., in the Marshall County News, Marysville, December 4. 

Mrs. Robert Laughlin, of Girard, described the battle of Mine 
creek, in Linn county, in 1864, in a news article printed in the 
Wichita Eagle, December 8. She witnessed the battle from a hill 
near Mound City. 

Christmas advertising as it appeared in the first Kansas news- 
papers, seventy-seven years ago, was reviewed in the Topeka Mer- 
chants Journal, December 19, by Paul A. Lovewell, editor. 

David D. Leahy, pioneer Kansas editor, told of early-day Wich- 
ita newspapermen in the Wichita Eagle, December 21. 



Kansas Historical Notes 

The Southwest Historical Society, Dodge City, has issued a 
mimeographed list of the books on Kansas history available at the 
city library. 

Early-day Abilene received formal recognition October 21, when 
seven markers were placed by the Abilene chapter of the Daughters 
of the American Revolution. Charles M. Harger, of the Daily 
Reflector, composed the inscriptions marking the site of the first 
home in Abilene, the log cabin of Mr. and Mrs. Timothy F. Hersey, 
now the corner of First and Vine streets; Texas street, of cattle 
days; site of Drover's cottage, famous hostelry during cattle days; 
the Overland trail and Mud creek ford; site of the Abilene shipping 
yards, whence were shipped to eastern markets over three million 
head of cattle in 1867-1871; Sand Springs and a pioneer burial 
ground; and the first public school. 

The Dickinson County Historical Society at its annual meeting 
elected H. L. Humphrey, president; T. W. Sterling, vice president; 
W. W. Vickers, secretary ; Mrs. 0. L. Thisler, treasurer. The society 
is compiling data on the various trails that crossed the county in 
its early history. 

Plans are being formulated in Gray county to mark the point 
of the Lone Tree massacre southwest of Cimarron, and the old 
Cimarron crossing, west of Cimarron, where the Santa Fe trail 
crossed the Arkansas river. It is proposed to use stone from the old 
courthouse at Ravanna for the monuments. 

The Neosho County Historical Society convened for a semiannual 
meeting in Chanute, November 23. The building of the Leaven- 
worth, Lawrence & Galveston railroad to Thayer, and accompany- 
ing incidents in the city's early history, were described in a paper 
by Mrs. Abby H. Forest, a resident of Thayer since February, 1876. 
Histories of the First Presbyterian and St. Patrick's Catholic 
churches were read. Other features included letters and interviews 
from pioneers and an informal discussion of the Osage Mission and 
the Erie county seat fight. 

(190) 



KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 191 

Preparation is being made in Emporia to celebrate the city's 
seventy-fifth anniversary. Emporia, "Kanzas territory/' was 
founded February 20, 1857, by the Emporia Town Company, with 
George W. Brown as president, and G. W. Deitzler as secretary. 
As planned the celebration would be held concurrently with the 
two hundredth anniversary of the birth of George Washington on 
February 22. 

A monument is soon to be erected by the Daughters of the Amer- 
ican Revolution of Marshall county at the Barrett crossing on the 
Vermillion river. The site is thought to be the first crossing on the 
Oregon trail in that section. The first emigrants used it in 1827. 

Old settlers of Shawnee county convened in their seventy-fourth 
annual reunion at the Hotel Jayhawk in Topeka, Saturday, De- 
cember 5. A feature of the program was the unveiling of a tablet 
in memory of the pioneers which will be placed on a boulder in the 
new high-school grounds. 

A memorial association has been formed at Medicine Lodge to 
honor Carrie Nation, a former resident. The association will pre- 
serve various articles which once belonged to the militant crusader 
and arrange them in her old home. J. Fuller Groom was chosen 
temporary president. 

The sixty-first anniversary of Independence and the First Chris- 
tian church prompted the issuance of an eighty-page booklet by the 
church organization, commemorating the event. The publication 
was illustrated with pictures of early-day Independence and church 
scenes and persons. 

Plans for installing a lily pool at historic Shawnee Mission by the 
Shawnee Mission Flower Club were sketched in the Kansas City 
(Mo.) Star, October 18. The organization will cooperate with the 
State Historical Society in the proposed landscaping. 

Orville W. Mosher, associate professor of history at the Kansas 
State Teachers College, Emporia, has called upon old settlers of 
the Neosho and Verdigris valleys to aid him in preparing an archae- 
ological map of that section. Mr. Mosher is a collector of Indian 
relics. 

At the old settlers' picnic which was held in Enterprise, September 
3, a paper entitled "History of the Early Swedish Settlers East of 



192 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Enterprise" was read. The paper gave names and details of the 
arrival of many of the families in that section from 1858 to 1880. 

The third edition of Kansas Facts, cyclopedia of information of 
general state interest, appeared in December, 1931. The volume was 
compiled and published by Charles P. Beebe. Federal census returns 
for all incorporated cities and counties; classification of Kansas 
birds; statistical information on agriculture and industry; service 
records of the 35th, 42d and 89th American divisions in the World 
War; history of the Kansas Federation of Women's Clubs; and a 
list of state officers of the Parent-Teacher Association are features 
of this edition. 



D 

14-2345 



THE 

Kansas Historical 
Quarterly 




Volume 1 Number 3 

May, 1932 



PRINTED BY KANSAS STATE PRINTING PLANT 

B. P. WALKER, STATE PRINTER 

TOPEKA 1932 

14-3416 



Contributors 

GEORGE A. ROOT is curator of archives of the Kansas State Historical 
Society, where he has been employed since March, 1891. 

JAMES G. BLUNT was major general of volunteers in the Union army 
during the Civil War. He saw active service in Kansas, Missouri, Ar- 
kansas and the Indian Territory. He died in 1881. 

MRS. FRANK C. MONTGOMERY has been employed in the archives 
department of the Kansas State Historical Society since April, 1909. 
Her husband, the late Frank C. Montgomery, was an early Kansas 
newspaper editor. 

FRED N. HOWELL is assistant professor of history at the Kansas State 
Teachers College, Pittsburg, Kan. 

NOTE. Articles in the Quarterly appear in chronological order with- 
out regard to their importance. 

(194) 



Extracts from Diary of Captain 
Lambert Bowman Wolf 

EDITED BY GEORGE A. ROOT 
I. INTRODUCTION. 

THE manuscript here printed comprises the experiences and ob- 
servations of a cavalryman on the plains of Kansas during the 
four years preceding the Civil War. For the most part his troop 
was engaged in protecting Colonel Johnston's survey of the southern 
boundary line of Kansas, patrolling the Santa Fe Trail, and guard- 
ing the United States mails. 

While this account is in the form of a diary, some of the entries 
apparently were expanded somewhat at a later date. The manu- 
script in the possession of the Kansas State Historical Society was 
presented in 1905 by A. J. Hoisington, of Great Bend, who had re- 
ceived it from Captain Wolf. It is a typewritten copy, presumably 
made from the original either by Mr. Hoisington or Captain Wolf. 
In sending the copy to the Society Mr. Hoisington said: "Captain 
Wolf's diary contains largely more of his experiences and what he 
saw during his soldier life on the plains than is recorded in the fore- 
going, but so far I have been unable to secure from him a complete 
copy." 

All efforts to locate Captain Wolf's original and complete diary 
have proved fruitless. Apparently it went the way of so many per- 
sonal records of the early days and was lost or destroyed. 

Capt. Lambert Bowman Wolf was born June 2, 1834, at Evans- 
burg, Coshocton county, Ohio. He was of the fourth generation of 
Wolfs descended from German-born ancestors, and was reared on 
the farm where he was born. From 1856 to 1861 he served in Com- 
pany K, First U. S. cavalry, serving with his troops on the plains 
of Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado and Indian Territory, and on a trip 
to Utah during the Mormon war. Upon the breaking out of the 
Civil War he became captain of Company E, 142d Ohio volunteer 
infantry. He was discharged September 2, 1864, at Camp Chase, 
Ohio. In April, 1885, he returned to Kansas and settled in Ness 
county, where he engaged in the harness and saddlery business. 
He was twice married, first to Sarah Jane Loos, who died September 
22, 1892, and next to Mrs. Emeline Waterbury, a pioneer settler of 
Great Bend. He died in Ness City August 29, 1918. 

(195) 



196 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

II. ENTRIES FROM THE JOURNAL: 1856 TO 1861. 

December 20, 1856, enlisted at Newcomerstown, Ohio, as a re- 
cruit in Capt. George H. Stewart's 1 [Steuart] Co. K, then 1st U. S. 
cavalry, Col. E. V. Siimner 2 (Bull of the Woods) commanding, and 
sent to Jefferson Barracks, near St. Louis, Mo. 

April 1, 1857, three hundred of us recruits were loaded on the 
Amizon, a big sidewheeler off the Mississippi, and sent to Fort 
Leavenworth, Kan., where we arrived on the 15th. During this trip 
we had our first experience of short rations, caused by delays when 
stranded on Missouri river sandbars. 

May 10, received orders for Companies C, I, F and K, First U. S. 
cavalry, and E and K of the 6th U. S. infantry, to go on a campaign 
under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph B. [E.] Johns [t] on. 3 

May 16, everything in readiness, the command formed in line and 
orders for a summer's campaign read to us, in substance to wit: 
That we escort and guard the government surveyors while they run 
the now south line 4 of Kansas and establish the southwest corner 
thereof. On this expedition the stake hauler for the surveyors was 
killed by the Kiowa Indians and his mule team taken off by them. 
He got too far from his infantry escort while driving around some 
bluffs and draws near the Cimarron river. Our Mexican cattle 
herder was shot by one of our own horse guards, being mistaken for 
an Indian. Two of our men died from scurvy. . . . 

Nov. 14 we marched into Fort Leavenworth back again a rusty 
but hearty appearing command. 

March 18, 1858, Companies F and K, First cavalry, and E and H, 
Sixth infantry, under command of Capt. Hendrickson, 5 of Co. H, 

1. George H. Steuart was a native of Maryland; cadet Military Academy, July 1, 1844; 
brevet 2d lieutenant, 2d dragoons, July 1, 1848; 2d lieutenant Nov. 11, 1849; 1st lieutenant 
1st cavalry, Mar. 8, 1865; captain Dec. 20, 1855; resigned Apr. 22, 1861 (Brig. Gen. C. 8. 
A., 1861-1865). Heitman's Historical Register and Dictionary U. S. Army, v. 1, p. 922. 

2. Edwin Vose Sumner, born in Boston, Mass., Jan. 80, 1797. He entered the army in 
1819, as 2d lieutenant of infantry. Served in the Black Hawk, Mexican and Indian wars. 
Was governor of New Mexico, 1851 -'53. In 1855 was promoted colonel of 1st cavalry and 
made a successful expedition against the Cheyennes. Was in Kansas during the territorial 
troubles. In 1861 he was sent to relieve Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston in command of the 
Department of the Pacific, but was recalled the following year to the command of the 1st 
Corps of the Army of the Potomac. At his own request in 1863 he was relieved, and being 
appointed to the Department of the Missouri, he was on his way thither when he died at 
Syracuse, N. Y., Mar. 21, 1863. Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, v. 5, p. 750. 

3. For short sketch of Joseph E. Johnston, see footnote, Kansas Historical Quarterly, 
Feb., 1932, p. 106. 

4. See Kansas Historical Quarterly, Feb., 1932, pp. 104-139, "Surveying the Southern 
Line of Kansas, from Journal of Col. Joseph E. Johnston," edited by Nyle H. Miller. 

5. Thomas Hendrickson was a native of Pennsylvania; became a 2d Lieut. 6th infantry 
in 1838 ; 1st Lieut. 1840 ; served in Mexican War, receiving rank of brevet captain for 
gallant and meritorious services; made captain 1853; major 3d infantry 1862, and served 
with distinction in Civil War. Retired 1863. Died Oct. 24, 1878. Army and Navy Register, 
Hamersley, p. 506. 



ROOT: EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN WOLF 197 

Sixth infantry, ordered to escort supply trains to Col. Johnston 6 at 
Fort Bridger, 7 Utah, said supplies being hauled by cattle trains and 
located at Fort Laramie and unable to proceed safely on account of 
Indians. 8 

March 20, Col. Huffman 9 joined us and took command. 

June 3 we passed through the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains. 

June 10 we arrived at Fort Bridger during a heavy snowstorm. 
Found that Col. Johnston's command had been living on quarter 
rations of jerked beef. 

June 13 the Second dragoons took up line of march for Salt Lake 
City under command of Col. Cook [P. St. George Cooke] . 

June 14 the peace commissioners 10 arrived and they, with the bal- 
ance of Col. Johnston's command, start for Salt Lake City. 

August 21, we start on return to Fort Leavenworth that is, 
Companies F and K, First cavalry, under Capt. Dessashore, 11 he 
being senior officer of our battalion, via Bridger's Pass and Fort 
Laramie. 

September 1, we pass through Bridger's Pass, going into camp in 
a beautiful dead pine grove with splendid water and grass. This 
pass reminds much of the valley between the double hump of a 
dromedary. It has no resemblance to the South Pass. 

September 2 we awoke with 6 inches of snow on the ground. It 
snowed on us all day as we marched and it was very disagreeable 
marching. Lieut. D. D. Bell 12 and John Hootinger went out on a 
hunt yesterday no news from them this evening. 

September 17, at Fort Laramie. Here we learn that Bell and 
Hootinger were seen at the bridge on Ham's Fork, 13 heading for 

6. Albert Sidney Johnston (1803-1862). He was in command of the Department of 
the Pacific. At the outbreak of the Civil War he joined the Confederate army and was 
killed at the battle of Shiloh. 

7. In 1843 James Bridger built a trading post in the valley of Black's Fork of Green 
river, Utah Territory (now Wyoming), to catch the emigrant trade going west. This post 
was comomnly known as Fort Bridger. In 1853 the Mormons captured the post and held 
it until the winter of 1857, abandoning it on the appearance of the United States army, but 
not until they had burned everything inflammable on the site. J. Cecil Alter, James 
Bridger A Historical Narrative, pp. 176-178, 244-263. 

8. This was during the time of the Mormon War. Live stock and provisions sent to 
Utah for the subsistence of the United States army had been captured, stolen or burned by 
the Mormons, and the army had been reduced to scant rations, suffering many privations 
during the severe whiter that followed from lack of proper food and clothing. Bancroft, 
History of Utah, pp. 512-522. 

9. William Huffman, native of New York, who had a long and distinguished military 
service. Was in Mexican and Civil Wars, and was brevetted. major-general in 1865 for 
distinguished service. Hamersley, Army Register, p. 614. 

10. L. W. Powell, ex-governor and senator-elect, of Kentucky, and Major B. McCul- 
loch, a soldier of the Mexican War, were sent to Utah as peace commissioners. 

11. William David De Saussure. 

12. David D. Bell, born in Ohio. 1st. Lieut., 1st cavalry. Died Dec. 2, 1860. Hamers- 
ley, Army Register, p. 292. 

13. Ham's Fork, a small river of Uintah county, Wyoming, runs southeastward and unites 
with the Black Fork of Green river. Lippincott's Pronouncing Gazetteer of the World, v. 1, 
p. 1357. 



398 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Fort Bridger. They got lost and four days were without rations 
They obtained rations from the parties who met them, enough to 
last them into Fort Bridger. 

October 4, arrived at Fort Kearney. 

October 5, leave for Fort Leaven worth. 

October 18, joined by Bell and Hootinger great rejoicing there- 
for by Co. K. 

October 20 finds us going into quarters at Fort Leavenworth. 

November 25. It appears we are not to winter at Fort Leaven- 
worth, as to-day we start on a march to Fort Riley. 

November 30, we arrive at Fort Riley. Since we started last 
March we have traveled over 2,300 miles and feel almost like our- 
selves and horse were one animal. 

I will now give you a favorite song with the men during the winter 
of 1858-'59. It is entitled 

"BUCKING AND GAGGING." 

Come, all Yankee soldiers, give ear to my song; 
It is a short ditty, 'twill not keep you long; 
It's of no use to fret on account of your luck, 
We can laugh, drink and sing yet in spite of the buck. 
Chorus: Dary down, dary down, &c. 

Sergeant, buck him and gag him, our officers cry, 
For such trifling offenses they happen to spy; 
Till with bucking and gagging of Dick, Tom and Bill, 
Faith! the Mexican ranks they have helped to fill. 
Chorus. 

The treatment they give us, as all of us know, 
Is bucking and gagging for whipping the foe; 
They buck us and they gag us for malice or for spite, 
But they are glad to release us when going to fight. 
Chorus. 

A poor soldier's tied up in the sun or the rain 
With a gag in his mouth till he's tortured with pain; 
Why, I'm blest! if the eagle we wear on our flag 
In its claws shouldn't carry a buck and a gag. 
Chorus. 

Eighteen hundred and fifty-nine carries me into [what is now] 
Barton county, with its tragic scenes indelibly impressed upon my 
mind. 

The winter of 1858- '9 at Fort Riley passed away as also have 
our daily drills, both mounted and foot. These, with other usual 
camp duties, prevented all ennui. But we are restless, are longing 
for a campaign on the broad prairies a change of some kind. Gar- 
rison duty becomes monotonous, the more especially to those who, 
like ourselves, have tasted the wildness of plain and mountains. 



ROOT: EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN WOLF 199 

May 25, the monotony is broken with great rejoicing. We, the 
cavalry, have received orders to prepare for a campaign, nothing 
further known. 

June 10, Companies F, H and K, First cavalry, under command 
of Capt. E. V. Dessashore, 14 captain of Company F, start for the 
Santa Fe Trail (Cimarron) Crossing of the Arkansas river. Capt. 
Walker's 15 G company, he commanding, is detailed to escort an 
English lord into the buffalo range northwest of Fort Riley and join 
us on the Arkansas river near the location of old Fort Mackey. 16 
Our summer's work is to guard emigrants on the Santa Fe Trail. 

June 17 finds us going into camp near what is known as Doc 
Beach's 17 ranch on Cow creek. The Doctor has quite a trading 
station here, his stock consisting of "Dead Shot" whisky, sugar, 
flour, and bacon. This is also a mail station and post office. 

June 19, we cross Walnut 18 creek a little west of Allison's 19 big 
ranch (the regular old trail crossing). The ford has a fine pebbly 
bottom. We have not seen any Indians, but rumor says they are just 
a little further on. 

June 20, a fine soaking rain and we had just got nicely on the 
move when it came down in torrents. We pass Pawnee rocks, cross 

14. William D. De Saussure. 

15. William S. Walker, a Mexican War soldier; captain 1st cavalry 1855; resigned 1861. 

16. Fort Mackay was located at the crossing on Arkansas river in present Ford county, 
and named for Col. A. Mackay, Q. M. D. It was about six or eight miles from present 
Dodge City, and was established Aug. 8, 1850, by Col. E. V. Sumner, after a treaty talk 
had been held there with the Indians. The fort was built of sod, covered with poles, brush, 
sod and canvas. The soldiers quartered there gave it the name of "Fort Sod," and later 
"Fort Sodom." It was known as Camp Mackay until June 25, 1851, when the name was 
changed to Fort Atkinson. Sept. 22, 1853 the fort was abandoned. It was temporarily re- 
occupied in June 1854, but on October 2 following was permanently abandoned and the 
buildings destroyed to prevent their occupancy by the Indians. Green's Kansas Region, 
p. 22 ; Kansas Historical Collections, v. 7, p. 78, 444 ; v. 8, p. 489 ; v. 9, p. 567, 576 ; v. 12, 
p. 226; Blackmar's History of Kansas, v. 1, p. 656, 657. 

17. Beach's Ranch or Trading Post was built on Cow creek, Peketon (Rice) county, 
about 1858 or 1859, by Asahel Beach and his son, Dr. A. J. Beach. It was on the line of 
the Santa Fe Trail, about one mile south of present Lyons, or near old Atlanta. A post 
office was established at the ranch April 1, 1859, called Beach Valley, with Doctor Beach 
postmaster. The territorial legislature of 1859 authorized Asahel Beach et al. to build a 
bridge across the Arkansas. The following year Beach Valley was incorporated by Asahel 
Beach, Dr. A. J. Beach and Samuel Shaff, and was the county seat of Peketon county, 1860, 
the county commissioners being the incorporators. Asahel Beeach was a brother of Moses 
Y. Beach, of the New York Sun, and came west from Leavenworth. Dr. A. J. Beach waa 
a surgeon of the 9th Kansas, 1864. Smoke houses were erected on the ranch and buffalo 
meat was cured for the eastern market. The ranch was abandoned in 1864, about the 
time of an Indian battle near by. Laws, Kansas, 1859, 1860, 1861 ; U. S. Official Register, 
1860-'63; Historical Society, Archives Department, original documents. 

18. There were two crossings of Walnut creek in present Barton county, one a short dis- 
tance east of present Great Bend, on the Santa Fe Trail, and the other slightly to the north, 
on the road from Fort Harker to Fort Larned. The old trail crossing was 278 miles from 
Independence, Mo., and near site of Fort Zarah of later date. 

19. Allison's ranch or trading station was built by Allison, of Independence, 

Mo., in 1857. It was located at the mouth of the Walnut, about 100 yards from the cross- 
ing of the creek, on the east side, and on the north side of the road. It was merely a 
trading post, no attempt being made at agriculture or stock raising. Allison died suddenly 
at Independence, and the ranch was rented to George Peacock. Kansas Historical Collections, 
v. 8, pp. 487, 489; v. 10, p. 665. 



200 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Ash 20 creek, going into camp on the west bank of Pawnee Fork. 
Rumor has 1,000 painted warriors 40 miles up the river waiting our 
appearance. 

June 25 finds us going into camp on the Arkansas river near 
where old Fort Mackay used to be. 

June 29, Lieutenant Col. Johnston, our old commander in 1857, 
comes into camp with the Santa Fe mail. He is now inspector 
general of forts and troops and on his way to New Mexico. 

July 4, a gill of whisky for each man, and some horse racing, to 
celebrate the day. 

July 8, the first Indians in camp or seen 3 bucks and 1 squaw. 

August 2. A terror of a rain last night. Many hats are short this 
morning, even the bass and tenor drums took trips down the river 
and we are a wet and sorry looking set generally. 

August 3. Tahosan, the head chief of the Kiowas, with his squaw 
and three of his braves, visit us. They go into camp about 100 
yards above our camp. 

August 20. Capt. Walker, with his Co. G, joins us. Several of his 
men have the scurvy. 

August 28. Two mules gone, so Lieut. D. D. Bell, with a detach- 
ment of one sergeant and four men, is sent after them. 

August 21 [31]. In the afternoon Lieut. Bell and party return, 
bringing with them 3 Indians and 4 mules, two of which belonged 
to the mail route. The Indians played "good Indian," were given 
flour, sugar and bacon and were sent on their way rejoicing. Yes, 
the mules were found running loose ! 

September 1. Co. H sent to Pawnee 21 Fork to guard contractors 
of the mail station there. 

September 14. In the morning we break camp and start for Fort 
Riley. 

September 17 finds us at Pawnee Fork camping with H Co. The 
mail station builders have not reported yet. H Co. men report two 
large camps of Kiowa and Comanche Indians on the Walnut desir- 
ing to make a treaty with Uncle Samuel. 

September 18. Just before leaving camp, Big Pawnee, second 
chief of the Kiowas, came into our camp and traveled with us to 
Walnut creek, then went to his own camp located on the south side 

20. Ash creek, first known as Crooked creek, was crossed by Santa Fe Trail about 
9% miles northeast of old Fort Larned. Name probably suggested by ash and elm that 
shaded the creek. Kansas Historical Society, Eighteenth Biennial Report, p. 120. 

21. Pawnee Fork, first known as Pawnee creek or river, was a little over 302 miles from 
Fort Osage, on the Missouri river. Kansas Historical Society, Eighteenth Biennial Report, 
p. 120. 



ROOT: EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN WOLF 201 

of the creek (between what is now 1900 known as the old John 
Cook farm, and the bridge next west of it.) 

September 19, on the Arkansas river, east of Allison's ranch, my- 
self and four others made a still hunt for buffaloes and got two good 
ones. Capt. Dessashore this morning, before leaving camp, held a 
powwow with Tahosan, Pawnee, and Buffalo Hump (a Comanche 
chief) . Buffalo Hump desired to make a treaty. Capt. Dessashore 
told him to go back to Texas. 

September 21 finds us lying in camp on Cow creek 22 below 
Beach's ranch resting and cleaning up. 

September 22. Last night midnight express from Allison's ranch 
brings word that Pawnee, with part of his band, threaten the ranch- 
men's lives. G and K Co.'s were immediately ordered to the ranch, 
leaving Cow creek at 2 a. m. Arriving near the ranch just as the sun 
peeped over the eastern horizon, half a mile from the ranch, Lieut's 
D. D. Bell and Baird galloped ahead of the command to the ranch. 
The Indians were all gone except Big Pawnee, and him they took 
prisoner. When we came up they had disarmed him. The officers 
held a council and decided to have Pawnee guide them to the Indian 
camp. A dismounted soldier had Pawnee in charge. He was in- 
structed to take Pawnee to get his pony, which was tied to a wagon 
in the rear of the ranch. He was taken to it. The pony had been 
so frightened as to pull hard on the lariat and Pawnee could not 
untie it. He asked the soldier for his sheath knife to cut the lariat. 
The knife was handed to Pawnee, who cut the lariat and quickly 
threw the knife under the wagon, mounted the pony, gave a great 
yap and was off like the wind towards the bluff northeast. Lieu- 
tenants Bell and Baird, being still mounted, took after him, also 
R. M. Peck, 23 of Co. K. Peck's horse being very fleet soon passed 
the lieutenant's and overtook Pawnee and then turned and asked 
Baird if he should shoot him. "No," said Baird, "I want to talk 
with him." Peck veered off, Baird came up and asked Pawnee to 
halt. Pawnee, with an ugly defiant face, said "Bah," and went on. 
Baird stayed with him, dropped his revolver in front of Pawnee 
and commanded him to halt. Pawnee, yet more sarcastic, repeated 
his "Bah, bah." Baird tried him again but no good, so dropped 

22. Cow creek, present Rice county, first known as Cold Water, a point on the Santa Fe 
Trail, slightly more than 246 miles from Fort Osage. Kansas Historical Society, Eighteenth 
Biennial Report, p. 119. 

23. Robert Morris Peck was from Covington, Ky., at which place he enlisted in Co. E, 
First U. S. cavalry. After five years' service as a private soldier on the plains of Kansas, 
he became a wagonmaster in the Army of the Frontier. For many years after the close of 
the Civil War he was a citizen of Leavenworth and Baxter Springs. He was a frequent 
contributor to the National Tribune^ Washington, D. C., mostly on frontier history. Kansas 
Historical Society, Eighteenth Biennial Report, p. 43. 



202 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

off a little and shot him in the head. (Now, right then, our winter's 
trouble and our next summer's campaign commences.) At the 
crack of the revolver Baird's horse ran away. Peck then took after 
him and caught it. Lieut. Bell came up, found Pawnee dead and 
rode back and reported to Capt Walker. 24 Fearing the bluffs were 
full of Indians an express was sent after the balance of the com- 
mand. Pawnee's body was brought in and buried just under the 
break of the bank about 40 or 50 yards above the Santa Fe Trail 
ford. 

September 23, at 7 a. m., Capt. Dessashore arrives with the bal- 
ance of the command. While they are at breakfast the officers de- 
cide to go to the Indian camp. Breakfast over we moved for the 
Indian camp, found it; that is the place, but the Indians were gone. 
We then moved a few miles up the creek. As the first detachment 
had but one day's rations left the officers decided to return, so that 
evening we camped by Allison's ranch. 

September 24 the mails for Santa Fe arrived and demands an 
escort to Pawnee Fork. Lieut. E. Otis, 25 of F Co., and 25 men de- 
tailed for that duty. Evening finds us in camp on Cow creek. 

September 25, we have a wagon and team in camp with three 
days' rations for Lieut. Otis' detachment. In the evening we camp 
on the Little Arkansas. 

September 26 we laid in camp. An express arrived from Lieut. 
Otis informing us that one hour after the mail left him and it was 
getting dark, they being on the "dry route," 26 they were attacked 
by the Indians and the conductor and one of the drivers (being 
brothers and on their last trip) were killed. The other driver shot 
the Indian that was trying to tangle the mules. That created a 
powwow and the driver escaped in the darkness. He was badly 
wounded, but got in with some Mexicans and reached Lieut. Otis' 
camp next morning. Otis and his detachment buried the men as 
best they could. The mules, bedding, and rations were all gone, the 
male [mail] scattered. Otis had the latter gathered up and brought 
it back to Beach's ranch on Cow creek. 

24. William S. Walker was born in Pennsylvania. Served in Mexican War and was 
brevetted captain in 1847 for gallant and meritorious service at the battle of Chapultepec. 
Made captain of 1st cavalry in 1855. Resigned May 1, 1861. Hamersley's Army Register, 
p. 837. 

25. Elmer Otis was born in Massachusetts. Was made 1st Lieut., 1st cavalry in 1856; 
captain, 1861; major, 1864; brevet colonel, 1865; lieutenant colonel, 1876. Died Aug. 18, 
1897. Hamersley's Army Register, p. 674; Heitman's Register, p. 762. 

26. The "dry route" was a short cut on the Santa Fe Trail, running in a southwesterly 
direction from the vicinity of old Fort Zarah, past Fort Larned and striking the Arkansas 
river close to site of Fort Dodge. This route encountered water in but one place, at Coon 
creek, some fifteen miles beyond Fort Larned. Great Bend Register, Jan. 22, 1880; Map 
of Kansas, by Ado Hunnius, 1869. 



ROOT: EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN WOLF 203 

September 27, in the evening, Lieut. Otis and his men join us; men 
and horses jaded, and foregoing account confirmed. A detachment 
of ten men from each company, 40 in all, and 2 noncommissioned 
officers, under command of Lieut. Eli Long, 27 of Co. H, with rations 
to supply them until more supplies could be sent them from Fort 
Riley, was sent back to Beach's ranch to escort the mail to the 
Santa Fe crossing of the Arkansas and remain out 40 days unless 
sooner relieved. 

October 2 finds our command entering Fort Riley. 

October 7. Company K ordered to Pawnee Fork to relieve Lieut. 
Long. An express has just arrived from Long reporting that Allison 
[Peacock] had been shot by Satank, 28 the war chief of the Kiowas. 
Particulars of the report as follows: Satank, with 3 or 4 of his 
braves, called on Allison [Peacock] ; found him alone at his ranch 
on the Walnut with a sick man lying on a bunk in the ranch build- 
ing. Now Indians dread sick people and so Satank told Allison 
[Peacock] there were some soldiers coming by way of Pawnee Rock 
and asked him to take his glass, go on top of the ranch, and see if 
he could tell who they were. Allison [Peacock], believing the 
Indian, got on top of the ranch, adjusted his glass and was in the 
act of putting it up to his eye when his eye caught Satank pointing 
his gun at him. Instantly understanding his danger he started to 
whirl about face exclaiming, "Satank, you damned son of a bitch," 
when crack went Satank's gun and Allison [Peacock] fell dead on 
the top of his own ranch. The sick man rolled up in the covers of 
his bed and over the back side and then down under his bed. The 
Indians then came in the ranch, gathered up a few things and then 

27. Eli Long was born in Woodford county, Ky., June 16, 1837, and died in New York 
Jan. 6, 1903. He was graduated from the military academy at Frankfort, Ky., in 1855, and 
received an appointment in the 1st United States cavalry in 1855. Was in the Cheyenne 
expedition in 1857 and served through the Civil War, being several times wounded, and 
was brevetted brigadier general of volunteers. Retired as major general in 1866. The 
Americana, v. 9. 

28. The late James R. Mead, of Wichita, credits Satanta with the killing, giving the 
date as September 9, 1860. (See Kan. Hist. Cols., v. 10, pp. 664, 665.) The late Robert 
M. Wright, of Dodge City, in his "Frontier Life in Southwestern Kansas," published in 
Kansas Historical Collections, v. 7, pp. 48, 49, names Satank as the guilty one. 

Satanta, or White Bear, was born about 1830, and for about 15 years before his death 
was recognized as second chief in the Kiowa tribe, the first rank being accorded to his senior, 
Satank. Satanta's eloquence in council won for him the title "Orator of the Plains." He 
was one of the signers of the Medicine Lodge treaty in 1867. He committed suicide in 
Texas state prison, October 11, 1878, by throwing himself from an upper story of the hos- 
pital. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, v. 2, p. 469. 

Satank, or Sitting Bear, was born about 1810 in the Black Hills region. He became 
prominent at an early age, and was credited with being one of the principal agents in nego- 
tiating the final peace treaty between the Kiowas and Cheyennes about 1840. His name 
heads the list of signers of the noted Medicine Lodge treaty in 1867. Sometime during 1871 
Satank was arrested for a murderous attack on a wagon train in Texas in May of that year, 
in which seven white men lost their lives, and in an attempt to escape his captors was shot 
and killed by troops surrounding him. He was buried in the military cemetery at Fort Sill. 
Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, v. 2, p. 513. 



204 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

lit out. Long's detachment soon coming up took the sick man on 
to Beach's ranch. The detachment buried Allison [Peacock] at his 
ranch before starting on. The foregoing story of the killing of 
Allison [Peacock] is the substance of the story as related by the 
sick man, and I believe it mainly true. 

Our captain is now at Leavenworth on short leave. The com- 
pany has gone to work getting ready. 

October 14 finds Company K on the move for Pawnee Fork, Capt. 
G. H. Stewart returning the 12th. 

October 21, during the day we met Lieut. Long with his command 
on his way to Fort Riley. The 10 men of our Co. who were with 
him rejoin our Co. with much grumbling. Their horses are badly 
used up. 

October 22 we arrive at Pawnee Fork, a location for a Fort is 
selected and we go into camp on the site of the location. 

October 23, plans are made for the horse and cattle stable, also 
for officers' and company quarters, all of which are to be built of 
sod cut with spades by members of our company. Our stable is to 
be 100 feet square on the inside, wall 12 feet high and 3 feet thick 
at bottom and 2 feet thick at top, with a large gate in the south wall. 
Our detachment left at Beach's ranch join us, bring the mail with 
them. 

October 30. Everything has been passing off smoothly and nice. 
Our corral is growing apace. We are having lots to do with not 
much rest heavy guards at night with lots of work through the 
day. This morning, just as we got ready to eat our breakfast, three 
citizens came into our camp reporting that 15 Kiowas had driven 
them in. Boots and saddles sounded, leaving our hot coffee. In 10 
minutes 20 of us, under command of Lieut. D. D. Bell, were moving 
lively southwest for the Arkansas river. Three miles from camp we 
overhauled 2 Kiowa Indians with six ponies they were made "good 
Indians" and the ponies brought into camp. In the shield of the 
first one killed we found 27 bunches of different human hair, sup- 
posedly his trophies. We now carry our arms with us, always 
prepared for any surprise. 

November 3, two men, one woman and two children, the youngest 
one 3 months old, who were on their way from New Mexico to the 
states, came into our camp and will await the escorts going to 
Beach's ranch before going on. They report that the Kiowas had 
attacked them at the Santa Fe crossing (of the Arkansas) , took their 
oxen and cow and plundered their wagon of eatables and clothing; 



ROOT: EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN WOLF 205 

had one of the men bound ready to torture when a friendly party of 
Cheyennes put in their appearance, released the man and made the 
Kiowas give back the oxen and cow, with a part of the clothing and 
provisions, sending the travelers on their way, thankful for their 
release. 

November 21, orders received by special express from Fort 
Leavenworth for us to leave 30 men, under command of Lieut. Bell, 
to garrison the fort, and escort the mails east and west, and also 
guard the mail station now built here (below our location and at the 
Santa Fe crossing of Pawnee Fork). Our corral about completed 
and officers' and company quarters well along. A supply train from 
Fort Riley arrives being escorted by a detachment of the Sixth 
infantry. 

November 26. Our company starts for Fort Riley, taking the 30 
horses belonging to the detachment left behind. We kill buffalo for 
beef to take with us, leaving the beef cattle with Lieut. Bell. 

November 27 finds us camping on the Arkansas river below 
Allison's ranch. We find the ranch occupied by the parties that 
the Kiowas ran off early in the fall. We left with them three 
broken-down horses. 

November 30 finds us in camp on Big Turkey 29 creek with no 
wood except that we brought with us from Cow creek. The weather 
is, and has been during the past few days, most beautiful. 

December 1. Zounds, boys; we've got it this morning. Sure it 
would freeze the horn of a brass monkey, remarked Kelly, (an old 
veteran) , and I thought it might do it, for a blizzard had come upon 
us about midnight and I thought it a howling success. No break- 
fast, formed line, shot 7 horses that were so chilled could not get up, 
started out by twos from the right, trot march for Cottonwood 
creek. 30 Seven of us got there in formed line, the balance strung 
back along the trail, some not getting in until after dark, a frozen 
set. The captain had his left cheek and ear, hands and feet badly 
frozen, Rogers his hands and feet, "Pickles" Houston's hands frozen 
and the sight of his left eye ruined. 

December 4, in the evening, finds us ensconced in quarters at 
Fort Riley and the frozen men in the hospital being tenderly cared 
for by good old Doc. Madison. 31 Houston lost the sight of his eye 
and was discharged with a pension of $8 per month. 

29. Now known as Turkey creek, McPherson county. This stream has several branches 
Dry Turkey creek, Spring Turkey creek and Running Turkey creek. 

30. Cottonwood creek, Marion county, 192 miles from Independence, Mo. 

81. Thomas C. Madison, a native of Virginia; major and surgeon, 1856; resigned Aug- 
ust 17, 1861; surgeon, C. S. A., 1861-'65. Heitman's Register, v. 1, p. 683. 



206 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

I860 Major J. Sednic's [Sedgwick's] Campaign After the Kiowa 
and Comanche Indians. 

Remained at Fort Riley all winter. 

May 15 finds Companies F, G, K and H, under command of 
Major John Sednic [Sedgwick] 32 all of the First U. S. cavalry, 
moving out of Fort Riley on a campaign after the Kiowa and Co- 
manche Indians (to punish them for their murderous depredations 
during the past winter, all caused by, or at least commencing with, 
the killing of Pawnee by Lieutenant Baird at Allison's ranch on the 
Walnut last fall). We pass through Junction City, composed of 
half a dozen houses that were mostly dugouts, camping 14 miles 
above, on the northeast bank of the Smoky Hill river. 

May 18, we pass through Salina, a thriving young town with a 
fine valley to spread out in. To-day 3 Delaware guides join us 
Falleaf , Bullet and Dead Shot. 

May 20 finds us in the buffalo range. This evening Lieut. Tay- 
lor's horse pulled his picket pin and ran off with the buffalo and we 
never saw him again. 

May 21, had a 41-mile march, camping on the Walnut creek (at 
old military road crossing 5 miles northwest of now Great Bend) a 
mile, about, above the Kiowa camp ground of last fall. The major 
walked us alternate hours. It was dry and hot and he came near 
losing some of his men by thirst. On this day's march we passed 
through what is now known as Cheyenne Bottom. 33 

May 23 finds us camped below Fort Larned. Our detachment left 
here last fall is relieved by two companies of the Second infantry. 

May 25 we draw our pack mules and are joined by Captain 

32. John Sedgwick, American soldier, born Cornwall, Conn., Sept. 13, 1813. Served in 
Seminole War in Florida; Mexican War; Civil War, besides many engagements against hos- 
tile Indians. Shot by a Confederate sharpshooter during battle of Spottsylvania, May 9, 
1864. The Americana, v. 13. 

83. Cheyenne Bottoms, Barton county, "within a few miles of the geographical center 
of Kansas, is a huge basin. . . . The floor of this basin embraces an area approxi- 
mately the size of the Sea of Galilee or 64 square miles. During the major portion of the 
last half century the basin has been dry, with the exception of a few ponds. . . . Two 
wet-weather streams flow into it, they being Blood creek from the northwest and Deception 
creek from the north. . . . During August, 1927, heavy rains caused high-water condi- 
tions in those creeks . . . sufficient to create a lake of approximately 16,000 acres in 
the eastern portion of the basin. . . . Extensive rainfall during the summer of 1928 
caused a rise in the lake and at one time the water was 18 inches deeper than at any time 
during 1927. The water area of the lake was increased to almost 20,000 acres." In fall of 
1927 steps were taken by the Kansas Forestry, Fish and Game Commission to convert the 
lake into a national bird preserve, the lake at the time being literally alive with countless 
numbers of ducks, geese, shore birds and gulls. Measures were introduced in congress look- 
ing to the establishment of a federal game preserve. The lake was also alive with fish, 
probably from the overflow of some streams, as none were placed there by the Kansas Fish 
and Game Department. In 1929 a bill passed congress making an appropriation of $250,000 
and work was started toward acquiring a title. During 1930 evaporation caused by a 
severe dry spell materially reduced the waters, and in 1931 during a protracted drouth, it 
was feared the lake would go dry. The federal government definitely intends going ahead 
with plans for establishing a game preserve. Kansas Forestry, Fish and Game Department, 
report, 1927-'28, pp. 33-35; Topeka Daily Capital, Nov. 6, 1931. 



ROOT: EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN WOLF 207 

Steele's 34 command of two companies of the Second Dragoons, mak- 
ing our command now 6 mounted companies, about 500 men. 
Wagons and tents are turned in to the quartermaster. 

June 3 finds us camping about 3 miles below the Santa Fe cross- 
ing of the Arkansas. 

June 4 we cross the river and point for the Cimarron river. 

June 7 finds us camping on the Cimarron. 

June 9 finds us camping on Granet [?] Fork of the Canadian, not 
far from the North Fork of the Canadian. 

June 15 is another hot day; a march of 40 miles and we go into 
camp on the North Fork of the Canadian, near one of our old camps 
in 1857. 

June 22 finds us camping at the F. X. Aubrey crossing 35 of the 
Cimarron river. 

June 25 finds us camping on Bear creek, still on the Aubrey trail. 

June 28 finds us camping on the north side of the Arkansas river 
by the Aubrey crossing, 56 miles from our camp on Bear creek. 

July 3, still in camp, resting and to let our horses recuperate on 
the good grass. Our supply train reports to-day, and not any too 
soon, as some of our companies are out of flour. 

July 9 we camp in the bottom just west of Bent's new fort at the 
Big Timbers 36 of the Arkansas river. Capt. Steele, with a detach- 
ment of 100 men and guided by a volunteer Cheyenne Indian, were 
sent in pursuit of a party of Kiowas in the vicinity of here and the 
Smoky Hill river, leaving last night at 12 m. with 2 days' rations. 

July 11, Col. Bent informed the Major that Satank, chief of the 

34. William Steele, who resigned May 30, 1861, and became a brigadier general, C. S. A. 
Died Jan. 12, 1885. Heitman's Register, v. 1, p. 919. 

35. Aubrey trail and crossing of Cimarron. This trail started at Fort Aubrey, on 
Arkansas river, in present Hamilton county, Kansas, and according to a map by Ado Hun- 
nius, made in 1869, ran in a southwesterly direction, leaving Kansas on west line of state at 
about township 28 or 29, range 42 west, near present Bear creek, Stanton county. The 
trail crossed the Cimarron river a short distance south of old Camp Nichols, Indian Terri- 
tory (present Oklahoma), where it joined the Santa Fe Trail. 

36. The Big Timbers of the Arkansas was one of the most famous places in the whole 
plains region in early days. From the vicinity of Council Grove in eastern Kansas to the 
mountains the old trail up the Arkansas was practically treeless except at this one point. 
Pike, in 1806, was the first to note the groves at Big Timbers, and here he noted signs of 
Indians, for even at that early period the site was a favorite wintering place for the peoples 
of the plains. There is reason to believe that in early years the Big Timbers extended over 
thirty miles along the river. The trees were very large cottonwoods, standing in open 
groves without underbrush on the bottom lands, also up the numerous small islands in the 
river. George Bent states that about 1853 the Big Timbers were only about five miles 
long by two miles broad. The same year Gunnison and Beckwith passed up the Arkansas, 
and they described Big Timbers as a section of the river about 24 miles in length, on the 
islands and banks of which more than the usual amount of cottonwood grew. The Cheyennes 
called this place Tall Timbers in early days, but after 1833 they called the grove, or the 
upper end of it, "Red Shin's Standing Ground." The upper end of Big Timbers was set 
down by Gunnison and Beckwith as about 13 miles by the old trail, below the mouth 
of the Purgatoire. William Bent is said to have had a trading house there as early as 
1844. Another trader, Thorpe, had a trading house there in 1846. By 1863 the last of the 
big trees had disappeared. George Bird Grinnell, in Kansas Historical Collections v 15 pp 



208 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Kiowas, had been there just before our arrival and learning of our 
proximity he, with his family and a few warriors, pulled for the 
north. Lieut. Stewart with 20 men were immediately dispatched 
in pursuit. 

July 12, report from Lieut. Stewart 5 miles north they discovered 
5 Indians, gave them chase but a stern chase is often a hot one and 
so was this. Twenty miles and Capt. Steele's command sighted the 
detachment, took them for Indians, gave chase and the two parties 
were near coming together before the mistake was seen. Result: 
The Indian braves got away, less 2 that were killed. Satank's 
squaws and children were captured, 15 of them altogether, and 
brought into camp. Lieut. Baird, 37 the slayer of Pawnee, got an 
arrow clinched in his upper jaw. The last we heard of him he was 
on his way to New York from St. Louis to have it extracted. 

July 13, we move camp 3 miles up the river. The squaws and 
papooses were turned over to Bent for safe-keeping and to exchange 
for the depredations of last winter. 

July 14, a party of 80 of us are sent under command of Capt. 
Dessashore on a scout up the Purgatory 38 creek, called Picketwire. 

July 18, after fruitless wandering over bluffs, through ravines and 
over prairies, we have rejoined the command where we left it, dis- 
covering nothing but a very old Indian camp and some bear tracks. 

July 20, in the forenoon, Bent was issuing government annuities 
to the Apaches and Arapahoes who are now camped near his fort. 
A band of Cheyennes is also encamped here. In the afternoon I 
spent about two hours taking in the sights and appreciated it. There 
are now about 3,000 Indians here and they make quite a representa- 
tion of the original settlers of this continent. 

July 23 finds us camping where our supply train came to us. 

July 26, Lieut. Bayard [Baird], with an escort, starts for the 
states to have the arrow point extracted. We leave the Arkansas 
river, striking northeast for the Smoky river. 

July 30 finds us camping on the east side of the Smoky river. 

August 2. Our route has been down the Smoky. In the after- 
noon we cross a fresh, plain Indian trail, leading to the north. 
"Bullet" says, "Major, Indian one day." The Major answered, 

37. Absalom Baird, born in Washington, Pa., 1824; cadet military academy; had long 
list of promotions in the military service, and was made a brigadier general during the Civil 
War. Retired Aug. 20, 1888. Heitman, Historical Register, v. 1, pp. 182-183. 

38. Purgatory river, or creek, is a tributary of the Arkansas and is designated on old 
maps as the "First Fork." It was known among the Spaniards of New Mexico as the river 
of the souls in purgatory. The stream was noticed by Pike, who noted it on his map as 
the "First Fork." It joins the Arkansas near present La Junta. Spaniards had two names 
for the stream Rio Purgatoire and Rio de las Animas. Picketwire is a corrupted English 
form in use later. Thwaites, Early Western Travels, v. 16, pp. 62, 74. 



ROOT: EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN WOLF 209 

"Bullet, where is that water?" And Bullet replied, "Right around 
there," directing to a point about 2 miles ahead of us. We camped 
by the water ponds. 

August 3, we move down the river. There is some swearing done 
because we do not follow up the Indian trail we crossed yesterday, 
but to no purpose. 

August 5, Capt. Steele is sent with 3 companies for two days' 
farther march down the river and to join us at Pawnee Fork. Sedg- 
wick takes the balance of the command and that evening late camps 
on the Walnut, about 5 miles west of now Great Bend. 

August 7, we pass Pawnee Rock and camp on Ash creek. 

August 8, we camp one mile west of the mouth of Pawnee Fork. 
Our commissary train from Fort Larned joins us here. News from 
Bent's Fort is that he, Bent, gave up the prisoners to their tribe. 
He sent an express after us, who was overtaken 25 miles from the 
Fort, shot, scalped, and left for dead, but some friendly Cheyennes 
found him and took him back to the Fort. This occurred 2 days 
after we left there. Further, we learned that Capt. Sturgis, 39 who 
had a command out after the Kiowa and Comanche Indians, from 
Fort Cobb, Texas, crossed our trail on the Smoky, following up that 
Indian trail Bullet pointed out to us the next day after we made 
our trail. He had a two day's fight with the Indians, badly defeat- 
ing them in the first day's fight, camping on the battle ground. We 
also received orders from Washington to cease hostilities against 
the Kiowa and Comanche Indians and Sedgwick to take the four 
companies of the First cavalry and repair to the Big Timbers of 
the Arkansas river in the vicinity of Bent's New Fort, there to es- 
tablish a Fort to be named Fort Wise. 40 Capt. Steele and command 
joined us this evening. 

39. Samuel Davis Sturgis saw much service on the plains; was brevetted lieutenant 
colonel Aug. 10, 1861, for gallant and meritorious service in battle of Wilson's Creek, Mo., 
and brevetted major general in 1865 before being mustered out of volunteer service. Became 
colonel of 7th cavalry, May 6, 1869. Died Sept. 28, 1889. Hamersley's Army Register, 
p. 790; Heitman's Historical Register, v. 1, p. 934. 

40. The original post was located near Bent's Fort on the Arkansas river, and was 
called Fort Wise. Established June 29, 1860. Name changed June 25, 1862. This site was 
abandoned in June 1867, and the present selected on the north bank of the Arkansas river 
two and one-half miles below Purgatory river. Hamersley's Army Register, Forts, etc., 
p. 142. 

Fort Wise originally was Bent's New Fort, built in 1853, near "Big Timbers" and oc- 
cupied by Bent as a trading post until 1859, when it was leased to the U. S. government as 
a military post. It was at once garrisoned and in the spring of 1860 the name was changed 
to Fort Wise, in honor of the governor of Virginia. In 1860 the troops began to build a 
new post one mile west of Bent's stone fort and on the exact site of Bent's log houses which 
he had occupied during the winter of 1852- '53. When the Civil War began Governor Wise 
joined the Confederates, and Fort Wise was renamed Fort Lyon, in honor of Gen. Nathaniel 
Lyon, killed at Wilson Creek, Mo. In 1866 the Arkansas began cutting away the bank and 
threatened to destroy Fort Lyon, and the place was abandoned and New Fort Lyon was built 

twenty miles further up the river, two miles below the mouth of the Pureatorv 

Historical Collections, v. 8, p. 487. 

14_3416 



210 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

August 28 brings us to Bent's Fort and we go into camp in a nice 
little river flat just west of it. We find quite a few Cheyennes and 
Arapahoes camped near us, the Indian prisoners all given up as 
before stated. 

August 29, I visited Bent's Fort and saw his scalped messenger, 
above described. He is a pitiable sight. Each arm had received 
arrow wounds. His revolver had failed him entirely. The Indians 
closed in on him, tomahawked him from the rear and then scalped 
him. His hair was all gone, less a small strip behind his right ear. 
The tomahawk wound on the top of his head was nearly healed up, 
a thin gauzy skin had grown over the scalp part, his arm wounds 
were slowly healing, so that now he can feed himself. He remarked 
that when well he would lift some of their hair. 

September 10, business commences building Fort Wise. A little 
more scouting is done by detachments, but to no purpose. 

January 1, 1861. By this time the officers' and company head- 
quarters are occupied, with the four corral stables completed. And 
well it is so as we get a terrible blizzard. I remained with my com- 
mand at Fort Wise through the summer and until November, when 
R. M. Peck, David Killinger, John Ward, John Huggins and your 
humble servant received our discharges. 

After the death of Gen. Lyon, Fort Wise was no more the name 
as Lyon supplanted the name of Wise. 



General Blunt's Account of His 
Civil War Experiences 

JAMES G. BLUNT 
I. INTRODUCTION. 

ONE day nearly thirty-five years ago when an employee in the 
state capitol was cleaning the basement he uncovered a manu- 
script roll addressed to Col. T. J. Anderson, adjutant general of 
Kansas. Written in a bold hand, the document completely filled 
116 legal cap pages. The 117th page was fragmentary. Apparently 
the signature had been torn off, but the handwriting and character 
of the manuscript unmistakably identified it as that of Maj. Gen. 
James G. Blunt. 1 Colonel Anderson denied any knowledge of the 
existence of the report and expressed regret that it had not appeared 
among the early official military reports of the state of Kansas. 

Since the record had failed of publication in these volumes, Colonel 
Anderson requested Capt. Patrick H. Coney, of Topeka, to retain 
it and provide for its preservation. Realizing the significance of 
the document, Captain Coney submitted it to Col. Thomas Moon- 
light, 2 of Leavenworth, who had served under Blunt through most 

1. James Gillpatrick Blunt was born July 21, 1826, in Trenton, Hancock county, Maine. 
At the age of fifteen he went to sea for five years. Subsequently he studied medicine and 
in 1849 a degree was granted him from Starling Medical College, Columbus, Ohio. After- 
ward he practiced in New Madison, Ohio. He was married there to Nancy Carson Putnam. 

In 1856 he moved to Kansas and settled at Greeley as a physician. His strong antipathy 
toward slavery soon drew him actively into politics. As a constitutional delegate from 
Anderson county Blunt attended the convention held at Wyandotte, July 5, 1859, and 
helped write the constitution of Kansas. He served as chairman of the committee on 
militia. At the first call to arms in the Civil War he volunteered for service, and later 
became Kansas' first major general. 

After the war General Blunt settled in Leavenworth, where he resumed the practice of 
medicine. About 1869 he removed to Washington, D. C., and for twelve years solicited 
claims before the federal departments. On April 9, 1873, Blunt and others were charged by 
the Department of Justice with conspiracy to defraud the government and a body of Chero- 
kee Indians in North Carolina, but the case was dismissed two years later. 

Toward the end of his life Blunt became ill with what was diagnosed as softening of 
the brain. On February 12, 1879, he was admitted as a patient to St. Elizabeth's, a gov- 
ernment hospital for the insane. He died there July 25, 1881. 

2. Thomas Moonlight was born near Arbroath, Scotland, November 10, 1838. At the 
age of thirteen he ran away and shipped as a forecastle hand on board a schooner bound for 
the United States. Landing in Philadelphia without funds he worked at several trades before 
enlisting in the regular army on May 17, 1853. He saw service in Florida and was with 
Albert Sidney Johnston's command in the campaign against the Mormons in Utah. A short 
time after receiving his discharge at Fort Leavenworth in 1858 he settled on a farm in 
Kickapoo township, Leavenworth county. At the beginning of the War of the Rebellion he 
raised a light battery and was commissioned a captain of artillery in the Union Army. He 
received prominent mention for his services at the battles of Dry Wood and The Blue, and 
at Prairie Grove. At the end of the war Moonlight was colonel of the Eleventh Kansas, 
with the brevet rank of brigadier general. Upon returning to civilian life he became 
prominent in political circles. In 1868 he was elected secretary of state. During President 
Cleveland's first term he was appointed governor of Wyoming, and in 1893 he became minister 
to Bolivia. He returned to the United States four years later, where he settled on a farm. 
He died February 7, 1899. 

(211) 



212 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

of his war campaigns. Moonlight's opinion of the manuscript is 
recorded in the following letter: 

"LEAVEN WORTH, KAN., September 20, 1898. 

"Mr DEAR FRIEND CONEY: I received your telegram this morning on my 
return home, and have this day sent by express the Blunt manuscript. 

"I have read it over carefully twice and I thought once I would edit it, so 
to speak, and have divided it off into ten sections or publications, but when I 
thought over the selfishness of the whole thing and his many personal abuses 
against Robinson, Carney, Schofield, Curtis, &c., it seemed to me to be assum- 
ing Blunt's part, who never had done anything for me, much as I had done 
for him, for I say now, what I have never spoken of before, that but for 
myself Blunt would not stand in history with the same military victories at- 
tached to him, particular [l]y in the battles of old Fort Wayne, Cane Hill, 
Prairie Grove, the Van Buren Raid and the battle of Honey Springs in July, 
1863. As I say, he never did anything for me, but I have always stood by 
him as a fighter. I left him before the Baxter Springs massacre, his troubles 
at Fort Smith, &c., and his successors were at all times, even in the Price Raid, 
where we were together. I hope you will publish it and send me a paper of 
each publication, as I may make up my mind to have something to say. 

"Your friend, THOS. MOONLIGHT." 

Despite the opinion of Anderson and Moonlight as to the impor- 
tance of Blunt's account and the desirability of its publication, it 
was never printed. 

A history and short summary of the manuscript appeared in the 
Topeka Mail and Breeze November 4, 1898. On June 29, 1900, 
Captain Coney officially presented the report to the State Historical 
Society with the request that it be published some time in its en- 
tirety. In view of the highly controversial nature of the subject 
matter of Blunt's report, and the impossibility of justifying many of 
the statements it contains, no attempt has been made to edit it. The 
report as published here is a true copy of the original, except that to 
secure uniformity a few changes were made in Blunt's use of capital 
letters. 

II. GENERAL BLUNT'S ACCOUNT. 

WASHINGTON, D. C., April 3, 1866. 
Col. T. J. Anderson, Adft. Genl. of Kansas. 

SIR Upon the receipt of your circular in October last, requesting 
me to furnish for your office "a brief or synopsis of my military 
history during the late war," I at first determined that inasmuch as 
many of the more prominent of my military operations have 
been made public through one source or another, I would forego the 
task of reviewing them; but since the renewal of your request in 
person, while in this city a short time since, I have reconsidered 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 213 

the matter, and shall now endeavor to note, as briefly as possible, 
such events with which I have been connected in the military serv- 
ice as I shall deem worthy of record and preservation in the archives 
of the state. In complying with your request in this matter I am 
prompted by no desire that my acts shall be paraded before the 
public, as many of them are already before the country, and whether 
they are good or bad, by them I must be judged. 

The only inducement for performing this labor arises from the 
fact that there are many things connected with the public events 
in which I have been an actor that are best known and understood 
only by myself, and concerning which, in consequence of the posi- 
tion I occupied as an officer, I have heretofore been content to re- 
main mute, but as they are matters, a correct knowledge of which 
should be accessible to the future historian in his research for data 
to enable him to form a correct and impartial estimate of historical 
events, and being now freed from the restraints of army regulations, 
I deem it not only justice to myself but to the state that has honored 
me with her confidence, and more particularly to her gallant sons, 
who, with those of other states, have ever so nobly sustained me 
with their courage and fidelity, that I shall leave upon record for 
future reference, such facts connected with my career as a public 
servant, as may be of future interest. 

Such details of events as have been given in my official reports, 
copies of which are accessible, I shall here omit, and in dates I may 
not in all cases be exactly correct, as I have no data or records here 
to which I can refer, and must write from memory, but the facts 
are substantially as follows: 

About the first of May, 1861, a few days after the call of Presi- 
dent Lincoln for seventy-five thousand volunteers to suppress the 
Southern Rebellion, which, at Fort Sumter, on the 17th day of April 
previous, had culminated in an assault upon the flag of the nation, 
I joined a company recruited by Capt. S. J. Crawford (the present 
governor) in Anderson and Franklin counties, Kansas. A few days 
later, in conjunction with other companies from different parts of 
the state, we rendezvoused at Lawrence, to be incorporated into the 
Second regiment, but the speedy completion of this regiment being 
retarded in consequence of Governor Robinson attempting to control 
its organization, to subserve his own personal and political interest, 
and, in the meantime, the Hon. James H. Lane (U. S. senator) re- 
ceiving authority from the Secretary of War to recruit and organize 
the Third, Fourth and Fifth regiments, and the Second, not having 



214 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

yet been mustered into service, I proceeded to assist in raising one 
of the new regiments, the Third, the recruiting of which was com- 
menced immediately and rendezvoused at Mound City. By this 
regiment I was chosen its Lieut. Col. On the 24th of July, im- 
mediately succeeding the battle of Bull Run, the government being 
greatly in need of troops, we were mustered into service, by special 
order of the Secretary of War, with a full complement of officers, 
although none of the companies were recruited to the minimum re- 
quired by law. 

Fort Scott being threatened by the rebel forces under Gen'l Ster- 
ling Price, my regiment (the 3d) was ordered by Gen'l Lane, to that 
point, about the 10th of August, and formed a part of what was 
known as the "Lane Brigade." A short time prior to the battle of 
Drywood I was assigned to the command of the post of Fort Scott, 
and after the battle referred to, which occurred on the 2d of Sep- 
tember, I remained at that post with the 6th Kansas (cavalry) 
while Gen'l Lane, with the other forces, moved north, on the left 
flank of Price's army, as they moved upon Lexington. 

About the 20th of September, I left Fort Scott with 200 of the 
6th Kansas, in pursuit of the guerrilla band under the lead of the 
notorious Matthews, who had been the terror of southern Kansas, 
and who but a short time prior, had sacked and burned the town 
of Humboldt, and then fallen back to their haunts in the Cherokee 
country. After hard marching for three consecutive nights, lying 
in covert during the daytime, we surprised their camp at daylight, 
and succeeded in killing their leader (Matthews) and two others, and 
dispersing and breaking up the band. 

On my return to Fort Scott, I learned of the battle of Lexington, 
the defeat of Mulligan, and the occupation of the place by Price's 
rebel command. Believing, as every one else did, that troops would 
be concentrated to give him battle north of the Osage river, and de- 
siring to participate in the affair, I asked to be relieved of the com- 
mand of the post at Fort Scott, to join my regiment, then at Kansas 
City, where, upon my arrival, I found concentrated, in addition to 
the "Lane Brigade," about three thousand volunteer troops under 
the command of Brig. Gen'l Sturgis. 

Information as to the movements and purposes of Price was very 
vague and contradictory, and, as for Gen'l Fremont, I have ever 
doubted that he had any correct conception of the military situation 
in his department, or at least, he made very poor use of the means 
at his command to meet the exigencies of the case in hand. 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 215 

The day following my arrival in Kansas City, I asked, and ob- 
tained permission from Gen'ls Lane and Sturgis, to make a recon- 
noissance in the direction of Rose Hill, to endeavor to ascertain the 
whereabouts and movements of Price's command, which, from in- 
formation I had received, I had reason to believe, had evacuated 
Lexington and was retreating south. With about four hundred 
cavalry, I left Kansas City at sundown, and the night being dark 
and rainy, we were enabled to move quietly and unobserved through 
Independence, and the country east, and at daylight reached the 
town of Lone Jack, forty-five miles southeast from Kansas City. 
At this point I learned beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the 
entire rebel force under Price, had evacuated Lexington a few days 
previous; that they had been encamped at Rose Hill, eight miles 
east of Lone Jack, for forty-eight hours, and had only left there, in 
their hasty retreat to the Osage river, at the middle of the night on 
which I was making the reconnoissance, or a few hours before my 
arrival at Lone Jack. 

From the information that I obtained, it was evident that Price 
was anxious to escape the consequences of the concentration of fed- 
eral troops which he supposed would be made to crush him. I lost 
no time in returning to Kansas City, and reporting the facts that I 
had learned to Gen'ls Lane and Sturgis, and about twelve hours after 
I had done so, an order was received by them (Lane and Sturgis) 
from Gen'l Fremont, dated at Jefferson City, and directing them 
"to evacuate Kansas City, destroy all government supplies, and fall 
back to defend Fort Leavenworth," saying that "Price was moving 
up in force on both sides of the river to attack and destroy it." 
Although this order was imperative, leaving no margin for discretion, 
and under the broad seal of the Department of the Missouri, with 
a large amount of red tape tied around it, yet Gen'ls Lane and Stur- 
gis took the responsibility to defer its execution until they could 
communicate to him (Fremont) the facts they were in possession 
of in reference to Price's movements, the result of which was, that 
the order was revoked and the commands of Lane and Sturgis or- 
dered to move in the direction of Springfield, Mo., upon the trail 
of the retreating army. 

Upon Price's arrival at the Osage river, in his retreat, he found 
that stream much swollen, occupying his army seven days in cross- 
ing. Had the available troops at Kansas City, Sedalia and Jefferson 
City, and the seven thousand men under Gen'l Pope on the north 



216 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

side of the Missouri river, been rapidly concentrated for offensive 
operations, Price's entire command could have been destroyed ere 
they could have crossed the Osage, but when Price was making his 
safe retreat, our troops were lying idle in camp, while Gen'l Fremont 
was cooped up in the Brant mansion at St. Louis, surrounded by his 
Bohemian guard and staff, making it hazardous for anyone to at- 
tempt to approach him on the most important and urgent business, 
or else making his triumphal entry to Jefferson City, treading his 
way from the depot to his hotel, upon a carpet spread for the oc- 
casion; and the people and the soldiers looked on in disappointment 
and disgust. 

The "Lane Brigade" left Kansas City about the 18th of October, 
at which time I was detached from my regiment and placed in com- 
mand of the cavalry of the brigade. Our march through Missouri 
was noted for nothing very remarkable except that our trail was 
marked by the feathers of "secesh" poultry and the debris of dis- 
loyal beegums. We arrived at Springfield, November 1st. General 
Fremont had already arrived in person, and forty-eight hours after 
our arrival, there was concentrated at that point forty-five thousand 
efficient troops, well armed and equipped, having near one hundred 
pieces of artillery and many of them rifled, while the rebel forces, 
under Price, did not exceed twenty-five thousand, many of whom 
were armed with shot-guns and squirrel rifles, with only about 
twenty pieces of artillery, and of poor quality. At this time Price's 
command was encamped at Crane creek, twenty miles south from 
Springfield, while at the latter place there was much of "the pomp 
and circumstance of War," especially about Gen'l Fremont's head- 
quarters. While the troops were eager for a fight, and anxiously 
waiting to be led in front of the enemy, Gen'l Fremont, each suc- 
ceeding day, would ride out to the south of the town, accompanied 
by his immense staff, to examine the topography of the country and 
select his battle ground for the anticipated bloody conflict, which 
he had already illustrated on large maps, with suitable embellish- 
ments. 

Fremont's plans were all upon the weak delusion that Price would 
attack us, and thus we presented more the spectacle of a beleaguered 
army than an offensive one. This condition of things continued 
until one day a scout brought in the information that Price had 
retreated into Arkansas, leaving us to "hold the bag." I thought 
then, in common with others, and still think that with twenty 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 217 

thousand men, less than one-half of Fremont's force, he could have 
gone out and attacked Price on his own ground and defeated him. 
The difficulty that interposed as a barrier to our success appeared 
to arise from the fact that Gen'l Fremont, on taking command of 
the Department of Missouri, had planned a campaign upon a mag- 
nificent and extended scale. It had been minutely mapped out with 
the aid of his foreign staff, and presented numerous prospective 
battle fields. It all looked very plausible, on paper, and might have 
proved a success could he have controlled the movements of the 
enemy as well as of his own forces. But, as Price had no more 
respect for Fremont than to have ideas and plans of his own, and 
did not choose to work to Fremont's programme, and as it would 
have been "unmilitary" in the latter, to have made any change in 
his plans to meet the exigencies as they occurred, therefore the cam- 
paign in Missouri, in the fall of 1861, was a failure on the part of 
the federal forces. All may have been planned and conducted on 
scientific principles and according to the text books, but there were 
many of us, who were novices in the art of war and did not possess 
the advantages of West Point, who could not appreciate the "strat- 
egy," and, agreeing with an eminent son of Illinois, who remarked of 
Gen'l McClellan that "no man who wore a six and a half-inch hat 
was competent to be commander in chief of the armies of the U. S.," 
we also concluded that no general who parted his hair in the middle 
was capable of leading an army in the field with success. 

Coincident with the information that the enemy had eluded us, 
Major General Hunter arrived at Springfield and relieved Gen'l 
Fremont of the command, and a few days subsequent, about the 
12th of November, under orders from Hunter, we marched for Fort 
Scott, while other brigades and divisions marched to Sedalia, Jeffer- 
son City, Rolla and other points, and no sooner had the army been 
broken up into detachments, so as to render it inefficient, than 
Price, with his entire command, again moved north to the Osage 
river, where he reposed in quiet, gathering his supplies from the 
surrounding country, until the expedition against him was organized 
by General Curtis, in the spring of 1862. 

On our march back from Springfield to Fort Scott, I felt, as did 
many others, a disgust for our new profession of arms, and con- 
cluded that, at the rate we had been progressing, it would take a 
long time to put down the rebellion. 

The winter of 1861 I spent with my regiment in camp on Mine 



218 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

creek, on the eastern border of Linn county, where, for the want 
of anything else to kill, we "killed time," in masticating government 
rations. During this time Gov. Robinson was assiduously engaged 
in his efforts to deprive me, and other officers, from further duty 
in the military service, for the patriotic reason that he could not 
use us to accomplish his own personal and political ends. His 
efforts in this direction finally culminated about the 1st of April, 
1862, in the issuing of a general order from the office of the adjutant 
general of the state, breaking up the 3d and 4th regiments, trans- 
ferring a portion of the companies to other regiments, and consoli- 
dating the remainder into a new regiment (the 10th) with the ap- 
pointment of new field officers, to supersede myself and others, whom 
he desired to get out of the service; and while it was patent that 
the governor had no right to deprive an officer of his command, who 
had been mustered into service, or to interfere with the organization 
of troops mustered into the U. S. service, except by authority of the 
Secretary of War, yet, having the approval and cooperation of Gen- 
eral Denver, and General Sturgis, commanding the troops and the 
district, by orders issued by the latter, the programme of the gov- 
ernor was carried into effect. 

The day preceding the march of the Third regiment to Paola, to 
be consolidated with the Fourth into the Tenth regiment, and at 
the time I was expecting to be relieved from my position in the 
service, I received information of my appointment and confirma- 
tion as Brig. General of Vols., which dated April 8th, 1862. 

This appointment, which had been unsolicited and entirely un- 
expected, created no less surprise on my part than it did with the 
citizens of Kansas. 

On the 4th day of May, 1862, 1 received by telegraph, orders from 
the Secretary of War establishing the Department of Kansas, to 
comprise Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado and the Indian Territories, 
with headquarters at Fort Leavenworth, and assigning me to the 
command. This brought me into a new field, and imposed upon me 
greater responsibilities than I would voluntarily have assumed, but 
recognizing that it was the first duty of a soldier to obey orders, I 
assumed the command, inexperienced in the routine of military af- 
fairs, and with many misgivings as to my qualifications for the posi- 
tion, but with a firm resolve to discharge its duties and responsibil- 
ities to the best of my ability, relying upon the indulgence and co- 
operation of my comrades in arms, and the loyal citizens to sustain 
me and strengthen my hands for usefulness. 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 219 

The command of the Department of Kansas, to which I had been 
assigned, was, for many reasons, to me, an unpleasant and em- 
barrassing position, which I would have gladly avoided if the matter 
had been left to my own choice. 

Of the troops in my command, the greater portion of them were 
Kansas regiments, all of which had become more or less disaffected 
in consequence of the unauthorized interference of the governor with 
their organizations, while the fact that military matters in Kansas 
had been conducted very much in the manner of a political canvass, 
rendered the administration of the affairs of the department any- 
thing but pleasant to an inexperienced commander. My assignment 
to this command was the signal for a combined attack of all my 
personal and political opponents, as also the opponents of all with 
whom I had held intimate personal or political relations, and to 
make my position still more difficult, this crusade against me was 
headed by the governor of the state, from whom, in his official ca- 
pacity, I had a right to expect cooperation, but whose acts seemed 
to indicate more of a desire to embarrass and complicate military 
operations than to contribute to their success. In this opposition to 
me, as commanding officer of the department, ready and willing 
allies were found in many of the officers of the staff departments, 
and others on duty at Fort Leavenworth who were of the regular 
army, and whose loyalty, in the case of some, at least, was not above 
suspicion. Their opposition was first organized by convening a 
"Council of War" at which Gov. Robinson and some of his political 
allies, together with the military officers just alluded to, were present. 
This convocation took place at Leavenworth city, and was intended 
to be kept secret, but believing it to be a movement of the "enemy," 
I took the precaution to ascertain their plan of attack, which was 
as follows: Gov. Robinson, who had already commissioned and pro- 
cured the muster into service, in many instances, of two and three of- 
ficers for the same position, had brought with him, to Leavenworth, 
a large number of commissions to be issued indiscriminately to all 
his friends who would accept one, when it was known that there 
were no vacancies for them to fill. Major Prince, the post com- 
mandant at Fort Leavenworth, was to have these officers mustered 
upon the request of Gov. Robinson, and thus impose upon me the 
responsibility of deciding who was the rightful claimant when sev- 
eral had been commissioned and mustered for the same position or 
place, expecting and hoping that my action and decision in the mat- 
ters at issue would result in a general wrangling and demoralization 



220 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

of the troops. Another feature in their tactics was, that the officers 
of the regular army, before referred to, assuming that I was a novice 
in military affairs, were to take advantage of my inexperience, and 
endeavor to involve me in as many difficulties and complications as 
possible, and from which to extricate myself, they supposed that I 
would have to be relieved of the command. With the proof of these 
facts before me, I believed it my duty to meet their conspiracy 
promptly, and as I could not afford to have the usefulness of my 
small command sacrificed, I directed Major Prince not to permit 
the muster of any officer upon a commission issued by Gov. Robin- 
son, except upon specific instructions in each case from department 
headquarters, while, at the same time, I warned all persons of the 
consequences of tampering with troops in the U. S. service, for the 
purpose of creating among them, dissension and discord, assuring 
them that anyone so attempting would be promptly dealt with, even 
though they might be high state functionaries. This routed my ad- 
versaries from their preconcerted purposes, and I had but little 
further trouble in that direction. 

In complications already existing, such as a conflict of interest 
between officers holding commissions for the same place, I endeav- 
ored to decide the matter in question, upon the principles of law 
and justice, observing a strict regard for the rights of all parties 
concerned. Officers who had been deprived of their commands by 
the action of Gov. Robinson and Gen'ls Denver and Sturgis, before 
I assumed the command of the department, I again assigned to duty 
wherever there was a vacancy equal to their rank. This I did upon 
the assumption that the act of Gov. Robinson, in depriving them of 
their command, was illegal and unauthorized. In this position I 
was sustained by the Attorney-general of the United States, to whom 
the matter was referred by the Secretary of War. 

Prior to the reinstating of the Department of Kansas, the same 
territory had been included in the Department of the Mississippi, 
commanded by General Halleck, who had just started an expedition 
of near five thousand troops to New Mexico, under the command of 
Brig. Gen. R. B. Mitchell. This expedition had reached Fort Riley, 
and was encamped there when I took command of the department. 
A few days later I received a telegram from the Secretary of War 
saying that "if I had any troops that I could spare from my depart- 
ment, that I should send them to General Halleck," then before 
Corinth, "that a decisive battle was anticipated, and that Halleck 
was greatly in need of reinforcements." Although I had no troops 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 221 

that I ought to have spared from my command, yet I was so im- 
pressed with the importance of a victory over Beauregard, and being 
then so unsophisticated as to believe that the war should be prose- 
cuted with the utmost vigor, to suppress the rebellion, I counter- 
manded the order for the New Mexico expedition, and directed 
General Mitchell to move the troops, by forced marches, to Fort 
Leaven worth, where, upon their arrival, I had steamers in readiness 
for their embarkation, and sent them without delay to Pittsburg 
Landing. Two days after these troops had left Leavenworth, I 
learned of Beauregard's safe retreat from Corinth, while Halleck 
was entrenched in his front with a force outnumbering the enemy as 
two to one. Then, when it was too late, I regretted having parted 
with my troops. How much my efforts to serve this officer (General 
Halleck) by sending him my troops, that I could not spare with- 
out great detriment to the interests of my own department, was 
appreciated by him, his subsequent conduct will prove. 

Soon after Halleck's miserable failure at Corinth, to the astonish- 
ment of the whole country, he was ordered to Washington and made 
commander in chief of the armies of the United States, and en- 
tertaining, as he always had, the most bitter and hostile feeling 
towards Kansas, and everything pertaining to her, and this, for no 
other reason than that her people were truly loyal, and understand- 
ing the real issues of the war, desired to punish traitors, while he 
(Halleck) being of questionable loyalty, sought to exhibit his ani- 
mosity and hatred towards the state, through me, as the representa- 
tive of her radical element. This was made manifest by one among 
the first of his acts after being installed as commander in chief, in 
sending to me an official paper, with an indorsement by himself, 
which was a studied and intended insult to the loyal people of my 
state, whose honor and reputation I felt it my duty to protect to 
the best of my ability. I therefore wrote to Mr. Stanton, Secretary 
of War, stating the case to him, and saying that "I would hold no 
further official intercourse with him (Halleck) as commander in 
chief, but, as a department commander, I would report directly to 
the Secretary, and if that was not satisfactory, then I desired to 
be relieved of the command of a department, and assigned to some 
subordinate position, where the army regulations would not require 
me to report to the commander in chief." In this matter I was 
sustained by Mr. Stanton, and never after did I have any official 
intercourse with Genl Halleck, but, while I continued to command 



222 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

a department reported directly to the War Department, and re- 
ceived instructions direct from the same source. 

In entering upon the discharge of the duties of commander of the 
Department of Kansas, I found myself with a large extent of terri- 
tory, much of which was exposed to the operations of the enemy, and 
with but few troops with which to meet the emergencies. Especially 
was this the case after I had sent the greater portion of my best 
troops to reinforce General Halleck. In addition to protecting the 
numerous trains with government supplies, en route to New Mexico, 
which were exposed to raids from the Indian country and Texas, 
and the protection of the border from rebel incursions from Missouri, 
and the constantly increasing demand for troops for police duty in 
all parts of Kansas, to protect peaceable citizens, in the absence of 
the administration of the civil laws, I had information that a large 
rebel force was being organized and concentrated in western Arkan- 
sas, under Gen'l Hindman, for offensive operations in Kansas and 
Missouri. To meet this threatened invasion by Hindman's forces, 
I made application to the Secretary of War for additional troops, 
urging upon him the necessity of immediate action to avert the 
threatened danger. His response was that, "in consequence of the 
pressing demands made upon him from all quarters, for troops, he 
could not then furnish me the reinforcements I asked for, but would 
do so as soon as possible, and, in the meantime, authority would be 
given to raise new regiments within the department." For this pur- 
pose, Hon. James H. Lane was appointed by the Secretary of War, 
commissioner of recruiting, and under his immediate supervision was 
recruited and organized, the Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirteenth Kan- 
sas infantry, and Third Colorado, and First Kansas Colored infan- 
try, of which, the Eleventh and Thirteenth Kansas were ready for 
service in September, and joined me in the field in time to partici- 
pate in the campaign in western Arkansas in the fall and winter of 
1862. 

A short time prior to my taking command of the department, au- 
thority had been given by the Secretary of War, to recruit and or- 
ganize two regiments of infantry from the loyal refugee Indians 
(Cherokees, Creeks and Seminoles) then in Kansas, and field and 
staff officers (white men) had been appointed by the War Depart- 
ment for that purpose ; but my predecessor, Gen'l Sturgis, had inter- 
fered to prevent the organization of these regiments, declaring that 
"it was not the policy of our government to fight high-toned south- 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 223 

ern gentlemen, with Indians," and threatened the arrest of the of- 
ficers if they persisted in carrying out their instructions from the 
Secretary of War. Immediately after assuming command, I revoked 
the order of General Sturgis, and facilitated the organization of 
these regiments as rapidly as possible. 

In June I organized and started the first expedition for offensive 
operations south of Kansas. This force consisted of the Second, 
Sixth and Ninth Kansas (cavalry), the Tenth Kansas (infantry), 
Ninth Wisconsin (infantry), Second Ohio (cavalry), First Kansas 
and Second Indiana batteries, and the two Indian regiments, num- 
bering in all about six thousand effective men, and under the im- 
mediate command of Col. William Weer, of the Tenth Kansas. 

My purpose in sending this force into the Indian country was to 
operate against small forces of the enemy that were concentrating 
there, restore the loyal Indians to their homes, and, in that advanced 
position, to cover Kansas and southwest Missouri, until I could ob- 
tain additional troops, when I designed to take the field and operate 
against Hindman in western Arkansas. 

This expedition penetrated as far south as Tahlequah (the capital 
of the Cherokee nation) , defeating and capturing several small rebel 
forces, and was in every respect as successful as could have been 
anticipated, until disagreements and difficulties arose among officers, 
that finally culminated in mutiny and the forcible arrest of the com- 
manding officer (Col. Weer) by his subordinate (Col. Soloman, of 
the Ninth Wisconsin) and the assuming of the command by the 
latter, and the abandonment of the Indian country. 

As soon as I received intelligence of this affair, and that Col. 
Soloman, with the command, was falling back to Fort Scott, upon 
the false plea that a large rebel force was flanking him on the east, 
I despatched a messenger directing him to halt the command wher- 
ever the order reached him, to send certain troops to reinforce or 
support the Indian regiments that had not yet abandoned the Indian 
country, and with the remainder of the command await further 
orders, assuring him at the same time, that there was no enemy 
threatening him on his flank, or elsewhere, and then placing the 
headquarters of the department in charge of an Asst. Adj't Gen'l, I 
left Fort Leavenworth about the eighth of August, and proceeded 
south, with as little delay as possible, to assume command of the 
troops in person. 

On my arrival at Fort Scott, to my great surprise, I found the 
entire command at that place, notwithstanding Col. Soloman had 



224 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

received my order at Baxter's Springs, sixty-five miles south of 
Fort Scott. 

Accompanying this expedition back to Fort Scott was Chief John 
Ross and family and others of the Cherokee officials, bringing with 
them the treasures of the nation. The Cherokee regiment organized 
for the rebel service in 1861, and known as "Drew's Regiment," 
taking advantage of the presence of our forces in the vicinity of 
Tahlequah, abandoned the fortunes of the rebel confederacy, came 
within our lines, surrendered, and offered their services to the gov- 
ernment. I accepted their offer and had them organized and mus- 
tered as the Third Indian regiment, with field and staff officers and 
one lieutenant for each company selected from the white regiments. 
This regiment numbered twelve hundred men. They served three 
years, which terminated just at the close of the war, and did ex- 
cellent service for the Union cause. 

Upon my assuming command of the troops in the field, I found 
them in a disorganized and demoralized condition, resulting from 
the mutinous proceedings before referred to. A general wrangling 
among officers and charges and countercharges had followed this 
occurrence. For the purpose of investigating the conduct of officers 
accused of being implicated in this insubordination and mutiny, I 
convened at Fort Scott a general court martial, but on learning that 
a large proportion of the officers were in one way or another involved 
in the affair, and foreseeing that an investigation would consume 
more time than could be afforded, I therefore dissolved the court, 
restored such officers as had been placed under arrest, and proceeded 
to reorganize the command for an active campaign in the field. 

About the 30th of August, and before preparations had been com- 
pleted for an advance movement, I learned that a force of rebel 
cavalry, of about four thousand, under Shelby and Coffee, had 
passed northward through Missouri; and although not within my 
department, I considered it my duty to act in the matter promptly, 
with the view of defeating them in their enterprise, which I believed 
to be the destruction of some of the towns on the Missouri river. 
With such cavalry as were well mounted, and infantry, in wagons, 
numbering in all between three and four thousand men, I left Fort 
Scott at dark, and marched all night in the direction of Pappins- 
ville, hoping to be able to strike the enemy on the flank, but as they 
were all well mounted and moving very rapidly, I struck their 
trail twenty-four hours after they had passed north. We pushed 
on vigorously, moving day and night, with but little rest, and in 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 225 

sixty hours after leaving Fort Scott, and after marching one hundred 
miles, we came upon the enemy at Lone Jack, where, the evening 
before they had defeated a small force of Missouri militia, who, 
under the command of Major Foster, had made a gallant and 
desperate fight before they were overpowered by superior numbers. 

The rebels, on learning of our close proximity, showed no dis- 
position to risk an engagement, and, it being near the close of the 
day, they fell back under cover of heavy timber, and availed them- 
selves of the darkness of the night to commence their hasty retreat. 
A terrific storm coming on, and the night being extremely dark, we 
were unable to resume the pursuit until daylight, when the chase 
again commenced and continued until near the southern boundary 
of Missouri; when our stock becoming exhausted and worn out, 
we were compelled to abandon further pursuit. Although we were 
unable to bring the enemy to an engagement except several times 
on their retreat, to attack his rear guard and punish them slightly, 
yet it cannot be doubted that our prompt and vigorous movements 
saved Lexington and Kansas City from attack and destruction. 

Immediately upon our return from the pursuit of Shelby and 
Coffee, operations were again resumed to prepare the command for a 
forward movement. In addition to the forces heretofore enumerated 
as comprising the expedition into the Indian Territory, was a por- 
tion of the Third Wisconsin cavalry, the Third Indian regiment, 
and the Second Kansas battery, which had been recruited and 
organized, by my order, at Fort Scott. 

This force was divided into three small brigades, commanded 
respectively by Brig. General Soloman (who had just been pro- 
moted), Col. William Weer, of the Tenth Kansas, and Col. William 
F. Cloud, of the Second Kansas. 

About the 15th of September, I directed General Soloman to 
move forward with the first and second brigades, in the direction of 
Carthage, Mo., to cover the front of a small rebel force which was 
understood to be in Southwest Missouri, intending to follow myself 
and overtake them, with the third brigade in a few days, or as 
soon as I could arrange for the administration of affairs, at de- 
partment headquarters, during my absence. 

The day that I had intended to leave Fort Scott, I received a 
communication from General Curtis, announcing that the Depart- 
ment of Kansas had been merged in the Department of Missouri, 
and inclosing an order assuming command of the consolidated de- 
partment, Gen'l Curtis directing that all of my available troops 

153416 



226 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

were to be consolidated with the troops concentrating at Springfield 
under command of Brig. General Schofield. In this new arrange- 
ment, I was given the choice of returning to Fort Leavenworth 
and contenting myself with the command of a district, without 
troops, or go with my troops under the command of Gen'l Schofield, 
and at the same time retain command of the "District of Kansas." 
I chose the latter, and on the same evening, October 1st, left Fort 
Scott to overtake that portion of the command sent forward under 
Gen'l Soloman. About midnight, I met a messenger from Gen'l 
Soloman with despatches stating that he had an engagement the day 
previous with rebel forces under Generals Cooper and Shelby, at 
Newtonia, in which he (Soloman) had been defeated and driven 
back to Sarcoxie. With a small escort I pushed rapidly forward, 
leaving the Third brigade to follow with as little delay as possible, 
and the next evening, at 9 o'clock, just twenty-four hours after leav- 
ing Fort Scott, I reached Sarcoxie, a distance of eighty-five miles. 
General Schofield had preceded me in his arrival at Sarcoxie about 
twenty-four hours, and being the ranking officer, I reported to him 
early the morning after my arrival, for orders. 

Upon consultation between us it was agreed that we should at- 
tack the rebel forces at Newtonia (six thousand strong) at daylight 
the following morning. It was conceded that Cooper and Shelby 
would not risk an engagement after learning of the strength of our 
force, if they could avoid it, and our plan of operations was as fol- 
lows: As it was to be presumed that the enemy would be expecting 
an attack in front, and would have the approaches by the direct 
route guarded, we agreed that, with my command I should move to 
the right by a circuitous route, through the town of Granby, and 
attack them in their left flank, while Schofield was to move to the 
left, come in on the east of Newtonia, and throwing his cavalry of 
which he had a large force in their rear, cut off their retreat, after 
I had broken their lines and routed them. As either of us had suf- 
ficient force to risk a battle without the aid of the other, we agreed 
upon this plan as the surest way of "bagging all the game." We had 
also agreed upon signal guns to notify each other when we were in 
position. I had a distance to march of twenty-five miles, and before 
reaching Granby, I encountered a detachment of the enemy in am- 
bush in a narrow defile, who, opening a vigorous fire upon my ad- 
vance, in the darkness of the night, impeded our march for a con- 
siderable time. At daylight we encountered a regiment of mounted 
men at Granby, six miles from Newtonia, who fled rapidly before 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 227 

us. Driving in their pickets and advancing over the high prairie 
overlooking the town and surrounding country, I had an excellent 
view of the enemy's position and movements. Having been delayed 
by the ambuscade just mentioned, which brought me behind the 
time agreed upon, I feared that Schofield would be waiting on my 
movements, but on firing the signal guns I got no response, and see- 
ing that the enemy was anxious to get away and avoid a fight, I 
opened a fire upon them, which, in a few minutes, resulted in their 
rout and hasty retreat with a small loss in killed and wounded. 
"After the bird had flown," General Schofield's column could be 
seen approaching over the prairie from the east. He had five miles 
less distance to march than I had, did not encounter even a picket, 
and yet failed to carry out his part of the arrangement, which, had 
he done as agreed upon, the greater portion of the rebel force could 
have been captured. 

From Newtonia we followed slowly on the trail of the retreating 
rebels, occupying near ten days in our march from that point to 
Pea Ridge, a distance of forty-five miles. In the meantime General 
Schofield had organized the command into three divisions, and desig- 
nated it the "Army of the Frontier." I was assigned to the com- 
mand of the first division, comprising all the troops from the former 
Department of Kansas. The other two divisions were commanded 
respectively by Generals Totten and Brown. 

Our arrival at Pea Ridge was about the 15th of October, and the 
time since leaving Newtonia had been spent by General Schofield in 
making a survey of the country and mapping out roads in our rear, 
while the enemy kept just far enough in our advance to avoid danger 
and gather from the surrounding country the supplies that we should 
have appropriated to the use of our command. At Pea Ridge, 
where we lay in camp for a week, the same farce was reenacted, 
and during this time the rebel forces, which we had driven out of 
Newtonia on the 4th of October, were encamped at Elm Springs, 
twenty-five miles south of us, at which point they had been rein- 
forced by about six thousand men under General Marmaduke. On 
the morning of the 20th of October, information was received that 
the rebel forces had divided at Elm Springs, Cooper and Stand 
Watie, with six thousand men moving west to Maysville, while 
Marmaduke and Shelby had moved east, with about the same num- 
ber, to the vicinity of Huntsville. General Schofield then came to 
my headquarters and intimating that he had finished his geographi- 
cal and topographical survey of the country, asked me if I had any 



228 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

suggestions to make relative to future movements. This was the 
first time that he had consulted me since the day previous to the 
fight at Newtonia. I proposed that, with his permission, I would 
take the second and third brigades of my division and move against 
Cooper and Stand Watie at Maysville, leaving the first brigade to 
guard the transportation and supply trains of the whole command, 
if he (Schofield), with the other two divisions, would move against 
Marmaduke at Huntsville. To this proposition he agreed, and the 
same evening, at dark, with thirty-five hundred men, I moved to 
Bentonville, where we bivouacked the following day, and making a 
march of twenty-five miles during the second night, we surprised and 
attacked Cooper and Stand Watie at old Fort Wayne on the morn- 
ing of the 22d of October. After a brief but spirited engagement, 
the enemy was completely defeated, and routed with the loss of all 
his artillery. In his hasty retreat to the Arkansas river, we pur- 
sued him as far as the exhausted condition of our stock would per- 
mit, and then abandoned the chase. 

Ordering up the first brigade with my transportation and supply 
trains, I established the camp of the first division near Maysville. 
General Schofield, who had failed to attack Marmaduke and Shelby, 
at Huntsville notwithstanding they, with an inferior force, had 
offered him battle had returned with the second and third divisions 
to Pea Ridge, while Marmaduke and Shelby, after Schofield's re- 
fusal to fight, had fallen back to the Arkansas river. 

I now urged Schofield to permit me to move forward with my 
division, but, instead of obtaining such permission, I received an 
order "to fall back to the vicinity of Pea Ridge, to be within sup- 
porting distance of the other two divisions." Where the danger was, 
to the second and third divisions, requiring this support, I have never 
yet been able to learn. 

In compliance with this order, I commenced moving back to the 
"support" of Schofield, and established my camp four miles south 
of Bentonville, and about twelve miles in advance of Schofield's 
headquarters, where I awaited further orders. Here I remained 
until about the 10th of November, and receiving no instructions 
from Schofield, but learning unofficially that he had abandoned the 
country, and with the second and third divisions moved back to- 
wards Springfield, the question naturally arose in my mind, what I 
should do. Not yet having had much experience in military affairs, 
I did not know but that it was a part of West Point tactics for a 
superior officer to abandon his subordinate, and leave him in the 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 229 

face of the enemy, with an inferior force, without any order or in- 
structions, but I was not well enough versed in the science of war 
to appreciate the "strategy" of such a movement. I was now well 
convinced that I had been abandoned to my fate, and must act 
upon my own responsibility. The supply of forage being exhausted 
where I was, I determined to move forward where supplies, such 
as forage, could be obtained. Therefore, about the 10th of Novem- 
ber, I advanced twenty-five miles, and established the camp of the 
first division on Flint creek, where the old military road to Fort 
Smith crosses that stream, and fifteen miles south from Maysville. 
The day after our arrival at this point, I received intelligence of 
Marmaduke being at Cane Hill, and having learned that Schofield, 
with the greater part of the "Army of the Frontier/' had abandoned 
the campaign, he contemplated moving against my division before I 
could be reinforced. I determined, however, to risk a battle, and 
made my dispositions accordingly; and at this time, while I was 
each day expecting to be attacked by a superior force, I received a 
copy of the St. Louis Democrat containing a letter from Schofield's 
"army correspondent," and dated at his (Schofield's) headquarters, 
saying that "the Army of the Frontier had fulfilled its mission, and 
had gone into winter quarters near Springfield, and that General 
Schofield was about to leave for St. Louis to recruit his health, which 
had been shattered by long and arduous duties in the field." 

This newspaper letter afforded me the only information as to 
the whereabouts of the second and third divisions that I had been 
able to obtain since in compliance with Schofield's order I had 
moved from Maysville back to the vicinity of Pea Ridge, to "sup- 
port him." 

For some reason, Marmaduke, at this time, failed to attack me, 
but fell back over the Boston mountains. 

On the 26th of November, I learned that Marmaduke had again 
advanced to Cane Hill with eight thousand mounted men, and eight 
pieces of artillery, and that Hindman, with over twenty thousand 
infantry and artillery, then on the south side of the mountains, would 
join him by the 30th, when they intended moving against me in 
force, and crush me before I could receive assistance. In this emer- 
gency there was no alternative left me but to follow the example of 
my superior, and abandon the country to the enemy, or to advance 
upon Marmaduke at Cane Hill, attack and defeat him before he 
could be joined by Hindman, and then rely upon holding the entire 
rebel force in the Boston mountains until I could obtain reinforce- 



230 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

ments. In the enemy's country we had no posts or important points 
to guard, and no long lines to defend. My command, though small, 
was mobile and free, whereas, were I to fall back before the enemy, 
we would have Springfield and Fort Scott, with their large depots 
of supplies, as well as other important points to protect, which would 
necessarily divide our forces, and the enemy would be free to oper- 
ate where they chose; besides, to have retreated in the face of the 
enemy, would have the effect to discourage and demoralize my own 
command, and give confidence and boldness to our adversaries. 
After weighing all these considerations, and duly impressed with 
the responsibility my position imposed upon me, I determined to 
take the offensive. 

Early on the morning of the 27th of November, after parking my 
transportation and supply trains, and detailing a sufficient guard to 
protect them, I left "Camp Babcock" with five thousand effective 
men (cavalry and infantry) and sixteen pieces of artillery, taking 
with us four days' cooked rations. Notwithstanding much of the 
road was rough and mountainous during this day's march, we made 
a distance of twenty-five miles by eight o'clock p. m., when we 
bivouacked ten miles from Cane Hill. At four o'clock the following 
morning, the column was again moving, and at ten o'clock a. m. the 
attack was made upon the enemy's lines at Cane Hill. After a brief 
engagement, their line was broken and they fell back to a second 
position from which they were a second time routed, and then com- 
menced a hasty retreat. With the second and third brigades, I pur- 
sued them in their retreat for a distance of twelve miles, over the 
Boston mountains, they making stubborn resistance and getting 
severely punished. At dark we abandoned further pursuit. 

I now established my headquarters at Cane Hill, and ordered up 
all my transportation and supplies. Learning that Marmaduke had 
fallen back upon Hindman's main army at Lee's creek, on the south 
side of the mountains, and that they intended to advance upon me 
in force, I felt that I had no easy contest before me. To meet the 
emergency, I issued a general order assuming command of the 
"Army of the Frontier," and despatched to Springfield to the second 
and third divisions to reinforce me by forced marches. Fortunately, 
Gen. F. J. Herron had arrived at Springfield a few days previous 
and had assumed command of these two divisions, and, in a few 
hours after receiving my telegram, was marching to my assistance. 
On the morning of the 5th of December, the advance of Hindman's 
forces, who were moving by the Cove creek road, attacked my 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 231 

outpost six miles southeast of Cane Hill and at the junction of that 
road with the Cane Hill and Fayetteville road. In this attack 
they were repulsed. On the morning of the 6th they renewed the 
attack in greater force, and the outpost not being strengthened, as 
I had directed, was driven back, thus giving the enemy possession of 
the Fayetteville road which led north on our left flank, and as the 
position then occupied by both armies was rough and mountainous, 
and heavily timbered, the holding of the road was an important 
matter, as troops could not be moved to any advantage, except by 
the main roads, until they got six or eight miles north of that point. 
All day of the sixth was spent in skirmishing in front of the second 
and third brigades of the first division, while Hindman was bringing 
up and massing his whole force at the junction of the roads before 
named. 

Fearing a flank movement of the enemy by the Fayetteville road 
during the night, while with a small force they would make a feint 
in my front, I sent Col. J. M. Richardson, of the 14th M. S. M. 
(who asked to be detailed for that duty), with a force of three 
hundred cavalry to move out from Cane Hill by a crossroad, until 
he intersected the Fayetteville road, then move down said road as 
near to the enemy as was prudent, and there select a strong posi- 
tion, and if the enemy should attempt a flank movement during the 
night, to resist his advance and immediately notify me. Knowing 
well the topography of the country and that it would be impossible 
for them to succeed in forcing a passage until daylight, if Col. 
Richardson did his duty as I had reason to expect that he would 
I awaited the result of their demonstrations in my front. 

At dark the cavalry of the second and third divisions arrived at 
Cane Hill and reported to me for duty. Despatches from General 
Herron informed me that with the infantry and artillery of those 
two divisions, he would be at Fayetteville by daylight the next 
morning. I sent back instructions to him to press forward rapidly 
until he joined me, and apprising him of the purpose of Hindman 
to get between us. 

At daylight on the following morning (the 7th of December) 
about two thousand of the enemy appeared in front of the second 
and third brigades. Although I had yet heard nothing from Col. 
Richardson upon whom I relied for information I felt convinced 
that the main force of the enemy had passed north by the Fayette- 
ville road, and acting upon this theory, I directed all the transpor- 
tation to Rhea's Mill, and with the first division and the cavalry of 



232 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

the second and third divisions, moved rapidly in the direction of 
Fayetteville, on a road running parallel to that upon which the 
enemy were marching. About ten o'clock a. m. and about two hours 
after the command had been ordered to fall back in the direction of 
Fayetteville, I received a note from Col. Richardson, saying "that 
the enemy had been passing our flank on the Fayetteville road since 
twelve o'clock the night previous, and he judged from the rumbling 
of wheels that they had with them a large amount of artillery." 
Subsequent investigation proved that this officer (Col. Richardson) 
had not been nearer than a mile of the Fayetteville road, where he 
had quietly bivouacked, and for eight hours heard the passing of 
the enemy's column without even notifying me of the fact. Had he 
obeyed my instructions he could have successfully resisted their ad- 
vance until daylight, and by promptly notifying me I could in the 
meantime have made such disposition of my forces as I chose. 

Immediately upon the reception of this note from Col. Richard- 
son, I detached a battalion of cavalry, and two pieces of light ar- 
tillery with instructions to move rapidly across to the road upon 
which the enemy were moving, and attack the rear of their column, 
with the view of retarding their movements until I could form a 
junction with General Herron. 

Hindman's advance met General Herron's command at the cross- 
ing of the Illinois river, and twelve miles south of Fayetteville, 
where skirmishing commenced about 11 o'clock a. m. Between one 
and two o'clock p. m. with the first division, I came in on the left 
front of the enemy, joining Herron on his right, just as Hindman 
was making his dispositions to crush him with an overwhelming 
force. Up to this time the engagement between Herron and Hind- 
man's command had been carried on principally with artillery, but 
with very damaging effect to the latter. At two o'clock, the first 
division having got in position, I ordered an advance of our entire 
line, and then commenced one of the most determined and sangui- 
nary conflicts of the war. The enemy occupied a position of their 
own choosing, which was a body of timber known as "Prairie 
Grove," the formation of which was such that their line was formed 
in the shape of an elliptic, with their rear protected by heavy tim- 
ber, while we were compelled to occupy the open plain on the out- 
side of their semicircular line. 

From two o'clock until dark the battle raged furiously, and with- 
out a moment's cessation, along our entire front. Our troops, know- 
ing the disparity of numbers, and the odds against them, fought 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 233 

with desperation, and advancing to the edge of the timber, boldly 
met their foe, when, for hours, the two lines swayed to and fro, 
while all the time our batteries were pouring into their ranks a 
deadly fire of cannister at short range. This condition of things 
continued without any material change of position, or perceptible 
advantage to either party, until near dark, when the enemy, seeing 
our inferiority of numbers, massed a heavy force to flank us on our 
right, while at the same time they made their dispositions to charge 
the batteries along the line of the first division. This movement 
they attempted to execute with boldness and determination, but at 
each point were driven back in confusion and with terrible slaughter. 
Darkness now put an end to the bloody strife, and not knowing to 
what extent we had punished them, I proceeded to make my ar- 
rangements to renew the battle at daylight the following morning. 
The command was directed to occupy their position in front of the 
enemy's lines sleeping upon their arms. The wounded were 
brought off the field and cared for ; subsistence was brought up and 
supplied to the command; all of the transportation and supply 
trains sent to Fayetteville where it would require but a small guard, 
and General Soloman's brigade, which had been guarding it at 
Rhea's Mill during the battle, was brought to the front. Many of 
the men of the second and third divisions who had become ex- 
hausted and given out in the forced march from Springfield, came 
up during the night and joined their commands. The cavalry, ex- 
cept two or three regiments, were dismounted and prepared to 
fight on foot, and therefore, notwithstanding my losses in killed and 
wounded on that day, I could have renewed the battle in the morn- 
ing with my force increased at least four thousand effective men. 

During the latter part of the night I received, by truce, a note 
from General Hindman, appealing in the name of humanity, "for a 
personal interview at daylight, to agree upon terms, to enable him to 
care for his wounded." To this I assented and met him at daylight, 
at a place agreed upon, when I discovered that his army had been 
occupied during the entire night in a hasty, and disorderly retreat 
over the Boston mountains, leaving all his dead, and a portion of 
his wounded on the field, and having torn up the blankets of the 
soldiers to muffle the wheels of his artillery, to enable them to steal 
noiselessly away. The sacredness of a truce had been prostituted, 
and proved to be a trick of the high-toned chivalry to get their 
defeated army out of further danger. 

The entire federal force engaged in the battle of "Prairie Grove" 



234 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

was not to exceed eight thousand. An additional force of two 
thousand (cavalry) were on the field, but did not participate in the 
battle. 

The rebel force engaged, as acknowledged by General Hindman 
himself, in the interview held with him, was twenty-eight thousand, 
while commissary returns, captured, showed that he was issuing 
rations to thirty thousand. The exact number of his loss in killed 
and wounded, I had no data of knowing. After a detail of one 
hundred and forty rebel soldiers, left with my permission, had oc- 
cupied an entire day in burying their dead in trenches, over eight 
hundred of the enemy's dead were buried by my command, while 
fifteen hundred of his worst wounded were left upon the field in 
their retreat. I have since learned, from rebel sources, that the loss 
of the enemy in this engagement did not fall short of six thousand 
in killed and wounded. 

The stake played for in this battle was an important one. Upon 
the result hung the fate of Missouri and Kansas. St. Louis was 
their objective point. Had our little army been defeated, there 
was nothing in our rear to have checked their progress, and flushed 
with victory, they would have moved rapidly north, augmenting 
their forces from the disloyal elements, as they marched, and would 
have entered St. Louis with a force of forty thousand before the 
government, at that time, could have concentrated sufficient force 
to operate against them. 

Succeeding the battle of "Prairie Grove" some time was occupied 
in camp near the battle field, awaiting further developments of the 
enemy, and caring for the wounded. 

On the 25th of December, I learned through my scouts and spies, 
that Hindman had been reinforced at Port Smith, with nine thous- 
and infantry from Little Rock and that he contemplated moving 
against me again and risking another battle, and I at once de- 
termined to "beard him in his own den." 

Hindman's forces were on the south side of the Arkansas river, 
and knowing the facilities he had for ferrying them across at Van 
Buren, I was convinced that he could not have more than half his 
force on the north side before I could reach that point ; and although 
the proposition was dissented to by all my subordinate commanders, 
I determined to move on him rapidly, surprise and attack him in 
detail, or in other words, while the river divided his force, to defeat 
those on the north side, and then, if the river could be crossed, at- 
tack those on the south side. Preparations for this movement were 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 235 

made with the utmost expedition and secrecy. I had created the 
impression in camp that I was going to fall back to Springfield, 
all of which was carried speedily to the enemy by their numerous 
friends who were inside oj our lines, as I intended it should be. I 
directed six days' cooked rations to be prepared and a peck of shelled 
corn to be carried by each trooper for his horse. 

On the evening of the twenty-sixth, I received a telegram from 
General Curtis, commanding the department, saying, "that he had 
information via Helena, Ark., that Hindman had been reinforced 
by Gen. Henry McCulloch, with nine thousand infantry from Little 
Rock, and designed attacking me," and "advising me to fall back 
and not take too great risks." At the same time I received a tele- 
gram dated at Wellsville (between Springfield and Holla) from 
General Schofield, who had recovered his health, or in other words 
had failed to secure the promotion to major general, that he went 
to St. Louis for, and was returning to the command that he had, 
two months before, deserted. This telegram from Schofield repeated 
the same intelligence contained in General Curtis' despatch, and 
ordered me to parole the rebel wounded within my lines; remove 
my own wounded, then at Fayetteville (where a general hospital 
had been established) to Springfield, and then fall back to Spring- 
field with the command. I considered that a decidedly cool proposi- 
tion to come from an officer who had deserted his command in the 
face of the enemy, and immediately replied to him that "I was in 
command of the Armly of the Frontier, and that until a superior 
officer arrived there and assumed command by general order, I 
should direct its movements, and that I should commence moving 
on the enemy at Van Buren at daylight the next morning." 

At daylight on the morning of the 27th of December, with eight 
thousand efficient troops (cavalry and infantry) and thirty pieces of 
artillery (taking only four guns from a battery and doubling the 
teams), we left camp at Rhea's Mill and Cane Hill; the first division 
moving by the Cove creek road which passes through a narrow 
gorge in the Boston mountains, and frequently crossed by the mean- 
dering stream (Cove creek) which, being at that time much swollen, 
the infantry were compelled to wade it thirty-seven times in that 
day's march, the water sometimes waist deep. The second and 
third divisions I directed to move by the "Telegraph road," which 
passes over a plateau of the mountains, parallel with the Cove 
creek road, and from two to four miles distant. After making a 
march of thirty-five miles we bivouacked at ten o'clock p. m. At 



236 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

four the following morning we were again on the march, and at day- 
light arrived at "Oliver's Store," on the south side of the mountains, 
and where the two roads (Cove creek and Telegraph road) form a 
junction. Here I placed the cavalry of the three divisions in front 
of the infantry and artillery, with the Second Kansas cavalry and 
two mountain howitzers 'in advance of the whole column. The 
distance from this point to Van Buren was twenty miles; and with 
the cavalry I pressed rapidly forward, directing the infantry and 
artillery to follow with as great speed as possible. My purpose was 
to surprise and capture two regiments of Texas cavalry that I knew 
were encamped at Dripping Spring, a point eight miles north of 
Van Buren. Five miles from Oliver's store we encountered the rebel 
pickets, and following them up rapidly came upon the rebel outpost 
at Dripping Springs, where we found the two regiments referred to, 
in line of battle and making hurried efforts to save their transporta- 
tion, and camp and garrison equipage. The ground being favorable, 
I deployed a portion of the cavalry as they came up, and dashing 
upon their line, routed and drove them back in disorder, capturing 
their camp, transportation, &c. ; and a running fight followed from 
there to Van Buren, the enemy several times making a determined 
stand, and each time being routed with more or less loss from the 
free distribution among them of "spherical case" from our howitzers. 

The flight of the rebel cavalry through the streets of Van Buren, 
hotly pursued by our troops, was the first intimation had at that 
place that there were federal troops within sixty miles, and they were 
quite confident that the "Army of the Frontier" had fallen back to 
Springfield. 

The entry to Van Buren was quite an exciting race. The two 
regiments of Texas cavalry dashing through the streets at full 
gal [1] op, with the despised "Yanks" close upon their heels, the 
sharp crack of carbines and revolvers, with the consternation and 
terror of the citizens, all contributed to make up an interesting 
tableau. 

The advance entered Van Buren at ten o'clock a. m. Four 
steamers in the employ of the Confederate government, that had 
just arrived from Little Rock with supplies, having their steam up, 
attempted to escape down the river. I directed a detachment of 
the Second Kansas cavalry to capture them, which they succeeded 
in doing, and brought them back to Van Buren. Some of the rebel 
cavalry attempted to escape across the Arkansas river in the ferry- 
boat, but when in the middle of the river a shell from one of our 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 237 

howitzers disabled the boat, when they jumped into the stream, and 
most of them succeeded in swimming to the opposite shore. The 
remainder of the two rebel regiments scattered in different direc- 
tions, but were pursued by our cavalry and many of them captured 
and brought in. 

In reading a book entitled The Great Rebellion, by J. H. Inger- 
soll, of Iowa, I notice that he gives the credit of the fighting done on 
the morning of the 28th in the advance on Van Buren, and of the 
capturing of the steamers, &c., to the First Iowa cavalry. While I 
do not wish to detract a particle from the merits of this gallant 
regiment, yet it is due that I should correct this error. What is 
ascribed by Mr. Ingersoll to the First Iowa cavalry, was done by the 
Second Kansas cavalry. Being myself in the advance, where all 
operations were conducted under my immediate direction, I can- 
not be mistaken as to the part taken in this affair by the different 
regiments. 

The main force of the rebels were encamped on the south side of 
the river. After we had occupied the place about two hours with the 
cavalry, the enemy brought a battery to the south bank of the river 
and opened a fire upon the town, from the effects of which I lost one 
man killed and two or three wounded. The fire of this battery con- 
tinued for about an hour when the infantry and artillery coming up 
I placed the First Kansas battery (ten-pound rifled Parrotte) in 
position, which soon silenced them and put a stop to their further 
amusement. The greatest damage sustained from the fire of this 
rebel battery was by their own friends. Early in the evening (there 
being a bright moon) I sent a battalion of the Second Kansas cav- 
alry, and two sections of the First Kansas battery down the north 
bank of the river about four miles to a point opposite which there 
was a large camp of rebel infantry, with instructions to open fire 
upon them. The shells falling thick and fast in their camp from these 
rifled Parrotts, proving disagreeable visitors, they hurriedly left. 
A scout sent up opposite Fort Smith returned and reported to me 
that the enemy were burning their steamers there and evacuating 
the place, and the next morning revealed the fact that Hindman with 
his entire army had been retreating all night in the direction of 
Little Rock. Deserters who came in reported that they retreated in 
disorder and completely demoralized, doubtless the effect of their 
several defeats, as following this last demonstration against Hind- 
man's command, it crumbled to pieces, and became entirely in- 
efficient. 



238 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Thus in the space of thirty days had a rebel army of thirty thou- 
sand men inspired by the most extravagant anticipations of success, 
and operating in their own country, been successively defeated and 
finally broken up and destroyed by a force not half their equal in 
numbers, and operating far from their base of supplies. 

On the evening of the 29th, the troops having become rested, and 
as nothing more could be accomplished in that direction, I ordered 
the burning of the captured boats with their supplies, and directed 
the command to move back to our camp north of the Boston moun- 
tains, where we had left all our supplies, transportation, &c. 

Twelve miles from Van Buren, the command was met by General 
Schofield and staff, who returned with us to Rhea's Mill, where, on 
the first day of January, 1863, he resumed command of the "Army 
of the Frontier." It was my intention, after returning from the Van 
Buren expedition, to have moved east to the valley of White river, 
and thence through a section of country that afforded supplies, and 
to have attacked Little Rock and Arkansas Post, which I had reason 
to believe I could do with success, and establish, at the former place 
(Little Rock) a base for further operations, having the Arkansas 
and White rivers as a line of communication for supplies, &c., but 
the arrival of Schofield defeated all further plans, and on the third 
of January I left the "Army of the Frontier" and proceeded to Fort 
Leavenworth to attend to the administration of affairs in my dis- 
trict, that had been much neglected in my absence. My geographi- 
cal district now comprised Kansas, the Indian Territory and western 
Arkansas. Before leaving Arkansas, I made application to General 
Schofield for troops to hold the conquered territory then embraced 
in my district, and for which I was responsible, as I knew that he 
(Schofield) intended falling back with the "Army of the Frontier," 
into Missouri. In response to this request he ordered to report to 
me the three Indian regiments, a battalion of the Sixth Kansas 
(cavalry) and Hopkins' battery (a four-gun battery organized from 
the Second Kansas cavalry with the rebel guns captured at the battle 
of Maysville). This force I left in northwestern Arkansas, under 
the command of Col. Wm. A. Phillips, of the Third Indian regiment, 
to serve as an outpost and protection to southern Kansas, until I 
could procure troops with which again to take the field. 

On my arrival at Fort Leavenworth, I met for the first time in my 
life, and at his request, Thomas Carney, who had just been inaugu- 
rated governor of Kansas. The governor promised me his hearty 
support to secure the success of military operations within my com- 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES , 239 

mand, or district. This I hailed as the dawning of a new era, and 
was rejoiced to think that at last I could rely upon the cooperation 
of the governor of Kansas, especially as my position imposed upon 
me, in the absence of the execution of the civil laws, the regulation 
of police affairs throughout the state. 

During my absence in the field, matters left in charge of subordi- 
nates had been running rather loosely in the district. Among other 
things, an organization had sprung into existence known as "Red 
Legs," and whatever had been the primary object and purpose of 
those identified with it, its operations had certainly become fraught 
with danger to the peace and security of society. The organization 
embraced many of the most desperate characters in the country, 
while the inducements of easy gain had allured into it many persons 
who, in ordinary times, would never have consented to be connected 
with such an enterprise. Officers, soldiers and citizens had become 
infected until the leaders became so bold as to defy interference with 
their operations. Letters intercepted, passing from one to another 
of the principal actors in this organization, proved a most deplorable 
state of affairs, and showed that it extended into Colorado, Nebraska 
and Iowa. A reign of terror was inaugurated, and no man's property 
was safe, nor was his life worth much if he opposed them in their 
schemes of plunder and robbery. In this condition of things I con- 
sidered it my duty to interfere for the protection of honest and 
peaceable citizens, and to a great extent was successful, notwith- 
standing I daily received anonymous letters threatening me with 
assassination if I did not desist arresting and punishing these of- 
fenders. 

General Curtis had promised that as soon as the season would 
permit it, I should have sufficient troops to make a campaign south 
of the Arkansas river, and with that view I had ordered Col. 
Phillips to move from western Arkansas to Fort Gibson, in the 
Cherokee Nation, as soon as there was sufficient grass in that sec- 
tion to sustain his stock, with the expectation of joining him as soon 
as additional troops could be procured. I soon after ordered to his 
(Col. Phillips) support, at Fort Gibson, the first regiment of Kan- 
sas colored troops, the Second Colorado, and one section of the 2d 
Kansas battery. This force, on its way to join him, was attacked 
by a rebel force under Stand Watie and Cabell, at Cabin creek, 
with the view of capturing the train. After a brisk engagement the 
enemy was defeated and routed and the train proceeded in safety. 

In the meantime, General Curtis was relieved of the command of 



240 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

the Department of Missouri by General Schofield, who, without any 
provocation, had become my bitter personal enemy, when he should 
have been my friend, for the reason that when he so basely aban- 
doned me in the face of the enemy, I did not complain or say aught 
against him, whereas but few other officers, similarly situated, would 
have failed to have preferred against him serious charges. For my 
forbearance and good will towards him in this instance, he wrote a 
letter to the department commander the day after he resumed com- 
mand of the "Army of the Frontier," of the most infamous char- 
acter declaring "that on returning to his command, he found it 
demoralized and its efficiency destroyed, and that all of its opera- 
tions while under my command were a series of stupid blunders." 
This was the commencement of his crusade against me which he 
afterwards so persistently followed up. 

Governor Carney, from whose friendly declarations I had reason 
to believe was cooperating with me for the public good, I now dis- 
covered was secretly doing all in his power to oppose and embarrass 
me in my official capacity. In Schofield he found a hearty coworker, 
and with other worthy allies, they deliberately plotted for my ruin. 
If I alone had been the only one to suffer, it would have been of 
little consequence, but, in the position I occupied, to reach me others 
must suffer, and the public interest be jeopardized. 

Just before Schofield assumed command of the department, I had 
given my consent to some of the most responsible citizens of Atchi- 
son, including the sheriff, that they should try by citizens' court and 
punish several desperate villains charged with murder, robbery and 
every other species of crime. This I did because there was no at- 
tempt made to execute the civil laws, and I had then already more 
of that kind of work on hand than I could well dispose of by mili- 
tary commissions, and moreover, I believed that some such example 
of summary punishment was required for the protection of life and 
property. They were tried and hung, and I believe received their 
just deserts. This my enemies made the pretext for a terrible howl 
against me. A huge document, addressed to the President, was 
drawn up by Gov. Carney's man of "thirty years standing," and 
signed by the governor himself, reciting the Atchison affair, and 
charging me with "being a usurper, a tyrant and a murderer," that 
I had "overridden the civil law, had inaugurated a reign of terror, 
and that under my administration of affairs, no man's life or prop- 
erty in the state was safe," and demanded that I should be dismissed 
from the service. This document was taken by Carney to St. 



BLUNT : CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 241 

Louis, where, very opportunely had arrived Thomas Ewing, Sen'r, 
of Ohio (who at that particular junction appeared to take quite an 
interest in Kansas matters). Also was there his son, Gen. Thomas 
Ewing. These parties, together with Gov. Gamble, of Missouri, 
held frequent sessions with General Schofield, at his headquarters, 
to devise a programme or plot to insure my discomfiture and de- 
struction. If they failed to win on the charges preferred by Carney, 
then the district of Kansas was to be divided. I was to be sent to 
the Indian country in the face of a superior force of the enemy, and 
all support withheld from me, with the expectation that I would be 
defeated and destroyed. 

I know that I am making serious accusations, but I know whereof 
I speak. There is proof to show that certain parties were willing to 
sacrifice the lives of over three thousand Union soldiers, and the in- 
terests of the country, if necessary, to accomplish the ruin of one 
who they imagined, and without cause, stood in the way of the suc- 
cess of some of their ambitious schemes, and I envy neither the 
head or the heart of those, who to gratify personal malice, or secure 
personal or political agridizement [aggrandizement] could contem- 
plate, and give countenance to such a heartless and cold-blooded 
conspiracy. 

Thomas Ewing, Sen'r, was the bearer to Washington of the docu- 
ment before referred to, and in company with Attorney-general 
Bates, presented it to the President with very tragical effect. The 
result was that the President became quite excited, and at first 
threatened dismissal, but on reflection, telegraphed me for a report 
upon the matter. I complied, and gave him in detail all the cir- 
cumstances attending the hanging of the men in Atchison, and the 
necessity for such action, and telling him that "under like circum- 
stances I should do the same thing over." This report was accom- 
panied by letters from several officers of the state government, sev- 
eral of the judges, and many of the leading lawyers, certifying that 
the civil law was powerless to protect the innocent, or punish the 
guilty, and that the action complained of had done much to insure 
the security of life and property. The President became satisfied 
and wrote me privately that I need apprehend no trouble from the 
charges of Governor Carney. 

Not more than four months ago, Governor Carney, in speaking 
of this transaction, admitted to me "that my course in the Atchison 
affair was the best thing that could have been done, under the 
circumstances, and was the only thing that could give protection 

163416 



242 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

to peaceable and honest citizens, and that he knew such to be the 
case at the time it occurred, but that they had determined to make 
a fight on me, and intended to use all the weapons they could get" 
And I mention this now only to show how assiduously the governor 
was laboring to promote the interest of the state. 

The conspirators against me having failed in their efforts in this 
direction, now resorted to the second proposition. General Scho- 
field ordered that the district of Kansas be divided into the district 
of the border, and the district of the frontier, the former to com- 
prise Kansas, except the southern tier of counties and Fort Scott, 
to be commanded by Brig. Gen. Thomas Ewing, while I was to 
command the latter, embracing the Indian Territories, western 
Arkansas, and that part of Kansas excepted in General Swing's 
command. 

While I did not admire the motive that prompted this change, 
yet so far as the change itself was concerned, I was well satisfied, 
for the reason that I desired and intended, in any event, to take 
the field to operate against the enemy south of the Arkansas river; 
and to be relieved of the responsibility of protecting the border, 
liable to rebel raids from Missouri, when I could not be there to 
personally direct affairs, was to me certainly most satisfactory. 

In May I had received my commission as major general of volun- 
teers, to date from Nov. 29th, 1862, and soon after was directed by 
the Secretary of War to recruit and organize two new Kansas regi- 
ments, one of cavalry (white) and the other, infantry (colored), 
and to select the officers for the same. For this purpose I tried to 
select from the old regiments, noncommissioned officers and privates 
who had proved themselves worthy soldiers, for appointments as 
recruiting officers. When I had not a personal knowledge, and had 
to rely upon recommendations of other parties, I may have made, 
in some instances, poor selections. Many persons who had never 
seen a day's service, although the war had been in progress over 
two years, were urged upon me by politicians for appointments, but 
as it was not voters that I needed, but men upon whom I could rely 
when in the face of the enemy, I preferred to take those who had 
smelt gunpowder, although they might not have as much influence 
as the other class, in a town caucus. 

On the 13th day of June, Gen'l Ewing arrived to take command 
of his district. I therefore relinquished the command of the district 
of Kansas, and the following day left for Fort Scott, the head- 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 243 

quarters of the reduced command my command being reduced in 
proportion as my rank was increased. 

Upon my arrival at Fort Scott I received a letter from General 
Schofield, saying that he desired that "I should take the field in 
person and if possible maintain the line I then held," which was 
the Arkansas river. This was what I desired and intended to do if 
I could be provided with troops ; and not having over two thousand 
effective men outside of the small force at Fort Gibson (holding 
the Cherokee country) and my depot, and line of communication 
for supplies to protect, as also the southern border of the state to 
guard, I applied to Gen'l Schofield for additional force, representing 
to him the actual condition of affairs, and urging the necessity of 
more troops, if it was expected to "hold the line of the Arkansas 
river." To this application I got no response whatever. After 
waiting for some time I renewed my application, telling him that 
the enemiy was massing a large force on the south side of the Arkan- 
sas river, and, without troops, it would be impossible to hold that 
portion of the Indian country we then occupied. This second ap- 
plication was treated as the first, and was not answered at all, for 
the reason, I suppose, that he did not wish to put his refusal on 
record. It now became evident that all troops were to be withheld 
from me in accordance with the previously arranged programme 
of my enemies, while in southwest Missouri there were not less 
than five thousand efficient troops and three batteries that could 
have been sent to me without detriment to the interest of the service 
elsewhere. 

During all this time the enemy were being strengthened in front 
of the weak garrison at Fort Gibson, and on the morning of the 
5th of July, I learned from an unofficial source that that post, with 
its garrison, was in imminent danger of being captured. Leaving the 
headquarters of the district in charge of my adjutant general (Major 
Curtis), and the recruiting and organizing of the two new regiments, 
before alluded to, in charge of Major T. J. Anderson, ass't adj't 
gen'l, I left the same evening for Fort Gibson with about 350 of the 
6th Kansas cavalry, and a section of the 2d Kansas battery, and ac- 
companied by two members of my staff. By forced marches I 
reached Fort Gibson on the morning of the llth, where I found that 
the administration of military affairs had been very badly con- 
ducted. Detachments of the enemy had been allowed to cross the 
Arkansas river at pleasure, and amuse themselves by capturing all 



244 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

stock sent out to graze, and in every other way annoy our troops, 
who were kept close to the fortifications, while rebel spies were 
inside of the garrison in the full confidence of the commanding 
officer, and acting as his military advisers, and in this way they 
(the rebels) were enabled to "play both hands," and it is not to be 
wondered at that they always "took the tricks." 

On my arrival at Fort Gibson I found the Arkansas river swollen. 
Cooper with a force of six thousand was on the south side, having 
all the crossings guarded, and the one opposite Fort Gibson, at the 
mouth of Grand river, protected by artillery. Learning that rein- 
forcements from Texas were moving up to join Cooper, I determined 
to take the offensive, and strike him if possible before they could 
arrive. 

At midnight of the 15th, taking a battalion of the 6th Kansas 
(cavalry) and four pieces of light artillery, I crossed Grand river 
and the Verdigris, and proceeded about twelve miles up the north 
bank of the Arkansas, to a point opposite the Creek agency, where 
we arrived soon after daylight. This crossing was guarded by about 
one hundred rebel cavalry, who abandoned the position and fled 
as soon as we brought our artillery to the river bank. Fording the 
river at this point, I proceeded down the south side with the hope 
of capturing their outpost and artillery opposite Fort Gibson, but 
they had learned of my approach, abandoned the position and 
fallen back to Cooper's camp on Elk creek, twenty-five miles south 
of the Arkansas. I now commenced crossing troops in flat boats 
built for the occasion, and by 10 o'clock p. m. was ready to com- 
mence our long and weary night's march. At daylight we en- 
countered about five hundred rebel cavalry, and driving them 
rapidly before us, came upon Cooper's entire force in line of battle, 
about 10 o'clock a. m. Their position was on the north side of Elk 
creek, and in the edge of the timber, which served as a cover, while 
w Were compelled to advance over the open prairie. After halting 
my command to obtain a couple of hours' rest and eat a lunch from 
their haversacks, we advanced upon their positions and after two 
hours of severe fighting, the center of their line was broken, when 
they fell back from one position to another, and were each time 
routed. This running fight continued until near night, when my 
men and stock became so exhausted that I could pursue no further. 
Before dark I observed General Cabell coming up with about three 
thousand troops to reinforce Cooper; and supposing that with this 
increased force, they would offer me battle in the morning, my com- 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 245 

mand slept upon their arms ready to renew the engagement, but the 
morning revealed that, during the night, they had retreated to the 
Canadian river. My force in this engagement did not exceed 
twenty-five hundred, while that of the enemy was six thousand. 
This affair is known as the battle of "Honey Springs." 

On the 19th I fell back to Fort Gibson to make preparations for 
other movements. With a knowledge that Cooper would be rein- 
forced, I despatched General Schofield the result of the battle of the 
17th and urged upon him the necessity of sending me additional 
troops. His reply was that "I could not have any reinforcements, 
that I was too far advanced and must fall back," notwithstanding 
he had previously directed me to take the field in person and "hold 
the line of the Arkansas river." My position now was a delicate 
and trying one. Prostrated by severe sickness; far in the enemy's 
country, with but a handful of troops, and in the face of a foe 
greatly my superior in numbers, and constantly increasing, I felt 
that I was purposely abandoned to fate. In addition to the rein- 
forcements under Cabell, General Cooper had been joined by troops 
from Texas under General Steele, and his force, now encamped on 
the Canadian, forty-five miles south of Fort Gibson, numbered 
eleven thousand. To fall back from my position on the Arkansas 
river would be to abandon all the country that had been conquered 
by the expenditure of blood and treasure, and transfer the theater 
of war to the borders of Kansas and Missouri. While reflecting 
what course to pursue in this emergency, I heard, by accident, that 
the Second Kansas cavalry, a portion of the 7th and 8th M. S. M. 
and Second Indian battery, had moved down from Springfield to the 
vicinity of Fayetteville, Ark., thereby getting within the limits of 
my district. I immediately sent couriers to them with orders to 
join me at Fort Gibson by forced marches. To this order they 
promptly responded, and reported to me on the 20th of August. In 
the meantime the 13th Kansas (infantry) had arrived at Fort Gib- 
son, as escort for a supply train. Leaving a sufficient force to hold 
the garrison of Fort Gibson, with the remainder of my available 
troops, numbering four thousand five hundred, I again commenced 
crossing the Arkansas river, on the 22d of August, for offensive 
operations. On the evening of the day the command had crossed 
the river, I received a despatch from General Schofield the first 
that I had received since his order to me to "jail back" This de- 
spatch stated that it was the "desire of the Interior Department that 
we should obtain possession of all the Indian Territory to Red river, 



246 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

that they could remove and locate the Kansas Indians in that coun- 
try, in accordance with an act of congress of 1862, and to enable me 
to accomplish that object, I was authorized by him (Schofield), to 
recruit and organize into battalions and regiments, such Indians of 
the friendly tribes in Kansas as would enlist for a limited period for 
that kind of service." Knowing that I was in the face of a superior 
force of the enemy, who might attack me at any hour, I was di- 
rected by him to obtain reinforcements to meet the emergency, by 
recruiting in Kansas, three hundred and fifty miles away, half- 
civilized Indians, and transform them into soldiers. This was cer- 
tainly "strategy" but comment is unnecessary. If his previous 
conduct had exhibited cowardice, this was certainly an unmistak- 
able evidence of his weakness and imbecility. I considered that 
forbearance was no longer a virtue, and immediately wrote to the 
Secretary of War, and to the President, saying to them "that I was 
the superior officer of General Schofield, and should no longer regard 
his orders, but act upon my own responsibility." At the same time I 
raised for decision the question of rank between myself and Scho- 
field, taking the position that he was only a brigadier general until 
he was confirmed upon his appointment of major general, and that 
under the law "authorizing the President to assign officers of the 
same grade, to command in the same field or department without 
reference to seniority of rank," did not authorize him to assign 
General Schofield (a brig, gen'l) to command over full major gen- 
eral, as he was not an officer of the same grade. 

After crossing the Arkansas river, on the 22d, as before stated, 
we moved rapidly on the enemy who were encamped near "Brier- 
town" on the Canadian river. At midnight of the 24th, learning of 
our approach, they hastily made preparations to avoid a battle. 
Cabell, with a force of three thousand, returned to Fort Smilh, 
while Cooper and Steele with the remainder seven thousand re- 
treated in the direction of Red river. Eight hours after their re- 
treat I arrived in their deserted camp, and scouts were immediately 
sent out to learn of their movements. Having ascertained that 
Cooper and Steele were retreating off by the Boggy Depot road, I 
moved at daylight on the morning of the 26th, and with all the 
cavalry and a few pieces of light artillery in the advance, pushed on 
rapidly after them. In the after part of the day our advance sev- 
eral times skirmished with their rear, and at nine o'clock p. m., after 
a continuous march of fifty miles, we entered the town of Perry- 
ville, driving out their rear guard, and capturing and destroying 



BLUNT : CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 247 

their depot of supplies. From this point we returned by easy 
marches to the Canadian river, and there sending a portion of the 
command back to Fort Gibson, with less than two thousand men, 
I moved against Cabell at Fort Smith. 

We arrived at the crossing of the Poteau river, nine miles from 
Fort Smith and at which point Cabell had determined to defend 
that place on the evening of the 31st of August. Here we drove 
in the enemy's outpost and skirmished in their front until dark. At 
daylight the following morning, we moved upon their position ex- 
pecting to meet with a determined resistance, but were surprised 
to find that they had abandoned their position during the night 
and were retreating in the direction of Arkadelphia. Sending the 
cavalry, under command of Col. Cloud, in pursuit, who overtook 
and engaged them, in the latter part of the day, at "Devil's Back- 
bone," while, with the infantry and artillery, I quietly entered the 
town of Fort Smith, September 1st, and lowered the rebel flag that 
had been left floating in this garrison, and raised upon the same 
staff the "stars and stripes." This post (Fort Smith) had been 
captured from the U. S. forces under Gen'l Sturgis in April, 1861, 
and until now had been held by the enemy as an important base 
for their military operations. My health, which had been rapidly 
failing since my first arrival at Fort Gibson, now completely gave 
way, and I was confined to my bed until the 12th of September, 
when, being able to ride in a carriage, I left the command in charge 
of subordinate officers, and returned to Fort Scott for the purpose 
of completing the organization of the Second (colored) and Four- 
teenth Kansas regiments, and removing the headquarters of the 
district to Fort Smith. 

On the fourth of October, with a portion of my staff, the records, 
and everything pertaining to district headquarters, and accompanied 
by a small escort (less than one hundred) , I left Fort Scott on my 
return to the command at Fort Smith. On the 6th we met with a 
party of guerrillas, numbering six hundred and fifty, under Quantrill, 
in the vicinity of Baxter's Springs. As they were dressed in blue 
uniform and carried our flag, they were at first supposed to be 
federal troops, but a doubt arising as to whether they were friends 
or enemies, I approached their line, alone, to ascertain their true 
character, and when within three hundred yards of them, they 
opened a fire on me. When, upon turning to my escort to signal 
them to return the fire and charge their line, I discovered that the 
entire escort (who were new recruits) had broken at the first fire 



248 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

of the enemy, and were flying in disorder over the prairie. In vain 
I endeavored to halt and rally any portion of them until they had 
continued their stampede for a distance of two miles, when I suc- 
ceeded in halting a squad of fifteen men, with which I checked the 
advance of the enemy, and followed them back over the field that 
was strewn with our dead. Sending six of the fifteen men with 
Lieut. Tappen of my star! back to Fort Scott for other troops, with 
the remaining nine I hovered close around the enemy, creating in 
their mind the impression that I had a large force coming up, which 
induced them to move rapidly off. In this affair eighty-seven men, 
including escort, clerks, teamsters, servants and musicians were 
killed. All who fell wounded or were taken prisoners were in- 
humanely murdered. Among the killed were two members of my 
staff, Major H. Z. Curtis, my adj't gen'l, and Lieut. Farr, the former 
being murdered after he was taken prisoner. Had the escort stood 
their ground, as they should have done, instead of becoming panic 
stricken, all would have been well, and the horrible massacre would 
not have occurred. 

Returning again to Fort Scott, I procured a new outfit of records, 
&c., for district headquarters, and on the 29th of October, with 
fifteen hundred troops, and a supply train of seven hundred wagons, 
all under the immediate command of Col. S. J. Crawford, of the 
Second Kansas (colored), I left Fort Scott a second time for Fort 
Smith. 

The day before we were to leave Fort Scott, I received an order 
from General Schofield, directing that Brig. Gen'l McNeal [Mc- 
Neil] should relieve me at Fort Smith of the command of the "Dis- 
trict of the Frontier," when I was to proceed to Leavenworth and 
report to him (Schofield) by letter. A few days subsequent, in- 
formation was received from Washington of the decision of the 
question of rank between Schofield and myself, which was adverse 
to Schofield and sustaining me in every point that I had raised, 
affirming that "Schofield was only a brigadier general." 

I arrived at Fort Smith on the 12th day of November, when I 
found that Gen'l McNeal had preceded me several days, and, by 
Schofield's order, had assumed command. Although I was not bound 
to relinquish the command, yet as McNeal had assumed it, and to 
avoid further complications, I acquiesced, and turned over to him 
the other troops and supply train. 

I learned on my arrival at Fort Smith, that Schofield, anticipating 
that I would pay no attention to his order, had telegraphed to Gen- 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 249 

eral McNeal, "that if I did not comply with his instructions to pro- 
ceed to Leavenworth, &c., he should arrest me forcibly and send 
me under guard to St. Louis." I thereupon requested Gen'l McNeal 
to telegraph him, in my behalf, that if he (Schofield) wanted me 
arrested he had better come and do it himself, and then for the first 
time during the war, he might see a little "active service" 

Instead of proceeding to Fort Leavenworth and reporting by letter 
to Gen'l Schofield, I wrote to the Secretary of War, enclosing a copy 
of Schofield's order, and telling him that "I should not obey it, or any 
other order from him (Schofield) or hold any further intercourse 
with him unless it should be to prefer charges against him for im- 
becility and cowardice/' and that "I should remain in Fort Smith 
until I received orders direct from the War Department." And 
here I leave General Schofield, and will let others take him up and 
finish his record, except to add what I have before omitted to state, 
that anxious to leave nothing undone that could injure me, he (Scho- 
field) sent a smelling committee, dubbed with the respectable cog- 
nomen of "board of inspection," through my district while I was 
making the campaign in the Indian country, in the summer of 1863. 
They merely "walked over the track," and then signed a report 
previously agreed upon at Schofield's headquarters in St. Louis, 
which was not only false in every particular, but infamous in its 
character. This board refused to comply with my request to come 
to Fort Smith, where I was lying, confined to my bed by sickness, 
and where the headquarters of my command was, notwithstanding 
they were within thirty miles of that place, neither did they make 
any inspection of my staff departments or of the troops, but their 
talent for drinking whisky was remarkable. This report was in- 
tended to be used against me at Washington, and it was only by 
accident and good luck that I obtained a copy of it. 

In response to my letter to the Secretary of War, asking for or- 
ders, I received instructions to recruit and organize, at Fort Smith, 
the Eleventh regiment, U. S. Colored troops, and appoint the officers 
for the same. 

Early in January, 1864, and after the organization of this regi- 
ment had progressed so far that my personal attention with it was 
no longer required, I made application to the Secretary of War for 
assignment to other duty, in answer to which I received a telegram 
from the President to proceed to Washington, where I arrived on the 
27th of January, and there learned that the object for which I had 
been called to Washington was for consultation in reference to the 



250 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

condition of affairs in the Indian territories, and with the view to 
a campaign, early in the spring, into Texas, through the Indian 
country. Before leaving Washington to return to the West, I was 
assured, by Mr. Lincoln, that I should have every facility afforded 
me for the organization of this Texas expedition that I desired, to 
insure its success. In the meantime the Department of Kansas, to 
include the Indian territories and the military post of Fort Smith, 
had been reinstated with General Curtis in command. On the 7th 
day of February, I left Washington for Fort Smith, via Kansas, 
where I arrived and resumed command of the "District of the Fron- 
tier," on the 12th day of March, 1864. Here I found that all the 
troops belonging to my command, by reason of their location when 
the Department of Kansas was reinstated (Jan'y 1st) had been 
transferred by Gen'l Steele, with the aid and assistance of Col. Jud- 
son of the Sixth Kansas (temporarily in command at Fort Smith) 
to the Department of Arkansas. A controversy ensued relative to 
the jurisdiction of the troops in question, in which General Halleck, 
the commander in chief, took the part of General Steele. At this 
result I was not at all disappointed, as I had already learned that 
I had not left Washington twenty-four hours when General Halleck, 
with his chronic hatred of Kansas, had determined to defeat the 
contemplated Texas expedition, which had had the sanction and 
approval of the President and Secretary of War; and to this end 
he had been in collusion with General Steele in robbing my district 
of all available troops before I could arrive there. Being satisfied 
that so long as General Hallack was commander in chief, I was to 
be the special object of his malice, I asked to be relieved of the 
responsibilities of the administration of military affairs in a large 
extent of territory that I could have no troops to protect. Accord- 
ingly, on the 18th day of April, by telegram from the Secretary of 
War, I was relieved of the command of the "District of the Fron- 
tier," which was transferred to the Department of Arkansas, and 
from thence proceeded to Leavenworth. By the strangling and de- 
feat of this contemplated Texas expedition, three thousand loyal 
Texans, whom, through secret agents, I had organized, and were 
ready to join me as soon as I reached the Red river country, were 
doomed to bitter disappointment, followed by every species of 
cruelty that could be inflicted for their suspected sympathy for the 
Union cause, and in its stead followed the Camden expedition of 
Gen'l Steele, the disgraceful results of which are before the country 
and need not be commented upon here. 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 251 

There now being no field for active service in the Department of 
Kansas, I applied to the Secretary of War for assignment to some 
other, and while at Leavenworth awaiting orders from Washington, 
I was ordered by General Curtis to the command of the "District 
of the Upper Arkansas," to operate against the hostile Indians, who 
were becoming very troublesome upon the plains. I arrived at Fort 
Riley and assumed command of this new district on the 2d of 
August. 

Here I again found myself with a large extent of territory filled 
with hostile "redskins," and but few troops with which to operate 
against them, and no horses to mount the few I had. After pro- 
curing horses to mount two hundred and fifty men, I proceeded to 
Fort Lamed, where I added to the detachment, one hundred and 
fifty of the 1st Colorado cavalry and two pieces of light artillery, 
and with this force started on an "Indian hunt." 

I had received information of a war party of Arapahoes and 
Cheyennes on the head of the Smoky Hill who were contemplating 
a movement across the Arkansas to the Cimarron river. Leaving 
Fort Larned on the 21st September, I proceeded west as far as old 
Fort Atkinson, where I obtained information that satisfied me that 
no large body of Indians had recently crossed the Santa Fe road. I 
therefore determined to move north in the direction of the Smoky 
Hill, and if possible to intercept them; and as it was impossible to 
move over these extended plains without being observed by Indian 
scouts I therefore, with the aid of a party of Delaware Indians as 
guides, did all my marching by night, halting during the day in the 
deep ravines that afforded grazing for our stock and a secure hiding 
place from the view of Indian spies. 

At daylight of the third night's march, September 25th, we 
struck the Indian picket on Pawnee Fork, eighty miles northwest 
of Fort Larned. A lively fight ensued with a party of fifteen hun- 
dred Cheyenne and Arapahoe warriors, lasting about four hours 
and resulting in the defeat and retreat of the Indians. I followed 
them rapidly up the Pawnee for two days without again being able 
to overtake them, when, in consequence of the exhausted condition 
of our stock, the chase had to be abandoned. I now returned to 
Fort Larned with the view of obtaining more troops and organizing 
a campaign against the "redskins" on a larger scale; but before 
reaching that place I was met by a courier, with despatches from 
General Curtis, saying that "Price, with a large rebel force was in 
Missouri, had captured Pilot Knob, and was moving towards the 



252 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Missouri river," and directing that I should "report in person at 
Fort Leavenworth with as little delay as possible." The informa- 
tion of Price's movements was not unlocked for by me, as I had 
come in possession of facts previous to my leaving for the District 
of the Upper Arkansas, that convinced me that such a raid was 
contemplated, and at that time stated my apprehensions to General 
Curtis, and urged upon him the necessity of preparation to meet 
the threatened danger. 

Upon receiving General Curtis' despatch before referred to, I 
traveled night and day, and lost no time en route to Leavenworth, 
arriving there on the 8th of October, where, to use a curt phrase, I 
found matters very much "mixed." Price was moving from Boon- 
ville up the line of the Missouri river, constantly augmenting his 
forces by recruits and conscripts, while it was difficult to tell what 
General Rosecrans was doing, or intended to do. There were but 
few regular troops in the Department of Kansas that could be made 
available for the defense of the state, and the main reliance must 
be upon the militia. General Curtis had been in a controversy for 
a week with Governor Carney in reference to calling out the militia 
of Kansas, the governor refusing to do so, and declaring that there 
was no enemy in Missouri, that Kansas was not in danger, and that 
the whole excitement and furore had been gotten up by "Jim Lane" 
for political purposes. As soon as I arrived at Leavenworth, I pro- 
ceeded, in company with Hon. James H. Lane, to the fort, to urge 
upon Gen'l Curtis the necessity of immediate action to avert the 
threatened danger. Gen'l Curtis sent his adjutant (Major Char- 
lott) to confer with the governor and ask him to issue a proclama- 
tion calling out the militia forces of the state. The governor, in an 
angry mood, gave many reasons for not acting in this matter, but 
finally summed up all in the declaration that "Blunt should not 
command his militia" He promised, however, to telegraph General 
Curtis in an hour what he would do, and at his (Curtis) request 
we waited at the fort till near midnight, but no telegram came. The 
following morning General Lane and myself went again to General 
Curtis' headquarters, and urged upon him that the danger from 
delay was imminent, and that not a moment should be lost in mak- 
ing preparations to meet it, and that if he did not declare martial 
law and call out the militia force of the state, he would be held 
responsible for the disaster which would follow. General Curtis 
finally determined to issue the necessary proclamation, and that 
evening, under orders from him, I left Leavenworth for Paola to 



BLUNT : CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 253 

relieve Major General S'ykes of the command of the District of 
South Kansas. Riding all night I reached Olathe early the next 
morning, when I assumed command by telegraph and directed all 
troops in the district to concentrate as rapidly as possible at Paola, 
at which place I arrived that evening. Early on the morning of the 
13th with such regular troops and militia as had arrived, I left Paola 
for Hickman's Mills, in Jackson county, Missouri, arriving there on 
the following morning. The same evening other troops arrived, and 
the force then under my immediate command was the llth, 15th, 
and detachments of the 5th, 16th and 14th Kansas (cavalry), a por- 
tion of the 3d Wis. cavalry, 1st Colorado, and section of 2d Kansas 
battery and eight twelve-pound mountain howitzers with the addi- 
tion of the 5th, 6th and 10th regiments of Kansas state militia. For 
the latter (militia) I procured the best of arms and equipments in 
the place of those they had which were of poor quality, and while 
thus engaged day and night to make my little command as efficient 
as possible, I was cognizant of the fact that the governor and others 
were endeavoring to produce disaffection and mutiny among the 
state troops, themselves remaining in the background, while they 
used "other paws to rake the chestnuts out of the fire." These 
mutinous proceedings culminated on the 16th by Brig. Gen'l Fish- 
back, of the state militia, and Col. Jas. T. [D.] Snoddy of the 6th 
Reg. state militia refusing to obey my orders, and attempting to 
march their commands back to Kansas. This movement I promptly 
met by placing Gen'l Fishback and Col. Snoddy in arrest, and substi- 
tuting other officers in their places, at the same time admonishing 
others of the consequences of a repetition of such an offense, and 
no further difficulty of this kind occurred. It is due the militia 
regiments referred to that I should here state that, with the excep- 
tion of the persons named, none ever showed any disposition to 
question my authority to control them, but were willing to advance 
into Missouri, or elsewhere, to meet the enemy, and cheerfully per- 
formed every duty required of them. 

With the remainder of the militia and a few regular troops, Gen- 
eral Curtis was fortifying a position for defense on the "Big Blue," 
between Kansas City and Independence, and as there was no re- 
liable information regarding the locality and movements of Price, 
I asked permission of General Curtis, to make a reconnoissance in 
the direction of where I supposed the enemy to be. He (Curtis) 
consented that I might move as far east as Pleasant Hill. There- 
fore, after dark on the evening of the 16th, leaving the militia and 



254 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

heavy artillery at Hickman's Mill, under the command of Col. 
C. W. Blair, of the 14th Kansas with about two thousand cavalry 
and eight mountain howitzers I left the last-named place, and 
arrived at Pleasant Hill before daylight the next morning. After 
halting here a short time we again moved forward, repairing the 
telegraph as we marched, and arrived at Holden about one o'clock 
p. m. Between Pleasant Hill and this place (Holden) we met a 
train of citizens and irregular militia from Warrensburgh, who stated 
that, as they evacuated the place, Shelby's division (rebel) which 
had captured Sedalia a few days before, was entering the town. 
Taking back with me the militia and telegraph operators I allowed 
the citizens to move on. While my command was bivouacked, for 
rest, at Holden, I sent forward Major Foster, with a detachment of 
the Warrensburgh militia and a telegraph operator to Warrensburgh 
to ascertain if the enemy were occupying that place. At dark he 
telegraphed me that there was no enemy there, but that he had ob- 
tained what he believed reliable information, that Price was below 
Waverly. I learned also that General A. J. Smith's command of 
seven thousand veteran infantry and artillery were at California, 
held back by orders from General Rosecrans, and that a cavalry 
division of six thousand, under Generals Sanborn and McNeal, was 
at a point about 12 miles northwest from Sedalia, and upon the 
flank of the enemy. I immediately telegraphed Gen'l Curtis, re- 
questing him to send me the 16th Kansas and Second Colorado 
cavalry, and 1st Colorado battery, by the Independence and Lexing- 
ton road, and join me at the latter place, where I expected they 
would join me early the next morning. It was my intention then 
to form a junction with Sanborn and McNeal, then with General 
Smith, and assuming command of all the troops in the field, attack 
Price at once, and with this view I had despatched messengers to 
Generals Sanborn and Smith, apprising them of my movements. 

Leaving Holden the same evening at 8 o'clock, and marching all 
night, we arrived at Lexington at 11 o'clock a. m. the following day 
(October 18th) and awaited there the arrival of the troops that I 
had requested Gen'l Curtis to send to me. 

On my arrival at Lexington I learned that the advance of Price's 
army was at Waverly, twenty miles below or east of Lexington. At 
10 a. m. of the 19th, I received a despatch from Gen'l Curtis, by 
messenger, saying that "he could not send me the troops asked for," 
that "Gov. Carney and others were making him much trouble with 
the militia, that he could get them no further into Missouri," and 



BLUNT : CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 255 

that he "was fortifying on the Big Blue" for the defense of Kansas. 
An hour after receiving this despatch my pickets were attacked on 
three different roads, leading into Lexington from the east and south- 
east, by Price's forces, who were moving in three separate columns. 
The only thing I could now hope to accomplish was to develop the 
enemy's strength and intentions. For this purpose we resisted his 
advance until his whole force was brought into position, and in 
full view, upon an open plain. Keeping the Independence road in 
our rear, we fell slowly back before his overwhelming force, punish- 
ing him severely as we retired, and continuing the fight until dark. 
I had now ascertained that Price's armed force was about twenty 
thousand, while in addition he had about six thousand unarmed 
recruits and conscripts, and furthermore that Kansas was his ob- 
jective point. 

During the night of the 19th we fell back towards Kansas, and 
at 10 o'clock the following morning reached the Little Blue, nine 
miles east of Independence. Here, on the west side of this stream, 
I observed that the topography of the country was admirably 
adapted for defense against the advance of Price's column. On a 
semicircular ridge extending to the river on the right and left, I 
bivouacked my command in line of battle, with the artillery in the 
center commanding the road and the bridge. I then sent one of my 
staff to General Curtis, requesting him "to send me subsistence for 
my men, and also to order forward to me the 16th Kansas and 2d 
Colorado cavalry and 1st Colorado battery, and with that force I 
would resist the enemy's advance, leaving the militia at the Big 
Blue, as a reserve to fall back upon if it should be necessary to do 
so." In response, General Curtis sent one of his staff to direct me 
"to leave a picket of two or three squadrons at the Little Blue and 
with the remainder of the troops fall back to Independence, that he 
was going to make the fight at the Big Blue, where he had been 
fortifying." 

Instead of leaving two or three squadrons as directed, I left Col. 
Moonlight with all of the Eleventh regiment and four howitzers, di- 
recting him to keep all the crossings of the Little Blue picketed; 
also keep a strong guard well in the advance on the Lexington road, 
and if the enemy advanced in force to notify me immediately, and 
burn the bridge, and make as stubborn resistance as he could. Upon 
my arrival at Independence that evening I urged upon General 
Curtis the mistake that had been made in abandoning the Little 
Blue, and demonstrated to him that when the enemy had crossed 



256 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

that stream, they would be in an open country free to move in any 
direction they chose, and that it was not reasonable to suppose they 
would move against a fortified position, when it was much easier for 
them to pass around our flank and rear. At Independence, I also 
found Governor Carney and his political staff busy in their efforts 
to produce disaffection in the ranks of the militia, declaring that in 
my despatch to Gen'l Curtis, informing him of my engagement with 
Price at Lexington, "I had lied," that he knew "that Price was south 
of the Arkansas river, that there was no enemy in Missouri except 
a few bushwhackers/' and that "the calling out of the militia upon 
the pretext of defending Kansas was an outrage." He (Carney) had 
also a proclamation prepared to disband and send home the militia, 
that he intended to issue the following morning. This was the situa- 
tion on the night of the 20th of October. 

On the following morning (the 21st) General Curtis acceded to 
my request to move back to the position I had left the previous 
evening, on the Little Blue, and taking with me the troops that I 
had previously with me, and those that I had asked to be for- 
warded to me the evening before. I lost no time in getting the 
command in readiness to move, and just as they were filing out of 
the streets of Independence, a telegram was handed me from Col. 
Moonlight (I had sent to him the night before, an operator with an 
instrument and a ground wire to tap the line) saying that he had 
burned the bridge, that the enemy was crossing in force at several 
points (fording) and that he was making all the resistance that he 
could. I now pushed forward at a rapid speed, hoping that Col. 
Moonlight would be able to hold them in check until I could get in 
position on the ridge before alluded to, but upon arriving upon the 
field I found that although Col. Moonlight, with the Eleventh regi- 
ment, had been making a desperate resistance, they had been driven 
back nearly a mile. Deploying the other regiments into line and 
dismounting them, they dashed forward and pressed the enemy 
back for a distance of half a mile, when our flanks becoming en- 
dangered by the overwhelming numbers of the enemy, we were 
compelled to fall back. About this time Gen'l Curtis came up, and 
by interfering with the disposition of my troops without conveying 
his orders through me, threw the command into confusion that 
might have been avoided. He soon after left the field and gave me 
no further trouble during the day, except, on his return to Inde- 
pendence, he ordered back my ammunition wagons which I had 
ordered to the front, which circumstance came near proving dis- 



BLUNT : CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 257 

astrous to the whole command. My entire available force did not 
exceed three thousand men, with which to contend against Price's 
entire command, and my purpose now was to fight for time, that 
Rosecrans' forces might come up in the enemy's rear, and to enable 
the militia of Kansas to concentrate on the border. 

With the sm,all force at my command I formed two lines, fighting 
each alternately while the other was falling back and taking a new 
position, and thus the fight continued from 9 o'clock a. m. until 4 
o'clock p. m., when the enemy refused to advance upon our last 
line, formed on the east side of Independence. In this day's fighting 
our loss was slight while the enemy were punished severely. I have 
never for a moment doubted that had I been allowed to remain on 
the Little Blue the night of the 20th, and received the reinforcements 
I asked for, the contest would have been settled there in a manner 
entirely satisfactory to our arms. I had no doubt of my ability 
in that position to have held the ground until Pleasanton could 
come up when we could have crushed Price's command. 

During the evening of the 21st, we fell back to General Curtis' 
"fortified position on the Big Blue," where the militia were en- 
camped. Here again a disagreement arose between General Curtis 
and myself relative to the probable movements of Price the follow- 
ing day. General Curtis contending that he must move direct on the 
Kansas City road and in front of his fortifications, while I believed 
that he would only make a feint in front, while with his main army 
he would flank us on the right ^ and cross the Big Blue at one of 
the upper fords, and as Gen'l Curtis would not take the responsi- 
bility to give direct orders for the disposition of the troops, I acted 
upon my own theory and sent Col. Jennison with his brigade to 
guard Byron's ford, with instructions to keep his pickets well out 
in the direction of Independence, to notify me promptly of any 
movement of the enemy, and in case they attempted to cross at 
that ford, to make determined resistance until reinforcements could 
reach him. I only heard from General Curtis twice during the 
day, once to notify me "that he would move his headquarters a 
couple of miles to the rear," and then again, "that he would es- 
tablish his headquarters at Westport." 

At about 9 o'clock on the morning of the 22d, a small rebel force 
demonstrated in front of us on the road leading from Independence 
to Kansas City. I immediately sent a detachment of the Second 
Colorado cavalry to develop their strength and purposes. They 

173416 



258 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

(the rebels) were rapidly driven back in the direction of Inde- 
pendence, and proved to be only a small force sent to make a feint, 
or draw our attention in that direction, while the main force should 
attempt to force a passage of the Blue, on our right, as I had pre- 
viously anticipated. At about 2 o'clock p. m. I heard firing from 
Col. Jennison's howitzers at Byron's ford, and soon ascertained, 
as indicated by the firing, that they were being driven back from 
the ford. Without waiting to hear from Col. Jennison, I sent orders 
to Col. Moonlight then at HinckePs ford, two miles below Byron's 
ford, to move up with his brigade to his support, and immediately 
ordered Col. Ford with his brigade to move to the same position, 
with instructions to keep their forces united, and attack the enemy's 
flank, and not permit themselves to be cut off from Kansas City. 
I had now to turn my attention to the militia, who were still where 
Gen'l Curtis had placed them, in the "fortified position at the Big 
Blue." With the exception of the 5th, 6th, and 10th regiments of 
militia, under the immediate charge of Col. Blair, I had assumed 
no command over them, they having received their orders direct 
from General Curtis; but our position had now been successfully 
flanked by the enemy, and different dispositions must be made, and 
jhearing nothing from Gen'l Curtis, I directed Major General 
Deitzler, the immediate commander of the militia, to withdraw 
them, and fall back to Kansas City. This militia force numbered 
probably ten thousand and on the arrival of the head of the column 
near Kansas City, at dark, I attempted to get them into position 
on the south side of that place and have them to bivouac during 
the night in line of battle, but the north side of the Kansas river 
possessing peculiar attractions for them at that time, and it being 
dark it was with great difficulty that I succeeded in halting and 
forming in line, a small portion of them. While I had been looking 
after the militia, the brigades of Col. Moonlight, Jennison and 
Ford (compromising all the regular troops) had been engaging the 
enemy on his right, south of Westport, and after a stubborn re- 
sistance had turned his flank and driven him back until dark. After 
dark and while engaged in getting the militia in position, as before 
stated, I received a despatch from General Pleasanton that he had 
come upon the enemy during the afternoon, and had attacked their 
rear. I also learned at the same time that General Curtis who 
had again changed his headquarters (this time to the Gilliss 
House, Kansas City) had sent orders to the commands of Cols. 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 259 

Moonlight, Jennison and Ford, to fall back to Kansas City. I 
immediately sent a messenger countermanding the order, telling 
them to receive no orders except through me as their immediate 
commander, and directing them to lay upon their arms in front of 
the enemy, and that I would provide for their subsistence and 
ammunition and join them before daylight. 

After spending the greater part of the night in procuring and for- 
warding subsistence and ammunition to the command, and sending 
Col. Blair's brigade (5th, 6th and 10th, state militia) to the front, I 
left Kansas City at three o'clock, at the same time notifying Gen'l 
Curtis of the position of the enemy, and of my purpose to attack 
him at daylight, and that I should rely upon others to form a line 
of battle with the militia on the south of Kansas City, that in case 
I should be driven back by overwhelming force, I could avail myself 
of them for support. 

The enemy during the night had bivouacked on the south side of 
Brush creek, which lies immediately south and near Westport. Soon 
after daylight I formed Blair's brigade as a reserve on the north side 
of Brush creek, and advanced the brigades of Cols. Moonlight, Ford 
and Jennison to the edge of the timber on the south side, when they 
immediately engaged Shelby's and Marmaduke's divisions of the 
enemy. Soon as the engagement had commenced I sent a despatch 
to General Curtis, at Kansas City, requesting him to send forward 
to me all the militia, in response to which they soon commenced ar- 
riving at Westport and reported to me by regiments. After the en- 
gagement had continued near two hours, the conflict becoming un- 
equal and my flanks being endangered in consequence of the superior 
numbers of the enemy, I withdrew my forces to the north side of the 
creek to enable me to bring up the militia and get them into position, 
and having accomplished this and taken measures against my flanks 
being exposed, I ordered an advance of the whole line. Moving 
steadily forward across the creek and through the timber we met 
the enemy at the edge of the prairie on the south side, and the en- 
gagement soon became general along the entire line. After a brief 
but fierce contest the enemy's lines were broken, and a rout and re- 
treat soon followed. Driving them back a mile and a half over the 
prairie, I discovered Fagan's division of the rebel command engag- 
ing Pleasanton, who during the morning had come up from the 
east, on the enemy's flank. Their line was formed at right angle 
with the advancing line of my division, and massing three batteries 
of artillery on my left, they poured a murderous fire into the flank 



260 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

of Fagan's division, just as they were in the act of charging Pleas- 
anton's line. The terrible fire of these batteries on their flank, routed 
them in confusion, and joining the flying fugitives of Shelby's and 
Marmaduke's divisions they moved rapidly south, while Moonlight's, 
Ford's and Jennison's brigades, of my command, moved past Pleas- 
anton's command, and pressed rapidly upon their rear until dark. 
That night, my command and Pleasanton's bivouacked at and near 
Little Santa Fe. Here I urged upon Gen'l Curtis the importance of 
moving the following morning at two o'clock (at which time the 
moon rose) , with the view of coming up with Price at Grand river, 
where I knew he must bivouac that night. Gen'l Curtis decided that 
we should not march until sunrise, and by that time I was moving 
with my command on Price's trail down the military road, except 
Col. Moonlight's brigade, which I had directed to move down on the 
enemy's right flank to prevent raiding parties into the state. On 
arriving at the crossing of Grand river, where Price had bivouacked 
during the night, I ascertained from deserters that the rear of their 
column had left there about three hours before, and had we moved 
at two o'clock in the morning, as I urged, we would have overtaken 
them at that point. 

After a march of fifty miles, we arrived at West Point at sundown. 
Here I received an order from Gen'l Curtis, who was with Pleas- 
anton's division, about six miles in the rear, to halt my command 
until they came up. It was evident that the enemy at this point 
had taken the Fort Scott road, and it was also evident that he would 
halt until morning at the crossing of the Osage, twelve miles south 
of West Point, and while waiting for the arrival of Gen'l Curtis, 
scouts whom I had in the advance, returned to me with information 
that they (the enemy) were bivouacked on the south side of the 
Osage (at the trading post) with a strong rear guard on the north 
side of the river. 

Upon General Curtis coming up, a consultation was had in 
reference to further movements. In this conference a decided dif- 
ference of opinion was held. Being well satisfied that the enemy 
were expecting our attack upon their rear, and that their flanks 
were unguarded, I proposed that we should leave a few squadrons 
of cavalry to make a feint on their rear, while, with the main 
column, we should pass to the right, cross the Osage river four miles 
above the trading post, pass entirely around their flank, and before 
daylight in the morning have our line of battle formed in their 
front, our right resting on the Osage below them, and our left on 



BLUNT : CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 261 

the same stream above them, while the enemy would be in the sack 
formed by the course or bend of the river. Understanding well 
the topography of the country, I felt assured that this movement 
could be made with complete safety and success, and would result 
in the capture of Price's entire army with but little loss to us. Gen- 
eral Pleasanton seconded this proposition and subsequent events 
proved that had it been adopted and we had been in position in 
their front at daylight, where they neither looked for, or were pre- 
pared to meet an attack, no portion of the rebel command could 
have escaped, but General Curtis disagreed with me, and decided 
that we should follow up and attack their rear. I now despatched a 
messenger to Col. Moonlight to move with his brigade by way of 
Mound City, past the enemy's flank, and proceed to Fort Scott with 
as little delay as possible, for the defense of that place. 

After halting about two hours at West Point, for rest, Pleasanton, 
by Gen'l Curtis' order, moved his division past my command and 
took the advance. The column then moved forward, and near mid- 
night our advance came upon the enemy's pickets, when the column 
halted until daylight. The attack was then made by Pleasanton's 
division on their rear guard, when they showed more disposition to 
make a safe retreat than to fight, but being pressed hard, they were 
compelled to form their line near Mine creek, where they were 
soon routed with severe loss and the capture of near all their 
artillery and a large number of prisoners, among whom were Gen'ls 
Marmaduke and Cabell. In this engagement, my division, except 
three squadrons of the Second Colorado cavalry, took no part, in 
consequence of the crossing of the Osage being obstructed by the 
rear of Pleasanton's command, and thus prevented from getting up 
in time. From Mine creek a running fight continued until dark, 
when the enemy reached the timber of the Marmaton about four 
miles east of Fort Scott. General Curtis having now left the field, 
leaving me without orders, or even an intimation of what he in- 
tended doing, and my men being without rations, and the night so 
excessively dark that we could not move on the enemy's rear, I 
marched my division to Fort Scott, where on my arrival I found 
that Gen'l Curtis and General Pleasanton with his command had 
preceded me, and believing that Price must bivouac until morning 
near the junction of the Dry wood and Marmaton, I urged the im- 
portance of moving east from Fort Scott, as soon as the command 
could be supplied with rations, and at daylight place ourselves on 
the enemy's flank, but in this I was overruled by General Curtis, 



262 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

and did not leave Fort Scott until noon the next day (Oct. 26th), 
when the enemy had had time to get far in our advance. 

I now again got the advance with my division, and near night 
struck the enemy's trail near Shanghai and pressed forward as 
rapidly as the condition of our stock would permit. At three o'clock 
on the morning of the 28th, we bivouacked at Carthage, and at 
daylight again moved forward, arriving at Granby about noon. I 
there ascertained that we were close upon the enemy's rear, and hav- 
ing with me, in the advance, only the first and fourth brigades 
of my division, I sent back messengers to hurry forward the second 
brigade, and also Gen'l McNeal's brigade of Gen'l Pleasanton's 
command, both of which I supposed were only a short distance in 
my rear. Arriving on the high prairie overlooking the town of New- 
tonia from the northwest, I discovered the enemy bivouacked in 
the edge of the timber south of the town, while a detachment 
numbering some fifteen hundred were occupying the town, and 
were preparing to manufacture flour for their command. They had 
stopped here upon the supposition that we had abandoned the pur- 
suit, and upon observing our advance approaching, they made hasty 
preparations for leaving. Although I had not to exceed one thou- 
sand men on the ground, yet seeing the enemy was anxious to avoid a 
fight, I determined to attack them at once, relying upon Col. Moon- 
light's and Gen'l McNeal's brigades to come up in time for support. 
Placing the First Colorado battery in position on the high ridge 
west of the town, and directing them to open fire upon the enemy, 
I advanced in line with the cavalry and two mountain howitzers, 
until we met their line moving out of the timber, when skirmishers 
were immediately thrown out, the battery ordered up and a spirited 
engagement ensued. A second line of the enemy soon advanced 
from the timber and with less than one thousand men I found myself 
confronting all of Price's available force, and according to the 
estimate of his own officers, not less than ten thousand in number. 
Having sent back messengers repeatedly to hurry forward the other 
troops, and momentarily expecting their arrival, I determined if 
possible to hold the ground until they came up. In this situation 
of affairs the battle raged on an open plain from two o'clock p. m. 
until sundown, the enemy, by their superiority of numbers, at- 
tempting to overwhelm and crush us, while the two diminutive 
brigades of Col. Ford and Lt. Col. Hoyt fought with a heroism 
seldom equalled, and as the enemy repeatedly attempted to charge 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES 263 

our artillery, they were each time driven back by a terrible and 
deadly fire of cannister. 

Just in the twilight of the evening, and as the enemy were mov- 
ing a heavy column to flank us on the left, and when the ammuni- 
tion of the First and Fourth brigades was exhausted, the brigade 
of Gen'l Sanborn came in sight. I immediately ordered him forward 
to form on my left, when the rebels seeing that I had been rein- 
forced, fell back under cover of the timber, and occupied the night 
in their hasty retreat, leaving their dead, and many of their wounded 
on the field. 

My loss in this engagement, in killed and wounded, was one 
hundred and fourteen, while the enemy's loss, according to their 
own estimate was over eight hundred. 

After dark General Curtis came up with the remainder of the 
command and directed the pursuit to be continued the next morn- 
ing, but during the night, orders were received from Gen'l Rose- 
crans for the troops belonging to his department to return to their 
respective districts, and General Curtis then determined to abandon 
the chase. Upon our arrival at Neosho, on our return, despatches 
were received from Gen'l Grant, countermanding Gen'l Rosecrans' 
orders, and directing that the pursuit be continued to the Arkansas 
river, but we had now lost two days' time, which rendered it very 
improbable that we could again overtake the enemy, yet we pressed 
forward as rapidly as possible. At Cane Hill we were twenty-four 
hours behind them, and here I learned, fromS the official report of 
Gen'l Price's adjutant, that their losses in killed, wounded, prisoners 
and deserters, from the time that I met them at Lexington, was ten 
thousand, five hundred and fifty. 

From Cane Hill we strained every nerve to overtake them, but 
arrived at the Arkansas river on the 8th day of November three 
hours after the rear of their column had crossed, thirty miles west 
of Fort Smith; and from this point we commenced our long and 
weary march back to Kansas. 

Had Gen'l Thayer, who had six or seven thousand efficient troops 
inside of the fortifications at Fort Smith and who was apprised 
of our movements by despatches by messengers sent a small force 
with two or three pieces of artillery up the river on the south side, 
to attack and check Price's advance while crossing, as he (Thayer) 
was urged to do, we would have been enabled to have captured 
the entire rebel force at the Arkansas river. 

While I have not gone into minute details regarding the campaign 



264 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

against Price in the fall of 1864, yet I have been more elaborate 
than I otherwise would if it were not that my official report of the 
affair has been manipulated, while many accounts of the same have 
been spread before the public which were far from being correct, 
and while I have not said all that I might in reference to this cam- 
paign, yet what I have narrated I know to be correct. 

I arrived in Kansas on my return from the campaign against 
Price, the 24th of November, and remained at Paola, the head- 
quarters of my district, until after the surrender of Lee, when it 
being supposed the war would be continued west of the Mississippi, 
I was ordered by Gen'l Pope, commanding military division of the 
Missouri, to the command of the cavalry division of an army that 
was to move against Gen'l Kirby Smith, who with a command of 
sixty thousand rebels, was occupying the line of Red river. About 
the middle of April I left Kansas and proceeded by way of St. Louis 
and the Arkansas river, to Fort Gibson, when I commenced to con- 
centrate and organize my command, which was to consist of ten 
thousand cavalry, and several batteries of light artillery. With this 
force it was expected that I would move as a separate column 
through the Indian country, cross Red river, and come in upon the 
enemy's left flank, while the infantry columns moved from Little 
Rock, and Fort Smith, to form a junction, but the surrender by 
Kirby Smith, of all the rebel forces west of the Mississippi, saved 
us further efforts in that direction. While I was making active 
preparations, and in a short time would have been in readiness to 
move against the enemy, I received information, on the second day 
of June, of the surrender just alluded to, and considering the war 
was at an end, I forwarded on the following day (June 3d) to the 
Secretary of War, my resignation as Major General of Vols. and 
asked of Gen'l Reynolds, commanding Department of Arkansas, to 
be relieved of the command as soon as convenient. Accordingly I 
was relieved on the 18th day of June and proceeded to Leavenworth 
to await action on my resignation, which was accepted on the 29th 
of July, 1865, and thus terminated my connection with the army, 
after serving a period of over four years. 

In the foregoing recital I have not attempted to go into the minor 
details of events with which I have been connected, or refer to the 
part taken by individual officers or particular commands. For 
these I must refer you to my official reports, in which I have en- 
deavored to do justice to all according to their merit. If I have 



BLUNT: CIVIL WAR EXPERIENCES . 265 

erred, or omitted what was due to anyone, it has not been inten- 
tional. 

While there are some pleasant reminiscences connected with my 
service in the volunteer army during the late war, yet my path was 
not free from thorns. To be compelled always to contest with an 
enemy double and treble my superior in numbers, and thrown upon 
my own resources to provide for every emergency, was not the mis- 
fortune that annoyed me the most. I had as much to fear from the 
treacherous and cowardly enemy in my rear, as from armed rebels 
in my front. When I first entered upon the duties of a responsible 
command, I verily believed it was the duty of every loyal man to 
sustain the government in its hour of peril, and to strengthen the 
hands of those who were laboring to put down the gigantic rebellion 
by a vigorous prosecution of the war. In this I was mistaken. Ex- 
perience has since taught me that patriotism 

[There is a gap in the manuscript here; the top of the final page is missing 
and what is left appears as follows.] 

knew better than they, the 
and the remedy to be 
I been willing to have sac- 
principle, honor and self-respect, 
back upon those with whom my lot had been 
cast, and played the sycophant and toady to men for whom I had 
a supreme contempt, and some of whom I even doubted their 
loyalty, notwithstanding they occupied high official positions in the 
army, I should probably have been one of the favored instead of 
the persecuted. That I did not comply with their requirements, I 
shall never regret. 

Another annoyance and barrier to my usefulness, that met me at 
every step, and one that I felt more keenly than all others was the 
unrelenting crusade against me by those exercising authority and 
influence. [Apparently the report does not quite end here, but it is 
evident that Blunt was concluding his narrative. If there were 
other pages they have been lost.] 



United States Surveyors Massacred 
by Indians 

Lone Tree, Meade County, 1874 
MRS. F. C. MONTGOMERY 

THE completion of the task of surveying the public lands in Kan- 
sas was provided for under eight contracts entered into July S v 
1874, by Carmi W. Babcock, of Lawrence, the surveyor general of 
Kansas. Contract No. 382 was signed by Capt. Oliver Francis 
Short and Capt. Abram Cutler, both of Lawrence. The final cost 
of their contract was $9,677.92 for 1,055 miles of section lines. 
Contract No. 381 was taken by Capt. Luther A. Thrasher, a Mr. 
Steele, W. C. Jones and Harmon Scott, all of lola. Their com- 
pensation was $9,117.35 for 920 miles of section lines. All these 
men had contracts in former years and their plats and field notes 
are in the auditor's office in Topeka. 1 

The surveying expedition for the performance of these two con- 
tracts was formed at Lawrence for the most part. Captain Short, the 
ranking officer, left there July 29, 1874, for Wichita, where he bought 
oxen and some equipment. He was joined at Dodge City on August 
4 by his sons Harry C. and Daniel Truman Short, Captain Cutler, 
James Shaw and son J. Allen Shaw, J. H. Keuchler, Fleming (Clem) 
Duncan, Wm. and Richard Douglas, Frank Blacklidge, and Harry 
C. Jones, who was a nephew of Captain Cutler. All of these were 
of Douglas county, and with the exception of the contractors and 
James Shaw, farmer, were young students of Kansas University. 2 

They were soon joined at Dodge by Captain Thrasher, of lola, 
second in command of the expedition, and S. W. Howe, of Florence, 
Marion county; also a Mr. Crist, a Mr. Woolens, and others of his 
party, as yet unknown. Crist, no doubt, was S. B. Crist, the Allen 
county man who had been a chainman in the survey of the Cherokee 
Neutral lands in 1867, by the government. The whole Meade 
county expedition comprised twenty-two men, eighteen for field 
work, and four for camp duties, including Prather, a mulatto of 
Lawrence. The location of their general camp was on the north- 
east corner of section 4, township 33, range 28 west, just a short 

1. Rept. Surv. Gen. Kan., 1873. (In Report Secretary of Interior, Commissioner General 
Land Office) pp. 93-98; 1874, pp. 106-112; 1875, pp. 30, 39, 40, 210-214; Serial Nos. 
1601, 1639, 1680. 

2. Lawrence Tribune, Aug. 20, 27; Oct. 29, 1874; Lawrence Western Home Journal 
July 28, Sept. 3, 1874. 

(266) 



MONTGOMERY: U. S. SURVEYORS MASSACRED 267 

distance east of the old "Lone Tree." This is a well-known land- 
mark on the east side of Crooked creek, six miles southwest of 
Meade, and about forty miles south and twenty miles west of 
Dodge. Captain Short's party was to survey the exterior lines of 
township 33, and be away from camp for the entire week. The 
parties of Captain Thrasher and Captain Cutler returned to camp 
each night, after surveying the township into sections. 3 

From this camp Captain Short wrote to his wife on August 16 
and 22 that water had been found for the oxen, and that a pump 
driven down at the camp had furnished cool water for the men. 
Stone was plentiful for cornerstone markers. It had been agreed 
that in case of Indian attacks they would set fire to the grass as a 
signal to other surveyors, but they had been forced to fight prairie 
fires to save the grass for their oxen. On the last Sunday afternoon 
in camp, August 23, Captain Short had read passages from his New 
Testament and joined in the singing of hymns. The morning had 
been spent in washing clothes. His letters were sent to Dodge by 
hunters passing by the camp on Monday morning, August 24, 1874. 

On that fatal day Captain Short chose his party for a week's 
survey. It included his son, Daniel Truman Short, aged fourteen; 
James Shaw, aged fifty-one; and his son J. Allen Shaw, who was 
about eighteen; Harry C. Jones, about twenty -two, and John H. 
Keuchler, who was seventeen or eighteen. Harry C. Short, who 
had been chainman for his father, was assigned to stay in camp 
that week under his protest, to harmonize camp troubles. The other 
two field parties took different directions to mark the virgin prairie 
into sections for future occupants. 

About noon of Wednesday, August 26, Mr. Crist, of Thrasher's 
party, saw Captain Short's wagon standing on the east side of 
Crooked creek, about eight and one-half miles south, and two and 
one-half miles west of Meade. Captain Thrasher was notified, and 
he reconnoitered with his force, including Mr. Woolens, S. W. Howe 
and Richard Douglas. They armed themselves, then unhitched their 
oxen from their cart and drove them ahead to the empty wagon. 
There they found the bodies of Captain Short and his five men 
lying on the ground in a row, as they had been left by the Indians. 
The oxen were dead in their yokes, with the hind quarters cut off, 
and the camp dog lay dead beside its master. Captain Short, his 

3. Crist, [S. B.] t Adjutant General. Kansas, 1873-'74, p. 20; U. S. Survey Cherokee 
Neutral Lands, plat book 1867, S. B. Crist, chainman. Howe, S. W., biog. Andreas, History 
of Kansas, p. 1265; Lawrence Tribune, Nov. 29, 1874. Smith, E. D., letters on locations, 
to Historical Society, Jan. 11, 16, 1911, Mss. White, Thomas K., statements in interview 
with author. 



268 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

son, and Harry Jones had been scalped, and others had their heads 
crushed. The pockets of all had been turned inside out. There 
were twenty-eight bullet holes in the wagon, and eight bullets were 
found in the water barrel. 

James Shaw was the last man killed at this place, as shown by 
tracks made there by the irons on his boot heels. It was learned 
later that the Indians had carried off their own dead and wounded. 
The bodies, after a careful search, were put in Short's wagon and 
drawn back to camp. They were buried near sundown, about 100 
yards southeast of Lone Tree, and the same distance southwest of 
the camp. One lone grave three feet deep was made for all the 
victims, who were wrapped in tent cloth. Initials were carved 
on rough stones which were placed at the head of each body. 

Captain Thrasher, Richard Douglas and others had traced the 
route of the surveyors back to the first point of attack. This was 
one-half mile north of the extreme southwest corner of section 31, 
township 33, range 28 west. It is about eleven miles southwest of 
Meade "as the crow flies" and was near Stumpy arroya and a 
creek later called Short's creek. The location was about two 
miles west of old Odee post office. From the first point of attack, 
to section 20 northeast, the surveyors attempted to make a running 
fight from the wagon. They tossed out their water barrel, mess kit 
and other equipment to make room for the bodies of those killed. 
For about three and one-half miles the trail toward the camp was 
strewn with cartridge shells, showing a desperate fight. 

Next morning, Thursday, August 27, hunters passing by the 
camp reported they had seen a party of twenty-five Cheyennes 
about fifteen to twenty miles west of the camp. Waiting until the 
Indians passed well out of sight they examined the camp of the 
Indians. Here they found Short's compass, papers and chains; also 
Cheyenne arrowheads. It was learned later from Mochin, a squaw 
of this party, and from the Indian agent, that it was the band of 
Chief Medicine Water. Truman Short's horse was found in Medi- 
cine Water's camp about a hundred miles west of Camp Supply. 
Years afterwards Chief Yellow Horse began to tell H. C. Perkins, 
of the auditor's office, Topeka, about his prowess in the Short mas- 
sacre, but shut up like a clam when he feared that Mr. Perkins might 
inform the government about his deeds. 

The Cheyennes had been angered by an order which called out 
300 soldiers from Fort Dodge to drive the Cheyennes back to their 
reservation. These soldiers had passed by Captain Short's camp 



MONTGOMERY: U. S. SURVEYORS MASSACRED 269 

on their way south. At that time he had asked the commanding 
officer to give him a smiall detail of soldiers to act as scouts or 
guards for the surveyors. The officer said he had no authority 
to grant his request, and stated that there were no Indians in the 
vicinity. These Cheyennes who killed Short's party, and the 
German family of five near Fort Wallace soon afterward, were 
convicted and sent to a government prison in Florida later, but 
were soon liberated. 4 

Mrs. Short, mother of six children, was informed of the catas- 
trophe by Captain Thrasher at Dodge. He had assumed charge of 
the camp affairs, as second in command. He requested Captain 
Cutler to remain in camp with the remaining surveyors, while he 
went to Dodge for more men, arms and equipment. Captain Cutler 
declined to remain, or to continue the survey unless he be given full 
control. The whole force broke camp on August 27 and went to 
Dodge to await reorganization. Here Captain Thrasher com- 
municated with Mrs. Short as to the continuance of Captain Short's 
contract, in which Captain Cutler was partner. 5 Mrs. Short em- 
powered Captain Thrasher to finish this contract, which he then 
undertook in addition to his own. 

Mrs. Short, at all times acquainted with affairs of the survey and 
its personnel, determined that all bodies of the murdered surveyors 
should be removed at the same time from near Lone Tree to their 
permanent burial places. She was aided in this by the surveyor 
general of Kansas, and by Gen. John Pope, of Fort Leavenworth. 
Richard Douglas and other surveyors left Lawrence on January 20, 

4. Captain Short was born in Ohio, July 9, 1833, son of Rev. Daniel and Diana (Pete- 
fish) Short. He came to Kansas from Illinois, where he married Frances Celia Ann Catlin, 
of Springfield. He was one of the first professional surveyors in Kansas, having served on 
all frontiers of Kansas, and from the Dakota line into the Indian Territory, as contractor, 
compassman or chainman. He had some narrow escapes from rabid proslavery men during 
his early surveys. For a short period in 1857 and 1858 he was owner and editor of the 
Atchison Squatter Sovereign, a free-state paper. One of his early contracts was No. 303, 
dated 1864, when he was loaned a tent and six rifles for his party of six, by the surveyor 
general of Kansas. He surveyed in Cowley and Sumner counties in 1871, and later from 
Wallace county southward. His wife had surveyed with him in 1863, being paid as a 
flagman, riding over 1,600 miles, swimming rivers, hunting buffalo, meeting Indians, with 
whom their relations were always friendly. Adj. Gen., Rept. 1878-'74, pp. 20, 21, 84; 
Andreas, pp. 278, 375; Biog. Scrap Book, S., Bol. 9, pp. 183, 191; Atchison Freedom's 
Champion, Feb. 20, 1858, and Squatter Sovereign, Dec. 5, 1857 ; Lawrence Tribune, Oct. 29, 
Nov. 19, 1874; Lawrence Western Home Journal, Sept. 3, Nov. 19, 1874; Meade Co. Clip- 
pings, pp. 28, 48, His. Soc. Lib. ; Meade Globe, Aug. 23, 30, Sept. 26, 1907 ; Meade Globe- 
Mews, July 2, 10, Aug. 14, 21, 28, 1924; Surv. Gen. Kan., Journal of Office Work, p. 82 in 
Archives; 17. S. Biog. Die. Kan., pp. 107-110. 

5. Captain Cutler abandoned the survey and returned to Lawrence, Sept. 3, 1874, in 
company with Frank Blacklidge and Fleming Duncan, of his own party, and Harold C. 
Short, who was now the only support of his mother. Captain Cutler had been taken into 
partnership with Captain Short for some business reason. In 1879 he wrote to a friend 
some unsubstantiated assertions about Captain Thrasher, which only serve to prove that as a 
government officer, Thrasher would not tolerate any insubordination in that time of peril. 
Captain Cutler had been a member of the Topeka free-state legislature, an officer in the 
Lawrence Stubbs and other militia, and a private in Co. I, 10th Kan. Vol. Inf., in 1861. 
Little else is known of him except that he was buried in Ohio. 



270 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

1875, with six caskets, arriving at Dodge on the 26th. Here they 
were given a military escort from Fort Dodge to Lone Tree Camp 
and return. Captain Short and son Truman were buried on Feb- 
ruary 6, at Mount Muncie cemetery, Leavenworth, their former 
home. James Shaw, 6 who had come to Lawrence in 1866, was buried 
in that city in Oak Hill cemetery, with his son, J. Allen Shaw. H. 
C. Jones, nephew of Captain Cutler, was also buried at Lawrence, 
but the body of John H. Keuchler was sent to his father, a doctor of 
Springfield, 111. 

Mrs. Short filed a $10,000 claim against the government for loss 
of life. It was reported adversely in 1875 and 1878, although in- 
dorsed by the Cheyenne Indian agent, the U. S. Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs, by Enoch Hoag, of Lawrence, who was the central 
superintendent of Indian affairs, and by Gov. T. A. Osborn, of 
Kansas. Finally, by special act put through by Congressman D. C. 
Haskell, of Kansas, $5,000 each was allowed to Mrs. Short and Mrs. 
James Shaw. Among those who assisted Mrs. Short was Mrs. Fanny 
Kelley, of Allen county, once a prisoner of Indians. She secured 
signatures of Cheyenne chiefs, indorsing Mrs. Short's claim. 7 
Thrasher also joined Mrs. Short in a claim for $678 for loss of prop- 
erty taken from the surveyors by the Indians. 

Captain Thrasher's work in completing the survey contracts was 
hampered by danger of further Indian depredations and by un- 
usually unfavorable weather. He had reached Dodge with the 
surviving surveyors on August 31, 1874. The next day he notified 
Governor Osborn of the massacre and requested arms and ammuni- 
tion be sent him. This was done, and he was also given an escort 
of soldiers from Fort Dodge for a short time. After reorganizing the 
parties he resumed work in the field October 1, about twelve miles 
north and fifteen miles west of Lone Tree on the Cimarron. On 
November 27, upon his return from a business trip to Lawrence, he 
found four men suffering from frozen feet. He had to go into camp 
December 20 on account of an eight-inch snow heavily crusted. 
Feed for the oxen gave out in early January, 1875. He started for 
Dodge, taking three men and the oxen, leaving twelve men in camp. 

6. James Shaw was a graduated civil engineer of a Maryland college, and brought his 
instruments with him to Kansas. Both Short and Shaw located on farms near the present 
stadium of Kansas University. Mrs. James Shaw lived later at the residence of Joel S. 
White at Lawrence. 

7. Archives, Gov. Letter Bk., 1875-'77, No. 6, pp. 24, 40, 281; Biog. Die. of Leav., 
Doug. & Franklin Go's., pp. 363-364; Lawrence Tribune, Oct. 29, 1874; Lawrence Western 
Home Journal, Jan. 28, 1876; H. C. Short, statements, 1931. 



MONTGOMERY: U. S. SURVEYORS MASSACRED 271 

On the way another blizzard swept over them. The men made a 
dugout and got the stock into some thick brush. Finally they 
reached Dodge and sent hay, food and clothing back to the camp. 
Work was resumed about January 20. 

Captain Thrasher kept Mrs. Short fully informed, and she in turn 
reported progress of the work in a Lawrence paper, for the benefit of 
the surveyors' families. From one issue we quote as follows: "The 
energy and bravery with which this contractor has maintained the 
field since the massacre of his copartner, 0. F. Short, is worthy of 
respect." On February 22, 1875, Captain Thrasher notified Gov- 
ernor Osborn that he was ready to return all unused ammunition and 
all guns, except two stolen by the Indians. He was back in lola 
before March 6, 1875, with no loss of life to men or oxen. 8 

Several futile efforts have been made to erect a memorial to the 
surveyors of 1874. At an old settlers' picnic held in Odee grove on 
August 28, 1907, Mrs. M. A. Brown, a sister of Captain Short, told 
the story of the massacre, and read Captain Short's last letters. 
Rev. J. M. McNair was president, and Mrs. M. P. Petefish, a rela- 
tive of Captain Short, was secretary of a committee to consider plans 
for a monument. In 1908 a Rev. Martindale, of Plains, sponsored 
a plan to erect a community meeting house on Crooked creek, but 
the plan failed. Fifty years after the massacre a second attempt 
was made. On August 24, 1924, Harold C. Short, of Leavenworth, 
was the guest of Mr. and Mrs. John Haver, a relative of Captain 
Short, and with other settlers, in motors, visited the scene of Cap- 
tain Short's last survey. The last stone he set, which originally was 
two feet square, was found to be worn to but a few inches. In the 
afternoon at a meeting under the shade of Lone Tree, Mr. Short 
retold the story of the survey. His address was followed by the 

8. Captain Thrasher was born at Lynchburg, Va., June 26, 1833, and died there on 
Nov. 15, 1903, after twenty-two years service as an internal revenue agent for the United 
States. He was appointed in 1881 from Douglas county, served from San Francisco to 
Washington, and was known as the most daring agent in the service. He came from Illinois 
to Kansas in 1859, settling in Allen county. He served in the 3d and the 10th Kan. Vols., 
from 1861 to 1865, ending as quartermaster of the 79th U. S. Col'd Vols. He engaged in 
surveying of state roads, with Dr. J. W. Scott, at one time on a road from Tola to Wichita, 
thence to Abilene, during which time they were attacked by Indians. In December of 1867 
he organized a cattle drive from Texas to Abilene, and kept a diary which is of much inter- 
est. At Abilene he received his appointment as quartermaster of the 19th Kan. Vol. Cav. 
After a hard service he was mustered out in April of 1869, and became principal of lola 
schools. Next he engaged in surveying for the Santa Fe railroad, and is said to have laid 
out the towns of Florence and Lamed. From Dec., 1877, to May 14, 1878, he was one of 
three state commissioners to select indemnity school lands, in lieu of lands taken by the 
railroads in the Indian reservations. His burial at Arlington was witnessed by the Kansas 
congressional delegation. 



272 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

organization of a memorial association. This effort also failed in 
its purpose. 9 

Mrs. John Haver, Mrs. R. F. Todd, former editor of the Meade 
County News, Meade, and Frank Fuhr, former editor of the Meade 
Globe, formed the latest committee to arrange for a memorial. Mr. 
Fuhr took the lead in this organization in June, 1931. It is planned 
to raise sufficient funds to erect a monument in the courthouse 
square at Meade, and to place markers on the camp site, and the 
site of the massacre. 

9. Harold C. Short, of Leavenworth, is now the only survivor of the government survey 
in Meade county, being then under sixteen years old. He was born at Atchison, Sept. 17, 
1858. Since 1885 he has maintained the oldest abstract office in Leavenworth county, and 
since 1904 has been chairman or member of the board of county commissioners, his present 
term ending in 1933. He has given such details of the survey as he remembers to the His- 
torical Society, and a picture of himself taken under Lone Tree in August, 1924. He gave, 
also, a copy of a map of township 33, range 28, which Captain Thrasher had made for Mrs. 
Short. This map shows the camp, routes of the three surveying parties, point of first at- 
tack, route of flight northeast toward the camp, place of massacre and the common grave near 
Lone Tree. 



Some Phases of the Industrial History 
of Pittsburg, Kansas 

FEED N. HOWELL 

THE history of the founding and the growth of Pittsburg has 
been closely and vitally connected with the development of the 
coal industry of southeast Kansas. The original Pittsburg was 
nothing but a coal-mining camp located on a railroad constructed 
for the express purpose of tapping a coal field and furnishing an 
outlet for Joplin, Missouri, zinc and lead. Thus the camp grew in 
proportion to the development of the coal industry of its vicinity 
and zinc industries of southeast Kansas and southwest Missouri. 
Two other industries which have been important factors in the de- 
velopment of Pittsburg were the clay products factories and the 
meat-packing plant. 

THE COAL-MINING INDUSTRY. 

The earliest known coal mining in southeast Kansas was about 
1850, and was carried on to a limited extent by residents of the 
neighboring section of Missouri. 1 As settlers came into what be- 
came Crawford and Cherokee counties, more coal was mined from 
year to year. While most of that output was for home use some was 
hauled to such towns as Fort Scott and Baxter Springs, Kansas, and 
Granby, Missouri, where it was sold for cash or traded for supplies. 

During the ten years following the first influx of permanent settlers 
little attention was paid to coal mining and but little thought given 
to the value of the coal-bearing lands, due to lack of market and 
cost of local transportation. With the advent of the railroad into 
the coal fields casual and occasional coal mining gave way to an 
established industry. 

The first real mining was done by the stripping process, using 
plows, scrapers and teams. This was profitable only where the 
overburden was light. But in most places where the overburden 
was light the coal was poor and limited in extent. As a result, that 
kind of mining soon ceased and remained in disuse until the coming 
of the modern steam shovel some thirty years later. However, an 
attempt at steam-shovel stripping was made in 1876, when Hodges 
and Armit began stripping near Pittsburg with a shovel made for 

1. C. M. Young, "Kansas Coal, Its Occurrence and Production," Bulletin, University of 
Kansas, March 1, 1896, pp. 88-89. 

(273) 
183416 



274 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

railroad work. The shovel was operated for three years successfully. 
But since it could operate in strips with but ten or twelve feet of 
overburden it ceased operations due to lack of suitable stripping 
territory. While that shovel was too small for general coal stripping 
Hodges was satisfied that a shovel of sufficient size could be built. 
The shovel makers, however, declared a shovel of sufficient size to 
uncover a wide strip of deep coal was absolutely impractical and 
could not be made. 2 Nevertheless, such a shovel was built within 
the next thirty years. A revolving stripping shovel was first put into 
operation in the Pittsburg field in 1911. It cost $25,000 and could 
operate to a depth of twenty feet only, but it was not much of a 
shovel compared with one developed twenty years later, costing 
from $150,000 to $175,000 and operating to a depth of forty-five 
feet. 3 

The amount of production of the strip mines kept pace with the 
improvements in shovels. During the early days of the shovel a 
production of 200 tons per day was unusual. In 1930 daily pro- 
duction in the large mines ran as high as 1,500 tons. 

The cost of equipping an up-to-date mine was no small item. 
During the year 1929 $300,000 was spent on an electrically equipped 
shovel, a loader, a tipple, and other equipment for a single mine. 4 
This was doubtless the best-equipped mine in the Pittsburg field. 

The first shaft, worthy the name, in southeast Kansas, was sunk 
by Scammon Brothers, just north of Scammon, in 1874. 5 A year or 
two later shafts were sunk in the Pittsburg district. The exact 
location of the first one is a matter of dispute, but there is suf- 
ficient evidence to show that during the year 1877 at least one shaft 
was sunk on the Pittsburg town site and one on Carbon creek, a 
few miles northeast of Pittsburg. 6 How fast shaft mining increased 
during the next twenty years there is no authentic record. In 1898 
there were fifty-three mines in operation in Crawford county, ac- 
cording to the State Geological Survey for that year. Of the fifty- 
three mines in the county approximately thirty were within five 
miles of Pittsburg ; of the thirty within the five-mile radius approxi- 

2. Ibid., p. 100. 

8. Interview, K. A. Spencer, Pittsburg, Kan., vice president and manager, Jackson- 
Walker Coal and Mining Company. 

4. Interview, Joseph Klaner, Pittsburg, Kan., strip mine operator, 1911-1930, Pittsburg 
territory. 

6. Interview, P. S. Boulware, retired stockman, Pittsburg, Kan. Settled six miles west 
of Pittsburg, 1869. 

6. Interview, Franklin Playter, Galena, Kan., retired lawyer, banker, promoter. Assisted 
in organizing Joplin Railroad Company, and in establishing Pittsburg town site. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG 275 

mately seventeen were within two and one-half miles of the center 
of the town. 

According to both state and federal statistics Crawford and Cher- 
okee counties have been the leading coal-producing sections of the 
state. Of the two, Crawford county has been by far the larger 
producer. However, only the southeast quarter, approximately, is 
considered good coal territory. Since that part of the county is 
almost entirely Pittsburg trade territory the importance of the coal 
industry to the town may be shown by the following comparative 
table of coal production, expressed in tons: 



Year. 

1885 


Crawford 
county. 

221,741 


Cherokee 
county. 

371,930 


State. 

1,212,057 


1890 


900,464 


724,861 


2,259,922 


1895 


1 517 936 


918,944 


2,926,870 7 


1900 , 


2,307,130 


1,547,471 


4,467,870 8 


1905 


3 729 953 


2,132,589 


6,423, 979 9 


1910 


2,986,411 


1,477,529 


4,921,451 10 


1915 


4 843,232 


1 707 456 


6,824,474 n 


1920 


4 508 747 


1,090,186 


5,926,408 12 


1925 


3,107,829 


1,177,235 


4,524,000 1S 


1930. . 


1.634.947 


539,890 


2,603,156 i* 



The sharp decline in production since 1920, as shown in the 
chart, is not peculiar to the Pittsburg field alone. All other local 
coal fields of the United States have experienced a similar decline. 
This has been due to four principal causes. First, between 1925 and 
1930 combustion engineers had made great progress. The efficiency 
of all heat and motive power producing appliances had been in- 
creased about 35 per cent. Second, increased use of substitutes for 
coal, such as oil and natural gas. Third, increased use of hydro- 
electric power. Fourth, unsettled labor conditions which have caused 
large producers to hesitate to enter into long-time delivery con- 
tracts, lest difficulty be experienced in filling such contracts. 15 

The part the coal industry has played in the economic life of 
Pittsburg is shown further by the following table : 

7. Eighteenth Annual Report, United States Geological Survey, Mineral Resources, part 
V, p. 626. 

8. Mineral Resources of the United States. Calendar Year, 1902, p. 380. 

9. Mineral Resources of the United States, 1905, pp. 601-602. 

10. Ibid., 1910, part II, p. 186. 

11. Ibid., 1915, part II, p. 948. 

12. Ibid., 1921, part II, p. 585. 

13. Ibid., 1925, part II, p. 499. 

14. Annual Report of Coal Mine and Metal Mine Inspection and Mine Rescue Depart- 
ment, 1930, p. 80. 

15. Interview, K. A. Spencer. 



276 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Average number 

Number of of days mines 

Year. miners. operated. 

1890 1,447 198 

1895 3,098 16116 

1901 5,038 239 17 

1905 6,190 21218 

1910 7,458 1481 9 

1915 9,094 18220 

1920 6,915 206 2 i 

1925 5,584 16422 

1930 3,753 93.7 23 

In the study of the above table one should take into consideration 
the wage scales in effect during the thirty-nine-year period. 

The early-day miners were paid about $2 per day. This wage 
had been increased to but $2.98 per day by 1916. In May, 1917, 
when the coal industry was placed under a national board, wages 
were fixed at $3.60 per day. That scale remained in effect until 
October, 1917, when wages were increased to $5 per day. Early in 
1919 a provisional scale of $5.70 per day was established. This was 
increased to $6 in the fall of the same year. In the fall of 1920 a 
wage scale of $7.50 went into effect and operated until April, 1923, 
when the famous Jacksonville four-year agreement, fixing wages 
at $7.50 per day, was adopted. In 1927 the Jacksonville agreement 
was continued for one year. In August, 1928, a three-year agree- 
ment with a $5 wage scale was adopted. 24 

The part the coal industry has played in the economic life of 
Pittsburg and Crawford county, and the part it will play in the 
future, is worthy of consideration from another viewpoint. Whether 
the economic loss resulting from the destruction of the surface by 
the shovels is counterbalanced by the increased production of coal 
per acre was an unanswered question, January, 1930. By that 
time approximately 4,000 acres of coal land had been stripped and 
there remained to be stripped during the next twenty-five years 
approximately 800 acres. 

16. Eighteenth Annual Report, United States Geological Survey, Mineral Resources, part 
V, p. 526. 

17. Mineral Resources of the United States, Calendar Year, 1902, p. 380. 

18. Mineral Resources of the United States, 1905, pp. 601-602. 

19. Ibid., 1910, part II, p. 136. 

20. Ibid., 1915, part II, p. 948. 

21. Ibid., 1921, part II, p. 585. 

22. Ibid., 1925, part II, p. 499. 

23. Annual Report of Coal Mine and Metal Mine Inspection and Mine Rescue Depart- 
ments, 1980, p. 81. 

24. Interview, Bernard Kerrigan, Pittsburg, Kan., secretary, Southwestern Interstate Coal 
Operators' Association. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBTJRG 277 

The average price of farm land in the stripping territory has 
been $25 to $35 per acre. Stripped land has been valued by the 
coal companies at $10 per acre. The loss to the county in taxable 
valuation is evident. On the other hand, the shovels take out 100 
per cent of the coal, while the shaft mines remove only 40 per cent to 
50 per cent of it. From this viewpoint, stripping is an economic 
gain. 

Little experimenting in reclaiming the abandoned strip pits had 
been made prior to January, 1930. During a two-year period prior 
to that time the Spencer interests had done some experimenting on 
a ten-acre tract of six- to eight-year-old strip land. The surface 
soil of those particular ridges and pits contained considerable shale. 
Nothing was done to level down the ridges. They were planted to 
alfalfa and to catalpa trees just as the shovel had left them, plus 
six to eight years' erosion. Both the alfalfa and the trees have done 
well during the two-year period. 25 

From personal observations, the author has found that many of 
the earliest stripped lands have become quite well reforested with 
practically all the native varieties of trees, such as elm, cotton- 
wood, willow, wild cherry, hackberry, etc. Some of the trees have 
attained a diameter of twelve to fifteen inches. Wild blackberries, 
especially, grow well on many of the older stripped areas. 

Nature has converted the last runs of the shovels into lakes, many 
of which have been stocked with fish through natural processes. A 
number of these pit-lakes have been leased by private parties for 
recreation grounds and have been made to yield small returns to 
the owners. In 1928 the citizens of Pittsburg purchased 400 acres, 
80 per cent of which is old strip pits, and presented the tract to the 
state of Kansas. This became the Crawford County State Park. 
It is a rugged, well-timbered park through which wind many beau- 
tiful narrow lakes. Since taking it over the state has improved it 
greatly and has converted it into a pleasant recreation center. 

Since the middle eighties the coal industry of the Pittsburg field 
has been characterized by independent action on the part of the 
leading operators. This independence of action has been evident 
in purchasing and leasing coal lands, in production, and in market- 
ing the output of the mines. Several of the large producers of the 
early period were still in the field January, 1930. A few were 
operating under their original trade names while the remainder were 

25. Interview, K. A. Spencer. 



278 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

under new names but governed primarily by the earlier business 
policies. 

Transportation has never been a very serious problem with the 
coal companies, except possibly during the first ten years of the 
industry. At times freight rates on coal have discriminated in favor 
of Pittsburg. For example, for several years prior to 1918 Pittsburg 
coal was sold within fifty miles of St. Louis, Missouri, in competition 
with other coal of like grade. This was manifestly unfair to the 
Illinois and other neighboring coal fields. But this attitude of the 
transportation companies toward the coal operators is easily ex- 
plained. In 1929 the railroads had $4 invested in coal marketing 
equipment, such as coal cars, switch engines, mines spurs, etc., for 
each $1.50 invested by the mine operators in mines and mine equip- 
ment. A similar ratio of investments runs back through most of 
the history of coal mining in the Pittsburg district. 

Independent marketing has characterized the Pittsburg coal field 
in spite of the tendency to merge which dominated so many busi- 
ness interests during several decades. During the year 1929 86 
per cent of Pittsburg coal was marketed by seven companies. Two 
of the seven were exclusive sales companies. The other five were 
both producers and distributors and marketed 50 per cent of the 
coal mined in the district. Competition was keen and there was 
no tendency to fix prices. It is said that practically the same gen- 
eral statements relative to marketing are applicable to any period 
of the coal history. 26 

Two mine disasters stand out boldly in the history of coal min- 
ing in the vicinity of Pittsburg. The one occurred at Frontenac 
the afternoon of November 9, 1888; the other at Stone City, some 
eight miles southwest of Pittsburg, about midday, December 13, 
1916. 

The story of each disaster has been graphically told in The Daily 
Headlight, from whose columns the following is quoted: 

"Yesterday evening witnessed the most terrible holocaust that ever occurred 
in this mining district or the west. Mine No. 2 of the Pittsburg and Cherokee 
(Santa Fe) Mining Company at Frontenac blew up, causing a horrible toll of 
life. Number of lives lost is not known. Men in the mine at the time of the 
explosion numbered 164. Many of them made their way out uninjured. . . . 

"Every available doctor from Pittsburg, Girard, Litchfield and other places 
from over this district are at the shaft ready to give emergency treatment. 

"Rescue parties have endeavored to enter the mine, but have been driven 

26. Ibid. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG 279 

back by foul air. The fans were demolished by the explosion and men are 
working frantically to replace them so air can be sent into the mine." 27 

The second tragedy was told by the same paper as follows: 

"Twenty men, at least, lost their lives in the explosion at a mine near Stone 
City early this afternoon. According to reports thirty-nine men were entombed 
by the explosion. One hundred men are said to have been employed in the 
mine. 

"The explosion is said to have been one of gas accumulated in an old entry 
that is being reopened. Part of the men were working so far back from the 
shaft that it is a difficult task for the rescuers to reach them. . . . 

"The state mine inspector and the engineer for the Bureau of Mines started 
at once for the mine, provided with rescue apparatus. . . . 

"Unequipped with rescue apparatus several miners tried, time after time, 
to explore the smoky entries, only to be driven back. . . . 

"Death came to most of the victims by suffocation. For, with the excep- 
tion of a few, none of the bodies were burned to any extent." 28 

The mine had started work but shortly before the day of the 
catastrophe. As a result, many families were left practically desti- 
tute. Pittsburg at once requested aid. Governor Capper joined 
in this appeal to the citizens of Kansas. The responses to the ap- 
peals were generous. The two largest contributors were the United 
Mine Workers of America, with $1,000, and the Coal Operators 
Association of Pittsburg, with $1,000. Small individual contribu- 
tions poured into the hands of the committee in charge. In addi- 
tion to these contributions various means were employed to swell 
the fund, such as concerts, picture shows and church collections. 29 

Two other mine disasters in the Pittsburg field stand out promi- 
nently. On December 20, 1906, there was an explosion near Stone 
City which resulted in seven killed and sixteen injured. This mine 
was just being opened; no coal had been taken from it. It was be- 
lieved that the explosion was caused by faulty electric wiring set- 
ting off some cans of powder. 30 

An explosion, March 18, 1911, in an M. K. & T. mine near Min- 
eral, caused the death of five miners. This was a gas explosion at- 
tributed to workmen breaking through into a gas-filled abandoned 
mine adjoining. 31 

The mine death toll during the past few years has been small. The 
majority of fatal accidents have been from rock falls resulting from 
conditions seemingly beyond control. But, with the increased care 

27. The Pittsburg Daily Headlight, Nov. 10, 1888. 

28. Ibid., Dec. 13, 1916. 

29. Ibid., Dec. 13-27, 1916. 
80. Ibid., Dec. 21, 1906. 
31. Ibid., Mar. 19, 1911. 



280 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

given mine inspection, fatalities from this cause have gradually 
grown fewer. 

To protect the lives of the miners as fully as possible the state 
took early action in the establishment of the office of state mine in- 
spector. The original act of 1883, 32 creating that office and defining 
its duties, was amended materially in 1913 for the purpoee of widen- 
ing its scope of activities and enabling it to perform its duties more 
efficiently. 

The general duties of the state mine inspector were to safeguard 
the lives and health of the miners. In addition to that it was his 
duty to determine the cause of mine disasters and to fix the blame. 
In his office were kept many records of the coal mines, such as 
amount of production, number of miners employed, etc. In addi- 
tion to that there was kept a complete file of maps and charts of 
all the underground mines. These maps and charts were prepared 
especially as aids in rescue work in case of disaster. 

The mine rescue department was created by act of the legislature, 
January, 1917. 83 This additional provision was prompted by the 
serious mine disaster at Stone City the previous December, which 
emphasized strongly the need for a well-equipped organization 
to supervise and aid in the work of rescuing imprisoned miners. 

The year following the creation of this bureau three rescue sta- 
tions were established. One was located at Scammon, one at Anna, 
and one at Pittsburg. A few years later, in 1923, the Scammon 
station was closed for lack of appropriation by the state legislature. 
The other two stations have continued to function. Both are well 
equipped to render efficient service, with motor trucks ready to 
rush to the rescue. The Pittsburg truck, especially, is well equipped 
with all that is needed for first-aid work, or for the more dangerous 
task of entering a mine on fire or one filled with the dreaded fire 
damp. 

Danger of explosions and accompanying fires was ever present, 
even in the well-ventilated mines. Much explosive was still used 
in loosening coal (January, 1930). Whenever a shot was fired for 
such purpose there was the ever-accompanying danger of an ex- 
plosion. For this reason the rescue crews were always on duty until 
early evening, or until all shot firers had completed their work for 
the day. 34 

32. Session Laws, 1883, chap. 117, sec. 9. 

33. Ibid,, 1917, chap. 239, sees. 1-4. 

34. Data furnished by state mine inspector's office. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBUKG 281 

THE SMELTERS. 

It has been said that the coal fields adjacent to Pittsburg made 
a good mining camp out of the town, while the smelters made a 
city out of a mining camp. 

The immediate vicinity of Pittsburg produced neither zinc, lead 
nor silver. Yet Pittsburg for a number of years was ranked among 
the zinc-smelting centers of the country. And for a time a silver 
smelter also was operated successfully in the city. 

For some years prior to the founding of Pittsburg the presence 
of zinc and lead deposits in southeast Kansas and southwest Mis- 
souri had been known. During the year 1870 J. B. Sargent and 
E. R. Moffet discovered lead ore in large quantities within the 
present limits of the city of Joplin, Mo. 35 By 1872 positive knowl- 
edge had been gained of the presence of ore near Baxter Springs, 
Kan. 36 In 1877 came the big Galena, Kan., strike. With these 
discoveries the mining industry was established. 

Following the discoveries of lead and zinc in paying quantities 
in southeast Kansas and in the neighboring districts of Missouri 
it remained to refine the crude ore and market the metal at a profit. 
The vast storehouse of coal in the north part of Cherokee county 
and in the south part of Crawford county offered a solution if the 
coal field and the zinc-producing areas could be brought closer 
together. Moffet and Sargent solved this problem by building a 
railroad from Joplin, Mo., through the coal fields to Girard, Kan., 
and there connecting with a line to eastern markets. This road was 
constructed through the present site of Pittsburg during the summer 
of 1876. At this point it may be well to state that Pittsburg was 
laid out as soon as the railroad was established. 37 

During the late winter of 1878 Robert Lanyon arrived in Joplin, 
Mo., from his home in La Salle, 111., in quest of a suitable location 
for a zinc smelter. After looking over the zinc fields around Joplin 
and the coal fields around Pittsburg he decided to build a smelter 
at the latter place. Cheap and abundant fuel was the deciding 
factor in his decision. In those days slack coal could be purchased 
at fifty cents a ton, delivered. Zinc smelters must be located as 
closely as possibly to an ample supply of cheap fuel. A smelter 
operated at a profit must produce from eight to ten tons of metallic 
zinc a day. It required about three tons of ore to produce one ton 

35. The University Geological Survey of Kansas, v. 8, p. 20. 

36. W. E. Connelley. A Standard History of Kansas and Kansans, v. 2, p. 1007. 

37. Register of Deeds, Crawford county, book E, p. 108. 



282 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

of metallic zinc and about six tons of coal to smelt one ton of ore. 
Lanyon located his smelter in the east part of Pittsburg and at 
once commenced the construction of the plant. 38 The progress made 
in building the plant, its capacity, and the interest taken in its con- 
struction can be traced in the Girard Press: 

"The oven for cooking the ore is being laid up and will soon be ready. 
Two furnaces will be put in operation and then two more will be built." 39 
"Mr. Lanyon says he thinks he will have one furnace in operation by the first 
week in June." 40 "It is expected that the Lanyon smelter will produce about 
twelve tons per day and from thirty to fifty hands will be employed." 41 

The plant was soon completed, and during August seven cars of 
zinc were shipped. 42 

The Robert Lanyon smelter was a success and established the 
fact that Pittsburg was a suitable place for carrying on smelting 
operations on a large scale. By the end of two years this pioneer 
smelter and a companion plant at Weir City, eleven miles away, 
were doing a large volume of business. According to the govern- 
ment report for 1880 they were the only smelters in Kansas. They 
employed 180 men, with a pay roll of $110,000, and produced spelter 
worth $254,000. 43 

The success of the Robert Lanyon smelter soon brought other 
smelters to Pittsburg. In 1881 came the firm of S. H. Lanyon and 
Brother; and also that of W. and J. Lanyon. Each organization 
constructed a plant of about eight tons daily capacity. In 1882 
the Granby Mining and Smelting Company, with mines at Joplin, 
built a smelter in the north part of Pittsburg. 

The position occupied by Pittsburg during the early eighties in 
the zinc-smelting industry of the United States was shown by the 
following quotation from the Missouri Geological Survey: "In 1882, 
according to the Mineral Resources of the United States, three 
plants were in operation in Illinois; five in Kansas (four in Pittsburg 
and one in Weir City) ; and five in Missouri." 44 

The smelters ran practically all the time, nights and Sundays, as 
well as week days. Shutdowns were infrequent, as the following 
quotation illustrates: "The large furnace at the Granby 's, which 

38. Interview, E. V. Lanyon, Pittsburg, Kan. Formerly smelter operator. President of 
the National Bank of Pittsburg. 

89. Girard Press, April 18, 1878. 

40. Ibid., May 16, 1878. 

41. Ibid., May 23, 1878. 

42. Ibid., Jan. 9, 1879. 

43. Compendium of Tenth Census of the United States, part 2, p. 971. 

44. Missouri Geological Survey, 1894, v. 6, p. 302. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG 283 

has held fire for more than three years, was shut down last Tuesday 
for necessary repairs." 45 

It is difficult to obtain facts relative to the output and pay rolls 
of the smelters, regardless of location. The Pittsburg Kansan of 
December 4, 1889, contained the following: "The daily production 
of metallic zinc by the smelters is 90,000 pounds, and the annual 
pay roll amounts to $180,000." Again the Pittsburg Kansan of 
August 20, 1890, gives the production of the different smelters for 
the week ending August 16, 1890: 

R. Lanyon & Co 188,000 pounds 

S. H. Lanyon & Co.. 96,000 pounds 

W. and J. Lanyon 97,000 pounds 

Granby Mining and Smelting Company 95,000 pounds 

The next smelter concerns to enter the Pittsburg field were the 
Cherokee Zinc Company and the St. Louis Zinc Company, during 
the fall of 1889. Their entrance into the field was on terms some- 
what different from those which brought the other companies. These 
two concerns sought a bonus for locating in the city. On October 9, 
1889, the Board of Trade of Pittsburg entered into contracts with 
these companies providing for a bonus of $15,000 each. In con- 
sideration of that amount each company agreed to construct and 
operate a plant for a period of one year. 46 The Cherokee Zinc Com- 
pany was primarily a Lanyon organization; the list of stockholders 
of the St. Louis and Pittsburg Zinc Company contained the names 
of several persons prominent in the development of Pittsburg. 47 
Construction of both plants was commenced in the spring of 1890 
and rushed to completion within a few months. While these plants 
were being built the Granby Mining and Smelting Company in- 
creased the capacity of its plant by the addition of more furnaces. 48 

The St. Louis and Pittsburg Company, especially, experienced dif- 
ficulty in housing its employees. In order to meet this condition 
it was necessary for the company to build houses of its own, and 
within a short time it had twenty buildings under construction. 49 

During the early nineties the Pittsburg zinc smelters reached 
their greatest output. The following table shows the size of the 
Kansas smelters and the production of each; also the output of the 
two other large zinc-producing states, for the year 1893 : 

45. Pittsburg Headlight, Oct. 2, 1886. 

46. Pittsburg Kansan, Oct. 9, 1889. 

47. Ibid., April 9, 1890. 

48. Ibid., Sept. 9, 1891. 

49. Ibid., Sept. 10, 1891. 



284 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Number Number Output^ 

NAME. furnaces. retorts. approximate. 

R. Lanyon & Co 10 960 3,500 tons 

S. H. Lanyon & Bro 6 672 2,500 tons 

W. and J. Lanyon 6 672 2,500 tons 

The Cherokee Zinc Co 12 1,344 3,500 tons 

The Granby M. & S. Co 6 672 2,500 tons 

St. Louis and Pittsburg 8 896 3,000 tons 

Girard Zinc Co 12 1,344 3,000 tons 

Weir City Zinc Co 14 1,568 3,750 tons 

State of Illinois 27,000 tons 

State of Missouri .... 16,000 tons 50 

During the same year, 1893, there were twenty-five active zinc 
smelters in the United States, distributed as follows: Illinois, 4; 
Indiana, 1; Kansas, 9; Missouri, 4; Pennsylvania, 2; all other states, 
5. 51 Of the nine smelters in Kansas, six were located in Pittsburg. 
Pittsburg did not long continue as the leading spelter-producing 
city. By the middle nineties the natural gas fields of southeast 
Kansas were being developed rapidly. These gas fields offered a 
fuel cheaper than coal. Many towns in the gas field were reaching 
out for industrial plants. Free gas, or gas at a very low cost, was 
offered them. This played havoc with the zinc smelters, as well as 
with some other industries, in the coal fields. Pittsburg began to 
lose its smelters. Soon all but two were gone. These two, the St. 
Louis and Pittsburg and the Cockerill smelters, continued to operate 
for a time on coal. Soon they were forced to close down because 
they could not meet competition. They remained closed until 1914, 
when the high price of spelter and the great demand enabled them to 
operate again. They continued to operate for a period of three 
years, after which they were closed down and dismantled. 

The closing of the zinc smelters was a severe blow to Pittsburg. 
It was followed by a loss in population of about 2,500 and a pay roll 
of approximately $25,000 a month. 52 

In addition to the zinc smelters Pittsburg numbered a silver 
smelter among its industries for a few years. During the summer 
of 1890 some men looking for a suitable place for locating a silver 
smelter visited Pittsburg. They were attracted by cheap coal and 
the desire of the citizens for additional industrial plants. After 
looking the field over they decided to locate if sufficient aid in es- 
tablishing the plant could be obtained from local citizens. After a 
few days' negotiations between the visitors and the Pittsburg Corn- 
so. Missouri Geological Survey, 1894, v. 7, pp. 495-496. 

61. /bid., vol. 6, p. 246. 

62. Interview, E. V. Lanyon. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG 285 

mercial Club an agreement was reached and a formal contract was 
entered into. 

This agreement between the Pittsburg Commercial Club and the 
Short Method Refining Company of Pittsburg provided that the 
smelter company should refine not less than twenty tons of refrac- 
tory ores at Pittsburg daily for a period of three years; and that 
the Commercial Club should erect a suitable building on a five-acre 
tract, which was to be donated, and supply $2,000 to be expended 
in the construction of furnaces. In addition, the smelter company 
agreed to install machinery in the amount of $16,000. 53 

The smelter company started construction work without delay, 
but was slow in completing the plant. Not until September, 1891, 
was it put into operation. 

The Commercial Club was equally slow in paying its bonus. The 
day before the expiration of a "six months" clause of the contract, 
it lacked $750 of the amount due the smelter company. That night 
it held a meeting for the purpose of raising the amount due. Two 
hundred dollars was raised from those present. As a means of en- 
thusing others arrangements were made to run a special train to the 
plant the next morning. About one hundred men took advantage of 
the excursion. The enthusiasm of the occasion raised another $100. 
On returning to Pittsburg a committee raised the balance, $450, 
in about three hours. 54 

The silver smelter operated at a profit for some four years. It 
shut down for want of operating capital, due to the fact that the 
ore-purchasing agent had managed to get hold of most of the money 
in the treasury through fraudulent invoices and other means and 
had left for parts unknown. The plant shut down, never to reopen. 
Fortunately for the stockholders, the plant had earned and had paid 
to them in dividends during its period of operation more than the 
stock had cost. 

The silver smelter was not a financial success for its owners, nor 
did it add materially to the pay roll of the town. But it was con- 
sidered to have performed a valuable service for the town in ad- 
vertising it and in furthering business enthusiasm. 55 

53. Pittsburg Kansan, Aug. 27, 1890. 

54. The Pittsburg Daily Headlight, May 20, 1891. 

55. Interview, J. H. Seeley, Pittsburg, Kan. Retired building contractor. Stockholder 
in the silver smelter. 



286 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

THE HULL AND DILLON PACKING PLANT. 

The beginning of the Hull and Dillon Packing Plant is set forth 
in the following story related by Lewis Hull. 

In the fall of 1885 Hull found himself in Pittsburg, Kan., full of 
ambition to enter the meat business, but lacked the funds to do so 
even on a very modest scale. However, he managed to secure on 
credit a location and to provide himself with meager equipment. To 
get a supply of meat he rode out into the country to the homes of 
two farmers with whom he had a slight acquaintance. From one 
he bought a cow, from the other a hog. He told each to call at his 
shop the following Monday for his pay. 

The two animals were slaughtered and the meat was placed on 
sale. That was Saturday. The first day's sales brought Hull 
twenty-eight dollars and left about half of the meat. The cash 
receipts of the first day's business paid for the cow and the hog. 
He then bought another cow and hog on the same basis. The meat 
was readily sold and from that time on he was able to pay cash 
for the beeves and hogs as he bought them. 

At the time Hull opened his shop all sausage, bologna and other 
smoked meats sold in Pittsburg were shipped in from Kansas City. 
Hull saw an opportunity for increasing his earning by smoking his 
own meats. But he had neither a smoke house nor money with 
which to build one worth while. The problem was met by the 
purchase of a hogshead, which Hull converted into a smoke house 
and put into operation. Within a short time he was selling home- 
cured sausage, bologna, hams and bacon. Increased trade forced 
Hull to secure larger quarters. At this time he was joined by his 
brother-in-law, Thomas Dillon. 56 In the new, modest, but up-to- 
date meat market was laid the foundation of the packing plant 
located, in 1891, west of the city on the banks of Cow creek. 

The plant was put into operation in the fall of 1891 and its first 
kill was ten beeves and thirty hogs. 5T From time to time it was 
enlarged. During the year 1925 a large addition was made by rais- 
ing the main building from one story to three stories. Again in 
1928, a twenty-thousand-dollar addition was made. The buildings 
and yards then occupied about fourteen acres. The plant was elec- 
trically equipped and the refrigeration system was modern through- 
out. 

56. Interview, Lewis Hull, Pittsburg, Kan. President, Hull and Dillon Packing Company. 
67. Ibid. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG 287 

Two government inspectors were stationed at the plant. The 
duty of one, a veterinarian, was to inspect each animal to be slaugh- 
tered. The duty of the other was to inspect the meats and the 
sanitation of the buildings, yards and equipment. 

The value of the plant to the community and surrounding terri- 
tory is best indicated by its volume of business. The average daily 
kill for some years has been one hundred hogs and twenty-five 
beeves. During the year 1928, 30,000 hogs, 7,500 beeves and 200 
sheep, all purchased from the farmers and stockmen of the trade 
territory, were slaughtered. In addition, several hundred head of 
cattle were bought and shipped to other packing plants. Approxi- 
mately $1,187,000 was paid to the producers. Market prices were 
based on Kansas City markets, less freight differential. 

The company employed in the neighborhood of one hundred men 
throughout the year, with no "shutdowns." Nine salesmen were 
kept on the road (1930). The business has had a steady growth 
from year to year. During 1929 the volume of business reached the 
million-dollar mark, with a payroll of a hundred thousand dollars. 

In order to reach its customers as promptly as possible Hull and 
Dillon instituted truck delivery service in 1918 to all accessible 
points in its trade territory. With the extension of good roads truck 
delivery was increased until the entire local territory was covered. 
In 1915 regular shipments of lard were made to London, England. 
Some by-products which were not produced in sufficient quantities 
to justify conversion into finished products were sold to other manu- 
facturing concerns. Since 1920 all hides have been shipped to the 
International Shoe Company, St. Louis, and all grease has been sold 
to the Procter & Gamble Company, Chicago. 

The company has operated, since 1922, a 1,200-acre grain and 
stock farm in connection with the packing plant. This farm was 
secured for the purpose of taking care of all stock that the packing 
plant could not at once consume. This enabled the company to 
purchase all cattle offered and to put all unconditioned beeves in 
condition for local slaughter or shipment to other markets. Several 
hundred head of cattle have been handled on the farm each year. 58 

In 1918 Lewis Hull bought Dillon's interest in the plant and in- 
corporated the business with a capital of $150,000. E. D. Henne- 
berry became associated with the company in 1921 and assumed 
a large part of the management of the business. Lewis Hull con- 

68. Interview, E. D. Henneberry, Pittsburg, Kan. Vice president Hull and Dillon Pack- 
ing Company. 



288 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

tinued to take an active part in the management. His greatest 
interest was in the killing and curing departments, over which he 
exercised full personal supervision, despite his seventy-five years. 
Hull's hobby remained, January, 1930, what it was more than forty 
years before, curing and smoking hams, bacon and sausage the 
three products that played the greatest part in building the Hull 
and Dillon business. 59 

The management of the Hull and Dillon Packing Company had 
more than passing interest in the welfare of its employees. After 
the fall of 1923 night classes for the benefit of the employees 
were sponsored by the company. These classes were organized by 
and were a part of the work of the State Teachers College under 
the Smith-Hughes act. Such classes met at regular intervals for 
class instruction. The average attendance was about thirty. In 
this work the regular college professors were aided by several lec- 
turers from Kansas City and Chicago furnished by the Institute of 
American Meat Packers. Full credit was given by the State Teach- 
ers College for all work completed. As a closing exercise for each 
year's work the packing company gave a banquet to its employee- 
students. The expense of these night classes from the beginning 
was borne by the packing company. 60 

The social life of the employees also received consideration and 
attention. This was furthered by the Hull Club, organized among 
the employees and sponsored by them. Through this organization 
many social activities were carried on. The crowning event of the 
social functions of the year was the annual picnic, given by the 
company to its employees. 

Economic" assistance and protection was provided for employees. 
Group insurance written by one of the large companies was in force 
for all after 1926. Each employee carried insurance to the amount 
of $2,000. Foremen carried $3,500. Half the cost of the insurance 
was borne by the company. 

It has been the policy of the company to maintain close personal 
relations with employees. Some of its workmen have been with 
the concern for more than twenty-five years. In recognition the 
Institute of American Meat Packers has presented each of these 
with a silver medal. 61 

59. Interview, Lewis Hull. 

60. Ibid., Interview, J. A. Yates, head of Department of Physics and Chemistry, Kansas 
State Teachers College of Pitteburg. 

61. Interview, E. D. Heimebeny. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG 289 

CLAY PRODUCTS INDUSTRIES. 

Since the early nineties Pittsburg has occupied a prominent place 
in the clay products industries of Kansas and the neighboring states. 
While some localities have exceeded it in volume, but few, if any, 
have excelled it in variety of products. 

The history of brick making in Pittsburg dates back to the early 
history of the town. As early as 1878 it boasted of a fairly good 
plant. The Girard Press, January 16, 1879, said: "Steinmetz and 
Company are still making brick, their first kiln having turned out a 
complete success. You can count brick making one of the successful 
industries of Pittsburg, . . ." 

The Steinmetz brickyard has long since passed away. It has 
been almost forgotten by even the oldest settlers of Pittsburg. The 
buildings for which it furnished the bricks have been replaced. But 
the economic fact that was established lived on in the vitrified 
brick plant, in the pottery plant and in the tile factory. 

The immediate vicinity of Pittsburg contains extensive areas 
of clay, or shale, suitable for making a variety of clay products. 
This fact, combined with a cheap and abundant supply of coal 
resulted in building up an industry comparable with that of any 
other locality in the Southwest. 

The value of the clay products factories to the community was 
well expressed by the following statement of facts for the year 
1927, the only year for which data were available: Total number 
of employees, 275; total payroll, $275,277.25; total value of prod- 
ucts, $826,909.01. During the same year 2,486 cars of the output 
of the factories were shipped out of Pittsburg. 62 

The Pittsburg Paving and Building Brick Company, better known 
as the Nesch and Moore Brick Company, was the pioneer modern 
brick plant of Pittsburg. Previous to its establishment there was 
little or no real knowledge of the extent or the quality of the clay 
deposits in and around Pittsburg. 

The establishment of this plant was the outgrowth of a casual 
circumstance. In 1890 John Moore, of Atchison, Kan., through the 
efforts of the Johnson Brothers, of the Pittsburg Town Company, 
visited Pittsburg. Moore knew something about clay. He observed 
that there were seemingly good deposits around Pittsburg. He 
made a study of the local industry and inspected the buildings 

62. Data on file with the Chamber of Commerce (Pittsburg, Kan.) based on reports of 
individual companies. 

193416 



290 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

that had been constructed of local bricks. He became interested 
in the possibilities of a modern vitrified brick plant. 

When Moore returned to Atchison he took with him sufficient 
clay for experimental purposes. He produced a few vitrified bricks. 63 
These were shown to Robert Nesch, a brick manufacturer of Atchi- 
son. Nesch, observing the quality of the sample bricks, at once 
became interested in Pittsburg clay. As a result, Nesch and Moore 
went to Pittsburg with the intention of establishing a brick plant 
if sufficient support was given them by the citizens of the town. 
They asked the city to agree to pave several blocks with their prod- 
uct. Their proposition was accepted and provision was made to 
pave some nine blocks with homemade vitrified brick. 64 

Some interesting facts relative to the first paving contract may 
be gleaned from the records of the city clerk. One is the fact that 
it authorized the mayor to sign a paving contract with Nesch and 
Moore before the ordinance authorizing the paving became effec- 
tive. 65 Just why the city council acted as it did is problematic. 
Possibly its method was the "Pittsburg way" of securing the loca- 
tion of an industrial plant by means of a bonus paid through the 
taxing power of the city. Nesch and Moore at once commenced 
the construction of their plant on a ten-acre tract, a part of which 
was underlaid by a vein of coal, which was to furnish fuel for the 
kilns. The original plant was a small one. But the Pittsburg 
paving attracted so much attention that it soon was necessary to 
enlarge the plant in order to take care of the increased business. 
Additions to the plant continued until it attained a capacity of 
100,000 paving bricks per day. It was completely equipped with 
modern brick-making machinery and kilns. 

The brick plant enjoyed an exceptionally good trade in paving 
bricks from the time of the first kiln until brick paving and brick 
walks were supplanted years later by concrete. With the decline 
in the demand for paving bricks the plant turned its attention to 
building bricks, the sale of which met with good success. A market 
for its output was found throughout Kansas and western Missouri, 
and especially in Kansas City, Kan., and Kansas City, Mo. Due 
to the fact that the early paving bricks stood the test of use they 
went into miles of pavement in Kansas City, Mo., during the late 
nineties, and 50,000,000 of them went into the Kansas City Stock- 
yards Company pavements. 66 

63. Pittsburg Kansan, Aug. 6, 1890. 

64. Records Council Proceedings, book No. 1, pp. 818-345. 

65. Session Laws, 1875, chap. 72, sec. 1. 



Ho WELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG 291 

After being operated by the Nesch interests for more than thirty 
years the brick plant was sold to the United Clay Products Com- 
pany, 1926, 67 and the business of the local plant was merged with 
that of the larger corporation. The Pittsburg plant was operated 
under the new organization for one year, when it was closed down, 
and has so remained. 

The W. S. Dickey Clay Manufacturing Company, better known 
as the "Tile Factory," was established in 1899. One day in the 
spring of that year two practical brick and tile makers, W. L. 
Taylor and Charles Loose, arrived in Pittsburg in quest of a loca- 
tion where clay suitable for making hollow tile building blocks could 
be had. They were shown several possible sites, the most desirable 
being one where they thought the quality of the clay questionable. 
To dispel their doubts they were induced to ship a few bags of it 
back to Terre Haute to the tile factory with which they formerly 
had been connected. That was done and the two men soon fol- 
lowed the shipment. 

About two weeks later Taylor and Loose returned to Pittsburg 
and stated they would establish a factory if sufficient local aid could 
be secured. They proposed to organize a company for making hol- 
low building tile with a paid-up capital of $25,000, if local citizens 
would take stock in the amount of $9,000. As an evidence of good 
faith they presented a draft in the amount of $16,000. The stock 
to be purchased by local men was subscribed for in one day's time 
by eight business men. A member of the stock-selling committee, 
who has been a resident of Pittsburg since 1878 and who has been 
in the real-estate business there for more than forty years, said the 
establishment of that industry was easier than any with which he 
had ever been connected. 68 

The general management of the business was placed in charge of a 
competent and experienced local business man; Loose and Taylor, 
the two principal stockholders, looked after the manufacturing end 
of the business. But the business did not prosper as expected. Prac- 
tically the entire capital of the company was expended for the site 
and for kilns and other equipment, with but a very limited work- 
ing capital. The plant earned enough to pay all operating expenses, 
allowing fair compensation for the three officials in charge; but it 
earned nothing for the stockholders. To make the business a profit- 

66. Interview, J. J. Nesch, Pittsburg, Kan. Son of Robert Nesch, founder of the plant, 
connected with the brick plant from the early nineties to 1926. 

67. Ibid. 

68. Interview, C. A. Miller, Pittsburg, Kan. Realtor. 



292 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

able one more working capital was necessary. The local stock- 
holders would not furnish this because they were not getting any 
returns on their investment. Taylor and Loose could not furnish 
more capital because they did not have it. As a result, all interested 
in the plant agreed to sell. A buyer was found in the person of 
Robert Nesch, then owner of the Pittsburg Vitrified Paving Brick 
Plant, who took it over at $25,000. 69 Under the Nesch management 
the plant was converted primarily into a sewer-tile plant, after 
which it was sold, 1900, to the W. S. Dickey Clay Manufacturing 
Company, 70 and became a unit of that larger organization. 

Whatever possibilities Nesch and Dickey saw in the Pittsburg 
plant were realized, at least, in part. The plant was a growing and a 
successful concern after its transfer to Nesch, and later to the 
Dickey interests. 71 From a plant of limited capacity it grew into 
one of 100 tons per day capacity by 1909, when the last addition 
to it was made. 

An interesting fact in connection with the operation of the plant 
is that after 1920 the kilns were fired with oil, consuming per month 
the equivalent, approximately, of 773 to 833 tons of coal. Oil was 
used as fuel not because it was cheaper, but because the uncer- 
tainties associated with the coal-mine labor troubles did not enter 
into the supply of oil. 

The products of the plant were sewer tile, hollow tile bricks, flue 
lining, ornamental flue caps and wall coping. Of these products 
sewer tile was the principal one after 1900. The company's trade 
territory was southern and western Kansas, Oklahoma and parts of 
Arkansas, Texas and New Mexico. 

The value of the tile factory to Pittsburg is shown in part by 
the following facts. In 1929 the plant employed an average of 
one hundred and twenty-five men, about twenty of whom were 
skilled clay molders and burners. The annual pay roll approxi- 
mated $135,000 and the sales for several years exceeded $500,000 
per year. 72 

The Pottery Plant was established principally as a community 
enterprise. The success of the other clay products plants suggested 
the possibility of additional uses for Pittsburg clay. Previous to 
1910 numerous chemical and burning tests had been made in a 
small way with satisfactory results in the laboratories of the local 

69. Ibid. 

70. Interview, A. H. Schlanger, Pittsburg, Kan. Coal merchant. 

71. Ibid. 

72. Interview, W. L. Walter, Pittsburg, Kansas., local superintendent, W. S. Dickey Clay 
Manufacturing Company. 



HOWELL: INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF PITTSBURG 293 

state school. Also, samples of clay had been sent to kilns in Ohio, 
where they had been tested and approved. 73 

During the years 1911 and 1912 the problem of securing addi- 
tional industries for Pittsburg was an important one to many of its 
citizens. In the latter year the desire to see a pottery plant es- 
tablished took definite shape. A meeting of business men resulted 
in thirty- one of them agreeing to contribute sufficient money to 
construct and put into operation a small plant. 74 The contributions 
amounted to $20,000, which was spent on a site, a one-kiln plant and 
a general-purpose building. 75 

The plant was put into operation in 1913, 76 under the manage- 
ment of a capable superintendent, but the first burnings were not a 
success. This was due, as it was afterwards learned, to faulty con- 
struction of the kiln and not necessarily to lack of knowledge on 
the part of the superintendent. However, the owners set about at 
once to secure a new manager. In this many difficulties were ex- 
perienced. Failure seemed evident. Efforts were then made to in- 
terest eastern pottery plants in the local plant. The stockholders 
even offered to back the operation of the plant with their own money, 
sustaining any losses themselves that might occur, if some success- 
ful pottery company would take over and operate the local plant 
for a definite period. Failing in this, the stockholders finally offered 
to give the plant to an Ohio concern if it would agree to operate the 
plant for a definite time. The offer was accepted, but soon rejected. 

So much confidence in the project had some of the stockholders 
that two committees made trips at their own expense to the pottery 
plants of Ohio and Illinois in quest of a competent superintendent. 
One was found, as they thought. 77 But his lack of understanding of 
that particular kiln was a source of trouble for him and for the com- 
pany. That was not the only trouble that beset the plant. To it 
must be added serious labor troubles and discriminating freight 
rates. 

For a while the plant struggled along, but in 1915 it went into 
the hands of a receiver and was closed for three years. It was then 
sold to a small group of citizens who completely reorganized the 
business. The first act of the new organization was to reconstruct 
the original and only kiln, which had been the principal cause of all 

73. Interview, Prof. J. A. Yates. 

74. Interview, A. H. Schlanger. 

75. Ibid. 

76. Pittsburg Daily Headlight, April 30, 1913. 

77. Interview, A. H. Schlanger. 



294 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

the trouble. An aggressive campaign of expansion was entered upon. 
The plant was enlarged by the addition of three kilns, increased 
molding equipment and enlarged drying rooms. Happily, the en- 
largement of the plant and increased production facilities were fol- 
lowed by more favorable freight rates on clay products in that sec- 
tion. A reduction in freight rates, secured only after diligent ef- 
forts, enabled the Pittsburg plant to compete with the established 
plants elsewhere, and to build up a successful business. 

The pottery plant produced a large variety of products, such as 
jugs, water jars, pitchers, measures, milk pans, sun dials, lawn vases, 
bird baths, garden jars, flower pots, cut-flower vases, jardinieres, etc. 
For these varied products sale was found in western Missouri, Kan- 
sas, western Arkansas, Texas Panhandle and that part of New 
Mexico on the Santa Fe lines. By 1925 Pittsburg had become such 
a pottery center for the above territory that the railroad tariffs on 
pottery goods were quoted from Pittsburg. During the same year 
truck delivery service was instituted by the pottery company 
throughout its territory within a radius of 135 miles. 

The largest single purchaser of Pittsburg pottery was the Gift 
Shop and Necessity Company, Kansas City. The first shipment was 
made to this concern in 1926. Subsequent shipments amounted to 
thousands of dollars a year. The Gift Shop shipments consisted 
principally of cookie jars, salad bowls, chocolate jars, lemonade sets, 
ice-box jars, etc. All these different articles were retouched or re- 
decorated in Kansas City, and from there shipped to various parts 
of the United States and to some foreign countries. 78 

78. Interview, M. O. French, Pittsburg, Kan., president, Pittsburg Clay Products Com- 
pany. 



Book Review 

FRANKLIN PIERCE: YOUNG HICKORY OF THE GRANITE HILLS. By 
Roy Franklin Nichols. (Philadelphia, University of Pennsyl- 
vania Press, 1931. xvi + 615 pp. $5.) 

A LIFE of Franklin Pierce (President 1853-'57) is an event of 
major importance in the literature of Kansas history, because 
hitherto no scholarly biography of the fourteenth President has been 
available. In Kansas tradition Pierce has received harsh treat- 
ment as the result of hostile partisanship based on the single issue 
of slavery in the territories. The balanced picture has been lack- 
ing. The present biography is written by a man who is thoroughly 
conversant with the period and has written The Democratic Ma- 
chine, 1850-'54 (New York, Columbia University Press, 1923) and 
"Jeremiah Sullivan Black" in The American Secretaries of State 
and Their Diplomacy, Vol. VI. (New York, A. A. Knopf, 1928.) 
Doctor Nichols is now professor of history at the University of 
Pennsylvania. 

Franklin Pierce was born in the town of Hillsborough, New 
Hampshire, in 1804. He graduated from Bowdoin College and then 
took up the study of law and along with it the practice of politics 
as a Jacksonian Democrat. His father enjoyed some prominence 
in New Hampshire and was elected governor about the time Frank- 
lin was entering politics, so the rise of the younger Pierce was rela- 
tively easy. From 1838 to 1842 he was in congress, first the house 
and then the senate. During this period he married, and while this 
brought him much needed aristocratic social connections, it was in 
many respects unfortunate as his wife was afflicted with illness and 
a morbid Puritan conscience. Pierce retired from the senate be- 
fore the expiration of his term and set himself again to the practice 
of law and local politics. The Mexican War gave him an important 
military appointment, but he found that glory was elusive. The 
next three years (1849-'51), Professor Nichols concludes, were his 
years of greatest effectiveness. He was again in his familiar New 
Hampshire environment and virtually dictator in his party. 

In 1852 Pierce was nominated for President as a dark horse and 
elected on the platform of the finality of the compromise of 1850. 
The preparation for his administration was embarrassed by insur- 
mountable problems of peaceful conciliation of factionalism, and the 
fact that Pierce was not recognized as the real party head. Of 

(295) 



296 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

course, the party had no head, but he was not the leader even of an 
important faction. That was why he was available as a compromise 
candidate in 1852. Just before the inauguration the Pierces were 
overwhelmed by the tragic death of their small son in a railroad 
accident. This was no small factor in the inauspicious opening of 
the new administration. Professor Nichols tells the story of the next 
four years from the national point of view, making the story revolve 
around the White House as the pivot, and narrating the events as 
they unfolded to Pierce. The President had to balance factional 
quarrels over patronage, insistent business interests, land questions, 
the slavery issue, and foreign affairs and out of the conflict hope to 
insure the success of his administration and the well-being of the 
nation. Scandals and controversies in the western territories were an 
old, old story. Minnesota land graft appeared more important than 
the early stages of the Kansas land quarrels. Even after making 
allowances for Pierce's weaknesses, he appears primarily as a victim 
of circumstances ; the break-up of the Democratic party, the realign- 
ment of political forces which proved to be creating a new political 
party, and the unscrupulous tactics of some of the antislavery-Re- 
publican politicians who were more interested in advancing their 
political fortunes than in contributing to a peaceful settlement of the 
Kansas question. This last point Nichols hints at, but does not de- 
velop as he might have done from Kansas sources. Pierce tried sin- 
cerely to maintain an impartial national administration. After re- 
tirement from office, he traveled awhile and then settled down in 
New Hampshire. The abuse that was heaped upon him during the 
Civil War period is one of the things which the American people may 
well wish to forget. He died in 1869. 

A biographer has a choice of two general courses in treating his 
subject. He may write what is essentially a history of the period 
with the subject as the chief character, or he may confine himself to 
personal narrative, recording the interaction between the man and 
his environment, but assuming that the latter is already known to the 
reader. Professor Nichols has chosen the second course, which has 
the advantage of permitting a more intimate personal portrayal of 
the individual, but which is somewhat disappointing in its larger 
contributions to the solution of historical problems. Professor 
Nichols has saturated himself in the atmosphere of New Hampshire 
and Washington and has been able to fill in the personal record so 
completely that at times Pierce can be followed in detail in his daily 
routine. Of course, at other times there are unfortunate gaps in the 



MALIN: BOOK REVIEW 297 

materials at critical points, which are no fault of the author. Nichols 
has based his book primarily on manuscript collections and news- 
paper files, many of which have never been used before for a major 
historical study. On the personal side of Pierce's career, therefore, a 
large part of the detail of this biography is new. 

The student of Kansas history cannot but be a little disappointed 
in the book. The balanced picture of the man Pierce and his ad- 
ministration are important contributions, but scarcely any major 
political problem is solved. It scarcely need be said that Nichols 
would have had a surer grasp on the Kansas question if he had used 
the files of Kansas newspapers and the manuscript collections of the 
Kansas State Historical Sfociety. Governer Reeder's land deals 
would have been clearer in the light of his own records of holdings in 
Indian lands and townsite companies. The governor showed no 
partisanship in accumulating shares in both proslavery and anti- 
slavery towns. 

Pierce's sincere devotion to the Union is one of his outstanding 
characteristics. He felt that its preservation could be accomplished 
only by mutual concessions, by moderation and compromise. His 
public adherence to the principle underlying popular sovereignty 
dates from 1846 when he assisted in framing the following resolution 
in the New Hampshire state Democratic convention : 

"That the policy to be pursued in reference to slavery rests with the states 
and territories within which it exists that whatever parties may profess, it is 
only as citizens of such states and territories that the members of those parties 
can influence that policy and that angry external agitation, by exciting the 
prejudices of the slaveholding communities, while it may endanger the Union 
tends rather to fasten than to destroy the bonds of the enslaved." 

This is one of the earliest known statements of the idea as applied 
to the territories and in the light of this resolution Pierce's consist- 
ency is clear on the compromise of 1850, the platform of 1852 and 
the Kansas question. JAMES C. MALIN. 



Kansas History as Published 
in the State Press 

"Early Days in Oskaloosa," by Francis Henry Roberts, is being 
published serially in current issues of the Oskaloosa Independent. 

"A Pioneer Relates of Bison Hunts in the 60's," by John G. Ellen- 
becker, was the title of an interview with W. M. McCanles pub- 
lished in the Marshall County News, Marysville, December 25, 1931. 

The story of a furrow plowed by Jos. G. McCoy from the Red 
river to Abilene was recalled by Frank D. Smith in a brief article in 
the Coffeyville Daily Journal, January 1, 1932. Mr. McCoy used 
only cattle power to make this furrow as a marker for a new cattle 
trail. 

"Some Experiences of an Amateur Officer of the Law" were re- 
counted by David D. Leahy, former United States marshal located 
in Wichita, in the January 3, 1932, issue of the Wichita Sunday 
Eagle. "How the Buffalo Hunters Fought a War of Their Own," 
was the title of a narrative of the Staked Plains war against the 
Comanche Indians, by Paul I. Wellman in the same issue. Several 
Kansas buffalo hunters were among the participants in this skir- 
mish in the Texas Panhandle in the spring of 1877. Other stories of 
the Wellman series which are regular weekly features of the Eagle 
included such names as Gen. George Custer, Crazy Horse, Rain-in- 
the-Face, Sitting Bull and Kit Carson. A biographical sketch of 
William Patrick Hackney, an attorney for the vigilantes during the 
frontier days of south-central Kansas, was another article of his- 
torical interest in this issue. It was contributed by Bob Herrick. 

The Lincoln Sentinel-Republican observed its forty-fourth birth- 
day, January 7, 1932, with a short sketch of the newspaper's his- 
tory featured in its columns. Supplementary historical data on 
Lincoln county newspapers as recorded in the Souvenir History of 
Lincoln County (1908), by Elizabeth N. Barr, was published Jan- 
uary 28. 

At the beginning of its fifty-third year, January 7, 1932, The 
Rooks County Record, Stockton, published several letters from old 
subscribers telling of their pioneering experiences. 

Interviewing celebrities in the "Golden Age of Journalism" was a 
venturesome task to David D. Leahy. In a two-column article on 

(298) 



KANSAS HISTORY IN THE STATE PRESS. 299 

"Great Kansans of Past Had Many Humorous Quirks" Mr. Leahy 
related some of his experiences for the Wichita Sunday Eagle, Jan- 
uary 10, 1932. 

The First Presbyterian church of Arkansas City celebrated its 
fifty-ninth anniversary, January 12, 1932. Finley Marshall, one 
of the pioneer members, spoke of the "Little White Church," north 
of the present edifice, where he and others attended as early as 1877. 
Historical notes of the church were published in the Daily Traveler 
and Tribune. 

A sketch of the growth and development of Independence and 
Montgomery county was given in a talk by Donald W. Stewart, 
attorney and state commander of the American Legion, at the 
dedicatory program of Montgomery county's new courthouse Jan- 
uary 11, 1932. The speech was printed in the Independence Daily 
Reporter, January 12. 

The twentieth anniversary edition of the University Daily Kan- 
san, official student publication of Kansas University, Lawrence, 
made its appearance on January 17, 1932. Early university pub- 
lications, present occupations of former staff members and historical 
matter pertaining to the university and its school of journalism 
were discussed in this issue. 

A resume of the contents of The Kansas Plainsman, May 20, 
1876, an early Russell newspaper, was published in The Russell 
County News, Russell, January 21, 1932. An issue of the Russell 
Hawkeye, for March 29, 1883, was similarly reviewed in the Jan- 
uary 28 issue of the News. Names of many pioneers were men- 
tioned in these articles. 

The first of a series of Cheyenne county pioneer editions was pub- 
lished by the Bird City Times, January 21, 1932. Old settlers' 
reminiscences were featured, with many pioneers contributing. 
"Cheyenne County in 1885," by James G. Butler; photographs of 
Benjamin Bird and Frances L. Emerson, for whom Bird City and 
St. Francis were named; histories of Wheeler, Kan., and the early 
county schools were the edition's highlights. 

Tales of early Waterville as told to Waterville high-school stu- 
dents by Mrs. F. P. Thome and "Mike" Delaney, pioneers, were 
printed in the January 21, 1932, issue of the Telegraph. 

A series of articles reminiscent of early-day Kansans and other 
historical figures of the past and present, by Dave D. Leahy, is pub- 



300 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

lished regularly in the Wichita Sunday Eagle. The articles com- 
menced with the January 24, 1932, issue. Sketches include such 
persons as Sen. Hiram Johnson, William Jennings Bryan, General 
Weaver and Judge Willis in the January 24 issue ; Ernest Thompson 
Seton, John L. Sullivan, Ned Turnley, January 31 ; Pat McDonald, 
Seth M. Tucker, February 7; James Cardinal Gibbons and a dis- 
cussion of Friar de Padilla, reputedly the first white man to settle 
in Kansas in 1541, February 14; George Washington, February 21; 
Col. Henry Watterson, Senator W. A. Clark, February 28, and St. 
Patrick, March 13. 

Reno county celebrated its sixtieth birthday anniversary Tuesday, 
January 26, 1932, as the opening day's feature of Farm and Home 
Week, promoted by the Hutchinson Herald and News. "The 
Romance of Reno/' a historical pageant representing a decade of 
development in Reno county, was presented. H. S. Lyman was the 
oldest settler of Reno county who attended the anniversary fes- 
tivities. He came to the county in April, 1871. Salt jacks of pioneer 
times were feted the second day of the week's program. Special 
recognition was given to Marion Foster, one of the men who drilled 
the first salt well in Hutchinson. On Thursday, A. W. McCandless, 
first teacher at Sherman school in Hutchinson in the 70's, was the 
guest of honor at the pioneer school gathering. The hog callers, 
cow callers, bullwhackers, cowboys and bone pickers were all af- 
forded opportunities to meet with their contemporaries on this day. 
Native Kansans of the county celebrated Kansas Day on January 
29. Two native territorial Kansans were in attendance. They were 
John S. Simmons, Hutchinson attorney, who was born in Douglas 
county in August, 1860, and Mrs. Clara L. Barker, who was born 
in what is now Chase county on June 28, 1860. The Reno county 
4-H clubs sponsored Saturday's finale. 

The first radio founders' day program of Kansas State college 
was broadcast February 16, 1932, from KSAC. The present college 
was founded as Bluemont college. It was taken over by the state 
in 1863. The Kansas Industrialist, Manhattan, published brief 
biographical sketches of the founders in its issue of January 27. 

How Henry Brown, sheriff of Douglas county, Rev. H. D. Fisher, 
Methodist minister, and Lawyer S. A. Riggs escaped the vengeance 
of the Quantrill raiders at Lawrence, August 23, 1863, was told by 
Lewis Brown, son of the pioneer sheriff, to the Hutchinson News 
January 27, 1932. Mr. Brown was only a few weeks old when the 



KANSAS HISTORY IN THE STATE PRESS. 301 

massacre occurred, and his recollection of the affair came from his 
parents' description. 

A short history of Mayetta as summarized from E. J. Lunger's 
speech to the Mayetta high school January 22, 1932, was published 
in the Holton Signal, January 28. 

More than 100 Russell citizens, all of whom have been residents 
of Kansas for fifty years or over, were invited as guests of honor 
at a program sponsored by the Russell Cosmos Club, January 29, 
1932. The names and short biographical sketches of a few of these 
early settlers were included in news accounts published in the 
Russell Record, January 28 and February 1, and The Russell 
County News, Russell, February 4. 

Hardships of early-day Kansans were related by Mrs. E. F. 
Brown in the Liberal News of January 29, 1932. Mrs. Brown came 
to Kansas in 1857, locating near Emporia, and recalls the sacking 
of Lawrence and other territorial incidents. She removed to Seward 
county in 1885 and is reputed to be the county's first school teacher. 

Residents of Salina who preceded the railroad into the city in 
May, 18.67, were honored by the Saline county chapter, Native 
Daughters of Kansas, at its annual Kansas Day dinner, January 
29, 1932. The names of this historical group published in the 
Salina Journal January 30 were assembled by Mrs. Effie Campbell, 
secretary of the Saline County Historical Association. 

The history of the Mennonites, "their trials, persecutions and 
triumphs," was briefly sketched in The Mennonite Story, a 24-page 
illustrated booklet issued in February, 1932, by Bethel College, of 
Newton. Particular note was made of the Kansas settlements. 
Hundreds of these immigrants were carried across the continent in 
special trains, settling chiefly in Marion, Harvey, McPherson and 
Reno counties. The material was compiled by A. J. Graber. 

A series of historical sketches of Wabaunsee county and Kansas, 
by F. L. Hodgson, are featured in current issues of the Harveyville 
Monitor. The first installment was published February 4, 1932. 
"Trouble With the Indians," "The Theft of Brain's Horse," "Charlie 
the Slave," and "A Meal for a Tanning," are characteristic sub- 
titles for these articles. 

Mrs. Julia M. Winters, who settled in Sedgwick county on October 
16, 1872, told of early-day life in south central Kansas in the Hal- 
stead Independent, February 4, 1932. 



302 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

The February 5, 1932, edition of the Leon News was edited by 
members of the Leon Methodist church in connection with the cele- 
bration of "Booster Sunday," February 7. Church sketches of a 
historical nature were featured. 

A short history of the Emporia Kansas State Teachers College 
appeared in the February 12, 1932, issue of The Bulletin, the official 
student publication. The college was founded as the Kansas State 
Normal School February 15, 1865. 

A brief sketch and photograph of the old mill erected by J. M. 
Piazzek at Grasshopper Falls (Valley Falls) in 1855, was a feature 
of the Topeka Daily Capital, February 14, 1932. C. C. Nicholson 
was the contributor. 

Fifty years ago in the West were recalled by George M. De Tilla 
in a lengthy newspaper article in The Western Times, Sharon 
Springs, for February 18 and 25, 1932. Mr. De Tilla is a former 
cowpuncher, stage driver, miner and railroad worker. 

Russian German Settlements in the United States, written in 
German by Dr. Richard Sallett, was translated by Judge J. C. 
Ruppenthal and the parts pertaining to Kansas were reprinted in 
The Russell County News, Russell, in its issues of February 18, 25 ; 
March 10 and 24, 1932. 

A biographical sketch of Thomas Byrne, a Dickinson county 
pioneer, written by Mrs. Mary Byrne Clennan, a granddaughter, 
was published in the Chapman Advertiser, February 18, 1932. Other 
biographical articles followed in succeeding issues. A sketch of the 
life of Michael Cogan was contributed by Mary Cogan, his daughter, 
in the February 25 issue; Mrs. Fred Pierce wrote of her pioneering 
experiences in Kansas in the March 3 edition ; a story of Jack Nash 
was featured March 10, and an account of the lives of Mr. and Mrs. 
Scott E. Poor, by a son, William Poor, was published March 17 
and 24. 

"Old Osage Mission" at St. Paul, was the subject of a historical 
sketch in the Wichita Evening Eagle from February 19 to March 3, 
1932. Rev. Wm. Schaefers contributed the series. 

A brief history of Sod Town, now Stafford, by Helen Akin, ap- 
peared in the Wichita Sunday Eagle, February 21, 1932. Many 
early-day settlers were named in the article. 

An "Honor Roll of Old Settlers" of Seward county was prepared 
by Abe K. Stoufer for the Liberal News, February 23, 1932. 



KANSAS HISTORY IN THE STATE PRESS. 303 

The Kingman Journal took official note of Kingman county's 
fifty-eighth birthday on February 27, 1932. A short sketch of the 
county's organization and settlement was published March 11. 

The sixtieth anniversary jubilee of the building of the first rail- 
road up the Arkansas valley was observed with a week of festivities 
in Hutchinson, February 29 to March 5, 1932. Sixty years ago, 
Hutchinson, Sterling, Dodge City and many other cities of the 
valley were born. Monday, February 29, the citizens of Hutchinson 
and their guests buried "Old Man Depression." Tuesday, pioneers 
of the 70's, later settlers of the 80's and 90's, and youngsters of the 
1900's were garbed alike in the costumes of the early settlers. 
Transportation day on Wednesday brought out everything from the 
travois of the Indian tribes of the prairie down to the airplanes that 
soar over the wheat belt to-day on the air lines. The Santa Fe 
displayed one of the first engines used in the valley in 1872, and 
placed near it one of the larger locomotives of to-day. The Rock 
Island also featured a transportation display. Old-time handpump 
handcars manned by typical crews of Irish paddies, operated on 
the trolley tracks. Labor and industry celebrated their progress 
Thursday, and Friday was the official farm and grain day. Satur- 
day was junior jubilee day. The event was well advertised in the 
newspapers of the valley, particularly in the Hutchinson Herald 
and News. 

"Tribulations of an Early Day Editor," by H. S. Givler, was a 
column feature of the Western Kansas World, Wakeeney, on March 
3, 1932, its fifty-third birthday anniversary edition. Mr. Givler 
was editor of the World from 1894 to 1919. 

The March 3, 1932, seventh anniversary edition of the Douglas 
County Republican, Lawrence, was dedicated to Charles Sumner 
Finch, Kansas pioneer editor, now a member of the Republican's 
staff. Mr. Finch entered newspaper work in the fall of 1880 with 
the purchase of a part interest in the Harper Times. Since then he 
has been associated with many newspapers in Kansas and Missouri. 
The edition contained tributes from his friends and associates. 

Prominent citizens of Florence, Peabody and Marion were named 
by Helen Akin in a three-column historical sketch which appeared 
in the Wichita Eagle, March 4, 1932. 



Kansas Historical Notes 

The Wabaunsee County Historical Society was reorganized Janu- 
ary 23, 1932, in a meeting at Alma. Officers elected were: Wm. 
Pringle, president; Dr. H. J. Wertzberger, vice president and cura- 
tor; 0. W. Little, secretary-treasurer. 

The first observance of a "Kansas Week" leading up to and fol- 
lowing Kansas Day was introduced at Chanute January 25 to 30, 
1932. It was intended to emphasize traditions, institutions and 
natural assets of the state. Under the direction of the late Esther 
Clark Hill the Chanute library prepared special Kansas displays 
for its bulletin board. The Chanute Tribune published during the 
week a series of articles by well-known Kansans. On Monday, a 
letter from Gov. Harry H. Woodring introduced the event. Tues- 
day, Carl P. Bolmar, artist, sketched the history of art in the 
state. Kansas flowers, as discussed by William C. Stevens, were 
featured on Wednesday. Thursday, Kansas newspaper history was 
reviewed by George A. Root. "A Kansas Chamber of Truth and 
Beauty" was advocated by William Allen White in the fifth article. 
And, in the sixth, Kirke Mechem, secretary of the Kansas State His- 
torical Society, wrote of the activities of the Society in preserving 
historical material. 

Washburn College, Topeka, observed its sixty-seventh anniver- 
sary February 8, 1932. A special Founder's Day program was 
held, with Justice John S. Dawson, president of the Kansas State 
Historical Society, as the principal speaker. 

Members of the Shawnee Mission Indian Historical Society were 
entertained at the Chatham hotel, Kansas City, Mo., February 13, 
by Mrs. Edna Anderson and Mrs. Cora E. Fuller, daughters of 
Rev. Thomas Johnson, founder of the Methodist Shawnee Mission. 
Kirke Mechem, secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society, 
was a speaker. 

The First Baptist church of Topeka celebrated its seventy-fifth 
anniversary the week of March 1-6, 1932. The church was or- 
ganized March 1, 1857, with six charter members: Jesse Stone, 
Sarah E. Miller, Charles A. Bliss, Joseph C. Miller, William Jordan 
and Christopher Fitzgerald. The reading of the church history was 
featured Thursday night. 

(304) 



THE 

Kansas Historical 
Quarterly 




Volume 1 Number 4 

August, 1932 



PRINTED BY KANSAS STATE PRINTING PLANT 

B. P. WALKER, STATE PRINTER 

TOPEKA 1932 

14-4823 



Contributors 

CORTEZ A. M. EWING is associate professor of government at the 
University of Oklahoma and is acting chairman of the board of edi- 
tors of the Southwestern Social Science Quarterly. He collaborated 
with R. J. Dangerfield in compiling a collection of documentary 
sources entitled Source Book in American Government (D. C. Heath 
& Co., 1931). 

MARVIN H. GARFIELD is instructor of history in Roosevelt Inter- 
mediate School, Wichita. 

PAUL I. WELLMAN is a feature editor for the Wichita Eagle who has 
specialized on Indian battles of the Southwest. 

LELA BARNES is a member of the staff of the Kansas State Historical 
Society. 

DOMENIOO GAGLIARDO is associate professor of economics at the Uni- 
versity of Kansas. 

NOTE. Articles in the Quarterly appear in chronological order with- 
out regard to their importance. 

(306) 



Early Kansas Impeachments 

CORTEZ A. M. EWING 

THE first Kansas impeachments occurred in 1862. Kansas was 
admitted to statehood in January, 1861, under the Wyandotte 
constitution, the fourth constitution that had been framed in antici- 
pation of admission. 1 It is not my purpose here to enter into a dis- 
cussion of the struggle over slavery that dominated the politics of 
that territory following the passage of the fateful Kansas-Nebraska 
act. The archives of Kansas history are indeed rich in memoirs and 
personal accounts of survivors of those bitter days. In addition, 
historians were quick to perceive that there along the Kaw and the 
Missouri the Civil War, from point of fact, was waged in miniature, 
but in no diminished degree of violence, long before the actual firing 
on Sumter. 

The story of "bleeding" Kansas is one of a clash of conflicting 
political ideas, of different social mores, and of personal aspirations 
of politicians, scrupulous and otherwise. The histories of the Ameri- 
can frontier have failed to stress sufficiently the dependence placed 
upon political action and ballot solution of problems by those 
sparsely settled communities. The bitter character of Kansas pol- 
itics did not vanish when the proslavery supporters became hope- 
lessly outnumbered. The preponderant antislavery majority de- 
veloped schisms scarcely less acrid than the controversy over slavery. 
For instance, though the Republican party came to encompass most 
of the voters of the territory, there appeared two strong factions 
which struggled for control and leadership of the party. Charles 
Robinson and James H. Lane were the leaders of these factions ; and 
the rivalry between these leaders, more than anything else, pro- 
duced the three impeachment trials of 1862. 

Charles Robinson was a product of Puritan New England, having 
been born in Massachusetts in 1818. 2 According to the standards 
of his time, Robinson received a good education. He attended both 
the academy and the college at Amherst and, as a matter of fact, 

1. These constitutions were named after the towns in which the respective conventions 
were held, and were, in order of origin, the Topeka (1855), Lecompton (1857), Leavenworth 
(1858), and Wyandotte (1859). 

2. The most exhaustive work on Robinson is Prof. F. W. Blackmar's The Life of Charles 
Robinson. See, also. "Genealogy of Charles Robinson," Kansas Historical Collections, v. IX, 
p. 377; F. W. Blackmar, "Charles Robinson," ibid., v. VI, pp. 187-202; F. W. Blackmar, 
"A Chapter in the Life of Charles Robinson, the First Governor of Kansas," Annual Report 
of the American Historical Association, 1894, pp. 213-226. 

(307) 



308 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

he taught three terms of secondary school before he began the study 
of medicine. After studying under some of the famous New Eng- 
land doctors, he started his career as a general practitioner in Belch- 
ertown, Massachusetts, in 1843. Two years later he moved to 
Springfield and, in the year following, to Fitchburg, where he built 
up a large general practice too large, in fact, for his health failed 
and he was forced to take a vacation. His vacation plans took him 
to California in 1849. Others were there for decidedly different rea- 
sons. In Massachusetts, Robinson had entered actively into church 
and school work. In California, his political interests broadened 
and his cultural interests narrowed. There he took up the struggle 
which the squatter settlers were waging against the large landhold- 
ers. Politics proved too engrossing and Robinson was never able 
to return undisturbed to the practice of medicine. 

Robinson was a member of the California legislature in 1851, but 
later in the same year he returned to Massachusetts. There he en- 
tered the field of journalism, and in 1854 he became affiliated with 
the Emigrant Aid Society and was sent to Kansas to look after the 
interests of that company. Robinson's part in Kansas politics from 
1854 to 1860 have been too well recounted to need recapitulation 
here. 3 Though always opposing slavery, he consistently advised 
against the employment of radical offensive measures. His con- 
servatism was not always popular with the rank and file of the anti- 
slavery settlers ; yet, when state officers were chosen under the Wy an- 
dotte constitution in December, 1859, Robinson was elected gov- 
ernor. 

James H. Lane was a man of entirely different character. Those 
who knew him and have written of him are far from agreement. 
Professor Blackmar describes him as one of those who came to Kan- 
sas as politicians. "From the beginning to the end of his career in 
Kansas," he continues, "political ambition was his ruling passion. 
It did, indeed, cause him to do many brave and noble things, but it 
also caused him more than once to swerve from the path of justice 
and right; and finally, disappointed ambition brought him to an 
untimely death." 4 On the other hand, there were those who fol- 
lowed Lane's leadership with enthusiasm. He was a born leader of 
men, even though he may have wavered upon principles. John 
Speer, one of his biographers, proudly quotes Colonel Veale's ap- 

8. See Sara T. D. Robinson, Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life; Chas. Robinson, 
The Kansas Conflict; L. W. Spring, Kansas; Eli Thayer, A History of the Kansas Crusade; 
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict; the various volumes of the Kansas Historical Collec- 
tions are veritable mines of information concerning the history of territorial Kansas. 

4. Life of Charles Robinson, p. 18. 



EWING: EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS 309 

preciation of him: "Jim Lane loved his state and his country, and 
was as true a patriot as ever lived." 5 One of his supporters referred 
to him as the "Cicero of the United States senate." 

The most scintillating characterization of Lane came from the pen 
of Senator J. J. Ingalls, who wrote that "professing religion, he was 
never accused of hypocrisy, for his followers knew that he partook 
of the sacrament [sic.] as a political device to secure the support of 
the church ; and that with the same nonchalant alacrity, had he been 
running for office in Hindostan [sic.], he would have thrown his 
offspring to the crocodiles of the Ganges or bowed among the Parsees 
at the shrine of the sun." 6 

Lane was born at Lawrenceburg, on the Indiana side of the Ohio 
river, in 1814. His father was the speaker of the first house of repre- 
sentatives of that state. The son's education was, at best, of desul- 
tory and unprofitable character. When the Mexican War broke out, 
he enlisted as a private, but was immediately elected colonel by the 
regiment. Military advancement was, in those times, unencum- 
bered by seniority or even by the exclusive prerequisite concerning 
knowledge of the principles of military science. After a triumphant 
return from the war, he served as lieutenant governor of Indiana and 
as member of congress. In politics, he was a Democrat. In 1854, 
he had supported Pierce and Douglas in voting for the Kansas- 
Nebraska act. He arrived in Kansas in April, 1855. To his sur- 
prise, he discovered that the act of 1854 had not solved the slavery 
issue, and especially not in the territory of Kansas. However, he 
set to work to organize the Democratic party, relying substantially 
upon the political apothegms of Jefferson and Jackson to produce 
reasonableness and constitutional toleration of slave property. This 
embarrassment in which the northern Democrats found themselves 
after 1854 irritated greater party leaders than Lane. This infernal 
intolerance known as abolitionism was destroying traditional politi- 
cal alignment and violating the express provisions of the constitu- 
tion. Some Democratic leaders, like Pierce, were helpless in their 
bewilderment, and could only mumble the shibboleths of the sage of 
Monticello. Others, like Lane, passed through the "black law" way 
station and finally landed, in a somewhat travel-worn condition, in 
the headquarters of the new Republican party. 

Lane soon revealed consummate cleverness as a politician. With- 
out the assistance of powerful allies, such as Robinson had in the 

6. Life of General James H. Lane, p. 330. 

6. John J. Ingalls, "Kansas. 1541-1891," Harper's, 86:696-713 (April, 1893). 



310 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Emigrant Aid Society, Lane became one of the leaders of the hosts 
for freedom. There existed little love and much jealousy between 
Robinson and Lane; and, although they were thrown together by 
political exigencies, theirs was little more than a personal truce 
pending the successful conclusion of the vital questions at hand. 
Robinson was naturally cautious; Lane caught and reflected the 
least evidence of political readjustment. When the propitious mo- 
ment arrived, Lane broke with his rival and led the parade directly 
to the United States senate. 7 "On the realization of his long- 
cherished dream," remarks a reliable commentator, "a crazy passion 
for power seized him an ambition to absorb the entire civil and 
military functions of the state." 8 Lane enjoyed the confidence and 
the patronage of President Lincoln. Armed thusly, he precipitated 
an unseemly controversy with Governor Robinson over the organiza- 
tion of state troops. 9 Concerning this squabble, Spring says: "Lane, 
inflamed by old grudges and new provocations, by long-nursed 
hatreds and obstructions that crossed his plans, broke out into 
violent hostilities against Governor Robinson and his successor." 10 

The election of state officers under the Wyandotte constitution 
took place in December, 1859. On account of the failure of con- 
gress immediately to admit Kansas into the Union, these elected 
officers did not assume office until February, 1861. The unexpected 
lapse of time created a constitutional question as to the expiration 
of the two-year terms for which governor and the chief administra- 
tive officers had been elected. Opponents of Robinson contended 
that an election should be held in November, 1861, to select officers 
for the biennium from 1862 to 1864. Robinson and his supporters 
interpreted the constitution to mean that the first state officers 
should serve two-year terms. An election was held in November, 
1861, but Robinson refused to permit the canvassing of the votes for 
governor and principal administrative positions, and, on a petition 
for mandamus, the state supreme court upheld the governor. 11 

Aside from the political animosities, the first Kansas impeach- 
ments resulted from the issuance of state bonds. The state's finan- 
cial condition was indeed sorry in 1861, when the legislature au- 

7. Lane was elected in April, 1861, after a sensational struggle in the legislature. On 
April 1, thirteen senators, a majority, agreed to expedite the election process. It really repre- 
sented a campaign pact between Lane and Pomeroy for the senatorships. The bribery 
period was soon ended, and both were declared elected. For a long time, the election of 
senators was to be of suspicious character. 

8. Spring, Kansas, p. 273. 

9. See S. M. Fox, "The Story of the Seventh Kansas," Kansas Historical Collections, 
v. VIII, p. 14. 

10. Spring, op. cit., p. 273. 

11. Kansas, ex rel. Crawford, v. Robinson (1862), 1 Kan. 17. 



EWING: EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS 311 

thorized the bond issues. Two issues were voted, one known as the 
"war bonds," the other as the "seven per cent" bonds. Under act 
of May 7, 1861, the issuance of war bonds to the sum of twenty 
thousand dollars was approved. 12 The question arose as to whether 
the "twenty thousand" limit referred to par or actual value of the 
issue. Since the bonds would sell for less than half of their par 
value, the administration interpreted the limit to be against the 
sum of money that was brought into the state treasury through the 
sale of the bonds. Under this presumption, bonds to the par value 
of forty thousand dollars were signed by the governor and counter- 
signed by the other two necessary state administrative officers. 
Thirty-one thousand dollars' worth of these bonds were sold to 
Robert S. Stevens at forty per cent par value. Was that portion of 
the sale over twenty thousand dollars par value in violation of the 
act of May 7, 1861? 

The "seven per cent" bonds were issued under authority of an 
act of May 1, 1861. 13 Messrs. Clark and Stone were, by the statute, 
empowered to negotiate the sale of these bonds. This plan of dis- 
posal was discarded a month later, when the legislature enacted a 
supplementary law which provided that the governor, auditor, and 
secretary of state, or a majority of them, could sell, at not less than 
seventy per cent of the par value, one hundred thousand dollars of 
these bonds. The money derived therefrom was to be used in the 
retirement of the outstanding state scrip with which the state had, 
up until that time, been paying its obligations. 14 

Attempts to sell the "seven per cent" bonds to eastern financiers 
failed. Those with money for investment in securities of this nature 
remembered wholesale state repudiations. United States bonds were 
looked upon as safer investments. In late 1861, J. W. Robinson 
(secretary of state) and George S. Hilly er (state auditor) went to 
Washington in the hope of being able to dispose of the bonds. 
Their attempts were at first unsuccessful. Finally Stevens, who had 
bought the "war bonds," appeared on the scene. Through the aid 
of a mysterious Mr. Corwin, who, incidentally, was a brother-in-law 
of the Secretary of Interior, Stevens was able to dispose of the bonds 
to the Department of Interior, which bought them with a fund held 
in trust for certain Indian tribes. 

Originally from upstate New York, Stevens came to Kansas as 

12. Statutes of 1861, pp. 205, 206. 

13. Proceedings in the Cases of Impeachment Against Charles Robinson, John W. Robin- 
son, and George S. Hillyer, pp. 317-319. Hereafter, this official record will be cited merely 
as Robinson Proceedings. 

14. Ibid., pp. 319, 320. 



312 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

an Indian contractor, furnishing supplies for and constructing build- 
ings and improvements on the Indian reservations. Prior to that 
time he had been employed in the Department of Interior. Senator 
Lane, in a head-hunting mood, maliciously declared that Stevens 
had been expelled from his Washington position "for fear he would 
steal the stone steps of the Patent Office." 15 It must be remembered 
that Stevens was, in Kansas, an associate of Governor Robinson 
in the banking business and that he was being mentioned as a can- 
didate for United States senator to succeed Lane. Stevens had 
been elected to the state senate in November, 1861. The bonds were 
sold in December of that year. So, there were political implications 
of a vital nature in the disposal of the bonds. 

If Stevens had offered his services without expense to the state, 
the impeachments would probably never have materialized; but 
such charity could scarcely be expected of professional jobbers. 
Before he would consent to assist in selling the bonds, he presented 
J. W. Robinson and Hillyer with a contract, by the terms of which 
Stevens was to receive, as his share in the transaction, all over 
sixty cents on the dollar that he was able to sell the bonds for. The 
two officials were unable to dispose of the securities at any price. 
Kansas needed money, and badly; and as a last resort they agreed 
to the Stevens offer. Stevens thereupon sold eighty-seven thousand 
dollars' (par value) worth of the bonds to the Indian Office at 
eighty-five cents on the dollar. His profit was a mere twenty-five 
per cent of that sum. 

Despite the consummate business acumen of Stevens, the negoti- 
ations threatened to break down when Lane temporarily withheld 
his approval to the sale. Of vital importance to this whole trans- 
action was the fact that Lane enjoyed the confidence of the Presi- 
dent. Therefore Lincoln refused to give final endorsement to the 
purchase unless Lane would advise it. Stevens knew his way about 
Washington, and he was not to be thwarted. He was not a man 
completely motivated by selfishness. He would be glad to com- 
pensate others for assistance. So, he engaged Lane's secretary in 
a very private conversation. Lane's signature was quickly forth- 
coming. In a formal deposition, Lane's memory suffered temporary 
paralysis. He couldn't recall having ever read the agreement of 
sale. Though admitting that his name was signed thereto, he could 
explain it only upon two grounds that it was a rank forgery or 
that, as was sometimes the case with him in his busy life in Wash- 

15. W. E. Connelley, An Appeal to the Record, p. 47. 



EWING: EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS 313 

ington, he signed the paper Without reading it. 16 Stevens testified 
later that he agreed to give Reynolds, the secretary, one thousand 
dollars if he could induce the "old man" to approve the sale. 17 It 
seems that Lane did not object so much to the terms of the trans- 
action as to the fact that Stevens would have a considerable amount 
of money at his disposal with which to popularize his senatorial 
candidacy with members of the Kansas legislature. 18 That was a 
vital consideration. No one denies that Lane was thoroughly con- 
versant With the ethics of state legislatures and senatorial elections, 
and he was obsessed with the desire to be returned to the senate. 

The bonds were sold in December; the legislature convened in 
January; and Lane visited the state. He may have returned to 
consult his constituents concerning national legislation ; and he may 
not. Anyway, on January 30, the house of representatives adopted 
a resolution investigating the sale of the bonds. A fortnight later, on 
February 14, the house passed a resolution formally impeaching 
Governor Charles Robinson, Secretary of State John W. Robinson, 
and Auditor George S. Hillyer, for high misdemeanors in office. 19 
A house committee of three appeared in the senate on the day 
following and officially notified that body of the impeachment. 
Rules for the conduct of the trial were adopted by the senate on 
February 18. The rules used in the impeachment trial of Judge 
Jackson by the Missouri senate in 1859 were obviously used as a 
model. 20 

In brief, the impeachment articles against J. W. Robinson charged: 

1. That J. W. Robinson, being empowered with Governor Robinson and 
Auditor Hillyer to sell state bonds to the sum of $150,000 at not less than 
70 per cent par value, contracted with one Robert Stevens to act as the 
agent of the state in selling the said bonds, and that Stevens thereunder 
sold $87,000 worth of the bonds to the United States Department of Interior 
for 85 per cent par value, paying the state of Kansas only 60 per cent par 
value; such sale, approved by Robinson, being in direct violation of the laws 
of the state; and that the state was thereby defrauded out of its just money 
with the full knowledge and consent of the said Robinson; and that the 
state thereby suffered great pecuniary damage wherein Robinson betrayed the 
trust reposed in him as an officer of the state of Kansas; 

2. That he, knowing that the law specified that such bonds could not be 
sold for less than 70 per cent face value, did secretly enter into the agreement 
above set forth, so that the state should receive no more than 60 per cent 

16. Robinson Proceedings, p. 147. 

17. Ibid., p. 261. 

18. Ibid., p. 351. 

19. Robinson Proceedings, p. 34. 

20. Cf. Trial of the Hon. Albert Jackson, pp. 45-48. 



314 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

face value, even when he knew that Stevens was receiving 85 per cent face 
value for the bonds; 

3. That he permitted Stevens to detach the semiannual interest coupons, 
payable on January 1, 1862, for the first six months' interest, and presented 
them to the state treasurer for payment, receiving the amount thereon, for 
which permission Robinson was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office; 

4. That he, in the contract with Stevens, took no security or other guaranty 
from Stevens when the $87,000 worth of bonds were turned over to him, con- 
stituting another high misdemeanor in office; 

5. That he and Hillyer, upon going to Washington, knew that the bonds 
could be sold for 85 per cent par value, but that they made the deceitful con- 
tract with Stevens for the purpose of defrauding the state; and that on the 
bonds they permitted Stevens to keep no less than $14,000; and they also 
permitted Stevens to collect the first interest coupon payment; 

6. That he, in printing the banking law prior to the election of 1861, per- 
mitted one Oummings, of Wabaunsee county, to publish the same in a non- 
existent newspaper and to collect money from the state for the same; no 
such newspaper ever existed; and the publication was effected only to procure 
the money from the state; 

7. That he, entrusted with the duty of countersigning bonds to the sum 
of $20,000 (war bonds), actually countersigned $40,000 worth, thereby com- 
mitting an high misdemeanor; 

8. That he, in conjunction with the auditor and treasurer, were empowered 
to let the contract for public printing for the year 1861 ; and they did let such 
contract to Trask and Lowman, of Lawrence, which successfully low bidder filed 
the bond as required by law in the office of secretary of state, and that he 
(J. W. Robinson) later permitted the said company to withdraw its bond and 
bid, whereby the contract was let to the next lowest bidder, thereby causing 
the state to suffer great pecuniary damages. 

The impeachment articles against Hillyer charged: 

1. That Hillyer, with the two Robinsons, contracted with Robert Stevens as 
alleged in article 1 of the articles against J. W. Robinson, all of which amounted 
to an high misdemeanor in office; 

2. That he knew well that the bonds could not be sold legally for 60 per 
cent par value, according to state law; 

3. That he permitted Stevens to cash the first interest coupons; 

4. That he permitted Stevens to take the bonds without giving any sort of 
security, and thereby failed to protect the interests of the state ; 

5. That he entered into a conspiracy with J. W. Robinson and Stevens in 
the illegal sale of the bonds; 

6. That he entered into a conspiracy with the above-named persons to 
cheat the state out of the first interest coupons ; 

7. That he, by false representations, induced Senator Lane to support the 
transactions. 

The impeachment articles against Governor Robinson alleged: 
1. That Governor Charles Robinson, contrary to the law which authorized 

the issuance of the $20,000 worth of war bonds, signed and issued such bonds 

to the extent of $40,000; 



EWING: EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS 315 

2. That he, together with J. W. Robinson and Hillyer, conspired with 
Robert Stevens in the fraudulent sale of the seven per cent bonds; 

3. That he, and the other two state officers, knew that the bonds could 
be sold for 85 per cent par value; 

4. That he consented to the sale for 60 per cent par value, when he knew 
that such sale was contrary to the laws of the state of Kansas; 

5. That he officially approved the said sale, and thereby committed an 
high misdemeanor in office. 

TRIAL OF J. W. ROBINSON. 

On February 24 the senate duly resolved itself into a court of im- 
peachment for the trial of J. W. Robinson, and the members were 
sworn. The secretary of the senate administered the oath to the 
president and he, in turn, to the members. Counsel for the re- 
spondent entered the plea and on the day following the board of 
managers made replication. 21 The case for the prosecution de- 
pended upon the procuring of depositions from persons outside the 
state, and especially from those in Washington who had participated 
in the negotiations incident to the disposal of the bonds. Therefore 
the board of managers, composed of members of the house and 
the attorney-general of the state, through the latter, moved on 
February 28 that the impeachment court adjourn until the first 
Monday of the following June. 22 

The senate court met on June 2, pursuant to the adjournment 
resolution. The pro-Lane forces proceeded immediately to reorgan- 
ize the court. On the fourteenth ballot T. A. Osborn was selected as 
presiding officer. 23 The authority of an impeachment court to select 
a presiding officer is not questioned, but the court thereupon pro- 
ceeded to declare seats vacant and to fill those vacancies. From 
February 28, the time of adjournment of the court, to June 4, when 
the trial actually began, the pro-Lane members had seated five new 
members. Three were seated prior to the adjournment of the legis- 
lature in March, and I raise no question as to the authority of the 
senate to do so. That the whole episode was a political trick is 
admitted by D. W. Wilder, the faithful chronicler of the period. 24 
However, when the court met in June, it seated two pro-Lane mem- 
bers. An effort was made to secure the admission of a pro-Robinson 
member, but the pro-Lane majority were of grave doubt as to 

21. No demurrers were offered in any of these three trials. 

22. Robinson Proceedings., p. 84. 

23. Osborn was one of the supporters of Lane in his election campaign before the legis- 
lature in early 1861, and he had signed the agreement to terminate the delay and to proceed 
immediately to the balloting. Three other signers of this pact were members of the Lane 
bloc in the impeachment court. 

24. Annals of Kansas, p. 314. 



316 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

whether a vacancy actually existed in that district. Did anyone 
know whether Senator Lynde had actually accepted a military com- 
mission? An indefinite postponement of the motion to seat Kunkle 
emphasized the refusal of the pro-Lane leaders to treat so informally 
this matter of membership in the impeachment court! 25 

The authority of an impeachment court to alter the membership 
of the senate is of extremely doubtful validity. The court is com- 
posed of senators, to be sure, but membership in the impeachment 
court is only incidental to membership in the senate. If an im- 
peachment court has the authority to qualify and seat new mem- 
bers would the senate be bound to accept those new members at a 
subsequent legislative session? In most instances, when the im- 
peachment trial is conducted during the legislative session, the prob- 
lem would not arise. However, in these early Kansas cases, the 
trials were held in an adjourned session of the impeachment court. 
The February resolution did not adjourn the senate, the legislative 
body; it adjourned only the impeachment court. The state consti- 
tution expressly provided that each house of the legislature should 
be the judge of the election and qualifications of its own members. 26 
The constitution did not give such authority to any other body. The 
senate is a legislative body. No political casuistry need be con- 
scripted to define the nature and functions of such a body, for they 
have long been understood and interpreted by the courts of this 
country. The concept of the separation of powers clarifies the defi- 
nition, even though the insistence, as practical means of govern- 
mental limitation, on the inclusion of checks and balances produces 
an opposite result. However, when the senate is trying an impeach- 
ment, it ceases to be a legislative body and becomes a judicial one, 
the highest in the state on offenses of that character. No one would 
maintain that a law, passed by an impeachment court, had been 
constitutionally and validly enacted. 

By all the rules of logic and legal reasoning, the impeachment 
court would be forced to accept all members of the senate as mem- 
bers of the court. Otherwise, what would prevent an impeachment 
court, by a majority vote, from excluding regularly elected senators 
and replacing them with other persons, who supported the majority 
viewpoint, in sufficient numbers to effect a two-thirds majority for 
conviction? If an impeachment court be the sole judge of the elec- 
tion and qualification of its members, what court exists that could 

25. .Robinson Proceedings, pp. 230-234. 

26. Article II, sec. 8. 



EWING: EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS 317 

nullify a plain infringement of the constitution? Can an impeach- 
ment court disqualify a member of the senate from sitting as a mem- 
ber of the court for the trial of an impeachment? No student of 
American impeachment precedents would answer in the affirmative. 
Even though members of the impeachment court may be vitally 
interested personally in the outcome of the trial, their right to par- 
ticipate has been universally upheld. Did not Senator Wade vote 
to sustain the articles of impeachment against President Johnson, 
even though Wade would have been elevated to the Presidency if 
Johnson had been removed? In the same trial, the President's son- 
in-law was a member of the court and, it should be noted, he voted 
against each and every article of impeachment. 

Even though the Johnson precedents were established subsequent 
to the Kansas Civil War impeachments, the action of the Kansas 
impeachment court cannot be justified on any ground. The only 
explanation is, of course, that the pro-Lane forces needed additional 
strength. And, to anticipate somewhat the final decisions in the 
cases, those illegally seated members did not disappoint those who 
were instrumental in securing their qualification. In case an im- 
peachment court insists upon its right to alter the membership, the 
defendants, depending upon the good will of the court members for 
acquittal, find themselves in an embarrassing situation. Are they in 
a position to challenge a plain violation of the constitution? When 
the credentials of John Bayless^ first of the new members, were pre- 
sented, Case, counsel for the respondent, objected to his being sworn 
in. John J. Ingalls, at that time a young man of twenty-seven, 
threatened to have Case forcibly ejected from the chamber if "he 
continues his impertinent and unwarrantable interference with our 
deliberations." 27 Case persisted and was ejected. These early Kan- 
sas trials were certainly informal, though effective. 

On June 3 the respondent asked permission to file a paper setting 
forth his objections to the validity of the proceedings. The objec- 
tions were: (a) the sine die adjournment of the legislature on March 
6 formally ended the authority of legislature unless called into legal 
existence by proclamation of the governor, which had not been done ; 
(6) the power to impeach lies wholly and exclusively in the lower 
house, and that power cannot be delegated to a board of managers 
while the house is not in session; (c) there is no constitutional au- 
thority for the senate to convene separate and apart from the house 

27. Robinson Proceedings, pp. 91, 92. 



318 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

of representatives; (d) the law governing impeachments and their 
procedure could not apply to this case because it was enacted sub- 
sequent to the passage of the impeachment resolution; and (e) the 
proceedings of this illegally assembled tribunal are unlawful and 
any decision, either of acquittal or conviction, will be a nullity. 28 
During the argument upon these objections, the defense counsel 
asked permission to file a bill of exceptions that might be used in 
later quo warranto proceedings in the courts of the state. The 
court voted eleven to six against filing the paper. Respondent's 
counsel then remained to "watch the proceedings." 29 

After the opening argument of the managers, the depositions of 
six persons from without the state were opened and read. These in- 
cluded those of Senators Lane and Pomeroy, Representative Con- 
way, Secretary of Interior Caleb Smith, Indian Commissioner Wil- 
liam Dole, and the mysterious Mr. Corwin. Thereafter, fifteen 
witnesses, including four members of the impeachment court, the 
secretary pro tern., and Governor Robinson and Auditor Hillyer, 
gave testimony. Witnesses were not put under the rule, and ap- 
parently were free to visit the sessions and listen to the testimony 
of others. The court experienced some difficulty in maintaining a 
quorum; on several occasions, the sergeant at arms was dispatched 
to bring in a sufficient number of members so that the trial might 
proceed. 

One would scarcely characterize this trial as a dignified proceed- 
ing. Personalities were frequently flung from counsel to court mem- 
bers and vice versa. Rumors persisted that money and politics, 
rather than equity, were going to determine the court's decision. It 
was an ugly rumor, and was reflected in the manner in which court 
members regarded it. On Saturday afternoon, June 7, just before 
time for adjournment, J. J. Ingalls made his second attack against 
N. P. Case, counsel for defense. Ingalls thundered: "I am informed, 
and am prepared to fortify my statements, by the affidavits of 
eminently respectable gentlemen, members of the bar in this city, 
that Mr. Case has publicly declared, on the street corners, in the 
halls and other places of common resort, both before and during the 

28. Robinson Proceedings, pp. 107, 108. 

29. The validity of the whole proceeding came before the Kansas supreme court in 1863. 
Following their conviction, J. W. Robinson and Hillyer refused to surrender their offices and 
quo warranto proceedings were brought against them. The court upheld the validity of the 
adjournment, saying that the sine die adjournment of the legislature terminated only the 
legislative business. The impeachment court could meet pursuant to adjournment, and its 
convening without the lower house's being in simultaneous session did not violate the state 
constitution. However, the court did not consider the validity of the court's seating of new 
members. See State of Kansas, ex rel. Daniel M. Adams, v. Oeorge S. Hillyer, (1863) 2 
Kan. 17. 



EWING: EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS 319 

progress of the trial, that this senate is a jury packed against his 
client, and that there is but one senator whose verdict cannot be 
bought with money. No one can be more indifferent than myself to 
the vulgar assaults of calumny and slander. Personally, I would 
pass them by as unworthy of the slightest consideration; but this 
man appears here, in an official capacity, and we are compelled to 
notice the contempt of which he has been guilty. In insulting us, 
he insults the great state which we represent . . ." 30 Mr. Case 
was not present. His colleague expressed great surprise that any 
shadow of suspicion should have fallen on "this honorable body." 
When Case appeared at the next session, he suavely withdrew from 
the case after remarking that "no candid man would be warranted 
in making assertions of that character in reference to this respectable 
body." The withdrawal of the attorney did little to stifle the tongue- 
wagging on the streets and in the barrooms of Topeka. It was gen- 
erally believed that Lane had packed the impeachment court. A 
week later the court was to take spectacular, though ineffectual, 
steps to exonerate its members of the public vilification. 

The managers tried assiduously to prove conspiracy on the part 
of the officials to defraud the state. Being a member of the court, 
Stevens was sworn in his seat before he testified. He related the 
whole story of the bond transactions and denied that he had given 
or promised to give any compensation whatever to the impeached 
officers. In long arguments, the managers, led by the attorney- 
general, emphasized the fact that the state officers had made it pos- 
sible for Stevens to make a profit of nearly forty thousand dollars 
on the total bond sales. If they were not corrupt, they were negli- 
gent or, worse still, mere boobs. Counsel for defense stressed the 
state's urgent need for money and the lawful discretion of the of- 
ficers in making arrangements for the disposal of the bonds. No 
bad faith had been shown, no actual corruption proved. Everything 
depended upon the interpretation placed upon the three statutes of 
May and June, 1861. 

Without doubt, the learned counsel might just as well have waived 
the right to present final argument. I doubt if a single vote was 
changed by either argument or testimony. On June 13 the court 
proceeded to vote upon the eight articles. The first article was sus- 
tained by a vote of 17 to 4. On no one of the remaining seven was 
a majority of the votes cast for conviction, and on each of the last 
three, the votes were unanimous for acquittal. Table one records 

30. Robinson Proceedings, p. 248 



TABLE ONE 31 
Votes in impeachment of J. W. Robinson 





T 


n 1 


TTT 


TV 


V' 


VT 






Dis- 
quali- 


To 


tal. 




















fica- 
tion. 


A. 


N. 


Barnett 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


o 


8 


























Bayless 


A 


A 


N 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


4 


4 


























Cobb 


A 


A 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


4 


4 


























Connell 


A 


N 


N 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


2 


6 






































N 


N 


N 


N 


5 




























Denman 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


o 


8 


























Essick 


A 


N 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


2 


6 


























Holliday 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


7 


Hubbard 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


7 


























Ingalls 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 





8 


























Keeler 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


7 


























Knowlea 


A 


A 


A 


N 


A 


N 


N 


N 


A 


4 


4 


























Lambdin 


A 


A 


A 


N 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


4 


4 


























Lappin 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


o 


8 


























vf_T) nwp ii 
















































Osborn 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


2 


6 


























Rankin 


A 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


3 


5 


























Reea 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


7 


























Roberts 


A 


A 


N 


N 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


3 


5 


























Sleeper 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


, 


7 


























o 


A 


A 


A 


N 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


4 


4 


























Stevens 
















































Total "A"s 


17 


10 


8 


5 


7 











1 


47 




























Total "N"s 


4 


11 


13 


16 


14 


21 


21 


21 


20 




121 



31. Data compiled from Robinson Proceedings, pp. 344-348. "A" signifies a vote to sus- 
tain the article of impeachment; and "N" to acquit the respondent of the charge. The 
column under "Disqualification" reveals the votes for and against Robinson's disqualification 
for future office holding; "A" means to disqualify. 



EWING: EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS 321 

how each member voted on each of the articles and on the motion to 
disqualify Robinson from further office holding. 

Only four members voted for acquittal on each article. By the 
constitution, a two-thirds majority of the twenty-five elected mem- 
bers was required for removal. Thus the seventeen votes on the 
first article represented the minimum number by which the neces- 
sary majority might have been secured. The last-minute seating 
of the two members was, in effect, decisive. Both voted to convict. 
Senator Stevens asked to be excused from voting and his request 
was granted, though, like the three absent members, his failure to 
cast a vote for conviction constituted, in effect, a vote for acquittal. 
The official proceedings offer no explanation as to why the absentees 
were not required to attend the trial. If the pro-Lane bloc had mus- 
tered but sixteen votes, an interesting constitutional question might 
have been raised as to whether absentee, and maybe disqualified, 
members were "elected members" within the meaning of the con- 
stitution. 

By a vote of twenty to one, the court refused to disqualify Rob- 
inson from future office holding. The decisiveness of this decision 
leaves some doubt as to the true conviction of the court as to whether 
Robinson had actually proved false to the responsibilities of his 
office. Robinson was later appointed as surgeon in the Union army. 
He died at Fort Smith, Ark., in December, 1863. Upon hearing of 
his death, D. W. Wilder wrote in his chronicle that "no other Kansas 
politician had died of a broken heart." Lane was later to con- 
tribute another exception to the rule. 

TRIAL OF GEORGE S. HILLYER 

Immediately upon the conviction of J. W. Robinson the impeach- 
ment court proceeded with the articles against Hillyer. By agree- 
ment of opposing counsel, all evidence offered in the preceding case, 
except the testimony of Hillyer, was to be considered as legitimate 
evidence in the case at bar. Only three witnesses were called to 
the stand, all by the prosecution. Less than three days were re- 
quired to complete the trial, and most of this time was consumed 
in an effective investigation of charges concerning the court's in- 
tegrity. 

The rumors regarding the partisan nature of the impeachment 
proceedings persisted throughout the trials. On June 14 Senator 
Barnett addressed the court upon the subject of these rumors. It 

214323 



322 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

appeared that a certain senator, in braggadocio, had declared that 
he could secure the acquittal of J. W. Robinson if given three 
thousand dollars with which to lubricate the court machinery. The 
person who had informed the senator (Barnett) had neglected to 
mention the name of the member who had offered to manipulate 
the wheels of justice. The judicious members of the court were, 
of course, duly shocked, especially those who had voted to sustain 
the articles against Robinson. 32 The charge was a gross insult to 
the court. The slanderer must be apprehended and exposed: The 
court thereupon, by resolution, requested Senator Barnett to divulge 
the name of his informant. He complied. It was Mr. Cummings, 
the state legislative printer. Mr. Cunwnings must be taken into 
custody before he fled the jurisdiction of the court. The sergeant 
at arms was dispatched post haste under urgent instructions. A 
short time later, a very wobbly legislative printer was ushered into 
the presence of the august impeachment court. The average age 
of its members was thirty-three years. It was youth carrying on, 
and with all the dignity of nonagenarians. 

Mr. Cummings' recollection proved faulty. He was obviously 
too inebriated to give accurate information, but the court was loath 
to postpone the inquisition. Mr. Cummings wouldn't name the 
senator who had started the rumor, but he would say that the sen- 
ator had admitted that, through the influence of Lane, he could 
get an office worth two thousand dollars, if he voted to convict J. 
W. Robinson. The investigation was revealing matters all too im- 
portant, so Cummings was remanded to the custody of the sergeant 
at arms. Cummings must be very drunk to give voice to such a 
base rumor. However, he never sobered up to the calmness neces- 
sary for further questioning. At the afternoon session J. J. Ingalls 
advocated a novel plan for discovering the name of the traitorous 
court member. Each individual member should be put under oath 
and asked five very pointed questions relative to his past conversa- 
tions with Mr. J. F. Cummings. God was conscripted to effect the 
divulgence of information that had eluded the best efforts of the 
human inquisitors. Despite these precautions, none of the worthy 
members admitted the contemptuous attack, and the court, thereby 
whitewashed of the charges, turned gladly to the testimony of the 

32. The solons need not have been so completely demoralized at the report. Memoirs of 
the period show that bribery and attempted bribery of legislators in the election of United 
States senators was not an unusual occurrence. See S. J. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, 
pp. 346-349 ; E. C. Manning, "The Kansas State Senate of 1865 and 1866," Kansas Historical 
Collections, v. IX, p. 364. 



TABLE TWO 33 

Vote in the impeachment oj George S. Hillyer 





j 


H 


in 


IV 


v 


VI 


VII 


Dis- 
quali- 


Tol 


al. 


















fica- 
tion. 


A. 


N. 


Barnett 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 





7 


Bavless 


A 


N 


N 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


2 


5 
























Cobh 


A 


A 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


4 


3 
























Connell 


A 


N 


N 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


2 


5 
























Curtis 


A 


A 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


4 


3 
























Denman 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


o 


7 
























Essick 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


























Holliday 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


g 
























Hubbard 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


g 
























Ingalls 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


o 


7 
























Heeler 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


























Knowles 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


A 


N 


A 


3 


4 
























Lambdin . 


A 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


3 


4 
























Lappin 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


o 


































































6 


1 


Osborn 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


2 


5 
























Rankin 


A 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


3 


























Rees 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


1 


g 
























Roberts . 


A 


A 


N 


N 


N 


A 


N 


N 


3 


4 
























Sleeper 


A 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


N 


JN 


j 


g 


























A 


A 


A 


N 


A 


A 


N 


N 


5 


2 
























Stevens 












































Total "A"s 


17 


9 


6 


5 


2 


4 





1 


43 


























Total "N"s . . 


4 


12 


15 


16 


19 


17 


21 


20 




104 

























33. Data compiled from Robinson Proceedings, pp. 392-396. "A" signifies a vote to 
sustain the article of impeachment; and "N" to acquit the respondent of the charge. The 
column under "Disqualification" reveals the votes for and against Hillyer's disqualification for 
future office holding; "A" means to disqualify. 



324 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Hillyer trial. 34 Altogether, this represents one of the least dignified 
episodes in all United States impeachment history. 

At the close of the testimony taking, the managers waived their 
right to argue their case. A defense attorney spoke very briefly. 
Hillyer was also convicted on the first article, with each member 
voting as on the first count against J. W. Robinson. On the re- 
maining six articles the respondent was exonerated by decisive votes. 
The sustention of article one was logical, since Robinson had been 
convicted on the same charge. If one were guilty, the other was 
equally so. Mr. Stevens again was excused from voting. And by 
another vote of twenty to one the court refused to disqualify the 
officer from further office holding. Table two records how each 
member voted on the articles and the disqualification motion. 

TRIAL OF CHARLES ROBINSON. 

Hillyer was convicted at the afternoon session of June 16. The 
case against Governor Robinson was immediately brought up and 
arrangements concerning the admission of earlier testimony an- 
nounced. Interest in the case seems to have subsided considerably, 
for there creeps through the whole proceeding the feeling that the 
lawyers and the four witnesses were mere marionettes who were 
scheduled to dance to uninspiring music for a few short hours. The 
dance was listless, and was completed on the evening of the same 
day. This remains one of the shortest impeachment trials on record. 
Counsel for the managers spoke for ten minutes ; counsel for Robin- 
son spoke less than half that time. On the balloting, only three 
votes were cast in favor of conviction. 35 It was a complete and 
decisive triumph for the governor. 

Why was Governor Robinson exonerated by so decisive a margin 
when the other officers were convicted? There are several factors 
that should be considered. In the first place, he did not directly 
participate in the bond sale, but remained in Kansas while J. W. 
Robinson and Hillyer were peddling the bonds in Washington. His 
most exhaustive biographer clears him of any collusion in the whole 
proceeding. 36 In the second place, the reputation of the governor 
was such, in 1862, as to protect him from even the caprice of poli- 
ticians. Kansas had known him for eight years, and had followed 
his leadership during most of that period. In the third place, he had 

34. Robinson Proceedings, pp. 256-376. 

35. Curtis and Lambdin voted against him on the first article, and Essick on the fifth. 

36. Blackmar, Life of Charles Robinson, p. 287. 



EWING: EARLY KANSAS IMPEACHMENTS 325 

at his immediate disposal superior weapons with which to thwart 
the removal designs of Lane. He controlled the state patronage 
and, because of the war, there was an unusually large number of 
desirable political plums to be distributed. His bitterest critic, 
W. E. Connelley, charges that he and his two confederates, Stevens 
and Treasurer Button, used J. W. Robinson and Hilly er as cat's- 
paws to rake the chestnuts out of the fire. 37 He also charges the 
governor with having appointed a number of senators to military 
office, inferring that he thereby purchased his acquittal. 

An investigation of the military appointments of Robinson's ad- 
ministration shows that he appointed only four of the members of 
the court to later positions. On the other hand, immediately prior 
to his trial, he placed five senators in important offices. If he had 
feared conviction he would certainly have deferred appointing these 
friends until after the impeachment trial. Of course, one cannot 
conclusively say that his appointments subsequent to his acquittal 
were not in payment of prior promises, but in the absence of material 
proof of such trafficking, accusations will be of little weight. 

Governor Robinson retired from office in January, 1863. Between 
that time and his death, in 1894, he served the state in many ca- 
pacities. The whole impeachment episode remained a brown spot 
upon his career, and few of his friends and friendly historians have 
given it much attention. Yet, without seeking to detract from the 
due respect and reputation that should be accorded Robinson, the 
trials contribute valuable document upon the almost savage nature 
of frontier politics. It is an episode well worth studying. It repre- 
sents or epitomizes politics running amuck. Incidentally, it pro- 
duced its own antitoxin, for not a single senator who sat as a mem- 
ber of the impeachment court was returned to the senate in the 
election of five months later. 

37. W. E. Connelley, An Appeal to the Record, p. 41. 



Defense of the Kansas Frontier 
1866-1867 

' MARVIN H. GARFTBLD 
1866 

/COMPARATIVELY speaking, the year 1866 passed rather 
^ quietly on the Kansas frontier. Indian depredations were not 
only less numerous but of a more petty nature than those of the 
previous years. Early in the year the Southern Cheyennes and 
Arapahoes sent messengers to their northern tribesmen to persuade 
those hostiles to make peace. Col. E. W. Wyncoop, former com- 
mander at Fort Lyon, was appointed by the War Department to 
escort the envoys. 1 

Indian outbreaks in Kansas began in May along the Solomon 
river and near Lake Sibley. 2 Gov. S. J. Crawford at once organized 
a battalion of militia and sent them to the region. The state troopers 
soon engaged a band of Cheyennes in a sharp fight in the Lake Sibley 
neighborhood. 3 In July and August several raids by the Pawnees 
and Omahas occurred on White Rock and Lulu creeks, tributaries of 
the Solomon river. 4 In October and November hunters were driven 
in by Indians on the Solomon, and petty robberies and thefts were 
committed in Clay, Republic and Shirley counties. 

Governor Crawford discovered in August that not only the Paw- 
nees but Osages as well were responsible for recent frontier outrages. 
He therefore ordered Col. W. F. Cloud of the state militia to visit 
their reservations and investigate. Gen. W. S. Hancock, command- 
ing the Department of the Missouri, was requested to furnish an 
escort from Fort Riley for Colonel Cloud. 5 

Overland transportation suffered more than did the frontier settle- 
ments during 1866. 6 The Smoky Hill route continued to receive its 
full share of attention by the Indians. This no doubt was due to 
the fact that the Union Pacific railroad, eastern division, was mov- 
ing rapidly westward along the Kaw and Smoky Hill valleys and 
gave promise of soon threatening the favorite buffalo hunting 

1. Kansas Daily Tribune, Lawrence, December 12, 1865. 

2. "Report of Major General Cloud, K. S. M.," Adjutant General's Report, 1866, p. 3. 

3. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, pp. 231-232. 

4. Major Cloud's Report," p. 4. 

5. Crawford to Hancock, August 30, 1866, Correspondence of Kansas Governors, Crawford, 
Copy Book, p. 39. Manuscript, Archives, Kansas State Historical Society. 

6. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, p. 231. 

(326) 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 327 

grounds of the red men. The Butterfield Overland Despatch, which 
monopolized traffic over the route, was purchased by the Holladay 
interests in 1866 and merged with the Platte line into the Holladay 
Overland Mail and Express Company. 7 On April 20 the new com- 
pany started a daily schedule from both Topeka and Denver. As 
fast as the railroad was completed westward the stages were moved 
to "End of Track." 8 

As a protection to freighters the War Department in February 
issued an order which required wagon trains to be made up of at 
least twenty wagons and thirty men before they would be allowed to 
pass Fort Kearney on the Platte trail, Fort Riley on the Smoky Hill 
route or Fort Lamed on the Santa Fe trail. 9 Stages on all routes 
were guarded, generally by military escorts, while passing through 
the Indian country. At each station a noncommissioned officer with 
a squad of soldiers met the stage and escorted it to the next station. 10 

Throughout the year Governor Crawford exerted tremendous ef- 
forts to put down Indian disturbances. The expense of defending 
the frontier with state militia was so great that the governor hesi- 
tated to use them. As a consequence he appealed to the War De- 
partment and district commanders to protect the settlements, but 
received no response. 11 He telegraphed to the Secretary of War for 
cavalry arms, with which to arm the settlers, but failed to get them. 
The War Department informed Crawford that a shortage of troops 
prevented them from properly guarding the border. Crawford re- 
plied by offering to raise a Kansas regiment to be mustered into the 
United States service for the purpose of protecting the frontier until 
it could be replaced by army regulars. This offer was also rejected. 12 
These efforts having failed, the Kansas executive telegraphed to the 
department commander at Fort Leavenworth stating that immediate 
action was needed and that, if the department commander would not 
act, he (the governor) would send Major General Cloud (formerly 
Colonel Cloud) with militia to pursue the Indians to their reserva- 
tions, punish them and compel indemnity for their past conduct. 13 
This elicited a response from General Hancock who, on August 28, 
assured the governor that he would cooperate with the state authori- 
ties in every possible way. Hancock had sent a scouting party of 

7. Root and Connelley, The Overland Stage, p. 47. 

8. Ibid., p. 55. 

9. Ibid., p. 310; Junction City Union, March 10, 1866. 

10. Root and Connelley, The Overland Stage, p. 100. 

11. Governor Crawford's annual message, 1867, Senate Journal, Kansas Legislature, 1867, 
p. 35. 

12. Ibid. 

13. Ibid., p. 36. 



328 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

one hundred cavalrymen from Fort Harker to the Solomon and sug- 
gested that they operate with the state militia who were already 
scouting in that region. 14 

In the meantime General Cloud was touring the settlements upon 
the Republican and Solomon rivers. Here he proceeded to organize 
the residents into militia companies. He reported that the majority 
of the settlers were Civil War veterans and possessed guns, but 
needed ammunition. 15 As a result of his personal observations 
Cloud recommended to Governor Crawford that the militia be re- 
organized and that a United States military post be established in 
the exposed region. 16 

In the latter part of August Colonel Wyncoop, in his official role 
as peacemaker, assembled a group of Cheyenne and Arapahoe chiefs 
at Fort Harker for a council. The Indians thought that the govern- 
ment had forgotten them, since their promised annuities hadn't been 
received. Their attitude toward the construction of the railroad up 
the Smoky Hill was one of resignation to the inevitable. They 
realized (so they said) that the white man was too numerous to be 
overcome. Futhermore, they promised to restrain their young men 
from additional depredations. 17 

At no time in 1866 did the activities of the Indians assume the 
proportions of a general outbreak such as that of 1864-'65. The 
strenuous attempts of Governor Crawford to compel the War De- 
partment to intervene in behalf of Kansas now seem unnecessary. 
He accomplished, however, another piece of work which perhaps was 
more constructive. Having learned from the commander of Fort 
Harker that most of the outrages and murders committed by the 
Indians could be traced to alcoholic liquors, Governor Crawford 
recommended that the state legislature prohibit all liquor traffic in 
Kansas beyond the limits of the organized counties. 18 The legis- 
lature, in compliance with this suggestion, passed House bill No. 
105, which became a law on February 23, 1867. 19 

14. Ibid., p. 37. 

15. General Cloud to T. J. Anderson, adjutant general, July 5, 1866, Adjutant General's 
Correspondence. (Kansas.) Archives, Kansas State Historical Society. 

16. Cloud's Report, Adjutant General's Report, 1866, p. 5. 

17. News item, Junction City Union, August 25, 1866. 

18. Governor's Message, Crawford, 1867, pp. 37-38. Liquor traffic was already prohibited 
by federal law in the Indian country, which included the unorganized counties of Kansas. 
The law was not being well enforced, however. Crawford felt that enforcement could best be 
accomplished by state law. He adopted the theory that the state government held jurisdiction 
over the entire state whether organized into counties or not. In taking this position he dif- 
fered sharply with the interpretation of the commander at Fort Harker, who held that the 
federal government had sole jurisdiction over the region. 

19. House Journal, Kansas Legislature, 1867, p. 929. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 329 

Additional evidence that the governor and people of Kansas may 
have been excessively excited over Indian troubles during the year 
was furnished by Gen. William T. Sherman, who had been touring 
Kansas and Colorado in the fall of 1866. Sherman encountered no 
Indian troubles other than rumors. In referring to the latter he 
said, "These are all mysterious, and only accountable on the supposi- 
tion that our people out West are resolved on trouble for the sake 
of the profit resulting from the military occupation." 20 

1867. 

In his personal narrative Governor Crawford stated: "When I 
returned from Washington in April, 1867, General Hancock was 
in the field with a handful of United States troops, and the plains of 
Kansas were swarming with bloodthirsty Indians." 21 Hancock had 
left Fort Leavenworth early in March upon a campaign designed to 
bring the Indians into submission. By showing a large force, in- 
cluding artillery, it was hoped that the red men would be frightened 
into a permanent peace. Hancock with six companies of infantry 
and artillery marched to Fort Riley, where he was joined by Col. 
George A. Custer with four companies of Seventh cavalry and one 
infantry company. At Fort Harker the expedition added two more 
cavalry troops. With this small army Hancock marched to Fort 
Larned, arriving April 7. 22 

Cheyennes and Sioux were camped on Pawnee Fork about thirty 
miles northwest of the fort. When the Indians persistently refused 
to come in and make a treaty, Hancock decided to march on their 
encampment. On April 11 the regiment moved forward. Before 
reaching the camp they were met by a large body of Indians bear- 
ing a white flag. The chiefs said they wanted peace instead of war; 
nevertheless Hancock's troops moved forward and camped near their 
village. The Indians, fearing another Sand Creek massacre, fled 
during the night. Custer pursued them the next day, but the In- 
dians, after raiding the Overland Stage Company stations on the 
Smoky Hill, scattered. Hancock burned the Indian village on 
Pawnee Fork and then marched to Fort Dodge. After remaining 
at Dodge several days his troops headed for Fort Hays. Then he 
returned to Fort Harker, and on May 7 left that place for Leaven- 

20. Letter to John Sherman, October 20, 1866, The Sherman Letters (Correspondence 
between Gen. W. T. Sherman and Senator John Sherman, 1837-1891. Edited by Raphael 
Sherman Thorndike. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1894), p. 277. Hereafter cited as 
The Sherman Letters. 

21. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, p. 251. 

22. William E. Connelley, "The Treaty Held at Medicine Lodge," Kansas Historical Col- 
lections, v. XVII, pp. 601-606. Hereafter cited as Connelley, "Medicine Lodge Treaty." 



330 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

worth. Ouster with his Seventh cavalry remained in the field in 
pursuit of Pawnee Killer and his band of hostile Sioux. "Hancock's 
War" thus came to a sudden end following an auspicious beginning. 23 

Ouster's pursuit of Pawnee Killer extended northward into Ne- 
braska. The hostiles refused all overtures of peace and several 
times turned on Ouster and became the pursuer instead of the pur- 
sued. After campaigning throughout the greater part of the sum- 
mer the expedition returned to Fort Wallace in July, having failed 
to gain a decisive victory. Lieutenant Kidder and a party of ten 
men, sent from Fort Sedgwick, Nebraska, with dispatches for Ouster, 
were annihilated by Indians. 24 

Hancock's campaign was unfortunate in its results, since it ac- 
complished little except to incite the Indians to commit further 
depredations. Indian outbreaks in Kansas had been negligible prior 
to the expedition up Pawnee Fork. It is possible, therefore, that 
the war in 1867 was thus precipitated by General Hancock him- 
self. With both the Pacific railroads stretching out through the 
Indian country, the situation was extremely delicate when the year 
opened. 25 

Indian depredations in Kansas were centered on the Smoky Hill 
route and the settlements in the Solomon and Republican valleys. 
By the middle of July the Union Pacific, eastern division, had 
reached Fort Harker and the town of Ellsworth. On September 18 
the track extended to the 275-mile post at a point within ten miles 
of Fort Hays. 26 

As early as April 22 Indians were reported swarming along the 
Smoky Hill route. 27 It was estimated by stage passengers that 
they numbered from two to three thousand. Possibly a great many 
of these were the Cheyennes and Sioux whom Hancock had routed 
a few days previously on Pawnee Fork. The greatest danger point 
along the route was the stretch between Ellsworth and Fort Wallace. 
During most of the summer engineering and road-building crews 
were advancing through this region. On May 23 R. M. Shoemaker, 
general superintendent of the Union Pacific, eastern division, tele- 
graphed Governor Crawford announcing an Indian attack on work- 
ers near Monument station. 28 In June Shoemaker's telegrams per- 

23. The narrative of Hancock's War is taken from Mr. Connelley's article. 

24. Connelley, "Medicine Lodge Treaty," p. 603. 

25. For a criticism of Hancock's judgment see Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes, p. 239. 

26. Letter from B. Marshall to Col. John B. Anderson, September 18, 1867, the John B. 
Anderson Papers. Personal correspondence of Col. John B. Anderson, prominent eastern fin- 
ancier, Archives, Kansas State Historical Society. Hereafter cited as the John B. Anderson 
Papers. 

27. Dispatch from Denver, April 22, in Junction City Union, April 27, 1867. 

28. C. K. G., Crawford (telegrams), pp. 42-43. Archives, Kansas State Historical Society. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 331 

sistently called upon Crawford for aid. Beginning with a raid 
west of Fort Harker on June 14, the depredations increased in 
number and intensity. Shoemaker wired Crawford on June 21 
asking for militia. This was followed three days later by an urgent 
message in which he informed the governor that two workers had 
been killed and all workmen driven off the line for a distance of 
twenty miles. Five hundred stands of the best arms and plenty of 
ammunition were requested. The telegram closed with this state- 
ment: "Unless you send us protection our work must be aban- 
doned." 29 On June 24 John D. Perry, president of the Union Pacific, 
eastern division, appealed to Crawford for immediate aid, stating 
that in the absence of General Hancock he knew no other one to 
whom he could turn. Perry explained that Indian depredations 
extended along the whole line of road, that one thousand laborers 
on seventy-five miles of line had been driven in, and that his men 
were practically unarmed. 30 Shoemaker frantically wired Crawford 
on June 28 announcing more depredations west of Fort Harker and 
closed with a sweeping declaration that unless the road were 
promptly protected all the workers would be driven off and all the 
citizens would be forced to leave the region. 31 

Upon the receipt of Shoemaker's wire of June 21 Governor Craw- 
ford acted. His first efforts were directed toward getting arms and 
ammunition for the railroad workers. On June 22 he appealed to 
the War Department for two thousand stands of cavalry arms and 
ammunition. 32 Two days later he again wired Secretary Stanton 
asking him immediately to direct the commanding officer at Fort 
Leavenworth to turn the arms and ammunition over to the state. 33 
Before sending this message to Stanton the Kansas executive had 
attempted to get ten thousand rounds of ammunition from Fort 
Leavenworth. 34 Whether or not the arsenal had refused the request 
until otherwise instructed by Stanton is not clear. The fact remains 
that on the same day, by special order No. 136, General Hancock 
directed the commander of the Leavenworth arsenal to issue ten 
thousand round of 58-caliber cartridges to the state of Kansas. 35 
Many of the guns needed were in possession of the militia; con- 
sequently Crawford instructed Capt. John G. Haskell, at Lawrence, 

29. Ibid., p. 43. 

30. Ibid., p. 134. 

31. Ibid., p. 37. 

32. Crawford to Stanton, June 22, 1867, C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), p. 133. 

33. Crawford to Stanton, June 24, 1867, Ibid., p. 133. 

34. Crawford to commanding officer at Fort Leavenworth, June 24, 1867, Ibid., p. 135. 

35. Adjutant General McKeever to Governor Crawford, June 24. 1867. Adjutant Gen- 
eral's Correspondence, 1867 (Kansas). 



332 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

to call in all the state and Federal arms and ammunition in Law- 
rence and have one thousand stands packed for immediate ship- 
ment. 36 On June 28 the governor wired Capt. J. C. French, at Fort 
Leavenworth, to ship what arms and ammunition he had as soon as 
possible. 37 Shoemaker's men were thus provided with plenty of 
munitions within a few days after the sending of their appeal for 
protection. 

Simultaneously with his campaign to provide arms for the rail- 
road workers, Governor Crawford endeavored to gain permission to 
organize a regiment of volunteer cavalry for service on the frontier. 
In his telegram to Stanton on June 24 Crawford volunteered to 
raise such an organization. To give additional weight to his request 
the governor inclosed President Perry's dispatch and added his own 
observation that the railroad west of Fort Harker and all Kansas 
frontier settlements would have to be abandoned unless prompt and 
decisive measures were taken. Stanton replied on June 27, referring 
him to General Grant, commander in chief of the army. 38 Grant 
naturally turned the matter over to Sherman, who was commanding 
the military division of the Missouri. 

Sherman wired Crawford on June 26, accepting the battalion of 
mounted volunteers provided that Gen. A. J. Smith, at Fort Harker, 
deemed them to be necessary. Sherman stipulated that the battalion 
should consist of six or eight companies to be used for four months. 39 
General Smith signified his consent the next day in a telegram to 
Crawford ; however, on June 28 he informed the governor that Sher- 
man had countermanded the order. 40 Shoemaker's message of the 
twenty-eighth also reported Sherman's change of mind. Crawford 
accordingly telegraphed Sherman and earnestly requested a reversal 
of his orders. In his plea the governor said that it was impossible to 
move against the Indians with militia. 41 As a result of this action 
General Sherman again reversed his decision and on July 1 gave 
Crawford permission to raise the volunteer battalion. 42 At once 
Governor Crawford issued a proclamation calling upon the people 
of Kansas for volunteers. Thus the Eighteenth Kansas cavalry 
came into existence. 

36. Crawford to Haskell, June 24, 1867. C. K. G. f Crawford (Telegrams), p. 134. 

37. Ibid. 

38. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, p. 256. 

39. Sherman to Crawford, June 26, 1867, C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), p. 43. 

40. General 9. J. Smith to Governor Crawford, June 27 and 28, 1867, Ibid., p. 44. 

41. Crawford to Sherman, June 28, 1867, Ibid., p. 44. 

42. Sherman to Crawford, July 1, 1867, Ibid., p. 45. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 333 

Why did General Sherman first consent to the raising of the 
volunteer cavalry and then countermand the order? Apparently a 
conflict was going on in Sherman's mind between his personal views 
of the situation and his desire to cooperate with Crawford and the 
railroad officials. Sherman had little sympathy with the Indian, 
whom he considered the enemy of civilization. 43 At the same time 
he favored government protection for the transcontinental roads. 44 
Why, then, should he object to a proposition whereby the Union 
Pacific, eastern division, should get immediate protection? The 
answer is that he was heartily opposed to the raising of volunteer 
troops by any state for the defense of its local interests because all 
other states and territories that had contact with the Indians would 
instantly start a clamor to do likewise. 45 It was his personal belief 
that each of the western states and territories wanted the entire 
United States army for its own protection. 46 Sherman had stated 
his views quite plainly in a long telegram to Crawford on June 24. 
The general tone of his message was a bit of advice to Crawford to 
act cautiously. The complete text of the telegram is given below: 

"Your dispatch of to-day is this moment received. I had already com- 
mitted myself to be in St. Louis to-morrow from Omaha. I mailed you a 
circular defining as clearly as I can express how far you can help us to main- 
tain peace on the border. This circular you ought to receive to-day. Until 
congress gives to the military power the right to say what Indians are at 
peace and what at war, this conflict of races must go on. In the meantime 
I must leave to General Hancock to do his best. He is to-day at Denver, 
will start back on the Smoky Hill on the 27th and should reach Fort Harker 
and the telegraph in ten days. The Indians thus far seem to confine their 
attacks to isolated trains and to the roads and are in small bands strung 
from . . . Minnesota to ... Texas. Yet almost every Indian agent 
says his particular Indians are at home and at peace. If you choose to or- 
ganize a battalion of volunteers, say six or eight companies, and offer them 
to General Hancock on his arrival at Fort Harker, if he wants them I will 
approve, but my notion is he has troops enough. If we can only see where 
the Indians will turn up, which seems impossible, I prefer you deal with 
General Hancock as he is on the spot all the time." 47 

43. Letter from Sherman to Dodge, January 16, 1867, Grenville M. Dodge, Personal 
Recollections of Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, and William T. Sherman (Council Bluffs, 
Iowa, The Monarch Printing Co., 1914), p. 196. Hereafter cited as Dodge, Personal Recol- 
lections. Sherman had referred to the Indian wars as follows: "I want to punish and subdue 
the Indians, who are the enemies of our race and progress, but even in that it is well some- 
times to proceed with due deliberation." 

44. Letter to Senator John Sherman, September 28, 1867, The Sherman Letters, p. 296. 
In reference to Senator Henderson's theory that congress had not intended to furnish govern- 
mental protection to transportation companies, Sherman emphatically stated that he, himself, 
had always acted upon the theory that when congress located a road it amounted to a promise 
to protect that road. 

45. Sherman to Dodge, May 27, 1867, Dodge, Personal Recollections, pp. 200-201. 

46. Ibid. 

47. Sherman to Crawford, June 24, 1867, C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), p. 50. 



334 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Having yielded to the insistence of Crawford and the railroad 
people, however, Sherman came to Kansas immediately in order 
to be near the scene of action. 

When General Sherman reached Fort Harker in July to investigate 
the Indian situation, railroad construction was advancing at an 
unusually slow rate up the Smoky Hill valley, while transportation 
from "End of Track" to Denver on the Smoky Hill Stage line was 
virtually suspended. Only two stages had passed through to Denver 
during the month of June, and none had made the attempt in July 
up to the time of his arrival at the fort. 48 Sherman at once looked 
into the matter. The result was a startling discovery which, if 
known sooner, likely would have forced him to withhold perma- 
nently his consent to the organization of the Eighteenth Kansas 
cavalry. Sherman, upon investigation, was convinced that Indian 
depredations were not the real reason for the suspension either of 
railroad building or of travel on the Smoky Hill stage line. He 
contended instead that the railroad was delayed by excessive rain- 
fall, while the stage line did not operate due to selfishness and 
cowardice on the part of the stage company officials. 49 The general 
was also led to suspect that Kansas newspapers and citizens were 
exaggerating Indian rumors. His natural conclusion, accordingly, 
was that neither Kansas nor the railroad and stage line needed the 
protection which they had gained as the result of Governor Craw- 
ford's persistent efforts. 

Following his investigation of the Smoky Hill stage situation 
Sherman transmitted a telegram to Crawford in which he condemned 
the stage company in no uncertain terms for its failure to operate. 

"I believe there are other causes than Indians why the Smoky Hill stage has 
not run. The railroad was delayed by high water and not by Indians and the 
stages have stopped for want of connection and because it is not profitable. I 
want both railroad and stage companies to prosper, but cannot excuse them 
from doing their share of service unless they make efforts equal to the occasion. 
All our posts and intermediate stations to Denver are safe. Trains of wagons go 
with light escort and even single carriers run from post to post. General Smith 
has offered the stage company any amount of guard, but they won't go. Keep 
this to yourself, only help me quiet down unnecessary alarm, which as you can 
see often does as much harm as real danger, and of course all parties having 
close contracts avail themselves of the alarm to avoid services and claim com- 
pensation and damage." 50 

48. Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 10, 1867. 

49. Sherman's assertion that high waters was the chief cause for the delay in railroad 
construction is substantiated by the fact that the bridges all along the Union Pacific, eastern 
division, were built too low, thus inviting destruction of the road bed by floods. Statement 
of B. Marshall to Col. John B. Anderson, September 18, 1867. The John B. Anderson Papers. 

50. C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), p. 47. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 335 

Two days later Sherman informed Crawford that the Eighteenth 
Kansas cavalry was being mustered in at Fort Harker and that a 
company each of infantry and cavalry had been assigned to guard 
Shoemaker's construction trains. He then closed with this state- 
ment: ''Though I assert that Indians have not delayed the progress 
of this road one hour. The stage company deserves severe treatment 
for their efforts to avoid their contract, and they may be the means 
of breaking up the Smoky Hill line altogether." 51 

The stage company referred to by General Sherman was Wells 
Fargo & Co., who had bought out the Holladay interests in 1866 
and had perfected a merger of several mail, express and stage lines 
in the West. 52 

Sherman's indictment was not the only one hurled at the company. 
Senator Pomeroy, of Kansas, while attempting to defend Wells Fargo 
& Co. before the senate, unwittingly let fall information which sup- 
ported Sherman's contention. Pomeroy and Thayer, of Nebraska, 
were denying the oft-repeated accusation of eastern papers that the 
contractors of the West wanted an Indian war. In the course of 
debate Pomeroy stated that, due to Indian raids, Wells Fargo was 
losing money daily in the performance of their United States mail 
contract, and that they would give a million dollars to get out of it. 53 
This in itself is an indication that the company was not overly eager 
to continue operations on the Smoky Hill route during June and 
July. 

From still another source Sherman's criticism is substantiated. 
Postmaster General Alex W. Randall, in his report for 1867, men- 
tioned a similar denouncement of Wells Fargo & Co. as follows : 

"During the spring and summer months the complaints as to the manner 
in which the service was being performed, and the great delay in the arrival of 
mail from the east at Denver . . . were more numerous than at any time 
since the present route has been in operation. It was charged that the Indian 
troubles, complained of by the contractor and given by his agents as an excuse 
for nonperformance of service, were a pretense, and that this was no reason 
why the mails should not be conveyed regularly and within schedule time." 54 

The postmaster general concluded, on the other hand, that the 
contractor (Wells Fargo & Co.) was not to blame for the delay in 
service. The Indian situation on the plains, he decided, was really 
serious. As proof for this final conclusion, he cited official reports to 

51. Sherman to Crawford, July 10, 1867, C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), p. 48. 

52. Leroy R. Hafen, The Overland Mail, 1849-1869 (The Arthur H. Clark Company 
Cleveland, 1926), p. 319. 

53. Senate Debate 1867, Cong. Globe, 40 Cong., 1 sess., p. 688. 

54. House Ex. Doc., No. 1, 40 Cong., 2 sess., pp. 4-5. 



336 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

the War Department by General Sherman and other army officers. 55 
It is evident that the postmaster general knew nothing of Sherman's 
revelations to Crawford concerning the refusal of the stage company 
to resume service even under heavy escort. 

Western transportation companies undoubtedly did take advan- 
tage of the United States government during this period. By the 
nature of their contracts they could collect their money whether or 
not they maintained an unbroken schedule. Regardless of the mo- 
tive of the stage company, whether it was to make money with a 
minimum amount of effort, as implied by Sherman, or to keep from 
losing money, as may be inferred from Pomeroy's statement, the fact 
remains that service was suspended intentionally for several weeks 
on the Smoky Hill line. 

There is, of course, some evidence to justify the stage company for 
discontinuing its service. A special correspondent of the Leaven- 
worth Conservative, located at Fort Wallace with a railroad engi- 
neering expedition, declared that the route was closed because the 
troops for its protection had been sent to guard the Platte line. The 
writer was highly indignant because the interests of the Smoky Hill 
line were sacrified for those of the Platte. This correspondent, in 
two separate articles, maintained that the stage stations were being 
attacked daily and that during the month of June $100,000 worth of 
property was destroyed and many lives were lost. An account of an 
Indian raid at Pond Creek station was also given. Even Fort Wal- 
lace was attacked on June 21 by about 300 Indians, according to the 
writer. The article of July 2 stated that the fort was still besieged. 56 
Practically the same assertions were made by Gen. W. W. Wright, 
chief engineer of the Union Pacific, eastern division, in a report to 
Pres. John D. Perry on June 29. Wright was commander of the 
engineering expedition at Fort Wallace. 57 

The truth of the whole matter probably is that during the Indian 
raids of the latter part of June the stage company officials had 
reasons for abandoning service; nevertheless in the early part of 
July, when traffic should have been resumed, they failed to perform 
their duty. 

Another problem with which General Sherman had to contend was 
that of false reports and rumors of Indian uprising. His personal 
attitude toward this question was well expressed in his telegram to 
Governor Crawford on July 8, in which he requested that Crawford 

55. Ibid., p. 5. 

56. Printed in the Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 10, and 11, 1867. 

57. Senate Debate, 1867, Cong. Globe, 40 Cong., 1 sess., p. 688. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 337 

help him to quiet unnecessary alarm. In a letter to his brother, 
Senator Sherman, the general denounced the publication of rumors. 
"Not only real depredations are committed" (by the Indians), he 
asserted, "but every fear, or apprehension, on whatever it may be 
founded, is published, and protection claimed and demanded." Sher- 
man furthermore emphasized the fact that the clamor of the western 
people for protection really weakened the military power in the 
region since it necessitated breaking up his forces into small groups. 
This, he declared, prevented the collection of any large army to 
carry an offensive into the Indians' own country, the Yellowstone 
and Red river localities. 58 

Sherman's belief that Indian rumors were harmful was upheld by 
the Fort Harker correspondent to the Leavenworth Conservative. In 
an article to his paper on July 8, 1867, the writer complained about 
the false propaganda which was being circulated by a rival paper, 
the Leavenworth Commercial. The writer for the Conservative 
denied that there was any truth to the recent stories of Indian raids 
near Ellsworth. He added that between Harker and Hays all was 
quiet. Beyond that point he had no information, since, for some 
reason unknown to the people of his vicinity, 4,he stage had not come 
through from the west for some time. 59 

After General Sherman had returned to St. Louis the Republican 
of that city printed an article from Fort Harker which reported the 
massacre near Fort Lamed of a party of Catholic priests and nuns. 
Sherman at once published a reply denying the truth of the incident 
and rebuking newspaper journalists for publishing unfounded ru- 
mors. 60 Later it was proved that the article was false. The story 
of the massacre had been published by a Leavenworth rival of the 
Conservative. The editor of the Conservative, although stating that 
he had not printed the report, denied that the newspapers of Kansas 
were publishing exaggerated stories. At the same time he warned 
his readers to beware of Indian news printed in any rival Leaven- 
worth papers. 61 

Additional proof that one of the Leavenworth papers was guilty 
of "yellow journalism" comes from an entirely different source. A 
prominent official of the Union Pacific, eastern division, writing 
from Leavenworth, Kan., in September, 1867, reported that the 

58. Letter to Senator Sherman, July 16, 1867 (written from Fort Harker), The Sherman 
Letters, p. 290. 

59. Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 10, 1867. 

60. Reprint of Sherman's letter of July 19 to the St. Louis Republican, Leavenworth Daily 
Conservative, July 23, 1867. 

61. Ibid. 

224323 



338 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

town was a great place for the manufacture of news. He also 
mentioned that a reporter for a Leavenworth publication was filling 
his paper with startling accounts of Indian raids and horrible mur- 
ders which were being copied by "all the eastern papers as the true 
state of affairs in the West." 62 

While the Sherman investigation and newspaper controversy were 
taking place the Eighteenth Kansas cavalry was organized, mustered 
into service and baptized with fire. When Governor Crawford issued 
his call for volunteers on July 1 it was his intention to raise eight 
companies of cavalry for six months' service. As a matter of fact 
only four companies were raised and the regiment was required to 
serve only four months. The reason for this change of plans will 
soon be apparent. 

Recruiting officers found that they could get sufficient men but 
very few horses. Crawford on July 3 asked Sherman if the govern- 
ment would furnish horses for part of the men. Sherman refused, 
stating that if eight mounted companies could not be furnished a 
less number would be sufficient. 63 Telegrams and letters literally 
poured into the executive offices in Topeka during the next few 
days. The majority of these were in regard to getting horses. Ac- 
cordingly, Crawford on July 10 again telegraphed Sherman, inquir- 
ing if he would take part of the men unmounted. Sherman again 
rejected the suggestion, remarking that if the men could not be 
mounted they were not wanted. 84 This attitude of Sherman was 
quite disconcerting to certain Kansans who were striving mightily to 
organize a full eight-company regiment. On July 5 Governor Craw- 
ford received the following telegram from A. Green, of Manhattan: 
"I can get horses if adjutant general will issue certificate of indebt- 
edness. Pottawatomie is best place. I came up with General Sher- 
man. He would not grieve if you fail. Come up to-morrow." 65 

According to the terms of enlistment, each volunteer was supposed 
to furnish his own horse. He was then to be armed, equipped and 
paid by the United States as were other regular troops. In case a 
volunteer had no horse and was unable to purchase one the state 
guaranteed to stand security for the payment. 66 In order to pay all 
creditors for horses purchased without waiting for a delayed legis- 
lative appropriation, the recruits gave their personal notes at the 

62. B. Marshall to Col. John B. Anderson, Sept. 18, 1867. The John B. Anderson Papers. 

63. C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), pp. 136; 47. 

64. Ibid., p. 48. 

65. Ibid., p. 69; (the italics are mine). 

66. Crawford's instructions to Colonel Moonlight, of Leavenworth, July 5, C. K. G., 
Crawford (Telegrams), p. 136. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 339 

time of purchase. The recruiting officer was then instructed to draw 
the cash pay of each soldier so indebted and transmit it to the 
creditor until the note was paid in full. 67 The governor assured all 
questioners that each soldier who furnished a horse would be reim- 
bursed later by legislative appropriation. 

With the horse problem once solved the routine of organization 
went on steadily. By July 15 the Eighteenth Kansas was mustered 
into United States service at Fort Harker. The battalion was made 
up of four companies with a total enrollment of 358 officers and 
enlisted men. 68 That there was a real need for the regiment was 
revealed by General Sherman in his annual report for the year. The 
report explained that the Eighteenth was called into service to re- 
place six companies of Seventh cavalry that had been transferred 
to the Platte in the summer. 69 

Under the able leadership of Maj. Horace L. Moore, of Lawrence, 
the Eighteenth Kansas performed creditably and was of real service 
to the state and nation. In addition to fighting the Indians the men 
faced a far deadlier enemy, cholera, which took a heavy toll of re- 
cruits at Fort Harker. On July 24 the regiment was at Fort Larned. 
Shortly afterwards it was moved to Fort Dodge and finally to Fort 
Hays on August 15. 

While stationed at Fort Hays the Eighteenth performed its most 
active service. On August 22 part of the regiment participated in 
the battle of Beaver creek. Following an Indian raid on the Smoky 
Hill stage line at Big Creek station, Maj. George A. Armes organized 
an expedition of the Tenth United States and Eighteenth Kansas 
cavalry and pursued the hostiles north into the Republican valley. 
While out on a scout for the expedition Captain Jenness, of the 
Eighteenth Kansas, and a small body of troops were attacked by 
about 500 Indians. They withstood the onslaught until rescued. 
The Indians then attacked the entire force. The battle raged for 
six hours before darkness caused the fighting to cease. Satanta, 
the Kiowa chief, was reported to have led the Indians. The sol- 
diers' losses were three killed and thirty-five wounded. 71 Mean- 
while Major Moore and the remainder of the Eighteenth were cam- 
paigning in the same general region. Although neither Indians nor 

67. Crawford's instructions to Col. John A. Martin, of Atchison, July 8, Ibid. 

68. Wilder, Annals of Kansas, July 15, 1867. 

69. Annual Report of the Military Division of the Missouri, October 1, 1867, Report of 
Secretary of War, 40 Cong., 2 sess., pp. 34-35. 

70. "The Battle of Beaver Creek," George B. Jenness, Kansas Historical Collections, v. 
IX, pp. 443-452. 

71. General Hancock's report to Governor Crawford, Aug. 24, C. K. G., Crawford (Tele- 
grams), pp. 38-39. 



340 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

soldiers could claim decisive victories, the campaign had the effect 
of breaking up the Indian concentration along the Smoky Hill and 
the Republican. The northern Indians retreated to the north, while 
the Comanches, Kiowas, southern Cheyennes and Arapahoes headed 
south, where they met the Peace Commission at Medicine Lodge in 
October. 72 The Eighteenth continued to serve until October 29, 
when it was ordered to Fort Harker to be mustered out. On Novem- 
bed 15 the final muster took place. 73 It was deemed unnecessary to 
keep the soldiers in service for six months since there was no need 
for them during the winter. About ten per cent of the regiment lost 
their lives during their four months of service. 

Throughout the months of July and August reports of Indian 
depredations had continued to come in. A perfect reign of terror 
took place in Colorado Territory during the early part of July. 
Settlers left the country, and there was talk of discontinuing over- 
land travel. 74 One of Custer's scouts, in relating the story of the 
Kidder massacre and an attack by Indians on Custer's supply train, 
closed the interview with these words: "If any man thinks there 
is no war with, or danger from, the Indians, let him make a trip 
from Wallace to Harker and then he will realize it." 75 

Service was finally resumed on the Smoky Hill route, the first 
west-bound mail coach reaching Denver July 27, after a ten-day 
trip from Fort Harker. Indians were numerous between Harker and 
Monument station, and according to reports were virtually in pos- 
session of one hundred miles of the road. 76 Santa Fe coaches, on 
the other hand, were coming through to Fort Harker unmolested, 
though many Indians were seen along the route. 77 

Osages dwelling in the southeast section of the state caught the 
fever of the Indian war on the plains and performed some minor 
depredations. Governor Crawford paid them a visit in August and 
called them to account for thieving of horses and other stock from 
settlers. The Osages promptly returned the property and thereafter 
remained "good Indians." 78 The governor discovered that Indian 
traders were daily supplying the Osages as well as the wild plains 
tribes with arms and ammunition. 79 

72. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, p. 261. 

73. Wilder, Annals of Kansas, p. 468. 

74. Letter from news correspondent in Denver, Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 18, 
1867. 

75. Reprint from Junction City Union, Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 25, 1867. 

76. Reprint from Denver News of July 27, Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 4, 
1867. 

77. Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 27, 1867. 

78. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, p. 280. 

79. Crawford to Sherman, August 5, 1867, C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), p. 138. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 341 

The Indian Peace Commission, which had been appointed in 
July by act of congress, held a meeting in St. Louis on August 8. 
As a result General Sherman ordered all department commanders 
in the division of the Missouri to assume defensive tactics only, 
thus giving the Indians a chance to receive messages sent out from 
the Peace Commission and to act on them. 80 

In view of this change of tactics upon the part of the military au- 
thorities, matters became somewhat complicated when the Indians 
again attacked the Smoky Hill route in September. Shoemaker 
wired Crawford on September 21 informing him that one of the 
principal contractors and three men had been killed by Indians on 
September 19. Since Gen. A. J. Smith, at Fort Harker, could 
give no additional protection the general superintendent asked the 
governor for an infantry regiment at once to guard the working 
parties. 81 Crawford replied immediately. "Your dispatch received. 
Will tender regiment to General Sherman. If he will not accept on 
behalf of government, I will endeavor to make other arrange- 
ments." 82 Governor Crawford then made a speedy trip to Fort 
Hays to investigate matters and upon his return sent two telegrams 
to Sherman describing the situation and offering to immediately 
organize a regiment of volunteers. 83 

Sherman's reply threw cold water on the proposition. The com- 
plete telegram follows: 

"HEADQUARTERS, MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI, 

ST. Louis, September 24, 1867. 

"Governor Crawford: With the present convictions of the Indian Com- 
mission to be at Fort Harker the eighth I would not be willing to accept more 
volunteers. Mr. Shoemaker ought not to push his parties too far out till we 
meet the Cheyennes. W. T. SHERMAN, Lieut. General"** 

Sherman thus remained consistent with his previous position. 
Crawford, plainly, was out of sympathy with the Peace Commission 
and considered defense of the railroad paramount. The crux of the 
matter was whether or not the road actually needed more protection 
than it was already getting. Considerable light was shed on the 
question by Mr. Marshall, who was on the scene at Fort Harker as 
a representative of the railroad's eastern financial interests. Writ- 
ing from Junction City on September 18, Marshall explained that 

80. Sherman's Annual Report, Report of the Secretary of War, 40 Cong., 2 sess., p. 37. 

81. C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), p. 34. 

82. Ibid., p. 138. 

83. Ibid., p. 138. The two telegrams are similar to content, the first having been directed 
to Sherman at Omaha, while the second was sent the following day to St. Louis. Crawford 
apparently wanted to be sure that Sherman would get the message immediately. 

84. Ibid., p. 40. 



342 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

he had just gone up to the end of the track with the railroad com- 
missioners, that a military escort had accompanied the train and 
that they were not molested. Further on he stated: 

"The Indians west of us have been making some trouble lately, but I do 
not apprehend any trouble with our trains. There have been several attacks 
made on wagon trains and some stock stolen, and a few men killed, but those 
things you must expect when you pass over other people's grounds." 85 

The Peace Commission, following its meeting in St. Louis, headed 
northwest up the Missouri river in order to treat with the Sioux and 
northern Cheyennes before meeting the tribes in Kansas. Sherman 
invited Crawford to meet the commission at Fort Leavenworth on 
August II. 86 Crawford accepted and presented his views to the 
commissioners. A Leavenworth daily, reporting the governor's pres- 
ence in town, had this to say: "The governor will confer with the 
peace powwow-ists, but is not known to sympathize with their 
policy. He is for exhorting peace, we guess." 87 In September Craw- 
ford further vented his opinion of the commission. "I am waiting 
patiently," he wrote, "the result of the efforts of this Peace Com- 
mission. If they fail to do their duty the state of Kansas will not 
fail." 88 Sherman, also, was not optimistic about the possibility of 
peace, although he expressed some hopes. Writing to his brother 
on September 28, he predicted that the Indian wars were not over, 
since it would take years for the Peace Commission to fulfill the 
requirement of the law passed by congress. 89 

In October the Peace Commission arrived in Kansas. Its per- 
sonnel had been carefully chosen from both military men and 
civilians. Generals Terry, Harney, Sanborn, and Auger represented 
the army, while Commissioner Taylor upheld the interests of the 
Indian Bureau. Senator Henderson, of Missouri, represented con- 
gress and Col. Samuel F. Tappan stood for the nation at large. For 
a month prior to the meeting the Indian Bureau had been assembling 
a vast amount of material near Medicine Lodge to give the Indians 
as presents. These stores included coffee, sugar, flour, dried fruits, 
arms and ammunition and a herd of cattle. 90 

Once the Indians were assembled, the powwow began. Estimates 
of the number of Indians present vary from five thousand to fifteen 

85. Letter to Col. John B. Anderson, the John B. Anderson Papers. 

86. Telegram to Crawford, August 10, 1867, C. K. G., Crawford (Telegrams), p. 38. 

87. Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 11, 1867. 

88. Letter to J. R. Mead, an Indian trader, Sept. 4, 1867, C. K. G., Crawford (Copy 
Book), p. 57. 

89. The Sherman Letters, p. 296. 

90. Connelley, "Medicine Lodge Treaty," pp. 603-604. 



GARFIELD: DEFENSE OF THE KANSAS FRONTIER 343 

thousand. 91 The tribes represented were the Cheyenne, Arapahoe, 
Comanche, Kiowa, and Kiowa-Apache. Tall Bull, a prominent 
Cheyenne war chief, ably stated the Indians' case when he told the 
commissioners that the red men were on the warpath to prevent 
Kansas and Colorado being settled by palefaces. He said that the 
Indians claimed that part of the country as their own, and did not 
want railroads built through it to scare away the buffalo. At one 
time during the early stages of the conference it seemed that negotia- 
tions would stop and a general massacre ensue. Since there were 
less than five hundred soldiers present, the commissioners exhibited 
some uneasiness. Nevertheless, the Indians were kept in awe by a 
show of artillery, so the powwow continued. 92 

Two treaties were drawn up and signed. On October 21 the com- 
missioners reached their final agreement with the Comanche, Kiowa 
and Apache tribes. The Cheyennes held off until a week later, when 
they and their Arapahoe allies came to terms. The two treaties were 
nearly identical. According to the final arrangement the Indians 
agreed to 

(1) Withdraw all opposition to the construction of the Pacific railroads. 

(2) Relinquish their claims lying between the Platte and Arkansas. 

(3) Withdraw to reservations set apart for them. 

In return the Indians received the following concessions : 

(1) A large reservation and an enormous amount of supplies. (The Coman- 
ches, Kiowas and Apaches were assigned to a reserve north of the Red 
river. The Cheyennes and Arapahoes were allotted about three million 
acres in the Cherokee outlet in Indian territory.) 

(2) The right to hunt south of the Arkansas river so long as the buffalo 
ranged there in such numbers as to justify the chase. No white settle- 
ments were to be allowed between the Arkansas river and the southern 
boundary of Kansas for a period of three years. 93 

Contrary to a general impression which has grown up in the 
United States, the Medicine Lodge treaty did not bring peace to the 
frontier. After loading the Indians with guns and ammunition the 
Peace Commission promised to provide more for them the next 
spring. This mistaken policy on the part of the commissioners 
practically undid everything that had been accomplished by the 
treaty. It remained for the military authorities to bring about peace 

91. Connelley says 5,000. Crawford estimated the total number of warriors at 3,000. 
This would mean a total population of approximately 7,500. 

92. Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, p. 277. 

93. Terms of the Medicine Lodge Treaty derived from: Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, 
v. II, p. 284 ; Crawford, Kansas in the Sixties, p. 278 ; Charles J. Kappler, Indian Affairs, 
Laws, and Treaties, v. II, p. 764. 



344 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

by conquest in 1868. 94 Even from the standpoint of the Indian, the 
treaty was a failure. "The giving of a few presents and the signing 
of treaties by a few chiefs would not appease the Indians, whose 
livelihood, the buffalo, was being destroyed and driven away." 95 
The young men of all the tribes bitterly opposed the treaty; hence 
it could not be expected that the terms of the agreement would be 
observed. 

After the break-up of the great Medicine Lodge encampment the 
Indians headed south and west, leaving the Kansas frontier in peace 
during the fall and winter. Sheridan, upon taking command of 
the Department of the Missouri, reported everything comparatively 
quiet. 96 At the very close of the year reports reached Topeka of 
Indian depredations on White Rock creek in Republic county. These 
proved to be the work of a party of Omahas and Otoes. 97 

The year 1867 was outstanding in the annals of plains warfare. 
Commencing early in the spring, the war between Indians and whites 
dragged through a long summer and well into the autumn. While 
no general massacre of settlers took place, there were over four 
hundred citizens murdered by the southern tribes in Kansas and 
Nebraska during 1866 and 1867. Sixteen engagements occurred dur- 
ing the latter year between Indians and United States troops in the 
Missouri department. So numerous, indeed, were the conflicts on 
the plains that one writer has credited the summer of 1867 with more 
actual cavalry fighting than any season in the ten years of plains 
combat from 1864 to 1874. 98 While this statement may be correct, 
it is well to add that the conflicts between the military and Indians 
during the year were not especially bloody. In the entire Depart- 
ment of the Missouri during 1867 nineteen soldiers were killed and 
fifty wounded, while only ten Indians were sent to the happy hunting 
grounds. 99 

94. Connelley, "Medicine Lodge Treaty," pp. 604-605. 

95. Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes, p. 266. 

96. Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, v. II, p. 282. 

97. Letter from Thomas Lovewell to Governor Crawford, December 23, 1867, Adjutant 
General's Correspondence, 1867 (Kansas). 

98. James A. Hadley, "The Death of Lieutenant Kidder," Indian Depredations and Bat- 
tles, Clippings, v. I. p. 64., Kansas State Historical Society. 

99. Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, 40 Cong., 2 sess., Ser. No. 1324, pp. 45, 46. 



Some Famous Kansas Frontier 
Scouts 

PAUL I. WELLMAN 

IN THE divers Indian wars which kept the western frontier in a 
turmoil throughout much of the time between 1857 and 1878 
Kansas played a tragic and at the same time a heroic part. Like 
her sister states of Nebraska and Texas and the Dakota territories 
she suffered under the scourge of the Indian raiders, and many of 
her citizens died in the glare of their burning homes in the settle- 
ments on the Smoky Hill, the Republican, the Arkansas, the Solo- 
mon and elsewhere. 1 Like these other states she sent her sons to 
avenge the atrocities committed. 

Thus far Kansas played a part akin to that of all the other 
frontier states. But there was one respect in which she outshone all 
the others. That was in her contribution of great plains scouts to 
this frontier war, in which she surpassed every other state in the 
West. 

Study the big Indian campaigns between 1860 and 1878 Kansas 
men were the real leaders in every one. Kansans were the keen-eyed 
followers of the trail ; the canny diagnosers of ambuscades ; the wise 
advisors to ward off the duplicity of Indian diplomats; the inter- 
preters at the councils. In a word, more Kansas men qualified as 
high-class scouts in the Indian wars and the position of the scout 
was often far more important than was the position of the com- 
manding officer himself than qualified from any other state or 
territory. 

Sharp Grover, Billy Comstock, Charlie Reynolds, Billy Dixon, 
Jack Stillwell, Wild Bill Hickok, Buffalo Bill Cody, William 
Mathewson even Kit Carson and William Bent, 2 to mention only 
a few, received a part or all of their training in plainscraft, in Indian 
strategy, and in the lessons of hardihood, endurance and loyalty, on 
the plains of Kansas. 

1. Between August 10 and November 25, 1868, there were government records of the kill- 
ing of 120 people; the capture of seven more; the running off of 619 horses and mules and 
958 cattle; the burning and plundering of twenty- one homes; and the destruction of four 
wagon trams in Kansas, eastern Colorado and the Indian territory. This record covered a 
period of only three and a half months. George Armstrong Ouster, My Life on the Plains, 
p. 87. 

2. Abner T. Grover, 18 1869; William Comstock, 18 1868; Charles Alexander Rey- 
nolds, 1842-1876; William Dixon, 1850-1913; S. E. Stillwell, 1849-1889; James Butler 
Hickok, 1837-1876; William Frederick Cody, 1846-1917; William Mathewson, 1830-1912; 
Christopher Carson, 1809-1868, and William Bent, 1809-1869. 

(345) 



346 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

To understand why this should be it must be remembered that the 
frontier history of the West is divided into three epochs, each sig- 
nificant of the progress of the civilized white man in occupying the 
land, and of the growing resentment of the savage red man because 
of that encroachment. 

First came the epoch of the trapper and the trader. A wild, dar- 
ing, irresponsible class of men they were, those forerunners of the 
pale face's civilization. They little resembled heralds of civiliza- 
tion. More savage in dress, actions and habits were many of them 
than the very Indians among whom they wandered to wrest their 
precarious livelihood from the wilderness. Yet they sowed the seeds 
from which were to spring the beginnings of the new era. 

These trappers and traders fared forth with a hardihood and re- 
source absolutely amazing, braved the peril of death by torture, 
and filtered among the wild tribes of the plains and mountains in 
search of beaver and other peltries. In this search they penetrated 
to the uttermost corners of the present United States. They went 
in search of furs; but they acquired something more important to 
the nation than that a priceless knowledge of the geography, people 
and characteristics of the great unknown hinterland, which, dis- 
seminated in the East, probably had greater influence on the quick 
settlement of the West than any other one factor. 

To this period belong men like Kit Carson, the Bent brothers and 
their partner, Ceran St. Vrain, "Old Bill" Williams, Jim Bridger, 
"Broken Hand" Fitzpatrick, Jim Beckwourth, Ezekial Williams and 
others. These were but the better-known typical examples of the 
hundreds who were cut out of the same piece of cloth, and who 
could shoot "plumb-center," trail a moccasin track over a bare rock, 
battle a grizzly bear with a bowie knife, and live off anything in 
hunger time, from their own leggins to "raw buzzart," as occurred 
in one traditional case. 

They did not go forth as conquerors of the soil, these forerunners 
of their race. The land meant no more to them than it did to the 
Indians. They made friends with the red men whenever it suited 
their capricious purpose; often took wives from among them; 3 and 
many times took part in their tribal wars. 4 In some cases they 

3. William Bent, Kit Carson, Sharp Grover, Ed Curtis, Ceran St. Vrain, and many others 
had Indian wives. 

4. There is even reason to think that some of these white men "gone native" fought 
against their own race. Thus, at the Beecher Island fight, when all of Forsyth's horses were 
killed, the men on the island heard a voice announce in perfect English, "There goes the last 
of their horses, anyway." Besides this, from time to time, the notes of an artillery bugle were 
heard from the shore. See Indian Fights and Fighters, p. 84, by Cyrus Townsend Brady. 



WELLMAN: FAMOUS KANSAS SCOUTS 347 

wrought remarkable changes in the relations of the tribes. A 
typical case of this is quoted by Billy Peacock, 5 for years a member 
of the Cheyenne tribe, by whom he is still known as Numose, "the 
Left Hand." 

After the building of Bent's Fort, according to Peacock, the Bents 
and St. Vrain, with Kit Carson and Ed Curtis, traded with the 
Comanches and Kiowas. The Cheyennes at that time about 1828 
or '29 still lived north in the Black Hills country. To increase 
their trade, Bent and St. Vrain built the trading post on the 
Canadian river known as the Adobe Walls from the material used 
in building the fort. This post was not long occupied. Trouble was 
stirred up among the southern Indians by the "Spanish" traders of 
Santa Fe, Taos and other New Mexican towns, who were jealous of 
Bent and St. Vrain. Things reached such a crisis that St. Vrain, who 
was in charge at the southern post, was forced to use a subterfuge 
to get away. 

The Kiowas and Comanches had run off his stock. He ran up a 
white flag and invited their chiefs in for a council. As soon as these 
chiefs entered the stockade he closed the doors and promised them 
death unless the stock was returned speedily and he was given safe 
conduct to Bent's Fort. This stratagem was later used by Custer 
and others, but this is the first time it appears on the plains. It was 
effective. The mules were returned and St. Vrain was unmolested 
in his northward journey. 

The Indians still refusing to trade with them, William Bent, with 
true Yankee cunning, looked around for a new source of business. 
He had dwelt among the Cheyennes and had a Cheyenne wife. 6 
He arranged for a meeting with some of the Cheyenne leaders who 
were hunting in the Arkansas valley, and after a big powwow in- 
duced about half the tribe to move their permanent camps from the 
northern hunting grounds to the vicinity of the fort. 7 

This, according to Peacock, is how the southern Cheyennes sepa- 
rated from the northern Cheyennes, who remained in the North. He 
insists that although these bands have always been considered dif- 
ferent and distinct tribes they are in all essentials the same. History 
records that they were intermarrying and visiting back and forth 

5. William C. Peacock, now 75 years old, is at present residing at Valley Center, Kan. 

6. His first wife was Owl Woman. After her death in 1847, he married another Indian 
woman named Yellow Woman. George Bird Grinnell, "Bent's Old Fort and Its Builders," 
Kansas Historical Collections, v. XV, pp. 46, 47. 

7. Grinnell tells a different story. He says that the fort was built after instead of be- 
fore the conference with the Cheyennes, which took place at the mouth of the Purgatoire in 
1826. Ibid., p. 31. 



348 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

as late as 1875, when the band of Bull Hump, a northern Cheyenne, 
returning from a visit to the southern Cheyennes in the Indian 
territory, was set upon and wiped out by soldiers and buffalo hunters 
on Sappa creek, in northwestern Kansas. 8 If this story is true, it 
forms an interesting illustration of how the white men changed the 
habits, history and habitat of many an Indian tribe. 

With the beginning of settlement in the eastern part of Kansas 
and Nebraska began a second epoch. Discovery of gold in the 
mountains and in California brought a rush of emigrants. The 
slavery question caused thousands to move into Kansas with the 
purpose of making it proslavery or antislavery, and thus it was dis- 
covered that the "Great American Desert," so-called, was really a 
fertile and productive territory. 

Naturally the Indians resented this high-handed incursion. Be- 
ginning in 1857, when Sumner campaigned against the Cheyennes 9 , 
the frontier was always in danger of a raid, and the youths of that 
frontier were reared in the art of Indian fighting, taught the secrets 
of woods and plains craft, and schooled in all the fine arts of com- 
bating at their own game the fierce nomads of the wilderness. This 
was the period when most of the Kansas scouts got their training 
and fitted themselves for their strenuous and important adventures, 
which occurred in the third epoch, the epoch of the real Indian wars. 

In 1858 gold was found in Colorado and a new rush of emigrants 
started up the Santa Fe and Platte trails. The passage of thousands 
of white men with their stock and their families up these trails, 
frightening away the game, excited and angered the Indians. 10 
Trouble soon broke out. There were brushes with the red men on 
the overland trails, and then sporadic raiding began against isolated 
settlements. In the main, however, the tribes kept the peace until 
1863, when minor depredations increased to a point where they 
resembled a general war, and the government, in the throes of civil 
war, decided it must do something to put an end to these troubles. 
There were several minor fights with the Indians, and on November 
29, 1864, occurred the massacre of Black Kettle's village on Sand 

8. For an account of this fight see Buffalo Days, pp. 99-112, by Col. Homer W. Wheeler. 
See, also, William D. Street's "Cheyenne Indian Massacre on the Middle Fork of the Sappa," 
Kansas Historical Collections, v. X, pp. 368-373. 

9. An excellent account of this campaign is contained in an article by R. M. Peck, who 
was a soldier in Sumner's command, in Kansas Historical Collections, v. VIII, p. 484. 

10. According to Grinnell, the Cheyennes at first thought these gold miners insane, be- 
cause they wandered about aimlessly seeking for gold. The Fighting Cheyennes, footnote, 
p. 119. During the month of May, 1859, not less than 10,000 persons went up the Republi- 
can river route alone, and Bancroft estimates 150,000 went up the Platte and Arkansas routes 
in the spring of 1859. George Bancroft, History of Colorado, p. 457. 



WELLMAN: FAMOUS KANSAS SCOUTS 349 

creek by Chivington, 11 which set the whole Indian country into a 
blaze of hatred. 12 

The chief theater of war was in Wyoming and the Platte valley 
of Nebraska during 1865 and 1866. In 1867 occurred the campaign 
by General Hancock in southern Kansas and present-day northern 
Oklahoma, which resulted in nothing except to give the Indians 
renewed confidence. 13 The following year, 1868, saw the red men 
receive three stunning defeats the repulse of Roman Nose's band 
by Col. G. A. Forsyth's command at Beecher's Island; Gen. George 
A. Ouster's winter attack on Black Kettle's village on the Washita; 
and Gen. Eugene A. Carr's defeat of Tall Bull's band at Summit 
Springs. In each case the leading chief was killed. 

After that the Indians subsided until 1874, when, maddened by 
white buffalo hunters who ignored the Medicine Lodge peace treaty, 
they flamed into revolt again. 14 For the next year the troops were 
kept busy pursuing the hostiles, and the bloody battles of Adobe 
Walls, 15 Palo Duro Canyon and elsewhere, together with scores of 
massacres and raids, painted the frontier a gory hue. 

Scarcely was this war brought to an end, in 1875, when the Sioux 
to the north went on the warpath. In the year which followed, 
Reynolds was defeated on the Powder river, Crook was defeated on 
the Rose Bud, and Custer and all his immediate command were 
wiped out on the Little Big Horn. The Sioux were finally subdued 
and the Northern Cheyennes were rounded up and moved to the 
reservation of the Southern Cheyennes in the Indian territory, which 
precipitated Kansas' last real Indian raid the Dull Knife raid of 
1878. 

11. Col. J. M. Chivington, First Colorado cavalry. 

12. Concerning this massacre there was almost universal condemnation of Chivington 
Gen. Nelson A. Miles, greatest of all the Indian fighters, said of it : "The Sand Creek massacre 
is perhaps the foulest and most unjustifiable crime in the annals of America." Personal 
Recollections, p. 139. The Indian Peace Commission of 1868, which reviewed the case, said 
in its report : "It scarcely has its parallel in the records of Indian barbarity. Fleeing women, 
holding up their hands and praying for mercy, were shot down; infants were killed and scalped 
in derision; men were tortured and mutilated in a manner that would put to shame the sav- 
ages of interior Africa. No one will be astonished that a war ensued which cost the govern- 
ment $30,000,000, and carried conflagration and death into the border settlements. During 
the spring and summer of 1865 no less than 8,000 troops were withdrawn from the effective 
forces engaged against the Rebellion to meet this Indian war." George W. Manypenny, Our 
Indian Wards, p. 165. An excellent description of the Sand Creek massacre may be found 
in J. P. Dunn's Massacres of the Mountains, pp. 396-437. 

13. "Hancock had threatened to chastise these Indians most severely if they made any 
trouble, but having now driven them to hostilities he found it impossible to strike them at 
all, as they moved much more rapidly than his troops. George Bird Grinnell, The Fighting 
Cheyennes, p. 244. 

14. One provision of the Medicine Lodge treaty was that the white men should not molest' 
buffalo or other game south of the border between Kansas and the Indian territory. 

15. This fight took place near the site of the old Bent-St. Vrain fort by that name, on 
the banks of the Canadian. Traces of the ancient adobe walls were still visible. The fort, 
built by the buffalo hunters and traders, was of logs, set picket fashion, with one sod house 
(Hanrahan's saloon), but it was named "Adobe Walls" for the older structure. 



350 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

That campaign, resulting in the death of scores of Kansans in the 
path of the desperate Cheyennes, ended Indian troubles in this state, 
although in other states, notably in Colorado during the Ute up- 
rising, in Arizona and New Mexico during the Apache wars, and in 
the Dakotas during the Ghost Dance outbreak, there was plenty of 
bloodshed and bitter fighting before the red warriors were convinced 
that, whether it was right or not, might held the winning hand. 

Now let us glance at the part the Kansas scouts played in this 
panorama of warfare. 

One of the best and bravest of them was Charlie Reynolds. Born 
in Kentucky in 1842, he came to Kansas when only a boy of sixteen, 
by way of an emigrant train bound for California. The train was 
attacked by Indians on the Platte and most of the emigrants were 
killed, but Reynolds escaped to become a Nemesis to the race which 
had done that deed. After some wandering he came to Atchison 
county, and at the opening of the Civil War enlisted in and served 
in a Kansas regiment for three years, chiefly as a scout. 16 

At the end of the war he went on a trading expedition and again 
ran afoul of the Indians when his party was attacked on the Smoky 
Hill. Reynolds' fellow trader was killed, but he took refuge in a 
wolfer's dugout and stood the Indians off until nightfall, when he 
escaped and finally reached Santa Fe in safety. 17 

During the summer of 1866 Reynolds hunted buffalo in western 
Kansas and eastern Colorado, where he earned such a reputation as 
a plainsman that he was appointed an army scout. He accompanied 
the troops north in 1873 and was Custer's chief of scouts in the 
Black Hills expedition in 1874. Reynolds it was who discovered 
that Rain-in-the-Face, the Sioux chief, was guilty of the murder of 
Doctor Honzinger, a veterinarian, and Balleran, a sutler, during the 
Black Hills expedition. He also helped in the arrest of the chief. 18 

Reynolds was chief of scouts in the ill-fated expedition to the 
Little Big Horn. He died trying to stave off the rush of the Sioux 
warriors who were shooting down the soldiers of Major Reno as 
they tried to retreat across the Little Big Horn river. He is buried, 

16. Brininstool, E. A., A Trooper With Ouster, p. 204. 

17. He was on his way to New Mexico at the time. 

18. Rain-in-the-Face, the Sioux chief, said that Reynolds recognized him at the time 
he killed the two civilians. In his story of the Little Big Horn fight and the events preceding 
it, published in the magazine Outdoor Life, March, 1903, and quoted by Cyrus Townsend 
Brady, he says: "Charlie Reynolds knew me (he was seen after the killing) and told Long 
Yellow Hair who did this brave deed." He was mistaken, because Reynolds got his informa- 
tion much later, while Rain-in-the-Face was undergoing the Sun Dance tortures. To keep 
up his courage he boasted of his exploits, this being one of them. Reynolds, a witness of the 
Sun Dance, heard him and reported it. Brady, Indian Fights and Fighters, footnote on p. 283. 



WELLMAN: FAMOUS KANSAS SCOUTS 351 

and a tablet shows where he died bravely fighting, on the field of 
the Little Big Horn. 19 

Another excellent scout and daring fighter was Sharp Grover. 
He is said to have been a "squaw man," having lived as a member 
of the Sioux tribe and been married to a Sioux wife. 20 When Colonel 
Forsyth organized his famous expedition for the Beecher Island 
campaign Grover went along as chief of scouts. 

That was a real distinction in that group, for most of them were 
veteran plainsmen in their own right. They were all Kansas men, 
too trappers and hunters and ranchers and ex-soldiers, many of 
them former members of the Confederate army. In this hard-bitten 
and efficient detachment Grover still managed to stand out, and his 
commanding officer later wrote of his high opinion and trust of 
him. 21 He could speak Sioux, and was also expert in sign talk, the 
universal language of the plains. Moreover, he was a finished 
plainsman. 

Largely through his guidance, Forsyth trailed and overtook the 
Cheyennes and Sioux under Roman Nose and fought the almost 
disastrous battle with them on Beecher's Island. It was Grover who 
pointed out a huge Indian as Roman Nose himself, 22 and Grover is 
reputed to have killed this Indian, although the Cheyennes later 
denied that this was Roman Nose. Still, Roman Nose was killed in 
this battle, and Grover should have known him from personal ac- 
quaintance. It is the writer's opinion that he was correct in his 
identification. 23 

At the time he scouted for Forsyth, Grover was suffering from a 
still unhealed wound in the back which he had received when his 
friend Billy Comstock was treacherously killed by Sioux Indians, in 
August, 1868, on the Solomon river. This occurred only a month 
before the Forsyth expedition, yet the painful hurts did not prevent 

19. Reynolds' grave is marked with an iron tablet. 

20. Wheeler, Col. Homer W., Buffalo Days, p. 246. 

21. "My guide was Sharp Grover, a plainsman . . . who had passed his life in hunt- 
ing and trapping along the western border. . . He was well posted on Indian craft, 
spoke the dialect of the Sioux and knew many of them personally. A keen eye, a good shot, 
and a cool head made him a valuable man. ... He (William Comstock), Dick Parr, 
Grover and William Cody (Buffalo Bill) were ... a strong quartet of able and compe- 
tent plainsmen, bred to their work by years of service, and men to be relied upon under all 
circumstances. "A Frontier Fight," by Gen. G. A. Forsyth, printed in The Beecher Island 
Annual (1917), p. 8. 

22. Ibid., p. 15. 

23. The Cheyennes present at this fight told George Bird Grinnell that Roman Nose was 
killed on the evening of the first day, instead of early in the fight, as related by Forsyth, 
Custer and others. Says Grinnell: "As the most famous of the northern Cheyennes, Roman 
Nose was regarded as the hero of this fight on the Indian side, yet it is clear that no one in 
Forsyth 's command knew Roman Nose. General Forsyth states that the scout Grover identi- 
fied Roman Nose, but while Grover had some intercourse with the Sioux he did not know the 
northern Cheyennes." Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes, p. 281. 



352 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

him from riding, fighting and scouting as daringly and as intelli- 
gently as at any period in his life. 

Grover was killed in a shooting affray at Pond Creek, Kan., in 
the year following this campaign. He was shot by a man named 
Moody in a saloon brawl. Grover was not armed, having delivered 
his pistols to the barkeeper, but Moody was allowed to go free as 
he claimed he had shot in self-defense, thinking Grover armed, when 
the latter, drunk, started toward him with a flow of abusive epi- 
thets. 24 

The name of Billy Comstock has been mentioned above. He 
was another Kansas scout who stood high in the esteem of the 
officers with whom he associated. In General Ouster's book, My 
Life on the Plains, he is referred to as "a host in himself" when fight- 
ing against the Indians. 25 

Billy Comstock was born in Wisconsin, but came west at an early 
age, living on the frontier by preference. He was one of the original 
pony express riders, at the time when Wild Bill Hickok and Buffalo 
Bill Cody were similarly employed. 26 

In the winter of 1867 he got into trouble in a fight with a cheating 
wood contractor who had agreed to pay him a certain sum of money 
if he would show him where a good supply of wood for the post at 
Fort Wallace could be found. Comstock lived up to his part of the 
agreement, but the contractor failed to pay. 

This man posed as a bad man and boasted of having been a mem- 
ber of the Quantrill raiders, but that made no difference to Com- 
stock. He met his defrauder on the porch of the post trader and 
shot him dead. His arrest followed and he was taken to Fort Hays 
for trial. Arraigned before a judge there, he was asked how he would 
plead. 

"Guilty, sir," Comstock replied. 

The astonished judge asked him if he wished to alter his plea. 

"No, sir," said Comstock, who did not know what it was to lie. 

"In that case I discharge you for want of evidence," said the 
judge, who seems to have known Comstock's late adversary. 27 

24. Wheeler, Buffalo Days, pp. 247-248. 

25. My Life on the Plains, p. 63. In the same book, Ouster gives this typical Kansas 
scout the following tribute: "Thoroughly reliable in his reports, brave, modest and per- 
severing in character, with a remarkable knowledge of the country and the savage tribes in- 
festing it, he was the superior of all men who were scouts by profession with whom I have 
had experience." p. 100. 

26. Buffalo Days, p. 244. 

27. Colonel Wheeler also hints that the judge thought that Comstock's friends intended 
to help him to escape and decided that to dismiss the case was the easiest way out of the 
affair. Ibid., p. 245. 



WELLMAN: FAMOUS KANSAS SCOUTS 353 

In 1868, when the Indian war broke out, Gen. Phil Sheridan sent 
for Comstock for the purpose of employing him as chief of scouts. 
Comstock refused to come at the summons, for fear he was to be 
rearrested for the killing of the wood contractor, so Sheridan, emu- 
lating Mahomet in the incident of the mountain, went to him and 
offered him the position. 

He accepted and left his ranch, never to return to it. It was dur- 
ing this service that he met Ouster. He was chief scout for that 
officer during the campaign which resulted in the massacre of Lieu- 
tenant Kidder and his men, and also in the fight of Colonel Cook 
with the hostiles between Fort Wallace and Fort McPherson. 28 

Comstock's tragic death has been mentioned. With Grover he 
was out on a scouting expedition to see if he could discover any 
traces of hostiles. About fifty miles from Fort Wallace they found 
the friendly village of Sioux under Turkey Leg, on the banks of the 
Solomon river. Grover knew these Indians well, as his wife was a 
member of the band. 

Turkey Leg informed them that Roman Nose and his Cheyenne 
dog soldiers were in the vicinity. Taking the warning, Comstock 
and Grover started for the fort. Comstock had a beautiful ivory- 
handled six-shooter. A young Indian had tried to trade him out of 
it, but he refused. On the way to the fort the two white men fell 
in with several young braves and were conversing with them in a 
friendly manner when two or three suddenly whipped their rifles 
out and fired, killing Comstock instantly and wounding Grover. 
The latter defended himself with a rifle, driving the Indians off. 
Wounded as he was he made his way to the nearest railroad station, 
where he was brought to the post. General Bankhead sent out an 
expedition which brought in Comstock's body and gave it Christian 
burial. 29 

Jack Stillwell, whose real Christian name was Charles, was an- 
other member of the Forsyth expedition who later became famous as 
a scout. At the time he enlisted with Forsyth at Fort Hays he was 
just a boy, only nineteen years old, but already an experienced 
hunter and plainsman. He took part in the Beecher Island fight, 
and, with Pierre Trudeau, was the first to volunteer to get through 
the Indian cordon when night fell and go for help. 30 

The pair managed to get only a short distance when daylight 

28. Custer, My Life on the Plains, pp. 64-67. See, also, pp. 75-77. 

29. Buffalo Days, p. 247. 

30. Two of the better known accounts of this exploit are Gen. G. A. Forsyth's "A 
Frontier Fight," Harper's (June, 1895), pp. 42-62, and Brady's Indian Fights and Fighters 
pp. 97-100. 

23-4323 



354 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

came and they hid all day in a small washout, in full view of the 
Cheyenne camp. Fortunately no Cheyennes investigated the place 
and when night fell again they resumed their journey. This time 
daylight caught them in an open plain, with nothing better to hide 
in than a buffalo wallow. The story of what followed has been dis- 
puted, but it is given for what it is worth : 

Soon after they took refuge in the wallow a band of Cheyennes 
came up and dismounted about fifty yards away. At almost the 
same moment, a rattlesnake made his appearance, crawling down 
into the wallow toward the two men. They were in a fearful 
dilemma. If they killed the snake the noise would be heard by the 
Indians who were almost on top of them. If they did not kill it, it 
would be almost sure to bite one or both of them. Stillwell solved 
the problem in an unexpected way. He was chewing tobacco and 
as the reptile approached he expectorated a mouthful of tobacco 
juice all over its head and eyes. That routed the unwelcome visitor, 
which turned tail and crawled dejectedly away. Soon after the 
Indians also left and the men were free to continue, eventually 
reaching Fort Wallace with news of the fight. 31 

After that, StillwelPs reputation as a scout was made. He served 
with distinction under Custer and was guide for the Nineteenth 
Kansas during its winter campaign in 1868. 32 He also served during 
the campaign of 1874, and made a daring ride from the Darlington 
agency to Fort Sill, seventy-five miles alone through hostile country, 
to bring news of the outbreak and get help. Later he was a scout for 
Gen. "Black Jack" Davidson. 

At the close of the war he acted for a time as a deputy United 
States marshal, and later was a United States commissioner at 
Anadarko. He spent his last days on the Wyoming ranch of Buffalo 
Bill Cody. 33 

The name of Billy Dixon is known wherever the Indian war of 
1874 is recalled. He was probably the outstanding single figure of 
that struggle, being an individual hero at the battle of Adobe Walls 
and at the Buffalo Wallow fight, and serving with distinction as a 
scout. 

Dixon was born in West Virginia, but came west to Missouri at 
the age of twelve to live with an uncle. Two years later he went 

31. Trudeau died the next spring as a result of his fearful exertions during this journey. 
He was buried at Fort Sill. Miles, Personal Recollections,, p. 149. 

32. "John McBee's Account of the Expedition of the Nineteenth Kansas," Kansas His- 
torical Collections, v. XVII, pp. 363-365. 

33. Miles, Personal Recollections, p. 149, and Kansas Historical Collections, v. XVII, 
p. 364. 



WELLMAN: FAMOUS KANSAS SCOUTS 355 

"on his own" to Kansas and the plains. At Leavenworth he ob- 
tained a job as a bullwhacker for a wagon train operating between 
that city and Fort Scott. Later he freighted between Leavenworth 
and Fort Collins, Colo., and drove a wagon for the government peace 
commission to the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867. 34 

From bullwhacking he drifted into wolf hunting, and then into 
buffalo hunting, in which he engaged from 1870 to 1874, hunting 
buffalo first in western Kansas, then gradually drifting south into 
the Indian territory and finally the Texas panhandle. In this work 
he became a wonderfully proficient rifle shot; in fact, he was one of 
the most expert ever seen in the Southwest. 

During the summer of 1874 he was hunting in the vicinity of the 
old Adobe Walls location of Bent and St. Vrain, when the Indians, 
without warning, suddenly went on the warpath. They killed a 
number of hunters and made a surprise attack on the hunter's stock- 
ade at Adobe Walls, where Dixon with twenty-five other men and a 
woman, the wife of one of them, were headquartering at the time. 
They were nearly all Kansans, most of them being from Dodge 
City, then the buffalo-hide capital of the world. 35 

In the bloody fight which followed Dixon and his fellow hunters 
beat off the Indians with heavy losses and held them at bay until 
help came from Dodge City. During this siege Dixon made one of 
the most celebrated shots in the history of the West. At a distance 
of nearly a mile from the fort which the buffalo hunters were defend- 
ing, is a steep bluff. Observing some Indians watching them from 
the top of this acclivity, Dixon decided to try a shot at them. He 
took careful aim, and pulled the trigger of his big "50" buffalo gun. 
Incredible as it may seem, the bullet struck its target and an Indian 
fell from his pony, to be carried away by his friends. In later years 
a state surveyor measured the exact distance from the bluff to the 
fort, and found it was 1,538 yards, not far from seven-eighths of 
a mile. 36 

A few months later Dixon, while traveling with a small party 
with dispatches from Gen. Nelson A. Miles, then camped on Mc- 
Clellan creek, to Fort Supply, was surrounded by a war party of 
approximately 100 Kiowas and had to fight for his life in a buffalo 
wallow. In the party were Amos Chapman, another scout, and four 

34. Authority for the incidents in Dixon's life related here is contained in the Life of 
Billy Dixon, his autobiography, dictated to his wife. 

35. The records show that the A. T. & S. F. railroad shipped 459,453 buffalo robes in 
the years 1872, '73 and '74. Dodge City was the chief shipping point. E. A. Brininstool, 
Fighting Red Cloud's Warriors, pp. 212-213. 

36. Dixon always modestly said this was a "scratch shot." 



356 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

soldiers. One of the soldiers was killed and every man in the 
party was wounded more or less seriously, but they succeeded in 
repulsing the Indians and holding them off until help came. Dixon 
rescued his friend Chapman from under the very guns of the Indians 
during the fight. Every member of the party received congressional 
medals of honor for their bravery. 37 Dixon died in 1913. He had 
taken up ranching near the scene of the Adobe Walls fight and was 
successful. His widow, who is the author of his spirited biography, 
still resides at Amarillo. 38 

James Butler (Wild Bill) Hickok was another Kansas product. 
Although his chief fame arises from his exploits as a gun-fighting 
marshal in various frontier towns, he was long a scout and a good 
one, too. He had an adventurous experience as a scout in the 
Union army during the Civil War and later on the plains. Custer 
speaks of him with high praise. 39 

Wild Bill was, born in Illinois, but like the others described in 
this article, came early to Kansas, then the very focus of adventur- 
ous frontier life. He served as an attendant at a stage station, dur- 
ing which time the much publicized "McCanles gang" fight is said 
to have taken place. 40 Whether or not this fight occurred exactly as 
has been told, the fact remains that Hickok became one of the great- 
est of plains celebrities. 

After his Civil War experience he returned to Kansas and spent 
most of the remainder of his life in the state. He scouted for Han- 
cock and Custer, and then was marshal of several successive towns, 
including Abilene, Fort Hays and Dodge City, finally being shot 
down from behind at Deadwood, S. Dak., in 1876. 

Another Kansas scout about whose career there is much contro- 
versy was William F. Cody, known to hundreds of thousands as 
"Buffalo Bill." Whether or not he killed the numerous Indians he 
claims to have slain in his autobiography, it is certain that he was 
employed as a scout by many officers, including Carr, 41 Sheridan, 42 

37. Miles, Personal Recollections, pp. 173-174. 

38. Mrs. Olive K. Dixon, of Amarillo. Gifted and interested, she has done much to 
perpetuate the history of the Southwest, not only by her writings, but by her activity in 
promoting the recognition and marking of historic spots. 

39. Custer, My Life on the Plains, pp. 83-84. 

40. The usual story, that Wild Bill, in a hand-to-hand fight, killed ten desperadoes who 
made up the McCandless or McCanles gang, is denied by Edwin L. Sabin. His version is that 
there were only three in the gang, that Hickok shot the leader, Dave McCanles, from behind 
a curtain with a rifle, and finished his two companions with a revolver. Sabin, Wild Men 
of the Wild West, pp. 234-235. 

41. Brady, Indian Fights and Fighters, p. 170. 

42. Ibid., p. 308. Also, Richard J. Walsh's The Making of Ruffalo Bill, p. 127. 



WELLMAN: FAMOUS KANSAS SCOUTS 357 

and Miles, 43 and therefore must have been efficient and able in that 
line. Cody was reared near Leavenworth, and rode pony express 
before his scouting and buffalo-hunting days. 44 He became world- 
famous as a circus man and probably will always remain an almost 
legendary character of the frontier. 

Comparatively little is known about William Mathewson, al- 
though he was an associate and friend of Kit Carson and did many 
highly important scouting services for the government. Mathew- 
son, of Scotch descent, trapped all over the Rockies in the days be- 
fore there was any thought of settlement. Later he traded among 
the Indians in western Kansas for years. In 1853 he established a 
post known as the Cow Creek ranch on the great bend of the Ar- 
kansas. 

It was here that Mathewson earned the Kiowa name Sillpah Sin- 
pah, signifying "Long Bearded Dangerous Man," from his treat- 
ment of the celebrated chief, Satanta, who attempted to help him- 
self to a part of Mathewson's trade stock without paying for it. 
Mathewson gave the Indian a terrific beating with his fists and 
ended by kicking him and his friends out of the store room. 
Strangely the incident made a life-long friend out of Satanta, who 
rode hundreds of miles to warn Mathewson when the Kiowas went 
on the warpath in 1864. 

On June 20, 21, 22, 1864, Mathewson and five employees in the 
Cow Creek ranch fought a three-day battle with an overwhelming 
force of Kiowas who surrounded them. Finding they could not 
carry the fort, the Kiowas turned their attention to a wagon train 
which came into the vicinity, bound for New Mexico, laden with 
government ammunition and guns. Mathewson had been notified 
of the approach of the wagon train and its freight several days be- 
fore. But for some reason the 150 men and boys in the train did 
not know they were carrying munitions. 

When the Indians attacked they at first could scarcely defend 
themselves from lack of arms, but Mathewson, seeing their dan- 
ger, leaped upon his horse, and rode right through the Indian lines 
into the wagon inclosure. Under his direction some of the boxes of 
guns and ammunition were opened, and the hostiles soon were made 
to realize that they had better retreat. 45 

43. In the article "The War With the Messiah," by Gen. Nelson A. Miles, in the Sep- 
tember, 1911, issue of the Cosmopolitan magazine, there is printed an interesting picture on 
page 522 of Miles and Cody together reconnoitering a hostile Indian village. 

44. Visscher, William Lightfoot, The Pony Express, pp. 49-62. 

45. Portrait and Biographical Album of Sedgwick County, Kansas (Chapman Bros., Chi- 
cago, 1888), p. 172. 



358 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

In 1864 Mathewson rode as a scout for General B hint's expedition. 
Later he did much to bring the Indians together for the Little 
Arkansas treaty which preceded the great Medicine Lodge peace 
council. 

When the government wished to treat with the Indians and move 
them out of Kansas into the Indian territory it was Mathewson who 
went out at the risk of his life and visited band after band and in- 
duced them to attend the council. His son, William Mathewson, Jr., 46 
told the writer that Mathewson's chief danger in this perilous work 
was that he would be shot before he could identify himself to the 
Indians. Once he was known to them he was always received 
gladly, because his reputation among them as an honest and gener- 
ous trader was universally accepted. 

In approaching a village Mathewson made a practice of creeping 
up close to it, so that when he suddenly revealed himself he was 
close enough to be recognized, his son says. Largely through his 
efforts the great concourse of tribes was gathered at Medicine 
Lodge, with the results which history has recorded. 

It was Mathewson, incidentally, who first bore the title of 
"Buffalo Bill," due to his prowess in killing buffalo for starving 
settlers in I860. 47 This title was later conferred upon Cody through 
the "generosity" of Ned Buntline, the dime-novel writer, who came 
west to write his particular type of lurid literature. In an inter- 
view printed in a newspaper now in the possession of William 
Mathewson, Jr., Cody acknowledged that Mathewson was the "orig- 
inal" Buffalo Bill. 

Among Mathewson's exploits was the rescue of the two Kirk- 
patrick girls, Helen and Louisa, from captivity among the Indians. 
Through his influence with the savages he is said to have made 
arrangements for the release of no less than fifty-four women and 
children during his years on the frontier. 48 

Mathewson's extreme reticence and modesty were such that he 
never would talk to newspaper men or relate his adventures except 
on rare occasions. He is deserving of a much greater place in history 
than he has thus far received. 

These are only a comparative few of the Kansans who won fame 
as Indian scouts. Even the great Kit Carson got much of his ex- 
perience in this state. His first Indian fight was in Kansas, and 

46. William Mathewson, Jr., is a Wichita oil and real -estate broker at the present time. 

47. Portrait and Biographical Album of Sedgwick County, Kansas, p. 160. 

48. Ibid., p. 173. The names of the rescued persons, except for the Kirkpatfick girls, 
are not given. 



WELLMAN: FAMOUS KANSAS SCOUTS 359 

Pawnee Rock is said to have been named by him in honor of a 
brush with that tribe which took place there. 49 He spent much time 
at Bent's fort, almost on the present Kansas-Colorado border, and 
made many trading trips into Kansas. 50 On one occasion, with two 
other trappers and three Delaware Indians, he was surrounded by 
Comanches in the southwestern corner of the state, and there fought 
one of his most spectacular battles. 51 

Ben Clark, Amos Chapman, California Joe, Billy Peacock, John 
Cook all spent some part of their lives in Kansas. And so it was 
with many others. Kansas furnished the scouts who formed the 
vanguard in the wars which brought civilization to the West. 

49. Stanley Vestal in his Kit Carson, p. 22, calls this story apocryphal, and declares that 
Carson never had a fight there. 

50. Carson was employed as post hunter. During the construction of the fort, according 
to Grinnell, he was in charge of a party of woodchoppers. Kansas Historical Collections, 
v. XV, p. 33. 

61. Vestal, Stanley, Kit Carson, the Happy Warrior of the Old West, pp. 107-113. 



The Leavenworth Board of Trade 
1882-1892 

LELA BARNES 

THE proceedings of the Leavenworth, Kan., Board of Trade, run- 
ning from April, 1882, to June, 1892, comprise part of the H. 
Miles Moore collection of manuscripts 1 now in the possession of the 
Kansas State Historical Society. Moore served as secretary of the 
organization during the greater part of this period. The records 
are interesting in that they offer a detailed account of the industrial 
growth of Leavenworth during the ten years of the organization's 
existence; and they are significant in setting forth the conditions 
and circumstances which surrounded the builders of a thriving fron- 
tier city fifty years ago. 

With the chartering of the Union Pacific railroad in 1862, its 
completion in 1869, and the subsequent building of other great 
routes to the west, a feverish activity pervaded the entire trans- 
Missouri region. United States census reports for the period 1870- 
1880 show amazing percentages of increase in population in the 
states of Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, Minnesota and Dakota Territory. 
Kansas had an increase of 173.4 per cent, despite the fact that the 
state formed a part of the Great American desert, that vast area 
looked upon until a short time before as unfit for human habitation. 
This misconception regarding soil and climate in the plains region 
was dissipated by the intensive advertising campaigns of the rail- 
roads and state and local organizations. A great westward move- 
ment of population set in during the late seventies, and by the 
middle eighties had assumed all the aspects of a boom which rolled 
along, after the manner of booms, gathering impetus, sending land 
prices to absurd heights, and bringing thousands of bewildered set- 
tlers into the region until the sky, seemingly, was the only limit to 
projected development. 

1. This collection has taken its name from the donor, H. Miles Moore, a citizen of Leaven- 
worth from 1854 until the year of his death, 1909. Moore was born in the village of Brock- 
port, N. Y., September 2, 1826. He was educated in the schools of the state and was admitted 
to the bar in 1848, going shortly thereafter to Louisiana, where he engaged in the practice of 
law. During his residence there he owned slaves and at the time of his removal to Weston, 
Mo., in 1850, his sympathies were with the south in its attitude toward slavery. He was one 
of the organizers of the Leavenworth Town Company in 1854 and prepared the original agree- 
ment, which was signed by the thirty-two members. From the beginning of his residence in 
Kansas Moore took a leading part in the free-state cause ; he was a delegate to the Topeka 
constitutional convention in 1855 and was elected attorney-general under that constitution. He 
represented Leavenworth county in the legislature in 1857 and was returned in 1868. For 
many years he served as secretary of the Democratic state central committee, and the Moore 
collection contains many records of this work. In his law practice he represented numerous 
commercial agencies, including Bradstreet's. The collection contains approximately 15,000 
pieces and covers the period 1837-1904. 

(360) 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 361 

During this period the towns of Atchison and Leavenworth, Kan., 
and Kansas City, Mo., were rivals for supremacy in the trade area 
of Kansas and the Southwest. All were located on that great artery 
of the West, the Missouri river. Leavenworth, at that time, had 
the largest population. The town was built upon a spot of unusual 
natural beauty, and its growth had been due in part to its situation, 
adjacent to Fort Leavenworth, which had assured protection during 
the troubled territorial period. By 1870 Kansas City had forged 
ahead and Leavenworth had twice received serious setbacks. Head- 
quarters of the Union Pacific, eastern division, were removed from 
that city to Wyandotte in 1863, and subsequently a branch rail- 
road from the Hannibal & St. Joseph at Cameron, Mo., was brought 
to the east bank of the Missouri river at Kansas City in spite of the 
frantic efforts of Leavenworth to secure the line. These losses were 
among the determining factors in the ultimate ascendancy of Kan- 
sas City. However, the great activity of the late seventies un- 
doubtedly gave fresh hope to Leavenworth. The year 1880 found 
her still the largest city of Kansas, still pushing ahead, humming 
with trade and manufacturing, her citizens eager to develop the 
many possibilities for growth, bigger business and increased popula- 
tion which were considered then, as now, the highest of all possible 
goals for an industrial community. The builders of the city saw 
that new markets were opening up in the far West and Southwest; 
that manufacturers of the East were looking for desirable locations 
west of the Mississippi; that the state was progressing as a grain- 
producing region and manufacturing center. The town itself was 
producing a wide variety of commodities ranging in size and char- 
acter from steam engines to watches. Her factories were turning out 
wagons, furniture, stoves, barrels, tinware, boilers; her mills were 
producing flour and corn meal of excellent quality. The discovery 
of bituminous coal in 1870 2 had opened a large field of employment, 

2. In 1854 Maj. F. Hawn, while engaged in making a geological survey of the state of 
Missouri, became convinced that there was coal underneath Leavenworth. Afterwards he made 
a complete geological survey of Leavenworth county, and gave it as his opinion that coal would 
be found in the city at a depth of a little more than 700 feet. In 1858 he organized a com- 
pany with Thomas Ewing, Jr., W. H. Russell and others, and obtained from the government 
the right to sink a coal mine on twenty acres of government reservation adjoining the city on 
the north. Major Hawn was in favor of sinking a shaft, but the company concluded that it 
would be more practical to drill down first and ascertain whether there was coal. Work was 
commenced with a drill of the most primitive construction, with an old horse for the motive 
power. It was not many weeks until funds were exhausted and work abandoned. Hawn 
and those interested with him did not, however, give up the idea of finding coal. In 1863 
work was again commenced, but for the second time funds were exhausted and the work came 
to a standstill. In 1866 the Leavenworth Coal Company was organized, and in 1870 the first 
coal from a Leavenworth mine was put on the market. The coal was reached at a depth of 
713 feet ; the vein was twenty-one inches in thickness, of superior quality and easily worked. 
It was estimated that there were at least four hundred square miles of coal in the locality, 
containing 1,920,000,000 tons. In 1870 twenty men were employed in the mines. By 1880 
there were 200, and in 1888 1,100, producing 36,000 bushels a day. From actual tests it was 
found that a ton of Leavenworth coal would run a locomotive engine thirteen miles farther than 
any coal in the western market. Pamphlet, Coal Resources of Leavenworth, Kan., by E. 
Jameson, 1888, pp. 3-4. 



362 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

given fuel for factories and mills, and provided a valuable com- 
modity. There was need for cooperative effort to find markets for 
these products and to develop transportation facilities; and with 
growth of population and expansion of business as goals, it was 
necessary to bring to the city as many industries as could be secured. 

Responding to a call issued by Mayor W. M. Fortesque and pub- 
lished in the Leavenworth papers of April 21 and 22, 1882, "a large 
and enthusiastic meeting of citizens . . . assembled in the 
Academy of Science rooms for the purpose of organizing a board of 
trade." 3 Temporary officers were chosen, a committee was ap- 
pointed to report on permanent organization, and the following 
resolution was adopted: "Resolved that it is the sense of this meet- 
ing that in organizing a board of trade, no political question or issue 
shall be allowed, either directly or indirectly, to enter into the de- 
liberations or actions in any way whatever." 4 The provision of this 
resolution was later incorporated into the articles of association. 

Following the meetings under temporary organization, the first 
regular meeting of the board was held on July 13. Seventy-nine 
subscribers had signed the articles of association and had paid the 
membership fee of twenty dollars. Alexander Caldwell 5 was chosen 
president. Directors were elected and instructed to prepare by-laws. 
Section 8 of these by-laws is of special interest. It is as follows: 
"If any member of this board of trade is found guilty of fraud, 
misrepresentation or deception in trade or business, or guilty of any 
dishonorable conduct unbecoming a business man, he may be fined, 
suspended or expelled, at the pleasure of the board of trade after 
trial." 6 The proceedings of the body contain no record of any such 
trial. 

The first matter brought up for consideration was the threatened 
removal of the United States signal service station from Leaven- 
worth. The station had been established May 21, 1871. 7 One phase 
of its work was the maintenance of a river gauge for the benefit of 

3. Proceedings of the Board of Trade of the City of Leavenworth, Kan., p. 1. Hereafter 
cited as Proceedings. 

Corporations, State of Kansas, show that from July, 1878, until May, 1882, charters were 
issued to boards of trade or organizations of similar purpose in the following towns: Wichita, 
Atchison, Lawrence, Wyandotte, Concordia, Newton, Osage City, Topeka, Winfield, Marion 
Center, Florence, Wellington. 

4. Proceedings, p. 2. 

5. Alexander Caldwell, United States senator March, 1871, to March, 1873, served as presi- 
dent of the board of trade continuously from its organization until June 14, 1888. He was 
four times elected over his protest. His successor, in June, 1888, was H. D. Rush, who was 
followed in June, 1889, by J. M. Graybill. Upon Graybill's resignation the next year, W. M. 
Todd was elected. He was serving at the time of the reorganization in July, 1892. 

6. Proceedings of the directors of the board of trade of Leavenworth, Kan., p. 3. 

7. The first meteorological observation was made on May 24, 1871. Statement by G. E. 
Kumpe, colonel, signal corps, March 29, 1932. 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 363 

navigation on the Missouri river, which was still playing a part in 
transportation. 8 It is not known to just what extent the efforts of 
the board to retain the station were effective, but its operations 
under the signal corps continued until June 30, 1891. 9 At this first 
meeting it was decided to submit interrogatories to manufacturers 
and business men of Leavenworth to obtain statistical information 
regarding numbers of employees, importation of raw materials, sell- 
ing fields, volume of business, etc. The information thus secured 
was later used in the preparation of the first annual report of the 
board. What may be termed a motif was announced at this first 
meeting. It was the need for transportation facilities. Whatever 
else assumed importance from time to time, this theme was dominant 
and runs through the entire history of the organization. 

The scope of the work of the board, as it developed through the 
years, is indicated in the appointment of committees. But four 
committees were organized in the beginning: railroads and trans- 
portation; trade and commerce; finance; and manufacturers. As 
need arose, others were formed. 

Attention centered during the first months on the railroads, the 
desirability of securing new factories and industries, facilities for the 
storage and milling of grain, mail and express service, and city im- 
provements. Replies to the questions submitted to business men and 
manufacturers had indicated a general need for additional transpor- 
tation; in particular there was call for a branch of the Atchison, 
Topeka & Santa Fe railway by way of Olathe. The first efforts of 
the committee on railroads and transportation were directed to an 
investigation of this situation. Among the industries for which it 
was felt there was special need were a pork-packing plant, whole- 
sale dry-goods house, and a glass factory. It is interesting to note, 
however, that the first industry sponsored by the organization served 
a cultural rather than a utilitarian purpose. It was an organ factory. 

One project of considerable importance to the city was begun in 
this first year the securing of a federal building. At a special 
meeting held in July, 1882, plans were formulated for urging the 
necessary appropriation in congress. The board pledged itself to 
lend all possible aid to Representative John A. Anderson. The story 
of the building is long and involved and runs through several years 

8. Steamboat travel and river tonnage began to decline with the coming of the railroads to 
Leavenworth from Chicago and St. Louis. In 1886 not more than 500 tons of freight were 
received by river, and only about 100 tons were shipped out. During that year 450,000 tons 
were received by rail, and 425,000 tons were sent out. Interrogatory, May 10, 1887, H. Miles 
Moore collection. 

9. Statement by G. E. Kumpe, colonel, signal corps, March 29, 1932. 



364 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

of the proceedings. Members of the board worked tirelessly to bring 
the project to a consummation. Contracts were not let until 1886, 
and in the fourth annual report, January 1, 1887, was the happy 
prediction that the building would be ready for occupancy the fol- 
lowing year. 

In September, 1882, the board took the first definite step to adver- 
tise abroad the resources of Leavenworth, its promising industrial 
outlook and need of certain industries. A series of advertisements 
appeared in the American Manufacturer of Pittsburg, Pa., of which 
the following is a typical example: 

"LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS. 

"MANUFACTURERS AND CAPITALISTS, ATTENTION! 

"We offer you one of the most desirable locations for the successful invest- 
ment of capital in manufacturing in the western country. We have various 
reasons for making this statement: 

"First: Because the city of Leavenworth is underlaid with coal in inex- 
haustible quantities, as has been practically demonstrated, 20,000 bushels of 
the shining mineral being brought to the surface daily. Second : Our location 
as a distributing point is unexcelled, and can be proven by consulting any 
man engaged here in manufacturing or in the jobbing trade. Third: We have 
the best system of water-works in the West, furnishing an abundance of 
water for all manufacturing purposes. This is already the largest manufactur- 
ing center in the Missouri valley. The most extensive glucose works, wagon 
factories, steam engine and boiler works, stove manufactories, furniture factories, 
organ factory, and many other enterprises too numerous to mention are already 
in successful operation, and capable of being expanded into indefinite propor- 
tions. Fourth: The cost of living is cheaper than in eastern cities. Fifth: 
Business locations can be obtained for much less than in any city east of us con- 
taining the same number of inhabitants. Sixth: Our railroad facilities for 
reaching the large territory naturally tributary to Leavenworth are first class, 
and the prospect for other railroads, soon to be completed to this point, justifies 
us in saying that the year 1883 will see us without a rival on the Missouri river 
as a distributing point. There are many other satisfactory reasons which could 
be given, but we hope the above will be sufficient to justify you in giving our 
city your attention, either in person or by letter to our board of trade. The 
city of Leavenworth joins the military reservation of Fort Leavenworth on 
the south, the most extensive, the most useful and the most beautiful military 
reservation in the United States. 

"We want a first-class oil mill; a novelty ironworks in connection with 
malleable iron castings; a paper mill and glass works, and an institution for 
manufacturing all kinds of agricultural implements. 

"Flax seed is raised here in great abundance, and the quality of it is such 
as to command the highest market price. This product is now being shipped 
out of this town daily to eastern mills. 

"As an argument in favor of ironworks, or malleable iron-works, there is a 
firm here will contract for $30,000 worth of this commodity annually. 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 365 

"As a point for a paper mill it must be very apparent to any man of ordi- 
nary intelligence that no better location can be found west of the Mississippi 
river. The crude material is here in great abundance, the cost of which would 
be but little more than the price of hauling to market; and as a point for 
the successful manufacture of agricultural implements we defy the United 
States to offer a better location. 

"We shall be glad to answer all letters of inquiry. If you visit our city 
whether you wish to invest or notr make yourself known, and we will take 
pleasure in making your stay among us as pleasant as possible. 

A. CALDWELL, President Board of Trade. 

H. MILES MOORE, Secretary Board of Trade" 

Inquiries began to pour in at once from manufacturers who de- 
sired a midwestern location for the production of a wide variety of 
articles car wheels, steel, brass and iron castings, fruit evaporators, 
silk, castor oil, etc. It was found necessary to withdraw from the 
advertisement appearing in the American Manufacturer the follow- 
ing phrase which had undoubtedly been given a too literal inter- 
pretation by some of those making inquiries: "The city council, 
board of trade and business men generally stand ready and willing 
to render you material aid if you will come here and engage in any 
of the above enterprises or any other business you may wish to 
engage in." The matter of just how much aid should be extended by 
the board was a moot question at all times. The proceedings show 
that some sites were secured for factories and that much stock in 
various enterprises was sold by board members to citizens of Leaven- 
worth. 

Before the end of 1882 several other major projects were launched, 
including the improvement of the road to the State Penitentiary and 
a new railroad and wagon bridge across the Missouri river. The 
macadamizing of the penitentiary road was announced as a com- 
pleted enterprise in the report of January, 1887, but the story of the 
bridge spreads over many years. The bill authorizing its erection 
became a law on June 21, 1884. The correspondence supplement- 
ing the proceedings of the board shows persistent effort on the part 
of that organization, working with Representative E. N. Merrill and 
Senator Preston B. Plumb, to secure the passage of the measure. 
Following the granting of the charter, surveys, soundings and esti- 
mates of cost were made for construction at different points on the 
river. But agreements could not be reached with the railroads enter- 
ing Leavenworth from the east to use the bridge sufficiently to war- 
rant building it. Some years later the Burlington railway, desiring 
means of receiving and delivering freight at Leavenworth, expressed 
a willingness to build or lease terminals in the city and to pay rent 



366 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

for the use of a new bridge across the river if one were constructed 
in the proper location for entering the business section of the city. 
The charter of 1884, presumably, had lapsed or run out and a new 
charter was thought to be necessary. In the meantime a pontoon 
bridge of which more later had been chartered and constructed, 
but had proved somewhat uncertain in the accommodation of traffic. 
It was deemed expedient to amend this charter to provide for a 
wagon and railroad bridge and arrangements were made to this end. 
The act was approved July 25, 1890. Again plans and surveys were 
made and finally approved by the Secretary of War. At this time 
the Rock Island railroad also opened negotiations for bridge rights 
and in 1892 contracted for the use of the bridge and terminals. 
Sufficient earnings were thus assured to pay interest on the sum 
necessary to cover costs of construction, and the probable earnings 
from wagon traffic appeared sufficient to care for maintenance and 
operation. Preparations for building were begun in July, 1892, and 
dikes were started the following November. The bridge was opened 
to traffic on January 2, 1894, with a celebration that lends color to 
the history of Leavenworth. 10 

A comprehensive report on the progress and outlook of Leaven- 
worth was compiled by the board's secretary, H. Miles Moore, at 
the beginning of 1883. In a foreword to the report President Cald- 
well said: 

"The year just closed has been a prosperous one for Leavenworth. There 
has been a large increase in business. Many buildings have been erected, and 
large additions have been made to our population. . . . Leavenworth has 
already attained much prominence as a manufacturing center. There are 
10,000 wagons manufactured here each year, on which is stamped the name 
Leavenworth. As they go rolling on, over hill and dale, mountain and plain, 
from the Mississippi river to Puget Sound, they are traveling advertisers that 
silently but effectively give evidence of the skill and energy of our artisans. 

"In almost every town and hamlet in the states and territories west of the 
Mississippi river you can get a meal cooked on a Leavenworth stove, and eat 
bread made from the flour of Leavenworth mills. In the far West, even to the 
Pacific, you will find in first-class hotels furniture from our factories, and can 
rest your weary frame on a Leavenworth bed. 

"In the mines and mills of Colorado, and in the forests of the Rocky Moun- 
tains, may be heard the shrill whistle of Leavenworth's steam engines per- 
forming their part in developing the riches of the great West. 

"Hundreds of thousands of men and women are tramping their way through 
life, safely shod in Leavenworth's boots and shoes. 

"Our immense glucose factories are rapidly distributing their sweetness every- 
where. 

10. The Leavenworth Times, January 2, 1894. 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 367 

"Even in the cities of the silent dead may be seen grave stones and lofty 
shafts which are no less monuments to the dead than they are to the skill and 
enterprise of our manufactories. In fact, the products of our numerous factories 
are rapidly being distributed all over our vast country, and the name of Leaven- 
worth is becoming a household word. No manufacturer has ever failed in our 
city, and the great success of those now engaged in business will be sufficient 
warrant for others to embark in similar enterprises. . . . Our progress in the 
future will be much more rapid than in the past . . . and Leavenworth may 
continue to be, as she is now, the Pittsburgh of the Missouri valley." 

Leavenworth assuredly was getting on. Here were tangible evi- 
dences of strides toward the established goals. Here, also, was the 
determined optimism of American business at work, overriding ob- 
stacles, bolstering hesitant spirits, acknowledging no bounds. 

The report contained statistics on the manufacturing, wholesale 
and retail trade of Leavenworth for 1882. The total volume of manu- 
facturing was $10,103,320. Wholesale trade amounted to $14,926,997 
and retail trade totaled $14,224,595. The report presented a com- 
plete survey of the city's institutions, industries, organizations, etc. 
There were four daily papers, five weekly papers and three monthly 
publications. Nearly all church denominations were represented and 
the community enjoyed a "high moral condition of society." Public 
and private schools, business colleges, and musical and fine-arts 
academies filled educational and cultural needs. Secret societies and 
orders maintained "large lodges, chapters, asylums, and encamp- 
ments in the city"; all brethren in good standing found "some one 
to extend the hand of welcome and relief (if necessary)." Telephone 
and telegraph companies expedited the transaction of business. There 
were two opera houses, "the old opera house, as contradistinguished 
from the new, [was] used as a public hall for political and other 
meetings, and the new opera house, one of the neatest, coziest and best- 
arranged opera buildings in the whole country [was] used for operas, 
theatrical entertainments, concerts, and lectures . . . seating 
800 persons comfortably, besides about 200 in the aisles." There 
were military companies, hotels and cemeteries. There was a well- 
equipped and efficient fire department whose horses were trained for 
their special duties and were kept constantly harnessed. There were 
banks, hospitals and omnibuses. Was there anything to be desired? 
Apparently there was, for in the list of needed enterprises may be 
noted an agricultural implement factory, paper mill, car wheels and 
malleable ironworks, stockyards and packing houses, grain elevators 
and a candy-bucket factory (presumably to aid in the further dis- 
tribution of sweetness) . 



368 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

Though the second year of the board started with railroads again 
heading the list of projects under consideration, affairs of an entirely 
different character appeared upon the program. The bonded in- 
debtedness of both city and county, the necessity for the improve- 
ment of city walks and streets, the need for a union station, the 
excessive rates of fire insurance, damage to the Missouri river below 
Fort Leavenworth by erosion, the growing need for grain and stock 
inspectors, inadequate hotel accommodations, a city sewage system 
all came up for investigation. In line with this widened scope of 
activity was the appointment of additional committees. The follow- 
ing standing committees were added to the original four: Insurance, 
arbitration for grain inspection, meteorological, and grain inspec- 
tion, the latter consisting of but one man. 

Among the new projects that came before the board during this 
second year, probably those receiving the greatest attention were the 
union station, fire insurance rates and the erosion of the river bank. 
In April, 1883, the need for the union station was presented to the 
board by Mayor Shaw F. Neely, who stated: "There is no doubt we 
can have a new union station if the board of trade will take hold of 
it." A committee was appointed to look into the situation, and from 
that time until late in 1888 the union station was an issue before 
the organization. Even after the completion of the building in 
September, 1888, a special meeting was called to consider how to 
force the station company to open it, the railroads having been un- 
able to reach an agreement on the apportionment of expenses. It 
was decided at this meeting to place the whole affair before the State 
Board of Railroad Commissioners. The station was opened shortly 
thereafter. From a study of the proceedings one may fairly assume 
that the board of trade should be given considerable credit for secur- 
ing the station for the city. 

In June, 1883, a committee was appointed to look into the pre- 
vailing rates for fire insurance, which it was felt should be reduced 
because of the lessened risk brought about by the installation of an 
excellent water system. The investigations of the committee re- 
sulted in much interesting information regarding the operation of 
the so-called board and nonboard companies; in other words, those 
companies belonging to a pool and pledged to charge certain fixed 
rates, and those on the outside, operating independently. In October, 
1884, following an investigation of rates in Atchison, St. Joseph, 
Kansas City and Lawrence, the committee made an extensive report. 
It had been learned that Leavenworth rates had been raised by 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 369 

board companies during the dull years while no improvements were 
being made and many business houses were vacant. This increase 
was made on account of the moral risk or hazard of property de- 
creasing in value. After the installation of the water system, rates 
were reduced 15 per cent, but this cut was felt to be insufficient inas- 
much as the cost of insurance had been, before the cut, from 30 to 
50 per cent higher than in other cities of the Missouri valley. It 
was pointed out that rates on stocks had even been increased after 
the installation of the waterworks by reason of possible damage by 
water. The committee recommended "that good nonboard com- 
panies receive the patronage of the business men of Leavenworth, at 
least until an adjustment of the rates is made by the board com- 
panies to meet the just demands of our citizens and of this board 
of trade." n In April, 1885, the committee was able to report that a 
new basis of insurance was practically completed and would be pre- 
sented at an early meeting. It recommended that business men 
continue to give a percentage of their risks to nonboard companies 
to keep up the competition inaugurated through the action of the 
board. 

During the summer of 1883 it had become evident that the bank 
of the Missouri river at Fort Leavenworth was being rapidly worn 
away by erosion, and that immediate action was necessary to pre- 
vent further damage. The board placed the matter before Senator 
Plumb, asking him to direct the attention of the chief engineer of 
the Missouri river improvement to the condition. It was not until 
1886, however, that the river and harbor improvement bill was en- 
acted by congress, appropriating $375,000 for work on the Missouri 
river from its mouth to Sioux City, Iowa. 12 Senator Plumb and 
Representative Morrill worked untiringly in the interests of Leaven- 
worth. 

Under the general head of railroad affairs coming before the board 
during the second year may be mentioned the need for more ade- 
quate switching facilities in the city yards, for more trains to move 
stock and grain, for better passenger service and lower freight rates. 
The board called the attention of the State Board of Railroad Com- 
missioners to the failure of the Leavenworth, Lawrence and Gal- 
veston railroad to build and operate the road from Lawrence to 
Leavenworth, thus failing to fulfill the termte upon which the char- 
ter had been granted ; also to the lack of adequate passenger service 

11. Proceedings, p. 130. 

12. U. S. Stat. L., 49th Cong., 1 sess., ch. 929, p. 327. 

244323 



370 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

on the Leaven worth, Topeka & Southwestern between Leavenworth 
and Topeka. Said President Caldwell, describing the latter: 'There 
is no passenger train at all on the road and but one train a day for 
freight; to this freight train there is attached a coach which goes 
dangling along behind the hogs, cattle and other freight. Passengers 
are thus jerked and bumped back and forth from Leavenworth to 
Topeka, the cattle and the hogs getting in first." 13 Daily passenger 
service on this line was secured within six months. 

The growth of Leavenworth and its industries, unquestionably 
given great impetus by the work of the board of trade, was set forth 
fully in the report compiled by the secretary at the close of its 
second year. The note of optimism was again sounded by President 
Caldwell, who stated in his foreword: "The wonderful progress of 
our city during the year just closed is as surprising as it is gratifying, 
and must serve to impress the 'chronic croaker' of the past with the 
certainty of the bright future dawning upon Leavenworth." The 
note was taken up by the secretary : 

"We believe that Leavenworth has at last awakened from her long com- 
mercial sleep, has aroused herself and shaken off her garments of quiet rest 
and slothfulness, and once more girded herself anew, and, like a young athlete, 
has again entered the list in the mighty race of western towns, for manufactur- 
ing and commercial supremacy. 

"The most sanguine hopes of her truest and best friends, on the 1st of 
January, 1883, have been fully realized in her rapid increase in wealth and 
population, her magnificent development in trade and manufactures, her 
general advancement all along the line of general improvement. . . . Our 
prospects for 1884 are even brighter and more prosperous than they were one 
year ago to-day. There are no laggards or drones in this busy hive of progress. 
. . . We have the handsomest city west of the Mississippi river and will 
act harmoniously in building it up." 

During the year 1883 more than 600 houses were erected, repre- 
senting in the aggregate a million dollars; mills, elevators and fac- 
tories were constructed and enlarged; real estate advanced 25 to 
50 per cent; new subdivisions were laid out; the city's population 
was increased by 5,000; the new E. V. White mill, with a capacity 
of from 300 to 500 barrels a day, was about ready to begin full 
operation ; fruit and lumber took on added importance ; a new bank 
was opened; wholesale trade increased 25 per cent, and retail trade 
from 10 to 30 per cent; manufactures totaled $20,000,000, an in- 
crease of $8,000,000 over the year 1882; a sewage system was in- 
stalled. There was but one discordant note in the report: "The 
. . . railroads now seem fully to realize that Leavenworth is 

13. Proceedings, p. 84. 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 371 

deeply in earnest, and that business is daily increasing in every 
avenue of trade and commerce, and they must bestir themselves, 
and that right speedily, to meet and accommodate this new and in- 
creasing demand upon their energies." The report contained a 
special article on coal, soon to become a major issue before the 
board. 

About this time camfe the first call upon the board to take part 
in national movements for the furtherance of certain projects. Late 
in 1883 requests were received, followed later by many others, to 
lend aid in the work to secure enactment of a uniform bankrupt 
law. Early in 1884 an invitation was received to send representa- 
tives to a convention at Washington to consider improvement of the 
Mississippi river and its tributaries. President Caldwell and Mayor 
Neely were chosen to represent Leavenworth. In May of the same 
year the National Industrial Congress, meeting in Chicago, asked 
for representatives. 

Early in 1884 the need for a new coal shaft became a major con- 
sideration. It had been estimated that the supply of coal contained 
in the beds underlying the region was practically inexhaustible and 
that there was a market to the north and northwest which, if prop- 
erly developed, would absorb twenty times the amount of fuel being 
produced by the shafts of the Leavenworth Coal Company and 
the penitentiary. The board now began its program of develop- 
ment of coal resources. By 1885 outside capitalists had become 
interested in the possibilities of the Leavenworth field and the fol- 
lowing year the Riverside Coal Company commenced a shaft. Coal 
was struck on September 17, 1886. The Kansas City market for 
coal had been shut off from Leavenworth on account of the high 
rates charged by the railroads for transportation. The Riverside 
company sent coal to Kansas City by barge at a cost of only fifteen 
cents per ton. By 1888 four additional mining companies had been 
organized. The stock of the Home Coal Mining Company was 
held by Leavenworth business men who planned to supply coal to 
new factories at the lowest possible margin of profit. Their lands 
were on the river bank and coal was to be shipped by rail or river. 
The Brighton Coal Company bought 1,600 acres of land about three 
miles south of the city. The owners were nearly all Germans, resi- 
dents of Kansas City. The Enterprise and Equitable mining com- 
panies were sponsored by citizens of Leavenworth. Both bought 
lands south of the city. 14 

14. Pamphlet, Coal Resources of Leavenworth, Kan., by E. J. Jameson, p. 9. 



372 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

An act authorizing the building of a branch home for disabled 
volunteer soldiers and sailors, to be located in one of seven middle 
western states, including Kansas, was passed by congress in July, 
1884. The sum of $275,000 was appropriated for the work. A com- 
mittee was at once appointed by the board of trade to act with a 
committee from the city council in presenting the advantages of 
Leavenworth as a location. Within a few months the board of 
managers of the Home for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers announced 
the selection of Leavenworth as the location for the new branch. 

The next year natural gas was among the subjects up for dis- 
cussion. Early in 1885 resolutions were sent to the Kansas legis- 
lature requesting an act to authorize a thorough geological survey 
of the state. A report to the board, by President Caldwell, on the 
use of gas in Pittsburgh, Pa., stimulated the interest of the organiza- 
tion in its use for heating and lighting. The enthusiasm probably 
cooled, or perhaps attention was diverted to other more pressing 
affairs. At any rate, there is little in the proceedings relating to 
natural gas beyond this one mention. The refunding of the county 
debt, the advisability of bringing in outside capital referred to in 
the minutes as cheaper money for improvements; such lesser 
matters as the cleaning up of the city, the keeping of vital statistics 
these received the consideration of the board at this time, with 
transportation, as usual, the dominant subject running concurrently 
with all others. Two new standing committees were created, one on 
city and county government, and one on retail trade. A complaint 
had been voiced by the retailers of the city, who were beginning to 
feel that all of the board's efforts were being directed toward the im- 
provement of conditions for the manufacturers and jobbers. The new 
committee was to work for the benefit of the retailer. A report, sub- 
mitted in November of 1886, gives an interesting account of its 
efforts: 

"We find upon inquiry that the C., R. I. & P. railroad bridge 15 has not been 
completed, but we have the assurance of the agent of the company that they 
are doing all they can for the comfort and convenience of the traveling public. 
In case of disagreeable weather, if preferred, a carriage will be provided to take 
passengers to the east end of the bridge without extra charge. Special attention 
is given to ladies who are in our city shopping in making transfers at the 
bridge. The railroad company assures us that it will only be a short time 
before it is completed. 

15. The old "Fort" bridge, as it used to be called, was the second bridge to span the 
Missouri river. It was begun in 1871 and was opened as a toll and railroad bridge in 1872. 
It was used by the Rock Island railroad until about 1892. One disaster followed another and 
it was finally abandoned by the railroads upon completion of the new bridge in 1894. 
Kansas City Star, July 26, 1925. 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 373 

"The committee further finds that the putting on of the passenger train on 
the L., T. & S. W. railroad has already proved of benefit to our retail trade. 
If, in so short a time we can feel a benefit, we are assured that the future will 
develop a much greater one. 

"We would suggest that the secretary be authorized to call the public's 
attention to the effort that Mr. Baker, superintendent of our street railway, is 
putting forth to meet the wants of the public, and that we should all give him 
as hearty a support as in our powers. Mr. Baker, we find, is having the track 
put in a first-class condition and is running cars on schedule time, which is 
something that has not been done heretofore. ... In regard to our citizens 
buying goods away from Leavenworth, would say that we have carefully in- 
vestigated this matter and find that a large amount of merchandise in every 
branch of trade is bought away from here. Taking the basis of one month it 
will amount to about $125,000 or $150,000 a year. Since the last meeting of 
the board, about one month, fifty-one ladies, by actual count, have gone to 
Kansas City and returned with packages of dry goods, clothing, etc. Most of 
these ladies were the wives of our wealthiest and most prominent business 
men, who get their support from Leavenworth, and a good many the wives of 
the members of the board of trade. We think if the members would take 
some action in this matter it could be stopped to a great extent." 

History fails to record whether or not this vicious practice was 
stopped, but one hazards the guess that the ladies continued the 
trek to the city across the river. 

In November, 1886, a serious charge was brought against the city 
government and was voiced before the board that of incompetency 
and irregularity. Mayor Neely at once invited an investigation by 
the board's committee on city and county affairs, and in January, 
1887, a detailed statement by this committee was given to the board 
and published in the Leavenworth Times for January 23. The re- 
port covers a thorough investigation of the expenditure of city funds, 
work of various departments, need for legislation and sundry items. 

Statements were prepared showing that the sum expended for 
general city expenses and special improvements during the nine 
years previous to Mayor Neely's administration was $408,658.95. 
The amount spent during three years and seven months of the Neely 
regime was $474,373.90. There was apparent carelessness in drawing 
appropriation ordinances. A law defining the manner of expenditure 
for street work had been disregarded. The police force was felt to 
be insufficient to cope with the steady flow of discharged criminals 
from the state and government prisons. Records showed more 
arrests during the three-year period under investigation than in 
any other city of equal population in the West. The fire depart- 
ment was inadequate for protection of property; only seven men 
were employed, who, in case of two fires occurring simultaneously, 



374 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

would have had to let one burn without relief from the department. 
The salary of the city treasurer had been raised by the council, an 
action prohibited by law. Complaints of citizens regarding irregu- 
larities were cited, but not verified in all cases. An error had been 
made in computing interest on city funds. Neither the bank acting 
as depository, nor the committee chairman in charge, had detected 
the mistake. Although the city council had authorized the investiga- 
tion by the committee and had agreed to pay the costs, financial 
support was withdrawn before the survey had been completed. The 
committee made recommendations for various acts to safeguard the 
expenditure of city funds and insure better administration of city 
affairs, and closed its report with this statement: 

"We have no apologies to make for so lengthy a report. We have en- 
deavored without fear or favor to carry out to the letter the instructions re- 
ceived from, this board of trade authorizing a thorough and searching in- 
vestigation, and in the brief time allotted us have done so to the best of our 
ability, and while we have criticized officers of the city for what we conceive to 
be violations of the law, we would do less than our duty should we fail to 
remind you that in more than one instance money, has been appropriated by 
the city council without sanction of the law for some public enterprise on the 
recommendation of this board of trade, and we believe the recommendation 
will be sanctioned by each member present that we provide by legislation a 
fund out of which on the recommendation of the board of trade the city 
council may legally appropriate money for public enterprise." 

The report of January, 1887, recapitulates the achievements of a 
year and expresses confidence in the future of the city. Two new 
railroads had been secured the Leavenworth, Northern & Southern, 
and the Leavenworth & Olathe; factories and mills had been started; 
long-delayed projects, such as the macadamizing of the State Peni- 
tentiary road, were brought to completion; extensive city improve- 
ments had made of Leavenworth a more attractive and desirable 
place of residence; and it was confidently felt that the next ten- 
year period would show an increase of 500 per cent in manufactures, 
due, in large part, to the cheap and abundant fuel from the vast 
source of supply underlying the city. 

However, even in the face of such large planning, the board con- 
cerned itself with the smaller affairs. There was a resolution asking 
that the mayor install drinking fountains for "man and beast"; a 
protest to the railroad companies against the manner of designating 
Leavenworth on their maps; the planning of excursions by which 
buyers were brought to the city; the entertainment of conventions, 
quite in the modern manner, except that visitors were conducted 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 375 

about the city in horse-drawn vehicles; trade trips, also in the 
modern mode, to adjacent cities. 

The need of advertising the city again came before the board. It 
was decided to confine the advertising, this time, to the columns of 
the local papers and to pamphlet publications. The Evening Stand- 
ard and the Sun 17 arranged for special editions setting forth facts 
regarding the city. Five thousand copies of each were mailed out 
by the advertising committee. One hundred daily papers were 
mailed each day over a period of a year to reading rooms, boards of 
trade and hotels. Pamphlets on coal, trade and industries were 
widely distributed. Probably as a result of this campaign inquiries 
about Leavenworth came from many sections of the country and 
many manufacturers expressed an interest in locating in the city. 
But they expressed, generally, a hope of securing a subsidy from the 
city in the form of sites, stock purchases, etc. 

The proceedings for this period indicate that dissension was 
raising its head insidiously within the ranks. The following con- 
stituted part of a report to the board by the committee on advertis- 
ing, March 8, 1888: 

"Capitalists are looking towards this city. They desire to come and help 
us to enjoy our prosperity, that is, if we intend to have any, which is a matter 
entirely with ourselves, and this committee believes the time has come when 
it is better to speak out plainly. There seems a disposition among our people 
to talk. Every man has a pet scheme of his own, and he stays at home and 
takes care of it. The letters that have come in response to our advertising 
have been handed by the secretary to committees that exist and were ap- 
pointed by the board of trade, but no action has ever been taken by said 
committees. . . . The board of trade at the present time is the laughing 
stock of the city. It is neither use nor ornament." 

A special meeting was called at which there was a general airing 
of grievances. Probably the relief afforded by this opportunity to 
speak out in meeting enabled disgruntled members to settle down 
again, temporarily, to the consideration of such matters as street 
paving, taxes, the development of clay beds and new coal shafts. 
It was becoming increasingly evident, however, that the board had 
come upon dull and profitless days. New blood was needed, new 
incentives, and, incidentally, more money. Hoping to attract to 
its membership a large number of the younger business men of the 
community, the fee was at this time (May, 1888) reduced to ten 
dollars. 

16. The Evening Standard, Leavenworth, was published July 24, 1881-1903. Kansas 
Historical Society, History of Kansas Newspapers,, 1916, p. 223. 

17. The Sun, Leavenworth, was published October 4, 1887-1890. Ibid., p. 223. 



376 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

A last glimpse is had, about this time, of an institution that was 
soon to pass into the limbo of outmoded transportation. Consider- 
ation was given to the suggested purchase by the city of the ferry 
boat, "Willie Cade." The original charter for this ferry had been 
granted by the territorial legislature in 1855 ; it was later amended 
and renewed. The "Willie Cade" had plied between Leavenworth 
and the Missouri side for many years, charging toll for persons, 
wagons and teams, and earning a fair profit for its owner, Capt. 
Al Cade. Although ferry receipts in 1887-1888 had been satisfactory, 
the captain wanted to retire and was eager to dispose of his boat 
and privileges. But apparently the board took no action, for the 
ultimate fate of the "Willie Cade" is not disclosed in the minutes. 

There also came before the board the subject of a pontoon bridge, 
proposed by Vinton Stillings as a practical plan for linking the 
east and west banks of the Missouri river. Stillings had applied 
for a franchise in 1885, but had met with opposition. Those in con- 
trol of the railroad bridge did not want a rival bridge leading into 
the heart of the city. Owners of a ferry operating between the 
Missouri side and a point one and a half miles below Leavenworth 
also fought the project. The War Department objected on the 
ground that the Missouri was a navigable stream and that the 
proposed bridge would interfere with river traffic. However, upon 
examination of the model, which showed that provision had been 
made for opening the bridge when necessary, a charter was granted. 
Inasmuch as the old Kansas and Missouri bridge, built in 1871, had 
never been of much benefit to Leavenworth because of its location 
three miles above the city, the board responded with interest to 
Stillings' plan, and sent a committee to Nebraska City to investigate 
a pontoon bridge in operation there. Another committee investi- 
gated the feasibility of the plan for Leavenworth. Both committees 
reported favorably and resolutions were passed asking for bids on 
construction. Despite the support of the committees, opposition 
developed, and in the end the bridge was financed entirely by 
Stillings. The Kansas City Star, April 5, 1925, thus describes the 
official opening: 

"On an August morning in 1889 a pair of quivering horses with distended 
and snorting nostrils squatted on their haunches at the foot of Cherokee 
street, in Leavenworth. Behind the horses was hitched a fire engine of the 
type used in that day, black smoke pouring from its stack. Stretching away 
across the yellow tide of the Missouri river floated a slim ribbon of pine 
boards. The driver on the seat of the fire engine coaxed the horses and 
slapped his reins. Patrick Burns, chief of the Leavenworth fire department, 



BARNES: LEAVENWORTH BOARD OF TRADE 377 

talked to the horses and patted their shaking flanks. Suddenly the horses 
leaped forward and went galloping across the flimsy-looking structure. A 
great shout went up from the thousands of spectators massed on the water 
front as the fire engine rocked its way across. At the Missouri end of the 
bridge the driver wheeled his team and trotted them proudly back. The first 
pontoon bridge to span the lower reaches of the Missouri was declared officially 
opened." 

It is recorded that Mayor D. R. Anthony had not favored the 
bridge and that on the morning of the opening he sent the police 
wagon to the scene to take celebrants, returning from the Missouri 
side, to the station. The bridge did a thriving business until 1893. 
A village sprang up at the eastern end and flourished as long as 
Platte county was "wet" territory. The story of the pontoon bridge 
has in it something of the passing of an era, the flavor of the old 
West giving way to the new. 

A new phase of the coal situation arose during this period. It 
was felt that the mining of coal at the State Penitentiary shaft for 
any use other than by the state was harmful to labor. However, in 
the investigation of the matter by the board, it was quite clearly 
brought out that whatever in the situation worked hardship upon 
miners wrought equal hardship upon workmen in other industries 
also maintained by the penitentiary. The following resolution was 
passed: 

"Resolved, That the legislature of the state of Kansas be respectfully re- 
quested to enact a law prohibiting the manufacturing of any articles or using 
any of the convicts in any manner that shall come in contact with either 
skilled or unskilled labor." 

Early in 1889 the financial affairs of the board became a disturb- 
ing element. Fees had not been paid regularly and expenses had 
mounted. The restoration of the original cost of membership, twenty 
dollars, did not entirely relieve the situation. It is recorded that 
in November of that year "an animated and interesting discussion 
. . . took place, in which each member of the board of trade 
took part, as to the necessity and importance of maintaining the 
board of trade intact and infusing into it new life and vigor, [be- 
cause of] the great good it had accomplished for our city in years 
past and the work still before it. It was unanimously resolved to 
maintain it." 

Of significance during the period 1888-1892 are the many national 
projects which the board was asked to support. Among them were: 
the centennial celebration; the Torrey bankrupt law; the deep har- 
bor at Galveston; opposition to the Conger lard bill; Nicaragua 



378 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

canal; opening of the Oklahoma Indian lands; opposition to the 
Butterworth bill; western states commercial congress; trans-Missis- 
sippi congress. The breaking down of sectional barriers, the coming 
together of the parts into the whole, is suggested in these national 
movements. 

No particularly important project is set forth in the proceedings 
from 1889 until the end. There are, however, two gaps of several 
months each for which there are no records. At the close of the 
fiscal year in June, 1892, President Todd called a joint meeting of 
board members and other interested citizens for the purpose of 
reorganizing the board and defining a more comprehensive program 
of work. It was felt that the organization had served its purpose 
and had worked as efficiently as possible in view of inadequate sup- 
port. Leavenworth was surely entering upon a new era of prosperity 
and the time had come for a "live and pushing organization." 

It is difficult to point to the causes that led ultimately to the 
discontinuance of the board. There are indications that personal 
gains were not always forgotten in the larger issues and that in- 
difference, at the last, supplanted the enthusiasm of the first years. 
Income did not always keep pace with obligations and debts accu- 
mulated. It became increasingly difficult to secure unified effort. 
Probably there was a deeper cause, a current that was rushing along 
towards a vortex, into which was to be sucked much that had been 
built up during the ten years of building and expansion. The dark 
days of 1893 were but a little way off. 

Though goals and methods may be questioned in the light of fuller 
understanding after fifty years, much achievement may be fairly 
credited to the board during the ten years of its work. Manufac- 
turing was stimulated, resources and markets were developed, popu- 
lation was increased, and the city was made a place of greater charm. 
And all of this work went on, though the Leavenworth board of 
trade came to an end. Out of the general reorganization came the 
commercial exchange, quite similar in character and purpose and 
equally imbued with a determination to build a greater, fairer city. 



A History of Kansas Child-Labor 
Legislation 

DOMENICO GAGLIARDO 

TWO studies of Kansas legislation affecting children have already 
been published by the Kansas State Historical Society. The 
first of these, by Nina Swanson, is almost entirely devoted to a 
study of legislation regarding agencies caring for children, educa- 
tion, protection of health of mothers and children, and children in 
need of special care. 1 Only three pages are devoted to child labor, 
and in these the major developments in legislation are barely out- 
lined. There is no discussion of either the movement leading to legis- 
lation or of the administration of the laws. 

The second study, by Edith Hess, considers labor legislation 
affecting both women and children. 2 Relatively little concerns child 
labor, and most of this consists of an analysis of the provisions of 
laws enacted. Very little data are given regarding the administra- 
tion of child labor laws. Furthermore, in making her study Miss 
Hess did not use the session laws, but relied completely on com- 
pilations. Numerous inaccuracies as to dates appear in the work. 3 

These two studies do not therefore satisfactorily discuss the his- 
tory of child-labor legislation in Kansas. In this article the writer 
describes the nature and extent of child labor in Kansas, records 
the development of this legislation, and discusses its administration. 

EXTENT AND NATURE OF CHILD LABOR. 

The problem of child labor has never assumed really formidable 
proportions in Kansas. No doubt the principal reason for this is 
that agricultural and industrial operations in Kansas have not been 
generally adapted to the use of child labor. Tables I and II will 
give some notion of the nature and extent of the problem, although 
the data given are not strictly comparable and are not at all useful 

1. Nina Swanson, "The Development of Public Protection of Children in Kansas," Kansas 
Historical Collections, v. XV, pp. 231-277. 

2. Edith Hess, "State Regulation of Woman and Child Labor in Kansas," Kansas His- 
torical Collections, v. XV, pp. 279-333. 

3. For example, the date given for the first mining law regulating the employment of 
children is 1901, while the accurate date is 1883. See Laws of Kansas, 1883, ch. 117. The 
commissioner of labor is said to have been given authority to bring about the enforcement of 
labor laws in 1901. This law was really enacted in 1898. See Laws 1898, ch. 34, sec. 3. 
There are other errors of this kind. The writer apparently assumed that the laws were en- 
acted as of the date when they first appeared in a volume of Compiled Laws or General 
Statutes. 

(379) 



380 



THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 



in showing trends. Yet they do reveal certain striking features of 
the child-labor situation in this state. 

TABLE I. Total children of each sex 10 to 15 years of age gainfully occupied 
in Kansas, 1880 to 



YEAR. 


Total 
number in 
age group. 


Total 
gainfully 
employed. 


Males. 


Females. 


1880 
1000 


138,317 
201 209 


14,447 
21 679 


13,225 
19 706 


1,222 
1 991 


1900 


200 810 


22 489 


20 304 


2,185 


1910 : 


200,794 


18,730 


16,997 


1,733 


1920 


211,706 


7,270 


6,224 


1,046 



* From United States census reports. 

Perhaps the most important conclusion to be drawn from these 
tables is that the number of children gainfully employed in Kansas 
has never been great. Less than 14,500 children from ten to fifteen 
years of age were returned as gainfully employed in 1880; the 
largest number reported was somewhat less than 22,500 in 1900; 
and for 1920 the figure was 7,270. This ploes not, of course, accu- 

TABLB II. Number of children of each sex 10 to 15 years of age engaged in 
each class of occupation in Kansas, 1900 to 1920. (a) 



OCCUPATION. 


19 


X). 


19 


10. 


19 


20. 




Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


Agriculture 
Mining 


17,292 
(&) 


261 
(D 


14,345 
184 


440 

o 


3,613 

99 


142 
3 


Manufacturing and mechanical 
Transportation 


891 
683 


152 

76 


592 
181 


46 
65 


566 
266 


155 
155 


Trade 
Professional and public service 


(c) 
10 


(c) 
18 


752 
18 


107 
16 


949 
38 


150 
17 


Domestic and personal service 


1,458 


1,678 


192 


926 


241 


426 


Clerical occupations 


108 


33 


362 


44 


452 


82 



a. From United States census reports. 

b. Included under "Manufacturing and Mechanical." 

c. Included under "Transportation." 

rately represent the decrease in child labor from 1900 to 1920. Nor 
is the proportion of employed children 10 to 15 years of age large, 
compared with the total number of children in that age group, the 
percentage having never exceeded 12. Furthermore, most children 
gainfully employed are males. Of the total number the percentage 



GAGLIARDO: KANSAS CHILD-LABOR LEGISLATION 



381 



represented by males exceeded 90 for each decade of the period, 
and for 1920 exceeded 86. 

It appears clearly from the data given in Table II that the major- 
ity of children gainfully occupied in Kansas are in agricultural 
employments. In 1900 more than 78 per cent, or 17,553 out of 
22,489, were returned as agricultural laborers. The percentage thus 
returned in 1920 fell to slightly more than 53, or 3,755 out of a 
total of 7,270. But the census of 1920 was taken during a very dull 
agricultural season, when large numbers of children who would 
normally have been at work were attending school. Even so, the 
proportion returned as agricultural workers in 1920 is large. The 

TABLE III. Distribution of children 10 to 17 years of age engaged in agricul- 
ture in Kansas in 1920 t by type of work and sex* 



TYPE OF WORK. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Dairy farm laborers 
Farm laborers (home farm) 


55 
7,189 


48 
6,959 


7 
230 


Farm laborers (working out) 


3,103 


3,068 


35 


Garden, greenhouse, orchard and nursery laborers 


102 


92 


10 


Stock herders, drivers and feeders 


138 


129 


4 




36 


27 


g 










Total 


10,618 


10,323 


295 











* From United States census reports. 

type of agricultural work performed by children is shown in Table 
III. Farm labor is the occupation reported for practically all of 
them. Most of the children working in agriculture, forestry and 
animal husbandry are employed on the home farm. In the census 
of 1920, of a total of 10,618 children between ten and seventeen 
years of age, 7,419, or almost 70 per cent, were returned as thus 
employed. And while it does not appear from the data given above, 
yet it is true that most of those returned as working out were un- 
doubtedly employed on the farms of neighbors and relatives. The 
situation regarding child labor in agriculture has not changed ma- 
terially in recent years. 

The number of children employed in other occupations listed in 
the census reports is small. This is especially true of public service, 
professional service, and mining. No figures are given for the build- 
ing trades, but here also the numbers are small. At no time in the 
history of Kansas have many children been employed in these occu- 
pations. Moderate numbers are employed in manufacturing, trans- 



382 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

portation, trade, domestic and personal service, and in clerical occu- 
pations. But the numbers are not, and have not been, formidable. 
The remainder of this study is concerned with the employment of 
children in occupations other than agriculture. For there has been 
but little direct regulation of the labor of children in agriculture. 
Some indirect regulation has been achieved by means of school- 
attendance laws, and this is touched upon in the study. It does not 
appear, however, that the conditions under which children are em- 
ployed in Kansas agriculture are such as to necessitate immediate 
and direct regulation except in the sugar-beet and berry industries. 
It is well to face the fact, nevertheless, that direct regulation would 
be practically impossible. 

EARLY CONDITIONS. 

In 1890 the commissioner of labor statistics, at the suggestion of 
the federal labor commissioner, made an investigation of the extent 
and conditions of child labor in Kansas. 4 Satisfactory data bearing 
directly on the extent of the employment of children were not se- 
cured. Conditions of labor in mines, workshops, and factories, al- 
though not intolerable, considering the date, were found to be not 
satisfactory. The typical working day was ten hours, beginning at 
7 a. m. and ending at 6 p. m., with an hour off for lunch. Weekly 
wages were in many cases quite low, and averaged about $3.50. The 
situation, while not alarming, was becoming worse. Foreigners com- 
ing from countries where their lot as children had been hard and 
marked by unremitting toil were accepting this same destiny for 
their children in America. And the commissioner was perhaps justi- 
fied in his statement that, "A visit to our coal mines, and to our 
large manufacturing establishments, reveals the fact that as a whole 
the volume of child labor is increasing, and that the time is rapidly 
approaching when legislative interference will become necessary to 
regulate and protect it." 5 No data were given regarding conditions 
of labor in agriculture. 

DEVELOPMENT OF CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION. 

APPRENTICESHIP. 

The earliest Kansas law relating to the employment of children 
was an apprenticeship act passed by the first territorial legislature 
in 1855. This was modified in 1859 and again in 1868. 6 No further 

4. Kansas Bureau of Labor, Sixth Annual Report, pp. 8-66. 

5. Ibid., p. 8. A law prohibiting the employment of children under 15 in mines, factories 
and workshops was favored by 56 out of 58 county school superintendents in 1890. Ibid., 
p. 34. 

6. General Statutes of 1868, ch. 5. 



GAGLIARDO: KANSAS CHILD-LABOR LEGISLATION 383 

changes have been made since 1868. All three of the acts are almost 
identical, even to the language used. 7 Children may be bound in 
apprenticeship with the consent of the father; or if he is dead, a 
family deserter or habitual drunkard, with the consent of the mother; 
or of a guardian. Orphans without guardians may bind themselves, 
with the consent of the probate court. Any poor child who is a 
beggar, or who may become a county charge, whose parents are poor, 
whose father is an habitual drunkard, or, if he has no father, whose 
mother is of bad character, may be bound an apprentice by the 
probate court. Orphans or minors with estates insufficient for their 
maintenance may be bound by their guardians. 
The master's duties, as denned by law, are few. He 

"Shall cause such child to be taught to read and write, and the ground rules of 
arithmetic, the compound rules and the rule of three, and at the expiration of 
his time of service shall give him or her a new Bible and two new suits of 
clothes, of the value of forty dollars, and ten dollars in current money of the 
United States." 8 

To guard against abuse, the probate court is given power to see 
that the terms of the indenture are fulfilled and that the apprentice 
is not ill-used. Complaints by apprentices against their masters of 
immoderate correction, insufficient food, clothing or lodging, want of 
trade instruction, or violation of the indenture, are received and 
heard by the probate court. No master may remove an apprentice 
from the state. If necessary, an apprentice may be discharged by 
the court. 

Certain conduct on the part of the apprentice is made punishable : 
desertion without good cause; misconduct or ill behavior. Willful 
desertion without cause is especially frowned upon. In such cases 
the probate court may assess the apprentice ten dollars a month for 
each month absent, to be collected after the apprentice becomes of 
age. Furthermore, the master is given a right of action against the 
apprentice for any damages he may suffer from willful desertion 
without cause, judgment to be effective after the apprentice becomes 
of age. Anyone who counsels, persuades, entices or assists an ap- 
prentice to desert is liable to damages of $20 to $500, to be sued for 
and recovered by the master. And any person knowingly enter- 

7. Statutes Kansas Territory, 1855, ch. 6 ; General Laws, 1859, ch. 13. The law of 1855 
contains the following, which was omitted in 1859: "When an apprentice is a Negro or 
mulatto, it shall not be the duty of the master to cause such colored apprentice to be taught 
to read or write, or a knowledge of arithmetic ; but he shall be allowed, at the expiration 
of his term of service, a sum of money in lieu of education, to be assessed by the probate 
court." Sec. 10, Under the act of 1855, the period of indenture was till the age of twenty- 
one, or for a shorter time. In 1859 the indenture for girls was made to expire at -age sixteen. 
In 1868 the boys' indentures were made to expire at age eighteen. 

8. General Statutes, 1868, ch. 5, sec. 8. 



384 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

taining, harboring or concealing a runaway apprentice forfeits to 
the master one dollar for each day he does so, this also to be sued 
for and recovered. 9 

CHILDREN AND THE MINING ACT OF 1883. 

The first legal enactment directed specifically against the em- 
ployment of children came in 1883, as an amendment to the coal- 
mining law. 10 The employment of children under twelve years of 
age in coal mines was absolutely prohibited. Minors between twelve 
and sixteen could be employed only if they were able to read and 
write and furnished a certificate from a school teacher to the effect 
that they had attended school at least three months during the year. 
It was made the duty of agents employing minors to see that these 
provisions were not violated, and "willful" violation on the part of 
any agent was made punishable by a fine not to exceed $50 for each 
and every offense. This law was undoubtedly a step forward, but 
it was a faltering step. Its chief virtue was that it recognized the 
problem of child labor in coal mines, while its chief weakness was 
its lack of machinery for enforcement. Experience of other states 
has shown conclusively that an act bearing a penalty only for "will- 
ful" violations cannot be enforced. Yet the commissioner of labor, 
in 1888, expressed the hope that the provisions of the mining act 
would be extended to factories and workshops. 11 In 1894, however, 
the impossibility of enforcing the law was recognized. In that year 
the commissioner said: "It is extremely problematical whether this 
law is very rigidly enforced." 12 

ACTS TO PROTECT MORALS OF CHILDREN. 

A second direct restriction of child labor came in 1889, as part 
of an act for protecting the morals of children. 13 It was made un- 
lawful to employ any child under fourteen years of age as an acro- 

9. Another early law provided that a payment made to a minor on a contract for labor 
made with him alone could not be collected again by the minor's parent or guardian Com- 
piled Laws of Kansas, 1862, ch. 146. 

10. Laws, 1883, ch. 117, sec. 17. 

11. Kansas Bureau of Labor, Fourth Annual Report, p. 38. The following child-labor law 
was proposed in 1887 : "In all manufactories, workshops and other places used for mechanical 
or manufacturing purposes, the time of labor of children under the age of eighteen years, and 
women employed therein, shall not exceed eight hours in one day; and any employer, stock- 
holder, director, officer, overseer, clerk, or foreman, who shall compel any woman or any such 
child to labor exceeding eight hours in any one day, or who shall permit any child under 
fourteen years of age to labor more than ten hours in any one day in any such place, if he 
shall have control over such child sufficient to prevent it; or who shall employ at manual 
labor any child under twelve years otf age in any factory or workshop, where more than three 
persons are employed, or who shall employ any child of twelve and under fourteen years of 
age in any such factory or workshop for more than seven months in any one year, shall be 
punished by fine not less than five nor more than fifty dollars for each such offense." It 
failed of passage. Kansas Bureau of Labor, Third Annual Report, p. 325. 

12. Ibid., p. 27. 

13. Laws, 1889, ch. 104, sees. 1, 48c, d and f. 



GAGLIARDO: KANSAS CHILD-LABOR LEGISLATION 385 

bat, gymnast, contortionist, circus rider, rope walker, "or in any ex- 
hibition of like dangerous character/' or as a beggar, mendicant, 
pauper, street singer or street musician. The penalty for violation 
was a fine not to exceed $250, or imprisonment not to exceed a year, 
or both. Any duly incorporated society whose object was the pro- 
tection of children and who maintained a trustworthy and discreet 
agent to carry out its object, could have this agent appointed as a 
special police officer, to enforce this law. Furthermore, it was made 
the duty of sheriffs, deputy sheriffs, and police officers in counties 
and cities to aid such societies in enforcing all laws for the protec- 
tion of children, and they were given the power to arrest without 
warrant for any violation. And it was made the duty of county 
attorneys to prosecute cases arising under this act. But in cases 
where complaints were filed by a society for the protection of chil- 
dren, that society's attorney could, with the consent of the court or 
magistrate, carry on the prosecution, and for this purpose he was 
granted all powers conferred by law upon county attorneys. The 
machinery for enforcing the act was certainly far superior to that 
set up in the mining act. And this machinery was in all probability 
effective, due largely to the nature of the labor concerned, which has 
always been frowned upon as being cruel and tending to immoral- 
ity. 14 An extension of the provisions of this act was made in 1903 
when the employment of children under eighteen as practitioners or 
subjects in public, open exhibitions, seances or shows of hypnotism, 
mesmerism, animal magnetism or so-called psychical forces was 
prohibited. 15 

THE SCHOOL LAW OF 1903. 

Compulsory school attendance dates in Kansas from 1874, when 
it was required that children between eight and fourteen be sent to 
school for at least twelve weeks in the year, six of these to be con- 

14. An attempt was made in 1898 to secure the passage of a fairly good child-labor Jaw. 
The following was introduced and its passage recommended by the committee on manufactures 
and industrial pursuits, but it failed to pass: "No child under fourteen years of age shall be 
employed at any time in any factory or workshop or about any mine. No such child ehall 
be employed in any mercantile establishment nor in the service of any telegraph, telephone, or 
public messenger company except during the vacation of the public schools in the school 
district where such child is employed. No person under sixteen years of age shall be employed 
at any occupation nor at any place dangerous or injurious to life, limb, health, or morals, 
nor at any labor of any kind outside of the family of such person's residence before BIX 
o'clock in the morning nor after seven o'clock in the evening, nor more than ten hours in any 
one day, nor more than sixty hours in any one week, except in accordance with the following 
express permission or condition, to wit: Children not less than fourteen years of age may be 
employed in mercantile establishments on Saturdays and for ten days each year before Christ- 
mas until ten o'clock in the evening: Provided, however, That this permission shall not be BO 
construed as to permit such children to toil more than ten hours in any one day nor over 
sixty hours in any one week." Kansas Bureau of Labor, Fourteenth Annual Report, p. 258. 

16. Laws, 1903, ch. 219. 

254323 



386 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

secutive. 16 Exemption was allowed if the parent or guardian was 
too poor to clothe the child properly. 17 In 1903 this law was modi- 
fied, and children between eight and fifteen were required to attend 
school during the period it was in session. 18 But children of four- 
teen or more, if employed for their own or for their dependents' 
support, and if they could read and write English, were required 
to attend only eight consecutive weeks; and for those graduated 
from the common schools and those mentally or physically in- 
capacitated, no attendance was required. This was an improve- 
ment over the previous law in that the period of attendance was 
increased, but the poverty clause weakened the act. A further 
amendment, made in 1907, authorized boards of education to permit 
temporary absences from school of children between eight and fif- 
teen "in extreme cases of emergency or domestic necessity." 19 This 
provided another large loophole, and one which is said to have been 
regularly used in the sugar-beet regions of western Kansas. 20 

THE LAW OF 1905. 

A distinct step forward was taken in 1905, when the first com- 
prehensive Kansas child-labor law was enacted. 21 The employment 
of children under fourteen in factories, packinghouses or in or about 
mines was absolutely forbidden, and no child under sixteen could 
be employed at any occupation or in any place dangerous or in- 
jurious to life, limb, health or morals. Before employing children, 
employers, whenever possible, were required to secure age certifi- 
cates from school authorities. 22 When a certificate could not be 
obtained, a statement from the parent or guardian, verified under 
oath administered by an authorized officer, would suffice, except 
where the employer had actual knowledge that the child's age was 
below the legal minimum. Certificates and statements were to be 
kept on file, and factory and mine inspectors were charged with the 

16. Laws, 1874, ch. 123. A short summary of the development of Kansas school laws 
concerning children was made by Nina Swanson: "The Development of Public Protection of 
Children in Kansas," Kansas Historical Collections, v. XV, pp. 241-240. 

17. The labor commissioner was of the opinion that this law was never adequately en- 
forced and was of no help in regulating child labor. "So far aa the law is concerned, a 
child over eight years of age may be required to work every day in the year, so that he 
attends a night school for twelve weeks of the time; if the parents or guardians show that 
they are not able to clothe him properly, no education whatever is required, and the child is 
permitted to grow up in utter ignorance." Sixth Annual Report, pp. 11, 34. 

18. Laws, 1903, ch. 423. 

19. Laws, 1907, ch. 317. 

20. Court of Industrial Relations, Third Annual Report, p. 123. 

21. Laws, 1905, ch. 278. 



22. The form of certificate prescribed was as follows: State of Kansas, county of- 



jity or district. This certifies that , according to the records of this school 

and from all knowledge that I can obtain, was born at , in county, and 

city, of the state of , and is now under 

(Signed) 



GAGLIARDO: KANSAS CHILD-LABOR LEGISLATION 387 

duty of inspecting the certificates, examining the children for viola- 
tions of law, and of filing complaints. Complaints filed were to be 
prosecuted by county attorneys. The penalty for violation, or for 
permitting or conniving at violation, was a fine of $25 to $100 or 
imprisonment for 30 to 90 days. 

This act marks a distinct advance in the regulation of child labor 
in Kansas. First of all its scope was fairly broad, including many 
of the occupations except agriculture where children were likely 
to be employed for long periods under bad conditions. It should be 
noted that all mines, not merely coal mines, were included. In the 
second place, the age limit was set fairly high. Here again it should 
be noted that the age limit for coal mines was raised from twelve to 
fourteen years, although the corresponding section of the mining 
law was not specifically repealed. Lastly, the administrative fea- 
tures were an improvement over those set up under all previous laws. 
The chief weakness in the act was that its regulatory features were 
inadequate. No child under sixteen could be employed in any occu- 
pation or place dangerous or injurious to life, limb, health or morals, 
but little more specific than this was provided. Such general pro- 
visions usually were well enforced only where there was well-organ- 
ized machinery manned by aggressive officials. Unfortunately, such 
was not generally the case in Kansas at the time, nor for the next 
ten years. 23 

Apparently the law of 1905 was needed. A special investigation 
made by the department of labor in 1906, covering 15 of the more 
important manufacturing counties, showed that 1,951 children were 
taken out of factories in those counties when the law first went into 
effect. 24 The operation of the child-labor and compulsory education 
laws together is said to have put in school, for the state as a whole, 
about 5,000 children. 25 

Despite this good showing, the child-labor problem was not solved. 
The commissioner of labor complained in 1907 that the law did not 
"place any restriction upon the length of day's work of the children 
coming under its regulation." 26 Furthermore, he found that the 
law's scope was not inclusive enough, covering "not more than one- 
half of the child-labor employment that should be regulated." 27 He 

23. The Kansas commissioner of labor thought this provision quite important. "Kansas 
has a child -labor law second to none in the United States, especially on account of the pro- 
vision which prohibits all children under sixteen years of age from being employed at any 
place or at any occupation that is dangerous or injurious to life, limb, health, or morals." 
Kansas Bureau of Labor, Twenty-eighth Annual Report, p. 137. 

24. Ibid., Twenty-second Annual Report, p. 144. 

25. Ibid. School authorities have always cooperated reasonably well in enforcing the child- 
labor law. 

26. Ibid., Twenty-third Annual Report, p. 127. 

27. Ibid., p. 142. 



388 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 

therefore recommended that the scope be enlarged to include work- 
shops, and that mercantile establishments, telephone and telegraph 
offices, and the work of public messengers also be included, except 
during school vacation. As another improvement, he recommended 
a maximum day of ten hours, and a maximum week of sixty hours. 28 
The following year it was recommended that the scope of the act 
should be widened by including workshops, theaters, and the opera- 
tion of elevators, and that data on age certificates should be based 
only on school records. 29 

A general movement to improve the child-labor law developed in 
1908, led by the State Society of Labor, the State Federation of 
Labor, a child-labor committee consisting of representative leading 
educators and professional workers, and the Federation of Women's 
Clubs. A bill was drafted embodying the recommendations of the 
commissioner of labor, and going somewhat beyond them. This bill 
would have prohibited the employment of children under fourteen 
in any factory, workshop, theater or packing house, in the operation 
of elevators, in or about any mine, and in any business or service 
whatsoever during school hours. Children under sixteen in these 
employments, and in the distribution or transmission of merchandise 
or messages, would not have been employed between 6 p. m. and 
7 a. m., and not for more than eight hours daily and forty-eight 
hours weekly. The age at which children could be employed at any 
place dangerous or injurious to life, limb, hearth or morals was raised 
to seventeen. Work permits based on school census records, with a 
prescribed form, were provided for. Provisions for enforcement and 
penalties remained unchanged. 30 

AMENDMENTS OF 1909. 

The 1909 legislature adopted some of the changes suggested. 31 
Two important amendments were made. Children under fourteen 
could no longer be employed in any factory or workshop "not owned 
or operated" by the child's parent, and not at all in a theater, pack- 
ing house, or as an elevator operator, or in or about a mine, and no 
child under fourteen could be employed in any business or service 
whatever during school hours. The provision prohibiting employ- 
ment of children under sixteen where body, health or morals were 
endangered, was retained. Thus the scope of the act was broadened. 

28. Ibid. 

29. Ib