Skip to main content

Full text of "The Kansas historical quarterly"

See other formats

From the collection of the 

z n m 

o Prelinger 

i a 

v JJibrary 

t w p 

San Francisco, California 


Kansas Historical 

JAMES C. MALIN, Associate Editor 
NYLE H. MILLER, Managing Editor 

Volume XIX 

(Kansas Historical Collections) 
VOL. xxxvi 

Published by 

The Kansas State Historical Society 

Topeka, Kansas 



Contents of Volume XIX 

Number 1 February, 1951 


THE DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND Clifford P. Westermeier, I 


COTTONWOOD VALLEY Alberta Pantle, 12 

With portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Francis Bernard, Mr. and Mrs. Alphonse 
Bichet, Francis Laloge, and Mrs. August Ferlet, between pp. 32, 33. 


THE ANNUAL MEETING: Containing Reports of the Secretary, 
Treasurer, Executive and Nominating Committees; Annual Ad- 
dress of the President, SOME ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF THE 
G. A. R. IN KANSAS, Charles M. Correll, a talk, THE HISTORICAL 
of Officers; List of Directors of the Society .... Kirke Mechem, Secretary, 52 


Compiled by Helen M. McFarland, Librarian, 84 




Number 2 May, 1951 



PIONEER: Part One, 1857, 1858 Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 113 

With views taken in 1858 of the sawmill built by Trego and the Smiths 
on Little Sugar creek, and the homes of Edwin Smith, J. H. Trego and 
T. Ellwood Smith, between pp. 128, 129. 


OF LINCOLN William Frank Zornow, 133 


PHILIPPINES Todd L. Wagoner, 145 


COTTONWOOD VALLEY: Part Two Concluded Alberta Pantle, 174 

With portraits of Mrs. Ernest Ginette, Sr., and the Countess de Pingre, 
and a picture of the Bastille day celebration held near Florence on 
July 14, 1884, between pp. 192, 193. 







Number 3 August, 1951 



Century Robert Taft, 225 

With the following illustrations: 

Portraits of Fernand H. Lungren and Maynard Dixon, facing 
p. 240; H. W. Hansen, J. H. Smith and H. W. Caylor, be- 
tween pp. 240, 241; Bert G. Phillips, Ernest L. Blumenschein, 
. Charles Schreyvogel and William R. Leigh, facing p. 248; 

J. H. Smith's "A Race-Day in a Frontier Town," and "The Recent 
Indian Excitement in the Northwest," 

Caylor's "The Trail Herd," 

Sharp's "The Evening Chant," 

Schreyvogel's "My Bunkie," 

Dan Smith's "Freighting Salt in New Mexico," 

Hansen's "Beef Issue," and 

Leigh's "The Lookout," between pp. 240, 241; 

Blumenschein's "The Advance of Civilization in New Mexico 
the Merry-Go-Round Comes To Taos," facing p. 249. 


A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN, 1890-1891: The Journal of 

Mrs. Stuart James Hogg Edited by Lonise Barry, 269 


PIONEER: Part Two, 1861, 1862 Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 287 




Number 4 November, 1951 


NEBRASKA TERRITORY: A Letter Dated December 17, 1853, 

James C. Malin, 321 


the Pacific Railroad Reports Robert Taft, 354 

With the following illustrations: 

Charles Koppel's "Los Angeles," November 1, 1853, 

A. H. Campbell's "Valley of the Gila & Sierra de las Estrellas 

From the Maricopa Wells" (Arizona), 1855, 
J. C. Tidball's "Valley of Williams River" (Arizona), 1854, 
William P. Blake's "Mirage on the Colorado Desert" (California), 
1853, between pp. 368, 369. 

PIONEER: Part Three, 1863, 1864 Concluded, 

Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 381 

With the following illustrations: 

Dr. and Mrs. Joseph H. Trego and six of their nine daughters; 
the Mound City band, from a photograph taken in 1878, 
between pp. 384, 385. 









February - 1951 

Published by 

Kansas State Historical Society 



Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor 



THE DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND Clifford P. Westermeier, 1 


COTTONWOOD VALLEY Alberta Pantle, 12 

With portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Francis Bernard, Mr. and Mrs. Alphonse 
Bichet, Francis Laloge, and Mrs. August Ferlet, between pp. 32, 33. 


THE ANNUAL MEETING: Containing Reports of the Secretary, 
Treasurer, Executive and Nominating Committees; Annual Ad- 
dress of the President, SOME ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF THE 
G. A. R. IN KANSAS, Charles M. Correll; a talk, THE HISTORICAL 
of Officers; List of Directors of the Society .... Kirke Mechem, Secretary, 52 


Compiled by Helen M. McFarland, Librarian, 84 




The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published in February, May, August and 
November by the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan., and is dis- 
tributed free to members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be 
sent to the editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made 
by contributors. 

Entered as second-class matter October 22, 1931. at the post office at Topeka, 
Kan., under the act of August 24, 1912. 


Dodge City's famous cowboy band as pictured in 1886. The director was 
Roy Drake (fourth from left in the second row). Seated at the front-row ends 
are: Left, D. M. Frost, publisher of the Dodge City Globe Live Stock Journal, 
and right, Col. S. S. Prouty, editor of the Kansas Cowboy. Chalk M. Beeson, 
organizer and manager of the band, sits next to Colonel Prouty. 


Volume XIX February, 1951 Number 1 

The Dodge City Cowboy Band 


WHILE its early history was being painted against the canvas 
of the frontier, Dodge City acquired more lurid and flaming 
titles than any other city. "The most wicked town in existence/' 
"The Beautiful, Bibulous Babylon of the Frontier," "The Wickedest 
City in America," "The Deadwood of Kansas," the "rip-roaring burg 
of the West" were but a few of the scarlet sobriquets. 1 It was a city 
of violent contrasts brave men and bad men, harlots and ladies, 
dives and churches, ugliness and beauty "Wicked Dodge" was the 
synonym of all that was profane, immoral and evil. From this 
"Bibulous Babylon," this "Wickedest City," came an organization so 
unpretentious and respectable that its virtuous fame made it wel- 
come wherever it appeared. This was the Dodge City Cowboy 
Band of the 1880's, recognized as one of the finest attractions and 
entertainments of the era. 

Some dubiety exists concerning the year of its organization. 
Merritt Beeson of Dodge City says his father, Chalk Beeson, or- 
ganized the band in 1879. Wright, in his Dodge City, maintained 
that the band was organized in 1881, and first appeared as such in 
a performance at the Topeka fair. 2 An article from the "Ford 
County Clippings" of the Kansas State Historical Society says : "The 
Original Dodge City Cowboy Band was organized in 1881 or 1882 
and for many years was a flourishing organization which enjoyed 
more than local fame." 3 The uncertainty is not clarified by the ap- 
pearance of an article under the title "Dodge City Band" in the 
Ford County Globe, June 27, 1882: 

DR. CLIFFORD P. WESTERMEIER is a lecturer in the extension department at the Univer- 
sity of Colorado, Boulder. He is the author of Man, Beast, Dust: The Story of Rodeo (Den- 
ver, World Press, 1947). 

1. Robert M. Wright, Dodge City, The Cowboy Capital . (n. p., n. d.) pp. 
6, 142, 144, 147, 148. 

2. Letter from Merritt L. Beeson, October 24, 1950, to the Kansas State Historical 
Society; Wright, op. cit., p. 322. 

3. "Ford County Clippings," v. 1, p. 225-Kansas State Historical Society. 


Alderman C. M. Beeson or rather "Chalk," as we all know him after years 
of trials, has at last succeeded in organizing a Brass Band, and we claim it 
The Band of the Land, of which Dodge may justly be proud. . . . They 
perform every evening in front of the "Long Branch" and Opera House Balcony 
and crowds gather to hear them. . . . 4 

Late in the summer of 1882 the Cowboy Band received an invita- 
tion to enter a band contest during the soldiers' reunion at Topeka. 
Evidently, the organization was eager to attend and to compete, for 
an appeal to raise money was published in the Ford County Globe. 
A subscription paper was circulated for the purpose of securing 
the necessary funds to defray the expenses of the trip. The Globe 

The boys will need considerable money to properly fit themselves out 
and pay necessary expenses while at Topeka, and we trust our cattle men, 
merchants and citizens generally will contribute freely and thus assist the 
distinguished "Cow Boy Band" of Dodge City to make a creditable display of 
their musical talent. 5 

Apparently, the band had excellent support, for a week later the 
same paper published a list of 29 firms and individuals with the ap- 
proximate head of cattle represented by each over 400,000 head, 
or a cash capital of nearly $10,000,000. 6 On this trip to Topeka, each 
of the 25 men in the band wore a longhorn badge on his hat. "Their 
rigging presented a peculiar appearance, dark shirts with 'leather 
breeches full of stitches/ together with revolvers buckled on making 
up the uniform. As the train passed they were singing 'Oh! dear, 
raggedy Oh! Just look at the riggins on Billy Barlow/ " 7 

There is little more information concerning the Cowboy Band 
during the remainder of the year. The Globe published an account 
of a minstrel show, with singing, conundrums, jokes, stories and im- 
personations; however, music by the band constituted the greater 
portion of the program. "There was a goodly crowd present who 
listened with marked attention and showed their appreciation 
from time to time by loud bursts of laughter and applause." 8 

The Colorado Chieftain, the weekly newspaper of Pueblo, Colo., 
gave an account of the cattlemen's convention held in Dodge City 
beginning April 10, 1883. The cowboy band, managed by Chalk 
Beeson, serenaded the governor on that occasion. 9 The same paper, 
a week later, commented on the close of the convention: "... 

4. "Dodge City Band," Ford County Globe, Dodge City, June 27, 1882. 

5. "The Cow Boy Band," ibid., September 5, 1882. 

6. Ibid., September 12, 1882. 

7. Ibid., September 19, 1882. 

8. "Cowboys' Minstrels," ibid., December 19, 1882. 

9. "Round-Up," Colorado Chieftain, Pueblo, Colo., April 12, 1883. 


the proceedings wound up last night with the grandest ball and 
banquet ever held in western Kansas. . . . The music was fur- 
nished by Beeson's orchestra. . . ." 10 

During the ensuing months occasional mentions were made of 
practice sessions, but the subject of the Cowboy Band does not be- 
come significant until the early part of September, 1884. The pro- 
posal to send the organization to the Cattlemen's convention in 
St. Louis in November met unanimous approval, because Dodge 
City and the cattle interests of Kansas would receive invaluable 
publicity at St. Louis. The suggestion was made that the Western 
Kansas Cattle Growers' Association promote the idea and become 
the sponsor of the band. 11 

This obvious promotion on the part of the Kansas Cowboy secured 
the desired results, and during the latter part of October the follow- 
ing article appeared. 

It is all fixed that the Cowboy band goes to the National Stockmen's con- 
vention at St. Louis. The band wall number eighteen pieces, composed of 
musicians whose music will astonish the ears of the denizones [sic] of the 
Mound City and others, soies [sic] who will be there during the session of 
the great convention. They will find that the historic cowboy of the plains, 
as will be represented by the members of this band, is an individual of a far 
different color than what has been painted by sensational papers. He will be 
found to be a gentleman and as proficient in the aesthetical art of music as 
he is in the skill of punching cows. But we do not wish to anticipate. 12 

The newspapers of the towns situated along the railroad recorded 
the progress of the band on its trip to St. Louis. From Nickerson 
came the following information: "Hearing that the Cowboy band 
of Dodge City would pass through on the evening train, a large 
number of our citizens met them at the depot and were favored 
with several choice selections of music." 13 

The band was provided with an especially-made banner the 
present of Andy Snider and Sons. 14 The Nickerson report also gave 
the first complete description of the costumes of the band: "all of 
them [were] dressed in regular cowboy style, broad hats, woolen 
shirts, leather leggins, spurs and pistols. . . ." 15 

10. "Cow Congress Round-Up," ibid., April 19, 1883. (R. M. Wright in his Dodge City 
quoted this article in part on pp. 321 and 322; however, he recorded it as appearing in 
the Pueblo Chieftain, April 13, 1882, and he used the words the Cowboy Band for the 
words Beeson's orchestra. ) 

11. Kansas Cowboy, Dodge City, September 13, 1884. 

12. "Soies" is probably an attempt to make a plural of the word socius, meaning asso- 
ciate or member. Kansas Cowboy, October 25, 1884. 

13. Ibid., November 22, 1884. 

14. Ibid., November 8, 1884. 

15. Ibid., November 22, 1884. 


A report from St. Louis to the Kansas Cowboy gave further in- 
formation concerning the arrival of and the impression created by 
the cowboy musical organization as it crossed the state of Kansas: 
"At all the stations in Kansas, word had been received that the band 
was coming and everybody flocked to the depot to get a peep at the 
cowboys and to hear their delicious music. The boys kindly satisfied 
the curiosity of the people by favoring them with airs." 16 

The Missouri Republican also related a first impression made 
by the cowboys in full regalia. On the opening day of the conven- 
tion a band, with trumpets blaring and cymbals crashing, marched 
down Olive street. A crowd of excited and enthusiastic youngsters 
followed, watching especially the leader who bore a banner identi- 
fying the group as "The Cowboy Band of Dodge City, Kansas." The 
drum major, Capt. J. S. Welch, waved his hands wildly and thus 
aroused greater enthusiasm in his fellow bandsmen. 17 

But the appearance of the band was gorgeous. It was wild; it was ne plus 
ultra, sui generis, and superb. The inseparable gray slouch hat with a band 
inscribed "Cowboy Band of Dodge City, Kansas" and bearing also the picture 
of a steer, each hat having a different brand. ... A flannel shirt, leather 
leggings of a conventional type, bandana handkerchief around throat, belt with 
a six-chambered ivory handled revolver and fierce spurs completed the genuine 
cowboy outfit. 18 

A Globe-Democrat reporter asked the leader of the band: 

"What do you swing that gun for?" 

"That's my baton," was the answer. 

"Is it loaded?" 


"What for?" 

"To kill the first man who strikes a false note." 19 

On the first day of the convention the delegates from Kansas and 
the Indian territory marched to the hall in a body. The Cowboy 
Band led the procession, and thousands of people followed; the side- 
walks and windows were crowded with cheering and applauding 
spectators who were eager to see and hear the famous band. 20 

The curious asked many questions about the band, and the 
various members of the organization offered interesting bits of in- 
formation: They were all genuine cowboys, who were able to play 
different music at sight; they organized in 1882 for the fair at Topeka, 

16. "From St. Louis," ibid. 

17. Missouri Republican, St. Louis, November 18, 1884. 

18. Ibid. 

19. "The Famous Cowboy Band," Kansas Cowboy, November 29, 1884. 

20. Ibid., November 22, 1884. 


and Dodge City was selected as the rallying point if the band were 
ever tp reorganize again; the importance of the cattlemen's conven- 
tion at St. Louis caused them, after a separation of two years, to 
come together two weeks before it. 21 

The reporter of the Missouri Republican was dubious about these 
statements, for the skill of the musicians showed practice and be- 
cause the stories varied one that they had been rehearsing during 
the year, another that they had not been together in two years. 
Someone was bold enough to say that the group was simply a local 
band from Dodge City, for the most part composed of professional 
musicians. 22 

Regardless of these varying stories, opinions or suggestions, the 
band did intrigue and amuse the St. Louisans. However, there is 
evidence that some of the delegates from parts of the West lacked 
enthusiasm for it. A delegate from Texas said: 

we are not responsible for this circus and are unwilling to endorse the 
band as a feature of the convention. We are not in favor of any such display as 
the so-called cowboy band is making. This leggin' revolver business is out of 
place in a great city like St. Louis. Besides we are not the desperadoes the band 
would seem to indicate we are. . . . They parade the streets with the 
handles of their revolvers protruding from their hip pockets and their leader 
keeping time with one. 23 

A delegate from Colorado expressed his opinion in a similar 

We feel that the cowboy band is out of place as long as they persisted in 
making a parade of their leggings and revolvers. It is painfully true that people 
in the East have been led to believe that a greater portion of cattlemen of South- 
west and West are as a rule desperate characters; and that we roam about over 
the prairies armed to the teeth with knives and revolvers. We want to dispel 
this idea as it places us in a false light before the world. Years ago when likely 
to meet a bunch of Indians, we were required to go heavily armed when we 
followed our cattle. Times have changed and the necessity for revolvers no 
longer exists. On many ranches cowboys are not allowed to carry revolvers. 
Today the average cowboy is as good an average American citizen as can be 
found anywhere in America. 24 

Some of the mystery hovering over, and unanswered questions 
concerning the band were clarified in the November 20 issue of the 
St. Louis paper. The editor of the Kansas Cowboy, S. S. Prunty, 
explained and also took responsibility for the appearance of the 
organization at the convention, namely, western Kansas had sent it 

21. Missouri Republican, November 18, 1884. 

22. Ibid. 

23. Ibid. 

24. Ibid. 


as a token of appreciation for the hospitality shown by St. Louis. 
Prunty said: "The attire of the members of the band is regulation 
dress of the plains cowboy. The spurs, pistol, and leather leggings 
are seen every day on the cowboy of the plains. The members, while 
mostly cowboys in jest, are gentlemen and some represent thousands 
of head of bovine." 25 Regardless of the controversy, the Cowboy 
Band was a great attraction for the people of St. Louis. 

Immediately following the triumph at the cattlemen's convention, 
the band, and also the delegates, received an invitation to visit Chi- 
cago. During their visit they played daily concerts in the Palmer 
House and, dressed in full regalia, were a great attraction to the 
spectators. 26 The Kansas Cowboy commented: "If one didn't ex- 
pect that a man that drives cattle could bring music out of a cornet 
or horn, he was favorably disappointed, for the entire programme 
was performed excellently and with real pleasure, apart from the in- 
terest therein, to every surprised listener." 27 

The band played such selections as the "Monabello Waltzes," the 
"Miserere" from "II Trovatore," and the "Criterion Quickstep." The 
audience was particularly interested in the leader of the musicians, 
who waved his nickel-plated six-shooter for a baton, and "forthwith 
lead [sic] his performers into the open measures of the old operatic 
favorite, which many a New York opera-goer would think in strange 
hands if heard performed by such picturesque, half-warlike figures 
as composed the Cowboy Band." 28 The editor of the Kansas Cow- 
boy concluded his statement regarding the Chicago side trip with 
his usual plug for the home town: "They are giving Dodge City 
such an advertisement as she has never had before." 29 

The triumphs of the band during the Chicago visit resulted in an 
invitation from the Milwaukee & St. Paul railroad to visit Minne- 
apolis and St. Paul. Supplied with all the necessary accommodations 
for the trip, they heartily accepted the courtesy. 30 

When the band returned to Dodge City, the editor of the Kansas 
Cowboy heaped praise upon the members for "gentlemanly" conduct 
and their popularization of "the plains cowboy in the estimation of 
the eastern people." Stating that Dodge City should be proud of 
its band, he concluded his comment in his usual stirring and cam- 

25. Ibid., November 20, 1884. 

26. "Cattlemen's Excursion," Kansas Cowboy, December 6, 1884. 

27. Ibid., November 29, 1884. 

28. Ibid. 

29. Ibid., December 6, 1884. 

30. Ibid. 


paigning tone: "A town that can sustain such a popular organiza- 
tion needs a $60,000 hotel." 31 The Cowboy Band met in a council 
and adopted resolutions, "wherein they express their appreciation 
of the courtesies extended to them on their last trip to the great 
cattlemen's convention at St. Louis, and their subsequent journey to 
Chicago, St. Paul and Minneapolis, and points along the route." 32 

The next news of importance concerning the band appeared about 
two weeks before the second cattlemen's convention, held in St. 
Louis, November, 1885. The members were instructed to meet in 
Dodge City on November 10 to start immediate training for the con- 
vention. "The rehearsals will take place in one of the rooms of the 
upper story of Prof. Ly Brand's planing mill." 33 

Plans were elaborated and expanded this year. Although not too 
many details are given, a longer tour was evidently in view. En 
route to St. Louis, they presented a concert at the Grand Opera 
House in Topeka, which was attended by Governor Martin and other 
prominent officials. They also entertained in Kansas City and fol- 
lowing their engagement at St. Louis, they were scheduled to ap- 
pear "in other eastern places." 34 

In commenting on their appearance at the National Convention of 
Stockmen, the Kansas Cowboy said: "The boys were as popular and 
in as much demand as they were at the convention last year." 35 In 
St. Louis they played three evenings at the Crescent skating rink, 
"the toniest institution of the kind in St. Louis." 36 News of the 
Dodge City fire caused the cancellation of the plans to appear "in 
other eastern places," because many of the boys suffered heavy losses 
and were anxious to see what damage had been done. 37 

The matter of the authenticity of the members of the band came 
up again during the Kansas City exposition of 1887, and to settle the 
question they proposed to give an exhibition of their roping skill. 
Mr. Beeson, the manager, in speaking of the matter, said that every 
member of his band were old cowboys who had spent the past ten 
years in the West and on the ranch. Said he: "I have boys in my band 
who can throw a steer over a horse." 38 

31. Ibid. 

32. Ibid., December 13, 1884. 

33. Ibid., November 7, 1885. 

34. "The National Convention of Stockmen," ibid., December 5, 1885. 

35. Ibid. 

36. Ibid. 

37. "Fire at Dodge City," Rocky Mountain News, Denver, Colo., December 2, 1885. 
(The fire of November 28, 1885, was disastrous and "the loss was at least $30,000 or even 

38. Texas Live Stock Journal, Fort Forth, Tex., November 5, 1887, p. 10. 


The exposition was honored with a visit from President Cleveland, 
and the boys of the band, in their true Western generosity and en- 
thusiasm, collected $100 in order to present him with an original 
sombrero which they immediately ordered from Mexico City. Much 
to their chagrin, however, it did not arrive in time to be presented 
to the chief executive. 39 

In this same year the Cowboy Band was one of the chief attrac- 
tions at the fourth annual convention of the Consolidated Cattle 
Growers' Association of the United States in Kansas City, Mo. Ac- 
cording to a Rocky Mountain News item, the band had been present 
at every national cattle convention since it was organized. 40 

In his Dodge City, Wright mentions that the band visited Denver 
and Pueblo, Colo., in 1886; however, no evidence has been found in 
the newspapers to verify this statement. It is of interest that a con- 
tract was made with the Cowboy Band to appear in Denver during 
the great Colorado jubilee held in the last week of March, 1888, for 
a four-day engagement at the attractive remuneration of $450. 
They marched in the parade which opened the celebration and 
played at the promenade concert before the grand ball at the Tabor 
Opera House. The band, even though it received favorable notice 
and attracted attention, was overshadowed by the splendor and ex- 
citement of the jubilee. 41 

On February 24, 1889, they returned to Denver to present a con- 
cert at the Tabor Opera House. Twenty-five musicians, with Roy 
Drake as conductor, presented a program, composed of music and a 
quartet of colored male singers. The selections, "Last Heart Throb/' 
"British Night," "Intrepid," and "L'Espoir de T Alsace" overtures were 
particularly worthy of note. The proceeds of the concert were given 
to the Cowboy Club of Denver to be applied toward the expenses of 
the club on its trip to Washington, D. C., for the inauguration of 
President-elect Harrison. 42 The object of this trip was to advertise 
Colorado at the national capital, and the Denver club joined forces 
with the Cowboy Band of Dodge City for the expedition. 43 

On the morning after the concert in Denver, the band with their 
majesties, Rex and the Queen of the Pueblo Mardi Gras, left by train 

39. Ibid. 

40. "Kansas City Preparing for Cattle Convention," Rocky Mountain News, October 22, 

41. Denver Republican, March 15, 17, 29 and 30, 1888. 

42. "Cowboy Band Concert," ibid., February 25, 1889; "The New President," Pueblo 
(Colo.) Daily Chieftain, February 26, 1889. 

43. "The Cowboy Band," Denver Republican, February 24, 1889. 


for the latter city. En route they serenaded the people of Colorado 
Springs and arrived at their destination in good form. 44 

As a feature of the Pueblo Mardi Gras, the band contested with 
the First infantry band of Denver. 

. . . [It] was a gratifying treat to all who were within hearing distance. 
Martial music, passionate music, voluptuous music, music that quickened the 
spectators to spontaneous applause, music that thrilled them with the joy of 
living and music that held them spellbound in appreciative silence. Such was 
the contest. 45 

The Cowboy Band was victorious in the contest and was awarded 
a silver medal, presented by Rex after a very long-winded speech. 
The design of the medal, valued at $50 portrayed an elegant shield 
and crown surmounted by an eagle which was suspended from a 
massive bar. It was appropriately engraved: "'Rex, To His Royal 
Band/ and around the edge, 'Pueblo, Colorado/ " 46 

This most recent triumph was surpassed only by the following 
engagement. On February 27, on a special train of Pullmans on 
the Rock Island railroad, the combined forces of Cowboy Band and 
Cowboy Club, numbering about 100, departed for the presidential 
inauguration. 47 This joining of forces was clearly an advertising 
scheme on the part of Colorado and of Pueblo, as is very obvious 
in a speech given by Colonel Harvey at the Mineral Palace in that 
city. He said: 

. . . that the Cowboy band had gone to Washington with the kindest feel- 
ings toward Pueblo and that two of the agents of the advertising committee had 
accompanied them with instructions to paint the city red. That the band would 
make a tour of the eastern cities and would take the Pueblo men with them and 
permit them to make announcements at their concerts, to distribute dodgers and 
in every other way to give the Pittsburg of the West the benefit of the drawing 
abilities of the Cowboy band. 48 

On the trip eastward, the combined cowboy groups were inter- 
viewed in various places. In Chicago, O. W. Wilcox, the secretary 
of the Cowboy Club, said to an inquiring reporter: "Oh yes, we 
are genuine cowboys, every one of us/' 49 

A first hand account of the cowboy invasion of the national capital 
came from Thomas McGill, the advance agent of the groups, who 
reported that the cowboys were greeted with enthusiasm in the East 

44. "Pueblo Given Up to Mirth," ibid., February 26, 1889. 

45. "King Rex in Pueblo," ibid., February 27, 1889. 

46. Ibid.; Pueblo Daily Chieftain, February 27, 1889. 

47. "The New President," ibid., February 26, 1889; "Cowboys Off For East," Denver 
Republican, February 28, 1889. 

48. "Mineral Palace," Pueblo Daily Chieftain, March 1, 1889. 

49. "A Western Outfit," ibid., March 2, 1889; "Denver Cowboys En Route," Denver 
Republican, March 2, 1889. 


and that on inauguration day, the Cowboy Band and Cowboy Club, 
led by "Buffalo Bill" Cody and Buck Taylor, were the greatest attrac- 
tions of the parade. 50 The news items which appeared the day after 
the inauguration confirm this statement, and one from the Daily 
News of Trinidad, Colo., said: "It was an object lesson, illustrating 
things in the west, not often exhibited in that locality." 51 

Mr. McGill also informed his contemporaries that at all the sta- 
tion stops enormous crowds waited to greet them, and "with the 
exception of President Harrison's car no other car east of Indian- 
apolis received so much atteention." 52 

On the evening of March 3 the Cowboy Band presented a concert 
at the Bijou in the capital city where they were received with much 
enthusiasm and applause. They also serenaded the President at his 
Arlington Hotel headquarters during the inaugural ceremonies. 53 

The immediate plans of the cowboy contingent following the 
Washington trip are not fully known, although Mr. McGill does 
offer some information. He had made arrangements for concerts in 
Philadelphia, New York, Boston and other places; the members of 
the band, however, felt compelled to return to Dodge City to take 
care of business matters before embarking on such a tour. He does 
say that a group of "the boys left for New York. . . . Some of 
them have gone to New England," but he does not state whether 
these men were members of the club or the band or of both. How- 
ever, the band did give a concert at Pittsburgh before returning to 
Dodge City. 54 

The fitting and honorable gesture, in considering the accomplish- 
ments of the Cowboy Band, is to leave it here at the height of this 
latest triumph. The Dodge City Cowboy Band was one of the 
unique institutions of western Kansas. It began as a local enterprise 
which received its first support from some of the most prominent 
citizens of that city, and with its very colorful and attractive regalia, 
it caused comment wherever it appeared. That it was composed of 
skilled musicians is evident, for on every occasion the music played 
was of a high caliber. The numerous invitations and request per- 
formances endowed it with a national reputation. One of the dubi- 
ous questions about the band was whether or not the members were 
real cowboys. The bandsmen often answered the question in the 

50. "Cowboys Down East," ibid., March 11, 1889. 

51. Trinidad (Colo.) Daily News, March 6, 1889; "The Inaugural Parade," Denver 
Republican, March 5, 1889. 

52. "Cowboys Down East," ibid., March 11, 1889. 

53. Ibid. 

54. Ibid. 


affirmative, but Merritt Beeson reports that the band's personnel 
consisted of "musicians playing the little theaters and dance halls" 
in Dodge City, "and came from Denver, Kansas City, St. Louis and 
Chicago." 55 Presenting a type of fine entertainment, the nationally 
famous Cowboy Band brought more fame to the "Wickedest City 
in America" than did all the lures concocted to attract the weak- 
nesses of mankind. 

Many gaps appear in the chronology of the band's history, still 
a pattern has been developed which offers a fair understanding of 
the accomplishments and the entertainment value of this unique 
musical organization. A final newspaper item, swept with nostalgia 
and sadness, brings the story of the Cowboy Band to a close: 

Idaho Springs, Colo., June 4. (Special. ) The paraphenalia of the famous 
Dodge City Cowboy Band was unloaded here yesterday and will be used by 
the Idaho Springs Cowboy Band. . . . Jack Sinclair, the leader and man- 
ager of the original cowboy band has been engaged as manager, and the aggrega- 
tion will be heartily backed by the citizens of Idaho Springs. 56 

55. Letter from Beeson, October 24, 1950, to the Kansas State Historical Society. 

56. "Idaho Springs Cowboy Band Succeeds Old One," Denver Republican, June 5, 1905. 

History of the French-Speaking Settlement 
in the Cottonwood Valley 


OETTLEMENT of the French-speaking people in the Cottonwood 
^-J valley in central Kansas began during the territorial period. 
The greatest number came from France but there were many Bel- 
gians and a few Swiss who came later. They were all considered 
an integral part of the settlement, which was usually called the 
French Colony. It was unlike many of the foreign colonies in Kan- 
sas in that it was made up of individuals or family groups who ar- 
rived at intervals over a period of some 40 years, instead of being a 
mass immigration. 

From 1857, when the first Frenchman settled in the valley, the col- 
ony grew steadily until 1885 when there were over 60 families. 
They were confined largely to Cottonwood township in Chase 
county, Grant and Doyle townships and the town of Florence in 
Marion county. In addition, there were at various times several 
French families in Cottonwood Falls and Marion Centre who allied 
themselves closely with their countrymen near Florence. They vis- 
ited them often and attended all the Bastille day celebrations and 
other social gatherings. 

After 1885, few new families came to the settlement. The older 
residents died and the younger ones intermarried with persons of 
other nationalities. The colony lost its identity as a French-speak- 
ing community and for many years writers have referred to it as the 
"lost French colony." It is no more lost, however, than any of the 
many foreign settlements in Kansas. Descendants still live in the 
Cottonwood valley and the pioneers themselves rest in the ceme- 
teries near the lands they cultivated so many years ago. They spoke 
a strange language but they had no racial or religious beliefs which 
set them apart for any length of time. Most of them were good 
farmers, good neighbors, and they very easily adapted themselves to 
life on the Kansas frontier. 

In the autumn of 1857, Lievin Daems, Francis Bernard, Solomon 
Schultz and nine other men whose names are unknown located the 
town of Cottonwood City in what is now Chase county. Each man 
had 40 acres in the townsite. It was on the Cottonwood river near 
the mouth of French creek about two miles northeast of the present 

ALBERTA PANTLE is a member of the Library staff of the Kansas State Historical Society. 



town of Cedar Point. Daems and Bernard were Frenchmen, as was 
Michael Frachet, who established a trading post at this place. Cot- 
tonwood City was the terminus of the mail route from Cottonwood 
Falls, and a voting place June 7, 1859. l For some reason it did not 
flourish and eventually the townsite was absorbed into the surround- 
ing farms. 

As the years progressed, the center of the colony moved west into 
Marion county. The homes of the French and Belgian settlers bor- 
dered the banks of the Cottonwood river, Cedar creek to the south, 
and French, Brenot and Martin creeks to the north. The latter two 
were named for early French settlers. These are the only geo- 
graphical names of French origin in the vicinity, but there are two 
landmarks still standing on the banks of the Cottonwood that are 
reminiscent of the once flourishing colony. One is the former home 
of Francis Bernard, two miles east of Cedar Point, the other is the 
home of the Bichet family, three-quarters of a mile west of town. 
One is in ruins, the other is a beautiful farm home still in possession 
of a descendant of the original owner, Claude Francis Bichet. 

Francis Bernard, Claude Francis Bichet and later his son, Al- 
phonse, played important roles in the establishment of the colony 
and in the political development of the Cottonwood valley. In the 
early days disputes among the settlers were taken to one of the three 
men for arbitration. Consequently, few cases involving Frenchmen 
are found in the records of the county courts. All through the years 
their homes were open to new families arriving from Europe. Many 
times the immigrant found that he did not have enough money saved 
to buy a farm or establish a home immediately. Sometimes there 
was difficulty in locating a homestead or in getting a clear title to it. 
The Bernards or the Bichets were always ready to give a new arrival 
employment or to help him, in other ways, to get settled. 

Francis Bernard was born in Dijon, France, April 19, 1821. He 
was married on May 11, 1852, to his childhood sweetheart, Her- 
mance Senevay, and they came to America two years later. It was 
commonly believed in the French colony that Mr. Bernard had been 
forced to leave France because of difficulties over his political activi- 
ties. This could very well have been true. He was an impetuous 
man and an ardent Republican. He frequently told of his experiences 
while fighting in the streets of Paris during the days of the Second 
Republic and the restoration of the monarchy in 1852, so we know 

1. Chase County Historical Sketches (Emporia, 1940), v. 1, pp. 24, 25. 


he had taken an active part in the uprisings. By 1854, when the 
Bernards left France, nearly three million Frenchmen had been de- 
prived of their political rights and over one hundred thousand Re- 
publicans had been arrested under one pretext or another. Many 
had been banished from the country, while countless others had 
voluntarily exiled themselves to escape persecution and to find a 
place where personal liberty was assured. 

The Bernards lived for a short time in New York City, then went 
to Kankakee county, Illinois, where they farmed for about a year. 
In November, 1857, they came to Kansas territory and pre-empted 
160 acres of land along the Cottonwood river and Cedar creek east 
of the present town of Cedar Point. Francis Bernard planned when 
he came west to establish a French colony and brought with him a 
stock of goods for a trading post. The idea of the post was aban- 
doned, however, and he settled down to the life of a farmer and 

Within a short time, several Frenchmen had settled near by. Jo- 
seph and Charles Portry had come in October, just a month before 
the Bernards. Francis Godard and Louis Ravenet came in May, 
1858, the Bichet family came in August, 1858, and Alexander Louis, 
a Belgian, came in October of that year. 

The old Bernard home stands on the south bank of the Cotton- 
wood near the mouth of French creek. To reach the place today it 
is necessary to leave the highway and drive through a field, fording 
a creek which is a short distance from the house. The original log 
cabin, the home of the Bernards in the earliest days, is still standing 
and still sturdy. It is on the very bank of the river. The big house 
is in front of the cabin, a bit farther from the river. Part of the house 
has been torn down and moved out to the highway where it has been 
remodeled into a home for the present occupant of the farm. The 
rest of the house has fallen into decay. The huge fireplace built 
into the wall between the kitchen and dining room has been removed 
but the hearth is still there, and the long covered wood box beside it 
has not been disturbed. It is long enough to have been used for a 
bed and probably was a great many times. 

The barn is standing but rapidly deteriorating. There is enough 
of it left to tell that it was well built, with siding both inside and out. 
The yard in front of the house is a tangle of weeds, vines and bushes 
but here and there are the remnants of flower beds, and the road 
leading to the ford is lined with a profusion of trumpet vines. People 
who knew the place in the early days remember Mrs. Bernard's 
beautifully kept flowers and yard. 


Francis Bernard never returned to France, but Mrs. Bernard made 
several trips to visit her people, and relatives came out to visit them 
many times. Mr. Bernard became one of the most successful farmers 
and stockmen of Chase county. He was a stockholder and a director 
of the Chase County National Bank from its organization in 1882 un- 
til his death in 1910. 

Francis Bernard has been described as a large man with a boom- 
ing voice. One of his greatest pleasures was to sing the "Marseil- 
laise" at the Bastille day picnics. He was a generous man. Although 
the Bernards had no children of their own they liked young folks. 
They helped the children of many of their neighbors through school 
or gave them financial aid for other purposes. 

The Bernard home was the scene of many bountiful dinners 
cooked in true French fashion. Even after his wife's death, it was 
customary for Mr. Bernard to invite his French friends for Sunday or 
holiday meals. As late as 1909 the Florence Bulletin carried this 
news item: 

As usual F. Bernard of the East side entertained on Thanksgiving Day with 
a lavish hand. Besides those from a distance about thirty guests enjoyed his hos- 
pitality. Mr. Bernard is 88 years old but his heart is still young and his social 
entertainments on each recurrent Thanksgiving Day are always the admiration of 
his friends and neighbors. The guest who dines with Mr. Bernard always fares 
sumptously. 2 

Mrs. Bernard died in January, 1903, and was buried in the Cedar 
Point cemetery south of town. The following summer Mr. Bernard 
had a large stone erected at the site of her grave. The base of the 
monument is white granite and the shaft black granite, forming a 
pleasing contrast. It bears the following inscription: 

Hermance Senevay, wife of Francois Bernard, born in France, November 20, 
1833, died January 6, 1903. Came to America 1854, settled in Chase county, 
Kan., 1857. 

She was the first lady settler in this part of the country. Her death was re- 
gretted by her husband and friends. 

In the autumn of 1909, Mr. Bernard enjoyed a visit from Hippolite 
and Jacques Clair, his grandnephews from Paris. During their stay 
the papers carried many items about their activities. They visited 
friends of the Bernards in Osage City and Reading. On one occasion 
Mr. Bernard, in spite of his advanced age, took them to Cottonwood 
Falls to meet his friends there. The young men left Florence on De- 
cember 11 and were killed, two days later, in the wreck of a Pennsyl- 

2. Florence Bulletin, December 2, 1909. 


vania railroad train at Erie, Pa. 3 Their remains were returned to 
Cedar Point and interred in the cemetery there. 4 

Francis Bernard died October 24, 1910. Both he and his wife were 
buried from the Presbyterian church at Cedar Point although in the 
early days they had belonged to the Catholic church. His will is 
interesting. It begins as follows: 

I give to Cottonwood township the house, barn, corncrib and one acre of 
land on which they are situated in Section 33 of Township 20 of Range 6, 
commencing at the west line of the section just south of the little creek. 

I also give to the same township the S. E. quarter of Section 32 of Township 
20 of Range 6 east. I give the above mentioned land and improvements to Cot- 
tonwood township to rent or do that which will bring most profit and % profit to 
poor of township and % to the preacher of any denomination in said township so 
long as they believe in Christ. 

I also direct that the officers of said township send a man two days of each 
year to clear and clean my lots at the cemetery of Cedar Point, Kansas, and 
that every five years they will have the fences painted. 5 

Then followed bequests to friends and relatives. Several of the 
persons, to whom legacies were given, lived at Osage City. The rela- 
tives included Leon and Louise Berton of San Francisco, Cal., a 
niece, Clothilde Mes of Seine-et-Oise, France, and a nephew, Fran- 
cois Clair, of Paris. The latter died before the will had been pro- 


Claude Francis Bichet was born near Dijon, France, February 11, 
1812. At the age of 14 or 15 years he enlisted in the navy and served 
for 15 years. It was customary in the French navy at that time to 
teach each man some trade. Francis Bichet learned the trade of a 
"saboteer," in other words a wooden shoemaker. His pay while he 
was in the navy was one cent a day. 

It is not likely that he was married until after his discharge in 
1841. Between the time of his marriage to Sophia Jacques and 1858, 
the year in which he migrated to America, Francis Bichet worked for 
a farmer near his home for one dollar a week. After his day's work 

3. Ibid., December 16, 1909. 

4. Since the death of the Clair boys, relatives from France have kept a floral piece in 
the cemetery in memory of them. The present one is a wreath with a small statue of Christ 
in the center. It is encased in glass with a steel frame set in cement. 

5. Francis Bernard's will is on file in the office of the probate judge in the Chase county 
courthouse at Cottonwood Falls. 

6. Much of the material on the Bichet family was obtained from a sketch written by 
Fred A. Bichet of Florence, grandson of Claude Francis Bichet. It was originally written 
for the late Victor Murdock who planned to include the French colony in his series of his- 
torical sketches of Kansas then appearing in the Wichita Eagle. Mr. Murdock died before 
he had an opportunity to use the sketch and it was returned to Mr. Bichet. The writer of 
this article owes a debt of gratitude to Mr. and Mrs. Bichet, not only for this sketch, but also 
for their friendly interest and invaluable assistance given during the collecting of material 
for this story. 


in the fields he went home and made wooden shoes. When he had 
a wagon load he sold them in the near-by city of Strasburg. 

His fondest dream was to bring his family to America. Many 
times while he had been in the navy he had visited New Orleans, 
New York and other seaport cities in the United States, and he had 
made up his mind that he would return there to live. Finally he and 
his wife decided they had enough money for the trip and they left 
France on February 2, 1858. In the group were Claude Francis 
Bichet, his wife, Sophia, their only child, Alphonse, a lad of 12 years, 
Mrs. Rosalie Dumartinot and her eight-year-old son, Joseph. After 
five weeks in the steerage they arrived in New York. Here a French 
agent sent them on to St. Louis where they were to be further ad- 
vised about a place to settle. From St. Louis they were sent to St. 
Joseph, Mo. Upon their arrival they learned of the Chase county 

Mr. Bichet spent his last two hundred dollars on an old wagon and 
a span of oxen. They set out on the trail to central Kansas. The first 
night out one of their oxen wandered off or was stolen. They tried to 
find it but encountered so much difficulty in making themselves un- 
derstood that they decided to go on with the one remaining. Mr. 
Bichet tried to adjust the yoke but it hung down and choked the ox. 
The only solution was for someone to walk beside the ox and carry 
the other side of the yoke. Mr. and Mrs. Bichet took turns carrying 
it all the way to the present Bichet farm, a distance of 180 miles. 

Upon their arrival at the small French colony they found a large 
group of Cheyenne Indians camped on the land they wished to pre- 
empt. Contrary to their expectations, the Indians were friendly and, 
at times, even helpful. The Indians stayed on their land for nearly 
a year after they came, then moved west. 

Until 1862, the Bichets lived in a dugout on the banks of the river. 
Then they built a log cabin which is still a part of the present house 
on the place. Originally the cabin was covered with walnut siding 
cut on the farm. Alphonse Bichet, while not a carpenter by trade, 
must have been very handy with tools. The paneled doors and win- 
dow frames and the fireplace mantle and trim were attractively fin- 
ished and have endured all these years. 

In 1875, a two-story stone addition was built. Practically all the 
other buildings on the farm are of native stone. About 20 years ago, 
John Madden wrote that, "The farm house of native stone, at the end 
of a great drive of trees, is a memorial to the Bichet family." 7 Today 

7. Florence Bulletin, September 19, 1929. 


the house stands as sturdy and as beautiful as it was when it was 
built 75 years ago. The cottonwood trees planted by Claude Francis 
Bichet along the drive leading up to the house have grown to an 
enormous height. There is probably nowhere in Kansas such a long 
avenue of cottonwood trees so tall and straight. 

During the early days, the Bichet home, even when it consisted of 
one room with a loft overhead, was the first stopping place of many 
of the French people coming into the valley. This must have taxed 
their hospitality, but each newcomer found a cordial welcome at the 
Bichet place. 

As soon as he was old enough, Alphonse Bichet started "working 
out." His first job was at French Frank's ranch and trading post on 
the Santa Fe trail. For wages he received a bushel of corn meal 
each month. At the end of the month he carried the meal home 
where it was a very acceptable article of food. After Francis Laloge 
and Peter Martin sold the ranch, Alphonse worked at other jobs on 
the trail. He also did some government scouting. 

On March 18, 1875, Alphonse was married to Mary Stewart at the 
home of Mrs. Tamiet, the French milliner at Marion Centre. The 
big house was not built until later in the year, but he brought his 
bride home to live with his parents in the tiny cabin. Mary Stewart 
was Irish and she never learned to speak French. The elder Bichets 
did not know a word of English but the three soon learned to under- 
stand each other perfectly. 

In 1883, Alphonse Bichet decided to retire from farming. He 
moved into Florence, taking with him his parents and his own fam- 
ily, which now consisted of his wife, two daughters, Laura, born in 
1876, and Amelia, born in 1878, and his son, Fred A., born April 11, 

Claude Francis Bichet died January 18, 1886, at the age of 74 
years. Sophia, his wife, lived nearly 20 years longer. She died July 
9, 1905. 

After his father's death, Alphonse moved back to the farm for a 
few years. In August, 1887, he made a prospecting trip to Pueblo, 
Colo., and in September of the same year went to Las Vegas, N. M., 
with the idea of moving west if the country suited him. Several 
members of the French colony had gone to Trinidad, Colo., and Mr. 
Bichet had some business interests there. The Bichets did not leave 
Marion county until many years later. 

Alphonse Bichet was a progressive farmer. As early as 1881 he 
was experimenting with Clawson wheat. It proved to be a good 


producer in the Cottonwood valley and many of his neighbors 
bought their seed wheat from him. He was a Republican and took 
a prominent part in the political affairs of the county. He and T. P. 
Alexander 8 made many trips from Florence to the county seat to at- 
tend Republican committee meetings and rallies. In 1887, Mr. 
Bichet was a candidate for the office of county treasurer but was de- 
feated by J. W. Moore of Durham Park. He was a charter member 
of the Masonic lodge at Florence. As he grew older, Alphonse 
Bichet suffered greatly from rheumatism, the result of exposure in 
pioneer days. He and Mrs. Bichet began to spend the winters in a 
warmer climate. Sometimes they went to Texas, sometimes to Flor- 
ida where their son was living, and occasionally to California. In 
1923, they moved to San Diego, Gal., where Mr. Bichet died January 
27, 1929. He was brought back to Florence and buried beside his 
parents in Hillcrest cemetery on September 15 of that year. 

In an address at the memorial service, John Madden 9 paid tribute 
to his old friend. Among other remarks, he said: 

Alphonse Bichet was a man of superior build, very active and strong, a hand- 
some blond man. He was a welcome guest in the home of every settler, good- 
natured, kindly, very considerate of the needs and wants of his neighbors. He 
was loved by all. He was ready to face any danger that menaced the people of 
his little frontier. He was a general favorite of the young men of that period. 
They all knew he was ready to meet any emergency and to 'saddle and ride any 
hour of the day or night to protect the community from raiding bands of Indians, 
or lawless white men. ... He was to my mind a fine type of Frenchman. 
He embodied all of the finest characteristics of his nation. He could face hard- 
ships with courage, always having that abundant hope that would carry him over 
rough places. He was part of the soul of France, and one of the finest types of 
American citizens that it has been my good fortune to know. 10 

Mary Stewart Bichet died July 31, 1940, at her home in San Diego. 
She was 81 years of age. When the estate was being settled up 
after her death, Fred Bichet n bought his sisters' share of the farm 

8. Thomas P. Alexander was born in Eugene, Ind., August 26, 1840. He served in the 
Eleventh Indiana infantry during the Civil War. In May, 1871, he and his wife, the former 
Esther Stewart, came to Florence where he owned and operated a hardware store for many 
years. Mr. Alexander kept a diary from 1888 until the year of his death, 1913 It was 
published some years ago in the Florence Bulletin and is a valuable source of information on 
the people of Florence and vicinity. 

9. John Madden, a prominent lawyer and politician of the state, lived in Marion and 
Chase counties from 1865 until 1893 when he moved to Emporia. He studied law under 
the Hon. J. Ware Butterfield, of Florence, and was admitted to the bar of Kansas in 1878. 

10. Florence Bulletin, September 19, 1929. 

11. Fred Bichet, the only son of Alphonse and Mary Stewart Bichet, enlisted in the 40th 
Hospital corps, U. S. army, in September, 1899. After he came home from the Philippines 
he was on patrol duty on the Mexican border until September, 1902. While he was in 
service he had a broken leg, a sunstroke, and, as he expresses it, all the tropical diseases one 
man could carry off. Had it not been for this misfortune he might have settled on the old 
farm and become a farmer and stockman as his father and grandfather before him. Farm 
labor being out of the question he studied pharmacy. 

In September, 1905, he was married to Edna Van Way of Winneld. After his marriage 
he owned drugstores in several central Kansas towns. About 1907, they moved to Auburn- 


at Cedar Point. In attempting to clear the title, he found that the 
patent for the 40 acres in Chase county had never been recorded. 
It was necessary to get a copy of the original patent from Wash- 
ington before the land could be transferred. The fact that this 
farm has been in possession of one family continuously since 1858 
is an unusual record for land ownership in that part of Kansas. 


Louis Ravenet settled in what is now Doyle township of Marion 
county in May, 1858. He lived there for a number of years on his 
farm along the Cottonwood river west of Cedar Point. His name 
appears in the census reports up to 1870 and in records of land 
transactions for a year or two longer. John Madden, in an article 
on the French colony, says that Ravenet 

was a man of culture, wellborn, and like Victor Hugo an exile. The coup d'etat 
of Napoleon was distasteful to him so he found his way to Kansas. His old farm, 
joining the Bichet land on the west, had a setting of wood, valley and stream. 
The wood extended up to the steep escarpment of a rocky hill on the south side 
of the river and was one of the beauty spots in the Valley. The old log cabin is 
gone and so is the cultured gentleman who filled it with books and works of art. 12 

Louis Ravenet was long spoken of with an air of mystery. That 
his name was not really Ravenet and that he had returned to France 
to reclaim his estate when the Third Republic was established, was 
a favorite story when the Frenchmen of the valley got together to 
talk over early times. Mr. Madden did not believe that the name 
was assumed. He says rather that Louis Ravenet was "a gallant 
gentleman who bore the Raven in his family crest since the days 
of Rollo the Norman 'Chevalier sans peur, et sans reproche.' " 


John Brenot was another early settler about whom we know very 
little. There seems to be no record of the date of his settlement on 
the creek which still bears his name. One of his children, buried in 
the Cedar Point cemetery, died September 3, 1858, so he was living 
there at least that early. The Bruno creek bridge on Highway 50S is 

dale, Fla., where they lived for a number of years. In the 1920's they lived for several years 
in San Diego, Cal., where Mr. Bichet was general foreman of the operating department of the 
city. Florence, Kan., is now their home although they spend many of the winter months in 
the South. 

Their only son, Stewart A. Bichet, was born in Florence, December 14, 1906. He studied 
civil engineering at Heald College, Oakland, Cal. After graduation he worked with the 
U. S. engineers in the building of the Harvey locks at New Orleans, the Vermillion locks on 
the Intercoastal canal in Louisiana, and the Calcasieu river channel from Lake Charles, La., 
to the Gulf of Mexico. During World War II he supervised the construction of the air base 
to defend the Panama canal at Kingston, Jamaica. It was here he contracted the tropical 
disease which caused his death on February 23, 1948. He left his wife, the former Celeste 
Reynes, of New Orleans, and two children, Fred A., II, and Betty Ann. 

12. Chase County Historical Sketches (Emporia, 1940), v. 1, p. 91. 


practically on the Marion-Chase county line. John Brenot built his 
cabin a short distance up the creek in what is now Marion county. 
In 1860 this locality was designated as Marion township of Chase 
county. John Brenot and his wife were the only native French 
people living in the township in that year. 

The Brenots were the only settlers on the creek in 1861. They 
were not far from the small French settlement on the Cottonwood to 
the south but north and west of them there were no settlers for 
many miles and then only a few families at the present site of 

On January 10, 1861, snow fell to a depth of two feet and remained 
on the ground for a whole month. Because of the extreme cold and 
lack of forage, buffalo came into the valley by the hundreds. On 
January 20 a buffalo hunt was organized. C. C. Smith 13 and O. H. 
Drinkwater, 14 living near present Cedar Point, killed six of the ani- 
mals just north of the John Brenot farm. 

During the Civil War, John Brenot freighted for the government. 
In August, 1864, he was hauling corn to Fort Lyon. While he was 
encamped at Cow creek ranch, probably in present Rice county, the 
Indians attacked the train. His two teamsters, William Crammer 
and another man whose name is unknown, were out herding the 
oxen. They narrowly escaped death. William Crammer was badly 
wounded. The Indians killed 24 head of Brenot's oxen. He also lost 
a good pony which had been a gift to his wife from her father. 16 

John Brenot has been described as a short, dark man, restless and 
quick tempered. There were six children listed in the census of 1875 
and at least two had died. In 1879, they moved to Franklin county, 
perhaps to Silkville, although no record has been found. A year or 
two later they went to California where John Brenot died within a 
few years. Mrs. Brenot and some of the children came back to visit 
a time or two but no one has heard of the family for many years. 

13. C. C. Smith came to present Chase county, Kansas, in 1856 and settled in the 
Cottonwood valley near Cedar Point. He acquired considerable wealth as a farmer and 
stockman and at the time of his death, August 4, 1918, was said to have owned some 2,000 
acres of valley land. Ibid., pp. 391, 392. 

14. Orlo H. Drinkwater came from Pennsylvania to Kansas in 1855 and located near 
Topeka on land owned by Abram Burnett, chief of the Pottawatomie Indians. He took an 
active part in the Free-State movement. In the fall of 1857 he settled in the Cottonwood 
valley. In his diary, excerpts of which are printed in the Chase County Historical Sketches 

(Vol. 1) he says: "There were very few white settlers in the Cottonwood Valley at that 
time. It was government land but was the hunting grounds of the Kaws, Osages and other 
reservation Indians that lived farther east. The country was full of deer and antelope and 
wild turkeys, and sometimes buffaloes came into the Valley." O. H. Drinkwater laid off 
the town of Cedar Point and had a post office established on his farm in 1862. He built 
and operated the first mill at Cedar Point. He died October 8, 1912. Ibid., pp. 183-186. 

15. Emporia News, August 20, 1864. 



The only Belgian to settle permanently in the colony during the 
territorial period was Charles Alexander Louis. He was born in 
Brussels in December, 1828. In 1854, he came to the United States 
and lived in Wisconsin until October, 1858, when he came to Chase 
county. Alexander Louis and Eliza Jane Creamer were married at 
El Dorado, March 4, 1865. 

Mrs. Louis was born in Indiana, June 15, 1848. When she was 11, 
her parents moved to Missouri and a few years later removed to But- 
ler county, Kansas. The Louis' lived in Butler county for a short 
time, then moved to a farm on the Marion-Chase county line south of 
Cedar Point. In 1868, they took a claim three miles east and one 
mile north of Florence. This was their home for the remainder of 
their lives. Alexander Louis died February 17, 1907. Mrs. Louis 
died March 15, 1932. 

There was a large family, mostly boys. 16 Mrs. Louis was an in- 
valid for many years, so much of the responsibility of raising the 
family fell upon Mr. Louis. When the children were small he not 
only did his own work in the fields but had to do the housework, the 
cooking, canning, washing and caring for the family. 

During the period of the Civil War the colony did not grow. The 
Kansas state census for 1865 lists only eight French and Belgian 
families living in Doyle and Cotton wood townships. They were: 


Name Age Occupation Place of Birth 

Laloge, C. F. 31 Rancher France 

M. 28 Ohio 



16. Six of the Louis' sons, John, Alex., Charles, Emil, Ed and Fred settled near Florence, 
Rudolph lived in Barber county for many years. Mary E. Louis, the oldest daughter, married 
Robert Stewart, a nephew of Mrs. Alphonse Bichet. She died in Trinidad, Colo., in 1890. 
Jessie, the youngest daughter, married Ed Schroer and lived in Marion county. 

Martin, P. 
Louis, Alexander 


Brenot, J. 
J. M. 
C. F. 
Hallock, N. 
J. A. 
Bichet, F. 


41 Farmer 
34 Farmer 


34 Fanner 
66 Farmer 
53 Farmer 


Dumartinot, R. 43 France 

J. 13 France 

Bernard, F. 43 Farmer France 

H. 30 France 

Joseph and Charles Portry, Eugene and Rosanna Gurer, Francis 
Goddard and the Frachets, listed in the 1860 census, had left the 
community. Presumably Louis Ravenet was missed by the census 
enumerator because he lived on his farm in Doyle township until 
after 1870. Hallock is probably a misspelling of Hallotte. They 
were relatives of Mrs. Francis Laloge. A Joseph Hallotte married 
Lucinda Cramer in Chase county on November 15, 1866. A John 
Hallotte also lived in the valley in the early days. He was a govern- 
ment scout for many years. 


Francis Laloge and Peter Martin began farming in the Cotton- 
wood valley in 1864 or 1865. Their stories are interesting. Francis 
Laloge, with 15 other young men, left France June 10, 1857. They 
landed at New Orleans July 22. Francis took a partner, Peter Mar- 
tin, another young Frenchman who had probably come to America 
on the same ship. Both got jobs at a baker's shop and worked for 
a year. Then they went to Louisville, Ky., where they worked for 
another year. In July, 1859, they came to Kansas and Peter Martin 
got a job on the Santa Fe trail. Francis Laloge went on to Pike's 
Peak to dig for gold. He stayed there about a year, spent all his 
money and walked back to Kansas. 

After his return Laloge got a job at one of the stations on the 
Santa Fe trail. In 1861, he quit this job and started a trading post 
on a ranch at Cottonwood hole a few miles south and west of 
Moore's ranch at Cottonwood crossing. These two ranches, with 
a third owned by a man named Smith at Lost Springs, were the 
only ranches on the Santa Fe trail in what is now Marion county. 
The Laloge store was known as French Franks. Peter Martin again 
became his partner and together they ran the post for several years. 
Martin usually stayed at the ranch while Francis Laloge went west 
to trade with the Indians or east into Chase county to buy produce 
for the store. 

On one of these trips he met a young French girl, Mary Eugenie 
Hallotte, who had come from Ohio with her parents in 1860. On 
May 10, 1863, they were married at the home of J. Hallotte in the 
town of Cottonwood. 

17. Information on the Laloge family was obtained, in part, from sketches by Claude 
and Francis Laloge in the Chase County Historical Sketches, v. 1, pp. 266-269. 


The Laloges returned to the ranch on the trail to live. By this 
time the Indians on the frontier were becoming hostile. "French 
Frank" was accustomed to trading with them and had always found 
them friendly but the Indians who came to the trading post now 
were insolent and demanding. One day Satanta and some of his 
braves came in and threatened the lives of the traders. Laloge told 
them that if they did not leave he would blow up a keg of powder 
even though it meant death to all of them. The Indians left but he 
knew they would soon return and would not be so easily frightened 
again. In a short time he had a chance to sell the ranch and the 
Laloge family and Peter Martin moved to farms near Cedar Point. 

The Laloges bought a farm at the junction of Cedar and Coon 
creeks in 1869. This was their home for the remainder of their lives. 
Francis Laloge died there June 30, 1899, and Mary Hallotte Laloge 
died on February 14, 1911. 

Mr. Laloge was township treasurer for a number of years and 
served as county commissioner one or two terms. He took a promi- 
nent part in the various French societies that were organized through 
the years. 

There were five sons in the Laloge family: Joseph, Francis, 
Claude, Peter, and Louis who died in infancy. 

Peter Martin took a homestead on Cedar creek. On March 1, 
1868, he was married to Rosalie Dumartinot, a widow, who with her 
son, Joseph, had come to Kansas with the Bichets in 1858. Rosalie 
Martin died December 3, 1872. Soon after her death, Peter Martin 
left the community and no one now remembers where he went or 
whether he was ever heard from again. 

After the arrival of the Laloges and Martin, no more French peo- 
ple came into the valley until late in the 1860's. The Civil War 
stopped practically all foreign immigration. Also, conditions on the 
Kansas frontier were such that settlers from other states were not 
attracted to the area. 

Living conditions in the little settlement during the first few years 
were difficult. The nearest grist mill was at Emporia, some 60 miles 
distant. Supplies had to be hauled from there or from Council 
Grove which was only a few miles closer. After the Bichets built 
their house in 1862, they used blankets at the windows. Finally they 
decided to put in real window frames and panes. Alphonse was sent 
to Council Grove for them. He went with a neighbor, but after they 


got to the Grove, the neighbor decided to go on to Leavenworth with 
his team. The boy bought the windows and walked the entire dis- 
tance back home with them on his shoulders. His son, Fred A. 
Bichet, of Florence, still has these windows, although they have been 
replaced in the house itself. 

During drought years the buffalo came off the plains, foraging for 
food. Hay stacks had to be fenced against them so the farmers 
would have feed for their livestock. Except for the dry year of 1860, 
there were no crop failures because of lack of rain. The land in the 
Cottonwood valley is rich, fertile and well-watered. 

The Indians, comparatively friendly in territorial days, became a 
source of annoyance, if not an actual menace, during the Civil War 
and for several years afterwards. Francis Bernard, in later years, 
often told the story of one of his encounters with the Red men. 

One day five or six Indians came to his cabin and demanded to see 
his wife. Perhaps, because Mrs. Bernard was one of the few white 
women in that part of the country, they really wanted only to see her, 
but Mr. Bernard, fearing for her safety, could not be sure. He told 
them she was away from home for a visit. Barring the doors and 
windows of the tiny cabin, he had Mrs. Bernard crawl between the 
two feather mattresses on their bed and there she stayed for three 
days. The Indians waited outside, peering through the window at 
frequent intervals to see whether he had told them the truth. When 
it came time for him to eat his meals he ate at the edge of the bed 
so he could give Mrs. Bernard some of the food as the opportunity 

The French colony was on the fringe of settlement. O. H. Drink- 
water, one of the earliest settlers on the present townsite of Cedar 
Point, had a fortified building which was frequently referred to as 
Fort Drinkwater. Here the settlers gathered for protection when 
there was an Indian scare. On several occasions, when the reports 
were particularly alarming, they went on to Shafts, about ten miles 
above Cottonwood Falls. On July 20, 1864, Ed Miller, a young boy 
of Marion Centre, was sent to take a message to the E. P. Waterman 
family at Running Turkey ranch on the Santa Fe trail west of Cotton- 
wood crossing. 18 Ed stopped for a few minutes at French Frank's 
ranch. Alphonse Bichet who was working there at the time rode a 
mile or two with him then turned back to the ranch. He was the last 
person to see the boy alive. Three days later a searching party 

18. Marion Record, January 11, 1912. 


found his body near the present Marion-McPherson county line. He 
had been killed and scalped by the Indians. 

Until late in the fall of that year there were numerous Indian 
scares. The Emporia News reported on July 30, 1864: 

We have just recovered from one of those incidents of our present unsettled 
conditions, "a scare." It did not come from the Bushwhackers this time, but 
from the Indians on the plains. From the demonstrations at different times this 
summer from the Indians, it was easy to make the people believe that the reports 
were true. 

The direct cause of the alarm here was the following dispatch from Col. 
Smith, of the 8th militia, dated at Cottonwood Falls, on Sunday night, and ad- 
dressed to Col. A. J. Mitchell, of the Eleventh militia: 

"The reports are very alarming from the upper Cottonwood in regard to the 
Indians. The settlers have all left their homes, and are in camp at Shaft's, ten 
miles above here. Twenty-five men are killed as far as heard from. Every man 
in Chase, Butler and Marion will be in the saddle tonight. We expect you to 
help us, and that at once, as the case is one of urgency. Morris county militia 
will all be on the road tonight. Should you see fit to send a detachment, send 
up the Cottonwood to the crossing of the road, and there you will get informa- 
tion to control further action. Don't fail to help us, as there is great danger. 
The Indians are already on the head of Cottonwood. Gen. Wood is out of the 
District, and I think you are in command of the 5th District. W. S. SMITH, 

Col. 8th K. S.M." 

This distpatch arrived here about 2 o'clock Monday morning, and Col. 
Mitchell and Lieut Col. Bunch both being absent at Leavenworth, was sent to 
Major Abraham. He immediately called out the regiment, and at an early hour 
Monday morning was on his way, with nearly two hundred men, up the Cotton- 
wood. The forces consisted of parts of Co. A, under command of Lieut. Hum- 
phrey; Co. B, under Capt. Elliott; Co. C, under Capt. Campbell; Co. D, under 
Capt. Hill; and Co. H, under command of Lieut. Borton. Co. E, under Capt. 
Harper, and Co. F, under Capt. McGinnis, followed in the evening. Lieut. Wil- 
son, who is stationed here with part of Co. A, 15th Kas. Cav., also started early 
in the morning. In the meantime reports kept coming in of the frightful state of 
affairs. A lady came from Smoky Hill, stating that the Indians had commenced 
murdering the settlers in that region. Another report was that a large train was 
corralled between Cow Creek and the Arkansas, and were being starved out, and 
that the Santa Fe stage had been captured, and the Indians had possession of 
Fort Lamed, etc., etc. 

The command under Major Abraham proceeded to the Santa Fe crossing. 
They found a good many settlers at Shaft's, as stated by Col. Smith. Some had 
got over the scare and returned to their homes, while others were about to do so. 
The command arrived at the Cottonwood crossing Tuesday evening, at 6 o'clock. 
The Santa Fe stage had arrived a few minutes before and reported that they had 
seen no Indians between that and Fort Lamed. They had passed about 300 
militia from Chase and Morris counties, who had turned back. Major Abraham 
and Lieut. Wilson being unable to hear any news that would warrant them in 
going on, and the former having no provisions, they turned back, and arrived 
home Thursday about noon. 


It seems there was some grounds for these rumors. The Indians had run off 
all the horses and mules at all the ranches and stations between the Cottonwood 
crossing and Pawnee Fork, and several persons have been killed. A band of 
Indians was seen several miles below the Cottonwood crossing of the Santa Fe 
road, and it is supposed they were scouts, and when they saw the demonstrations 
on the part of the people and military authorities, reported to the main body, 
when the trains were released and the red-skins scattered. There is no doubt 
but that the plains in that direction are full of Indians, and they must be watched 
very closely to prevent great mischief. Great credit is due the militia for the 
promptness with which they turned out, and the determination which they 
evinced to meet the Indians and drive them back had they really invaded the 
settlements. This demonstration on their part shows they are ready to defend 
their homes. 

On September 10, 1864, the Emporia News reported, "We are in- 
formed that the settlers in Marion county, west of here some sixty 
miles, are leaving their homes and coming this way for protection." 
The settlers around Cedar Point again assembled at "Fort Drink- 
water" and from there went to Cottonwood Falls. 

This is the last recorded evidence of Indian trouble in the Cotton - 
wood valley. For several years, however, marauding bands of In- 
dians came at night and stole cattle and horses. The Indian depre- 
dation claims, on file in the U. S. office of Indian affairs, list the 
names of many of the Cedar Point farmers. Alexander Louis and Al- 
phonse Bichet were among those of the French colony who filed 
claims for stolen or damaged property. Some of these claims were 
disallowed but some were paid by the Federal government as late 
as 1898. 

In one raid in 1867, a large number of horses were stolen from the 
valley by the Keechie ( or Kichai ) Indians. Alphonse Bichet, O. H. 
Drinkwater and several others, whose horses were taken, followed 
the trail and found their horses near the present site of Wichita. They 
were able to recover nearly all of them. Stories of the recovery have 
become legend. One version is that the men found another tribe 
camped near the Keechies, approaching these Indians they offered 
$5 for every horse returned to them. That night the camp of the 
Keechies was raided and practically all of the stolen horses were de- 
livered to the Cedar Point men. 


Louis E. Berton, the son of Francois Claude and Jeanne Marie 
(Bajard) Berton, was born in Paris, France, June 6, 1852. When 
he was 17 years of age, he came to America to visit his uncle Francis 
Bernard. A few years later he returned to France to bring his 


mother to this country. In 1880, they were living on a farm in 
Cottonwood township, Chase county. On March 10, 1881, he was 
married to Marie Leonie Marcelot, the daughter of a French farmer 
living near by. 

Mrs. Berton, the mother of Louis E. Berton, died September 2, 
1882, and was buried in the Cedar Point cemetery. Some time later 
Louis E. Berton and his wife moved to California. Mrs. Berton's 
father, Paul Marcelot, and his two children, Melanie and Henry, 
went with them. 

Paul Marcelot had come to this country from the Department 
de L'Yonne, Ville de Vezelay, France. His wife died during the 
voyage to America and was buried at sea. Arriving in New York 
with his three motherless children, he set out to bring them to 
central Kansas. He bought a farm in Doyle township and farmed 
there until 1882 when he went to California with the Bertons. Paul 
Marcelot later went to Panama to work for the French company 
which was then attempting to build a canal across the Isthmus. He 
died there August 5, 1887. 

Marie Leonie Berton died in Napa county, California, September 
2, 1887, and her sister a year later. Both died of tuberculosis. 
Henry Marcelot, their brother, died of the same disease many years 

Louis E. Berton died in San Francisco, February 19, 1902. His 
children, Leon and Louise, are the last descendants of the two 
French families, Berton and Marcelot, who once lived in Kansas. 
They live in San Francisco at the present time. 19 

Other names in the French colony in 1870 were: Rassat, Teuta, 
de Pardonnet, Fortuna, Marcou, Stiker and Ferlet. Jack Teuta was 
the only one of this group who lived in the neighborhood for the 
remainder of his life. 

Frank Rassat and his wife, Josephine, and the Stikers lived there 
for some 15 or 20 years. We know nothing more of Jacques For- 
tuna. The Ferlets, Stephen Marcou, George de Pardonnet and 
Frederick Teuta soon left but all had interesting histories. 


August Ferlet was born in Burgundy, France, in 1831. He mar- 
ried Rosa Garcon in Paris in 1858 and they lived in LeRoi, France, 
for four years. In 1862, they came to America, landing at New 
Orleans. Their first home in the United States was at Farmington, 

19. Information on the Berton and Marcelot families was furnished by Louise Berton in 
a letter dated, San Francisco, Cal., October 7, 1949. 


Wis. In 1870, they came to Kansas and homesteaded a farm north 
of Cedar Point. 

In 1873, August Ferlet was sued by Stephen Marcou for possession 
of a heifer which Ferlet thought Marcou had given him nearly 
three years before. Marcou denied the gift and thus started one 
of the most unusual lawsuits Chase county has ever had. The case 
was tried before one court and then another until finally one jury 
found in favor of Ferlet, and some $150 in costs were assessed 
against Marcou. Marcou appealed the case to the district court. 

Col. S. N. Wood and Father Perrier, of the Catholic church, 
worked on the case and finally solved it in this fashion: 

All the suits are dismissed, Marcou paying half the costs $166.77 

Ferlet keeps the heifer and donates to the Catholic church at Cedar 

Point 20.00 

Pays half the costs 166.77 

His own attorney fees 100.00 

Total $453.5420 

The account in the paper goes on to say that "the heifer was sold 
last week for $16.00 on six months credit." The costs in the case 
would have been considerably more if Stephen Marcou had not 
acted as his own attorney. 

By the time the case was .settled, August Ferlet was ready to 
leave the country. Having received an offer to teach French in a 
college at Staunton, Va., he rented his farm and left, with his 
family, for that place in May, 1873. 

Just two years later, the Ferlets returned to Chase county and 
settled in Cottonwood Falls. On May 16, 1875, they purchased 
the Falls House, one of the early-day hotels in that town. The 
Falls House was remodeled and enlarged, apparently with the idea 
of attracting the drummer trade. The first floor contained an 
office, a sample room and a sitting room. The second floor had 
bedrooms and a parlor. The hotel, renamed the Union Hotel, 
proved to be one of the most popular stopping places for travelers 
in central Kansas. The Florence Tribune for January 3, 1885, says 
that "A. Ferlet ... is one of the most genial hosts in our 
knowledge. He has held his custom through times of misfortune 
as well as in seasons of plenty, and the steady increase in his travel- 
ling custom is the best testimony of his agreeable accommodations/' 

One of the early employees at the Union House was James E. 
Hurley. He came to Cottonwood Falls in 1875 looking for a job. 

20. Chase County Leader, Cottonwood Falls, May 9, 1873. 


August Ferlet hired him but before he began work Mrs. Ferlet 
took the half -starved boy to the kitchen and fed him. At first Jim 
Hurley did odd jobs around the hotel. One of his first jobs was to 
get two of Mrs. Ferlet's chickens out of a well. After working for 
hours to get them out they hit upon the idea of lowering one of 
the Ferlet boys down in one of the well buckets. He rescued the 
chickens and carried them to safety. 

The Ferlets found Jim Hurley dependable and agreeable. He 
soon advanced to driver of the Union Hotel bus. After a few 
months, during which Hurley won many friends for himself and 
the hotel, he quit his job and became baggage man at the Santa 
Fe station. This was the beginning of his career as a railroad 
man which was to lead to the general managership of the Atchison, 
Topeka and Santa Fe Railway Company. 

August and Rosa Ferlet took some months off for visiting and 
sightseeing in 1893 but they came back to run the hotel until Au- 
gust's death, May 2, 1899. Mrs. Ferlet died on August 30, 1917. 
They had four children. 21 


We do not know when Stephen G. Marcou settled in the Cotton- 
wood valley. He was living in Doyle township with his mother, 
Constance, in 1870. He was then 31 years of age. 

Of his activities in the valley, we know little except for his part 
in the lawsuit with August Ferlet which has already been described. 
On May 24, 1871, he wrote a letter to Governor Harvey saying that 
he had called at his office that day and, finding the governor away, 
had left letters from A. A. Moore of Marion Centre, and O. H. 
Drinkwater of Cedar Point. 22 

21. The Ferlets children were: Anatole, Leopold, Edward R. and Rosalene. Anatole or 
"Tony," as he was always called, learned the printer's trade under W. A. Morgan, editor of 
the Chase County Leader. He left Cottonwood Falls at an early date and, after working in 
St. Louis for a few years, went to San Antonio, Tex., where he established a job printing es- 
tablishment. He was so successful his brother, Leo, joined him in the business. Later they 
moved their printery to El Paso. 

Tony Ferlet was killed many years ago in an accident caused by a runaway team. His 
brother continued the business. Leo Ferlet was a charter member of the El Paso Rotary Club. 
When the club celebrated its quarter-century anniversary some years ago he was given a 
silver plaque for having a perfect attendance for the entire 25 years. 

Edward R. Ferlet farmed in Greenwood county after he left home. In 1900, he returned 
to Cottonwood Falls and operated a hardware store. Six years later he again left and even- 
tually settled in Kansas City, Mo., where he was engaged in the real estate business for 
many years. 

Rosalene Ferlet, the only one of the children born in Cottonwood Falls, took a secretarial 
course when she finished high school. She worked in Topeka for several years. Just before 
World War I she took a trip to France. After the war she secured a secretarial position with 
Anne Morgan in her rehabilitation work in France. When that job was ended she stayed on 
in Paris with some of her mother's people. She was working for the Adams Express Company 
when she died, quite unexpectedly, in 1929. She was buried in Paris. 

22. The Marcou correspondence is on file in the Archives division of the Kansas State 
Historical Society. 


Marcou further stated that he was on his way to France to lecture 
in the principal cities on the subject of Kansas and her opportunities 
with the object of inducing the immigration of French people to the 
state. He asked the governor to write to President Grant asking 
for a letter of recommendation to Elihu Washburne, then United 
States minister to France. Marcou was on his way east and he asked 
the governor to address his reply in care of F. I. Doremus, Chatham, 
Morris county, N. J. 

We have no record of Governor Harvey's reply but he must 
have been agreeable to the project because, on June 5, 1871, 
Stephen G. Marcou was appointed Kansas emigration agent to 

If Mr. Marcou went to France at this time, he did not stay long. 
On September 25, 1871, the Marion County Record reprinted an 
item from the Poughkeepsie ( N. Y. ) Daily Press to the effect that 
Stephen G. Marcou, a resident of southwestern Kansas, delivered 
an address from the city hall steps to the working men of the city 
urging them to "go west." Marcou's whereabouts for the next few 
months are unknown, however, so he may not have gone abroad 
until after he was in Poughkeepsie. 

How successful Marcou's lectures were in inducing Frenchmen 
to migrate to Kansas is not known. In 1873, a French family settled 
in Marion Centre and the Marion County Record says that they 
came as a result of Mr. Marcou's recommendation. 

In the summer of 1873, Marcou took up his residence in Marion 
Centre. He was not destined to remain long but there is little doubt 
that he was one of the most enterprising men who ever lived there. 

First, he set himself up as an attorney. He offered his professional 
services free to anyone who was unable to pay. Every court docket 
listed several cases in which Marcou represented one side or the 
other. Several times he acted as his own attorney as he had done 
in the Marcou-Ferlet case. On some occasions he defended his 
fellow countryman, John Brenot, whom he always referred to as 
"My friend, John Brenot." 

One would suspect that Marcou went out of his way to create 
situations out of which lawsuits might arise. One time John Brenot 
was arrested for a minor infraction of the law. There seemed to be 
no easy way to get him out of his difficulties. A few days later 
the sheriff, Samuel Howe, was sued for false arrest and imprison- 
ment. Marcou had discovered that no bond had been filed for the 
sheriff for that term of office. The matter was referred to the 


governor who, after consulting with the attorney general, advised 
Mr. Howe to resign. He was thereupon reappointed by the gov- 
ernor and a proper bond posted. In the meantime the charges 
against Brenot had been dropped. 

Marcou was a brilliant and clever lawyer but his tactics were of- 
tentimes the despair of the other lawyers practicing in Marion Cen- 
tre at that time. E. W. Hoch, in the Marion County Record for De- 
cember 29, 1876, repeated this courtroom incident: 

Marcou was opposed by A. E. Case, 23 then a practicing attorney, now cashier 
of the Cotton wood Valley Bank, and his partner, S. R. Peters, 24 now judge of the 
District. Mr. Case, in his quaint way, dryly expressed the belief, that if Marcou 
should die and go below, he would get up a row and be expelled from old Nick's 
domains within a week. The ready-witted Frenchman quickly retorted, that if 
Case should go there, the devil would do as Mr. Peters had done go into part- 
nership with him. 

Mr. Hoch added that the joke had never been published before 
and if any newspapers wished to copy it they should do so at once 
for he had an idea Mr. Case would make a desperate effort to sup- 
press it. 

Not content with his law practice, Marcou opened a real estate 
office. He ran large advertisements in the Marion County Record 
and the Chase County Leader. He advertised land in Chase and 
Marion county and town lots in Marion, Florence and Cedar Point. 
For several weeks he ran his advertisement in English, German and 
French. Apparently he advertised well because in one week he re- 
ceived 47 letters of inquiry about property he had for sale. 

In October, 1873, Marcou set up a sales agency. Included in his 
advertisement in the Record for November 22, 1873, were one yoke 
of No. 1 Texas work cattle, one threshing machine, four thousand 
fence posts. On January 10, 1874, the paper reported that S. G. Mar- 
cou has contracted for space for his sales agency and added, "His 
sales agency has already become a permanent institution . . . 
and that in connection with his land and law business would swamp 
almost any other man." 

23. Alexander E. Case was born at Canton, Bradford county, Pa., October 1, 1838, the 
son of Ephraim and Mary (Bothwell) Case. He served in the Union army from 1861 to 
1865. In 1866 he came to Marion Centre which at that time consisted of 13 log shanties. 
Mr. Case became the first county surveyor and in 1869 platted the present townsite of 
Marion Centre. He was admitted to the bar and served for a time as county attorney of 
Marion county. In the early 1870's he was appointed Santa Fe land agent and was instru- 
mental in settling many Mennonite groups in that section of Kansas. 

On December 12, 1868, he was married to Mary Moulton. She died in 1880 leaving two 
sons, Rosse and Frank. On June 25, 1884, he was married to Maria H. Wooster. He died 
January 3, 1929. Marion Record, January 10, 1929. 

24. Samuel Ritter Peters located in Marion Centre in 1873 and practiced law there for 
a short time. In 1876 he was judge of the ninth judicial district. He was prominent 
politically in Kansas for many years. 









Pictures courtesy of Fred A. Bichet 
of Florence. 



Mr. Marcou evidently was not "swamped" because he found time 
to make speeches and write lengthy letters for publication in the 
local papers. He also found time to compile and publish a 15-page 
pamphlet entitled Homes for the Homeless. A Description of Mar- 
ion Co., Kansas, and the Cottonwood Valley, the Garden of the State. 
It was printed in the offices of the Marion County Record. 25 

His speeches were, for the most part, made for the benefit of the 
Catholics in Marion Centre and vicinity. They were attempting at 
this time to organize and build a church in Marion Centre. On Janu- 
ary 3, 1874, the paper reported that there had been a meeting of the 
Catholics to discuss the problems of erecting a church building. Ad- 
dresses were made by Messrs. Marcou, Brenot, etc. A Marion Cen- 
tre Catholic Church Association was formed with a capital stock of 
$1,000. Trustees for the first year were Jno. M. Henn, Chas. Verling 
and S. G. Marcou. A contract was let for the building and some time 
later a small frame building was erected. 

Marcou's pet dream for Marion Centre was to have sidewalks in 
the business district. Some of the merchants had built walks in front 
of their stores but they were not uniform in height or width and the 
spaces in between were muddy when it rained. The only way to 
have proper sidewalks was to have the town incorporated. Marcou 
began talking and writing incorporation. When the rains came he 
donned seven-foot stilts and walked about the town on them to tan- 
talize the opponents of his incorporation scheme. He apparently 
talked sidewalks everywhere he went, because on February 20, 1874, 
the Chase County Leader had this to say: 

S. G. Marcou, formerly of this county but now of Marion Centre, came near 
losing his life by drowning, one day last week. While crossing Main street, in 
that town, he stepped into a mudhole, the bottom of which had fallen out, and 
but for the providential proximity of some logs, which were shoved out to him, 
he would now be in that bourn from which no lawyer was ever known to return. 

Things were not going too well with Mr. Marcou. In March, he 
intimated that he was having trouble with what he called the "Mar- 
ion Centre ring." His advertisements ceased to appear in May and 
the Chase County Leader for the 22, carried this item: "S. G. Mar- 
cou, the erratic, has left Marion Centre and gone to Colorado. Some 
time ago he said he would bust the ring in the Centre or get busted, 
and from the unceremonious manner of his leaving we suppose the 
latter event happened." 

25. A copy of the pamphlet is in the Library of the Kansas State Historical Society. 


Thus Marion Centre lost one of her most colorful citizens. Ste- 
phen Marcou dressed in the height of fashion, it is said, and was al- 
ways immaculately groomed. He drove a "spanking pair" of horses 
hitched to an elegant buggy but he lived in a dugout on the banks of 
Mud creek. He had dreams of making Marion Centre over into a 
charming village such as those he remembered in France. He was 
eccentric and, at times, unethical, but he must have been sincere else 
he would not have put forth so much effort to attain his ideals. 

So far as it is known he was never heard of again except on one 
occasion. In 1876, A. A. ( Lank ) Moore wrote that he had "recently 
seen Stephen Marcou, ex-realestate man from your town. I saw him 
on the summit of the highest mountain on the Pacific slope, headed 
west, and looking hearty and fine." 


George de Pardonnet lived in the Cotton wood valley seven years, 
probably from about 1867 to 1872. Governor Harvey appointed 
him special immigration agent in Europe for Kansas in 1872. At the 
same time he was to act as agent for the Missouri, Kansas and Texas 
Railroad Company which was attempting, as were the other rail- 
roads in Kansas, to induce foreign residents to come to Kansas to 
settle on their lands. 

The appointment was made by the governor with the under- 
standing, on de Pardonnet's part at least, that the Kansas legislature 
would follow up the appointment with an appropriation to finance 
the project. For some reason the legislature did not co-operate. 

George de Pardonnet went to Europe confident that the appro- 
priation would be forthcoming. He established an elaborate office 
at 2 Rue d' Amsterdam in Paris. On June 9, 1874, he wrote Gov- 
ernor Osborn: 

. . . The results I have obtained during the last fortnight are excellent. I 
shall send off a lot of French emigrants on the 10th and 15th of this month and 
every day for the last month I have been sending off one or two families regu- 
larly for Kansas, nearly all of them with sufficient means to start at once, and 
many good and intelligent workmen. 

For the end of the month I have a large quantity of German and Swiss emi- 
grants whom I engaged at Basle and a certain quantity of Alsacian-Lorraine and 
Belgians who will leave by Antwerp. 26 

He also wrote that he had started, at his own expense, a special 
agency at Antwerp exclusively for the State of Kansas. His assist- 
ant at this agency was his youngest brother-in-law, Frederick 

26. The de Pardonnet correspondence with the governor is on file in the Archives divi- 
sion of the Kansas State Historical Society. 


Teuty, who had been with him when he lived on his farm in the 
Cottonwood valley. 

De Pardonnet had spent, so he wrote, several thousand dollars 
of his own and, in addition, part of Madame de Pardonnet's fortune. 
The only help he was getting from Kansas was $225 a month from 
the M. K. & T. "irregularly payed." 

In a letter to Governor Osborn dated August 1, de Pardonnet 
complained that 

certain French residents of Topeka 27 who have a long time entertained a deep 
hatred for me have said, written and had published in New York and Europe, 
that I was not Special Immigration Agent in Europe for the State of Kansas 
. . . in spite of my three commissions, the first signed by your predecessor, 
Hon. J. M. Harvey, who knows me well and the last by yourself 15 February, 
1873; 9 February, 1874. 

As a result of these articles de Pardonnet had been called in by 
a French government official and asked to explain his position. 
This he had been able to do satisfactorily. 

In spite of these difficulties, de Pardonnet still expected to con- 
tinue his work. He had by then expended $6,000 of his own money 
and established agencies in France, Switzerland, Belgium and Italy. 

He had caused to be printed "thousands and in many languages" 
pamphlets, views and cards upon Kansas. One of these pamphlets 
is in the collection of the Kansas State Historical Society. 

Within a week after this letter was written, on September 7, 1874, 
Governor Osborn revoked de Pardonnet's commission. A certified 
copy of the revocation of the commission was sent to Hamilton 
Fish, Secretary of State of the United States, asking him to forward 
it to the proper authorities in France. 

Secretary Fish replied that, in view of the fact that de Pardonnet 
was not an officer of the government of the United States, it was not 
within its province or that of any of the agents of the United States 
in France to communicate the revocation to any authorities in 
France. In an unofficial and private letter he explained that some 
European countries, especially Germany and France, had shown 
a repugnance to agencies from the United States or elsewhere pro- 
moting or soliciting emigration from their areas. On several oc- 
casions agents had been arrested and forced to leave the country. 

27. The letters referred to by de Pardonnet were signed by M. A. Campdoras and Louis 
Laurent. They claimed that he was sending numerous indigent Frenchmen to Topeka with 
the promise that they would be provided for by the French people of Kansas. We do 
not know how many came or what became of them. De Pardonnet does not mention Dr. 
Campdoras in his letters but says that Laurent's actions were prompted by personal hatred for 


George de Pardonnet and several of his friends wrote Governor 
Osborn asking him to reconsider the revocation of the commission. 
S. Lang, 28 a French businessman of Leavenworth, wrote a lengthy 
letter to the governor on November 12, 1874. He praised the work 
of M. de Pardonnet and lamented the fact that so much zeal and 
arduous labor in behalf of the state of Kansas should have been so 
poorly rewarded. He named a number of prominent men, includ- 
ing the Hon. Mr. Stover, J. W. Simcock, Dr. A. J. Beach and Judge 
Huffaker, who stood ready to vouch for de Pardonnet. The entire 
French population of Leavenworth, Mr. Lang wrote, backed him in 
his support of the former agent. 

There is nothing in the governor's correspondence to indicate 
that any of these letters were ever answered. On May 30, 1875, 
Dr. A. J. Beach, of Council Grove, wrote Governor Osborn asking 
that a statement be made as to the reason for de Pardonnet's dis- 
missal. The governor replied, "The action of this office was based 
upon the fact that there is in existence no statute authorizing such 
a commission. Charges of a serious character were preferred 
against M. de Pardonnet but for the reason above stated the com- 
mission was revoked." 

So far as we can determine, George de Pardonnet did not return 
to Kansas to live. There is no record of the number of immigrants 
he induced to come to Kansas. Several new families came to the 
Cottonwood valley in the early 1870's and some of them may have 
been influenced by his advertising. The Missouri-Kansas-Texas 
Railroad Company has no record of the activities of M. de Par- 
donnet as land commissioner and immigration agent of the com- 
pany nor do they believe that there was any substantial coloniza- 
tion of French people on their lands in Kansas. Many records of 
the company's predecessor, the Missouri, Kansas & Texas Railway 
Company, were destroyed when the station and office building at 
Parsons burned many years ago. 29 

28. Sylvain Lang was bom in Nantes, France, in 1837. He came to America in 1857 
and lived for a year at Louisville, Ky. He went back to France and served his required 
time in the army then, in 1863, he came to the United States and settled in Leavenworth. 
He was engaged in the wine and liquor business for a number of years. He took a very 
active part in organizing French residents of this section into societies. In 1886 he succeeded 
in uniting the French societies of the United States into a national organization and served 
as president for three years. In recognition of his services Mr. Lang was appointed French 
vice-consul of Jackson county and the state of Kansas. He served in this capacity until 
his death April 12, 1900. Sylvain Lang was a frequent visitor in Florence. Emil Brus, also 
well known to members of the French colony, was appointed vice-consul to succeed Mr. 
Lang. Kansas City Times, April 13, 1900. 

29. This information was furnished by N. A. Phillips, secretary of the Missouri-Kansas- 
Texas Railroad Company, in a letter dated November 23, 1949. 


Miss Nell Blythe Waldron, in her thesis, "Colonization in Kansas 
From 1861 to 1890," says that Kansas gained not more than 50 
permanent settlers and that the project failed, 

not because the French did not want to emigrate nor because Kansas could not 
receive them but because the wrong man was sent as agent. Pardonnet was of 
the aristocracy and the French Republicans who were in Kansas resented his 
dealings with the humble folk to whom he undoubtedly misrepresented condi- 
tions in Kansas. 


Gustave Gaze and his sister, Leonie, settled in Doyle township 
in 1875. He was then 22 years of age and his sister about three 
years older. He filed his intentions to become a citizen at Marion 
Centre on December 15, 1875, and received his final papers April 
29, 1881. Shortly before the latter date Gustave Gaze made a 
trip to France. It was rumored in Florence that he had been taken 
into the army but the report was untrue. 

On May 8, 1884, he was married to Mme. Ernestine Ayral, the 
widow of Francis Ayral. The Ayrals had come to Kansas some 
years previously but Francis Ayral had returned to France in 1883 
because of ill health and died there. Gustave Gaze took his bride 
to France for their wedding trip. They spent two months visiting 
friends and relatives, returning to Florence early in August. 

For several years before his marriage, Mr. Gaze had been associ- 
ated in business with his brother-in-law, Emile Firmin. Mrs. Firmin 
was a sister to Gustave and Leonie Gaze. 

Emile Firmin was born on October 11, 1846, in Ispagnac, depart- 
ment of Lozere, France. He was the son of Firmin Firmin and his 
wife, Marguerite Sophie Bouncil. From the age of 11 until he was 
18, Emile Firmin attended the college at Mende, France, near his 
home. In 1870, he was graduated from the Paris law school. Dur- 
ing the Franco-Prussian war he served as a lieutenant in General 
Bourbaki's division in eastern France. After the war he returned to 
his native department and served for five years as notary of the town 
of Chanac. In France, a notary is of much greater importance than 
in any other country. He not only acts as witness in the signing of 
documents but draws up all contracts, mortgages and other deeds 
and conveyances where the property in question amounts to more 
than 150 francs. In 1875, Emile Firmin's attention was attracted to 
Kansas by a pamphlet published in France, probably the one written 
by George de Pardonnet. Six years later, he and his wife joined their 
relatives near Florence. 


Both Emile Firmin and Gustave Gaze had considerable means and 
they were shrewd businessmen. They soon became important fac- 
tors in the political and economic affairs of Florence and vicinity. 

For many years the large tract of land east and north of the river 
and south of the present Highway 508 was owned by Firmin and 
Gaze. As the town expanded, part of this tract adjoining the river 
was subdivided into lots. After it was incorporated into the city, it 
was known as Firmin & Gaze's addition. They owned other land 
around Cedar Point and Florence and considerable land in western 

In July,, 1883, Messrs. Gaze, Firmin and Ayral completed arrange- 
ments for the construction of an opera house in Florence. The con- 
tract was let to J. M. Anderson of Emporia. The estimated cost of 
the building was between $14,000 and $15,000 and was to be com- 
pleted by January, 1884. It was to stand on the southwest corner of 
Main and Fifth streets and to be three stories in height. The first 
floor was designed for a store building to be occupied by Tucker & 
Chandler's Dry Goods Company. The second floor front was to be 
used as offices. The third floor front was to be fitted up for stage 
dressing rooms while the balance of the building above the first floor 
was to constitute the main gallery of the opera house which would 
seat over eight hundred persons. The front of the building was to 
have iron columns and French plate glass for the first story and 
above that "modern improvements" and galvanized iron cornices. 
The Florence Herald for July 21, 1883, in the feature item describing 
the proposed opera house, stated that it was to be the finest and larg- 
est between Emporia and Denver. The editor of the paper also com- 
mended the three gentlemen who were financing the project which 
would give Florence a much needed meeting hall, adding that it was 
all to be built with Frenchmen s money. 

The opera house was formally opened on January 24, 1884. For 
the opening night the managers secured the popular Louis Lord 
Dramatic Company and the play to be presented was "The Linwood 
Case." The Hon. J. Ware Butterfield opened the festivities with a 
short address in which he noted the remarkable advancement that 
had been made by the town of Florence. He mentioned the fact 
that the town was indebted to French capital and public spirit "for 
this substantial evidence of genuine interest in the success of his- 
trionic pursuits." 

During the next few years many different dramatic companies and 
musical troupes played at the Florence Opera House and it was used 


by the local people for programs, balls, etc. Usually the traveling 
companies gave two performances and they were as a rule, well at- 
tended. In a little over a year, three different companies presented 
Uncle Toms Cabin and each played to a capactiy house. The third 
performance, the Boston Double's Uncle Toms Cabin, nearly ended 
in tragedy. 

In the third act two donkeys were brought upon the stage. One 
of them stumbled and knocked over one of the footlights. The lamp 
broke and oil ran over the floor and back under the stage. The oil ig- 
nited and, for a few moments, the fire spread rapidly. In attempting 
to smother the flames under the stage, one of the men broke through 
and narrowly escaped falling to the floor of the dry goods store be- 
low. The fire was finally put out, and although part of the audience 
had gone home, the play continued to the end. The lessee of the 
theater informed the people of Florence that in the future like acci- 
dents would be guarded against by keeping a barrel of water f 
buckets and blankets near the stage during every performance. At 
that time the city of Florence had no fire-fighting equipment, so the 
fire could have caused considerable damage if it had not been 

On May 12, 1891, the opera house did burn down but it was at 
night when the place was empty. It was rebuilt in a few weeks by 
Firmin and Gaze and the building is still in use in Florence. 

In 1888 the congress of the United States authorized the several 
states to send representatives and exhibits to the industrial exhibition 
which was to open in Paris in May of the following year. 

Later in the year Emile Firmin wrote to L. U. Humphrey, gov- 
ernor-elect of the state, asking that he be considered for the appoint- 
ment as Kansas commissioner to the exhibition. 30 He said that he 
had been not only an observer but also a student of Kansas climate, 
soil and products. He had given the matter his attention for the pur- 
pose of better informing the French people of the advantages of the 
great and growing state. He proposed to put the results of his study 
in the form of a printed pamphlet for these reasons: 

First. To correct some erroneous impressions among the more desirable 
classes of our foreign population speaking French relative to Kansas, and 

Second. To furnish such information to the business and moneyed classes of 
France that will induce more of them to unite their abilities and means with 

30. The Firmin correspondence is in the Archives division of the Kansas State His- 
torical Society. 


ours in still further achievements in the line of commercial prosperity and so- 
cial progress instead of wasting their time and means in unsuccessful efforts in 
the crowded portions of the East. 

Mr. Firmin felt that a pamphlet in the French language would be 
beneficial because he recalled that it was through such a channel of 
information that he was first attracted to this country. 

Several petitions urging the appointment of Mr. Firmin were sent 
to the governor. One was from Rush county where Emile Firmin 
was well known, another was signed by a number of businessmen of 
Florence and prominent men from over the state. A third petition 
came from the French colony at Florence and read as follows : 

To the Governor and Members of the Kansas Legislature: 

In pursuance of the direction embodied in the following resolutions we trans- 
mit herewith the expression of our people on a subject of much importance to 
the State- 

WHEREAS, Congress by resolution and legislative appropriation, has made 
provision for representation of the United States at the World's Exposition to 
be held in Paris, France, commencing in May next, and has invited the several 
states of the Union to participate therein, and 

WHEREAS, the French people of Marion county, Kansas, constituting the larg- 
est French colony in the State, are desirous of increasing that class of immigra- 
tion from their country that represents the more diversified industries as well as 
means sufficient to develop them in Kansas, and 

WHEREAS, Mr. Emile Firmin, of Florence, Kansas, has for several years given 
special attention and study to the question of increasing the variety of our in- 
dustries in direct adaptation to the climate, soil and seasons of the State, there- 
fore be it 

Resolved, That the French colony of Florence and Marion county in public 
meeting assembled hereby express their deep interest and confidence in the 
practicability and importance of Mr. Firmin's ideas and energy in the direction 
indicated, and indulge the hope that our young and marvelous State will add 
new progress to her achievements by the inauguration of a system of immigration 
marked by an intelligent discrimination in favor of those who are better fitted to 
take their places among the industrial and commercial classes, and whose means 
will enable them to give greater assistance in the development of our natural 
resources, and be it further, 

Resolved, That His Excellency, the Governor and the Honorable Senators and 
Representatives of our Legislature, be solicited to give this matter their favorable 
attention and to take such action in regard thereto as will give to Mr. Firmin's 
efforts the greatest possible influence in bringing within the borders of Kansas 
more of the classes whose positions in life make them desirable and important 
factors in all the elements of social and commercial progress, be it also 

Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing be presented to the Governor and to 
each branch of our State Legislature and that our Senators and Representatives 
be urged to give this enterprise their approval and active support. 

COMTE DE PINGRE DE GuiMicouRT, President. 


S. Lang, then French consular agent for Jackson county, Missouri, 
and the state of Kansas, wrote a personal letter of recommendation 
to the governor. J. Ware Butterfield 31 and J. B. Crouch of Florence 
spent almost the entire month of February in the legislature in To- 
peka working for the passage of the bill which would authorize the 
appointment of a Kansas agent to the French exhibition. 

On March 2, 1889, the bill was signed by the governor. In brief, 
the duties of the Kansas commissioner were to act in conjunction 
with the United States commissioner general to the fair in all matters 
touching the interests of the state; to disseminate information about 
the state; to issue invitations for participation in the exhibits; to ap- 
portion the space placed at his disposal. 

The legislature acted on Mr. Firmin's suggestion and provided 
further that the said commissioner was to prepare and have printed, 
in the French language, for distribution at the exposition ( said print- 
ing to be done by the state printer), a pamphlet containing a con- 
densed history of the state presenting such information as would 
tend to enlist the interest and secure the citizenship of the best class 
of enterprising and thrifty immigration. 

The sum of five thousand dollars was appropriated for the project. 

The law was published in the official state paper March 7, and on 
the same day, Governor Humphrey appointed Emile Firmin to the 
position. Thus, for the third time, a Frenchman from the Cotton- 
wood valley was sent abroad by the state of Kansas for the purpose of 
encouraging Frenchmen to leave France and settle in Kansas. This 
time the Kansas agent went with the consent of the United States 
government, the approval of the Kansas legislature and the good 
wishes of a great many of the people over the state who seemed to 
be genuinely interested in the undertaking. On the whole the ap- 
pointment of Mr. Firmin brought favorable notices from the press, 
although Sol Miller and one or two other editors were dubious of the 
measure. While the primary purpose of the law was to have Kansas 
represented at the exposition there is no doubt that Mr. Firmin and 
other French residents of the state were much more interested in the 
immigration angle. 

31. J. Ware Butterfield was bom at Andover, N. H., February 24, 1838. He attended 
Colby Academy, Dartmouth College and was a graduate of Dane Law School at Harvard. 
He practiced law at Boston, Cambridge and Memphis, Term., until the Civil War when he 
served as captain in the Twelfth New Hampshire volunteers. He came to Florence in 1873 
and opened a law office. In 1891 he moved to Topeka where he practiced law and acted 
as correspondent for several Eastern newspapers, reporting the legislative war of 1893. He 
served as representative from Marion county from 1883 to 1886. Mr. Butterfield died at 
Topeka, June 12, 1915. Topeka State Journal, June 12, 1915. 


In addition to the pamphlet written by Emile Firmin on the en- 
tire state, material was solicited from the various French groups in 
which their particular section of the country would be described. 

On March 30, the French- American citizens of Marion and Chase 
counties met at the Florence Opera House to organize a society. 
A second purpose was to discuss the measures necessary to attract 
the greatest number of French immigrants who would undoubtedly 
come as a result of Commissioner Firmin 's efforts. 

The organization of the society was made by the selection of 
the following officers: Count de Pingre, president; Francis Ber- 
nard, first vice-president; Joseph Lalouette, second vice-president; 
E. Ginette, secretary; C. F. Laloge, treasurer, and Alphonse Bichet, 
Gustave Gaze, August Lalouette, A. Ferlet and Jules Reverend, 
executive committee. 

It was decided to publish a special pamphlet showing the ad- 
vantages of farming in the Cottonwood valley and informing the 
French people interested in migrating that they would find many 
of their own countrymen in the valley where they would be ex- 
tended a cordial welcome. 

The society proposed to raise $300, the amount necessary for 
printing at least 10,000 copies of the pamphlet. About $200 was 
given at the time. 

At the conclusion of the meeting Mr. Firmin, in behalf of him- 
self and his wife, extended an invitation to all those present to 
bring their families and be his guests at a banquet, concert and ball 
commencing at 7:30 that evening in the auditorium of the opera 

There were over 60 people present in the evening. The supper 
was cooked and served in true Parisian style, the waiters attired in 
French costume. Count de Pingre presided at the table as master 
of ceremonies. After the dinner and speeches by several of the 
guests, a concert and ball followed under the management of Mr. 
and Mrs. Ginette. Miss Bataille and Louis Guyot added their 
talent to that of the Florence artists. 

Among the guests were Mr. and Mrs. Paul Bartholomey and Mr. 
and Mrs. Brus, wealthy French people of Kansas City, Mo. These 
two families were friends of the Firmins, Gazes and other members 
of the French settlement at Florence and frequently visited in 

Emile Firmin, his wife and son, arrived in Paris on April 28 where 
he began his work immediately. From time to time various phases 


of his activities were reported in the newspapers of the state. He 
wrote letters to the governor, and Kansas people who visited the 
exposition brought back favorable impressions of what he was 

The Firmins stayed in Paris a year. While there, the little boy 
died and Mrs. Firmin was seriously ill for some weeks. On May 
29, 1890, a few weeks after their return to Florence, Emile Firmin 
sent a detailed report of his work to Governor Humphrey. It is from 
this report that we learn of his accomplishments abroad. 

Mr. Firmin had received his appointment too late to make ar- 
rangements for space for any agricultural or industrial exhibits from 
the state. He did enter some of the state publications and some 
others of an industrial nature. The Sixth Biennial Report of the 
Kansas State Board of Agriculture received a gold medal and the 
Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Labor and Industrial Sta- 
tistics was awarded a silver medal. 

Fifty thousand copies of the Kansas brochure had been printed. 
Of these 44,000 had been taken to France, 5,000 were distributed 
in the United States and 1,000 were retained for use in connection 
with future correspondence with French homeseekers. The copies 
taken to France were placed in public libraries, clubs, hotels, public 
reading rooms and sent to individuals. In addition Mr. Firmin had 
supplemented the information in the pamphlet by articles written 
for publication in the French journals both in Paris and in the 
smaller cities of France. 

Emile Firmin had corresponded with persons in charge of sev- 
eral of the leading geographical societies of France, Belgium and 
Switzerland, and the Societe de Geographic Commerciale de Paris 
had honored him by asking him to become a member. His rela- 
tions with this society were very cordial. He was asked, upon two 
different occasions, to give lectures on Kansas and his name is 
mentioned frequently in the society proceedings for the year he 
was in Paris. Mr. Firmin found editors and society managements 
willing to publish reliable information about the development and 
progress of the state of Kansas and it was his intention, if possible, 
to continue to contribute to these newspapers and periodicals after 
his return home. In several instances he was able to correct some 
rather startling misstatements then appearing in regard to Kansas. 

At the suggestion of Franklin G. Adams, secretary of the Kansas 
State Historical Society, Mr. Firmin arranged exchanges of periodi- 
cals with ten of the leading learned societies. It is interesting to 


note that several of these exchanges were continued until the 
time of World War I. The books taken to France for exhibit, and 
several others more local in character, were presented to the 
Library of the Societe de Geographic Commerciale de Paris. 

As a result of his efforts, Mr. Firmin received some 2,000 applica- 
tions for further information about Kansas. He had hoped, when 
he went to France, to interest people with education, skill and 
money so that, if they did come to the state, they could help de- 
velop the vast resources here. He believed that he had been suc- 

Emile Firmin found, however, that there were two principal ob- 
stacles with which he had to contend. First, the impression that 
public sentiment in the United States was unfriendly to foreign im- 
migration and that stringent laws were being enacted to restrict it, 
and second, the great effort and monetary inducements of the South 
American countries being made at this time to attract French immi- 
gration made a great many people less interested in coming to the 
United States. 

Mr. Firmin sought to find new industries for Kansas from among 
those suggested by the vast and varied exhibits of the exposition. 
He thought that the growing of Ramie or China grass from which 
textiles could be manufactured would be profitable here and sug- 
gested greater encouragement of beet culture believing it to be an 
industry of great promise to Kansas. At the time of the exposition 
irrigation projects for western Kansas were important issues. At 
the governor's suggestion Emile Firmin talked with several irrigation 
experts who were in Paris at the time and sent home considerable 
literature on the subject. 

In concluding his report, Mr. Firmin acknowledged the uniform 
kindness of the French press and people toward his mission and 
thanked the governor for his co-operation in the undertaking. 

Several days before Emile Firmin left Paris the French minister of 
public instruction conferred upon him the decoration of "Officer d' 
Academic" for his labors in the dissemination of international knowl- 
edge of social geography and commerce. Mr. Firmin did not men- 
tion this honor in his report. 

There is no doubt that Emile Firmin advertised Kansas among his 
countrymen. The energy and earnestness of his work won the re- 
spect and admiration of the French people. The attitude of the 
country toward emigration agents had changed considerably since 
George de Pardonnet went to France in 1871. 


Le Radical, one of the leading papers of Paris, in its issue of No- 
vember 22, 1889, commented upon this change in attitude and goes 
on to say: 

We read lately in a pamphlet found at the Exposition, an appeal from a group 
of our countrymen living in the State of Kansas, the purpose of which is to show 
the advantages of that country to the farmer, the mechanic, and the capitalist of 
France. What an astonishing country is that Kansas. Here is a publication due 
to the labor of one of our countrymen who has come as a representative of that 
state, and shows it to us in a high and incessant state of development. Its popu- 
lation has increased tenfold in twenty-five years, it has doubled its railroad mile- 
age in four years, and the pamphlet shows that from 1884 to 1888 the value of 
property increased from $240,000,000 to $300,000,000 and all this in the com- 
forts of the highest civilization. 

Where is this Kansas? will be asked when reading this. Exactly in the 
center of the United States there where the maps of our boyhood placed the 
great American desert. The development of that country, in view of its former 
reputation is thereby more remarkable. Therefore we think it our duty to call 
the attention of the French people to this pamphlet and we thank our country- 
man from Kansas for this initiative. 

Julius Van Beck, a German publicist, wrote Mr. Firmin from 
Vienna that he had read his excellent book and intended writing 
some articles on Kansas for various journals in Austria and Germany. 
He added that he would be very happy if he could make some 
friends for Mr. Firmin's "marvelous country/' 

Other journals wrote complimentary articles about the commis- 
sioner's work at the exposition. In addition to the many letters Mr. 
Firmin received in France there were dozens of queries sent directly 
to Florence. Several of the people who wrote said they would be 
ready to start to this country a year or two later. 

We have no way of knowing how many French families came to 
Kansas as a result of Mr. Firmin's efforts but there is no indication 
that they came in any large numbers. Only five or six families came 
to the Cottonwood valley during the early 1890's and some of them 
did not stay to become permanent residents. It was not surprising 
that Emile Firmin failed in this aspect of his mission. Due to condi- 
tions both in Europe and in the United States immigration had 
sharply declined before 1890 and after that date very few people 
from Central Europe came to Kansas. 

Two weeks before Emile Firmin arrived home, two distinguished 
visitors came to Florence. 32 They were Paul de Rousiers, a French 
author of note, and George Reviere, an artist. Sent to this country 
by the publishing firm of Firmin, Didot, et Cie., of Paris, they were 

32. Florence Bulletin, April 25, 1890. 


gathering material for a book which was to serve as a guide and in- 
structor to French visitors to the World's Columbian exposition to be 
held in Chicago in 1893. 

It had not been Mr. de Rousiers' intent to examine any of the coun- 
try between Chicago and the Rocky Mountains but after reading the 
Kansas pamphlet and talking with Mr. Firmin he decided to make 
one stop in Kansas. Believing that the Kansas commissioner had 
preceded him, he made Florence his objective. Although they were 
disappointed that Mr. Firmin had not yet arrived, the two men 
stayed in Florence nearly a week. They visited the horse and cattle 
ranch of the Makin brothers, the sheep ranch of F. A. Wells, the 
farms down the Cottonwood, the Danish settlement in Summit town- 
ship, the Mennonites at Hillsboro, and other places of interest in 
Marion and Chase counties. Paul de Rousiers was very favorably 
impressed with the vast and valuable lands in central Kansas, their 
comparative cheapness and the conditions that would make it pos- 
sible "for a newcomer to start with a few hundred dollars, industry 
and economy, and in a few years gain a competency in life." A copy 
of Mr. de Rousiers' book American Life, translated by A. J. Herbert- 
son, is in the library of the University of Kansas. Naturally, in a 
book of this type, names of individuals are not mentioned but he 
does make one comment about the French colony in Kansas which is 
of interest. He says: 

One day I was with a Frenchman who had settled in Kansas a long time ago. 
After a long walk over the grounds he said to me, after proudly glancing around 
him, "you see, Sir, what I have done here. In the time of the Indians I began 
with my two arms, defending my cattle and crops against them; sometimes sell- 
ing my plough-oxen to get a few measures of flour, to keep me from starving; and 
yet I never learned anything but my trade of cabinet making in my home in Bur- 
gundy." I asked him if many of his neighbors began farming for the first time 
on their homesteads. "Why, down in that valley through which you came to 
get here," he replied, "one farmer was once a waiter, another a salesman at Pyg- 
malions in Paris, a third a journeyman printer from New York, another is an old 
Norwegian sailor, who deserted, and I can point out to you an advocate, old 
soldiers, merchants and so on." 

The cabinetmaker of whom he was speaking was undoubtedly 
Francis Bernard and several of the people he mentioned are easily 
identified among the members of the French colony. 


Emile Firmin wrote a play in 1892. The theme was drawn from 
the vagaries of the American social and political system as seen 
through French spectacles. He engaged a professional theatrical 


company to produce it and expected, following the initial perform- 
ance in Florence, to send it on the road. 

"Col. Granger," Emile Firmin's four-act play, was scheduled to 
be produced for the first time at the Florence Opera House on 
March 26, 1893. A distinguished Frenchman, M. Mital, on an 
official tour of the United States, was visiting in Florence the week 
before the date set for the performance. Being somewhat of a 
dramatic critic himself he read the play, pronounced it good, and 
extended his visit so that he could see it produced. 

The opening night was quite a social event in Florence. The 
producing company did an excellent job of acting but the audience 
did not take kindly to Mr. Firmin's play. As Jay E. House, then 
editor of the Florence Bulletin, wrote: "It treads too harshly on the 
corns of the American people to ever become a money-making 
production in its present form. People do not go to play houses 
to have their dearest follies and foibles laughed to scorn." 

Many years later Mr. House was writing a column entitled "On 
Second Thought," for the Topeka Daily Capital. One day he made 
the Firmin play the theme of his column: 

Contrary to the general impression E. W. Howe's Story of a Country Town 
is not the first play by a Kansan to be staged and produced by a regular theatri- 
cal company. Twenty years ago there lived on a farm on the outskirts of Flor- 
ence, Marion county, a Frenchman named Emile Firmin. Firmin was a man of 
marked ability. In France he had been a distinguished lawyer. . . . Fir- 
min was interested in the drama and built the first and only "opera house" in 
Florence. By and by he wrote a play and it was produced by a traveling com- 
pany doing a three nights stand in that locality. The writer witnessed the first 
performance of the piece and wrote the only criticism of it ever embalmed in 
print and take it from one who attended its untimely demise, it was a pippin. 
Technically it was almost, if not quite, flawless, and it had all the natural ele- 
ments of a successful drama. But in writing the play Firmin had smashed every 
idol the American people hold dear. He took the hide off the old soldiers and 
the pension plan, a much more heinous offense then than now, slammed the 
church and rasped the clergy, ridiculed our social and religious conventions, 
and burlesqued our political gods. Wherever a pimply spot showed on the 
surface of our body politic there Firmin trampled with both feet. In the origin- 
ality of its conception and the cleverness and keenness of its satire the mark of 
genius showed clearly. But it wouldn't do and we knew it. After the perform- 
ance those of us who were his friends led the author away beseeching him to 
make such changes in it as would make it acceptable to American audiences. 
But Firmin was obdurate. He wouldn't change a line nor a phrase. And so, 
the child of his fancy went into the scrap heap without reaching the dignity of a 
second performance. 


In June, 1902, another of Mr. Firmin's plays was produced in 
the Opera House. This too was a satire on our social life. It was 
a one-act play entitled, "Marriage in Chicago." According to the 
Marion County News Bulletin, Florence, for June 12, 1902: "It is 
safe to say that Mr. Firmin has placed more marriages and divorces 
in the short space of eighteen minutes than the average Kansas 
judge could carry through in as many months." Perhaps because the 
scene was laid in Chicago or because the theme was not so vital this 
play seemed very clever and amusing. It was received much better 
than "Col. Granger" had been. 

The Firmins moved to town in 1892. At first they lived in the 
upper story of a building they owned at the corner of Main and 
Fourth streets. Later they built a house in the Firmin & Gaze ad- 
dition east of the river. Mr. Firmin made a great many trips to 
western Kansas where he still owned land. He and Gustave Gaze 
owned considerable land east of Florence and they devoted much 
of their time to improved methods of farming. They specialized 
in the breeding of Hereford cattle and built up quite a large herd. 
They had a large vineyard which yielded quantities of grapes of 
excellent quality each year. 

In March, 1904, Messrs. Firmin and Gaze announced a sale on 
their farm later in the spring. They offered 190 head of Hereford 
cattle, most of which were purebred. They also advertised 
their town lots for sale. 

Mr. and Mrs. Firmin and Leonie Gaze left Florence about the 
middle of May to return to France to live. Gustave Gaze and his 
wife left later in the same month for Kansas City where their 
daughter, Camille, was in school. They expected to make a rather 
extended tour of the East and then sail for France in July. The 
Gazes planned, when they left Florence, to stay in France for about 
three years during which time Camille would finish her education 
and then return to Florence to live. 

Neither family ever came back to the United States. From time 
to time friends in Florence received letters from one or the other 
of the families. In 1905, Emile Firmin wrote H. J. Reverend that 
he and Gustave Gaze had joined another American in the manu- 
facture of prepared milk for commercial purposes, the milk being 
reduced to a powder. 

Emile Firmin died April 19, 1914, at his home at La Garenne- 
Colombes, near Paris. 


Camille Gaze married Roger Deletang who died in 1925 at the 
age of 39. At the time of his death he was mayor of the village 
of St. Georges des Boillargeau in the department of Vienne, France. 
Mrs. Deletang never remarried and now lives at Poitiers, Vienne. 
She writes occasionally to one or two people in Florence. A year 
or two ago she asked a friend to send her some popcorn. She re- 
membered it from her childhood at Florence and her grandchildren 
had never had any. 

[To Be Concluded in the May Issue] 


Robbery on the Santa Fe Trail in 1842 

THOMAS FITZPATRICK (c!799-1854) was well-known as a 
trapper and guide in the year he wrote the following letter. The 
incident he describes occurred on the Santa Fe trail, probably in 
present Pawnee county, as Fitzpatrick was returning to St. Louis 
after two years spent in leading emigrant parties to Oregon. 

The letter, and related papers, are to be found in the superinten- 
dency of Indian affairs "Records," v. 8, pp. 109-111, in the Society's 
manuscripts division. 

ST Louis NOVEMBER 28, 1842 

I take the liberty of laying before you a case of robbery commited on me 
by the Pawnee Indians, on the the 28th ulto; about three hundred miles 
from Independence on the Arkansas river. I left Fort Scott (Columbia river) 
August 20" in company with one man for the U. S. and that I might more 
easily avoid the Sioux & Chiennes (who are now considered hostile) I left 
the usual route and came by Messr. Bent & St. Vrain's trading post on the 
Arkansas from which to the settlement I anticipated little or no danger; 
however about half way between that place and Independence I met with 
a war party of the Pawnees coming from the Sioux, they at first appeared 
perfectly friendly, but on our attempting to leave them and continue our 
route, they showed symptoms of hostility and in a scuffle which ensued they 
got possession of my gun, in the mean time my travelling companion fled 
and I have not since heard from him, I was therefore left at the entire mercy 
of the Savages, and they made good use of the power they then possessed 
as they rifled me of all my travelling equipage, save my horses which they 
politely returned to me; they did not leave me wherewith to make a fire, 
which you know is very inconvenient and one of the greatest privations. I 
will herein enclose a bill of the articles they robbed me of, in order that I 
may obtain redress according to the laws existing on that subject. The loss 
I have sustained is very trifling, but the insult is very great to have occurred 
as it were on the very borders of the Settlement. 

I have appeared before a magistrate of this city, as you will perceive, & 
have sworn to the correctness of the enclosed bill; however, I will make some 
remarks on the different articles for your satisfaction. They are all priced 
and set down at what I believe they cost me, except the Spy glass which 
would be worth here about fifteen dolars, but in the Indian country I 
could at any time get a good horse or forty dollars for it. There were^many 
other articles amongst my losses which I could make no estimate of and there- 
fore left out altogether, such as Indian curiosities, many curious petraf actions, 
mineral Specimens &cc 

Y Ob St. 





Supt Ind Aff 

Memorandum of articles taken from the undersigned Oct 20, 1842 by 
Pawnee Indians, Arkansas river, viz: 
One double barrel & twist gun $50.00 Five cotton & Gingham sheets 

One spy glass 25 .00 

One Super broad cloth dress 

coat 34.00 

One french Merino frock coat 18.00 

Two vests $4.50 & $7.00. ... 11.00 
Two pr. pantaloons at $5 . 00 

ea 10.00 

Three linen shirts at $3.50 ea 10.50 

at $1.50 ea $7.50 

Powder lead & percussion caps 8.00 

Shot pouch, belt &c 3.00 

One Spanish riding saddle 10.00 

One Razor case with four 

blades fitting into one 

handle 5.00 

Blankets, bear skin &cc for 

bedding 15.00 


Fitzpatrick's affidavit, which has not been published here, 
adds only two items of information, that his companion was named 
"Vandusen," and that the Pawnees numbered "about twenty." 
When the Indians met their agent at Council Bluffs on June 2, 1843, 
they admitted taking all the items except the shot pouch and belt. 
The matter was finally settled by reimbursing Fitzpatrick from 
the Pawnee annuities. 

The Annual Meeting 

'TVHE 75th annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society 
-L and board of directors was held in the rooms of the Society on 
October 17, 1950. 

The meeting of the directors was called to order by President 
Charles M. Correll at 10 A. M. First business was the reading of the 
annual report by the secretary. 


At the conclusion of last year's meeting, the newly elected president, Charles 
M. Correll, reappointed Robert C. Rankin and Milton R. McLean to the execu- 
tive committee. Mr. CorrelTs term also expired and in his stead he ap- 
pointed Wilford Riegle of Emporia. The members holding over were John S. 
Dawson and T. M. Lillard. 


Appropriation requests for the next biennium were filed with the state budget 
director in October. Among the increases and special appropriations asked 
for were the following: 

An additional cataloger for the library, the first since 1921; $1,500 for new 
lights in the reading rooms; $2,000 for repairing and restoring oil paintings 
and other pictures; and $1,000 a year additional for the contingent fund. 

Requested for the Memorial building were: another janitor; $1,000 for 
rewiring and installing modern equipment in the main switchboard; $6,000 
for overhauling the heating system and insulating steam pipes; $4,000 for 
painting; $700 for repairs to the skylights and the roof; and $500 for repairing 
the west steps and repointing stone work. 

An increase of $1,000 a year in the maintenance fund at the Old Shawnee 
Mission was requested. This is for repairs to the buildings, for painting and 
wallpapering, for grading and seeding the grounds and for five new large 
metal signs. 


During the year 3,179 persons did research in the library. Of these, 1,197 
worked on Kansas subjects, 1,279 on genealogy and 703 on general subjects. 
Numerous inquiries were answered by letter and 108 packages on Kansas 
subjects were sent out from the loan file. A total of 6,197 newspaper clippings 
were mounted from papers covering April 1, 1949, through June 30, 1950. 
They came from the seven daily papers which are read for clipping, and from 
six special historical editions and 1,069 duplicate papers. 

A number of gifts of Kansas books and genealogies were received from 
individuals. Typed and printed genealogical records were presented by the 
Kansas Society of Colonial Dames and the Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion. Gifts from the Woman's Kansas Day Club included books, manuscripts, 
museum pieces, and clippings, pamphlets and pictures on old churches. 
Microfilm copies of the following books were added to the library: History of 



Rawlins County by Claude Constable, Early History of Chapman by J. B. 
Carpenter, Historical Atlas of Kansas by Robert P. Marple and History of the 
National Group Settlements in Republic County, Kansas, by Ida Lucretia Smith. 


During the year 566 pictures were accessioned. Nearly 6,000 new cards 
were made for the picture catalog, covering illustrations and pictures of indi- 
viduals from county atlases. New pictures of particular interest are: three 
original pen and ink sketches of the Old Shawnee Methodist Mission by Harry 
Fenn; five original pencil sketches of territorial Kansas by H. W. Waugh, in- 
cluding scenes of Leavenworth and Lawrence; an oil portrait of David D. 
Leahy by the late Ed L. Davison of Wichita, given by Mrs. Davison. A 
scrapbook containing 86 photographs of carriages, some with the fringe on top, 
mail wagons, delivery wagons and early automobiles, was given by Mrs. Ralph 
W. James of Topeka. Many of the carriages were made to order by the 
Rehkopf Brothers of Topeka. Three photographs of old Fort Wallace were 
given by Mr. Al Sears of Topeka. 


Work on the new archives stacks is now nearly complete. Pending their 
installation, no effort has been made to secure new accessions. However, the 
following were added during the year: 

A collection of 318 volumes from the insurance department. Some of these 
will be destroyed, having no permanent value, and others are being microfilmed. 

The statistical rolls of Kansas counties for 1943, amounting to 1,933 volumes, 
from Kansas State College. 

A file of the state architect's weekly "News Letter," beginning in 1949. This 
is a valuable record of the state's huge building program. 

The minutes of the board of managers of the house of representatives in the 
impeachment of Judge Theodosius Botkin in 1891. It came from David H. 
Coons of Stockton, Cal., a son of the secretary of the board. 

A collection of 170 rolls of negative microfilm, containing records of births, 
still births and deaths in Kansas from 1947 to the present. This film is held for 
safe-keeping for the board of health. 

The Society's project for microfilming archives has made good progress. 
During the year ending September 30, 90 volumes of election returns, 1861- 
1930, and 819 volumes of insurance department records, 1870-1947, were 
filmed. This work required about 340,000 pictures, or 339 hundred-foot rolls 
of film. In addition, all unbound statistical rolls of counties and cities owned by 
the Society have been prepared for filming, which will begin this fall. 


During the year, 34 manuscript volumes and approximately 1,600 individual 
manuscripts were received. 

The largest accession was the William Henry Harrison Kelley collection, 
given by Miss Gordon Kelley, a great-granddaughter, of Fort Smith, Ark. Har- 
rison Kelley (1836-1897), of Coffey county, after serving in the Fifth Kansas 
cavalry, was made a brigadier-general of the state militia in 1865. From that 
year till 1891 he was prominent in Republican politics and held numerous elec- 
tive and appointive positions. In 1891 he was defeated for re-election to con- 


gress and became a Populist. Governor Lewelling appointed him a regent of 
the Kansas State Agricultural College in 1893, and he was still serving at the 
time of his death in 1897. The Kelley collection covers the years 1863-1897, 
but the bulk of the letters date between 1889 and 1893. 

A journal kept by 19-year-old Calvin H. Graham as he crossed the plains from 
western Pennsylvania to California, in 1853, was lent for copying by James 
Irwin of Topeka. 

Papers given by Mrs. H. M. Korns, of Salina, included some William A. Phil- 
lips correspondence, and genealogical material on the Spilman family. 

From William Mitchell, Yonkers, N. Y., the Society received the 1856-1857 
minutes of the Prairie Guards the militia organization of the Connecticut Kansas 
colony which settled in Wabaunsee county in 1856. Also related to this colony 
was a gift from the late Dr. J. T. Willard, Manhattan, of two Wabaunsee Town 
Company record books (June 17-August 27, 1858; and February 11, 1859- 
August 7, 1865). The town company succeeded the colony as an organization. 
Through the Woman's Kansas Day Club, F. I. Burt, Manhattan, gave the 
1886 diary of Charles B. Lines who settled in Wabaunsee county in 1856, as 
one of the original members of the Connecticut Kansas colony. 

A 26-page documented account of the Jordan massacre was presented by 
the author, Howard C. Raynesford, Ellis. Richard Jordan, his wife Mary, 
his brother George, and Fred Nelson were murdered by Indians in Ness 
county in the summer of 1872. The guilty Indians were traced to Indian 
territory (Oklahoma) but were never brought to justice. 

Three volumes of records (1859-1931), of the First Presbyterian Church, 
Topeka, were lent for microfilming. 

Papers relating to the Kaw Valley Basin Flood Control Association (1933- 
1948), were given by A. Q. Miller, Salina. 

Other donors were: Robert T. Aitchison, Wichita; Mrs. Grace Grant Baker, 
St. Louis, Mo.; Mrs. E. E. Beauchamp, Marysville; Mrs. J. W. Benton, Kansas 
City, Mo.; F. I. Burt, Manhattan; Mrs. Omar Carlisle; Gov. Frank Carlson, 
Topeka; Robert Caulk, Topeka; Berlin B. Chapman, Stillwater, Okla.; Chester 
County Historical Society, West Chester, Pa.; Colonial Dames of America; 
Mrs. Ada (Dodge) Ferguson, Ardmore, Okla.; Fortnightly Club, Topeka; 
G. F. Gould, Topeka; Sumner L. Hamilton, Ellis; F. A. Hobble, Dodge City; 
Frank Hodges, Olathe; Alva E. Home, Topeka; Louis O. Honig, Kansas City, 
Mo.; Irene Horner, Topeka; Bruce Kurd, Topeka; Mrs. Frank C. Kelly, 
Waterloo, Iowa; Eads W. Lehman, Idalia, Colo.; Emma Lyman, Olathe; 
Myrtle McCamant, Tonkawa, Okla.; Maude McFadin, Wichita; Dr. Karl A. 
Menninger, Topeka; Mrs. Will C. Menninger, Topeka; Mrs. Sidney Milbauer, 
Los Angeles, Cal.; Mrs. Frances E. Moore, Fort Worth, Tex.; Theo W. Morse, 
Mound City; C. E. Nash, Peru; Native Sons & Daughters of Kansas; David 
Neiswanger, Topeka; Sara A. Patterson, Lawrence; Paul Popenoe, Los Angeles, 
Cal.; Mrs. H. A. Rowland, McPherson; J. C. Ruppenthal, Russell; St. Mary 
College Library; Dr. Mary B. Waterman Sanford, Methuen, Mass.; Frederick 
F. Seely, Meadville, Pa.; Horace J. Smith, Los Angeles, Cal.; Marjorie E. 
Stauffer, Pasadena, Cal.; M. G. Stevenson, Ashland; Mrs. Eric Tebow, Man- 
hattan; Carl Trace, Topeka; Dr. E. B. Trail, Berger, Mo.; Mrs. Alma Anthony 
Weber, Dallas, Tex.; Mrs. Evelyn Whitney, Topeka; Woman's Kansas Day 
Club; Mrs. Jennie R. Wood, Cottonwood Falls; Brinton Webb Woodward, II, 


Topeka; Charles S. Wright, Woodland Park, Colo.; Otto J. Wullschleger, 


Two million photographs have been made by the microfilm division since 
its establishment in 1946. About half a million were made the past year: 
339,380 of archives, 145,734 of newspapers, and 4,183 of manuscripts. News- 
papers of average size are filmed one page at an exposure, but archives and 
manuscripts generally can be taken two pages at a time, hence the number 
of pages actually filmed for those departments greatly exceeds the number of 
exposures reported. 

Miscellaneous newspapers microfilmed during the year include: Anthony 
Journal, January 7, 1881-December 28, 1882; Appeal to Reason, Girard, August 
31, 1895-November 4, 1922; The Catholic Visitor, Olathe and Leavenworth, 
May, 1882-July 1, 1886; The Kansas Catholic, Leavenworth, July 8, 1886- 
September 17, 1891; Kansas City Catholic, September 24, 1891-May 12, 1898; 
Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 2, 1867-September 16, 1868. 

Lawrence newspapers microfilmed the past year include: Daily Gazette, 
October 15, 1884-May 31, 1895; Daily Herald-Tribune, July 17, 1884-March 
29, 1890; Daily Journal, June 19, 1879-February 17, 1911; Daily Kansas Trib- 
une, January 2, 1882-January 5, 1883; Daily Record, September 12, 1^89-July 
1, 1893; Jeffersonian Gazette, April 6, 1899-August 5, 1920; News and Tribune, 
November 16, 1883-July 10, 1884; Republican Daily Journal, March 4, 1869- 
June 18, 1879; Weekly Gazette, September 7, 1882-March 30, 1899; Weekly 
Journal, January 7, 1886-June 27, 1889; Weekly Record, November 14, 1889- 
June 30, 1893, and Western Home Journal, March 11, 1869-March 25, 1885. 

W. A. Blair, publisher of the Oswego Independent, lent several early news- 
paper files of southeast Kansas for microfilming. They were collated with 
files belonging to the Society and the following microfilms were made: Chetopa 
Advance, January 20, 1869-December 30, 1880; Chetopa Herald, March 4, 
1876-February 16, 1878; Chetopa Settlers Guide, April, 1879-May, 1880; 
Neosho Valley Eagle, Jacksonville, June 13, 1868; Labette Sentinel, September 
8, 1870-March 2, 1871; Oswego Independent, June 22, 1872-December 30, 
1876; Oswego Labette County Democrat, October 16, 1879-December 30, 
1881; Oswego Daily Register, May 13, 1869; Oswego Register, July 8, 1870- 
November 27, 1874; Parsons Eclipse, April 9, 1874-December 26, 1878; Par- 
sons Sun, June 17, 1871-December 29, 1877, and Western Enterprise, Parsons, 
September, 1872-January, 1873. 

The Society's photostat collection of Missouri newspapers, dated 1819 to 
1856, was also microfilmed. They were fading and becoming illegible. This 
collection of 53 bundles of photostats was condensed into 16 reels of micro- 

Publishers of the following daily newspapers are donating microfilm copies 
of current issues: Angelo Scott, lola Register; Dolph and W. C. Simons, Law- 
rence Daily Journal-World, and Dan Anthony, III, Leavenworth Times. 


Over five thousand certified copies of census records were issued during the 
year, an increase of more than 32 percent over the preceding year. September, 
1950, with 552 records issued, was the biggest month since July, 1942, early 


in World War II. This was partly due to the Korean war and the stepped-up 
War tempo. But most of the requests still come from those who need proof of 
age for social security or other retirement plans. During the year, 3,148 patrons 
called in person at the newspaper and census divisions. Five thousand six 
hundred and sixty-six single issues of newspapers, 5,136 bound volumes of 
newspapers, 626 microfilm reels and 8,983 census volumes were consulted in 
giving the service, which is without charge. 

The 1950 annual List of Kansas Newspapers and Periodicals was distributed 
in August. This is the 55th issue since the Society's organization. The 1950 
List shows 697 newspapers and periodicals being received regularly for filing. 
These include 58 dailies, two triweeklies, 12 semiweeklies, 383 weeklies, 18 
fortnightlies, 25 semimonthlies, two once every three weeks, 129 monthlies, 
three once every six weeks, 16 bimonthlies, 28 quarterlies, 17 occasionals, two 
semiannuals, and two annuals, coming from all the 105 counties. Of these 
697 publications, 257 are listed as independent, 120 Republican and 17 as 
Democratic in politics; 87 are school or college, 38 religious, 20 fraternal, 
seven labor, nine industrial, 15 trade and 127 miscellaneous. 

The Society's collection of original Kansas newspapers, as of January 1, 
1950, totaled 53,488 bound volumes, in addition to more than 10,000 bound 
volumes of out-of-state newspapers dated from 1767 to 1950. The Society's 
collection of newspapers on microfilm now totals 2,664 reels. 

Included among the donors of miscellaneous newspapers during the year, 
exclusive of the editors of Kansas, were: Miss Gordon Kelley, Fort Smith, Ark.; 
Stanley A. Shepard, New Brunswick, N. J.; F. O. Bica, Wellsville; W. G. 
Clugston and H. J. Freeborn, Topeka. 


The Annals, which the 1945 Legislature voted to bring up to date, has now 
been compiled to 1919. The past year's work, covering the years 1913 to 1918 
inclusive, deals with World War I, and the Hodges and Capper administrations. 
The period was marked by peace leagues, good roads movements, farm-bureau 
organization and development of the oil and gas industry. There were lean 
years which reduced wheat growers to seed loans and Russian-thistle ensilage 
and fat years which enabled them to send shiploads of grain to starving Belgians. 
Tractors plowed up thousands of acres of grazing land for wheat. 

The legislature appropriated a $300,000 emergency fund to fight livestock 
diseases and to compensate for losses. Other legislation provided for a highway 
commission, a welfare commission, a tuberculosis sanitarium and the child hy- 
giene bureau. 

In World War I, Kansas oversubscribed all quotas. Hoarding flour, failure 
to buy bonds or give to the Red Cross or thresh wheat properly brought out the 
yellow-paint squad. German courses were abolished from schools. "Hooverize" 
became the housewife's slogan. Spanish influenza in 1918 raised the death rate 
to 15.2 per 1,000 population the highest on record. 

In the Kansas news, Woody Hockaday marked highways; W. D. Ross, movie 
censor, rejected The Birth of a Nation; Jess Willard whipped Jack Johnson; 
Dwight Eisenhower became a lieutenant colonel; the Martin Johnsons made a 
movie film in the South Sea Islands. Deaths recorded included Governors Craw- 


ford and Humphrey, William F. (Buffalo Bill) Cody, General Fred Funston, 
Vinnie Ream Hoxie and Mary Vance Humphrey. 


The attendance in the museum for the year was 46,088. 

There were 50 accessions. Two dolls dressed in the costumes of Dauphine, 
ancient province of France, and six medals struck by the French government in 
recognition of Franco-American unity in World War II, were gifts to Kansas 
from the French Merci train. 

An old violin which had belonged to Luther Hart Platt, a Congregational 
minister who came to Kansas in 1856, was given by his granddaughters, Lois 
and Ruth Platt. Platt was known as the "Fiddling Preacher." In 1865 he 
taught violin and voice at Lincoln College, Topeka, now Washburn. 

Charles S. Wright, of Woodland Park, Colo., gave a Frank Wesson rifle, made 
in 1859, which was used by William (Buffalo Bill) Mathewson for hunting 

A quart whisky bottle of pre-prohibition days in Kansas was donated by 
Pierce R. Hobble of Dodge City. It originally contained hand-made sour-mash 
whisky, distilled in Kentucky and bottled for Peter Berry & Son, of Leavenworth. 
It bears a revenue stamp of the 1890's. 

The work of cleaning and repairing the birds in the Goss collection was com- 
pleted last spring. Some of these birds are nearly 80 years old, and most are 
'over 70. Col. N. S. Goss, who made the collection, came to Kansas in 1857. 
Starting as an amateur ornithologist, he became a national authority. In 1881 
he donated his collection to the state. It consists of 1,523 birds (756 species), 
and when presented was valued at $100,000. A unique feature of the display is 
that every bird is mated. There are a number of rare birds, several of which 
are now extinct, such as the passenger pigeon. 

In 1915 the collection was moved to the Memorial building and placed in 
charge of the Historical Society. The birds had become very dirty and till this 
year were displayed in the original old-fashioned cases. A modern case with 
fluorescent lighting was built along the north wall of the museum, according to 
plans furnished by Dr. E. Raymond Hall of the University of Kansas. The taxi- 
dermy was done by Frank Boddy, a disabled war veteran of Topeka, who was 
recommended by Doctor Hall. The birds were too fragile to remount, but they 
were cleaned, the bills and feet were repainted, new eyes were fitted where nec- 
essary, and the mounting blocks were refinished. The total expense was $4,000, 
twice the original estimate. Even so, four of the old cases had to be used. They 
were repaired and painted, however, and fitted with fluorescent lights. Mr. 
Boddy did an expert job, and this fine old collection is now in first class shape 
and well displayed. 


Extended research on the following subjects was done during the year: 
Biography: Francis Huntington Snow; James H. Lane; Edward Hogue Funston; 
Edmund G. Ross. General: Railroad development and influence in the Gulf 
Southwest; Abram Burnett's youngest granddaughter; the period of Charles F. 
Scott's term in the United States congress; Nicodemus, the negro colony of 
Graham county, Kansas; Cities west of St. Louis, a study in history and geog- 


raphy; territorial laws; Kansas City, Mexico and Orient railway; cattle pools in 
Barber county; history of Shawnee Baptist Missions; negro troops in Kansas dur- 
ing the Civil War; Indians; Billy the Kid; Indian raids in northwest Kansas, 
1864-1878; Kansans in Oklahoma; the army of the Plains, Division of the Mis- 
souri, 1866-1876; the Smoky Hill trail in western Kansas, 1859-1869; sod houses 
and contemporary structures in western Kansas; the Santa Fe trail; land values 
( Pottawatomie reservation); history of Grant county; history of Lindsborg; 
public opinion of the cowboy; reforms of Walter Vrooman. 

October 1, 1949, to September 30, 1950 


Books 1,015 

Pamphlets 2,020 

Magazines ( bound volumes ) 225 


Separate manuscripts 1 

Manuscript volumes 2,251 

Manuscript maps None 

339 reels of microfilm 

Private Manuscripts: 

Separate manuscripts 1,600 

Volumes 34 

4 reels of microfilm. 

Printed maps, atlases and charts 320 

Newspapers ( bound volumes ) 708 

Reels of microfilm 2,664 

Pictures 566 

Museum objects 50 

Books, pamphlets, newspapers (bound and microfilm reels) and 

magazines 444,369 

Separate manuscripts (archives) 1,632,611 

Manuscript volumes ( archives ) 55,224 

Manuscript maps (archives) 583 

Microfilm reels (archives) 361 

Printed maps, atlases and charts 11,418 

Pictures 24,503 

Museum objects 33,471 


The 18th bound volume of The Kansas Historical Quarterly, which is now in 
its 19th year, is about ready for distribution. Among the features are three con- 
tributions by Dr. Robert Taft in his series, "The Pictorial Record of the Old 
West"; Albert R. Kitzhaber's article on the downfall of Senator Pomeroy; Homer 
E. Socolofsky's "The Scully Land System in Marion County"; and the "Memoirs 
of Watson Stewart," with an introduction by Donald W. Stewart, a grandson, 
of Independence. Thanks are due to Dr. James C. Malin of the University of 
Kansas, associate editor of the Quarterly, who continues to take time from his 
busy schedule to read articles submitted for publication. 



During the past year the exterior woodwork of the four Mission buildings was 
repainted and a new roof was put on the East building. This roof was made of 
heavy cedar shingles, in keeping with the construction of the 100-year-old build- 
ing, and cost $2,000. 

In connection with the celebration last spring of the 100th anniversary of 
the founding of Kansas City, Mo., an open house was held at the Mission on 
June 4. Members of the Shawnee Mission Indian Historical Society, dressed in 
costumes of the period, acted as hostesses and guides. About 500 visitors at- 

Among recent visitors at the Mission were Mrs. Ida Riley of Oklahoma and 
her sister, Mrs. Bertha Beaty of Kansas City, who trace their ancestry to Tecum- 
seh, the famous Shawnee chief. Their father and mother had attended school at 
the Mission. Another visitor was Mrs. Bettie Withrow of Chetopa who traces 
her ancestry to Charles Bluejacket, at one time a missionary and interpreter in 
the Mission. Bluejacket later became a chief of the Shawnee tribe. 

The Society is indebted to the state departments of the Colonial Dames, the 
Daughters of the American Revolution, the Daughters of American Colonists, the 
Daughters of 1812 and to the Shawnee Mission Indian Historical Society for 
their continued cooperation at the Mission. 


During the past year the caretaker's cottage was painted and minor repairs 
were made on the capitol building. 

The legislature of 1949 appropriated money for bringing electricity to the 
caretaker's house. However, when the authorities at Fort Riley were asked to 
make the installation, for which they had previously given an estimate, the cost 
was considerably more than the appropriation. The Union Pacific right-of-way 
runs through the grounds, and it was suggested that the company might help. 
T. M. Lillard, attorney for the railroad and a member of the executive committee 
of the Historical Society, was appealed to. Within a few weeks the installation 
was made without cost to the state. The Society is greatly indebted to Mr. Lil- 
lard and to the company. It will be remembered that in 1928 the Union Pacific 
restored the Capitol building at a cost of $25,000. 


The various accomplishments noted in this report are due to the Society's 
splendid staff of employees. I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to them. 
Special mention, perhaps, should be made of the heads of departments: Nyle 
H. Miller, assistant secretary and managing editor of the Quarterly; Helen M. 
McFarland, librarian; Edith Smelser, custodian of the museum; Mrs. Lela 
Barnes, treasurer; Edgar Langsdorf, archivist and manager of the building; and" 
Jennie S. Owen, annalist. Attention should also be called to the work of Harry 
A. Hardy and his wife Kate, custodians of the Old Shawnee Mission, and John 
Scott, custodian of the First Capitol. 

Respectfully submitted, 

KIRKE MECHEM, Secretary. 

At the conclusion of the reading of the secretary's report, Presi- 
dent Correll called for the report of the treasurer, Mrs. Lela Barnes. 



Based on the audit of the state accountant for the period 

August 25, 1949, to August 21, 1950. 


Balance, August 25, 1949: 

Cash $4,037.70 

U. S. savings bonds, Series G 8,700 . 00 $12,737 70 


Memberships $828 . 00 

Reimbursement for postage 727 . 95 

Interest on bonds. . 242.50 

1,798 45 

Disbursements $1,174 82 

Balance, August 21, 1950: 

Cash $4,661 .33 

U. S. savings bonds 8,700 . 00 

13,361 33 


Balance, August 25, 1949: 

Cash $163.56 

U. S. treasury bonds 950 . 00 

$1,113 56 

Bond interest $27.27 

Savings account interest 1 . 35 


$1,142 18 


Books $48 15 

Balance, August 21, 1950: 

Cash $144.03 

U. S. treasury bonds 950 00 

$1,142 18 



Balance, August 25, 1949: 

Cash $50.92 

U. S. treasury bonds 500 . 00 


Bond interest $14.40 

Savings account interest .68 




Balance, August 21, 1950: 

Cash $66.00 

U. S. treasury bonds 500 00 



This donation is substantiated by a U. S. savings bond, Series G, in the 
amount of $1,000. The interest is credited to the membership fee fund. 


Balance, August 25, 1949: 

Cash in membership fee fund $571 . 19 

U. S. savings bonds ( shown in total bonds, 

membership fee fund) 5,200.00 

$5,771 19 

Interest . 130 . 00 

$5,901 . 19 


Five sketches of Kansas territorial scenes by H. W. Waugh .... $30 00 

Balance, August 21, 1950: 

Cash $671 . 19 

U. S. savings bonds, Series G 5,200 00 

5,871 . 19 
$5,901 . 19 


This report covers only the membership fee fund and other custodial funds. 
It is not a statement of the appropriations made by the legislature for the main- 
tenance of the Society. These disbursements are not made by the treasurer of 
the Society but by the state auditor. For the year ending June 30, 1950, these 


appropriations were: Kansas State Historical Society, $143,365.40; Memorial 
building, $14,529.80; Old Shawnee Mission, $7,980.00; First Capitol of Kansas, 

On motion by T. M. Lillard, seconded by Mrs. W. D. Philip, the 
reports of the secretary and the treasurer were accepted. 

The report of the executive committee on the audit by the state 
accountant of the funds of the Society was called for and read by 
John S. Dawson: 


October 13, 1950. 
To the Board of Directors, Kansas State Historical Society: 

The executive committee being directed under the bylaws to check the ac- 
counts of the treasurer, states that the state accountant has audited the funds of 
the State Historical Society, the First Capitol of Kansas and the Old Shawnee 
Mission from August 25, 1949, to August 21, 1950, and that they are hereby 

JOHN S. DAWSON, Chairman. 

On motion by John S. Dawson, seconded by Robert Taft, the re- 
port was accepted. 

The report of the nominating committee for officers of the Society 
was read by John S. Dawson: 


October 13, 1950. 
To the Board of Directors, Kansas State Historical Society: 

Your committee on nominations submits the following report for officers of 
the Kansas State Historical Society: 

For a one-year term: Frank Haucke, Council Grove, president; Will T. Beck, 
Holton, first vice-president; Robert Taft, Lawrence, second vice-president. 

For a two-year term: Kirke Mechem, Topeka, secretary; Mrs. Lela Barnes, 
Topeka, treasurer. 

Respectfully submitted, 

JOHN S. DAWSON, Chairman. 

The report was referred to the afternoon meeting of the board. 
There being no further business, the meeting adjourned. 



The annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society con- 
vened at 2 P. M. The members were called to order by the president, 
Charles M. Correll. 

The address by Mr. Correll follows: 

Address of the President 




THE Grand Army of the Republic has passed into history. More 
than a quarter of a century has gone by since the last effective 
encampment of the department of Kansas was held. The books have 
been closed and the charters of the local posts have been turned in to 
repose in the archives of an organization which, for several decades, 
was identified with the public life of locality, state and nation. It is 
thrilling to study the records of the early meetings of the comrades 
who wore the little bronze buttons as they assembled in the annual 
encampments and carried on their business with the full-blooded 
vigor of active manhood; then it becomes pathetic to read in the rec- 
ords of the later proceedings of the difficulty the officers and speakers 
had as, with voices weakened with age, they struggled to make them- 
selves heard by those whose ears were increasingly stopped by the 
passing of the years. In the last few encampments that were held, 
the business was done in the name of the old soldiers, but the work 
was actually carried on by the members of the auxiliary organiza- 
tions, such as the Ladies of G. A. R., the Sons of Veterans and the 
Daughters of Union Veterans. 

It was the boast of Kansas that this young state sent more soldiers 
into the Union armies during the Civil War than did any other state, 
in proportion to population. It is also true that, when the war was 
over, Kansas received an unusually large number of veterans as set- 
tlers and citizens. This fact is not surprising for Kansas had at- 
tracted nation-wide fame as the scene of the Rorder war, and of the 
activities of John Rrown, so it was only natural that the young men, 
released from military service, should be attracted to the state where 
the prologue of the national tragedy had been enacted. To be sure, 
this attraction was not lessened by the opportunities offered by the 
new homestead law. The late William Allen White, in his presi- 


dential address before this Society, alluded to this large number of 
Civil War soldiers who came to make up the G. A. R. in the state, 
and he said of them, ". . . they all joined the G. A. R. It domi- 
nated Kansas politics for 30 years; kept the state a rock-ribbed Re- 
publican plutocracy for thirty years after Appomatox. . . ." x 
Insofar as Mr. White's statement is correct, it alludes to a natural 
consequence of the situation. These young men had, under the 
leadership of Abraham Lincoln, served in the armies which saved 
the Union, and, now that the job was done, the great majority of 
them would inevitably adhere to the party of Lincoln. 

However, Mr. White's statement is more rhetorically correct than 
it is statistically, for he had in mind the total strength of the Union 
veterans in the state and not specifically the strength of the G. A. R., 
for this organization never recruited more than a small fraction of the 
potential members, and it tried to be strictly non-partisan. It was a 
comradeship to preserve common memories, to care for the widows 
and orphans of soldiers and to promote all that could advance the 
spirit of patriotism in the community. The officers and members 
were repeatedly being reminded that they must not let partisan poli- 
tics affect their activities. Like all organizations, it desired to grow 
in numbers. The number of posts and their membership fluctuated 
from year to year, but in the early 1890's, when the organization was 
at its peak, there were somewhat less than 500 posts with a member- 
ship of not much over 20,000, while it was estimated that the prob- 
able number of Union veterans within the borders of the state was 
some 100,000. Hence the department officers were constantly urging 
the officers of the local posts to carry on an active recruiting cam- 

During the decade of the 1890's, when the Populist movement was 
at its height, one local post commander, in response to the official 
prompting to recruit new members, wrote the state headquarters 
that he "never had asked a damned Pop to join and he never would 
do so." Of course he was properly reprimanded and again, all were 
reminded of the non-partisan rules under which they worked. How- 
ever, one may suspect that there was quite general agreement with 
the attitude of the anti-Populist commander on the part of the leaders 
of the G. A. R., although they didn't dare express it so openly as he 
did. The state was solidly Republican, as White states, and the old 
soldier vote no doubt was largely responsible for it, but it is not tech- 

1. The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 8 (1939), February, p. 76. 


nically correct to say that the G. A. R., as an organization, was re- 
sponsible for it. 

In spite of the large number of Civil War service men who were 
homesteading in Kansas, the G. A. R. did not come into full recogni- 
tion in this state until the decade of the 1880's. One may assume that 
the homesteaders were too busy founding their homes, breaking up 
the tough sod, fighting Indians and grasshoppers, struggling with the 
unfriendly elements, and then trying to survive the depression years 
of the early 1870's, to give time and effort to the establishment and 
propagation of a social and patriotic organization. However, there 
was formed in Kansas as early as December, 1865, an order called the 
Veteran Rrotherhood, and the following June a state encampment 
was held in Topeka. At about the same time the national G. A. R. 
was founded with the first post at Decatur, 111., in April, 1866. The 
leaders of this group evidently invited other veterans' organizations 
that had sprung up in various states to meet in a national encamp- 
ment in Indianapolis, November 20, 1866, and the Veteran Brother- 
hood of Kansas was represented by T. J. Anderson and possibly other 
members at this meeting. At a second encampment of the Veteran 
Brotherhood at Topeka in December, 1866, it was voted to transfer 
into the G. A. R., and the Topeka post of the Veteran Brotherhood 
became Lincoln Post No. 1 of the G. A. R. 2 

Kansas was represented at the national encampment of 1867 and 
again in 1869 but was not in 1870 nor 1871. In this year it was re- 
ported that Kansas had had 36 posts in 1868 but had only nine in 
1871 and was in arrears with national dues, so was dropped from the 
roster, but it was represented again in 1872 and reported that a re- 
organization was in progress. In 1873 the Kansas department was 
again in arrears, but got its dues paid by 1874 and, although officially 
present in 1876, the representative had to report that the number of 
posts in the department had fallen to a single one of 16 members at 
Independence. However, posts were being organized at Lamed 
and at Leavenworth, so Kansas was carried as a provisional depart- 
ment in the national organization until 1880 when it gained regular 
status and remained an active department throughout the remaining 
years of its history. 

The first encampment of the state department was held in Topeka 
in 1882 and regular meetings were held from that time on. In the 
records of this first encampment allusion was made to the growth of 

2. Frank W. Blackmar, Kansas, A Cyclopedia of State History, . . . (Chicago, 
c!912), v. 1, pp. 772, 773. 



the order from one post five years before to 36 active posts in 1882. 
Evidently recruiting went forward at a good rate during the next 
few years for, at the encampment held in 1884, it was stated that 
Kansas ranked fourth among the states of the Union in point of num- 
bers in the G. A. R., being surpassed only by Pennsylvania, New York 
and Ohio, and that there were then 298 posts in the state with 16,551 
members. 3 Nearly a decade later the number of posts was given as 
477 and the membership at a little over 20,000. So, although the 
numbers on the rolls never included more than a quarter of the po- 
tential members, yet it was the actively organized portion of the 
veteran population, it had definite purposes to attain and, as was em- 
phatically stated at one of the state encampments, "the Grand Army 
of the Republic is a power in this State, and . . . can make its 
influence felt. . . ." 4 

It was a constant objective in the minds of the Civil War veterans 
to inculcate the spirit of patriotism and, except for the subject of 
pensions, few themes were more frequently emphasized in the en- 
campments of the organization. The department meeting in 1889 
adopted a long resolution setting forth the desirability of keeping 
alive in the minds of future generations the devotion of those who 
had saved the Union, and calling upon the schools and state institu- 
tions of higher education to set aside memorial halls for reading 
rooms and historical museums. The next year the encampment 
urged all local posts to use their influence to get national flags dis- 
played in all public school rooms. In 1891 a resolution was adopted 
calling on the national encampment to take all necessary steps to in- 
sure the teaching of patriotism in the schools, emphasizing in this 
connection that it was part of their mission to see that the correct 
history of the Civil War was taught. Throughout the decade of the 
1890's, the department commanders and the resolution and educa- 
tion committees were constantly calling on the members and the 
local posts to urge legislation requiring schools to own and display 
flags, and more than one commander called upon the congress of the 
United States to make available for use in the public schools a system 
of military instruction already in use in colleges. 

In 1903 the education committee reported failure to get a bill 
through the legislature to require the flag salute in the schools of the 
state because the River Brethren had protested that such a law 
would inculcate idolatry, while another proposed piece of legisla- 

3. Proceedings Third Annual Encampment, Department of Kansas, G. A. R., 1884, p. 4. 

4. Journal of Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Encampment, Department of Kansas, 
G. A. H., 1886, p. 13. 


tion to appropriate money with which to furnish schools a manual of 
patriotism failed because "a foreign born member who couldn't 
speak English" had moved that "te pill pe turn down/' The com- 
mittee complained of lack of support from the local posts. 5 In spite 
of the seeming apathy of the members of the organization, the com- 
mittees persisted in their efforts to secure favorable legislation and in 
1907 the legislative committee, under the chairmanship of Cyrus Le- 
land, was able to report success in getting the legislature to pass an 
act requiring school boards to secure flags and facilities for display- 
ing them in the schools, and also requiring the state superintendent 
to prepare a patriotic manual to be printed by the state printer and 
distributed to the public school authorities. Just prior to the an- 
nouncement of this achievement, the office of patriotic instructor 
seems to have been created in the national organization, state depart- 
ments and local posts, and in 1906 the department patriotic instruc- 
tor reported that over 100 flags had been placed in the public schools, 
but the report failed to indicate where the funds had come from with 
which to purchase these flags. 

In keeping with its interest in patriotism, is the attitude of the or- 
ganization towards holidays related to Civil War men and incidents. 
In 1885 the department encampment expressed its appreciation of 
the act of the legislature making Memorial Day, May 30, a legal 
holiday, and there is no doubt that the organization and its members 
had been active in lobbying for that legislation, as they were later 
for enactment of the law making Lincoln's birthday a legal holiday. 
That they were jealous of the proper observance of such days is 
evidenced, for example, by the strong protest voiced by the G. A. R. 
in 1919 against the proposed plan for President Taft to speak in 
Kansas City on Memorial Day on the subject of the League of Na- 
tions. It is to be assumed that the protest was animated, not by 
hostility towards Wilson's league, but only by the determination to 
keep that day sacred to the theme of the Civil War and the sacrifices 
of the heroes who had fought in the struggle to save the Union. 
Similar sentiment, evidently, explains the persistent opposition of 
the G. A. R. to the adoption of a state flag, as they reiterated their 
Slogan, "One Country, One Flag, One Language." It seemed in- 
appropriate, if not unpatriotic, to these boys in blue for any symbol 
to be raised that might seem to divide allegiance, or to detract 
from the glory of the Stars and Stripes, and it was not till after the 

5. Proceedings of the Twenty-second Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the 
Republic, Department of Kansas, 1903, pp. 51-53. 


G. A. R. had ceased to be a force in public affairs that a state flag 
was adopted. 

It is of rather special interest to note that the G. A. R. went on 
record as officially approving and endorsing the G. A. R. Memorial 
College at Oberlin, Kan. This was a college incorporated in 1891 
for the especial purpose of giving free college education to the chil- 
dren of soldiers and sailors of the Civil War, and it is said to have 
been the only college in the country set up for that purpose. The 
boys and girls who attended were required to wear uniforms fur- 
nished by the school at cost and they had to bear the cost of their 
board and rooms, but they were charged no tuition. The college 
had but a short existence but while it lived it had the blessing 
of the old soldier organization. 

In this same decade of the 1890's, the department encampment 
passed a resolution calling upon the state and national governments 
to appropriate money for the building of a Union Soldiers' Memorial 
Hall of United States History, to be erected on the campus of the 
University of Kansas. This structure was to be dedicated to the 
realization of the G. A. R. purpose that the correct history of the 
Civil War be taught. In view of this constant and commendable 
emphasis on what they considered good patriotism, it is a bit sur- 
prising that the encampment of 1884 indefinitely postponed action 
on a proposed resolution commending Sen. John J. Ingalls for "his 
masterly defense of the martyred hero of freedom and patron saint 
of Kansas, John Brown/' One wonders if the negative action was 
prompted by a doubt as to the saintliness of John Rrown or by a 
doubt as to the propriety of an endorsement of a prominent politi- 
cian. 6 

Another evidence of the interest the G. A. R. had in the proper 
inculcation of patriotism in the rising generation is seen in the con- 
cern the department commanders were constantly manifesting in 
the character of the textbooks in United States history that were in 
use in the schools. As early as the meeting of 1891 this concern was 
indicated by the resolution which was passed calling on the national 
encampment to take steps to insure the proper presentation of the 
account of the Civil War its significance, its battles, its heroes 
to the youth in the schools of the land. At the state encampment of 
1894, the department commander in his address strongly criticized 
the school histories in use as being written to sell in all parts of 
the country the South as well as the North and so failing to teach 

6. Proceedings of the Third Annual Encampment, Department of Kansas, G. A. R., 
1884, p. 28. 


the proper love and reverence for the soldiers who had saved the 
country. He stated that he had appointed a committee to see about 
rewriting the histories or having a good one written. Later in this 
same meeting this committee gave its report, going into some detail 
in its criticism of the history books in use, and it closed its report 
with three recommendations, namely, (1) That the department 
commander appoint a committee of three G. A. R. men to watch 
with vigilance the character of books used in the public schools 
of the state and the character of the teachers employed at public 
expense. (2) That the regents and professors at the state university, 
the state agricultural college and the state normal school be re- 
quested to raise the American flag over their college buildings every 
school day, and the department commander be authorized to ap- 
point three comrades annually residing at Lawrence, Manhattan 
and Emporia, to report at each encampment whether the school 
authorities had respected this request. (3) Each post commander 
was to have this report read at a post meeting soon after the en- 
campment proceedings were published. 7 

In 1895 the comrades were still worried about this matter as is 
indicated by a resolution which was passed authorizing the com- 
mander to appoint a committee to work out a plan to get a proper 
history text published for use in Kansas schools. Such a committee 
was appointed and at the meeting the following year it gave a long 
report. It told how three comrades had been given time before the 
state teachers' association meeting to point out errors in the history 
book then in use and to tell the teachers how to teach patriotism. 
One of these speakers was quoted as telling the teachers that if he 
were writing a history textbook he would give, not a few lines, but 
50 pages to the story of the Kansas struggle. 8 Evidently he wasn't 
worried about the size of the book the children would have to read 
if all the topics were treated in similar ratio. 

Three years later the subject was again attacked in the com- 
mander's address when he condemned the book then in use because 
it gave too little space to the battles and leaders of the Civil War 
and failed to instill the spirit of patriotism. Another committee 
was appointed to make a study of the state-adopted text, which was 
Taylor's Model History of the United States, Kansas edition, and 
at the encampment of 1900 this committee gave a long report which 

7. Journal of the Thirteenth Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic, 
Department of Kansas, 1894, pp. 61, 62. 

8. Journal of the Fifteenth Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic, 
Department of Kansas, 1896, pp. 55-74. 


pointed out the inadequacies of the book. Among other short- 
comings, it was pointed out that the book devoted only 17 pages 
to the account of the Civil War while it gave 19 to the story of 
Cleveland's administration, and, furthermore, it wrongly gave credit 
to the Cleveland administration for some legislation favorable to 
the veterans which had actually been passed at an earlier date. 
This supposed partiality of the author for the Cleveland program 
made an especially good point of attack, for Cleveland's economy 
in the matter of pensions had made him unpopular with the mem- 
bers of the G. A. R., just as the program of the earlier commissioner 
of pensions, Corporal Tanner, with his "God pity the surplus" 
slogan had made him a favorite with the recipients of pensions. 
Still the question of textbooks wasn't settled and in 1901 another 
committee was appointed to investigate school history books, and 
in 1902 this committee reported that the new textbook commission, 
appointed by Governor Stanley, had replaced Taylor's history text 
by one written by Davidson, who was superintendent of schools in 
Topeka, and the committee highly praised Davidson's book and 
gave credit to the G. A. R. for getting the change made. 

This story of the turmoil over textbooks serves to remind us that 
each generation has its problems of unpatriotic and subversive in- 
fluences and each generation produces its censors to correct such 
influences. In the decade of the 1890's, the terms "socialist" and 
"anarchist" were rather indiscriminately pinned onto the advocates 
of political and economic reform, even as the terms "red" and "Com- 
munist" are today, and the G. A. R. was one of the organizations 
that made it its business to see to it that no un-American ideas 
poisoned the minds of the youth. 

Naturally the G. A. R. was active locally and in a state-wide way 
to get statues and other monuments erected as memorials to men 
and events of the Civil War, and many such monuments stand on 
courthouse squares and in city parks as evidence that the organiza- 
tion was effective in this line of endeavor. At the first state encamp- 
ment in 1882 action was taken urging the quartermaster general of 
the U. S. army to have erected at the national cemeteries at Ft. Scott 
and Ft. Leavenworth suitable rostrums for use on memorial occa- 
sions. By this time there must have been some agitation for the 
establishing of a national soldiers' home west of the Mississippi, for, 
in 1883, a committee was appointed to see what could be done and 
at the next encampment the committee reported that it had circu- 
larized the posts in the states of the Midwest and had secured over 


20,000 signatures to a petition asking congress to establish such a 
home in Kansas. Later the record shows that the department had 
advanced nearly $500 to cover the expenses "incurred in securing 
the passage of the appropriation for the soldiers' home and its 
subsequent location in Kansas" and that the legislature had in due 
time refunded the amount to the department. 

The campaign carried on by the G. A. R. was evidently effective 
for in 1884 congress passed a bill appropriating $250,000 for the erec- 
tion of a soldiers' home west of the Mississippi and on July 2 of that 
year President Arthur signed the bill. The location of the home was 
a matter for further campaigning and bidding from various cities, 
but Leavenworth gave 640 acres of land and $50,000 and this, plus 
the fact that George T. Anthony, of that city, appeared before the 
national board of managers, was sufficient to swing the matter and 
the home was located there. 9 The success of this program was a 
cause of great rejoicing on the part of the organization, as is indi- 
cated in the address of the commander at the encampment of 1885 
when he said "What stronger proof can there be of the usefulness of 
the G. A. R. than the good we have accomplished in this direction/' 

Probably the supreme achievement of the Kansas department of 
the G. A. R. in the matter of memorial buildings, was its success, after 
years of striving, in securing the erection of the Memorial building 
in Topeka, where the archives of the organization are kept, and in 
which the State Historical Society is housed. The erection and dedi- 
cation of this building were high lights in the lives of the old soldiers 
and their organization, and this was practically the last notable ac- 
complishment of the state department of the G. A. R. It appears 
that the first foreshadowing of this hall is in the action of the en- 
campment of 1889 asking the executive council of the state govern- 
ment to set aside a part of the capitol building as a memorial hall 
where G. A. R. meetings could be held and where post flags and 
relics could be stored, and a memorial hall committee was appointed 
at this meeting. Some time before 1897 this request had been favor- 
ably acted on, for in this year the minutes of the encampment refer 
to the act of the legislature by which two rooms in the capitol had 
been set aside as a G. A. R. museum under the custody of men named 
by the department officers, and the first report of the superintendent 
of the museum was given at this 1897 encampment. 30 This arrange- 
ment didn't prove entirely satisfactory, evidently, for there is later 

9. The Kansas Knight and Soldier, Topeka, July 1, 1887, p. 16. 

10. Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual Encampment of the Department of Kansas, 
Grand Army of the Republic, 1897, pp. 79-81. 


complaint that the capitol authorities had compelled the organiza- 
tion to move to other rooms in the state house, so agitation continued 
for better accomodations. 

At last, in 1909, a department committee reported that the state 
legislature had appropriated $200,000 for the building of a memorial 
hall and had created a building commission on which the secretary 
of the State Historical Society and the commander of the state de- 
partment of the G. A. R. should serve. The resolutions adopted at 
this same 1909 meeting refer to the state appropriation and also state 
that over $200,000 of funds received from the general government 
still remain in the treasury, but give no explanation of the source of 
this money nor its possible use. However in December, 1908, a cir- 
cular had been sent out from the department headquarters explain- 
ing that $97,000 had been received in the state treasury from the 
federal government, being interest due on money spent by Kansas in 
raising and equipping troops for the Civil War, but also in part, 
evidently in payment of individual claims, for it is stated that proof 
of claims for this money had been chiefly supplied by the State His- 
torical Society. It was believed that some $200,000 would finally be 
received and hope was expressed that this money, plus state appro- 
priations, would be used in the building of the Memorial hall. 11 
The next year the department member of the Memorial hall commit- 
tee reported that he had secured, in the plans for the hall, a G. A. R. 
room to seat 1,500, a room for a museum and rooms for the auxiliary 
organizations. In the discussion that followed the report, the ques- 
tion of the materials to be used in the construction of the hall was de- 
bated, and also it was strongly emphasized that the G. A. R. museum 
must be kept separate from that of the Historical Society. It turned 
out that the money at hand wasn't sufficient for building the hall as 
planned, but the legislature of 1911 made additional appropriations, 
and the contract for the erection of the building was let on March 30, 
1911. It was arranged that the ceremony of the laying of the corner- 
stone was to be on September 27, with the President of the United 
States officiating, but all the exercises to be under the control of the 
G. A. R. 

At the encampment of 1911 an explanation was made as to the 
source of the funds from the general government which were going 
into the building of the hall. The government at Washington had 
paid to the state of Kansas for expenses and personal losses in con- 
nection with the Civil War, the sum of $1,268,503. Of this, $337,054 

11. Journal of the Twenty-eighth Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the Re- 
public, Department of Kansas, 1909, pp. 107, 108. 


had been paid to certain individual claimants, and the state's 
share of $895,892 had been allocated by the state to the building of 
Memorial hall. 

By 1914 the hall had been completed and the dedication cere- 
monies were observed on May 26, 27 and 28, at the time of the de- 
partment encampment. A communication in the press that spring 
seemed to give the impression that the Kansas Academy of Science 
would direct the exercises at the dedication. This brought forth 
from the headquarters of the G. A. R. a vigorous letter declaring that 
the members of the academy, as well as all other citizens, would be 
welcome at the exercises, but stating in no uncertain terms that the 
exercises of the day would be under the control of the G. A. R. and 
of no one else. The original act of the legislature, which provided 
for the building of the hall, contained a section which reserved the 
use of the second floor of the building for the G. A. R. and its auxili- 
ary organizations, but by 1918 the G. A. R. officers were protesting 
against the use of the second floor by other organizations to the ex- 
clusion of their order and contrary to law. 12 The legislative session 
of 1919 passed an act transferring the custody of the hall from the 
Memorial hall building committee to the state executive council, but 
through the efforts of Senator Kanavel, the lone Civil War veteran 
in the senate, the original provision giving the second floor to the 
Civil War organizations was retained. And so it is today that the as- 
sembly room, the museum, and the offices on the second floor of the 
hall are memorials to, and contain the records of the Grand Army 
of the Republic and related organizations admitted to its use before 
the G. A. R. became defunct. 

The limitations of time prevent the telling of many other interest- 
ing and constructive achievements accomplished by the organization 
of the men who, as boys, had fought the battles of the war between 
the states. Much could be said of the leaders, many of whom served 
their communities, the state and the nation in public office. The 
organization was largely responsible for inducing the federal govern- 
ment to turn over to the state the land of old Fort Dodge for the pur- 
pose of building on it the state soldiers' home which, down through 
the years, was indeed a home for many a worthy and needy old com- 
rade in his helpless years. The orphans' home at Atchison was an- 
other benevolent institution for which the G. A. R. was largely re- 
sponsible, and it shared with its auxiliary, the Ladies of the G. A. R., 
in the establishment and direction of the Mother Rickerdyke Home 

12. Topeka State Journal, February 3, 1919. 


at Ellsworth. The G. A. R. was no doubt what would be called to- 
day a pressure group and it certainly applied the pressure for obtain- 
ing pensions and other favors to veterans, but it carried on its propa- 
ganda frankly, proudly, and in the open for it always insisted that 
the nation owed to the men who had saved it from destruction a debt 
that could never be paid with pensions, homes and such benevolence. 
The motto of the order Fraternity, Charity and Loyalty guided 
it in caring for the comrades, their widows and orphans, in minister- 
ing to any who suffered from epidemics and other disaster, and in 
keeping alive in the thought of the people the ideal of devotion to 
country and flag. Their charity came to extend to those outside their 
order and even to their former enemies, for Kansas posts sent car- 
loads of corn and other gifts to aid in financing the building of homes 
for Confederate veterans. Yes, the Grand Army of the Republic has 
passed into history, but the history of its ideals and achievements 
should not be forgotten. 

Following the address of the president, Kirke Mechem, secretary, 
read a paper giving a sketch of the Society's history: 


T^VERY spring hundreds of Kansas school children visit the Memo- 
-" rial building in Topeka. The first thing they see in the lobby is 
a long case where the original state constitution is displayed. They 
receive a folder which tells how the document was written. From it 
they learn that there were three earlier attempts to write a constitu- 
tion and that all failed because of the bitter fight over slavery in the 

Curiously, this was also true of the organization that has charge of 
the constitution the Kansas State Historical Society and Depart- 
ment of Archives, to give it its full name. 

In 1855 the Pro-Slavery Legislature chartered the Historical and 
Philosophical Society of Kansas Territory, which lasted only as long 
as its sponsors. Four years later the Scientific and Historical Society 
was incorporated. By 1863 it had brought together in Lawrence a 
collection of 244 books and the files of 14 newspapers. In that year 
many of its collections were destroyed in the Quantrill raid. Then in 
1867 a State Historical Society was projected. But it, too, soon died. 

The Kansas Editors and Publishers Association organized the so- 
ciety that finally took root. This was at Manhattan in April, 1875. 
Today, though 33 states are older than Kansas and many outrank it 


in wealth and population, only two or three have historical societies 
as large. 

Perhaps the most important act of the editors was to promise to 
give back files of their papers and to donate all future issues. For 75 
years this promise has been kept, with the result that the collection 
is now the largest in the United States outside the Library of Con- 

Nothing of course can compare with a newspaper as a source of 
history. Each file is a continued story of its community. Combined, 
these Kansas papers record the births and deaths, the successes and 
failures, the joys and sorrows of the people of the state for nearly a 
hundred years. No other state has ever attempted such a collection 
and no other commonwealth, therefore, ever possessed such a minute 
record of its existence. Consider what historians would give for a 
file of an Athens Post at the time of Sophocles or a London News in 
Shakespeare's day! 

The papers received by the society are listed each year in a book- 
let. The 1950 list shows 697 newpapers and periodicals. Of these, 
58 are daily and 383 are weekly, coming from all 105 counties. The 
total number of Kansas bound volumes is now 53,488. In addition 
there are over 10,000 bound volumes of out-of-state newspapers 
dated from 1767 to 1950. 

The Society's first library was donated by its first president, Chief 
Justice Samuel A. Kingman. It consisted of a bookcase in the office 
of the state auditor. Today the library has few equals in the fields 
of Western and Indian history, and genealogy. The section dealing 
with Kansas is the largest in the country, with about 300,000 separate 
card entries relating to Kansas subjects alone. 

An attempt is made to get a copy of every book, pamphlet and 
magazine article written about Kansas or by a Kansan. In addition, 
several leading Kansas dailies are read, and the stories with historical 
value are clipped and catalogued. In this way the current history 
of the state is kept up-to-date. 

The Chinese have a saying that one picture is worth 10,000 words. 
In the library 24,000 pictures are catalogued, mostly of Kansas sub- 
jects. They range from tintypes less than an inch in size to a life-size 
painting showing Governor Reeder escaping from the territory dis- 
guised as a woodchopper. Also, there are 12,000 maps, atlases and 
charts, tracing three centuries of development in the Kansas region. 

The most popular department, especially with children of school 
age, is the museum. It is the largest of the state historical museums 


and contains 35,000 objects illustrating the history of Kansas and the 

These objects range in size from Mexican dressed fleas to a Con- 
cord stage coach, and in time from a Coronado sword of 1541, found 
on the plains of Kansas, down to the present year. Boys with a 
Hopalong Cassidy complex flock about the old Western rifles, re- 
volvers, powder flasks, cartridge belts and saddles. None of the 
relics attracts more attention than an airplane made and flown in To- 
peka in 1912. 

The Society is the official archives department of the state. Ar- 
chives, strictly speaking, are business records. Schools, for example, 
have archives in the form of minutes of school boards, records of 
classes, etc. When a state officer, such as the superintendent of pub- 
lic instruction, wants to dispose of records he notifies the records 
board. The archives department examines the papers and deter- 
mines which have permanent value. They are then moved to the 
Memorial building and organized for use. The others, usually the 
larger part, are destroyed. 

Kansas was the first state in the middle west to pass an archives 
law. This was in 1905. Not until recent years, however, did the 
law prohibit departments from destroying records without permis- 
sion. Since then, more records have been transferred to the Society 
than in any preceding twenty years. The state's total archives run 
to over 2,000,000 documents. 

In the archives may be found the correspondence of every Kansas 
governor since 1854. All the original census reports since the first 
enumeration of 1855 are preserved. Of great value are the charter 
books from the secretary of state's office which contain a record of 
all Kansas corporations. 

Another department, similar to archives, consists of private letters, 
diaries and the like. They were written by early-day missionaries, 
farmers, politicians, housewives, etc., and include records of organi- 
zations and commercial firms. Examples are 35 bound volumes of 
the letters of Isaac McCoy, one of the first missionaries and surveyors 
in Kansas; the journal of Jotham Meeker, Kansas' first printer; and 
the official correspondence of the New England Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany. Nearly every noted Kansan, and hundreds of others, are 
represented in this collection of 300,000 pieces. 

Since all papers break down with age, especially wood-pulp news- 
papers, a chief problem is to preserve their content. The best 
method is to photograph them on microfilm, since it also saves space. 


The Kansas Society was one of the first to experiment in this field. 
The microfilm department has now taken 2,000,000 pictures of old 
newspapers and archives. In addition, it has bought from the Na- 
tional Archives, and elsewhere, microfilm records pertaining to Kan- 
sas which total around 350,000 pictures. Three projectors are avail- 
able for use of these films. 

The Society of course is more than a collector. It has published 
17 books known as the Kansas Historical Collections, 18 bound vol- 
umes of The Kansas Historical Quarterly, as well as numerous 
smaller publications. It is now compiling an "Annals of Kansas," a 
continuation of Wilder's Annals. This work, when published, will 
be a day-by-day history of the state from 1885 to 1925. 

As trustee for the state, the Society has charge of several historic 
sites. The most important are the old Shawnee Mission, which was 
established in 1830 near present Kansas City as an Indian mission 
and school, and the First Capitol building on the Fort Riley reserva- 
tion. Custodians at both places care for the properties and show 
them to the public. 

Like other state departments, the Society operates on money re- 
ceived from the legislature. For the most part, this support has been 
generous. But sometimes there are questions. A few years ago a 
member of an appropriations committee, visiting the building for the 
first time, asked, "What the hell good is a historical society?" It 
turned out that he was a cattleman, and when he was shown a com- 
plete collection of brand books, with his father's brand in one of the 
volumes, he began to look about him with a more open mind. 

Actually, the Society serves the public in three ways. The first is 
in a sense patriotic; it stimulates the pride people have in their past 
and encourages their natural desire to honor their ancestors. These 
are legitimate sentiments, and are a trait of all strong civilizations. 
Likewise, the Society helps teach some of the lessons of history: what 
can be learned from the struggles and errors of the past. 

On another level, the Society is merely an entertainer. People like 
curiosities, and the older the better. They like to identify the objects 
their parents or grandparents used. They enjoy seeing the crude 
utensils of the Indians, the prairie-breaking plows of the pioneers, 
the rope beds, the hand-written arithmetics. They are entertained 
by old maps and pictures. They are amused by early-day news- 
paper advertisements of bustles, mustache cups and bed warmers, 
and are touched to see steak offered at ten cents a pound and stock- 
ings at 15 cents a pair. 


For many, there is entertainment in genealogical research. Scores 
of persons spend hours in the library checking family histories. 
And of course there are other hobbyists who want to know about 
stamps, coins, old china, Indian relics, costumes and countless other 

But there is a dollar-and-cents value in historical records that is 
little appreciated by the general public. A great deal of the advertis- 
ing Kansas receives is based on the Society's collections. News- 
papermen use them constantly, as a source for features, for illustra- 
tions, for checking information. This is also true of writers for 
national magazines and authors of books. 

No historian of course can write about the state, or for that matter 
about the Great Plains region, without reference to the Society's 
records. Allan Nevins, who has twice won the Pulitzer prize, has 
visited the Society a number of times. Not long ago, J. Frank Dobie, 
a leading authority on Southwestern history, wrote that Kansas has 
the best state-maintained society he has ever worked in. "Go to 
Kansas," he told his own state, "to learn how a historical society 
representing Texas might be dignified/' 

Nearly 300 persons a month come to the Society for help in get- 
ting birth certificates, and requests are received by mail from all 
parts of the country. These certificates are needed for claims for old 
age assistance, social security, railroad retirement, pensions, pass- 
ports, proof of citizenship, etc. In giving this service last year it was 
necessary to search 8,983 census volumes and hundreds of bound 
newspaper volumes and microfilm reels. 

Recently the title to a valuable Kansas property hinged on the 
validity of a notary's commission. It was claimed that the commis- 
sion had expired before the notary had witnessed a transfer many 
years before. By reference to the Society's records it was proved 
that the commission had been renewed and that the transfer was 
legal. Frequently, in similar instances, official signatures can be 
verified by comparing them with known true signatures in the 

Even out-of-state business concerns occasionally make use of the 
Society. Several months ago one of the country's largest chain stores 
was sued by the federal government. As part of the defense of the 
suit, the corporation hired a staff of researchers to check their ad- 
vertisements through hundreds of Kansas newspapers. 

One of the state's most beautiful buildings was erected without 
cost, thanks to the archives. This is the Memorial building, which 


probably could not be replaced today for $1,500,000. During the 
Civil War, on promise of repayment by the federal government, Kan- 
sas spent $600,000 of its own money. Then for the next 50 years it 
tried to collect. In 1908 reimbursement was at last approved. Those 
who handled the matter stated that "without the records kept by the 
historical society, and nowhere else to be found, the state couldn't 
have collected a dollar/' 

There was, therefore, a touch of poetic justice in the decision that 
made the Memorial building the permanent home of the Society. 
The building is now 35 years old, yet even today few other societies 
are so well equipped. Certainly much of the Society's progress has 
been due to this capacity for expansion. 



1875-1876 * SAMUEL AUSTIN KINGMAN, Topeka. 


1879-1880 * CHARLES ROBINSON, Lawrence. 
1881-1882 'TIMOTHY DWIGHT THACHER, Lawrence. 
1883-1884 'FLOYD PERRY BAKER, Topeka. 
1885-1886 * DANIEL READ ANTHONY, I, Leavenworth. 

1887 * DANIEL WEBSTER WILDER, Hiawatha. 

1888 'EDWARD RUSSELL, Lawrence. 



1891 'JAMES STANLEY EMERY, Lawrence. 

1892 'THOMAS A. OSBORN, Topeka. 

1893 'PERCIVAL G. LOWE, Leavenworth. 

1894 'VINCENT J. LANE, Kansas City. 

1895 'SOLON O. THACHER, Lawrence. 

1896 'EDMUND N. MORRILL, Hiawatha. 

1897 * HARRISON KELLEY, Burlington. 

1898 'JOHN SPEER, Garden City. 

1899 'EUGENE FITCH WARE, Kansas City. 

1900 'JOHN GIDEON HASKELL, Lawrence. 

1901 'JOHN FRANCIS, Colony. 

1902 'WILLIAM H. SMITH, Marysville. 

1903 'WILLIAM B. STONE, Galena. 

1904 'JOHN MARTIN, Topeka. 

1905 'ROBERT M. WRIGHT, Dodge City. 

1906 'HORACE LADD MOORE, Lawrence. 

1907 'JAMES R. MEAD, Wichita. 

1908 'GEORGE W. VEALE, Topeka. 

1909 'GEORGE W. CLICK, Atchison. 

1910 *ALBE B. WHITING, Topeka. 

1911 'EDWIN C. MANNING, Winfield. 



1913 *DAVBD E. BALLARD, Washington. 
1914-1915 *JOHN N. HARRISON, Ottawa. 




1919 ^WILDER S. METCALF, Lawrence. 

1920 *THOS. A. McNEAL, Topeka. 

1921 *F. DUMONT SMITH, Hutchinson. 

1922 *SAM F. WOOLARD, Wichita. 
1923-1924 * CHARLES H. TUCKER, Lawrence. 

1925 * THEODORE GARDNER, Lawrence. 

1926 * JEROME W. BERRYMAN, Ashland. 

1927 *SAMUEL E. COBB, Topeka. 

1928 *CHARLES L, KAGEY, Beloit. 

1929 ^WILLIAM L. HUGGINS, Emporia. 

1930 W. C. SIMONS, Lawrence. 

1931 CHARLES M. HARGER, Abilene. 

1932 JOHN S. DAWSON, Hill City. 

1933 *THOMAS AMORY LEE, Topeka. 

1934 H. K. LINDSLEY, Wichita. 

1935 *THOMAS F. DORAN, Topeka. 

1935 * FRANK HEYWOOD HODDER, Lawrence. 

1936 *E. E. KELLEY, Garden City. 

1937 *EDWIN A. AUSTIN, Topeka. 

1938 * WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE, Emporia. 

1939 ROBERT C. RANKIN, Lawrence. 

1940 THOMAS M. LILLARD, Topeka. 

1941 JAMES C. MALIN, Lawrence. 

1942 CHAS. H. BROWNE, Horton. 

1943 W. E. STANLEY, Wichita. 

1944 FRED W. BRINKERHOFF, Pittsburg. 

1945 *RALPH R. PRICE, Manhattan. 

1946 JESS C. DENIOUS, Dodge City. 

1947 MILTON R. MCLEAN, Topeka. 

1948 ROBERT T. AITCHISON, Wichita. 

1949 R. F. BROCK, Goodland. 

1950 CHARLES M. CORRELL, Manhattan. 

1951 FRANK HAUCKE, Council Grove. 



1875-1876 *FLOYD PERRY BAKER, Topeka. 
1876-1899 *FRANKLIN GEORGE ADAMS, Topeka. 
1899-1914 *GEORGE WASHINGTON MARTIN, Kansas City. 
1914-1930 *WILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY, Topeka. 

1930 *FRED B. BONEBRAKE, Topeka. , 

1930- KIRKE MECHEM, Wichita. 

* Deceased. 


The report of the committee on nominations was called for: 


October 13, 1950. 
To the Kansas State Historical Society: 

Your committee on nominations submits the following report and recom- 
mendations for directors of the Society for the term of three years ending 
October, 1953: 

Aitchison, R. T., Wichita. McLean, Milton R., Topeka. 

Anderson, George L., Lawrence. Malin, James C., Lawrence. 

Anthony, D. R., Leavenworth. Mayhew, Mrs. Patricia Solander, 

Baugher, Charles A., Ellis. Topeka. 

Beck, Will T., Holton. Miller, Karl, Dodge City. 

Capper, Arthur, Topeka. Moore, Russell, Wichita. 

Carson, F. L., Wichita. Raynesford, H. C., Ellis. 

Chambers, Lloyd, Wichita. Redmond, John, Burlington. 

Cotton, Corlett J., Lawrence. Rodkey, Clyde K., Manhattan. 

Dawson, John S., Hill City. Russell, W. J., Topeka. 

Euwer, Elmer E., Goodland. Shaw, Joseph C., Topeka. 

Farley, Alan W., Kansas City. Somers, John G., Newton. 

Hobble, Frank A., Dodge City. Stewart, Donald, Independence. 

Hogin, John C., Belleville. Thomas, E. A., Topeka. 

Hunt, Charles L., Concordia. Thompson, W. F., Topeka. 

Knapp, Dallas W., Coffeyville. Van Tuyl, Mrs. Effie H., Leavenworth. 

Lilleston, W. F., Wichita. Walker, Mrs. Ida M., Norton. 

Respectfully submitted, 

JOHN S. DAWSON, Chairman, 

On motion by John S. Dawson, seconded by Frank A. Hobble, the 
report of the committee was accepted unanimously and the mem- 
bers of the board were declared elected for the term ending in Octo- 
ber, 1953. 

Reports of county and local societies were called for and were 
given by Mrs. John L. Barkley for the Shawnee Mission Indian His- 
torical Society, and by Wilford Riegle for the Lyon County Histori- 
cal Society. 

There being no further business, the annual meeting of the Society 

To mark the Society's 75th anniversary, refreshments were served 
in the secretary's office at the close of the meeting. Mrs. Charles M. 
Correll cut a three-tiered birthday cake; and Mrs. Kirke Mechem 
served punch from the silver punch bowl of the battleship Kansas 





The afternoon meeting of the board of directors was. called to 
order by President Correll. He asked for a rereading of the report 
of the nominating committee for officers of the Society. The report 
was read by John S. Dawson, chairman, who moved that it be ac- 
cepted. Motion was seconded by Standish Hall and the following 
were unanimously elected: 

For a one-year term: Frank Haucke, Council Grove, president; 
Will T. Beck, Holton, first vice-president; Robert Taft, Lawrence, 
second vice-president. 

For a two-year term: Kirke Mechem, Topeka, secretary; Mrs. 
Lela Barnes, Topeka, treasurer. 

There being no further business, the meeting adjourned. 



Bailey, Roy F., Salina. 
Beezley, George F., Girard. 
Bowlus, Thomas H., lola. 
Brinkerhoff, Fred W., Pittsburg. 
Browne, Charles H., Horton. 
Campbell, Mrs. Spurgeon B., 

Kansas City. 
Cron, F. H., El Dorado. 
Ebright, Homer K., Baldwin. 
Gray, John M., Kirwin. 
Hamilton, R. L., Beloit. 
Harger, Charles M., Abilene. 
Harvey, Mrs. A. M., Topeka. 
Haucke, Frank, Council Grove. 
Hodges, Frank, Olathe. 
Lingenfelser, Angelus, Atchison. 
Long, Richard M., Wichita. 

McArthur, Mrs. Vernon E., Hutchinson. 

McFarland, Helen M., Topeka. 

Malone, James, Topeka. 

Mechem, Kirke, Topeka. 

Mueller, Harrie S., Wichita. 

Philip, Mrs. W. D., Hays. 

Rankin, Robert C., Lawrence. 

Ruppenthal, J. C., Russell. 

Sayers, Wm. L., Hill City. 

Simons, W. C., Lawrence. 

Skinner, Alton H., Kansas City. 

Stanley, W. E., Wichita. 

Stone, Robert, Topeka. 

Taft, Robert, Lawrence. 

Templar, George, Arkansas City. 

Trembly, W. B., Kansas City. 

Woodring, Harry H., Topeka. 


Barr, Frank, Wichita. 
Berryman, Jerome C., Ashland. 
Brignam, Mrs. Lalla M., 

Council Grove. 
Brock, R. F., Goodland. 
Bumgardner, Edward, Lawrence. 
Correll, Charles M., Manhattan. 
Davis, W. W., Lawrence. 
Denious, Jess C., Dodge City. 
Fay, Mrs. Mamie Axline, Pratt. 
Godsey, Mrs. Flora R., Emporia. 
Hall, Mrs. Carrie A., Leavenworth. 
Hall, Standish, Wichita. 
Hegler, Ben F., Wichita. 
Jones, Horace, Lyons. 
Lillard, T. M., Topeka. 
Lindsley, H. K., Wichita. 

Means, Hugh, Lawrence. 
Norton, Gus S., Kalvesta. 
Owen, Arthur K., Topeka. 
Owen, Mrs. E. M., Lawrence. 
Patrick, Mrs. Mae C., Satanta. 
Payne, Mrs. L. F., Manhattan. 
Riegle, Wilford, Emporia. 
Rupp, Mrs. Jane C., Lincolnville. 
Schultz, Floyd B., Clay Center. 
Scott, Angelo, lola. 
Sloan, E. R., Topeka. 
Smelser, Mary M., Lawrence. 
Stewart, Mrs. James G., Topeka. 
Van De Mark, M. V. B., Concordia. 
Wark, George H., Caney. 
Williams, Charles A., Bentley. 
Wooster, Lorraine E., Salina. 



Aitchison, R. T., Wichita. McLean, Milton R., Topeka. 

Anderson, George L., Lawrence. Malm, James C., Lawrence. 

Anthony, D. R., Leavenworth. Mayhew, Mrs. Patricia Solander, 

Baugher, Charles A., Ellis. Topeka. 

Beck, Will T., Holton. Miller, Karl, Dodge City. 

Capper, Arthur, Topeka. Moore, Russell, Wichita. 

Carson, F. L., Wichita. Raynesford, H. C., Ellis. 

Chambers, Lloyd, Wichita. Redmond, John, Burlington. 

Cotton, Corlett J., Lawrence. Rodkey, Clyde K., Manhattan. 

Dawson, John S., Hill City. Russell, W. J., Topeka. 

Euwer, Elmer E., Goodland. Shaw, Joseph C., Topeka. 

Farley, Alan W., Kansas City. Somers, John G., Newton. 

Hobble, Frank A., Dodge City. Stewart, Donald, Independence. 

Hogin, John C., Belleville. Thomas, E. A., Topeka. 

Hunt, Charles L., Concordia. Thompson, W. F., Topeka. 

Knapp, Dallas W., Coffeyville. Van Tuyl, Mrs. Effie H., Leavenworth. 

LiUeston, W. F., Wichita. Walker, Mrs. Ida M., Norton. 

Recent Additions to the Library 

Compiled by HELEN M. MCFARLAND, Librarian 

IN ORDER that members of the Kansas State Historical Society 
and others interested in historical study may know the class of 
books we are receiving, a list is printed annually of the books ac- 
cessioned in our specialized fields. 

These books come to us from three sources, purchase, gift and 
exchange, and fall into the following classes: Books by Kansans 
and about Kansas; books on the West, including explorations, over- 
land journeys and personal narratives; genealogy and local history, 
and books on the Indians of North America, United States history, 
biography and allied subjects which are classified as general. The 
out-of-state city directories received by the Historical Society are 
not included in this compilation. 

We also receive regularly the publications of many historical so- 
cieties by exchange, and subscribe to other historical and genea- 
logical publications which are needed in reference work. 

The following is a partial list of books which were added to the 
library from October 1, 1949, to September 30, 1950. Federal and 
state official publications and some books of a general nature are 
not included. The total number of books accessioned appears in 
the report of the secretary in this issue of the Quarterly. 


ADAMS, KENNETH M., Portfolio of Lithographs. Albuquerque, The University 
of New Mexico Press, c!950. 8 Lithographs. 

AMRINE, MICHAEL, Secret. Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950. Slip. 

BARBE, MRS. MURIEL GULP, A Union Forever; an Historical Story of the Turbu- 
lent Years, 1854-1865, in the Lincoln Country and the Kansas-Missouri 
Border of the Old Central West, Based on Contemporary Records, Docu- 
ments and Letters of Lewis Hanback, Hitherto Unpublished. Glendale, 
Cal., The Barbe Associates, 1949. 470p. 

BECKER, EDNA, 900 Buckets of Paint. New York, Abingdon-Cokesbury Press 
[c!949]. [22] p. 

BENDER, RICHARD N., A Philosophy of Life. New York, Philosophical Library, 
Inc. [c!949]. 250p. 

BIRCH, CLARENCE ELLIS, John Faithful, Schoolmaster. New York, The Expo- 
sition Press [c!949]. 200p. 

BRACKE, WILLIAM B., Wheat Country. New York, Duell, Sloan and Pearce 
[c!950]. 309p. 

BRECKENRIDGE, R. H., An Industrial Survey of Pratt, Kansas. Manhattan, En- 
gineering Experiment Station, Kansas State College, 1950. 107p. 



BUMGARDNER, EDWARD, The Life of Edmund G. Ross, the Man Whose Vote 
Saved a President. Kansas City, Mo., The Fielding-Turner Press, 1949. 

Colby City Directory, Including Thomas County, Kansas, 1949 Edition. Colo- 
rado Springs, Rocky Mountain Directory Company, 1949. 121p. 

COOPER, HELEN MARIE, The Wealth She Gathered. Boston, Chapman and 
Grimes, Inc. [c!950]. 260p. 

CUSTER, GEORGE ARMSTRONG, The Custer Story; the Life and Intimate Letters 
of General George A. Custer and His Wife Elizabeth. Edited by Marguerite 
Merington. New York, The Devin-Adair Company, 1950. 339p. 

ENGLISH, E. Lois, Of Dreams and Memories. [New York] The Exposition 
Press, 1949. 63p. 

, Travel Memories of Europe. New York, The Exposition Press [c!947], 


GAGLIARDO, DOMENICO, American Social Insurance. New York, Harper and 
Brothers [c!949]. 671p. 

GANN, WALTER, Tread of the Longhorns. San Antonio, The Naylor Company 
[c!949]. 188p. 

GINGER, RAY, The Bending Cross, a Biography of Eugene Victor Debs. New 
Brunswick, Rutgers University Press, 1949. 516p. 

GLOYNE, HOWARD F., Carl A. Preyer; the Life of a Kansas Musician. [Law- 
rence, Preyer Memorial Committee, University of Kansas, c!949.] 99p. 

Goodland City Directory, 1948 . . . Colorado Springs, Rocky Mountain 
Directory Company, 1948. 134p. 

GORDON, MILDRED, and GORDON GORDON, Make Haste To Live. Garden City, 
N. Y., Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1950. 223p. 

HARDER, MARVIN A., The Tidelands Controversy. Wichita, Municipal Uni- 
versity of Wichita, 1949. 35p. (University Studies Bulletin, No. 20.) 

HIBBARD, CLAUDE W., Mammals of the Rexroad Formation From Fox Canyon, 
Kansas. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1950. [79]p. (Contribu- 
tions From the Museum of Paleontology, Vol. 8, No. 6, pp. 113-192.) 

, Pleistocene Stratigraphy and Paleontology of Meade County, Kansas. 

Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1949. [37]p. (Contributions 
From the Museum of Paleontology, Vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 63-90.) 

, Pleistocene Vertebrate Paleontology in North America. New York, The 

Geological Society of America, 1949. [12]p. (Bulletin, Vol. 60, pp. 1417- 

, Pliocene Saw Rock Canyon Fauna in Kansas. Ann Arbor, University of 

Michigan Press, 1949. [14]p. (Contributions From the Museum of Paleon- 
tology, Vol. 7, No. 5, pp. 91-105.) 

, Techniques of Collecting Microvertebrate Fossils. Ann Arbor, University 

of Michigan Press, 1949. [13]p. (Contributions From the Museum of 
Paleontology, Vol. 8, No. 2, pp. 7-19. ) 

, and KENDALL A. KEENMON, New Evidence of the Lower Miocene Age 

of the Blacktail Deer Creek Formation in Montana. Ann Arbor, University 
of Michigan Press, 1950. [lljp. (Contributions From the Museum of 
Paleontology, Vol. 8, No. 7, pp. 193-204.) 

HINSHAW, DAVID, Herbert Hoover, American Quaker. New York, Farrar, 
Straus and Company [c!950]. 469p. 


HORNER, W. B., The Gold Regions of Kansas and Nebraska. Being a Com- 
plete History of the First Year's Mining Operations ... a Complete 
Guide to the Gold Mines. Chicago, W. H. Tobey and Company, 1859. 67p. 
(Mumey Reprint, 1949.) 

HOWE, JANE MOORE, Amelia Earhart, Kansas Girl Indianapolis, The Bobbs- 
Merrill Company, Inc. [c!950]. 196p. 

HUBBARD, FREEMAN H., Vinnie Ream and Mr. Lincoln. New York, Whittlesey 
House [c!949]. 271p. 

HUBBARD, WILLIAM F., My Second Trip With the U. S. Navy . . . (Re- 
printed from The Hugoton Hermes With Additions. July, 1950. ) [63]p. 

, My Trip With the U. S. Navy. Fall Maneuvers, Nov. 1 to 22, 1949, 

From Norfolk, Va., to Arctic Circle in the Davis Strait, and Return. (Re- 
printed from The Hugoton Hermes, February 2, 1950. ) [24]p. 

HUGHES, LANGSTON, Simple Speaks His Mind. [New York] Simon and Schus- 
ter [c!950]. 231p. 

INGE, WILLIAM, Come Back, Little Sheba. New York, Random House [c!950]. 

JARECKA, LOUISE (LLEWELLYN), Made in Poland; Living Traditions of the Land. 
New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1949. 289p. 

JONES, ALLETTA, Peggy's Wish. New York, Abingdon-Cokesbury Press [c!949]. 

KANSAS ACADEMY OF SCIENCE, Transactions, Vol. 52. N. p., Kansas Academy 
of Science, 1949. 521p. 

KANSAS AUTHORS CLUB, 1950 Yearbook. N. p., 1950. 128p. 

versary, 1924-1949. N. p. [1949]. 39p. 

Kansas Magazine, 1950. Manhattan, The Kansas Magazine Publishing Associ- 
ation, 1950. 108p. 

Resources, 1949. No impr. Mimeographed. [376]p. 

KANSAS UNIVERSITY, New Writers, 1950. [Lawrence, New Writers, University 
of Kansas, 1950.] 80p. 

Liberal, Kansas, City Directory, 1948 . . . Colorado Springs, Rocky Moun- 
tain Directory Company, 1948. 184p. 

LOCKWOOD, ETHEL K., Side Roads Calling; Traveling the Unbeaten Paths From 
California to Florida. New York, The Exposition Press [c!949]. 185p. 

LOWTHER, CHARLES C., A Tale of the Kansas Border. New York, Vantage 
Press, Inc. [c!949]. 190p. 

MARKHAM, REUBEN HENRY, Tito's Imperial Communism. Chapel Hill, The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1947. 292p. 

Day" Momenta. [Marquette] 75th Anniversary Planning Committee, 1949. 

[Kansas City, Mo., Tell-Well Press, c!949.] [26]p. 

MENNINGER, WILLIAM CLAIRE, Enjoying Leisure Time. Chicago, Science Re- 
search Associates, Inc. [c!950]. 48p. 

FERENCE, Annual Report, 7 and 8, 1947-1948, 1948-1949. No impr. 2 Vols. 


MILLER, AMY (JOHNSON), The Pioneer Doctor in the Ozarks White River Coun- 
try. Kansas City, Mo., Burton Publishing Company [c!949], 161p. 
MOORE, CLINTON J., Brain Storms. N. p., 1950. Mimeographed. 48p. 
Moss, L. HANI, Dust on Memory's Shelf. Boston, Bruce Humphries, Inc. 

[c!948]. 80p. 
MUSSELMAN, MORRIS MCNEIL, Get a Horse! the Story of the Automobile in 

America. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company [c!950]. 304p. 
, I Married a Redhead. New York, Thomas Y. Crowell Company [c!949]. 

NICOLAY, HELEN, Born To Command, the Story of General Eisenhower. New 

York, D. Appleton-Century Company [c!945]. 192p. 
PARK, ESTHER AILLEEN, Mural Painters in America. Part 1, a Biographical 

Index. Pittsburg, Kansas State Teachers College, 1949. 182p. 
P oik's Topeka (Shawnee County, Kansas) City Directory, 1950. Kansas City, 

Mo., R. L. Polk and Company, c!950. 782p. 
POPENOE, PAUL, Marriage Is What You Make It. New York, The Macmillan 

Company, 1950. 221p. 

Portrait and Biographical Album of Marshall County, Kansas . . . Chi- 
cago, Chapman Brothers, 1889. 740p. 
POWERS, PAUL S., Doc Dillahay. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1949. 

RAZAK, KENNETH, Full-Scale Wind Tunnel Tests of 1949 Automobiles. Wichita, 

Municipal University of Wichita, 1950. 67p. (University Studies Bulletin, 

No. 21.) 
RIDDLE, KENYON, Records and Maps of the Old Santa Fe Trail. [Raton, N. M., 

The Raton Daily Range, c!949.] 104p. 

to California . . . Topeka, 1901. [Reprinted by Long's College Book 

Company, Columbus, Ohio, 1950.] 630p. 
ROSE, FRANK L., "The Heavens Are Telling." Jesus Is Coming. Hazel Crest, 

111., Commentary Publishing Company, c!948. 46p. 
SCHROEDER, RUTH, Youth Programs for Special Occasions. New York, Abing- 

don-Cokesbury Press [c!950]. 256p. 
SIKES, WILLIAM HERMAN, Life Begins at Ninety. Girard, Haldeman-Julius 

Publications [c!949]. 146p. 
SNELL, JOHN, The Political Thought of Adam Ferguson. Wichita, Municipal 

University of Wichita, 1950. 20p. (University Studies Bulletin, No. 21. ) 
STAUFFER, JOHN H., Ramblings in Europe, 1949. Topeka, The Topeka State 

Journal [1949]. 52p. 
STONE, IRVING, The Passionate Journey. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday and 

Company, Inc., 1949. 337p. 
STOWELL, FRANK L., Year Book of Garden City, Kansas, and Biographical 

Sketches of Leading Citizens. N. p., 1936. 95p. 
TAFT, ROBERT, Fifty Years in Bailey Chemical Laboratory at the University of 

Kansas. [Lawrence] Department of Chemistry, University of Kansas, 1950. 


VESTAL, STANLEY, Writing: Advice and Devices, by Walter S. Campbell. Gar- 
den City, N. Y., Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1950. 301p. 


WELLMAN, MANLY WADE, Giant in Gray, a Biography of Wade Hampton of 
South Carolina. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1949. 387p. 

Wichita Social Register, 1950. Vol. 8. [Wichita, Prairie Publishers, Inc.] 
1950. 157p. 

WILSON, LLOYD E., A History of Cooperatives in Kansas. Topeka, Kansas Co- 
operative Council Publication, 1949. 153p. 


BANDELIER, ADOLPH FRANCIS ALPHONSE, A Scientist on the Trail; Travel Letters 
of A. F. Bandelier, 1880-1881. [Edited by] George P. Hammond and Edgar 
F. Goad. Berkeley, The Quivira Society, 1949. 142p. (Quivira Society 
Publications, Vol. 10.) 

BEARD, JOHN W., Saddles East; Horseback Over the Old Oregon Trail. Port- 
land, Ore., Binfords and Mort [c!949]. 181p. 

BEEBE, Lucius MORRIS, and CHARLES CLEGG, 17. S. West, the Saga of Wells 
Fargo. New York, E. P. Button and Company, Inc., 1949. 320p. 

BOLTON, HERBERT EUGENE, Coronado on the Turquoise Trail; Knight of 
Pueblos and Plains. Albuquerque, The University of New Mexico Press, 
1949. 491p. (Coronado Cuarto Centennial Publications, Vol. 1.) 

CLAPPE, LOUISE AMELIA KNAPP (SMITH), The Shirley Letters From the Cali- 
fornia Mines, 1851-1852. With an Introduction and Notes by Carl I. Wheat. 
New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1949. 216p. 

CLELAND, ROBERT GLASS, This Reckless Breed of Men, the Trappers and Fur 
Traders of the Southwest. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1950. 361p. 

DOBIE, JAMES FRANK, The Voice of the Coyote. Boston, Little, Brown and 
Company, 1949. 386p. 

DuBois, JOHN VAN DEUSEN, Campaigns in the West, 1856-1861. The 
Journal and Letters of Colonel John Van Deusen Du Bois With Pencil 
Sketches by Joseph Heger. Tucson, Arizona Pioneers Historical Society, 
1949. 120p. 

Du Ru, PAUL, Journal of Paul Du Ru [February 1 to May 8, 1700] Missionary 
Priest to Louisiana. Chicago, Printed for the Caxton Club, 1934. 74p. 

EMRICH, DUNCAN, It's an Old Wild West Custom. New York, The Vanguard 
Press, Inc. [c!949]. 313p. 

HECKMAN, WILLIAM L., Steamboating; Sixty-Five Years on Missouri's Rivers; 
the Historical Story of Developing the Waterway Traffic on the Rivers of the 
Middlewest. Kansas City, Mo., Burton Publishing Company [c!950]. 284p. 

HUNGERFORD, EDWARD, Wells Fargo, Advancing the American Frontier. New 
York, Random House [c!949L 274p. 

HUNTER, Louis C., Steamboats on the Western Rivers, an Economic and Tech- 
nological History. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1949. 684p. 

MADDEN, HENRY MILLER, Xdntus, Hungarian Naturalist in the Pioneer West. 
Palo Alto, Books of the West, 1949. 312p. 

MANLY, WILLIAM LEWIS, The Jayhawkers' Oath and Other Sketches. Los 
Angeles, Warren F. Lewis, 1949. 168p. 

MEGQUIER, MARY JANE (COLE), Apron Full of Gold; the Letters of Mary Jane 
Megquier From San Francisco, 1849-1856. San Marino, Cal., The Hunt- 
ington Library, 1949. 99p. 


MUMEY, NOLIE, Clark, Gruber and Company (1860-1865), a Pioneer Denver 

Mint. History of Their Operation and Coinage. Denver, Artcraft Press, 

1950. 93p. 
PADEN, IRENE (DAKIN), Prairie Schooner Detours. New York, The Macmillan 

Company, 1949. 295p. 
PFEFFERKORN, IGNAZ, Sonora, a Description of the Province. Albuquerque, The 

University of New Mexico Press, 1949. 329p. (Coronado Cuarto Centen- 
nial Publications, Vol. 12.) 
PRICE, GEORGE FREDERIC, Across the Continent With the Fifth Cavalry. New 

York, D. Van Nostrand, 1883. 705p. 
RATHBONE, PERRY T., ed., Mississippi Panorama, the Life and Landscape of 

the Father of Waters and Its Great Tributary, the Missouri . . . [St. 

Louis] City Art Museum of St. Louis [c!950]. 228p. 
SALISBURY, ALBERT, and JANE SALISBURY, Two Captains West, an Historical 

Tour of the Lewis and Clark Trail. Seattle, Superior Publishing Company 

[c!950]. 235p. 
WALLACE, ED. R., Parson Hanks Fourteen Years in the West. A Story of the 

Authors Frontier Life in the Pan Handle of Texas. Arlington, Tex., Journal 

Print [1950]. [168]p. 
WARREN, SIDNEY, Farthest Frontier, the Pacific Northwest. New York, The 

Macmillan Company, 1949. 375p. 
WESTERNERS, DENVER, Brand Book, 1948. Denver, The Westerners [c!949]. 


, Los Angeles, Brand Book, 1948. [Los Angeles, The Los Angeles West- 
erners, c!949.] 175p. 
WILLIAMS, ALBERT NATHANIEL, Rocky Mountain Country. New York, Duell, 

Sloan and Pearce [c!950]. 289p. 
WOLLE, MURIEL VINCENT SIBELL, Stampede to Timberline; the Ghost Towns 

and Mining Camps of Colorado. Boulder, Author [c!949]. 544p. 
WYER, MALCOM G., Western History Collection, Its Beginning and Growth. 

[Denver] Denver Public Library, 1950. [20]p. 



1949. Charlottesville, Albemarle County Historical Society, 1950. 77p. 
AMERICAN CLAN GREGOR SOCIETY, Year Book Containing the Proceedings of 

the 1949 Annual Gathering. Richmond, Va., The American Clan Gregor 

Society [1950]. 51p. 
American Genealogical Index, Vols. 34-38. Middletown, Conn., Published by 

a Committee Representing the Cooperating Subscribing Libraries . . ., 

1949-1950. 5 Vols. 
ATWATER, FRANCIS, Atwater History and Genealogy. Meriden, Conn., The 

Journal Publishing Company, 1901. 492p. 
BENFORD, J. H., History of Hancock County, Indiana . . . Greenfield, 

Ind., William Mitchell, Steam Book and Job Printer, 1882. 536p. 
Biographical and Genealogical History of Southeastern Nebraska. Chicago, The 

Lewis Publishing Company, 1904. 2 Vols. 
Biographical and Historical Record of Jay and Blackford Counties, Indiana 

. . . Chicago, The Lewis Publishing Company, 1887. 901p. 


Biographical Memoirs of Wabash County, Indiana . . . Chicago, B. F. 
Bowen, 1901. 705p. 

Biographical Review . . . Biographical Sketches of the Leading Citizens 
of Franklin County, Massachusetts. Boston, Biographical Review Publishing 
Company, 1895. 668p. 

Biographical Review . . . Containing Life Sketches of Leading Citizens 
of Norfolk County, Massachusetts. Boston, Biographical Review Publishing 
Company, 1898. 710p. 

Biographical Sketches of Leading Citizens of Cortland County, New York. 
Buffalo, Biographical Publishing Company, 1898. 515p. 

BOSTONIAN SOCIETY, Proceedings, Annual Meeting January 10, 1950. Boston, 
Society, 1950. 68p. 

BOWEN, RICHARD LE BARON, Earl Rehoboth; Documented Historical Studies 
of Families and Events in This Plymouth Colony Township. Vol. 4. 
Rehoboth, Mass., Privately Printed, 1950. 189p. 

, Index to the Early Records of the Town of Providence, Vols. 1-21. 

Providence, Rhode Island Historical Society, 1949. 97p. 

CHANDLER, CHARLES H., comp., The Descendants of Roger Chandler of Con- 
cord, Mass., 1658. Provo, Utah, Herald Printing Company, 1949. 152p. 

CHAPMAN, BLANCHE (ADAMS), comp., Isle of Wright County Marriages, 1628- 
1800. [Smithfield, Va.] 1933. Mimeographed. 137p. 

DALE, EDWARD EVERETT, Oklahoma, the Story of a State. Evanston, 111., Row, 
Peterson and Company [c!949]. 448p. 

DANIEL, J. R. V., comp. and ed., A Hornbook of Virginia History. [Richmond] 
Virginia Department of Conservation and Development, Division of History 
[1949]. 141p. 

DEERFIELD, MASS., Vital Records to the Year 1850. Boston [Wright and Potter 
Printing Company], 1920. 328p. 

DORCHESTER, MASS., Dorchester Births, Marriages and Deaths to the End of 
1825. Boston, Rockwell and Churchill, 1890. 392p. 

Dow, GRACE ANN (BALL), Dow, Ball, Eaton and Allied Families; a Genea- 
logical Study With Biographical Notes. New York, The American Historical 
Company, Inc., 1947. 80p. 

EAST TENNESEE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Publications, No. 21, 1949. Knoxville, 
The East Tennessee Historical Society, 1949. 143p. 

Family. An Account of Some of the Descendants of Abel Eastwood Who 
Settled in Washington County, New York, Around 1780. Pittsburgh, Pa., 
Privately Printed, 1950. 14p. 

EBERLEIN, HAROLD DONALDSON, The Manors and Historic Homes of the Hudson 
Valley. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company, 1924. 327p. 

ERVIN, EDGAR, Pioneer History of Meigs County, Ohio, to 1949, Including Ma- 
sonic History of the Same Period. No impr. 514p. 

ERVIN, SARA SULLIVAN, comp. and ed., South Carolinians in the Revolution, 
With Service Records and Miscellaneous Data. Also Abstracts of Wills, 
Laurens County (Ninety-Six District), 1775-1855. [Ypsilanti, Mich., Uni- 
versity Lithoprinters] 1949. 217p. 

EVERTON, WALTER MARION, The Handy Book for Genealogists . . . 
Logan, Utah, Herald- Journal Printing Company, c!949. 205p. 


FAIRFIELD [CONN.] HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Pamphlet, 1950. Fairfield, Fairfield 
Historical Society, 1950. 26p. 

FISHER, CHARLES A., Early Central Pennsylvania Lineages. N. p., 1948. lOOp. 

, comp., Wills and Administrations of Northumberland County, Pennsyl- 
vania, Including Wills and Administrations of Union, Mifflin and Indiana 
Counties, All Formerly a Part of Northumberland County, Pennsylvania. 
Selinsgrove, Pa., 1950. 77p. 

Fox, FRANK BIRD, Two Huguenot Families: DeBlois, Lucas. Cambridge, 
Mass., University Press [c!949]. 120p. 

GALLAND, ISAAC, Galland's Iowa Emigrant: Containing a Map and General 
Description of Iowa Territory. Chillicothe, Ohio, William C. Jones, 1840. 
[Reprinted by the State Historical Society of Iowa, 1949.] 28p. 

CAREER, VIRGINIA (ARMISTEAD), The Armistead Family, 1635-1910. Rich- 
mond, Va., Whittet and Shepperson, 1910. 319p. 

GARNER, WINFIELD SCOTT, ed., Biographical and Portrait Cyclopedia of Chester 
County, Pennsylvania, Comprising a Historical Sketch of the County, by 
Samuel T. Wiley. Together With More Than Five Hundred Biographical 
Sketches of the Prominent Men and Leading Citizens of the County. Phila- 
delphia, Gresham Publishing Company, 1893. 879p. 

Hanover County, Vol. 2, 1743-1871. Wills, Deeds, Depositions, Letters, 
Marriages, Obituaries, Estates for Sale, Absentee Land Owners and Other 
Documents of Historical and Genealogical Interest. N. p., c!949. Mimeo- 
graphed. llOp. 

Family Record, 1856-1948. Inman, Kan., Salem Publishing House, 1948. 

, The Jacob Strausz, Sr., Family Record, 1859-1948. Inman, Kan., Salem 

Publishing House, 1948. 76p. 

, The Peter Graber Family Record, 1839-1948. Newton, The Herald Book 

and Printing Company, Inc., 1948. 444p. 

GREEN, FLETCHER MELVIN, ed., Essays in Southern History. Chapel Hill, The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1949. 156p. ( The James Sprunt Studies 
in History and Political Science, Vol. 31.) 

GREENWOOD, FREDERICK, Greenwood Genealogies, 1154-1914 . . . New 
York, The Lyons Genealogical Company [c!914]. 546p. 

GROTON, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1849. Salem, Mass., 
The Essex Institute, 1926-1927. 2 Vols. 

GUNNISON, GEORGE W., comp., A Genealogy of the Descendants of Hugh Gun- 
nison, of Boston, Mass., Covering the Period From 1610-1876. Boston, 
George A. Foxcroft, 1880. 222p. 

HAIN, HARRY HARRISON, History of Perry County, Pennsylvania, Including 
Sketches of Its Noted Men and Women and Many Professional Men. 
Harrisburg, Hain-Moore Company, 1922. 1088p. 

HALIFAX, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1849. Boston, Massa- 
chusetts Society of Mayflower Descendants, 1905. 21 Ip. 

HASKELL, HENRY C., JR., and RICHARD B. FOWLER, City of the Future, a Nar- 
rative History of Kansas City, 1850-1950. Kansas City, Mo., Frank Glenn 
Publishing Company, Inc. [c!950]. 193p. 


HAZLETT, CHARLES A., History of Rockingham County, New Hampshire, and 
Representative Citizens. Chicago, Richmond-Arnold Publishing Company, 
1915. 1306p. 

HELLER, FRANCIS HOWARD, Virginia's State Government During the Second 
World War; Its Constitutional, Legislative and Administrative Adaptations, 
1942-1945. Richmond, Virginia State Library, 1949. 203p. 

HELMEN, VERNON R., Archaeological Survey of Owen County, Indiana. Indian- 
apolis, Indiana Historical Bureau, 1950. 49p. 

Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois and History of Mercer County. Chicago, 
Munsell Publishing Company, 1903. 798p. 

Historical Notes on the Ancestry and Descendants of Henry Neill, M. D. N. p. 
Privately Printed, 1886. 33p. 

History of Jefferson County, Iowa, Containing a History of the County, Its Cities, 
Towns, Etc. . . . Chicago, Western Historical Company, 1879. 603p. 

History of Lawrence and Monroe Counties, Indiana, Their People, Industries 
and Institutions. Indianapolis, B. F. Bowen and Company, 1914. 764p. 

History of Portage County, Ohio . . . Chicago, Warner, Beers and Com- 
pany, 1885. 927p. 

History of Van Wert and Mercer Counties, Ohio. With Illustrations and Bio- 
graphical Sketches of Some of Its Prominent Men and Pioneers. Wapakoneta, 
Ohio, R. Sutton and Company, 1882. [506]p. 

HORTON, H. LEAVITT, New England Chronicle, No. 1. Abraham Lincoln. 
N. p., c!950. [23]p. 

, New England Sampler: Boston, Hingham and the South Shore, With 

Views and Sketches Printed in Colors by the Author. N. p., c!950. [26]p. 

HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, Transactions, No. 54. Baltimore, 
Waverly Press, Inc., 1949. 51p. 

IRVINE, MRS. ESTHER, Hulpiau-Jelly Family Histories. N. p. [1950]. Mimeo- 
graphed. 91p. 

LANTZ, EMILY EMERSON, The Family of Boarman. Typed. 12p. 

LAWRENCE, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1849. Salem, Mass., 
The Essex Institute, 1926. 125p. 

LEONARD, JOAN DE LOURDES, SISTER, The Organization and Procedure of the 
Pennsylvania Assembly, 1682-1776. Philadelphia, 1949. (Reprinted from 
The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 72, No. 3, July 
and October, 1948. ) 66p. 

LYNN, MASS., Records of ye Towne Meeting of Lyn, 1691-1701/2. Lynn, Lynn 
Historical Society, 1949. 83p. 

MARSHALL, GEORGE SIDNEY, The Daniel Marshall Family With a Sketch of 
the Aaron Marshall Family. Columbus, Ohio, n. p., 1949. 74p. 

MORGAN, MANIE, The New Stars; Life and Labor in Old Missouri. As arranged 
by Jennie A. Morgan. N. p., The Antioch Press, 1949. 301p. 

[Mount Vernon, The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union, c!950.] 

NELSON, WILLIAM, ed., Nelson's Biographical Cyclopedia of New Jersey. New 
York, Eastern Historical Publishing Society, 1913. 2 Vols. 

NEW CANAAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Annual, June, 1950. New Canaan, Conn., 
The New Canaan Historical Society, 1950. 134p. 


NEWTON, CLAIR ALONZO, Newton Families of Colonial Connecticut, Vol. 2. 

Naperville, 111., n. p., 1949. 286p. 
NOURSE, HENRY STEDMAN, ed., The Birth, Marriage and Death Register, Church 

Records and Epitaphs of Lancaster, Massachusetts, 1643-1850. Lancaster, 

n. p., 1890. 508p. 
OWEN, THOMAS McAooRY, History of Alabama and Dictionary of Alabama 

Biography. Chicago, The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1921. 4 Vols. 

Archives of Pennsylvania Covering the 138 Volumes of Colonial Records' 

and Pennsylvania Archives, Series 1-9. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania Historical 

and Museum Commission, 1949. lOlp. 
PLATT, GEORGE LEWIS, The Platt Lineage, a Genealogical Research and Record. 

New York, Thomas Whittaker, 1891. 398p. 

Portrait and Biographical Album of Morgan and Scott Counties, III., Contain- 
ing . . . Biographical Sketches of Prominent and Representative Citizens 

of the County . . . Chicago, Chapman Brothers, 1889. 617p. 
Portrait and Biographical Album of Otoe and Cass Counties, Nebraska . . . 

Chicago, Chapman Brothers, 1889. 1307p. 
Portrait and Biographical Record of Hunterdon and Warren Counties, New 

Jersey . . . New York, Chapman Publishing Company, 1898. 578p. 
RANDOLPH, WASSELL, William Randolph I of Turkey Island (Henrico County), 

Virginia, and His Immediate Descendants. Memphis, Seebode Mimeo 

Service, 1949. 115p. 
Religious History of South Hampton, N. H., With an Appendix. Exeter, N. H., 

The News-Letter Steam Job Print, 1881. 84p. 
Representative Men and Old Families of Rhode Island: Genealogical Records 

and Historical Sketches . . . Chicago, J. H. Beers and Company, 1908. 

2 Vols. 
RITCHIE, WILLIAM AUGUSTUS, The Bell-Philhower Site Sussex County, New 

Jersey. Indianapolis, Indiana Historical Society, 1949. [133]p. (Prehistory 

Research Series, Vol. 3, No. 2.) 
Rockingham Recorder, Vol. 1, Nos. 3-4, 1947-1948. Harrisonburg, Va., Rock- 

ingham Historical Society, 1947-1948. 2 Nos. 

ROSCOE, WILLIAM E., History of Schoharie County, New York, With Illustra- 
tions and Biographical Sketches of Some of Its Prominent Men and Pioneers. 

Syracuse, N. Y., D. Mason and Company, 1882. 470p. 
ROXBURY, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1S49. Salem, Mass., 

The Essex Institute, 1925-1926. 2 Vols. 
SAWYER, ROLAND D., The History of Kensington, New Hampshire, 1663 to 1945 

. . . With a Family and Homestead Register of the Pioneer Families, 

Early Settlers and Permanent Citizens of the Town. Farmington, Me., The 

Knowlton and McLeary Company, 1946. 404p. 
SCALES, JOHN, Historical Memoranda Concerning Persons and Places in Old 

Dover, N. H. Collected by the Rev. Dr. Alonzo Hall Quint. Dover, N. H., 

n. p., 1900. 425p. 
SCHLEGEL, MARVIN WILSON, Virginia on Guard; Civilian Defense and the State 

Militia in the Second World War. Richmond, Virginia State Library, 1949. 
. 286p. 


SCHUSTER, O. J., In the Stream of Time, a Historical Family Sketch. No impr. 


SCRIBNER, HARVEY, ed., Memoirs of Lucas County and the City of Toledo 
. Including a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Representative 
Families. Madison, Wis., Western Historical Association, 1910. 2 Vols. 

Sutton-Beasley Family of Brown County, Ohio. [Topeka, Myers and Com- 
pany] 1946. 97p. 

SMITH, JOHN COTTON, Papers of John Cotton Smith While Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor, Acting Governor and Governor of the State of Connecticut. Vol. 2, 
July 19, 1813-April 14, 1814. Hartford, The Connecticut Historical Society, 
1949. 303p. (Collections, Vol. 26.) 

SMITH, JOHN E., ed., Our Country and Its People; a Descriptive and Biographi- 
cal Record of Madison County, New York. [Boston] The Boston History 
Company, 1890. [888]p. 

SOCIETY OF INDIANA PIONEERS, Year Book, 1949. Published by Order of the 
Board of Governors, 1949. 125p. 

SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI, Roster. N. p., Society, 1950. 114p. 

SOUTH DAKOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Collections and Report, Vol. 24, 1949. 
[Madison, S. D.] The Madison Daily Leader, 1949. 595p. 

SPALDING, CHARLES CARROLL, Annals of the City of Kansas: Embracing Full 
Details of Trade and Commerce of the Great Western Plains, Together With 
Statistics of the Agricultural, Mineral and Commercial Resources of the 
Country West, South and South-West, Embracing Western Missouri, Kansas, 
the Indian Country and New Mexico. Kansas City, Van Horn and Abeel's 
Printing House, 1858. [Reprinted by Frank Glenn Publishing Company, 
1950.] 116p. 

STEBBINS, WILLIS MERRILL, Genealogy of the Stebbins Family Including Kin- 
dred Lines of Swetland, Wilcox and Cheney Families. Lincoln, Neb., Brown 
Printing Service [c!940]. 123p. 

STEEN, MOSES DUNCAN ALEXANDER, The Steen Family in Europe and America 
. . . 2d ed. Revised and Enlarged. Cincinnati, Monfort and Com- 
pany, 1917. 740p. 

STICKNEY, MATTHEW ADAMS, The Fowler Family: a Genealogical Memoir of 
the Descendants of Philip and Mary Fowler, of Ipswich, Mass. Ten Gener- 
ations, 1590-1882. Salem, Salem Press, 1883. 247p. 

STREETS, THOMAS HALE, David Rees of Little Creek Hundred; and the Descend- 
ants of John Rees, His Son. Philadelphia, n. p., 1904. 80p. 

, The Descendants of Thomas Hale of Delaware, With an Account of the 

Jamison and Green Families. Philadelphia, n. p., 1913. 116p. 

, Samuel Griffin of New Castle County on Delaware, Planter; and his 

Descendants to the Seventh Generation. Philadelphia, n. p., 1905. 235p. 

TAYLOR, H. C., Historical Sketches of the Town of Portland [N. YJ Comprising 
Also the Pioneer History of Chautauqua County, With Biographical Sketches 
of the Early Settlers. Fredonia, N. Y., W. McKinstry and Son, 1873. 446p. 

THOMAS, JAMES W., and T. J. C. WILLIAMS, History of Allegany County, 
Maryland . . . N. p., L. R. Titsworth and Company, 1923. 2 Vols. 

TIERNAN, CHARLES BERNARD, The Tiernan and Other Families, as Illustrated 
by Extracts From Works in the Public Libraries, and Original Letters and 


Memoranda in the Possession of Charles B. Tiernan. Baltimore, William 
J. Gallery and Company, 1901. 466p. 

Town Register: Exeter, Hampton, 1908. Augusta, Me., The Mitchell-Cony 
Company, 1908. 256p. 

TRURO, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1849. Boston, Massa- 
chusetts Society of Mayflower Descendants, 1933. 480p. 

VANDERVELDE, CONRAD, comp., "Now These Are the Generations of . 

Pieter B. De Swarte (1787-1860) . . . Emporia, Kan., n. p. [1948]. 

Vestry Book of the Upper Parish Nansemond County, Virginia, 1743-1793. 
Richmond, The Library Board of Virginia, 1949. 328p. 

WAKEFIELD, HOMER, Wakefield Memorial, Comprising an Historical, Genea- 
logical and Biographical Register of the Name and Family of Wakefield. 
Bloomington, 111. [Pantagraph Printing and Stationery Company], 1897. 

WATERS, MARGARET R., Revolutionary Soldiers Buried in Indiana; 300 Names 
Not Listed in the Roster of Soldiers and Patriots of the American Revolution 
Buried in Indiana. Indianapolis, 1949. Mimeographed. 42p. 

WATERTOWN, MASS., Watertown Records . . . Vols. 2-4. Watertown, 
1900-1906. 3 Vols. 

WEBB, WILLIAM JAMES, Our Webb Kin of Dixie, a Family History. Oxford, 
N. C., W. J. Webb, 1940. 205p. 

WESTON, MASS., Births, Deaths and Marriages, 1707-1850. 1703-Grave- 
stones-1900. Church Records, 1709-1825. Boston, Mclndoe Brothers, 
1901. 649p. 

WOLFE, WILLIAM G., Stories of Guernsey County, Ohio . . . Cambridge, 
Ohio, Author, 1943. 1093p. 

WRIGHT, CHARLES WILLIS, The Wright Ancestry of Caroline, Dorchester, Som- 
erset and Wicomico Counties, Maryland. [Baltimore, Baltimore City Print- 
ing and Binding Company] 1907. 218p. 

[WYMAN, THOMAS BELLOWS], The Frothingham Genealogy. [Boston, T. R. 
Marvin and Son, 1916.] 170p. 


AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, Proceedings at the Annual Meeting Held in 
Worcester, October 19, 1949. Worcester, Mass., Society, 1950. [146]p. 

, Proceedings at the Semi-Annual Meeting Held in Boston, April 20, 1949. 

Worcester, Mass., Society, 1949. 160p. 

ANDERSON, RUDOLPH E., The Story of the American Automobile, Highlights and 
Sidelights. [Washington, D. C.] Public Affairs Press [c!950]. 301p. 

AYER, N. W., AND SON'S, Directory Newspapers and Periodicals, 1950. Phila- 
delphia, N. W. Ayer and Son, Inc. [c!950]. 1478p. 

B ARBOUR, VIOLET, Capitalism in Amsterdam in the Seventeenth Century. Balti- 
more, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1950. 171p. (The Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series 67, No. 1.) 

BARKER, GEORGE C., Pachuco: an American Spanish Argot and Its Social Func- 
tions in Tucson, Arizona. Tucson, University of Arizona, 1950. 38p. (So- 
cial Science Bulletin, No. 18.) 


BEMIS, SAMUEL FLAGG, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American 
Foreign Policy. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1949. 588p. 

BILLINGTON, RAY ALLEN, ed., and others, The Making of American Democracy: 
Readings and Documents. New York, Rinehart and Company, Inc. [1950]. 

BOATRIGHT, MODY CocGiN, Folk Laughter on the American Frontier. New 
York, The Macmillan Company, 1949. 182p. 

BOTKIN, BENJAMIN ALBERT, ed., A Treasury of Southern Folklore; Stories, Bal- 
lads, Traditions and Folkways of the People of the South. New York, Crown 
Publishers [c!949]. 776p. 

BROWN, TRUESDELL SPARHAWK, Onesicritus; a Study in Hellenistic Historiog- 
raphy. Berkeley, University of California Press, 1949. 196p. (University 
of California Publications in History, Vol. 39.) 

CLARK, WALTER, The Papers of Walter Clark. Vol. 1, 1857-1901. Edited by 
Aubrey Lee Brooks and Hugh Talmage Lefler. Chapel Hill, University of 
North Carolina Press [c!948]. 607p. 

COLLIER, JOHN, Patterns and Ceremonials of the Indians of the Southwest 
With Over 100 Lithographs and Drawings by Ira Moskonitz . . . New 
York, E. P. Button and Company, Inc., 1949. 192p. 

COULTER, ELLIS MERTON, The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865. 
[Baton Rouge] Louisiana State University Press, 1950. 644p. (A History 
of the South, Vol. 7.) 

COURTENAY, WILLIAM, The Metropolitan Visitations of William Courteney, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, 1381-1396; Documents Transcribed From the 
Original Manuscripts of Courteney s Register, With an Introduction Describ- 
ing the Archbishop's Investigations by Joseph Henry Dahmus. Urbana, Uni- 
versity of Illinois Press, 1950. 209p. (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, 
Vol. 31, No. 2.) 

CREMEANS, CHARLES DAIRS, The Reception of Calvinistic Thought in England. 
Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1949. 127p. (Illinois Studies in the 
Social Sciences, Vol. 31, No. 1.) 

CURTIS, NATALIE, ed., The Indians' Book, an Offering by the American Indians 
of Indian Lore, Musical and Narrative To Form a Record of the Songs and 
Legends of Their Race. New York, Harper and Brothers, 1907. 573p. 

DALE, EDWARD EVERETT, The Indians of the Southwest: a Century of Develop- 
ment Under the United States. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 
1949. 283p. 

DAVIDSON, HENRY M., Fourteen Months in Southern Prisons . . . Mil- 
waukee, Daily Wisconsin Printing House, 1865. 393p. 

DILLISTON, WILLIAM H., Bank Note Reporters and Counterfeit Detectors, 1826- 
1866. With a Discourse on Wildcat Banks and Wildcat Bank Notes. New 
York, The American Numismatic Society, 1949. 175p. 

EATON, CLEMENT, A History of the Old South. New York, The Macmillan 
Company, 1949. 636p. 

EDELMAN, MURRAY, The Licensing of Radio Services in the United States, 1927- 
1947; a Study in Administrative Formulation of Policy. Urbana, The Uni- 
versity of Illinois Press, 1950. 229p. (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, 
Vol. 31, No. 4.) 


Encyclopedia of American Biography. New Series, Vol. 21. New York, The 

American Historical Company, Inc., 1949. 473p. 

ESTTGARRIBIA, JOSE FELIX, The Epic of the Chaco: Marshal Estigarribia's 
Memoirs of the Chaco War, 1932-1935. Austin, The University of Texas 
Press, 1950. 221p. (Latin- American Studies, 8.) 
GALLOWAY, JOHN DEBO, The First Transcontinental Railroad: Central Pacific, 

Union Pacific. New York, Simmons-Boardman [c!950]. 319p. 
GARDNER, CHARLES M., The Grange Friend of the Farmer; a Concise Reference 
History of America's Oldest Farm Organization, and the Only Rural Frater- 
nity in the World, 1867-1947. Washington, D. C., The National Grange 
[c!949]. 531p. 
HALE, WILLIAM HARLAN, Horace Greeley, Voice of the People. New York, 

Harper and Brothers [c!950]. 377p. 

HARVEY, ROWLAND HILL, Robert Owen, Social Idealist. Berkeley, University of 
California Press, 1949. 269p. ( University of California Publications in His- 
tory, Vol. 38.) 

HENRY, RALPH B., and LUCILE PANNELL, My American Heritage, a Collection of 
Songs, Poems, Speeches, Sayings and Other Writings Dear to Our Hearts. 
Chicago, Rand McNally and Company [c!949]. 318p. 
HOLBROOK, STEWART H., The Yankee Exodus, an Account of Migration From 

New England. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1950. 398p. 
HORRY, P., and MASON LOCKE WEEMS, The Life of General Francis Marion 

. . . Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott and Company, 1858. 252p. 
Information Please Almanac, 1950. New York, The Macmillan Company 

[c!949]. 927p. 

Archives in the Newberry Library, 1851-1901. Chicago, The Newberry 
Library, 1949. 374p. 

JAKOBSON, ROMAN, and ERNEST J. SIMMONS, Russian Epic Studies. Phila- 
delphia, American Folklore Society, 1949. 223p. 

JEFFERSON, THOMAS, Papers. Vol. 1, 1760-1776. Princeton, Princeton Univer- 
sity Press, 1950. 679p. 

JOHANNSEN, ALBERT, The House of Beadle and Adams and Its Dime and Nickel 
Novels; the Story of a Vanished Literature. Norman, University of Okla- 
homa Press [c!950]. 2 Vols. 

KANE, JOSEPH NATHAN, Famous First Facts; a Record of First Happenings, Dis- 
coveries and Inventions in the United States. New 7 ->rk, The H. W. Wilson 
Company, 1950. 888p. 

KING, JAMES EDWARD, Science and Rationalism in the Government of Louis XIV, 

1661-1683. Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1949. 337p. (The Johns 

Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series 66, 

No. 2.) 

LUTRELL, ESTELLE, Newspapers and Periodicals of Arizona, 1859-1911. Tucson, 

University of Arizona Press, c!950. 123p. (General Bulletin, No. 15.) 
MALLERY, OTTO TOD, More Than Conquerors; Building Peace on Fair Trade. 

New York, Harper and Brothers [c!947]. 204p. 

Mennonite Historical Bulletin, Vol. 1, No. 1-Vol 10, No. 4; April, 1940-October, 
1949. Scottdale, Pa., Historical Committee of Mennonite General Confer- 
ence, 1940-1949. 10 Vols. 



MORGAN, DALE L., A Bibliography of the Church of Jesus Christ, Organized at 
Green Oak, Pennsylvania, July, 1862. (Reprinted from The Western Hu- 
manities Review, Vol. 4, No. 1, Winter, 1949-1950.) 28p. 

MORGAN, LEWIS HENRY, League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois. Roch- 
ester, N. Y., Sage and Brother, 1851. 477p. 

MOTOLINIA, TORIBIO, History of the Indians of New Spain. Translated and 
Edited by Elizabeth Andros Foster. [Berkeley] The Cortes Society, 1950. 

National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Vol. 35. New York, James T. 
White and Company, 1949. 557p. 

NOBLIN, STUART, Leonidas La Fayette Polk, Agrarian Crusader. Chapel Hill, 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1949. 325p. 

NORDYKE, LEWIS, Cattle Empire, the Fabulous Story of the 3,000,000 Acre 
XIT. New York, William Morrow and Company, 1949. 273p. 

OSBORN, FAIRFIELD, Our Plundered Planet. Boston, Little, Brown and Company, 
1948. 217p. 

Pattersons American Educational Directory, Vol. 47. Chicago, Field Enter- 
prises, Inc. [c!950]. 1094p. 

POLLARD, JOHN A., John Greenleaf Whittier, Friend of Man. Boston, Houghton 
Mifflin Company, 1949. 615p. 

RADIN, PAUL, Winnebago Culture As Described by Themselves; the Origin 
Myth of the Medicine Rite: Three Versions, the Historical Origins of the 
Medicine Rite. Baltimore, Waverly Press, Inc., 1950. 78p. (Special Pub- 
lications of Bollingen Foundation, No. 2. ) 

REICHARD, GLADYS ALMANDA, Navaho Religion, a Study of Symbolism. [New 
York] Pantheon Books [c!950]. 2 Vols. (Bollingen Series, 18.) 

STANISLAWSKI, DAN, The Anatomy of Eleven Towns in Michoacdn. Austin, 
The University of Texas Press, 1950. 77p. (Latin- American Studies, 10.) 

in Texas and Northern Mexico. Austin, The University of Texas Press, 1950. 
193p. (Latin- American Studies, 9.) 

WALKER, EDWIN FRANCIS, America's Indian Background. 2d ed. N. p., 1947. 
19p. (Southwest Museum Leaflets, No. 18.) 

WEITENKAMPF, FRANK, Early Pictures of North American Indians, a Question 
of Ethnology. New York, The New York Public Library, 1950. 26p. 

WESTERMEIER, CLIFFORD PETER, Man, Beast, Dust; the Story of Rodeo. 
N. p. [1948]. 450p. 

Who's Who in America. Vol. 26, 1950-1951. Chicago, The A. N. Marquis 
Company, 1950. 3347p. 

WILLIAMS, KENNETH P., Lincoln Finds a General, a Military Study of the Civil 
War. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1949. 2 Vols. 

WIRT, WILLIAM, Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry. New 
York, Derby and Jackson, 1858. 468p. 

WITNEY, FRED, Wartime Experiences of the National Labor Relations Board, 
1941-1945. Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1949. 309p. (Illinois 
Studies in the Social Sciences, Vol. 30, Nos. 2-3.) 

World Almanac and Book of Facts for 1950. New York, New York World- 
Telegram Corporation, c!950. 912p. 

Bypaths of Kansas History 


From The Daily Times, Leavenworth, April 4, 1860. 

PEDESTRIANS FOR THE PEAK. We were amused, and at the same time some- 
what saddened, yesterday, at a sight familiar enough a year ago, and the terrors 
of which, through the history of the Blue brothers and the thousand unwritten 
tales of horror like it, have been terribly taught to others. Still we were amused, 
as we saw twelve hearty fellows, each with his carpet sack and rifle trudging 
manfully and hopefully on their road. "Which way?" we asked. 

"Pike's Peak or bust!" was the answer, and on they went, cracking their jokes 
and laughingly turning their faces Westward. To Pike's Peak on foot, with no 
sufficient provision, or sufficient means for obtaining it "or bust!" Some will 
get through a stout heart, a manly purpose and a sound constitution, will bring 
success but some, we fear, "will bust." A hazardous experiment, at least. We 
would not like to try it. 

God speed them on, however, and may they all arrive safely and find plenty 
of the golden store they seek, and never have need to "bust." 


From the Emporia News, July 25, 1863. 

Much excitement was caused in town last Thursday, by the arrival of a 
"plug hat" the first seen in the place since its settlement. It soon became 
noised abroad that the "plug" was here, and that F. G. Hunt, Register of 
Deeds, was its proud possessor. Curiosity was on tip-toe to get a sight at the 
strange object, and the crowd, obeying a sort of natural instinct, made a rush 
for Hallberg's, where the receptacle for bricks was found to be undergoing a 
process necessary to fit it for use. At this point the excitement became so in- 
tense that Felix was compelled to mount a beer barrel and make a speech to 
the assembled multitude apologizing for making this innovation upon the 
time-honored customs of the village and entreating the crowd to disperse, after 
which he hired a small boy to fire a bunch of fire-crackers in honor of the new 
hat, and the people retired peaceably to their homes. 

Thus ended one of the most exciting scenes ever known in the history of 
Emporia. No cause is known for this unwarranted act of Mr. H., unless it is 
that he has found the position of Register a very lucrative one. At any rate, 
such is the general belief, and accordingly two new candidates for that office 
have appeared since Thursday. 


From The Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, January 22, 

When the Kansas Pacific train [now the Union Pacific] from Denver reached 
Wallace, on Wednesday morning, the train men who go no farther than that 



station eastward from Denver, partook of their breakfast and then retired to 
bed, as is their customary habit. Two of these men, Charles Stillman and Dick 
Herring, the former baggageman and the latter brakeman, occupied one room 
together at the station house. Stillman had a pair of new eighteen dollar boots, 
of fine workmanship, which he placed near his bed, and put his vest, containing 
a small amount of money, under his pillow. Herring had in his clothing a 
horse shoe nail, a comb and a tooth brush, and twenty-five cents in money. The 
two slept long and soundly, and when they awoke, and Stillman attempted to 
put on his boots, he discovered that his nice ones had become strangely meta- 
morphosed, having turned into a pair of coarse $6 affairs. The boys then began 
searching their clothing, and Herring found that his horse shoe nail, comb, 
brush and money were gone. Then they began investigating the matter. Still- 
man suspected a fellow who had been working his way along the road as fire- 
man, and thought he had gone off on a freight train; but he was shortly after- 
ward found at the table eating his dinner. Stillman then went to a man in 
Wallace who sells boots, and asked him if he had any like the ones the thief 
had left him, and the storekeeper said he had, and, further, pointed out the 
fellow who had bought them there before. It proved to be the identical chap 
then at his meal. Pat Greeny, deputy sheriff, was summoned, and when the 
young man finished eating, the officer told him that he wanted to see him a 
little while. They took him into a back room and investigated his foot gear, 
and sure enough, there were Stillman's boots. Furthermore, he had in his 
clothing the articles taken from Herring. 

Pat Greeny, the deputy sheriff, thereupon constituted himself a court, and 
the evidence being of the most positive kind he pronounced the prisoner 
"guilty," and proceeded at once to pass judgment upon the offender. The 
court didn't fumble over law books or statutes any not he; neither did he as- 
sess damage or pass sentence in the good old style. He had his man right be- 
fore him, and, being a practical sort of fellow, he just "passed the culprit one" 
with his clenched fist, letting him have the benefit of a demolishing blow right 
between the eyes. This laid the offender out on the floor, and the court ad- 
ministered another dose of "justice" to him as he lay there, when, considering 
that he had gone to the extent of the "law," Wallace law, he let him up, and 
told him most emphatically to "get up and dust himself" right away, and the 
fellow "dusted," and he didn't wait for a train either. 


From The Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, June 6, 1873. 

The first lot of postal cards for distribution at the office in this city arrived 
yesterday, and are now on sale. The demand for them is almost beyond the 
ability of the department to supply. Probably the novelty of the arrangement 
has much to do with the demand, but the indications are that the cards will 
come into very general use. 

While everybody has been looking eagerly for the appearance of this cheap 
method of communication, acknowledging in them very pleasant mediums of 
correspondence, there are some who have expressed a fear that the foul-minded 
may make these sources of the interchange of business intelligence and friendly 
feelings, real nurseries of evil. It is a gratification to be able to state, however, 


that such parties as may write indecent matter on these cards are headed off 
in two ways. One is, that it is made the duty of all postmasters and clerks to 
throw such indecently worded cards into the waste-basket. The other is, that 
all such writers, if discovered, are subject to "a fine of not less than $100, nor 
more than $5,000 for each offense." After a few splurges of the foul-thoughted 
and dirty-penned, some criminal will be detected; some example will be made; 
the evil will disappear; and postal cards will become what they are intended to 
be, a great public convenience for the transmission of correspondence that is 
not meant to be altogether private. 

From the Dodge City Times, August 4, 1877. 

THE SOCIAL HOP. Another of the social hops for which the Dodge House 
has become famous, was on yesterday evening indulged in by quite a number 
of our citizens who worship Terpsichore. The names of Ike Johnson, John New- 
ton and G. E. Hadder as managers were sufficient to insure a success, notwith- 
standing the inclemency of the weather. Our special reporter who was de- 
tailed to write up the costumes of the ladies, and who was in our usual liberal 
way furnished an excessive amount of pocket money to make himself agreeable 
with, has in some way got the boot on the wrong leg, and submits the following 
varied description of the paraphanalia of the Lords of Creation: 

Mr. J. F. L. appeared in a gorgeous suit of linsey wolsey, cut bias on the 
gourd with red cotton handkerchief attachment imported by Messrs. H. & D. 
from Lawrence. 

Mr. H. was modestly attired in a blue larubs wool undershirt, firilled. He 
is a graceful dancer, but paws too much with his fore legs. His strong point 
is "the schottisch, my dear." 

Mr. I. G. J. was the envy of all; he wore his elegant blond moustache a la gin 
sling, and was tastefully arrayed in arctic over shoes with collar buttons and 

Mr. J. N. The appearance of this gentleman caused a flutter among the fair 
ones; as he trimmed his nails, picked his nose and sailed majestically around 
the room, the burr of admiration sounded like the distant approach of the No. 3 
freight train. His costume was all that the most fastidious could desire. His 
train cut "ea regale," his mouth set "pour en milkpunch," it was evident that 
he sails on Love's golden pinions far into the blue etherial. 

Mr. H. H. the Duke! the Duke! was whispered as the nose and eye glasses 
of this gentleman commenced to appear in the doorway. This stranger is some 
distinguished foreigner traveling incog. It is darkly hinted that he is the Prince 
Imperial in disguise. He was beautifully ornamented with two pair of eye- 
glasses; his hair was trimmed by Mr. Sam. Samuels at an enormous expense; 
his beard cut a la pompadore, he was the loveliest flower of them all. 

Mr. G. E. H. "Oh! the charming creature," said a beautiful angel on our 
left, as Mr. H. appeared fantastically arrayed in a sad, sweet smile, which oc- 
casionally exploded into a laugh of the most unearthly sweetness. He wore full 
Georgia costume, lacking the collar and spurs. 

Mr. A. H. J. There was a split in the air, a streak of white whirling through 


space, and Sam was performing a highland fling with grape-vine accompani- 
ments, as only Sam can do it. He was costumed as an angel playing on a harp 
of a thousand strings. Were it not for a slight gang-saw movement of his hind 
legs, which occasionally shook the foundation and jarred loose the bridge on 
the base viol, his dancing would indeed have been the essence of a car-load of 
long horns. 

NOTICE. It is evident that at this point something happened [to] our re- 
porter. There is a maudling description of P., but it is so mixed with gin slings, 
straits, and cigars and lemons, as to be unintelligible. 

NEWS IN 1908 

From The Daily Union, Junction City, November 18, 1908. 

A touring car and a roadster, both Ramblers, passed through the city this 
afternoon on their way from Kansas City to Russell. 

Kansas History as Published in the Press 

An eight-page history of Wichita, with photographs, entitled "A 
Town Grows in Kansas/' by Chauncey H. Black, was published in 
The B S 6- B Beacon, an industrial magazine published at Kansas 
City, Mo., February, 1950. 

Ernest Dewey's "Legends of the Wheat Country" have contin- 
ued to appear in the Hutchinson News-Herald. Included were: 
"[Don Antonio Jose] Chavez Buried His Bullion?" May 28, 1950; 
"Lady Godiva of Prairies Carried a Six-Shooter," June 18; "The Wild 
Huntress Had to Ride," June 25; "Silkville in Wheat Country," Au- 
gust 21; "Few Beat 'Poker Alice' Until Death Sat in on the Game," 
September 3; "Culture Came Hard to Early Kansans," Sara Bern- 
hardt's reception in the state, September 24; "Doc [Holliday] Was 
Dentist Who'd Rather Shoot You Than Pull Your Teeth," October 
11; "Kansas' Last Armed Invasion Met Its Waterloo at Scott City," 
October 22, and "Only Ghosts to Bring Memories [in Dead Town of 
Zarah]," November 12. The Silkville article was reprinted in the 
lola Register, August 16, and the Salina Journal, September 10. 

Articles in the Bulletin of the Shawnee County Historical Society 
for June, 1950, included: "In Memoriam-Cecil Howes, 1880-1950," 
by Marco Morrow and Paul A. Lovewell; "Old Shawnee County 
Families"; the ninth installment of W. W. Cone's "Shawnee County 
Townships"; the second part of "Reminiscences of the Son of a 
French Pioneer," by Louis Charles Laurent; a continuation of Part 
II of "The First Congregational Church of Topeka, 1854-1869," by 
Russell K. Hickman; "Fifty Years Later-What Would Carry Nation 
Think About Kansas Now?" by Paul A. Lovewell; "'Uncle Chet' 
Thomas How He Helped Make Topeka the Capital," and a con- 
tinuation of George A. Root's "Chronology of Shawnee County." 
Among articles in the December, 1950, number of the Bulletin were: 
"Early Hospitals of Topeka"; the second installment of "Old Shaw- 
nee County Families"; Part III of "First Congregational Church of 
Topeka, 1854-1869," by Russell K. Hickman; "Jacob Chase's Story"; 
W. W. Cone's Shawnee county history; "The Husking Bee"; "Told 
by a Pioneer," John Speer's recollections of the early days of Topeka 
and Tecumseh, and George A. Root's "Chronology of Shawnee 
County" continued. 

A series of articles dealing with the early history of Baxter Springs 



has appeared regularly in the Baxter Springs Citizen, beginning July 
20, 1950. 

Articles of historical interest to Kansans appearing in recent issues 
of the Kansas City (Mo.) Star included: "Cavalry Service, Famous 
for 2,500 Years, Now Motorized and Named Armor in U. S.," by 
Franklin S. Riley, Jr., July 25, 1950; "Wealth in Western Kansas for 
Men With Spirit to Win," by Karl L. Peterson, Jr., July 30; "Vener- 
ated Educator [Dr. Julius T. Willard], Who Died at 88 Gave 71 of 
His Years to Kansas State," by Thomas D. Leathers, August 17; 
"Life of Ed Arn Is Geared to Family Activities," by Margaret Ham- 
ilton, September 10; "Ike Looks to Kansas as Leader in Training 
American Citizens," by Alvin S. McCoy, September 17; "A Contin- 
ued Story of Western Life Keeps Growing in Kansas Capital," an 
article on the Historical Society, by Henry Van Brunt, October 16, 
and "Life With Ike Is Being Wed to Three Men, His Wife Says," 
October 22. Articles in the Kansas City (Mo.) Times included: 
"French and Spanish Explorers Opened Kansas to Trade in Days of 
Indians," by J. M. Dow, September 28; "Reporter [Albert D. Rich- 
ardson] Found Kansas City Small and Muddy But Full of Con- 
fidence in 1857," by John Edward Hicks, August 9; "Artist [William 
Allen Rogers] Who Did Not Wait for Orders Produced Interesting 
Report on West," a summary of Dr. Robert Taft's article on Rogers, 
October 20; "Brick 'Castle' Overlooking Kaw Valley Reflected Suc- 
cess of German Pioneer [Anthony Philip Sauer], by E. B. Dykes 
Beachy, October 21; "Masks Were Used by Indians for Fall Fes- 
tivals Before White Men Arrived," by Marjorie Van De Water, Oc- 
tober 31; "Strange Today Is the Carefree Note of World War I 
Classic 'Henry [J. Allen] and Me [William Allen White]/" Everett 
Rich, November 11; "Kansas City as Focal Point in Strange Ameri- 
can Beginnings of Julia Marlowe," by Henry Van Brunt, November 
16; "Bold Start Toward Kansas Magazine Reached Goal After Many 
Troubles," by Webster Schott, December 1, and "Cowpoke Is A 
Hay Hand Much of the Time as the Cattle Country Turns to New 
Ways," a review of C. L. Sonnichsen's Cowboys and Cattle Kings: 
Life on the Range Today, by John Edward Hicks, December 2. 

A brief history of Frankfort appeared in the Frankfort Index, July 
27, 1950. In 1867 the Frankfort Town Company was formed and 
the townsite laid out, but the town was not organized as a third 
class city until July 24, 1875. R. S. Newell was the first mayor. 

C. D. Smith's series of historical articles in the Blue Rapids Times 
continued on August 3, 1950, with biographical sketches of John 


McPherson, Albert E. Sweetland, Rufus S. Craft, Festus Cooley, 
Edwin M. Brice and James G. Strong, all prominent in the early and 
middle years of Blue Rapids history. The last article in the series 
appeared August 31. 

Among numerous articles on Ellis county history appearing in the 
Hays papers in recent months was the continuation of Raymond L. 
Welty's series in the Hays Daily News: "Negro Troops Arrived at 
Old Ft. Hays 83 Years Ago," August 6, 1950; "Moving of Post Was 
Exciting Event at Old Fort Hays," August 13; "Indian Hostilities 
Kept Ft. Hays Troops Busy," August 27; "Guards of Soldiers Went 
With Stagecoaches From Hays," September 3; "Buffalo Bill Failed 
in Real Estate Business," September 10; "Cholera Epidemic Hit Fort 
Hays and Rome in 1867," October 1, and "4 of 5 Companies at Fort 
Hays in 1867 Were Negro," October 8. The News printed a special 
edition November 12, the 21st anniversary of the publication of its 
first issue, in which several historical articles were reprinted from 
the first issue. The story of a shooting duel between Ellis county 
sheriff Alexander Ramsey and an outlaw, Jim Flory, in 1875, was 
printed in the News, September 24. A series of articles on the his- 
tory of Victoria was begun in the weekly Ellis County News, Hays, 
September 21, 1950. Victoria was founded in the early 1870's by 
George Grant, a wealthy Englishman. 

The building of the first church in Kiowa county was described 
in the Kiowa County Signal, Greensburg, August 10, 1950, from in- 
formation supplied by John S. M. Howard of Englewood, Colo. The 
building was erected in the fall of 1879. 

The dead town of Ravanna, Finney county, is the subject of a 
historical editorial in the Garden City Daily Telegram, August 12, 
1950. Organized in the 1880's as Bulltown by John Bull, Ravanna 
engaged in a bitter fight with Eminence over which was to be the 
county seat of Garfield county. In 1893 Garfield became a part of 
Finney county, and both Ravanna and Eminence have ceased to 
exist. The Johnson Pioneer, August 17, also printed a brief history 
of Ravanna. 

The Mt. Olive African Methodist church of Emporia reached the 
80th anniversary of its founding August 13, 1950, and a brief history 
of the church was published in the Emporia Times, August 17. A 
short history of the Cottonwood Friends church, five miles west of 
Emporia, which recently celebrated its 90th anniversary, appeared 
in the Emporia Gazette, October 7. 


A short history of Marshall, early Sedgwick county trading post, 
was published in the Cheney Sentinel, August 24, 1950. David 
Moore who started the Lone Tree ranch in 1872 was the first settler 
in the region, and Emmett Joslyn established the first store at Mar- 
shall. The town flourished for a few years, but the railroad missed 
it by two and one-half miles and the entire town moved to Cheney 
in 1883. 

"Neosho Valley Facts and Legends/' by Audrey Z. McGrew, pub- 
lished regularly in the Humboldt Union, ended with the issue of 
August 31, 1950. Among the later articles were brief histories of 
the Poplar Grove Baptist church, July 13, and the Humboldt Meth- 
odist church, July 20. 

A review of the history of the Friends church, Riverton, by Mrs. 
Alfaretta Mitchel, appeared on August 31, 1950, in the column "Do 
You Remember When?" still being published regularly in The Mod- 
ern Light, Columbus. Mrs. Mitchel's article also was printed in the 
Columbus Daily Advocate, August 29, 1950. 

An account of a mule-team trip from Illinois to Kansas in 1876, 
written by Alfred W. Lindley in 1931, was published in the autumn, 
1950, issue of the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society of 
Springfield. Alfred was the driver of the lead team when his moth- 
er's family made the journey to Cloud county in the early fall of 

An eight-page review of "The Work of James C. Malin as His- 
torian and as Critic of Historians," by Thomas H. Le Due, professor 
of history at Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio, appeared in the Sep- 
tember, 1950, issue of 'Nebraska History, published by the Nebraska 
State Historical Society at Lincoln. Mr. Le Due has written so 
highly of Dr. Malin that we are reprinting (without consulting Dr. 
Malin) a few excerpts from the review: 

"With the publication of the Essays on Historiography and The 
Grasslands of North America it became apparent that James C. 
Malin now and for almost thirty years a teacher of history at the 
University of Kansas, was thinking about history and historical 
writing in ways that are fresh and fundamental. It is clear that he 
is not only an incisive critic of several basic hypotheses long and 
well regarded among historians, but also a creative worker of pro- 
digious industry, immense learning, and disciplined imagination. 

"Malin's individual works have been reviewed in the learned jour- 
nals and their originality recognized not only by historians but by 


specialists in other fields. . . . His is a common-sense, practical 
approach to history. . . . 

"He challenges the fundamental implication of the Turner hypoth- 
esis. Turner announced in 1893 that the frontier was gone and 
the supply of usable land exhausted. By asserting that the avail- 
ability of free land had conditioned, indeed determined, the devel- 
opment of American institutions up to that point, he implied that 
America had reached the catastrophic end of the first chapter of her 
history. Nonsense, says Malin. The critical element is not land 
entry but land use. What really matters is intelligent adaptation to 
environment. The frontier is not closed as long as we are moving 
towards that goal. Turner's frontier is gone. The shabby, exploita- 
tive, wasteful west of the 1820's is happily lost. The scrubby cattle 
are replaced by the more efficient Herefords; the paltry corn is sup- 
planted by new hybrids; the primitive tillage is succeeded by new 
techniques. Out of experiment and innovation has come enrich- 
ment. . . . 

"One wonders how long it will be until James C. Malin is as fully 
appreciated by the historians as by the scientists and economists." 

"State Administration of Wildlife, A Natural Resource," by E. 
Raymond Hall, University of Kansas, was published in the Transac- 
tions of the Kansas Academy of Science, Lawrence, September, 1950. 
Other articles included: A discussion of Diamond springs, Morris 
county, by the editor, Dr. Robert Taft; "Prairie Chickens in Kansas," 
by Maurice F. Baker; "Botanical Notes: 1949," by Frank U. S. 
Agrelius, and "Kansas Phytopathological Notes: 1949," by E. D. 
Hansing, L. E. Melchers, H. Fellows and C. O. Johnston. 

A three-installment biographical sketch of the late Ed Dean of 
Morton county, by Willard Mayberiy, was published in the Elkhart 
Tri-State News, September 1, 8 and 15, 1950. Dean came to south- 
west Kansas in 1884 at the age of 15. 

A short history of St. John's Lutheran church, near White City, 
was published in the Council Grove Republican, September 4, 1950. 
The 75th anniversary of the church was celebrated September 3. A 
school centennial edition of the Republican was published Septem- 
ber 29, 1950. Council Grove's education history began in January, 
1850, with a school for Kaw Indians. 

Stories on the attempt by the Dalton gang to rob the Coffeyville 
banks on October 5, 1892, were published in the Coffeyville Daily 
Journal, September 12 and October 5, 1950. The Journal is leading 


a movement to establish a museum for Coffeyville, of which the 
mementos of the Dalton raid would be the nucleus. 

A history of the Abilene Public Library, by Mrs. Lucy Burkholder, 
the librarian, was published in the Abilene Reflector-Chronicle, Sep- 
tember 19, 1950. The library had its beginning December 20, 1900, 
when the ladies* literary clubs of Abilene formed a library associa- 
tion. The library formally opened on January 1, 1903, with Lida 
Romig as librarian. The present library building was dedicated on 
October 1, 1908. 

Dan Hillman's reminiscences of the early days around Beloit were 
printed in the Beloit Call, September 28, 1950. Hillman came to Be- 
loit in 1873 at the age of six. Beloit's history begins about 1866 
when Aaron A. Bell was the first settler on what was to become the 

Reminiscences of the settling of Gnadenau were printed in the 
Hillsboro Journal, September 28, October 5 and 19, 1950. The 
settlers arrived from the Crimea, Russia, in the summer of 1874, the 
location having been selected by Jacob A. Wiebe and Franz R. Jan- 
zen. "History of the First Mennonite Church of Lehigh, Kansas, 
1900-1950," by Mrs. Frank H. Klassen, appeared in the Journal, Oc- 
tober 19. 

"Kansas Wheat Farmer," is the title of an article in the Harvester 
World, publication of the International Harvester Co. at Chicago, 
October, 1950. Ronald Bricker, Wallace county, is used as an ex- 
ample of the younger Kansas wheat farmers and what they have 
done since the dust bowl years. 

An article entitled "The Tale of Two Cities," Victoria and Herzog, 
by the Rev. Fr. Blaise Fusco, was published in the Victoria Visitor, 
October 12, 1950. The first British colonists arrived at Victoria in 
1873 after George Grant had received a grant of nearly 100,000 acres 
from the railroad. In 1876 German colonists arrived and settled 
near Victoria, naming their settlement Herzog. The communities 
united in 1913 under the name of Victoria. 

Frontier days near Fort Scott, as recalled by Henry Gross, were 
described by Frank Reeds in the Fort Scott Tribune, October 18, 
1950. In 1855 Gross' father and mother homesteaded about ten 
miles north of Fort Scott. 

Included among brief historical articles which appeared in recent 
issues of The News Chronicle, Scott City, were: "Coxey's Invasion 


Was Big Event," October 26, 1950; "El Quartelejo," site of Picurie 
Indian pueblo, November 2; "Last Indian Battle in Kansas Was 
Fought Just South of the Present State Park [Scott county]," Novem- 
ber 9, and " 'The Trail of Vengeance' Ended Near the Smoky Hill 
River," a Pawnee Indian legend, November 16. 

A series of brief articles under the title of "Helton's Colorful His- 
tory," was begun in the Holton Recorder, October 26, 1950. Material 
for the articles is being assembled by W. T. Beck. 

Heinie Schmidt's column, "It's Worth Repeating," still appearing 
regularly in the High Plains Journal, Dodge City, has recently fea- 
tured a number of men who helped fashion the frontier history of 
the Dodge City region, including: Gen. George A. Custer, October 
26, 1950; "Doc" John Holliday, November 16; William Barclay "Bat" 
Masterson, November 23, and George Reighard, November 30. 

The Quantrill raid on Olathe, September, 1862, was described by 
Mabel M. Henderson in the Johnson County Herald, Overland Park, 
November 2, 1950. The early days around Lenexa were recalled 
by Ed Legler, and written by Miss Henderson, in the Herald, No- 
vember 9. 

Articles in the 1951 number of the Kansas Magazine, Manhattan, 
included: "The Great Drouth of 1860," by Russell K. Hickman; 
"Pancakes Across the Sea," by Humphrey Cotton Minchin, British 
consul in Kansas City, Mo.; "Calamity Jane," by Caroline Cain Dur- 
kee, and "Kansas City Traders and Merchants," by Zealia B. Bishop. 

Kansas Historical Notes 

A Douglass Historical Society has been organized under the 
sponsorship of the Copeland Memorial Library of Douglass. Offi- 
cers are: Mrs. Elmer Sherar, president; J. M. Guyot, vice-president; 
Mrs. Inez Graves, secretary; Mrs. Daisy Lamb, historian, and Mrs. 
Viola Dennett, reporter. Persons who came to Douglass before 
1878 are honorary members. Meetings are scheduled for the second 
Monday evening of each month. 

The old guardhouse at Fort Harker, Ellsworth county, has been 
turned over to the Kanopolis post of the American Legion. The 
Legion has converted it into a historical museum. The guardhouse 
was built about 1867, when Fort Harker was an important military 

The historic Council oak at Council Grove, a famed Santa Fe 
trail landmark, recently underwent "surgery" and is now expected 
to live another 50 years. Money for the work was raised by the 
Council Grove Historical Society. 

A pageant depicting episodes in the history of Larned and Paw- 
nee county, which was written by Judge Lorin T. Peters of Ness 
City, was presented in Larned, August 11, 1950. A reunion of Paw- 
nee county pioneers was held as a part of the day's program. 

George Miller was re-elected president of the Chase County His- 
torical Society at a meeting at the courthouse in Cottonwood Falls, 
September 9, 1950. Other officers re-elected were: Henry Rogler, 
vice-president; Helen Austin, secretary, and George T. Dawson, 
treasurer. Members of the executive committee are: Ida M. Vin- 
son, Clint A. Baldwin, Minnie Norton, T. R. Wells and Claude 

Mrs. C. D. Cheatum was elected president of the Shawnee Mis- 
sion Historical Society at a luncheon in Spring Hill, September 25, 
1950. Other officers elected were: Mrs. James Glenn Bell, first vice- 
president; Mrs. Homer Bair, second vice-president; Mrs. Arthur W. 
Wolf, recording secretary; Mrs. R. D. Grayson, corresponding sec- 
retary; Mrs. Charles Houlehan, treasurer; Mrs. Kenneth Carbaugh, 
historian; Mrs. C. L. Curry, curator; Mrs. William Brazier, chaplain, 
and Mrs. Percy L. Miller, parliamentarian. Mrs. John Barkley was 
the retiring president. 



Ralph Shideler of Girard was elected president of the Crawford 
County Historical Society at a meeting in Pittsburg, September 28, 
1950. Other officers chosen were: Dr. Ernest Mahan, Pittsburg, 
vice-president; Mrs. Ines Dixon, Pittsburg, secretary, and Opal 
Smith, Pittsburg, treasurer. Dr. Alvin Proctor, Mrs. J. U. Massey 
and C. P. Kelso were elected to the board of directors for three-year 
terms, and Dr. Josephine Trabue was named a director for one year. 
The history of the McNally Pittsburg Manufacturing Corp. was 
outlined by Thomas J. McNally, head of the firm, as the main fea- 
ture of the program. Dr. H. M. Grandle, the retiring president, 
headed the society for two years. 

A campaign was launched by the Kiowa County Historical Society 
at its annual Gold Ribbon party in Greensburg, October 5, 1950, to 
raise money for a museum at Greensburg to house the society's col- 
lection of relics. Gold ribbons were worn by 105 persons of the 
more than 250 attending the party, indicating that they had come 
to Kiowa county more than 50 years ago. Sixteen golden wedding 
couples were present. 

The annual meeting of the Riley County Historical Association 
was held October 12, 1950. C. A. Kimball was elected president; 
Mrs. Florence Fox Harrop, vice-president; Joe D. Haines, treasurer, 
and Mrs. Max Wolf, secretary. Albert Horlings, Richard Rogers 
and Mrs. F. A. Marlatt were elected to the board of directors. A 
talk by George Robb, state auditor, on Sen. James H. Lane, was the 
main event on the program. Prof. George Filinger was the retiring 

A 30-foot stone cross, erected near Lyons in honor of Juan de 
Padilla, Franciscan friar who visited that area with the Coronado 
expedition in 1541, was dedicated by Bishop Mark K. Carroll, Wich- 
ita, on October 15, 1950. The monument was presented to the state 
of Kansas by the Knights of Columbus. 

About 75 persons attended a meeting of the Dickinson County 
Historical Society at the Willowdale church, October 19, 1950. D. 
W. Tappan, Abilene; Bruce Crary, Herington; Mrs. Mame Riordan, 
Solomon; Mrs. George Mark, Chapman; Elsie Koch, Hope, and Mrs. 
Marie Chandler, Enterprise, were appointed as a committee to work 
toward getting a room for a museum in the new courthouse when it 
is built. Mrs. F. E. Munsell, Herington, is president of the society. 

The Protection Historical Society was organized into the Co- 
manche County Historical Society at a meeting in Protection, No- 


vember 14, 1950. Warren P. Morton, Coldwater, was elected presi- 
dent of the new organization. Other officers chosen were: Fred 
Denney, Protection, vice-president; Mrs. Nellie Riner, Protection, 
recording secretary; Mrs. Lillian Lyon, Coldwater, corresponding 
secretary, and F. H. Moberley, Wilmore, treasurer. Judge Karl 
Miller, Dodge City, was the principal speaker at the meeting. Den- 
ney was the retiring president of the Protection society. 

The Wyandotte County Historical Society has been given a plot 
of land 100 by 100 feet, located at the old Shawnee Methodist Mis- 
sion monument near Turner. In order to accept the gift a decision 
was made at a meeting November 14, 1950, to incorporate the so- 
ciety. Clifford H. Millsap is president 

A 36-page pamphlet has been printed by the Assaria Lutheran 
church in connection with the 75th anniversary of the organization 
of the church. Included in the pamphlet are pictures of the pastors, 
church leaders and present church organizations, and the church 
history. Some of the history was printed in the Salina Journal, Sep- 
tember 16, 1950. 

The Funston Homestead is the title of a recently published 30- 
page booklet by Mrs. Ella Funston Eckdall of Emporia. The home- 
stead which was bought in 1867 by Edward Hogue Funston, was 
the home of his son, Edward H. Funston, member of congress, 1884- 
1894, and the boyhood home of his grandson, Gen. Frederick Fun- 

The first Swedish settlement in Kansas, at Mariadahl, was men- 
tioned in Oscar N. Olson's new book, The Augustana Lutheran 
Church in America: Pioneer Period, 1846-1860. The 397-page book 
was published by the Augustana Book Concern, Rock Island, 111. 




May 1951 

Published by 

Kansas State Historical Society 



Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor 



PIONEER: Part One, 1857, 1858 Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 113 

With views taken in 1858 of the sawmill built by Trego and the Smiths 
on Little Sugar creek, and the homes of Edwin Smith, J. H. Trego and 
T. Ellwood Smith, between pp. 128, 129. 


OF LINCOLN William Frank Zornow, 133 


PHILIPPINES Todd L. Wagoner, 145 


COTTONWOOD VALLEY: Part Two-Concluded Alberta Pantle, 174 

With portraits of Mrs. Ernest Ginette, Sr., and the Countess de Pingre, 
and a picture of the Bastille day celebration held near Florence on 
July 14, 1884, between pp. 192, 193. 






The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published in February, May, August and 
November by the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan., and is' dis- 
tributed free to members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be 
sent to the editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made 
by contributors. 

Entered as second-class matter October 22, 1931, at the post office at To- 
peka, Kan., under the act of August 24, 1912. 



Tliis building was erected in 1850 by the federal government. 
The Methodist church operated it as a school for the Kaw or Kansas 
Indians from 1851 to 1854. 

The state bought the building in 1951. It will be managed by 
the Kansas State Historical Society as a Santa Fe trail museum and 
as a memorial to the Indians for whom the state was named. (See 
p. 222.) 


Volume XIX May, 1951 Number 2 

The Letters of Joseph H. Trego, 1857-1864, 
Linn County Pioneer 


PART ONE, 1857, 1858 

IN THE autumn of 1857 Dr. Joseph Harrington Trego left his home 
in Mercer county, Illinois, for a new residence in Linn county, 
Kansas. Because the southeastern part of Kansas territory was 
rough and unsettled, he left his wife and three little girls in Illinois 
until he could prepare a home for them in the new country. Earlier 
in the year he had selected a location at Sugar Mound, now Mound 
City, and had completed arrangements with Thomas Ellwood Smith 
and his brother, Edwin Smith the Ell and Ed mentioned in the 
letters to erect and operate a sawmill on Little Sugar creek. 

The townsite had been located in 1855 by David W. Cannon and 
Ebenezer Barnes, and was known as Sugar Mound because of its 
proximity to a mound of that name which lay a little to the east. 
An act of the territorial legislature of 1858 incorporating the Mound 
City Town Company was approved February 2, 1858, and there- 
after the town was called Mound City. Trego and the two Smiths 
were among the prominent men of the settlement. When the town 
company was first organized, in 1857, Trego became secretary and 
T. E. Smith was a trustee. Their mill was one of the important in- 
dustries of the community. Commencing operations near the end 
of December, 1857, it produced the lumber and shingles for the 
first frame buildings in Mound City. A store and post office belong- 
ing to Charles Barnes, the first president of the town company, was 
completed on January 30, 1858, and the first three frame houses, 
property of the sawmill proprietors, were finished in April and June. 

Trego was born at Pineville, Bucks county, Pa., on May 8, 1823, 
one of eleven children of Jacob and Letitia Trego. Although there 

EDGAR LANGSDORF is state archivist of the Kansas State Historical Society. 


are some discrepancies in the accounts of his early life, it is known 
that he lived in Pennsylvania probably until 1843, when he moved 
to Illinois with other members of the family. They settled in Mer- 
cer county, where Trego farmed for three years before he went 
East to enter the medical school of Jefferson College in Philadel- 
phia. After graduating in March, 1849, he returned to Illinois to 
practice medicine at Willoby, near the town of Preemption. He 
was married on August 22, 1850, to Alice Mannington, whom he had 
met in 1849 when she was visiting an aunt in Mercer county. 

Although he was a practicing physician in Illinois, Trego never 
attempted to establish himself in his profession after coming to 
Kansas. His letters indicate that he was dissatisfied with a profes- 
sion that, in those days, involved so much inconvenience and left 
him little leisure time to spend with his family. At any rate, he was 
a doctor only by title in Mound City. 1 

The following letters were written by Trego to his wife during 
the fall and winter of 1857-1858 while she was in Illinois and he in 
Kansas. They are part of a group of family letters which were pre- 
sented to the Historical Society in February, 1949, by Dr. Trego's 
daughter, the late Mrs. Sara Trego Morse of Mound City. In pre- 
paring the letters for publication, passages containing only personal 
or family reference, and those lacking general interest, have been 

THE LETTERS OF 1857, 1858 

ST Louis SEPT lOrH/57 

We are yet in St Louis as you see but we start from here some 
time tomorrow. This is now Sunday night, and I write you from, 
or in, one of the heavenward rooms in Barnum's hotel. It is a 
very rainy night and we are very well content to stay indoors having 
had plenty of exercise, anxiety and hot weather to endure since 
our arrival. . . . The boat we came down on from the foot 
of the rapids, should have made her regular trip down to-day 
but was disabled in a storm which we encountred directly we left 
Keokuk. It blew so hard that the hurricane deck was loosend 
in many places and the roof over the Ladies cabin was partly blown 
overboard exposing the fine furniture to the beating rain as long 

1. Sources of information concerning Trego are: A. T. Andreas and W. G. Cutler, 
History of the State of Kansas (Chicago, 1883), pp. 1108, 1110; A. Trego Shertzer, A 
Historical Account of the Trego Family (Baltimore, 1884), pp. 40, 47, 81, 82; Kansas City 
(Mo.) Journal, August 26, 1900; Mound City Torch of Liberty, July 20, 1905; Mound City 
Border Sentinel, 1864-1874, passim; letter of Theodore W. Morse to Edgar Langsdorf. Mound 
City, August 27, 1950. 


as the shower lasted. The ladies were not exposed to it so long, 
as they proceeded toward the bow of the boat at a quicker step 
than would be considered dignified enough under ordinary cir- 
cumstances. . . . 

The Missouri river is low & we expect a rather tedious trip to 
Kansas City, but we will take along a supply of novels & peaches 
so it wont be so bad 
You must write me at 

Sugar Mound P. O. 
Linn Co 


very soon. Tell me all about the affairs at home &c. . . . 

With much love to you 

J H Trego 

Boat starts soon. We have been as busy as possible so far to day 
closing up our business & moving to boat. Have just received 
my med[icine]. chest. The boat got aground and was delayed 
untill the next [li]ne [?] boat came along to-day & pulled her off 
yesterday & to-day's boat coming in together. A store house is on 
fire nearby which bids fair to be a big one yet. There was another 
exciting occurrence on board our boat. While we were at dinner 
a trunk was broken open in a room adjoining ours and several 
thousand dollars taken out. Family that is moving west all they 
have in way of money 

J H Trego 

THE S[TEAM]. B[OAT]. /. H. Oglesby, MIS- 

Have been going to write all day but couldn't get at it untill ^ibout 
the last chance that I can have on board this bo I, & after we leave 
the boat it is probable we will find no more time or opportunity 
for letter writing untill we reach our destination, so I thot I would 
write you from this place, thinking it might be agreeable to have 
intelligence of our progress before we get entirely thro* with our 
journey. We have made slow progress, very, in consequence of 
low water, and a boat so heavily laden that it has been difficult 
to keep her floating in daylight; having to tie up of nights. 

Many a stick we have had on the sand bars & many a snag has 
made the boat quiver & bound till I have been seriously concerned 


about her safety, because if she had sprung a leak we would have 
been put the trouble and perhaps loss of getting our baggage off 
and obtaining passage on another craft. But we are within three 
hours of our stopping place & I have no doubt now but that we 
will be on land by sunset. The boat shakes so that I cannot write 
without making a rather old looking hand of it. There has been 
nothing of particular interest since we left St Louis. . . . 

No more at present so good bye love until we get to Sugar Mound. 
With love to all I am 

Yours always 


I did not think I would have deferred writing you so long as this. 
It has been three weeks, and a few days over perhaps, since I wrote 
you from Kansas City, the day of our departure from that 
place. . . . 

We hired a teamster in Kansas C. to bring us and our luggage 
down to the Mound. We expected to stop, on the way, at public 
houses, as the road is an old military road leading to Fort Scott, 
consequently we made no preparation much for camping out; but 
in this we were disappointed, for the driver would stop every night 
on the open prairie so his mules could feed close to the wagon and 
our only chance for eating was to lay in a heavy dinner when ever 
we came to a cabin where we could get some, there being no 
regular places for accomodating travellers on the route, and go 
to bed on the ground without any supper. We had some coffee, 
mornings, & a few crackers would do us very well untill about noon 
of each day that we were on the way, when we either stopped at 
a cabin while the driver would go on to a feeding place or, if he 
was at a good pasture about noon and no cabin near we would go 
ahead and order a dinner which was always the same, fat 
pork corn-bread, fried butter and coffee, followed with peach pie 
without sweetening. We saw several farms where they had a great 
abundance of peaches. The road out from the river is on the state 
line and for nearly a days journey it is fenced all up on one side 
with old and well improved farms as far east as we could see, while 
to the right in the territory, owned by Indians some of it it is 
open, wild prairie. 

When we arrived at home we found the family yet in the house, 
but they began at once to pick up there plunder and move it into 


the still smaller cabin that was first put up here to make the claim. 
It is not fit to live in only in good weather. They have since erected 
a new cabin on their claim, which we helped them lay up and 
which they are now living in. They are very clever folks and as 
pleasant as they can be, but they are of the "Hoosier" stripe and of 
course not company for us. They came from Missouri opposite the 
Ohio and are proslavery, but the subject has not [been] mentioned 
between us yet; we have it from free-state neighbors, and [from] 
seeing a slave to work for one of the family who lives on another 
claim. The brother of whom we bot this place has lived here longer, 
was present last summer during the war and this fall voted the free 
state ticket. 

We boarded for a week or two after our arrival, as our provisions 
had not yet arrived from St Louis when we left Kansas, tho', as 
soon as we could get rested and Mr. Chidester had time to see 
around and conclude to take an interest in the town, he and I 
started, with a driver, back to Kansas [City], he to return home and 
I to buy a stove and other fixings to keep house with. It was the 
hardest job I ever had. In consequence of a rainy spell which 
came on after we started home with the load we were much longer 
on the road, and then the nights, oh dismal! We were wet all the 
time day & night and my boots were so tight on my feet after the 
first day's walk in the mud that I was afraid to pull them off lest I 
could'nt get them on again. On a Sunday night, Oct 4th we were 
over taken by night on a prairie and as hard a rain as I ever saw 
about, the wind, too, blew hard all night which drove the wet 
thro the muslin cover of the wagon till the driver was nearly 
drowned. I fared better because I had the large buffalo robe 
around me with the hair side out which kept me from getting any 
wetter than I was by walking in the rain thro the day, which we 
were obliged to do all the time on account of the deep mud. There 
were two teams in company and the drivers had to each one hire 
teams to finish up their journey, there own teams being completely 
done for, soon after crossing the Marias des Cygnes, only about 
fifteen miles from home. Since that time we have had good 
weather, and warm, untill yesterday, which was a cold blustering 
day and this morning we had enough frost to nip pumpkin vines &c. 

We have our things arranged for living now & have been getting 
things ready to go on with the work. We made beadsteads by 
putting together some poles and swinging the fabric from the joice 
by means of ropes. This was to get our roost where the inhabitants 


cant bore us with their company, and there are several large families 
hanging 'round. Some day when I have time I think I will take a 
sketch of the interior and send it along and, also, of the travellers 
and thier rigg as they appeared the day the teams gave out. We 
were out hunting one day since we have been here often go into 
the wood to shoot squirrils and brot home a turkey. I prepared 
it for cooking, and all right too, but the stuffing, which we couldn't 
come, for want of bread It went very well and lasted us several 
days, but but I guess I wont eat any more turkey this winter. We 
gathered some hops and if we had a little yeast to start with I think 
I could make bread. Will get some when we go up to Kansas [City] 
again after the Mill. When at Kansas [City] I bot a small wash 
tub & a washboard, and two flat irons, so we could do some of our 
washing. We tried it one day and done up a pile of socks, and 
some towels, the shirts we concluded to leave awhile; since that we 
employed a neat kind of woman to do our washing for the winter. 
I think tho' we will continue to wash towels & socks as we have to 
pay 10 cts a piece . . . 


It is morning, four O'clock, and I have swept up a place before 
the fire and swept the ashes and litter all into the fire so that it 
looks kind of comfortable around and before me. As to the appear- 
ance of things back in the interior of the cabin I have nothing to say. 
I am writing with a board in my lap that serves as a desk. We have 
a table but I can't sit by that and be close to the fire. . . . 

We have had such bad weather ever since our arrival here that 
it has been quite discouraging. So much rain that we could not 
keep our work going along to advantage and about two weeks ago 
we had a real cold snap. The murcury getting down to 10 one 
morning that was an extreme, but many days it was 18 and 20 
scarcely thawing all day. All this week the weather has been good 
enough, mostly warm, sunny days and some nights not cold enough 
to freeze any. Have had no snow to lay on the ground more than a 
few hours and all the stock is yet doing well on the low prairies 
there being plenty of grass that is some green yet. I say all the 
stock because I don't know of one stable in the country and the 
animals are necessarily exposed to the weather just as it comes 

Ell starts this morning for Kansas City &, if the boats are yet 
running, will go on to St Louis to bring up some machinery, the 


chief of which is a corn mill which bids fair to be a very profitable 
investment as flour here is worth six dollars per hundred. We 
bought a lot when the machinery was brot down which we sold at 
five & quarter. There is a small affair for grinding corn, a few 
miles from here which has been doing as such mills generally do 
in a new country, taking enormous toll and selling meal high. They 
manage to get one third for toll and sell the meal at one dollar per 
bushel So the people are bound that we shall bring on a corn mill 
as we talked of doing. I find that I will have to close soon for there 
is so much stir and getting ready to start to the mill, we have 
breakfast so as to get the hands off to work before sunrise having 
two miles to go, and I want Ell to carry this to St Louis with him 
so you can get it direct. I will write again soon when I have more 
time and nobody to interrupt. . . . 

I am as ever your affect husband 


. . . Ell came back . . . this evening; was not able to get 
to St Louis, or, at least, there was no prospect of getting back again, 
with freight and the fare down is enormous. The river is clear of 
ice but boatmen are afraid there might be some made suddenly. 

Since last Saturday, the weather has been warm enough, some 
of the time rainy like, tho' not to stop work. Yesterday and to-day 
the sun shone very fine and warm, the murcury getting up from 36 
this morning to 64 at noon; after noon it was much higher, but the 
sun could shine on the thermometer. The Indians, and all the old 
trappers and traders, agree in the opinion that we will have but 
little freezing this winter, if so, it will be nice enough for the grass 
is not all killed by the frost yet and animals continue to feed pretty 
well on it. ... 

During this last week, Ed and I have been down to the mill untill 
late of evenings, when we would come home tired and have a fire 
to make up and supper to get, which is often some bread and molas- 
ses we get some bread baked in at the next door and the 
same old tune "what fools we were to come out here to live this 
way" with various accompaniments, such as liow nice it would be 
to have a clean room to sit down in/ or 'would'nt I like to have the 
children to talk to awhile/ or Tde give a pile of money if my wife 
was here instead of ten thousand miles off/ and a great many other 
preposters exclamations, but we can't help it. Time does hang 


heavily and we dont expect it to do otherwise untill we can see our 
families again. . . . 

There is to be a meeting to-day of the town company. We have 
not selected our locations in the city yet. We have been waiting 
for this meeting and I suppose we will make our selections soon 
and have the cellars dug for the houses. I hope to get a lot in 
among some trees near the mill and where we can see the creek 
from the windows and the falls too when the leaves are off which, 
in high water, is very fine. At present it is not much for the streams 
are only just a little affected by the rains which we have had. We 
are having a moveing today, but it is only a large log-crib to sleep 
in of nights when we don't all want to walk home, which, with me 
would often be the case. 

We bought provisions in St Louis, on our way out intending to 
board our hands. We tried it but found it no go, and our own 
living now costs Ed and myself as much as it would to keep our 
families. Oh the waste and the very extrava[ga]nt use of coffee 
and sugar and Golden syrup at $1.30 per gal. Ed gets rampant 
once in a while because, he says, 'what he has he worked for' and 
I have resolved many times that when I can get out of this "baching 
it" I will provide only for my own table, and all those who like to 
eat sugar wet with very strong coffee, and syrup with cake crumbs 
in it may be at the whole expense of procuring them. 

Yesterday I was as busy as possible "clearing up," and salting 
down some beef. We cant keep meat fresh but a few days. It 
was so warm yesterday that flies were about the house. 

I will mail one of our papers to-day ( if I get to the office in time ) 
for Walt that he may see the other side of the free-state party from 
what is represented in the Tribune. I regard it as a kind of mediator 
for the Southerners here who are in favor of and have voted to 
make Kansas a free-state, indirectly, that is, by voting the free-state 
ticket in October, but they would have their prejudices excited 
against any movement intended to benefit the niggers. They are 
in favor of a free state government from politic motives & not 
humane. Nearly all our neighbors are of that kind and they will 
probably do anything to resist the efforts of office seekers as they 
regard them from forcing slavery upon us, but to fight. They 
were all run out of the territory a year ago and running would be 
thier choice again. It makes some of them look pale to hear of 
danger of collisions and IVe no doubt we would too if we were 
not so absorbed in business that we have not time to think enough 
about the matter to appreciate the danger. 


A party of armed F[ree] S[tate] men passed by here two days 
since, on their way to a nest of pro-slavery scoundrels in Bourbon 
Co but thier business was not made public so we were left to con- 
jecture. The conclusion was that they intend to string up a man 
who has made himself particularly odious to the people of Lawrence 
and gone to old Ft. Scott for protection from those who would 
deal with him as the laws would direct if there was any law capable 
of directing. 

Well, I must go into the woods now and rake up some dry leaves 
to put into our bed; it has flattened down so that it is to much like 
laying on a pile of rails with only a quilt over them. Ell's bed is 
no better at all and he is to tired to fix it any better so I expect 
he can just have it so as long as he has a mind to. I stop in the 
cabin this forenoon to help the teamster load the logs while the 
others are at the mill. After dinner I go down to the mill and if 
the mail has not passed will mail my letter to-day, otherwise it will 
not go untill Tuesday, the up mail being on Tuesday, Thursday 
and Saturday. . . . 

Your devoted Husband 


I shall adhere to the promise of writing every week, as closely 
as possible. We are exceedingly busy every day except Sundays, 
when we desist from work as the hands, some of them, and the 
people generally are Methodists or Baptists. 

Of evening I am often so tired that I cannot read more than a 
few minutes and writing is no go at all. Yesterday week I went 
out to shoot deer, wounded one and followed it so far that we Ell 
was along did not get back untill noon the next day. What a 
splendid prairie we saw, high mounds and broad valleys without 
a tree or house in sight all day, except at starting, and when we were 
returning home came in sight of timber on Big Sugar. We had 
set out fires as we went along and a night there was a big fire. 
We stopped at a cabin, at eight o'clock, for the night. It was warm 
enough to lie out but the ground was rather moist, without blankets 
to wrap up in. We were nearly as tired as tho' we had been at work. 

Yesterday too I wanted to be at head-quarters to see and hear. 
You will have heard when this reaches you, no doubt, of the doings 
here and, as usual, much will be said that will proceed chiefly 
from some imaginative brains. I will try to give a little sketch 
of the matter as nigh the truth as anybody who will write for the 


There has been difficulty on the Little Osage all summer & fall 
between pro-slavery and free-state men, about claims, hogs &c 
The free-state men that were driven away a year ago, came back to 
their claims and found them, in many cases, occupied by Missourians 
who refused to give them up, and [their] hogs, [and] other stock 
being clean gone which were in the timber [were] claimed by 
these Missourians. In short, there was continual bra[wls?] among 
them and the pro-slaves being the most numerous in this locality 
they could enforce the bogus laws and have things pre[tty] much 
their own way. The free-state men 'would'nt give it up' and some 
of them are not the most peaceable kind of fellows either, and the 
disturbances encreased untill there was open war between them. 

They have a bogus court at Ft Scott and free-state men were 
brot before it for defending their rights and in every case beaten 
and court charges & law[y]ers fees piled on so heavily that they 
were unable to pay so their property was seized and sold to Mis- 
sourians at nominal prices, and immediately driven away. I have 
talked with several who were stripped of every thing they had in 
that way. Free-state men from different parts went down there 
to assist them in there difficulties, the party, when all together, 
numbered fifty. They were attacked by the ruffians. The particu- 
lars of the attack, as I heard the 'Boys' tell it over and over again in 
their camp, was that the ruffians numbered about two hundred 
mounted men, while the Boys numbered but fifty and but few 
mounted. The ruffians came upon them and were about to sur- 
round them, to take them prisoners it was supposed, so fifteen 
of the Boys opened a fire upon them with Sharpe's-rifles. The fire 
was returned but the commander being wounded he set up such a 
cry of I'm shot I'm shot' that the ruffians broke and run to a dis- 
tance of three fourths of a mile. Considering themselves at a safe 
distance they halted to take further council probably. So one of 
the boys got permission to try his skill with his rifle to see what he 
could effect. He fired and knocked a man off his horse. The man 
was gathered up as speedily as possible and the party got them- 
selves out of sight before they stopped again. The ruffians had three 
wounded, but none killed that has been heard of yet. The boys 
came off unscathed, tho one fellow narrowly escaped having a ball 
shot thro' his body, the ball having struck his revolver which was 
under a belt, at his side. The boys then came up to the Mound 
here to await reinforcements as they knew that a still larger body 
of ruffians would be collected in the vicinity of the Fort. The in- 
tention of the boys is to go down there as soon as they are sufficiently 


strong in numbers, and give the ruffians a sound drubbing, such a 
one as will make them keep the peace hereafter. 

[Addison] Danford and [R. B.] Mitchell, representatives from 
this county, came home last night in a great hurry having heard, 
while at Lecompton that Sugar Mound was about to be taken. The 
ruffians had become alarmed at the storm they had raised and sent 
up the most preposterous stories about the burning and pillaging 
that was being perpetrated by the Abolitionists, to induce the gov- 
ernor to send U. S. troops to their aid. Stanton 2 sent troops, too, 
to the fort with orders to protect the land office and other govern- 
ment property but not to interfere with the fight, for [he] said "if 
they want a fight let them have it out/' 

Last night some time it commenced snowing. I could feel it 
coming thro' the roof into my face, it fell very light however and 
was no further inconvenience than the sensation produced, which 
was similar to being tormented by flies. To-day it has continued 
[to] fall nearly all the time and is yet snowing but the air is so 
warm yet that it does not collect any as I can see, it being just about 
enough on the ground to make good tracking of deer and turkeys 
We have not had the ground frozen for three weeks and many days 
the murcury has been up to 64 or there about. . . . 

WEDNESDAY EVENING 23RD . . . We moved to the mill yester- 
day. You may remember perhaps that our cabin in the woods is 
two miles from the creek, we sometimes had to walk it, frequently 
of late, and we got tired of the fun so we moved a corn crib down 
here and put our things into it, that is all that we could. It is a 
fact and no joke and we find it quite comfortable. It is 12 ft long 
and 9 ft wide; no floor but a kind of a door is reared up to keep the 
wolves from stealing our meat our bed is put up so high that we 
can sit under it and the stove close [is] up in a corner. 

You may wonder why we don't make a house [of] boards. Well 
I never told you anything about the mill business I believe so I will 
do so now. In the first place the mill was late getting here, then 
the roads were very bad which made everything go slowly. It was 
so rainy that we could do almost nothing for a long time and it has 
only been within the last three weeks that we have made much 
progress. Besides all that we employed a man to build the mill who 
proved himself to be quite incompetent and while Ell was up to 
Kansas [City] I got out of all patience and gave him his walking 
papers, and forthwith hired two men both experienced in their line, 

2. Frederick P. Stanton was secretary, and twice acting governor, of Kansas territory 
from April 16 to December 21, 1857. 


one an engineer, the other a preacher just from [Io]wa who is an 
excellent sawyer. I did not employ the latter one to preach, as I 
don't know much about his experience in that line but in line of 
sawyer I meant. The weather is very fine again and we expect to 
start the machinery in two or three days. We would have made 
enough by sawing to have paid the expense of erecting the mill, 
easily, if these men had taken it in hand from the start. Ed and I 
worked at rebuilding for a week which was more than would have 
been required to do the work right in the first. We thought some 
queer words out loud most every day we were at it. 

I dont know how well you are posted in political news but I will 
give you the latest. The Freestate legislature when they met [at 
Lecompton, December 7-17, 1857,] repealed all the bogus laws. 
Made Gen Lane commander in Chief of the Territory with power 
to organize a militia and he has already done so. He is now here 
but what his intentions are we know not as he keeps, the troops 
even, in ignorance. Before he came down we could learn all about 
the movements of the army and the ruffians understood there plans 
as well as any body. We heard to-day that the bogus capital, 
Lecompton, is in ashes, but nothing of the why or wherefore. Sev- 
eral hundred men are encamped in the neighborhood and squads 
of horse-men are passing to and fro almost continually. Last Mon- 
day was the day to vote on the constitution which was framed by 
the proslavery-National-democrats. Have heard nothing of the re- 
sult, only know that the polls were not opened in this precinct. The 
legislature, elected by the people of Kansas, last October, have ap- 
pointed the 4th of January next to vote for or against that constitu- 
tion, all who have a right to vote will put in, that day. . . . 3 

,, ~ , SUGAR MOUND JAN ND 1858 


I have no news to tell you this time, I believe, unless it is that we 
have, at last, raised the steam and got our mill to working. . . . 

Your affect. Husband 


. . . Dont ... let anything here trouble you in the least 
for I can assure you that the only trouble we have, now that the mill 
is doing business, is the vexation of housekeeping and that you 
know is, by no means, of a serious nature. . . . 

3. The election on the Lecompton constitution occurred on Monday, December 21, 1857, 
and resulted as follows: for the constitution, with slavery, 6,226; for the constitution, 
without slavery, 569. It was reported that 2,720 illegal votes were cast in the election, at 
which the Free-State partisans abstained from voting. 


As to the wars which I see are reported in the papers, if you dont 
feel any more concern about it than what we do, you wont loose a 
moment of sleep. . . . That there has been warlike demon- 
strations here, right in this place, I dont dispute, but I can say truly 
that there is no probability of the people here at Sugar Mound be- 
ing molested for two reasons There is no particular cause and if 
there was we are to many for them We have no fear so I hope you 
wont, and now for every thing that I can think of. We have done 
some washing with the creek water and find it soft. Are you not 
glad, its so handy too. We bought a bag full of apples, real nice 
ones for $1.25 per bushel. Plenty of them in the State [Missouri], 
within a days drive. . . . 

I have learned that there are nurseries over in the state where 
trees can be had at $1.50 per dozen, we have a few on our claim, 
set out last spring so much nearer than any point on the river that 
nobody in this county would ever go to the river for trees. Most 
every body has oxen and it requires eight days or more to make the 
trip. That is too long a time to be getting one load of trees when 
they can get them out of the nursery and be home in four days at 
most. I have no opportunity of knowing what chance there may 
be along the river but suppose that there may be good sale within 
twenty or twenty five miles and probably much farther in the 
direction of Lawrence. They would, however, have to be shipped 
in the fall as they could not be sent to the territory before the season 
would be too far advanced. That however is a matter of 
opinion. . . . 

We were so late getting the mill to running that we have given 
up the building of houses this winter. We are engaged in putting 
a two story building over the mill seventy feet long and twenty six 
wide at one end with an ofsett over the boiler making it about thirty 
four feet at the other end. It will keep us all winter, save time 
enough to build something to move into next spring, before we 
start home. A good stable will do for a few weeks I guess, rather 
than wait here to build a house. . . . 

Love to the children and Kiss them for me. Husband 


Last Saturday was my day to write you but I was prevented from 
getting a letter in the mail that day, by our work which was going 
on furiously all day, and then I was so tired of nights that I went to 
roost immediately after supper and, besides, last week was my week 


to get the meals. This week and next I will be out and can have 
time, of evenings, to read some before supper and when not too 
tired can put in an hour or two after tea. Oh dear! how tired I am 
of keeping *bach' Nothing but the interest I feel in seeing the work 
going on, enables me to stand it now. To-day I have been riding 
all day partly on business connected with the mill and partly to get 
signers to three road petitions, for roads branching of from Mound 

The weather is delightful, 55 to-day, warm sun, I enjoyed the 
ride very much untill after noon when I began to tire of it. We 
don't perform much hard labor, it is more care and anxiety than of 
physical labor; we hire most of that done. We can saw 4000 ft of 
lumber a day. We have not worked any after night yet. If we 
were only living together here now I should like the business very 
well. I think it will be much pleasanter than either riding around 
thro' hot sun or cold winds, rough roads and muddy roads, rainy 
days and dark nights to peddle pills, or to raise crops and have to 
watch them so much to keep them from being destroyed and then 
to scarcely get enough for them to pay expenses. It will be 
pleasant too to be near enough to places of public gathering to go 
without riding several miles in the dark, over a rough or muddy 
road, and to call on the neighbors too of an afternoon. . . . 

Maria 4 had better keep in the notion of coming here. There is 
no question about the school if she wants to teach. There is a 
school house here but no school this winter. I have not heard of 
any one who could be had to teach a school, who is capable. Ed 
expressed himself as being very well pleased that Maria purposed 
coming here, so that his boys could go to school. That was on our 
way out, last fall. . . . 

Now my dear wife you must excuse me for another week for my 
back aches, and, if I aint sleepy now, I will be in the morning at 
getting up time Your loving Husband 


We have had a pretty heavy rain since dark, last (Saturday) 
evening. It ceased to-day about three or four oclock. The creek 
is pretty well up and the Falls are making a stunning noise. After 
the rain, we went up to see how it looked. We tarried there untill 
night gazing upon the, seemingly, angry flood, with mingled feel- 

4. Maria Mannington, sister of Alice Trego. Maria came to Mound City in 1858 and 
was married that year to J. S. Atkinson. This was the first marriage to take place in Mound 
City. Andreas-Cutler, op cit., p. 1108. 


ings of awe and admiration. Last night, during the thunder storm, 
there was but very little admiration of it ( the storm ) expressed and 
no awe as it takes reverence to make up that feeling. The expres- 
sions were a kind that indicated a different state of feeling when 
the warm rain began to spatter all over our berth. We have a very 
great deal of work to do and see after, our mill is not raised yet, 
that is, the house part, and we are exposed to the weather so much 
that it is a great disadvantage. Some days the wind blows the belt 
off, and saw-dust in our eyes so we can scarcely see; other days it 
rains and that, of course, puts a stop to the work entirely. But we 
are hopeful yet. With good weather as we have had we can have 
the mill building done in two weeks, and in two more we can have 
our houses so they will do to live in next spring, untill we can finish 
them up on our return with families, if we can find them again. 

Rainy weather will begin in a few weeks and we must have the 
mill sheltered before that time or we can do nothing at all. 

Ed and self are bound to start just as soon as we can possibly get 
our buildings so they will do to live in, after we are done working 
on the mill. If there will be no delays, we can be off yet, by the 
first of March, we may not, however, for two or three weeks later. 
We have been wanting, all winter, to go to the Neosho to get some 
robes of the Indians, and a pair of ponies, we see no chance to get 
away and I fear it will be a failure. I would much rather ride across 
the country part of the way home than be at the expense of going 
all the way to St Louis. 

FRIDAY 28TH [29-m] You see I did not get my letter off the first 
of the week, the reason is, that the mail was stopped by high water, 
having no bridges over the streams yet, and it was brot down to-day 
for the first [time] since last Friday. Now I must drop it in the 
office before the mail returns to-morrow for I've no doubt you are 
as anxious to see a letter about every week as I am. . . . 

We had a hearty laugh over the Advertiser's account of a collision 
between the U. S. troops and those of Kansas. The fellow that got 
up that and some other Kansas yarns must have some of the stuff 
in his composition, that novel writers are made of. 

Well, there is nothing like telling something stunning when the 
design of it is to produce a sensation. That fuss was all over and 
would have been forgotten but for the huge waves that roll back 
upon us in the shape of newspaper accounts swelled by every blow 
of letter writers for the papers. Before you get thro' with that job 
we will have another, worse yet, perhaps. I hope at any rate it will 
result, this time, in the destruction of Fort Scott. We had a town 


meeting to-day The prospects for Mound City are indeed very 
flattering. The probabilities are favourable for its becoming the 
county seat and the Rail road from St Louis to Jefferson City, will, 
when extended on thro' the Territory, pass thro this valley and if 
Mound City can get to be somebody in two or three years, there is 
no reason why the R. R. should not pass thro its boundaries. . . . 

Your devoted Husband 

SUNDAY EVENING [JANUARY 31] My love, I hope you will excuse 
my failure to drop this letter in the Office yesterday. It was not 
neglect but the being absent on business until it was too late. 
. . . I learned yesterday that the mail, on that day of the week, 
only goes to the end of our carriers route only a few miles, where it 
lays over untill the next Tuesday, so you see it will be not more 
than a day later at any rate. After this I will send my letters off in 
Tuesday's mail. Now I wish to send you news in advance of all the 
papers if the telegraph dont beat me, but they will have to wait 
untill the occurrance takes place, before they can send while I will 
guess what is to happen. The Bourbon County Banditti have been 
committing more robberies upon the settlers in that region and seem 
determined to have everything they can possibly make use of. They 
are allowed to do so because the pro slaveryites think they will 
drive away all Free State men by so doing. Such being the case 
there is no law to punish the theives. They even attempted to hang 
one man because he would not go away. The man is here at the 
Mound now. Captain [James] Montgomery was here this evening 
telling about the affair but I did not learn how the man escaped 
from the ruffians, but Montgomery told us that several Companies, 
his among the number, are in readiness to march upon Fort Scott 
to-morrow, for the purpose of destroying the place, scattering the 
band and perhaps to hang up the leaders of it to prevent them from 
making similar nests anywhere else. . . . 

To be read last The news which I referred to was the burning 
of Fort Scott. It aint done yet but will be I suppose, so you see, 
you get the news earlier than any body else) 


. . . To-morrow we raise the mill house. It will be a big 
job and all the help we can get will be required. It is cold this 
evening, raw east wind blowing into our pa [r] lor so that I feel 
like forsaking it and going up stairs to bed Will write more 
tomorrow evening. Since writing the foregoing I concluded to 


let this go by the board and write another, which I did this morning. 
Now am not satisfied with it either so I have concluded just 
as Ed is getting ready to go to the office that I will send both I 
have only time to say that the freestate party according to report 
of a messenger just in have taken Fort Scott, without any fighting 
as the villians fled to save their bacon. There was some kind of 
treaty entered into about the future conduct of the people there 
which I consider of very little importance but a good deal of the 
stolen property was returned to the owners, however and promises 
enough for the forthcoming of some horses which the thieves took 
away with them. The day is very fine, snow is melting and E wants 
to go now to the office before the male [?] arrives so goodby again 

Your loving husband 


. . . We raised our mill yesterday and got thro* without acci- 
dent tho' we very narrowly escaped having the chimney fall by the 
breaking of a guy rod caused by trying to lift a guy, on the opposite 
side from the break, to allow a part of the frame to pass under it 
as they were raising. Before we got thro' it commenced snowing 
furiously and continued on after dark. This morning the snow is 
5 inches deep. The first snow we have had worth calling a snow. 
Now I have about filled this up, so good by again for another week 

Your aff husband 


Now I expect that by the time you get this you will think it has 
been a long spell since you received the preceeding one, and it 
has been two weeks now since I wrote you. 

The reason of that is that I have been off a week, cruising around 
Went down into the Osage Nation, whilst we were out, to buy 
ponies, but we did not get any because the Indians wont sell them 
when thin in flesh. No matter what price is offered, they cant be 
made to believe but that the person making the offer would give 
more for the pony after he fattens up in the Spring. We were 
some little disappointed in not getting ponies, but we had a pretty 
good trip of it and saw a great deal of fine prairie and fine timber 
which will soon be open for settlement, at least we were told by 
Indian traders, agents &c in the nation, that a treaty was likely to 
be effected this spring with that tribe. Ed and one of our hands 



and myself, with a driver to take us, constituted the company. The 
first evening out we encamped on the Little Osage river, where I 
shot a wild cat out of a tree near the woodchopper's cabin which 
we went into to cook our supper. The cat was run out from under 
the floor of the cabin by the dogs. The next day our road lay across 
a large prairie where we saw nothing all day but wolves and one 
flock of deer. At sunset we came within sight of a house. We tried 
to get on to Cofachique, 5 on the Neosho, but failed to reach it, tho' 
it was but four miles distant. We encamped on the prairie. The 
day had been perfectly clear and the sun was shining too hot to feel 
comfortable. We regarded it as prognostic of storm but did not 
think it would come on so suddenly as it did and with such violence 
too. We were too conscious that we were exposed, in the after part 
of the night to a perfect gale of wind, cold and raining, which 
covered every thing with sleet, and before day it turned to snow. 
When light enough to see, we started for the town, the snow flying 
so thick that we could see but a few rods ahead but were soon en- 
abled to make our way without difficulty, but the fences. It was 
very cold and we stopped at the hotel, the only building in the 
place capable of accomodating us and made ourselves at home 
untill the next (Monday) morning. The house, up stairs, was full 
of snow as was every building in the town. While we were stopping 
there, a family came up from the Virdegris, where they moved last 
fall. The family consisted of a woman and several children who 
were left alone some weeks ago by the man who went away for the 
ostensible purpose of getting provisions, of which they were sadly 
in need, and they have heard nothing from him since. He is an 
inebriate. The family were suffering from want of food and cloth- 
ing. Fortunately summer is near by when they wont need much 
only in the eating line. The villagers furnished them with a house 
and provisions and, being invited to contribute something we fur- 
nished each of the little chaps with a pair of shoes. 

On Monday morning it was very cold but the sun came out clear 
and having the wind to our backs we had a pleasant drive of it. 
Night came on long before we arrived at a stopping place, but a 
team was just ahead of us and we followed their track, the only one 
to be seen since the snow. It is very seldom that wagons are seen 
so far down among the Indians. We arrived at the post of a trader 
about 9 o'clock and put up their for the night. A village of several 

5. Cofachique, Allen county, was established in 1855 about two miles southwest of 
present lola. It was the county seat from 1855 to 1858, and soon thereafter the townsite 
was abandoned. 


hundred Indians is close by the post. Many of them were in the 
eating house where we got our suppers, there is no white woman 
here. The trader has a very respectable looking squaw in his part 
of the establishment and a slave to wait upon her. In the kitchen 
there was another squaw who done the cooking for the trader and 
his assistants and any one who might chance to be travelling that 
way as was our case. I had a tolerably good bed, the rest rolled 
themselves up in buffalo robes and slept on the floor. The team 
which open[ed] the way for us so far, also stopped here, the men 
were on a trading expedition and had a lot of prints and jewelry. 
We played euchre untill midnight, the only time I have played since 
coming into the territory. In the morning we went to the Indian 
village, the wigwams made of buffalo skins, and took a look around 
at the fashions. Ed and I were objects of great curiousity to the 
grown people because of our unmutilated beards being covered 
with a good coating of frost, the morning being very still and frosty, 
But the worst of it was that when I went into a wigwam where 
there was a lot of children they all began to scream and dodged out 
like frightened cats as soon as I was far enough inside to leave 
room for them to pass out behind me. One little fellow, who, no 
doubt, told the rest that he wasn't afraid, came back and lifted the 
robe which hung over the entrance was coming in all so fast but 
he gave a yell and "pop went the weasel" I regreted very much 
that I had no trinkets to give them but I told an Indian who could 
speak English that I expected to be down there again before they 
started on their summers hunt and would bring the little fellows 
some presents, to make friends with them. We saw a buffalo here, 
that has been tamed. Our travels to-day were thro' the country 
where the Indians have erected their wigwams in considerable 
numbers from a dozen to twenty together and these villages a few 
miles apart. We arrived at the Osage Mission 6 by the middle of 
the afternoon and having gone about as far south as we wanted to 
this time we started home by the way of Fort Scott, and got far 
enough out to find a first rate camping ground without fear of hav- 
ing anything stolen from us by the Indians. The next day we 
started early and traveled towards home as far as we could; in- 
tended to get into Ft Scott and have a good supper and beds to 
sleep in but could not possibly do it. Went in before breakfast the 
next morning tho not untill breakfast was over at the hotels. After 

6. The Osage Catholic Mission, at present St. Paul, Neosho county, was founded in 
1847 as a mission and school for the Osage Indians living along the Neosho and Verdigris 


breakfast we took a look around town, went to see a new steam 
mill same make as ours that was only started the day before. I 
have seen five mills besides ours and only one of them is equal to it, 
that one is no better only in the management of the saw, which is 
done by one of the owners who understands a saw better than any 
man we can hire in the territory. The town of Ft. Scott is handsome 
the houses being all large and built hotel fashion. It was used by 
the U. S. troops as a boarding place when not required to be on 
duty. The buildings are arranged in a square with a fine Plaza 
inside planted with trees which are of probably eighteen years 
growth, the broad steps from the second story varanda of each 
house toward the open square or plaza and a fine well under a clump 
of trees, with a tasteful structure over it supported by six round 
pillars. We were in to much of a hurry to get home or we could 
have seen the U. S. troops come in there that day, they having been 
sent there again to prevent the freestate men from destroying the 
town. If we had been two days later in getting along we might 
not have been allowed to go & come without some trouble as the 
free state men are collecting in considerable numbers, with canon, 
determined to make them give up the theives that are harbored 
there or destroy the town. Every house in it would cost $3000, in 
Illinois. Much more than that here. We arrived at Sugar Mound 
very late at night, having stopped at the Fort some two or three 
hours Well I have filled up my paper with an account of my trip, 
I see, and as there is no news or anything else of special interest I 
will let it go at that. . . . Good bye my dear wife and all the 
love to you which I am capable of bestowing on the best of good 
women is yours Husband 

[Part Two the Letters of 1861, 1862 Will Appear in the 
August, 1951, Issue] 

The Kansas Senators and the Re-election 
of Lincoln 


IN THE presidential election of 1864 the two Republican senators 
from Kansas found themselves supporting rival candidates for 
their party's nomination. James H. Lane cast his lot with the in- 
cumbent, Abraham Lincoln, who was seeking a second term; while 
Samuel Clarke Pomeroy joined the chief executive's opponents who 
were attempting to nominate Secretary of the Treasury Salmon 
Portland Chase. 

The Republican, or Union party as it had been called since 1862, 
was sharply divided during most of the war period over the per- 
plexing problems of emancipation and reconstruction. Lincoln 
represented a moderate wing of the party which believed that the 
restoration of the Union was the paramount aim of the war. Re- 
garding the institution of slavery, they preferred gradual, com- 
pensated emancipation, followed, perhaps, by colonization. They 
agreed that slavery was morally wrong, but they steadfastly refused 
to tamper with it unless its abolition would directly influence the 
salvation of the Union. Toward the erring Southerners they were 
inclined to be governed by a policy of moderation and tolerance. 
Lincoln had charted the course for this group on December 8, 1863, 
in his message to congress, when he reaffirmed his adherence to the 
emancipation proclamation, but offered a pardon to nearly all the 
persons in the seceding states who would take an oath of loyalty to 
the constitution, congressional acts, and the said proclamation. 
He further declared that when ten percent of the number of voters 
in 1860 in any of the Southern states had taken an oath of loyalty, 
they could set up a state government and receive his executive 
recognition. 1 

These policies, as set forth in the proclamation, and the policies 
of reconstruction, as outlined in the congressional message, were 
unacceptable to a group within the party known as the "radicals." 
This wing was led by Senators Benjamin Wade of Ohio, Charles 
Sumner of Massachusetts, Zachariah Chandler of Michigan, and 

DR. WILLIAM FRANK ZORNOW is an instructor of history at Washburn Municipal Univer- 
sity, Topeka. 

1. Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 38 Cong., 1 Sess. (1863-1864), pp. 1-4. 



Rep. Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania. They felt that slavery 
was the fundamental cause of the war, and they regarded the 
emancipation proclamation in the light of a promise rather than a 
fulfillment. Nothing short of immediate emancipation would 
satisfy them. (They did not seem to understand that such a step 
was impossible until the Confederate armies were broken.) They 
also insisted upon the confiscation of so-called "rebel" property, and 
the employment of Negro troops. As part of their long-range pro- 
gram they favored the enfranchisement and social equalization of 
the Negroes in the hope that by these means Republican politicial 
and economic control could be saddled upon the South after the 
war. Few humanitarian impulses animated these men; their main 
inspiration came from a blind, unbending partisanship and a desire 
for repression. These unenlightened policies were destined to bear 
fruit in the tragic years of reconstruction. 

Both Lane and Pomeroy were self-styled members of this radical 
faction of the party. Lane, in a speech before the senate in July, 
1862, defined what he understood radicalism to be: 

If to oppose the using of American volunteers for the protection of rebel 
property; if to favor the confiscation of rebel property constitutes radicalism, 
then, Mr. President, I am a radical. If opposing the use of American soldiers 
for the return of fugitive slaves to rebel masters; if opposition to the policy 
of driving from our lines the loyal men of the rebellious States because of 
their color renders me an abolitionist, then, Mr. President, I am one. Radical 
and abolitionist, Mr. President, I say crush out this rebellion, even if human 
slavery should perish in the land. 2 

Pomeroy had similar views, but they differed widely on the merits 
of the Persident and on his capacity for carrying out such a program. 
Lane always maintained that Lincoln was at heart a radical too; 
a view with which Pomeroy took a most decided exception. 3 In 
Pomeroy's opinion, the man who had the talent and inclination to 
administer the radical program was Salmon Chase, and the senator 
became chairman of a committee which was organized to advance 
the presidential aspirations of the Secretary of the Treasury. The 
Lane-Pomeroy feud over the merits of Abraham Lincoln was symp- 
tomatic of conditions generally within the Republican-Union party. 
Salmon Chase had been working since 1862 for the purpose of 
presenting his name for the presidential nomination. In this work 
he was ably assisted by a large following within the Treasury De- 
partment, for his agents were most active in his behalf, although 

2. Congressional Globe, 37 Cong., 2 Sess. (1861-1862), Pt. 4, p. 3151. 

3. Wendell H. Stephenson, "The Political Career of General James H. Lane/' in Pub- 
lications of the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, v. 3 (1930), p. 143. 


Chase always steadfastly maintained that he never made use of 
his treasury patronage to erect a machine for himself. 4 Chase was 
on intimate terms with most of the radical leaders in 1863, and he 
supported many of them during the state elections of that year in 
the hope that they would reciprocate his kindness in 1864. He 
worked hard to gain the support of powerful financial leaders 
throughout the nation, and once again his position in the Treasury 
Department was of great help in winning him the friendship of 
this group. Through his agents he sought to gain the assistance 
of the most powerful newspaper editors and publishers, such as 
Horace Greeley, James G. Bennett, Joseph Medill and John Forney; 
and he also tried to win the support of the influential Union League 
of America which boasted a membership of 700,000. 

The climax to all of Chase's efforts came when a group of his 
friends called an organizational meeting on December 9, 1863, in 
Washington for the purpose of erecting a national and some state 
committees to work for his nomination. 5 This first Chase advisory 
committee, which drew most of its membership from the secretary's 
own state, Ohio, proved to be a very nebulous affair, but within 
a few weeks its membership was expanded and it became a per- 
manent organization. It finally became known as the Republican 
national executive committee, and Sen. Samuel Pomeroy was made 

Pomeroy had been reported to be a supporter of President Lincoln 
in June, 1863, but during the intervening six months he had changed 
his mind. 6 On December 13, a few days after Pomeroy accepted 
the chairmanship of the secret Chase committee, Mark Delahay, 
whom Lincoln had made a judge in Kansas, reported to the chief 
executive that Pomeroy was one of the "head devils" of a Chase 
conspiracy. The senator, however, was unwilling to reveal the 
work of the committee at that moment and still publicly claimed 
that he was supporting Lincoln. 7 

It is difficult to explain why Pomeroy deliberately abandoned the 
President and secretly led a committee which was working to bring 
about his overthrow. John Nicolay and John Hay, Lincoln's two 
very enterprising and observant young private secretaries, wrote later 

4. Clarence E. MacCartney, Lincoln and His Cabinet (New York, 1931), p. 254. 

5. Charles R. Wilson, "The Original Chase Organization Meeting and The Next Presi- 
dential Election," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, v. 23 
(1936), June, pp. 61-79. 

6. James Blunt to Salmon Chase, June 14, 1863. Salmon Chase MSS. (Library of 

7. Tyler Dennett (ed.), Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John 
Hay (New York, 1939), p. 138. Diary entry of December 13, 1863. 


in their biography of the President that Pomeroy had become 
estranged from Lincoln because he felt the President showed more 
favor and gave more patronage to Lane. 8 Donnal V. Smith in his 
study of Chase's bid for the presidential nomination maintained that 
Pomeroy's predilection for the secretary may have been prompted 
by the fact that Chase had shown some favors to the Hannibal and 
St. Joseph railroad in which the senator was a large stockholder. 9 
Whatever the motive may have been, there can be no doubt that 
Pomeroy was actively engaged in building an organization for 
Chase early in 1864. The secretary, who always feigned complete 
disinterestedness in the presidency, was aware fully of what was 
going on, for he wrote to a friend in Ohio on January 18 that a com- 
mittee composed of "prominent Senators and Representatives and 
citizens" had been formed for the purpose of making him president. 
He also added, "This committee, through a sub-committee, has con- 
ferred with me ... and I have consented to their wishes/' 10 

Senator Pomeroy's committee undertook its work on behalf of 
Chase in earnest, and on January 26 a rumor appeared in the 
press that one hundred thousand copies of a pamphlet were about 
to be gratuitously circulated. The rumor proved to be true, for 
within a few days a document was being distributed throughout 
many of the states under the frank of Sen. John Sherman and Rep. 
John Ashley of Ohio, as well as that of Rep. Henry T. Blow of 
Missouri. 11 Ward Hill Lamon wrote to Lincoln that he had re- 
cently received news from Ohio that "a most scurrilous and abusive" 
pamphlet was being distributed; Leonard Swett procured a copy 
of the document, and according to Lamon, intended giving it to 
the President on his next visit to Washington. 12 This document 
was a pamphlet known as The Next Presidential Election. 

The Next Presidential Election was, indeed, a "most scurrilous 
and abusive" document. The pamphlet maintained that Lincoln's 
re-election was impossible in view of the opposition being mani- 
fested against him. If he were re-elected it would be a calamity, 
the writer maintained, for it would destroy American liberties 
to concentrate so much power and patronage in the hands of 

8. John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln: A History (New York, 1890), 
v. 8, pp. 318, 319. 

9. Donnal V. Smith, Chase and Civil War Politics (Columbus, Ohio, 1931), pp. 114, 
115; Salmon Chase to Samuel Pomeroy, November 17, 1863, in Salmon Chase MSS. (Penn- 
sylvania Historical Society). 

10. Salmon Chase to James C. Hall, January 18, 1864, quoted in J. W. Schuckers, The 
Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase (New York, 1874), p. 497. 

11. Philip Speed to Abraham Lincoln, February 22, 1864; J. Gibson to Abraham Lin- 
coln, February 22, 1864, in Robert T. Lincoln MSS. (Library of Congress). 

12. Ward Lamon to Abraham Lincoln, February 6, 1864. Ibid. 


one man for eight years. The document concluded by stating, 
"We want in our coming President an advanced thinker; a states- 
man profoundly versed in political and economic science, one 
who fully comprehends the spirit of the age in which we live." 
Lincoln, in their opinion, fell far short on all three counts. 

The unfavorable reaction to the pamphlet was entirely unantici- 
pated by Pomeroy's committee. The voters in Ohio poured out 
the vials of their wrath on Senator Sherman for franking it out; 
and one of his best friends warned him, "If you were to resign 
tomorrow you could not get ten votes in the legislature provided 
it could be shown that you have been circulating such stuff as 
this." 13 The political ground slipped from beneath his feet so 
rapidly that Sherman was forced to publicly disavow any con- 
nection with the document. 14 

Chase's managers, however, misgauged its effect and prepared 
a second circular, dated February 8. Since this document bore 
the signature of Senator Pomeroy, it has gone down in history 
as the "Pomeroy Circular," although he was not its author. 15 
As in the case of the first document, it was franked out by several 
prominent radical congressmen. The Pomeroy circular was marked 
"strictly private," but it soon appeared in the public journals. On 
February 20 the Washington Constitutional Union published a 
copy of it, and the following day it appeared in the Cincinnati 
Daily Enquirer. By Washington's birthday it was released to the 
public generally over the wires of the Associated Press. The 
Pomeroy circular made essentially the same points as the earlier 
pamphlet, and it was only in their conclusions that the two docu- 
ments differed at all. Where the pamphlet merely hinted broadly 
that a man of other talents was needed in the White House, the 
circular left nothing to conjecture but stated candidly that Salmon 
Chase had "more of the qualities needed in a President during 
the next four years than are to be found in any other candidate." 

The Next Presidential Election and the Pomeroy circular intensi- 
fied public opinion against Chase and his managers. "The Pomeroy 
Circular has helped Lincoln more than all other things together," 
was the opinion of one of Sherman's constituents. 16 The circular 

13. G. W. Gordon to John Sherman, February 26, 1864. John Sherman MSS. (Li- 
brary of Congress). 

14. He published an open letter in the Cincinnati Gazette, March 3, 1864, in which he 
stated that he had been tricked into franking the document. 

15. According to Chase's biographer, J. W. Schuckers, the document was written by 
James M. Winchell, secretary of the Pomeroy committee. See J. W. Schuckers, op. cit., p. 
500. Lincoln's Postmaster General, Montgomery Blair, insisted that Chase wrote it himself, 
but there is no corroborative evidence for this. 

16. Lewis Gunckel to John Sherman, February 29, 1864. John Sherman MSS. 


made enemies for Chase, wrote the Pittsburgh Gazette; the docu- 
ment was "not manly not truthful mean." 17 Pomeroy's "yeast 
don't make the Chase pudding rise/' was the triumphant observa- 
tion of one of Lincoln's partisans. 18 The storm was rising to such 
alarming proportions that the radicals soon had to seek means 
of disclaiming their connection with the documents. Senator 
Sherman, as mentioned, publicly stated that he had been tricked 
into franking out the first pamphlet. All along the line the radi- 
cals were forced to retreat from the advanced position they had 
taken against Lincoln, and even Secretary Chase hastened to 
write the President on February 22, explaining his connection 
with the document and offering to resign. He gave a brief ac- 
count of the solicitation of his friends in compliance with which 
he had consented to become a candidate for the presidency. He 
assured Lincoln, "I had no knowledge of the existence of this 
letter before I saw it in the Union. ... If there is any thing 
in my action or position which in your judgment will prejudice 
the public interest under my charge, I beg you to say so. I do 
not wish to administer the Treasury Department one day with- 
out your entire confidence. . . ." 19 

Before Lincoln could reply to this letter an incident occurred 
which completely suffocated Chase's hope of securing the nomina- 
tion. The Ohio state legislature, thanks largely to the undercover 
work of a host of Lincoln's friends and officeholders, adopted a 
resolution endorsing his renomination. Chase had no hope of 
securing the prize when even his own state refused to support 
him. Pomeroy's circular had forced a showdown in Ohio. Up 
to that time Lincoln's friends had made repeated attempts to 
move the legislature to endorse the President for another term, 
but each time the Chase men had beaten them. The Pomeroy 
circular, however, according to one of Chase's friends in Cleve- 
land, "produced a perfect convulsion in the party." 20 The Kansas 
senator's ill-advised, hasty action in issuing this maligning pro- 
nunciamento actually defeated the presidential aspirations of the 
man he was dedicated to serving. 

Lincoln replied to Chase's letter on February 29 and assured 

17. Pittsburgh Gazette, February 24, 1864. Clipping in ibid. 

18. George P. Lincoln to William Doyle, February 26, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln MSS. 

19. Salmon Chase to Abraham Lincoln, February 22, 1864, quoted in T. W. Schuckers, 
op. cit., pp. 500, 501. 

20. Richard Parsons to Salmon Chase, March 2, 1864. Salmon Chase MSS. (Library 
of Congress). L. Devin to John Sherman, February 26, 1864. John Sherman MSS. 


him that he perceived no reason why the secretary should resign. 21 
Chase continued to serve the administration as a cabinet officer 
until June, but his opportunity to secure the party presidential 
nomination was blasted. On March 5, the secretary wrote to his 
manager, James C. Hall, in Toledo, Ohio, telling him that no 
further attention was to be given his name for the nomination. 
This letter appeared in the press throughout Ohio on March II. 22 

Regardless of the fact that Chase had decided to withdraw 
from the presidential race, Pomeroy announced that his committee 
would not be disbanded but would continue its work on behalf 
of the secretary. On March 10, he rose in the senate and described 
how the national executive committee had been organized in 
January for the purpose of making Salmon Chase President. He 
stated boldly that he alone was responsible for issuing the circular, 
and he absolved Chase of any guilt by insisting that the secretary 
knew nothing of the circular and that he had only consented 
to run when the committee insisted. 23 

Pomeroy's indiscreet action had done him irreparable damage 
with the President, and the patronage fount was shut tighter 
after the circular episode than it had been before. This did not 
ease the situation in Kansas, for Lane and Pomeroy, who hated 
each other with an unexcelled ferocity, redoubled their feud over 
the state's patronage. The situation was aggravated further when 
Lane denounced his colleague before the senate because of the 
Chase circular. Lincoln tended to rely more closely upon Lane, 
who, despite the fact that he often said uncomplimentary things 
about the President's ability and policies, was astute enough never 
to place himself in a position of open hostility as Pomeroy had done. 

The two senators continued to wrangle over patronage, and in 
May Pomeroy visited Lincoln in the hope of mending his fences. 
The chief executive, who rarely carried a grudge for past political 
sins, did so on this occasion, and Pomeroy returned from his visit 
empty handed. John Hay noted in his diary on May 14, "Pomeroy 
has recently asked an audience of the President for the purpose 
of getting some offices. He is getting starved out during the 
last few months of dignified hostility and evidently wants to come 

21. Abraham Lincoln to Salmon Chase (copy), February 29, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln 

22. Salmon Chase to James C. Hall, March 5, 1864, quoted in J. W. Schuckers, op. tit., 
pp. 502, 503; Salmon Chase to James C. Hall, March 6, 1864, in Salmon Chase MSS. 
(Pennsylvania Historical Society). 

23. Congressional Globe, 38 Cong., 1 Sess. (1863-1864), Pt. 2, p. 1025. 


down. He did not get any." 24 Immediately after the interview 
Lincoln wrote a note to the senator in which he implored, "I wish 
you and Lane would make a sincere effort to get out of the mood 
you are in. It does neither of you any good; it gives you the means 
of tormenting the life out of me, and nothing else." 25 The rift 
between the two senators, however, was not bridged. 

Pomeroy's national executive committee continued to function 
until June, and he devised a plan for holding what he termed 
a "People's Convention" in Baltimore on June 7, the same day 
on which the regular Union party convention was to meet. 26 Lin- 
coln's officeholders with their power and irresistible organization 
easily overcame these plans. The Union convention met in Balti- 
more as scheduled and the nomination of Lincoln was obtained 
with no difficulty; only Missouri cast her 22 votes against him on 
the first ballot, but speedily shifted to him before the roll call 
ended so that the selection was made unanimously. 

Secretary Chase resigned from the cabinet shortly after the Balti- 
more convention, and he retired to the White Mountains for a 
long rest. He kept close contact with the political situation, 
however, and made frequent trips to New York and Boston, which 
were centers of anti-Lincoln activities. Pomeroy and others kept 
him abreast of developments at the capital. There was still some 
talk that Chase might be nominated at another convention, but 
the national executive committee was no longer functioning and 
Pomeroy apparently had given up his work. He was still not 
reconciled to accepting Lincoln, but intimated that he might go 
to Europe for a vacation rather than enter the canvass. 27 

While Pomeroy was busily engaged in heading up much of the 
opposition to President Lincoln, Senator Lane had climbed aboard 
the President's bandwagon and was leading the fight to secure 
his renomination. In 1863, when Lincoln incurred the wrath of 
the radical Republicans in Missouri by appointing Gen. John Scho- 
field to the military command in that state, Lane had indirectly 
opposed the President. At the meeting of the Union League of 
America in Cleveland on May 20, he presented a series of resolu- 
tions demanding Schofield's removal but finally withdrew them 

24. Tyler Dennett, op. cit., p. 181. 

25. Abraham Lincoln to Samuel C. Pomeroy, May 12, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln MSS. 

26. John Wilson to Salmon Chase, May 2, 1864. Salmon Chase MSS. (Library of 

27. Salmon Chase's MS. diary, entry of July 6, 1864 (Pennsylvania History Society). 
William E. Smith, The Francis Preston Blair Family in Politics (New York, 1933), v. 2, 
p. 270. 


in the face of the opposition of Lincoln's friends. 28 On several 
occasions during that year, Lane had expressed the belief that 
Lincoln's re-election might be inadvisable. He had been won 
over completely to Lincoln's side, however, when Gov. Thomas 
Carney of Kansas made a bold bid to usurp his senatorial seat. 
In the struggle which followed, the President had supported Lane 
and checked the governor's maneuver. 29 

As the canvass for the presidency approached, Lane took the 
stump in December, 1863, at Waterbury, Conn., and named 
Lincoln for re-election. From there he moved on to New York, 
where he addressed a crowd at Cooper Institute and once again 
praised Lincoln and favored another term. It was rumored that 
Lincoln had personally chosen Lane to begin the canvass for him. 30 
Lane continued his peregrinations throughout New England and 
never lost an opportunity to endorse Lincoln for re-election. 

Early in 1864, various state legislatures and Union party state 
conventions began to adopt resolutions endorsing the President 
for another term. Among the first was the Kansas legislature. 
Lincoln had won the approbation of the radicals in Kansas by 
a timely appointment of Gen. Samuel Curtis, an idol of that clique, 
to the military command there. A correspondent hastened to 
write the chief executive that this wise, happily received appoint- 
ment would win him at least 100,000 votes in Kansas. The esti- 
mate may have been exaggerated, but it does serve to show the 
extreme popularity of Curtis among the Kansas radicals. 31 Late 
in January, spurred on by Curtis' appointment, the legislature put 
through a resolution, with but one dissenting vote, in favor of 
Lincoln's re-election. 32 

The mere fact that the legislature had been induced to support 
him did not mean that Lincoln was universally in favor among 
the Republican leaders in Kansas. As we have seen already, 
Pomeroy was busily at work during January and February with 
his Chase committee. Governor Carney, probably still smarting 
because the President had sided with Lane over the senatorial 
seat issue, joined forces with Pomeroy in the anti-Lincoln crusade. 

28. Union League of America Proceedings of the National Convention . . . With 
Reports (Washington, 1863), pp. 11, 12. 

29. Wendell H. Stephenson, loc. cit., pp. 137-141. 

30. Ibid., p. 141, 142; Leverett W. Spring, "The Career of a Kansas Politician," The 
American Historical Review, New York, v. 4 (1898), October, p. 102. 

31. E. N. Clough to Abraham Lincoln, January 27, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln MSS. 

32. Ibid., Thomas Carney to Abraham Lincoln, February 3, 1864; N. Chipman to John 
Nicolay, January 28, 1864, in ibid.; William B. Hesseltine, Lincoln and the War Governors 
(New York, 1948), p. 355; John Nicolay and John Hay, op. cit., v. 9, p. 55. 


Early in February, one of Lincoln's friends in Kansas wrote to 
Lane that Carney; Pomeroy; James McDowell, United States mar- 
shal for Kansas; James F. Legate, United States assessor, and the 
three Indian agents, Fielding Johnson, William Ross and H. W. 
Martin, were using all their influence and patronage to defeat 
Lincoln, even though the legislature had already spoken in his 
favor. 33 Another Lincoln man in Kansas wrote the President shortly 
after the Pomeroy circular had been made public, acquainting 
him with the already apparent fact that Pomeroy was "with the 
bought up faction." He promised Lincoln, however, that the people 
of Kansas were with Lane and would attest their devotion in Novem- 
ber at the polls. 34 As an added precaution against Pomeroy and 
Carney, Lane returned to Kansas after his Eastern journey to keep 
his eye on the situation. 

The Kansas Union state convention assembled at Topeka on 
April 21. Prior to this meeting, Lincoln instructed John Speer to 
return to the state capital for the purpose of securing the election 
of Lane as a delegate-at-large to the Baltimore convention and 
also to aid in his selection as a delegate to the meeting of the 
Grand Council of the Union League of America, which was 
scheduled to meet in the convention city on June 6. 35 At the Topeka 
meeting Speer performed his commission; James Lane was selected 
as a delegate-at-large along with A. C. Wilder, Thomas Bowen, 
W. W. H. Lawrence, M. H. Insley and F. W. Potter. 36 Subsequently 
the Kansas Union League held a convention at Leavenworth, and 
Lane was selected also to attend the meeting of the grand council. 

On the appointed day the grand council held its session in 
Baltimore. There were 136 members present at this meeting; 
many of these men, such as Jim Lane, were also delegates to the 
Union party convention scheduled to meet the following day. 
According to William O. Stoddard the Union League meeting 
was to be "the place where all the anti-Lincoln steam [would] 
... be let off, so that it [would] . . . not scald the work 
in the Wigwam." 37 

The radical Republicans were prepared to make a last attempt 

33. W. H. Lawrence to James Lane, February 15, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln MSS. 

34. R. C. Garvey to Abraham Lincoln, February 25, 1864. Ibid. 

35. John Speer, Life of General James H. Lane (Garden City, Kan., 1896), p. 279. 

36. Wendell H. Stephenson, loc. cit,, p. 143; Kansas Daily Tribune, Lawrence, April 23, 

37. William O. Stoddard, Inside the White House in War Times (New York, 1890), 
pp. 238, 239; Anna Smith Hardie, "The Influence of the Union League of America on the 
Second Election of Lincoln," unpublished A. M. thesis (1937) in the library of the Louisi- 
ana State University, p. 43. 


to prevent Lincoln's selection by the national convention. Samuel 
Miller of Pennsylvania presented a resolution to the grand council 
recommending the renomination of Abraham Lincoln. 38 This 
was the signal for the radicals to begin their all-out offensive. 
They paraded again the old story of Lincoln's alleged malfeasance, 
tyranny, corruption, abuse of power, favoritism, ribald frivolity, 
and a host of other crimes and indiscretions of which the President 
had been accused. After listening to this torrent of scurrility for 
a while, Senator Lane rose to his feet and began to refute the 
charges. At first the radicals raged under his stinging verbal 
lashes, for according to Stoddard, Lane had a "peculiar faculty for 
saying an offensive, insolent thing in the most galling offensive and 
insolent manner/' He riddled the radicals' indictment against Lin- 
coln, and as he progressed with his speech the delegates began to 
lean forward and listen, while they more or less rapidly are swept into the 
tide of conviction and are made to believe, with him, that any other nomination 
than that of Lincoln to-morrow is equivalent to the nomination of [George 
Brinton] McClellan by the Republican Convention and his election by the 
Republican party; that it would sunder the Union, make permanent the Con- 
federacy, reshackle the slaves, dishonor the dead and disgrace the living. 

At length Lane's speech carried the day, and the grand council 
endorsed Lincoln with only a few dissenting voices. 39 

At the Union national convention on June 7, Governor Stone 
of Iowa presented Lincoln's name to the delegates. Some of them 
began to grumble and it looked as if the fight would begin afresh. 
Above the din the governor later reported that he could hear the 
clarion voice of Jim Lane shouting, "Stand your ground, Stone. 
Stand your ground! Great God, Stone, Kansas will stand by you!" 40 
After a few tense moments the opposition subsided, and Lincoln's 
renomination was secured without further difficulty. 41 

Three days after the meeting of the national convention, Senator 
Lane attended a session of the National Union executive com- 
mittee for the purpose of preparing for the canvass. He proposed 
the creation of a "National Committee for the West," with head- 
quarters at St. Louis, as a subsidiary agency of the national com- 
mittee so that the canvass in the states beyond the Mississippi 

38. Anna Smith Hardie, op. cit., p. 46. 

39. William O. Stoddard, op. cit., pp. 239-242. 

40. John Speer, op. cit., pp. 283, 284. Gen. George B. McClellan was nominated on 
August 29 by the Democratic convention at Chicago. He was nominated on a peace plat- 
form which branded the war a total failure and called for a cessation of hostilities and an 
eventual convention of the states to discuss a reunion. 

41. Edward McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America During 
the Great Rebellion (Washington, 1865), pp. 403-409. This contains an account of the 


could be more easily conducted. The other delegates saw the 
wisdom of such a suggestion and the group was established with 
Lane as its chairman. 42 

Lane was a most influential speaker during the canvass. He 
did much good in the important state election in Indiana where 
Gov. Oliver P. Morton was seeking re-election. Indiana, Ohio 
and Pennsylvania held their state elections in October, so they 
were regarded as key states. It was generally felt that whichever 
party carried the elections in the three October states would un- 
doubtedly win the national election in November, therefore, Lane's 
campaigning in Indiana was of great importance. 43 The senator 
spent most of his time campaigning in Missouri and his own state. 
According to a Chicago journal, he "stumped southern Kansas, 
rode fifty miles a day for eighteen days, and made three speeches 
per day never missing an appointment." 44 

The senator's work was not confined entirely to speech making. 
Late in the canvass it was learned that the rebel general, Sterling 
Price, intended to invade Missouri and Kansas. Lane immediately 
went to Leavenworth where he offered his services to Gen. Samuel 
Curtis to meet this crisis. His senatorial rival, Samuel Pomeroy, 
who had been sulking like Achilles in his tent during most of the 
canvass, responded too when his beloved state was threatened. 
Both senators became aides-de-camp in Curtis' army, and the 
general later wrote that he "found both of these men of great 
service in giving correct intelligence to the wavering public mind, 
and in suppressing false impressions. . . ." 45 

Thus throughout the year, Lane and Pomeroy had played lead- 
ing roles in the Lincoln-radical feud. Though the two men repre- 
sented different ideals and gave much to the causes to which they 
subscribed, they co-operated under General Curtis to save their 
state and the North from the danger of another Confederate in- 
vasion. The force of partisanship was forgotten in this effort which 
required their mutual assistance. 

42. Wendell H. Stephenson, loc. cit., p. 145. 

43. William F. Zomow, "Indiana and the Election of 1864," Indiana Magazine of 
History, Bloomington, v. 45 (1949), March, pp. 13-38. 

44. Wendell H. Stephenson, loc. cit., p. 146. 

45. Ibid., p. 147; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of 
the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, 1880-1901), Ser. 1., v. 41, Pt. 1, pp. 471- 
473, 484. 

Fighting Aguinaldo's Insurgents 
in the Philippines 


ONE hundred and forty days of front-line duty on the island of 
Luzon, in 1899, are recorded in this account by Todd L. 
Wagoner, a private of Company F, 20th Kansas Volunteer infantry. 
From Mr. Wagoner's manuscript, covering his year-and-a-half serv- 
ice with the regiment, the section describing the fighting he saw 
between February 4 and June 24, 1899, has been selected for 

The 20th, of the four Kansas regiments (20th, 21st, 22nd and 23rd) 
organized to fight in the Spanish-American war, was the only regi- 
ment to be sent to the Philippines, and the only one to experience 
actual fighting. At the time of mustering in it numbered 46 officers 
and 964 enlisted men. In all, three officers and 30 enlisted men 
were killed in action, or died of wounds, on Luzon. Three of the 
latter were from Company F. Mr. Wagoner tells of their deaths 
in his account, and also describes the killing of 1st Lt. Alfred C. 

The 20th Kansas was organized at Topeka between May 9 and 13, 
1898. Soon afterward the regiment was sent to the San Francisco 
bay area where, until June 18, Lt. Col. E. C. Little was in command. 
Then Col. Frederick Funston arrived and took over. In late Octo- 
ber and early November the United States transports Indiana and 
Newport carried the 20th Kansas troops to Manila, where they 
arrived on December 1 and 6, respectively. 

Mr. Wagoner's account, as published here, begins approximately 
two months later ( February 4, 1899 ) with the first engagement be- 
tween United States forces and the Filipino insurgents; and ends 
with the embarkation of the regiment on the transport Tarter on 
September 2, 1899, homeward bound. The 20th Kansas troops dis- 
embarked 39 days later at San Francisco, and 17 days thereafter 
( October 28 ) , the regiment was mustered out of service. 


The air was full of war, the big ball was about to roll. We had 
been brought here for what purpose we knew not. We had 

TODD L. WAGONER is a resident of Girard. 



guarded churches, pest houses and graveyards. We had suffered 
disease and privation of food. Insult upon insult had been heaped 
upon us by these conceited little Filipinos who were armed with 
much better muskets that we were. We had been spit at; rifles had 
been pointed at our heads with threats to kill; and we had stood 
like dummies with orders "Don't shoot!" AND CONGRESS WAS STILL 

But on February 4, 1899, about eight o'clock in the evening, the 
old eagle, soaring high above all this uncertain state of affairs, let 
out one mighty and far-reaching scream. A repeatedly-insulted 
Nebraska soldier took matters into his own hands and shot a Filipino. 
The sound of that old Springfield echoed and re-echoed. It re- 
verberated with the sound of Mausers and Remingtons, the boom 
of Catling gun and cannon. It reached the bay, and from end to 
end of the 15-mile front, only to be augmented and sent back in 
broadside after broadside in the unerring aim of the boys on the 
sea who had so neatly made a submarine of the once invincible 
Spanish Manila fleet. 

In the warm barracks quite a number of us had discarded our 
heavy woolen shirts and were unprepared for the hasty order to 
buckle on our cartridge belts, fill our haversacks with ammunition 
and proceed at double time to the scene of action. After we had 
run about three-fourths of a mile, something else besides tinware 
began to fly. From every window and alley came rifle and pistol 
flashes, and instantly we returned the fire from every quarter in 
such a convincing manner that it soon ceased. A few of the boldest 
rushed at some of the boys with machetes, thinking to strike a blow 
for liberty, and they did. They struck blows from Springfield 
bullets that gave them liberty of soul from body. 

An hour put these city heroes back to bed, where the quiet sur- 
roundings were more productive of health and longevity. Riots 
broke out in various parts of the city, but the American soldier was 
"Johnny on the spot" and immediately quieted them. Soon the 
town was more peaceable than before the outbreak, with the ex- 
ception of the continuous crack-crack, pop-pop-pop, boom-boom 
from the solid fighting line and the battleships; and the bullets 
dropping on the roofs like hail. 

After the riot was quelled, guards were located in various quar- 
ters. Bally, on guard at the fourth post from where the main body 
of the battalion rested for the night, had an interesting little expe- 
rience. Orders were to command anyone crossing your beat to 
"Halt, halt, halt!" and if said trespasser did not halt, to shoot him. 


Trespasser No. 1 started across Rally's beat and Bally shouted: 
"Halt, halt, halt!" Trespasser failed to obey. Crack! trespasser 
No. 1 dropped. Trespasser No. 2, following No. 1, started across 
the street and Bally shouted: "Halt, halt, halt!" Trespasser failed 
to obey. Crack! trespasser No. 2 dropped. Bally shouted: "Offi- 
cer of the guard, post No. 4," which Nos. 3, 2, 1 repeated. At 
which the officer of the guard formed a squad, myself being one, 
and we hastened to the scene. 

The street Bally was guarding was only light enough to dis- 
tinguish a moving form. On our approach Bally shouted: "Halt!" 
But he never got to say the second "halt" for we halted. "Who 
comes there?" Reply: "Officer of the guard with squad." "Advance 
officer of the guard and be recognized." Which we did. "What's 
going on down here Bally?" Bally: "Nothing at all now, it's all 
over I guess." Officer: "What was it?" Bally: "A couple of guys 
tried to cross over here and I halted them but they refused to stop 
till I weighted them down with a .45." Officer: "Where are they?" 
Bally: "Down the street there somewhere." We found them a 
couple of frightened Chinamen trying to get home, who probably 
did not know what Bally meant by "halt" until he emphasized it 
with a .45. Bally had obeyed orders to the letter, but he had been 
gentle in so doing. He had only winged this pair of chinks. We 
used to jolly Bally afterward about fighting the Chinese in Manila. 
To which he would reply, "Well they had no business outdoors a 
strenuous night like that." 

The fighting on the line ceased a short time before the following 
day which was Sunday, but began again shortly after daylight. 
We stood and watched the old gunboat as she hurled broadside 
after broadside into the Filipino ranks. 

There was one man among us whom I shall term "Old 56," but 
who was, neverthless, a true character true to himself, I mean, 
in the commissary department. He is now dead, and in all due 
respect for his murdering and villainous nature I shall not speak 
ill of him. "Old 56" and my pal were chatting and watching the 
gunboat in action, when a native strolled up to them and stood by, 
watching the boat also. Well, the story as "Old 56" told it, was 
that the native walked around while my pal's attention was attracted 
to the boat, got behind him, and slipped his hand down inside a 
loose blouse he ( the native ) was wearing. At this moment "Old 56" 
looked at him, and without any formality shot and killed him. On 
investigation it was found that he died with a big dirk knife in 
his hand, but never got it outside his shirt. 


I did not see this incident, do not know the imminent danger 
in which my pal was situated, and he never knew just how close the 
native was to him. But from the very nature of "Old 56" and an 
act he committed later, I have always considered this a cold-blooded 
murder. But why speculate over a little matter like this, "Old 56" 
had a license from the U. S. to kill! Is it not strange that murder 
committed in our country by the hand of the individual is punish- 
able by death or life imprisonment and yet a soldier may commit 
the same crime in the service of his country, and in the very presence 
of the flag of his nation, and be applauded before the world as a 

The fighting on the line ceased within an hour or two, and the 
rest of the day till about three o'clock passed quietly. We formed 
in line and started to the front, marching in columns of fours. We 
passed the old graveyard, crossed a bridge over the little canal, 
and advanced up the road without a sound of friend or foe to 
be heard in the dense mass of vegetable growth on either side. 
The first sound that suggested we were seen was a prolonged 
"Wheeeee!" of a Mauser bullet high above us. The boys all ex- 
changed smiles which seemed to say: "If they don't shoot any closer 
than that, this fighting will not be even interesting." But just as 
everyone was meditating what a snap this battle was going to be, 
a big .45 brass-covered Remington passed just above our heads and 
on back over the entire battalion with a Brrrrrrrr! that changed 
the pleasant smile to a sickly grin; and everybody seemed to be 
stooping toward the ground in search of something he had recently 
lost and it might have been a piece of his nerve. 

But no one had time to look long, for at that moment the whole 
island before us rattled and thundered with musketry and artillery; 
and with the crack of the old Remington sending its deadly brass- 
covered bullets and the pop-pop of the Mauser spurting its pene- 
trating little steel messengers. This was responded to by volley 
after volley from the Springfields of the boys already located in 
the fighting line; and the boom-boom-boom of the Catling gun, 
which shot an inch-solid ball from various circular barrels set In 
revolution and operated by machinery; and the little, rapid Maxim, 
working like a mowing machine with a purrrrrr! that lulled many a 
Filipino to his eternal rest, often penetrating his body eight or ten 
times before he had time to fall. These various sounds were con- 
fused and augmented by the terrific explosions of the big eight- 
or ten-inch guns of the navy. 

We continued our course up the road about 100 yards till we 


reached the three two-inch field pieces of the Utah battery. These 
had just been hauled from the brush and set in action to clear the 
breastwork of ties, steel and dirt located about half a mile on up 
the road just in front of the bridge we were soon to cross. We 
received orders to lie down till the battery had removed this obstacle 
to our progress, which took perhaps 10 minutes. As we lay stretched 
flat upon the ground back of fence posts, bamboo trees and various 
objects of mediation between a bullet and our heads, we wondered 
if we had been brought all this 8,000 miles to be shot at without 
even a show of resistance. But soon the situation changed. The 
breastwork ahead being completely cleared for our advancement 
we were ordered to our feet and formed in line, thus filling up the 
vacancy made for us on our approach. 

The whole line was ordered forward with the command to "fire 
at will" as we advanced. I can see our little colonel [Frederick 
Funston] standing there with arms folded as he gave the order to 
go. He remarked as we started: "Boys you've got a nasty fight 
ahead of you, but I know you are good for it." My company, F, 
started directly up the road. In passing the field pieces with which 
those volunteer Utah gunners had just completed such successful 
destruction of the obstruction ahead, my attention was called to 
various little grooves cut in the wheel tires by little steel Mauser 
bullets and I wondered that not one of the gunners had been hit. 

The Filipino stronghold lay along, and just beyond, the river; 
and still further beyond were tier after tier of them, back of rice 
dikes rising at gradual elevations like a big amphitheater. The ele- 
vation of this incline was sufficient to allow all of these Filipinos to 
shoot at the same time, without danger to the tiers ahead of them. 
As soon as we had started the general advance there was certainly 
not an idle gun in the hand of the thousands of Filipino soldiers 
before us. The road was not wide enough for a company to be 
deployed in skirmish order, six feet apart, and being in the first 
squad to the right I was forced out into the brush and soon got 
mixed up with M company. I knew however that I was still with 
the regiment as M company carried the regimental flag. So I fell in 
line with them and continued to pump those old ,45's from the old 
Long Tom as fast as I could load it. 

Having gone about halfway to the river, I felt something strike 
the calf of my right leg. I hesitated a moment to ascertain whether 
a bullet had hit me or the stub of a weed had run up my trousers 
(I not having put on my leggings in our haste the night before). 
Making a hasty examination I discovered a small spot on the back 


of my leg bleeding, with the skin just broken but no hole in my 
trousers. I looked at the outside of the trousers leg and found a 
streak across it the mark of a passing bullet. 

In the meantime the company had probably gone three or four 
rods, but were out of sight in the brush. Turning my trousers 
leg down I straightened up. There before me stood the captain 
of M company about six feet from me with sword raised in the 
air, looking straight at me. He broke forth in a volly of ejaculations, 
questions and orders, privately and personally directed to me. This 
is the colloquy which took place: Captain: "What are you doing 
back here?" To which I replied: "I was looking to see if a bullet 
had struck me." Still waving his sword around through the air 
in a menacing fashion, he said: "Get on up there in your company." 
To which I responded: "I know where my company is all right and 
I don't need any directions from you to find it." That old war hoss 
went right up in the air, and I sure thought he intended to perform 
some sort of a surgical operation on me right then and there with 
that little pointed steel blade. He made a step toward me with his 
saber raised. I stepped back a step, meanwhile leveling old Long 
Tom, with the pointed bayonet on the end, straight at this old 
grouch's commissary department. Yanking the hammer back and 
with a finger on the trigger, I looked him fairly in the eye with a 
little smile and asked: "What are you doing back here. Aren't 
you afraid you'll get lost? Hadn't you better get up there with your 
company? I'll find mine all right without any of your assistance." 
The air fairly turned blue, as with a few promises he left me. 

Well, I let him get entirely out of sight, and knowing I could not 
get back into my own company, and not wanting to enter his com- 
pany near him, I took a run down to the other end of company M, 
fell back into line without the captain's discovering me, and pro- 
ceeded to pump lead with the rest of them. We soon entered an 
open space and here we had good shooting. We could see the 
timber on the banks of the river we were approaching, where the 
Filipinos were entrenched. With all the drill we had gotten over 
the old sand hills at Frisco, when it came to real fighting all we 
had to do was to maintain an unbroken line, advancing and shoot- 
ing at everything that jumped up before us. In this we were suc- 
ceeding nicely, shooting perhaps eight or ten times a minute, while 
the enemy, with the lever-loading-and-unloading attachments on 
the Mauser was probably shooting three or more times to our one. 
But, as is commonly true in battle, and especially with the powerful 


guns they had, they mostly shot high. So, continuing our advance, 
we soon reached the river. 

Company F, now holding the bridge, halted a moment at the 
river. Looking across we beheld hundreds of Filipinos tearing out 
through the brush into another opening, running like a stampeded 
herd of Arkansas hogs. We continued to shoot, but were soon 
ordered to cease fire as the captain declared we were shooting 
into our own men on the opposite side. To my own knowledge 
not an American soldier had yet crossed the river; and besides we 
could see them as plainly as we could see each other. I presume 
the captain's eyes were full of smoke so he was not to blame. 

Meanwhile the enemy escaped, getting over across the rail- 
road which lay about 200 yards to the right of the wagon road, 
and on out behind the dikes in the big amphitheater. We were 
all assembled at the bridge, and about 30 or 40 of us thinking that 
we were supposed to cross over and catch these fleeing Filipinos, 
and then come home, never stopped at the bridge at all. We rushed 
across thinking all were coming. About hah of us ran to a small 
fortification directly ahead; the other 15 or 20 cut diagonally to 
the right, reaching the railroad right-of-way fence before we looked 

But, on doing so, we discoyered we were at least 200 yards 
ahead of the regiment, with no one else coming, and not even an 
officer with us. The Filipinos discovered this about the same time 
we did and hiss, hiss, hiss, brrrrrrrr, things were sure coming our 
way. The boys out in front had a small breastwork for protection. 
We had nothing so far discovered. We all thought the balance of 
the regiment would follow, so we remained, shooting at anything 
that moved. But the Filipinos' equilibrium having become some- 
what restored, they were getting our range. There was a little ditch 
alongside of the fence just deep and wide enough to lie in. We 
all lined up and lay down in this rut, face toward the enemy, 
perfectly quiet, waiting for our comrades to make the grand rush 
from the bridge. The grand rush never came from the bridge. But 
let me tell you, as soon as we had become comfortably located, the 
grand rush did come, from the opposite direction, and in an entirely 
different form than from friendly comrades. 

I have always believed that those Filipinos, deliberately resting 
their rifles on the rails of the track not three rods from us, actually 
tried to bury us alive by trimming the edges off that rut and letting 
it roll down upon us. We lay here for perhaps five minutes. I am 
guessing at this as you will realize it is a little difficult to calculate 


time correctly under such conditions. There being a patch of weeds 
and brush between us and the track, the enemy could not see us, 
but they were mighty good guessers. I presume some of them had 
just left the ditch we were then occupying, for I know my place was 
still warm. We did not rise above the weeds to see where the 
Filipinos were. We knew. But we did look to see if we had any 
officers interested in us, and to our great pleasure we beheld our 
doughty and nervy little colonel Fred coming on a full run. He 
advanced about 100 yards beyond the bridge, stopped, folded his 
arms, took in our situation and paused for perhaps half a minute 
in deliberation, with bullets falling around him like the big drops 
of an April shower. With a final 10-inch shell exploding directly 
above him, he decided. Though his voice could not be heard amid 
the noise of musketry, he waved his sword toward the bridge, and 
proceeded back on a slow run. 

We soon arranged our immediate removal from this being-buried- 
alive process which was getting quite interesting. Our plans were 
to face about, still lying down, and at a given signal rise to our feet, 
run low for a short distance along the ditch, and try to avoid the 
direct fire of the enemy so close at hand. In rising above the 
weeds at a different point from which we had lain down we would 
deceive the enemy until we had a good start back. 

This plan was carried out to the letter, and listen you have seen 
fast horse races, marathon races, auto races, motorcycle races on 
leaving that ditch with only about 150 yards to cover, each one of 
us, amid the mighty thundering behind us, fairly shot across that 
space like zigzag streaks of lightning, going this way and then that 
way, but at the same time traveling exceedingly fast straight ahead. 
Tall and short, fat and lean all arrived at practically the same time, 
propelled by the hiss, hiss, hiss of the Mauser rifle and the brrrrrrrrr 
of the old brass Remington. We shot across the bridge amid the 
final farewell of our aerial associates spattering against the steel 
rails of what was left of a once-secure and formidable stronghold. 
Perceiving a big hole in the ground (the dirt having been removed 
in making this fortification), we jumped in and sat down to rest. 

But no sooner had we entered till orders were given to fall in, 
and forming in column-of-fours we retreated down the road per- 
haps 200 yards. During this time two or three shells from the 
boats burst above and beyond us. A piece of one struck a comrade 
on the shoulder, but being so small and its force expended, it did 
him no injury. He picked it up and put it in his pocket. 

Company F entered a small church by the roadside to receive 


instructions for the night. With the pop, pop, pop of all the shots 
I had heard and was still hearing, and the noise of occasional bullets 
shattering windows of the church, I could see the captain's lips 
move, but could not hear what he said though he stood directly in 
front of me. We went from here in a body and took our position 
again in the general line which had advanced into the enemy's 
territory all around the city to an average distance of a mile. 

I have just told you what I saw and experienced in this first 
general movement of the American forces around Manila. Imagine 
if you can the magnitude of this advance in all directions by the 15- 
mile solid line of American infantry and artillery into the enemy's 
territory, fighting every step of the way. At the close of this battle 
we were deaf from the noise, our clothing wet with sweat, our 
faces dirty almost beyond recognition. Our old Springfields were 
almost red-hot the grease frying out of the stock end which held 
the barrel like fat meat sizzling in a skillet. With no blankets, and 
many of us without even our overshirts, we lay down on the ground 
to sleep no, not to sleep, but to dry out and chill in the cool night 
air of a tropical clime. 

Guards were placed ahead, and the enemy, returning in small 
numbers, kept up an incessant fire all night. A lieutenant, officer 
of the guard that night, secured a large piece of matting in which 
he wrapped himself when not busy looking after the guards. The 
rest of us had been unable to secure any covering. Whenever 
this lieutenant would take a stroll out to see how the guards were 
getting along, my pal and I lying near him would take possession 
of this piece of matting and cover up; and warming up, would drop 
to sleep. When the lieutenant returned he would remove the cover, 
wrap up in it, and soon my pal and I would awaken again thoroughly 
chilled. That is the way he and I put in the night, but many were 
not as fortunate as we were. We were all dry by morning, but let 
me tell you, that bunch of soldiers were mighty glad to see old Sol 
peeping over the horizon. 

The commissary supplies and more ammunition had been brought 
up during the night, but no blankets or clothing. With a few acro- 
batic performances as we arose, as a substitute for the missing shirts 
and blouses, and a hot cup of black coffee and a few hardtack as 
a means of loosening up our partly-congealed blood, we were ready 
to go. We filled our haversacks with cartridges, replaced the va- 
cancies in our belts, and advanced once more across the bridge. 
Then, in single file, we pursued a narrow path through the brush 
and weeds in a diagonal direction to our left. We passed several 


honorably-discharged Filipino soldiers lying in various positions 
sleeping on their laurels of the previous evening's fight. 

Proceeding about a mile we halted just in front of a heavy tim- 
ber of mahogany, rosewood and palms, undergrown with brush and 
weeds. We met with no interruption. The rest of the line ad- 
vanced accordingly. Immediately in front of this dense timber, 
perhaps 50 yards, we dug trenches, piling the dirt up in front of us; 
and rested here for the day. That afternoon our scouts reported 
that the Filipinos were advancing through the timber preparatory 
for a night attack. About three o'clock one company was sent 
into the timber to reconnoiter and discover the location of the 
hidden foe. These boys had not gone over 300 yards until they 
found them all right, and they were met intantly with the reports of 
a thousand rifles. 

Our boys, being well deployed on entering the woods, fought in 
the true Indian fashion, dodging from tree to tree, but advancing 
steadily, and those old Springfields talking right along. The natives, 
outnumbered our boys ten to one, and fighting behind a zigzag line 
of breastwork of logs and dirt, shooting through portholes and 
armed with the repeating Mauser rifle (whose little steel bullet 
penetrated trees two feet in diameter as a sewing machine needle 
penetrates a thin piece of cloth), should have been able to hold 
10,000 at bay. But not so, not against these determined Americans 
who always went where they wanted to go though the going was 
often far from good. 

The trenches were taken, the enemy routed. At this moment other 
enemies were discovered. Reports of rifles from above attracted 
the attention of several of the Americans and casting their searching 
glances into the treetops they discovered an unusally heavy clump 
of leaves in the top of one. By way of investigation they sent a 
volley of Springfield bullets through said clump of leaves and shot 
a Mauser rifle loose and then they understood. 

At this moment a sad incident occurred because of the sympathetic 
nature of one of the kindest, noblest and bravest officers of the 
regiment. Advancing side by side with a comrade, he noticed a 
wounded Filipino soldier sitting on the ground, leaning with head 
bent, resting his body on one outstretched arm, the blood pouring 
from his breast, his old Remington lying on the ground beside him. 
As this sympathetic officer paused to bind up the bleeding hole in 
his wounded and dying foe's breast, he remarked: "Poor fellow 
isn't it a shame, a few minutes will end it all with you." Passing on 
in pursuit of the fleeing enemy, the officer had not gone two rods 


until this bleeding, dying, half-ape-and-half-devil seized his rifle, 
took deliberate aim and shot the lieutenant squarely through the 
head. As he fell dead, the officer's comrade turned and beheld that 
grinning Malay demon sitting erect in a dying effort to reload and 
strike one more blow for his cowardly and wealth-aspiring chieftain 
( who never got closer to the line of battle than our own large con- 
tented chieftain the big shot of the Eighth Army Corps). The 
dying wretch never fired the second shot. The old Springfield, in 
the hands of the American soldier, snuffed out the Filipino's light. 

I shall never forget the cyclonic roar of that dense timber battle 
and the hail of bullets around us as we sat in our trenches and 
listened. After about an hour the boys returned through the timber 
and with the keen sight of squirrel hunters they picked the Filipinos 
from the treetops. Some of the tree fighters fell on being shot; 
some only dropped their rifles; others remained, retaining their 
arms. The first class, not having tied themselves to the limbs on 
which they sat, fell. The second class remained on the limbs of the 
trees because they had strapped themselves there. The third 
class remained in the trees because both they and their guns were 
fastened securely. These tree fighters had orders from their officers 
to remain quiet until the American soldiers had passed, and then 
shoot them from behind. Only under penalty of death could they 
return to their respective organizations preceding the attack by 
the American force. Then, if it were possible for them to escape 
and make their way back through the American line to their own 
regiments, good and well. But, in this particular battle the first in 
which the Filipinos had resorted to the tree method the main body 
of the American line remained at the edge of the timber. And the 
Filipinos, knowing that we had not all passed by, remained on their 
perches until the boys returned to the trenches over the same route 
by which they had advanced. Then the boys relieved these back- 
biters from the intense strain of the recent excitement during which 
they had had a bird's-eye view, but a squirrel's death. The boys 
figured if they were going to play the squirrel act they must expect 
to be treated like squirrels. There was no night attack. 

The next afternoon there was a general advance. We had no 
sooner entered the timber than the enemy, before, and above, opened 
up on us. Little squads dropped out to do the squirrel shooting, 
while the main line pushed the enemy back. The same trench was 
retaken. A large stone church stood beside the wagon road, at 
Caloocan, a small town about five miles due north of Manila. We 


were about two miles from Caloocan, but nearing it rapidly. The 
hottest fire seemed to come from the direction of this church, and 
the bullets were hissing and buzzing past, close and fast. Not 
being able to see the church ourselves, on account of the timber, 
we were unable to locate this bunch of sharpshooters, but they 
seemed to know where we were. However, our old stand-by out 
in the bay located our lofty entertainers. With the never-failing 
accuracy of the boy behind that old 6-inch gun, one solid shot at 
that old house of worship, from a distance of at least five miles, 
tore one whole corner off it, bored through a solid stone wall sur- 
rounding the church, dug a good-sized cistern and bounded out 
into the great beyond. In respect for that gunner's accuracy, the 
Filipinos in the belfrey got down, fell down or jumped out. Any- 
way the firing from that quarter ceased. 

We continued our advance, turned to our right, and approached 
the old church directly. The enemy vanished before us. Enter- 
ing Caloocan we heard another mighty boom from the bay and 
wondered what other obstruction our comrades on the sea were 
removing from our progress. As we caught sight of the old church 
we understood the sudden cessation of the sharpshooters. Off to 
the right, planted squarely on the railroad track and pointed our 
way, stood a big muzzle-loading cannon about 10 feet long. On 
examination this proved to be loaded half full of grape and canister 
consisting of bullets, whole cartridges, bolts, nuts, iron, cocoanuts 
and rocks, all held in with dirt. Back of all this junk was an equal 
amount of powder, with a fuse attached, ready for ignition. Now 
just think of the nerve of those braves, figuring on loading us up 
with all that junk! Fifty feet short of the old gun was an excava- 
tion that would have held a dozen American-retired Filipinos; and 
on a dead line with the cannon, about the same distance beyond, 
was a similar hole. But the big round messenger which had so 
kindly and convincingly impressed the enemy had bounded on out 
into the distance beyond. 

As we advanced through the timber and town, an old white- 
haired Filipino who had been shooting at us ran out of a little 
shack, leaving his gun inside, and dropped to his knees as the 
Americans came upon him. He clasped his hands extended upward 
in prayer and supplication for mercy. Nobody paid any attention 
to him, seeing he had no gun, and never thought of harming him. 
But "Old 56," advancing squarely in front of him, ignored his 
humble attitude of submission and his prayers to man and God for 
mercy, and shot him. Murder No. 2 by "Old 56." 


I shall not comment on this second inhuman crime of "Old 56," 
but wish to call your attention to another one that occurred on this 
advance. A big, lank, cadaverous corporal, a fool by birth, and a 
smart-aleck by habit, plunged his heel into the face of a helpless, 
dying Filipino, with an oath that would have caused any man able 
to stand on his feet, to fight. You say: "Why didn't you shoot both 
of these dogs?" It wasn't up to us, we had officers to look after 
these affairs. 

The main line advanced on beyond Caloocan about one half 
mile. But the 20th Kansas, being somewhat in advance of the line, 
to the right of the railroad, failed to get the order to halt and rushed 
on beyond for a mile, through another timber, in hot pursuit of the 
fleeing enemy. We finally wound up at the further edge of this 
second belt of timber with dark overtaking us. After a few fare- 
well shots at the hastily retreating foe, we settled down for the 
night. The next morning a bunch of staff officers rode out to find 
out where we were going and ordered us back into line. We fell 
in and marched back, occupying the position which we should 
have held the night before. 

This had been a general advance of about three miles. Our solid 
line now extended probably 25 miles around Manila, the enemy 
having been pushed back from every quarter. This line reached 
from bay to bay on the north, east and south. Here we dug 
trenches and awaited re-enforcement as our line was becoming 
weakened by extension. To our left now was Malabon. In front 
of us was the belt of timber we had previously crossed and re- 
crossed. About 500 yards distant on our right was the Utah bat- 
tery. To their right was the First Montana regiment; and to their 
right was the First Nebraska, then the Dakotans, Pennsylvanians, 
Tennesseeans, Coloradoans, Oregonians, some other batteries and 
cavalry units, on down to the gallant First Californians, the stand- 
ing joke of American soldiery. They were the bowery boys of 
California, and the only American organization that the Filipinos 
ever whipped. In all, some 15,000 soldiers formed this line. The 
poor Iowa regiment was still held on board its transport, quaran- 
tined, and was finally taken off to another island. 

The Filipinos returned to the strip of timber ahead of us the 
night of the same day we fell back into line. They built a formid- 
able fortification just in the edge of the timber in front of us and 
next morning were ready for business. So were we, in our little 
holes dug in the ground, with the loose dirt thrown up before us. 
The Utah battery held the situation in hand, being located on a 
high knoll well fortified with sacks of dirt piled up around. 


While we held this line there was much discussion of our ad- 
vance on Caloocan as we related our similar, yet varied, experi- 
ences. The long, lean, lank, cadaverous corporal boasted of his 
self-considered brave and honorable act in stamping his heel into 
the helpless, dying Filipino soldier's eye. A dozen soldiers were 
on their feet instantly, and in one voice threw the same epithet 
into his teeth that he had so cowardly insulted the helpless native 
with. There were suggestions that if he wanted to ram his heel 
into any more eyes he might have the pleasure of trying it on any 
of the dozen pairs that faced him; and that if any one of them ever 
heard another boastful expression out of him concerning that dirty, 
cowardly act, he would get his own eyes poked back into the cavity 
which should have been occupied by brain. Now do you ask what 
a private can do to right the wrongs committed in his presence? 
This long, lank, cadaverous corporal never repeated the boast, or 
the act. But a little later on, an old Remington tore the calf off one 
of his legs. "Old 56" made no comments on his dastardly deed. 
He wanted to appear brave in battle, even though nothing was to 
be gained by doing so. 

A few days later the enemy opened up on us from front and left 
flank, a terrible fusillade pouring forth from Malabon. We had 
placed little strips of matting, obtained in Caloocan, over our pits 
to shield us from the sun. The bullets came ripping through these 
coverings fast and furiously. We kept up a continuous fire to pre- 
vent an assault. Rising above the pile of dirt in front of us we 
would fire, drop down to reload, rise and fire again, and so on. 
Not so with "Old 56," he stayed right up on top of the dirt pile, 
reloading and shooting from this exposed position all the time. 
Some of the boys near him cautioned him of the recklessness of his 
actions, which he absolutely disregarded. Pretty soon pop-bang, 
and "Old 56" dropped with arms outstretched, head drooping, on 
the outside of the dirt pile, feet hanging down in the ditch. He 
was dead shot through the head. 

Re-enforcements having been placed in the line somewhere, we 
were crowded a little farther to the left, the end of our line being 
on the extreme left, right up to the bay. The two lines extended at 
an angle from the bay out to the right. The Filipinos moved to 
the left also, and in closer. The boys at the left found them one 
morning strongly fortified just across a wagon road from them. 
The lines widening toward the right, this placed F company about 
400 yards from the entrenched enemy. Here we lay for seven 
weeks waiting for re-enforcements to cross the big pond. 


While located in these trenches we had plenty of fish to eat, 
mixed with ducks and chickens. We were right at the bay and 
there were various fish traps near, enclosed by high dikes with a 
slat gate opening. We would go out in the evening as the tide was 
coming in and open the gate. Before the tide went out the follow- 
ing morning we would go out and drop the gate, thereby imprison- 
ing all fishes large enough to eat. Then, after the water had 
dropped, we would go out with sacks, wade out into the mud, and 
gather up all the fish we needed. Every catch gave us plenty and 
some to spare. 

Our company on the left, and the opposing enemy company just 
across the road from them, could not get along at all. You have 
heard it said that intimacy breeds contempt. I presume this must 
have been the real cause of their difficulty because they certainly 
were too closely associated for a really warm feeling to exist be- 
tween them. Yet each tried to make it as warm as possible for the 
other. They usually succeeded, not only as far as they themselves 
were concerned, but for everybody else within a mile of them. 

Down to the left, the boys did their guard duty from back of their 
breastwork, while we, being further from the enemy, placed pickets 
out in front. The usual location of our picket was about 75 yards 
ahead, through open land, then about 25 yards of timber, and then 
out perhaps 25 yards more in the open. The American guard was 
placed here only at night, after dark, and taken off at daybreak. 
A squad of eight of us being located here one moonlight night took 
our position back of a rice dike. Everything remained quiet for 
perhaps half an hour, until down on the left the boys got into an 
argument with the enemy and there broke forth, from either side 
of the road, flashes from musketry that seemed to meet in the 
center. We were on the flank of the Filipino company down the 
line, so we thought we would surprise them a little with a few 
volleys. I presume we did, but let me tell you they were not the 
only ones surprised. Out of a little horseshoe entrenchment, not 
100 feet ahead of us, came a volley of flashes that almost singed 
our whiskers. So we had a little fight on of our own. We gave 
our attention to this little horseshoe group, perhaps about equal 
in number to us. We lay back of our dike and gave them as much 
noise as they did us. But soon, to our discomfiture, the whole 
Filipino line beyond, having located us by our gun flashes, centered 
their fire on us. 

Our orders were to stay out there as long as we could, and we 
did. But when they began to trim down that little rice dike (only 


about a foot high to begin with ) , we had completely fulfilled our or- 
ders. We had to go in in order that our main line could fire. Mara- 
thon race No. 2. Our trenches were a series of pits, each pit being 
occupied by two. On reaching the pit which I supposed was mine, 
I jumped into it, thinking I would learn after I got in whether or 
not it was. I found out all right, without investigation, or even stop- 
ping to look at it. I have always felt grateful to my two comrades, 
lying there on their backs so comfortably, for letting me down 
so easily. I lit fairly and squarely, with a heel in each one's Na- 
tional Biscuit-and-Salmon establishment, passed on, and turned 
abruptly into my own pit which lay next to theirs. About that 
time someone shouted "outpost in," and I got busy preparing to 
shoot, and they never knew that it was I who had recently passed 
over. But when those boys caught their breath I knew that Web- 
ster had deceived the American people on his completeness of the 
English language. 

Orders immediately followed to fire. After an hour we went 
back to the recently-deserted rice dike. The Filipinos had been 
there and gathered up a few articles which we had left. Within 
a half hour practically the same experience happened again, only 
this time I had placed a piece of white cloth in front of my pit. 
After fighting for another hour, three of us went out, but this time 
only to the timber. We were forced in again. Another hour's 
fighting and again we three went out to the timber. The enemy 
opened up, but we picked us a good tree each and watched to see 
if they were coming, and stayed there until they ceased firing, with- 
out a shot returned from us. We stayed our required length of 
time, and then were relieved and returned to the trenches about 
midnight. This ended the fighting for that night and we slept. 

There was not a day passed that shots were not exchanged. It 
was simply a matter of picking each other off on sight. I have 
witnessed an 8- or 10-inch shell from the gunboats light in a bunch 
of Filipinos, separate and scatter them into the air as a wind stacker 
scatters the straw which it carries from the thresher, and dig a 
grave for them while they were still in the air. I have watched the 
Catling guns and battery field pieces trim the limbs off trees as a 
sharp razor clips a hair. 

They fired on our flag of truce. They placed their women and 
children in front of their ranks and attempted an assault, presum- 
ing on the tenderheartedness of the American. But they could not 
run anything like that over us, for we calculated that if they did 
not care any more for their own families than that, we didn't. How- 


ever, they only tried this once. They carried away all their dead 
and wounded that they conveniently could. Up to this time we 
had sent their wounded back to our hospital for Filipinos in 
Manila. Some of the prisoners were retained, and some were 
turned loose. It became a matter of getting the guns with us now. 
After the death of the lieutenant, whenever we found a gun we 
stuck the barrel through the fork of a tree and bent it, then broke 
the stock off. The largest Filipino funeral I had seen to date was 
60 enemy soldiers buried in one hole. 

Sitting in the trenches one day we watched a shadowy form 
winding its way towards us. It seemed more ghost than human. 
On its arrival how surprised we were to see our old friend and 
comrade Bill, all this time in the smallpox pest house, and as we 
supposed never to return. Glad indeed we were to see him. 
Everybody greeted him warmly, then all jollied him a while. I 
said to him, "Bill, why in the world didn't you get someone to 
bury you back in town, instead of coming out here to eat up rations 
that we need? And, by the way Bill, does it hurt to have smallpox?" 
To which he replied, "Never mind old boy I'll get even with you." 

The night of the outbreak the Filipinos had escaped with every 
train but one. It furnished us transportation for our necessities. By 
this time we had our clothing and blankets and although sleeping 
on the ground, we were quite comfortable. It was certainly inter- 
esting to see a group of natives watching our boys run that train. 
No side breaks for them. It looked as if their eyes never would 
return to their sockets, nor their mouths ever shut. It made no 
difference to those Frisco railroad engineers and firemen whether 
the train ran on the track or out in the road. The natives wouldn't 
even stay on the right of way when the train passed. These little 
brown men were seeing and learning new things as well as we were. 

The lizard screamed, the parrot screeched, the monkey chat- 
tered; and the enemy at various intervals reminded us with a volley 
of musketry that he was still present. Some of the wounded, and 
prisoners, informed us that the enemy complained that we did not 
fight fairly. They said that when the Spanish were fighting them 
the Spanish soldiers would come out of Manila, drive them out of a 
trench and then go back to Manila to smoke cigarets and have a 
good time, leaving the trench again in possession of the Filipinos; 
and also that the Americans did not use an ordinary rifle but car- 
ried a little cannon. The old Springfields sure felt like little can- 
nons to us at times. Our shoulders were black and blue all the 
time from the reaction of them. They were inefficient at a distance 


much greater than 500 yards, though they were sighted at 1,000 
yards. After 50 or 100 shots the gun became hot and the barrel 
expanded, thus causing the bullet to fall short and be inaccurate 
even at short range. The Remington was more powerful and 
deadly than the Springfield, shooting the same size bullet, but with 
a brass covering. If the bullet failed to kill, the brass was likely to 
complete the operation, and perchance this brass covering hap- 
pened to burst before reaching its intended victim there was no 
calculating its destructiveness. This gun was sighted at 1,400 yards. 

The Mauser rifle, the most powerful of the three, was sighted at 
3,000 yards, and would shoot three miles. It shot a .28 steel bullet 
which produced a wound the same size as the bullet after the first 
half mile; but up to this distance it made even a larger hole than 
the Springfield, as the back end of the bullet rotated. We would 
have exchanged our rifles for theirs gladly. But they could not stand 
against the roar of the Springfield and the soul-chilling American 
yell which always accompanied it on every advance. They soon 
learned also that it was expedient to provide some safe means of 
escape as well as defense while they remained to fight. From here 
on, they always had a nice open getaway ditch leading back about 
half a mile; and as we advanced they made our approach exceed- 
ingly interesting for us, shooting through portholes with their 
repeating Mausers and deadly Remington, until we reached a 
distance of perhaps 200 to 300 yards from their trench. Then they 
invisibly beat it. But we always found the getaway ditch, and 
woe unto those who had stayed too long and failed to get to the 
ditch. When they started out in plain view across country, even if 
the old Springfields were boiling grease and wouldn't carry up, we 
sure saw some classical dodging and running. 

Two of the saddest events of the war occurred in these trenches 
at Caloocan. One day, while the most of us not on guard were 
sleeping, the authorities decided to build our breastwork higher. 
It consisted of just a high pile of loose dirt and they decided to add 
to it with sacks of dirt. Several of us were awakened to perform 
this task. Among the number were my pal and myself. My pal, 
being shorter than I, was located down the line a short distance. 
He, and a little corporal about his height, arose yawning and 
stretching, and took a look over the breastwork to ascertain if there 
were any Filipinos in sight. They saw none, but one saw them, and 
a sharpshooter at that. With a crack from an old Remington, my 
pal got it just above the left eye, the bullet coming out his right ear. 
At the time he was shot he was standing close to the breastwork, 


facing the enemy. In a minute I knew it and rushed to him. He 
was lying on his back, head still towards the enemy, his arms folded, 
and a gallon of blood on the ground beside him. No one had 
touched him. Only a 20-year-old boy, he had died in the service 
of his country, shall I say? fighting Filipinos 8,000 miles from 
home. You answer that question for yourselves please and don't 
let politics enter into the decision. 

This sharpshooter was soon located in a tree and allowed to de- 
scend, not at a rate of speed he might have chosen, but at a speed 
determined upon by a volley of Springfield bullets. I obtained 
permission to assist in carrying my pal back to the church which 
we were using as a temporary hospital. 

Fighting began again in earnest. Bullets whizzed past our heads 
as we started. We were compelled to seek shelter for a time as 
we had to ascend a hill to reach the church. When the firing ceased 
somewhat, we resumed our journey. About halfway we saw Don, 
Oscar's older brother, approaching as was his custom after every 
encounter with the Filipinos. (Don assumed a fatherly interest 
over the "Kid," as he always called him, and would always ask: 
"How is company F? How is the Kid?" ) As Don met us we could 
not face him. We cast our glances to the ground. He asked, "Who 
is it, boys?" We could not answer. He knew. As we stood 
with heads bowed and hats removed, Don approached that silent 
form, raised the little white cloth from Oscar's face, and seeing that 
ghastly wound over his eye, sobbed, "My God, the Kid!" Pausing a 
minute or two, Don regained self-control, and said, "Boys I must 
not detain you longer. Thank you." He walked along with us 
until he reached his own company. We left him standing there, 
hat in hand, head bowed in grief. 

We finally established our guard post about three rods in front 
of our line. Here, behind sacks of dirt, we sat alone in the silent 
hours of darkness and watched the enemy, while our comrades 
slept. One night after I had been sitting quietly for perhaps half 
an hour, a huge lizard, as unaware of my presence as I of his, let 
out a scream that caused my hair to stand on end and my whole 
form to ascend into the air for probably a couple of feet. The 
lizard, as much alarmed as I, rushed off into the darkness, rustling 
the grass and weeds as he went. 

On another occasion, just before daybreak, while we were sleep- 
ing back of our fortifications, a comrade lying beside me awakened 
me with a bump from his elbow along side my head which caused 
me to wonder if we were being engaged in a hand-to-hand encoun- 


ter with the enemy. Rising to ascertain the source of the blow, I 
received another punch squarely on the nose. Moving to one side, 
a safe distance from my comrade, I beheld the source of my sud- 
den awakening. There he lay on his back in all the apparent 
agonies of a hideous nightmare. I shouted at him, "Hey, wake up 
there! What's the matter with you?" The only response I re- 
ceived was a muttering as he desperately clawed at his breast as 
if trying to tear his heart out. When at last he withdrew the hand 
from his shirt front, he hurled a small but active little three-inch 
lizard on the ground with such a vengeance that the poor little fel- 
low curled up his claws (which were very like needle points), and 
departed forever from his native tropical clime. My comrade sat 
up with a silly grin on his face and said, "By George, you'd squirm 
too if you had one of those pesky little lizards in your shirt." 

A truce was declared one day, as the enemy regiment before us 
was contemplating surrender. About noon, a group of the boys 
were engaged in a little game of draw when someone called their 
attention to a prominent and important-looking Filipino soldier 
standing on the very top of his fortification. With the practice we 
had had while here most of us could have cut the dust from the 
top of this breastwork every shot. Jim one of those engaged in 
this little profit-and-loss amusement rose to his feet and stood for 
a moment watching the Filipino in his exalted position. Jim smiled, 
but said nothing, and returned to the game. He played another 
hand, then asked, "Is that Filipino still standing there?" Someone 
told him yes, so he got up again, picked up his old Springfield and 
leveled it at the stationary form on top of the enemy breastwork. 
He looked over the sights for an instant, then lowered his gun and 
remarked, "I'd like to take a shot at that guy just for luck, if it wasn't 
for this bloomin' truce." The boys suggested he better forget taking 
a shot, and come on back to the game if he intended playing any 
more. Another hand was played, and I presume Jim thought he 
had better change his luck, so he says, "If you fellows will keep 
your mouths shut I'll cut the dirt out from under that Filipino's feet. 
He's seeing too much for our good." The boys replied that it was 
none of their business what he did, as none of us were officers. 
"O. K., here goes," Jim said. He got up, picked up his old Long 
Tom, took a fleeting squint along the sights, pulled the trigger, and 
boom! the Filipino got down. 

All the boys had risen and watched this performance, so all knew 
who fired the shot. The game proceeded as before, only with more 
apparent interest. The rest of us lay down and went to sleep 


immediately. The captain quickly appeared, and in curt tones, 
asked, "Who fired that shot." No one answered. Then he pro- 
ceeded to question each one of us as follows: "Did you fire that 
shot?" "No, sir." "Do you know who did?" "No, sir." And so on, 
till he came to Baldy. "Did you fire that shot Baldy?" "No, sir." 
"Do you know who did?" "No, sir." But Baldy grinned. That was 
evidence enough for the captain, so he says, "All right Baldy, I'll 
just hold you responsible until you tell me who did it." Jim spoke 
up at once and said, "You don't need to hold Baldy, captain. I 
fired the shot." "Report to the colonel at once," ordered the captain. 

Jim reported at once, and his trial procedure was as follows: "Is 

your name James ?" "Yes sir." "You are a member of 

company F?" "Yes sir." "You are charged with disobeying orders 
by firing upon the enemy under a truce. Guilty or not guilty?" 
"Guilty." "Well, sir, why did you do this?" "Well, I'll tell you 
colonel, I just calculated that that guy perched up over there on 
top of that mound was exceeding the conditions of the truce, and 
seeing more than he had a right to, or was to our interest; and I 
decided to make him quit it." "Did you hit him?" "Couldn't miss him 
at that distance." The colonel replied very gruffly, "Return to your 
company. But don't let it happen again." Jim returned with a 
smile and related the conditions on which he was released. He said 
they suited him all right, as he did not think that the curiosity of 
any of the rest of those Filipinos over there would reach the height 
of the recently departed one. 

A sufficient number of exciting and interesting incidents had 
already occurred in these Caloocan trenches to leave a lasting im- 
pression on the minds of all present. But one more event occurred 
which was the climax to all preceding ones. One day, sitting under 
the matting awning which we had stretched above us to shelter us 
from the enervating rays of a tropical sun, Howard and I engaged 
ourselves in memories of the past, discussing the whys and where- 
fores of our enlistments. Howard was a perfect type of physical 
manhood, about six feet tall, straight, square-shouldered, with large, 
intelligent gray eyes and brown hair. He was a little reckless at 
times in his conduct and speech, but he had a good heart and good 
intentions. While we talked, a sharpshooter had been incessantly 
pecking away, but no bullets could be heard. Just beyond the end 
of our breastwork, to the right, stood a large tree with a brush pile 
about three feet high in front of it. At the close of our conversation 
Howard rose to his feet, walked up before a group of ten or so of 


the boys, and suggested that we all go out in front of that tree and 
fire a few volleys in trees and clumps of bushes and try to dislodge 
the sharpshooter. All assented, willing to take a chance for a little 
diversion, and forthwith advanced to the position suggested. 

Howard, though a private, assumed command and directed the 
shooting. We fired several volleys at suspicious-looking places but 
failed to locate the sharpshooter, or to interrupt his shots, which 
came at intervals of from two to three minutes. Wise old Faber 
spoke up, "Say boys 111 tell you, this is a little diversion all right, 
but having no orders to expose ourselves in this reckless manner, 
it seems to me to be quite a bit of foolishness as well. The enemy 
may open up on us any moment with a volley. That Filipino out 
there isn't doing anything now but wasting ammunition, but mind 
what I tell you, he is going to get our range pretty soon, and it will 
be just like shooting into a bunch of quail. So my advice to the 
bunch is to cut this nonsense out." To which I replied, "I believe 
you are right Faber." So he and I walked back to the breastwork 
and sat down. 

The rest of the bunch, unheeding his advice, remained and con- 
tinued to fire according to Howard's directions. Faber and I had 
become interested in some other subject of interest when bang, 
crack, a bullet hit the tree just back of the boys. All started on a 
run for the breastwork but Howard, who sat back on the brush pile 
in front of which he had been standing. He exclaimed, "Where 
are you fellows going? Are you going to leave me out here?" 
None of them knew then that the shot had been effective, but at his 
call they turned back and brought him in. They laid him down 
beside me, his head resting upon my knee. The boys circled 
around. All were silent. The doctor opened Howard's clothing 
and examined the anterior wound, where the big, ugly Remington 
bullet had entered. Turning him over we saw the mark of its exit. 
He was shot through the groin. 

The boys all loved this reckless, goodhearted youth, and the faces 
of all in the group clouded in an expression of sympathy and grief 
when they saw the wounds caused by the bullet. The wounds 
were not bleeding much, but the doctor proceeded to bandage 
them securely. As calmly and unaffectedly as I am writing to you, 
Howard asked, "What is your opinion of the wound, doctor?" To 
which the doctor replied, "I am unable to answer your question 
fully, Howard, as I have not yet formed a complete opinion. From 
external appearances the wound does not seem so bad, but con- 
cerning the internal injury, I do not know. In case the bullet has 


missed the vital parts within, the chances are ten to one in your 
favor." But Howard understood too well the deadly effect of a big 
.45 brass-covered Remington passing through his body. 

Fighting had immediately reopened, and we carried him back 
to the old church at the top of the hill, and placed the stretcher on 
the floor. Along with numerous others, I tarried for a moment and 
knelt down beside him to ask if there was any corresponding he 
wished me to do for him while he was laid up. He replied, "No I 
think not. I don't think I want to do any writing until I get better/' 
He asked me to look after his belongings and bring them to town 
as soon as I could get away. I hated to leave him, and I told him 
so. He said he was glad I felt that way, but realized that I must 
return to the line soon. As I said good-by to him I knew I would 
never see the boy alive again. 

He was taken back to the hospital at Manila. That night about 
10 o'clock he sent word by his nurse that he wished to see the chap- 
lain. The chaplain came and talked with him, and then at How- 
ard's request knelt by the cot of the young soldier and prayed with 
him. Howard thanked him, and as the chaplain passed on to speak 
to some of the rest of the boys, he turned over on his side. Return- 
ing soon, the chaplain on his way out, said, "Good night, Howard." 
Receiving no response he bent over the outstretched form to look 
closely into Howard's face, and then he understood. This young 
soldier had finished his honorable earthly career. He had fought 
his last battle with the same courage and fearlessness that he had 
been fighting the foe before us. 

Sufficient re-enforcements having arrived by this time, those in 
authority decided to make a general advance. The whole line was 
divided into three parts: one to go south, one east and one north. 
One night our regiment was placed at the extreme right of the 
brigade, to continue the northward advance. The Oregon regiment 
was stationed in our trenches with orders to remain there until we 
had completed the big left turn ( thus keeping our line intact ) , and 
had reached the bay again to the north. Each separate division had 
its purpose. Our purpose was to surround Aguinaldo, who all this 
time had been in Malabon, about two miles to the left of our 
trenches. The right end of our line reached beyond a heavy strip 
of timber. Under its cover we advanced rapidly ahead of the rest 
of the line, since the enemy could not discern our movements. 

This plan would have proved successful had it not been for the 
ambitious impulse of the colonel of the Oregon regiment and his 
disobedience of orders or his ignorance of the position at that 


time of the right end of the big swing. When we had covered 
only half the distance, the Oregon colonel ordered a charge, with 
fixed bayonets. These Oregon boys were a fine bunch, and at the 
word from their colonel over that old breastwork of ours they went. 
About a dozen of them never went any further. Several others fell 
by the wayside, but the majority of them climbed the Filipino 
breastwork and engaged the enemy hand-to-hand. They routed 
them through the timber, chased them into the swamps, and had 
made a general cleaning of this bunch of Filipinos within half an 
hour. Though it was a heroic and complete victory, they caused 
us to fail in our final purpose. 

Aguinaldo, observing the advance of the Oregon regiment only 
two miles to his right, slipped out of Malabon and made his get- 
away before the right end of our line had encircled him. Our 
brigade lined up again and continued the advance northward. 
We routed the Filipinos out of trench after trench, down their get- 
away ditches, and chased them over railroad bridges. The men, 
women and children fleeing before us burned their towns, or at 
least tried to. We occupied the homes that were not destroyed, 
during their absence. We took Malolos, their capital; fought some 
15 or 20 more battles, finally reaching San Fernando, about 50 miles 
due north of Manila. 

It would become monotonous to you for me to go into detail con- 
cerning all the battles on this advance, for we fought every step of 
the way. Bill, who had promised to get even with me for asking 
if it hurt to have smallpox, now got even. I received a bullet 
through the calf of my leg at Malolos, and as it entered my legging 
it cracked like a pistol. Bill, down the line, not knowing the nature 
of my wound, true to his promise, and seeing his opportunity, 
shouted, "Say Wagoner, did that hurt?" Our jokes were always 
to the point. But it all went to keep us optimistic. 

In one advance we became short of ammunition before we 
reached the enemy in the timber ahead. We only had about a 
half-dozen cartridges each, and the ammunition wagon was a con- 
siderable distance to the rear. Several of the boys were only going 
through the motions of firing, saving those few cartridges for an 
emergency. Let me impress upon your minds, as on this particular 
occasion it was impressed upon mine, it did look like those Filipinos 
knew we were short of cartridges and were coming straight for us. 
I always had felt sorry for our poor commissary sergeant. He 
seemed to have attacks of nervous headache, and on the present 
occasion the attack grabbed him hard. Well, I never heard of the 


sunshine cure for nervous headache, especially in a tropical sun. 
But let me tell you just what this honorable defender of his com- 
missary privileges did. He went around on the sunny side of a little 
haystack just behind our line, while the enemy bullets were pene- 
trating the shady side of the same stack. Of course, you will all 
understand that the sunshine was preferable treatment. And the big, 
fat commissary sergeant remained right there until the enemy ceased 
firing while the rest of us lay stretched out upon the ground with 
our hats pulled down over our faces to keep the bullets from throw- 
ing dirt in our eyes. 

Well, we never got orders or ammunition. But I have always 
thought the enemy found out the sergeant had a severe attack of 
nervous headache and refused to attack us, realizing the confusion 
and turmoil they might cause in our ranks in the absence of our 
cautious and secretive stomach robber behind the little haystack. 

On various occasions our advance was halted after we had routed 
the Filipinos from their fortifications and had pursued them to 
within a proper distance for securing effective results. Once, when 
we had a whole regiment of the enemy lined up on either side of 
a railroad bridge and crossing the bridge at the same time, about a 
mile ahead, in plain view, with the Utah battery's field pieces 
trained to fire on them, orders came to cease fire. Thus the entire 
enemy regiment was allowed to escape and secure themselves in 
fortifications beyond, so we might have the pleasure of routing 
them out again. This was showing humanity to the enemy, and 
extending the term of service to the well-paid American army 
officials. But what was the private getting? One more opportunity 
to walk for a mile or two in the face of the deadly Mauser and 
Remington in the hands of the previously unmolested foe. The 
private soldier as a rule believed in showing humanity to the enemy 
and did so from an individual standpoint. But we never could see 
where the justice or the humanity part of it came in when the high 
officials, hobnobbing around Manila with the false and robbing 
spiritual advisors of our enemy, extended this mercy to the enemy 
at the sacrifice of the lives of the American soldiers who were fight- 
ing their country's battles. In military circles who cares for the 
private? What rights has he that he can secure with honor? High 
remunerative positions in the army unmake many men and develop 
them into heartless and selfish beasts who push their ambitions for 
self-aggrandizement and profits, at the sacrifice of comforts, neces- 
sities, honor, and even the lives of their inferiors in rank, over whom 
they have unrestricted jurisdiction. 


Three or four battles of importance occurred at San Fernando. 
The result of one was the almost complete annihilation of a Filipino 
regiment, the funeral lasting all the next day. The natives in town 
were forced to dig the graves immense holes in the ground; and the 
American teamsters, with four big American mules hitched to a 
big army wagon with high sideboards, hauled dead Filipinos all day 
from the battlefield ( to say nothing about those who had attempted 
to escape through the swamps, but failed, being interrupted by 
Springfield bullets). These stiffened dead bodies were dumped 
from the wagons like so much cord wood. And perchance the 
wagon was not close enough to the big hole in the ground for the 
bodies to fall into it as they fell to the ground, the master of cere- 
monies stuck a spade under the inert human clay and rolled it over 
and over until it fell in. They were covered up as they lit: face 
down, face up, mouths open, arms and legs at various angles, cross- 
wise, lengthwise, clothes on, clothes off. The dirt was heaved in, 
and these Filipino warriors were left to disseminate into Old Mother 
Earth from which they had originated. 

Occasionally a "man" gets a commission. We had one: Lieuten- 
ant Colonel Ed [Lt. Col. Edward C. Little]. He met with a mis- 
fortune in line of duty, being injured by the accidental discharge of 
his own gun. He was laid up most of the time from its results. 
Several of the officers insinuated that he had shot himself on purpose. 
But the wound was inflicted by his accidentally dropping his six- 
shooter on the ground, the hammer striking and discharging the 
bullet upward into his leg not a very likely way for a man to shoot 
himself. On one occasion Lieutenant Colonel Ed led us in an ad- 
vance against a threatened attack. We boys knew the country out 
in front for a couple of miles as we had captured many a forsaken 
chicken and hog there. One of the boys spoke up to the colonel 
informing him that a straight advance was a mistake. He said that 
the Filipinos were located in a deep irrigation ditch directly parallel 
to our intended approach. The colonel called a brief council of 
several of the boys who at once verified the information given by 
the spokesman, and then remarked, "If that is the case then boys, 
we'll flank them." He then gave the order, "left face, file right 
march, double time." Colonel Ed ahead of us not behind us as 
the officers usually were erect and cool, led us to one of the most 
successful and complete victories of the campaign. 

We had no sooner started than that whole irrigation ditch flooded 
us with bullets. In a short time we had reached their flarik and 


then the flood returned to the banks from which it had come. The 
enemy beat it, and we followed in hot pursuit, Lieutenant Colonel 
Ed in our midst. There was another funeral. Those who escaped 
did so under the protection of timber with heavy undergrowth and 
a dense field of sugar cane. We all sat down to rest. After a short 
time I ambled off into a strip of jungle alone, looking for some fruit. 
At about 100 yards distance I paused a moment peering on through 
the brush, when wham! an old Remington cracked within two rods 
of me. Don't think for a minute that I stood still for his second 
shot. I entirely forgot what I went into that timber for, but I 
have never forgotten what caused me to get out. 

One more battle was fought here before we returned to Manila. 
As we advanced against the entrenched enemy in columns of fours, 
along a narrow path, we were suddenly fired upon. The bullets 
came thick and fast. An order was shouted to lie down, and we 
did so. Then came a confusion of orders from the various officers in 
command. We all knew the position into which they were attempt- 
ing to place us, but we lay there for a while till the confusion of 
commands should resolve itself into one definite order of movement. 
Staff officers shouted one order, majors and captains another, lieu- 
tenants still another; and the sergeants and corporals tried to repeat 
all of them at once. And there we lay, like a nice strip of green 
meadow with the sickle closing in on us at every round of the enemy. 
But like the thistle, influenced by the steady and persuasive breezes 
blowing overhead, we pulled up and blew away. In a minute we 
were deployed back of a rice dike, returning the enemy fire. 

I never learned whether that bunch of shoulder straps ever agreed 
on a definite order of movement out of our hazardous position. But 
they did not follow us according to any military order I ever 
heard. We advanced, firing as we went, routing the enemy before 
us. Two lieutenants in conversation at the close of this battle asked 
as to each other's welfare. One replied that he was feeling all right, 
only a trifle stiff in the joints. A private remarked that the lieuten- 
ant hadn't shown any indication of stiff joints when he dropped to 
the ground under that fusillade of bullets. The lieutenant said that 
the private's joints had seemed to be in good working order then, 
too. To which the private replied that had he remained where he 
was until the officers had reviewed the book of tactics for the proper 
move out of the dilemma, neither he nor the lieutenant would then 
be anticipating our homeward journey. 

The theoretical movements and methods of warfare are as different 


from the actual movements and methods as shooting at a squirrel 
is from being the squirrel shot at. Some officers in the army are 
a handy nuisance, and a good means of increasing the superfluous 
expense of war. War is legalized murder, often encouraged from 
a commercial standpoint of profits, but carried on by those who 
never receive any benefits worthy of mention. The Filipinos were 
fighting to gratify the personal ambitions of Aguinaldo. We were 
fighting for our lives. We had now been on the firing line about 
five months, had advanced 50 miles, taken the Filipino capital, 
fought almost every day. We had defeated every resisting foe in 
human form, had impressed the Filipinos with our relentless methods 
of warfare, had eaten great quantities of tropical fruits, fishes, chick- 
ens, hogs, had drunk some wine, and had planted the old American 
flag in the very heart of the Philippine Islands. 

On June 24 we were replaced by fresh troops and we returned 
to Manila where we went into quarters inside the walled city. 
There was a report circulated that General Otis had been shot at 
twice in Manila, by American soldiers. We privates all felt sorry 
indeed that he was "shot at." 

The buildings inside the walls were constructed of better material 
than those outside. The rainy season had set in. One night I was 
awakened from my sleep by such a sudden downpour of rain on the 
tin roof that I imagined the whole top of the barracks was falling in. 
I jumped up and was halfway out of a window at the head of my 
cot before I discovered that it was only raining. There were at 
least two inches of water standing on the level ground. 

We remained here about two months performing guard duty in 
various parts of the city, as formerly. One institution coming under 
our jurisdiction was the penitentiary. (We found the convicts 
engaged most of the time in making ornaments from water buffalo 
horn and the fine native woods.) Inducements were offered for 
our re-enlistments $500 and a promotion. Several of the boys 

We had established a permanent foothold in the Philippine Is- 
lands. Following the devastations of war came the blessings also. 
Emerson says "Everything goes in pairs, and evil for every good." 
So here they were already the big brewery companies, and the 
American Christian missionaries working side by side both offering 
the heathen Malay the healing balm. He accepted from both, 
realizing now that he was rapidly becoming a full-fledged American 
citizen. He must fall into line and do as Americans wanted him to 


do. He must wear American clothes, eat American foods. He must 
use his own tobacco after it had visited America and returned. He 
must drink American booze. He must do all these things, and 
many more, and thus become a living source of revenue for the 
coffers of those whose influence had brought about this Filipino 

Orders came for us to embark for home. Our friends being few 
throughout the city, it did not require much of our time to bid them 
be good. We went aboard an English transport capacity 1,000, 
with 1,300 on board. We were jammed up some, but what did we 
care, weren't we coming home? The boys from our ranks who had 
re-enlisted stood on the wharf as we pulled out. The $500 bounty 
had grabbed them. They looked mighty lonesome standing back 
there as we started to take our $500 out in another trans-Pacific 
voyage. Let me say, by the way, the par value of this homeward 
trip increased 100 per cent every day, as long as it lasted. 

Fellow Americans, can you not see the inconsistency of patriotism 
being the prevailing spirit in the heart of the American soldier, 
8,000 miles from home, fighting a people in no way responsible 
for the cause in which we had enlisted; fighting a people who loved 
their own homes as we loved ours? Let me tell you, as a private 
soldier, the spirit within the heart of every true American who 
soldiered in the Philippines was one of pity and sympathy for this 
simple-minded, deluded foe. The prevailing motive that brought 
about this conflict was profit. So the simple Filipino and the 
American soldier were placed in the same boat forced to engage 
in a death struggle with each other that the ambitions of the powers 
that were, might be gratified in dollars and cents. 

History of the French-Speaking Settlement 
in the Cottonwood Valley 



OOMETIME after 1870 Bernard Cost and his wife, Victoria, moved 
O to a farm in Doyle township, Marion county. Both were natives 
of France but they came to Kansas from Massachusetts where they 
had lived for a short time. They did not stay on the farm long, 
however, and in January, 1874, Madame Cost started a millinery 
store in Florence, featuring the latest Paris fashions. The advertise- 
ment announcing the opening of her store listed a great variety of 
articles other than hats. She carried practically everything one 
would find in the present day ladies' ready-to-wear shops, a stock 
of clothing for children, together with socks, gloves, shirts and 
scarves for men. For a few weeks Mr. Cost did tailoring in the 
shop then we hear no more about him. 

In 1876, Madame Cost sold her entire stock of goods to Gustave 
Gaze but remained in the store as clerk. In April, 1878, she bought 
the store back and we learn that she "is now sole proprietress of the 
largest and most complete millinery in this [Marion] county and is 
selling goods at prices that are lower than the lowest." She was in 
a new building of her own and her "French waiting room" was in 
order for all visitors who deigned to call upon her. 

From that time until after 1890, Madame Cost was an important 
factor in the business life of Florence. In 1882, when she planned 
to erect a two-story building on her lots at the corner of Fifth and 
Main streets, the local newspaper stated that "Madame has more 
business tact and mania for improvements than half a dozen extra 
good men." Madame Gost made trips to New York every fall and 
spring buying merchandise for the store. Before each trip she in- 
serted a notice in the newspapers of Florence and Marion offering to 
give special consideration to any special orders that ladies of the 
community might wish to give her. 

Madame Gost seems to have been a very successful business 
woman. When times were bad and money was scarce she often 

ALBERTA PANTLE is a member of the Library staff of the Kansas State Historical Society. 



ran a notice in the paper stating that she would accept corn or other 
produce in lieu of cash for merchandise bought from her. 

On June 29, 1885, Madame Cost was married to James B. Crouch, 
then editor of the Florence Herald, later editor of the Florence 
Bulletin. Thereafter Mr. Crouch often referred to himself as a 
Frenchman by marriage. During the time he owned the Bulletin, 
news items about the French people occupied a prominent place 
in his paper. After he left Florence, the French colony activities 
were less frequently noted. 

In March, 1892, J. B. Crouch sold the Florence Bulletin to Jay E. 
House. He worked, for a short time, on a newspaper in El Dorado 
then the Crouches moved to West Virginia, his native state. Mr. 
Crouch published a newspaper there for seven years then came 
back to Kansas. For a few months in 1900 he edited the Chase 
County Courant, Cottonwood Falls, but was forced to give it up 
because of ill health. 

Mr. and Mrs. Crouch again left Kansas. On August 1, 1901, 
the Marion County News Bulletin carried a short item to the effect 
that J. B. Crouch and his wife had both been seriously injured when 
the porch of their home at Rich Hill, Mo., had collapsed. On April 
2, 1903, the same newspaper reprinted an article from the South- 
west World, Guthrie, Okla., stating that, "J- B. Crouch has just re- 
ceived his credentials from the district clerk of Marion county, Kan- 
sas. He will soon appear before Judge Burford and enter into the 
active practice of law. Mr. Crouch has ripe experience as a lawyer 
being recognized among the leading legal lights of central Kansas. 
Every case intrusted to his care will receive prompt attention/' 
The Bulletin added, "J- B. Crouch was editor and publisher of the 
Bulletin up to 11 years ago. Since leaving Florence, Crouch has 
traveled over considerable country and has had many ups and 
downs of life. He seems to be now on the upgrade/' 

In addition to Madame Cost, there were several other French 
people in business in Florence at various times. In 1879, there was 
a first-class wagon maker in the person of Etienne Bliecq. He had 
been sent to this country by the French government in 1876 to dem- 
onstrate the art of wagon making at the centennial exposition at 
Philadelphia. In February, 1879, E. Bliecq was established in 
business at the manufactury of W. F. Aves at Third and Main streets. 
Later he equipped a wagon works at another location. Associated 
with him was another Frenchman by the name of Ernest Gendarme. 
The greater part of their work was resetting tires and other repair 


work but they did find time to make several very elegant buggies and 
carriages in the short time they remained at Florence. 

Petrus Guillon ran a billiard parlor in Florence for a number of 
years. Part of the time he was located in the basement of the opera 
house. In 1887, he moved to Arkansas City but later settled at 
Osage City. He frequently visited in Florence for many years. 

G. E. Baillod and M. A. Cuenod established a jewelry store in 
Florence in 1885. Two years later they moved their store to Ar- 
kansas City. Baillod was in business there for several years. The 
Cuenods left Arkansas City and lived in Colorado for some time. 
In 1889 they stopped in Florence to visit the Ginettes and were, at 
that time, on their way back to France to live. 


During the years Madame Gost had her millinery store at 
Florence, Marion Centre also had a French milliner. In 1874, the 
Tamiet family, consisting of F. Tamiet, his wife, Elizabeth and 
stepdaughter, Victoria Bataille, came to Marion Centre to live. 
Stephen Marcou is given credit in the paper for inducing the family 
to settle in Marion Centre. 

In a short time the Tamiets had erected a building on Main street 
and Madame Tamiet had opened a millinery shop. She, like 
Madame Gost, seemed to stock a great variety of articles of wearing 
apparel in addition to her hats. M. Tamiet ran a tailor shop in 
the same building but he did not stay long. By 1880, Madame 
Tamiet had married Peter Toomey, a carpenter from Pennsylvania. 
Mrs. Toomey operated her store for a number of years. She 
maintained a close relationship with the families in the French 
colony east of Florence. 

Victoria Bataille grew up to be a very beautiful and talented 
young lady. She was an accomplished musician. She taught piano 
for several years and always sang in all the concerts given by the 
French people at Florence. On October 2, 1889, she was married 
to Laurent DeBauge who lived near Reading in Lyon county where 
there was a settlement of French people. They had a religious 
ceremony at the Catholic church at Florence and a civil ceremony 
that evening at the home of Judge Foote, probate judge of Marion 
county. Following the latter service an elaborate wedding dinner 
and reception was held at the Elgin Hotel at Marion. The guests 
included many of the French people from that section of the country 
as well as residents of Marion. 

We know little of F. Tamiet after he left Marion. He came back 


for a visit once or twice. Shortly after he left he was editing a 
French newspaper in California. 

Francis Soyez moved to a farm in Grant township early in the 
1870's. He was born in Paris, France, August 10, 1818. His father 
served with the French army during the Napoleonic wars and for 
several years afterwards. When Francis was 16 his father advised 
him to come to America. Just when he came is not known, but it 
was quite early. He landed at New Orleans but eventually went 
to Missouri. For several years he worked as a freighter on the 
old Santa Fe trail, making many trips between present Kansas 
City and Santa Fe, N. M. In 1856 or 1857, he was married in 
Mora, N. M., to Frances Schlineger, a young girl from Alsace 
Lorraine. She had come to America with her parents in 1854. 
They lived in St. Louis for a year then traveled overland by way of 
the Santa Fe trail to Mora. After the Soyez's were married they lived 
in New Mexico several months then moved to Missouri. About the 
close of the Civil War, in which Francis Soyez served for a short time, 
they came to Kansas. They lived near Topeka and Mr. Soyez 
worked as a mason on the statehouse. In 1872, they moved to 
Marion county and took a claim north and east of Florence. Francis 
Soyez died July 9, 1906, and his wife on June 17, 1913. They had 
a large family. Many of their descendants live in Marion county 
today and one of their children, Mrs. Emilie Lehmann, was living 
near the town of Marion until her death on February 25, 1951. 


Ernest Ginette was born in Paris, France, September 1, 1831. He 
was married to Camille Caroline Bouzenot on May 10, 1859. Mr. 
Ginette was engaged quite successfully in business in Paris until 
the Franco-Prussian war in 1870. At that time he sustained such 
heavy losses that he decided to bring his family to America. The 
Ginettes, with two of their sons, Gabriel and Ernest, settled on a 
160-acre farm five miles northeast of Florence in 1873. The third 
son, Maurice, stayed in Paris to take advantage of a scholarship 
which had been given him. He came out to Kansas by himself 
two years later. 

Charles Ginette, a nephew, came from France to make his home 
with his uncle's family in 1876. He lived in or near Florence the 
remainder of his life but made several quite lengthy visits to France. 
He died April 8, 1928. 



City born and bred, the Ginettes did not like farm life. After 
a few years on the farm, they moved into Florence. The boys, as 
well as the parents, were well educated and began working, when 
quite young, as bookkeepers and salesmen. One time Ernest acted 
as interpreter in a lawsuit involving two French families which 
was tried at Cottonwood Falls. He was highly praised by the pre- 
siding judge for his scholarly translation and interpretation during 
the trial. 33 

Ernest Ginette, Sr., had considerable talent as a painter. Several 
times he made sketching tours over the state. In 1888 he made a 
very "natural and pleasant view of Mr. Firmin's farm and im- 
provements in crayon." 34 The Bulletin commented that he had 
been devoting much time and study to painting the past year and his 
work exhibited a high degree of artistic ability. 

The Ginette family contributed much to the musical life of Flor- 
ence. Ernest Ginette, Sr., and Mrs. Ginette were in charge of the 
music at the Catholic church for many years. 

In November, 1884, a group of the young men of Florence met 
at the Ginette home to organize a band which was called the 
Florence Brass Band. The elder Mr. Ginette was chosen as leader 
of the band and his son, Maurice, was elected president and treas- 
urer of the group. This band was quite an active organization in 
Florence for a number of years. 

Mrs. Camille Ginette was a cousin of M. Casimir-Perier who 
became president of France in 1891. She is remembered as a 
very charming woman and an accomplished pianist. The entire 
family took prominent parts in the musical entertainments which 
were customary at all .of the Bastille day and other French cele- 

Ernest Ginette, Sr., died after a short illness February 24, 1893. 
His widow survived him many years. She was almost totally blind 
for several years before her death December 29, 1914. 

Maurice Ginette, the oldest of the sons, married Dora Cox of 
Atchison in 1893. They settled in Florence where he was cashier 
of the Marion County State Bank. He continued in the employ of 
the bank until his death September 24, 1925. 

Gabriel and Ernest Ginette left Florence many years ago. Ernest 
eventually settled in Kansas City. Gabriel located in St. Louis, 111., 
where he had an interest in a company which manufactured sashes, 
doors and blinds. For many years he was the leader of the Sixth 

33. Florence Bulletin, May 17, 1889. 

34. Ibid., February 9, 1888. 


Illinois regiment band which has been described as "one of the 
crack musical organizations of the Sucker State." 35 


Two of the French families in the colony came to the Cotton- 
wood valley after a residence of several years in other states. The 
first were the Mercets who came in 1873. August Mercet was born 
in northern France on April 8, 1841, the son of Julius and Julia 
Mercet. They left France when August was eight years of age 
and came to America, settling in Perry county, Missouri. August 
was married to Elizabeth Cerkie, a native of Switzerland, in June, 
1861. He served with the Missouri troops during the Civil War 
and, about 1867, both father and son moved their families to Minne- 
sota. They came to Kansas in 1873 and settled on a farm in Doyle 
township. After a few years on the farm they removed to Florence. 
Mrs. Julia Mercet died before 1880 and her husband on March 28, 
1887. He was 81 years of age, a native of the department of Doubs, 

August Mercet died July 4, 1884, leaving a family of six chil- 
dren. 36 One daughter, Louisa, died the year previously. Mrs. 
Mercet was a kindly woman who raised not only her own large fam- 
ily but had to assume the care of several of her grandchildren who 
were left motherless at an early age. She died January 7, 1918. 

Andre Lambel, the father of Mrs. Julius Mercet, was born in the 
village of Therondelle, department of Aveyron, France, May 20, 
1847. He served through the Franco-Prussian war in 1870 and 1871 
and in March, 1872, he went to Winnipeg, Canada. On September 
28, 1873, he was married to Marguerite Mager at St. Boniface, 
Manitoba. The new Mrs. Lambel was born in Metz, province of 
Lorraine, on October 14, 1854, and had come to Canada in 1872. 
After their marriage the Lambels took a timber claim at Pembina, 
Dakota territory, and lived there until they moved to Kansas in 
March, 1879. They homesteaded a farm three or four miles east of 
Cedar Point. During the latter part of 1895, Andre Lambel 

35. Ibid., August 26, 1892. 

36. Three of the Mercet children married into French families. Josephine, the oldest 
daughter, married Joseph B. Rossillion, and Julia Mercet married Francis Rossillion. The 
Rossillions, Joseph, his wife, Mary Perrier Rossillion, and the two boys mentioned, came from 
Savoy, France, to America in 1873. Another son, Alphonse, was born after they came to 
Kansas. They settled near Madison, Kan., and lived there until 1877 when they moved to 
Rock Creek where the parents died. The Rossillion boys came back to Lyon county and were 
frequent visitors at Florence. Francis Rossillion and his family lived east of Florence from 
1890 to 1895. Later they moved to California where some of the family still live. 

Julius Mercet was married first to Mary Fisher who died within a year of her marriage. 
He was married to Caroline Lambel on October 31, 1892. They lived in or near Florence 
until his death October 16, 1937. Adeline Mercet married Francis Green. Alma married 
William G. King in California in 1887. They both died young as did Mrs. Josephine Rossil- 
lion. The younger son, Emil, married Grace Edna Wright. He and his wife died many 
years ago. 


decided that a warmer climate would be beneficial to his health 
and prepared to move south. 37 At this time certain companies in the 
Southern states were sending out quantities of boom literature 
accompanied by roseate letters describing the cheap lands and the 
abundant crops to be grown thereon. Having no doubt that he 
could find a farm to his liking, Mr. Lambel sold his livestock and 
farm implements and rented his farm for three years. He went 
south to find a place to locate. He took his time and investigated 
farms in Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and several other southern 
states. There was plenty of cheap land but he found that it was 
also low in fertility. Nothing looked so good to him as his farm in 
the Cottonwood valley so he came home. He paid his renter $150 
to break the contract and, in a short time, was established on his 
own farm again. Mr. Lambel estimated that the experience had 
cost him over a thousand dollars. 

In 1903 the Lambels retired and moved into Florence. In 1907 
Mrs. Lambel made a trip to France to visit her parents and other 
relatives and in 1909 both she and Mr. Lambel went to France. 
Mrs. Lambel died December 13, 1925, and her husband on January 
9, 1941, at the age of 93 years. They had four children, Caroline, 
who married Julius Mercet; Andrew J., who married Amy Crawford; 
Anna May, who married Albert R. Kruse, and Paul. Paul lived in 
California for many years but the others lived near Florence and 
Cedar Point. 

Louis Nicholas Mager, a younger brother of Marguerite Lambel, 
also came to America but at a much later date. He lived at Pembina, 
N. Dak., the former home of the Lambels, for 18 years then, in 1900, 
he moved into Florence where he lived with his sister's family. A 
few years after Louis Mager came to the United States, he returned 
to France for a visit. While he was there he was impressed into 
the army and forced to serve his military duties which he had missed 
by coming to America. He died at Emporia December 29, 1911. 


With few exceptions the French settlers in the valley were thrifty, 
hardworking farmers who, although they were handicapped by a 
difference in language and background, got along well with their 
neighbors of other nationalities. One of the exceptions was a young 
man by the name of Perault. He devised an ingenious scheme for 
making an easy living but it didn't work out exactly as he had 

37. The Pointer, Cedar Point, October 19, 1895. 


At this time Marion county, being largely crop land, had a herd 
law requiring anyone who had cattle to keep them fenced in. 
Chase county, stock country, allowed the farmers to let their herds 
roam at will. Shortly before 1882, Perault settled on a farm in 
eastern Marion county just across the Chase county line. He built 
extensive corrals surrounded with stone walls from 18 to 24 inches 
thick. The farm consisted of 40 acres of gravel, situated on a high 
bluff over the Cottonwood river. On the east line he planted a 
few rows of sod corn and pumpkins, as a bait to the cattle on the 
Chase county range. 

According to the Marion Record for March 22, 1889: 

These cattle often tasted of the forbidden fruit and were, in consequence, 
taken up by his Lordship, A. Perault. It is claimed that oftentimes they were 
driven through this field to the corrals by Perault in order to obtain damages 
for destruction of crops. This procedure continued for some time, tribute being 
exacted by the Frenchman. The price asked varied according to the extent of 
the damage claimed. 

As time went on, the Frenchman grew more and more abusive. 
In June, 1882, he shot a Mr. Seaman who was seeking to recover 
some horses which Perault had taken up. On August 7, one of his 
neighbors missed two of his cows and found them in Perault's corral. 
Perault demanded $10 for the release of the cattle. He was offered 
50 cents a head. Perault became angry and used threatening lan- 
guage. Finally arrangements were made with Mrs. Perault for the 
release of the cows for one dollar. The neighbor had no money 
with him so he had to go home to get it. When he returned he 
brought his hired man with him. While the hired man was paying 
Mrs. Perault the sum agreed on, the neighbor went out to the corral 
for his cows. When he opened the gate Perault, who was standing 
by the wall, struck him on the head with a club (some called it a 
stick ) from the effects of which he would have fallen to the ground 
but for a barrel across which he fell. As Perault was raising the 
club to repeat the blow the hired man fired at him, the ball striking 
Perault in the hip. A few days afterward, Perault died of blood 

Immediately after the shooting the two men surrendered them- 
selves to the authorities and, a few weeks later, a preliminary 
examination was held and they were discharged, the examination 
showing clearly that the killing was self-defense. Normally this 
would have been the end of the affair but the case was revived 
seven years later and the two men were indicted. The hired man 
was tried and acquitted and the other case dismissed. 


The only other Frenchman I have heard of who had any un- 
orthodox plans for earning a livelihood was one who came much 
later. On the way to America he had an opportunity to buy a 
Scotch bagpipe. Thinking that he could stand on the street corners 
and play his bagpipe if he couldn't make a living farming, he bought 
it. He proved to be a very good farmer so he didn't need the bag- 


With the possible exception of Louis Ravenet, whose noble birth 
is largely a matter of hearsay, the early settlers in the valley were 
farmers and tradesmen of the middle classes of France and Belgium. 
They came to America because of their 'belief in a democratic form 
of government and a desire to better their economic and social con- 
dition. In 1877, a Frenchman of another class came. He was Adrien 
Thimoleon Victor, Comte de Pingre de Guimicourt. The manner of 
his coming and the reason for his traveling to Kansas are best de- 
scribed in an article which appeared in the Kansas City (Mo.) 
Times for January 13, 1877: 

On Thursday morning there arrived in this city on the Missouri Pacific train 
a strange looking individual and three dogs. The stranger was a foreigner of 
very distinque appearance, and seemed to be at a loss where to go and what 
to do with his dogs. He wore a beard, grizzled and grey, falling in luxuriant 
profusion upon a massive breast, which gave to the owner a bearing which 
stamped him at once with military antecedents. Upon his left breast he wore 
several ribbons, all of the tri-color of La Belle France, and in the center of 
all was noticed the renowned cross of the "Legion of Honor/ ? While the 
stranger was chattering away in his French patois to his dogs, endeavoring to 
keep them together, he was noticed by Count Smissen, the agent of the Santa 
Fe road, who approached him, and accosted him in German, then in French. 
The stranger was at home in a minute, and entered into conversation at once. 
He appeared to be delighted to find some one to converse with and who could 
assist him in his embarrassing troubles. His troubles were as follows: 

His name is Count de Paingrie, and he is Colonel of the famous second regi- 
ment of Chasseurs d'Afrique, one of Napoleon's favorite regiments. His only 
son is now a resident of Florence, Kansas, and the veteran soldier was on his 
way to visit him on a six-months' leave of absence. The dogs he had with him 
were full-blooded hounds, raised by himself in Algeria, and are the offspring of 
a pet dog which his son (now a Kansas granger) loved very much when a boy 
at the garrison at Toulon. The old man thought that he could not bring his pet 
boy a better present than these three dogs, which he had cared for and attended 
all the way from Marseilles to Southampton, and from thence to New York, 
and from there to Kansas City. It was quite refreshing to see the noble French- 
man rejoice in the meeting of one man who could speak his language and 
could help him with his dogs. He told of his history which dated back to the 
coup d'etat of 1851, and the old man puffed out perfect volumes of smoke 


while he talked of the campaign he made with his regiment with Marshals St. 
Arnaud and Canrobert in the Crimea. His ideal appeared to be the young man 
at Florence, Kansas, who left Paris at the overthrow of the empire in 1870 and 
fled to escape the Commune. He says he wants his boy to come back to France, 
but cannot induce him to do so. So, finding his boy so decided in his desire to 
stay in America, he had concluded to come and see him and bring him a present 
of three full-blooded Algerian hounds. The old French Colonel was every inch 
of a soldier in appearance. He was a perfect type of the old Imperial Guard, 
and seemed to be a fish out of water so to speak and found no consolation 
except in his pipe and conversation with his imported dogs. The Count de 
Paingrie was escourted to the proper train by Mr. Smissen, and started west 
to find his lost boy on the prairies of Kansas. 

Count de Pingre was born April 14, 1827, so he was not as old as 
this entertaining account would lead one to believe. The family 
de Pingre, originating in Picardy, may be traced back to very 
ancient times. Through a series of distinguished marriages they 
became owners of a large number of lordship-estates. Among these 
estates was that of Guimicourt which designated the branch of the 
family to which Count Victor de Pingre belonged. Various members 
of this distinguished family were noteworthy for their military serv- 
ices as well as services in the court and in the church. The name 
figures among those of the founders of the abbey of Premy in 1180. 
For a long time the nuns of Premy had to pray for the souls of 
Florent de Pingre and his wife, Jeanne de Lavin, and for that of 
their daughter, Jeanne de Pingre, who had been a nun of that abbey. 

In the year 1476 Arnault de Pingre lost his life in the slaughter 
of Cambrai while defending this place which belonged to the Duke 
of Burgundy against the forces of King Louis XL From this time 
on, the family split into two factions, those who were loyal to the 
king and those whose sympathies were with the Arnault branch. 

Presumably the count belonged to the former because it was to 
his father, Adrien Pierre Paul, Comte de Pingre de Guimcourt, that 
King Louis XVIII entrusted all his personal papers during the "Hun- 
dred Days" in 1815. The count's mother was Louise de Grouches 
de Gribeauval. He had only one sister, Adrienne, who married 
Philippe d'Entend, attorney-general during the reign of Louis Philip. 

Count de Pingre was graduated at an early age from St. Cyr, the 
West Point of France. During the insurrection of 1848 he served 
as a sub-lieutenant in the national guard. On July 21, 1848, he 
received a promotion and was decorated with the Chevalier de la 
Legion d'honneur. Count de Pingre received many other decora- 
tions during his long military career which included services in 


the Crimean war, the Franco-Prussian war, and the French cam- 
paigns in North Africa. 

Count de Pingre was married to Marie Clara Victorine Adele de 
Lagrene on July 24, 1854, in Any, department de la Somme. They 
had four children, two daughters who married and remained in 
France, one son who died young, and Louis de Pingre who came to 
America. The mother died some time before 1877. 38 

No one seems to remember much about Louis de Pingre. Mrs. 
Alphonse Bichet used to tell about the day he appeared at their door 
a short time after she was married. Until that time no one knew he 
was in the country. He always dressed in cowboy attire and his 
ambition was to be a ranch owner and stockman. In 1881, he de- 
clared his intention to become a citizen but he did not stay in Chase 
county long enough to get his final papers. Some years after Louis 
left the colony he was living in Lake Charles, La., where he was 
running a ferry across the lake. He came back to Florence for a 
short time when his father died in 1892 but never came back to 

Count de Pingre soon decided to stay in Kansas. He bought a 
farm on Martin creek northwest of Cedar Point. He and his son 
stayed at the Pike Hotel in Florence while the house was being built. 
On November 13, 1877, the father was married to Mdle. Ernestine 
Marie de Lobel, a young French woman who had come out to Kansas 
shortly before the date of the wedding. They were married at the 
home of Mrs. Tamiet in Marion Centre. 

Count de Pingre and his wife lived on the farm until 1884 when 
they moved into Florence, having purchased the Hiram Pike resi- 
dence. Just before they moved they had a public sale. Among the 
items listed was a herd of purebred cattle. Despite the fact that he 
must have lived a far different life in France, Count de Pingre ap- 
parently adjusted himself quite well in his new home. He main- 
tained his military bearing and aristocratic manner to the end but he 
made many friends in Florence and seemed always ready to help 
out in any good cause. One time he donated some of his own handi- 
work to sell at a bazaar at one of the Protestant churches in town 
although he was a regular communicant at the Catholic church. 
There was only one time at which he could not enter whole heartedly 
into the social life 'of the French colony. That was on July 14 when 
his French Republican friends celebrated the fall of the Bastille. 

38. Details of the family background and early life of the Count de Pingre were sup- 
plied by a researcher of the office de documentation of the Bibliotheque National, Paris, 


The de Pingre home must have been filled to overflowing with 
beautiful furniture and family heirlooms. In 1884, an art loan exhi- 
bition was held in Florence. The greater part of the exhibit con- 
sisted of articles lent by the count and his wife. They included 
handmade black -lace 150 years old, handmade white lace 200 years 
old, a French fan beautifully painted and inlaid with jewels, a violin 
184 years old, two elegantly hand-carved candlesticks, a sabre used 
by a French nobleman one hundred years -before, an idol four hun- 
dred years old and other articles, both costly and antique. Madame 
Cost and the Ginettes also contributed quite a number of interesting 
items for the exhibition. 

Some of the de Pingre furniture is still in Florence. Mrs. Amelia 
Ullman has a chair elaborately carved and upholstered in what was 
once very beautiful brocade. Count de Pingre's clock which was 
made in France about 1750 is now in the possession of a Florence 

The count stored his collection of arms in the loft of his barn. 
Some of the little boys in town learned of its existence and "playing 
soldier" became a favorite pastime. As soon as a new member was 
added to the gang he was taken to the de Pingre barn and outfitted 
with swords and pistols. Eventually the count discovered that his 
precious collection of firearms was diminishing. The countess inter- 
viewed Mrs. Bichet and the mothers of some of the other boys whom 
they suspected of "borrowing" the weapons. The arms were 
promptly restored and a certain group of small boys "ate off the 
mantel" for several days. 

The de Pingre's entertained many guests in their home and very 
often visited friends in Reading, Emporia or Kansas City. The 
Debauges of Reading and the Jean Perriers of Emporia visited them 
quite frequently. In September, 1888, Madam de Medou, a cele- 
brated Italian pianist, who was on her way to Newton to give a 
"Soirie Musicale," stopped to see her old friends, the de Pingres. 
Another time, M. Jules Ruleaux, consul-general for Belgium in the 
United States, came to Florence to consult \sdth Count de Pingre 
concerning the feasibility of sending colonists from overcrowded Bel- 
gium to the Cottonwood valley. 

Madame de Pingre was an accomplished pianist and very fre- 
quently played in public. The only time there is any mention of her 
taking part in a Bastille day concert was in 1889. At that /time the 
count was president of the Union Francaise and both he and the 
countess took a prominent part in the centennial celebration of that 


year. Probably by this time the count had forgotten his loyalist 
tendencies to a large extent. 

Count de'.Pingre died November 20, 1892, and was buried in Mt. 
Calvary cemetery west of Florence. His tombstone bears the simple 
inscription, "Victor de Pingre, 1827-1892." 

The count bequeathed all his family letters, papers, and [books 
from his library to his son, Louis. Louis also received his father's 
pistols, swords and other arms. The family portraits were divided 
equally among his three children, Louis, Adrienne de St. Victor and 
Yolande Chenolt. The remainder of his estate was willed to his wife. 
At one time he is reputed to have been quite wealthy but had appar- 
ently lost his money before he came to America. 39 

Mrs. Marie de Pingre was married to Dr. J. Hammond Lovatt 40 on 
September 29, 1893. After his death in November, 1901, she made 
a visit, to France. She returned to Florence to dispose of her prop- 
erty and went back to France to live in less than a year after the 
doctor's death. 


The story of the Fagard family may best be told in the words 
of Paul Fagard, of Emporia, who was a boy of 11 when he came 
to Kansas. 

"Auguste Fagard, his wife Virgina, two children, Virginia 10, Auguste 8 
years old, sold their home in Lassigny, France, to emigrate to the United 
States in 1848. They sailed from LeHavre en route to some place in Tennes- 
see where they intended to purchase a farm to engage in farming. Un- 
fortunately cholera broke out on board the vessel a few days after sailing. 
Over 100 passengers contracted the disease and died, my grandfather among 
them. He was buried at sea. 

When they arrived at New Orleans the disease had disappeared. They were 
allowed to land without being quarantined so my grandmother decided to go 
on to Tennessee. Arriving at Louisville, Ky., where they had to lay over for a 
few days grandmother was contacted by some French people residing there and 
persuaded to try to make a home. She remained a little more than two years, 
her children attended the schools and learned the English language. Then 
she decided to return to France. 

On the vessel going over she met a business man by the name of Mercier, 
a maker of artificial flowers. He persuaded her to apprentice her son to him. 
So she and her daughter proceeded to Lassigny, my father was left in Paris 

39. Count de Pingre's will is on file in the office of the probate judge of Marion county. 

40. Dr. J. Hammond Lovatt was born in Manchester, England, in 1841. He studied 
surgery and practiced in England for a number of years. He was a member of the Royal 
College of Surgeons and various other British medical societies. After the death of his first 
wife in 1879, Dr. Lovatt accepted an appointment as surgeon in the British army and served 
in India, Africa and Australia. He retired from the army and came to America in 1885. For 
a time he was chief surgeon in the City Hospital in St. Louis, but his health had been so 
impaired by his army service that he was forced to give it up. He came to Florence in 1887 
and bought the Sherwood drug store. Later he practiced medicine in Florence. He is re- 
membered there as a well-educated and well-read man and an accomplished musician. 


with this M. Mercier. He remained and worked for this man until 1861 when 
he decided to go to Africa. He resided in Algeria somewhat over two years, 
contracted the malaria fever and became blind. In 1863 he returned to 
France, some months later he regained his sight to a great extent but always 
had difficulty guiding himself after dark. He served in the national guard in 
the war of 1870. He and his family were besieged in Paris in 1870 and 1871. 
Seeing the devastation and horrors of war he decided to move back to the 
United States. In 1881, he sold the little home he owned in Bois de Colombes, 
a suburb of Paris, and he and his family sailed on the French line S. S. Labra- 
dor, December 30, 1881. They were five, the father Auguste Fagard; mother 
Pauline Gailliard Fagard, three boys, Auguste aged 14, Paul 11 and Eugene 5 
years old. Landed in New York January 14, 1882. After the usual examina- 
tion by the immigrant officers we were allowed to proceed to Kansas. We 
landed in Florence January 24, 1882. My father had been directed to Kansas 
by a Mr. Reverend, a neighbor of ours, who owned land in Marion county. 
His oldest son was farming that land. 

Soon after we had settled in Florence a Mr. Horner opened up a quarry, hav- 
ing secured a contract from the Santa Fe Railroad to ballast the tracks from 
Kansas City to the Colorado line. We (my father and me) worked in this 
quarry for two years when for some unknown cause the shutting down of this 
quarry caused the town to have a depression. There were no other industries 
except the Santa Fe which employed a few men. 

Mrs. Fagard died in January, 1884. In May of that year, Auguste 
Fagard took his three boys and settled on a farm in Chase county. 
Andre Lambel had induced him to file on a homestead of upland. 
It was necessary for Mr. Fagard to amend his first filing because 
part of the tract he desired had been taken by Louis Duehn as a 
timber claim. The land office approved his amended filing but it 
was discovered, after having the land surveyed, that an Amos Vainer 
had built a small cabin on one corner of the land and was justified 
in claiming the quarter section of land on which the cabin was 
located. Varner later did file suit against Mr. Fagard. The case 
was not settled for 12 years. Finally in 1896 the land was awarded 
by the court to Auguste Fagard but, in the meantime, the expense 
of hiring lawyers and paying the other expenses incidental to the 
case had worked a great hardship on the family. 

In 1907, Auguste Fagard sold out and he and his son, Eugene, 
moved to Whitechurch, Mo. They farmed there until 1920 when 
they died within a week of each other during the influenza epidemic. 

Auguste Fagard, Jr., never married. He died in 1925 and is 
buried in the Cedar Point cemetery. Paul Fagard was married to 
Bertha Lalouette, daughter of Joseph and Marie (Marchal) La- 
louette, on June 3, 1900. She died June 20, 1909, leaving one 
daughter, Mignon. Paul Fagard is now living at Emporia and is 
one of the few remaining native Frenchmen of the old colony. 



The colony was composed almost entirely of French people until 
after 1870. The only Belgian to make a permanent settlement before 
that time was Alexander Louis. By 1875, several Belgian families 
had settled in Doyle township. The census for that year lists the 
following: Alfred de Smet, Ivan Balcaen, Theophile and Marius 
Philibert and their families, Francis Goffinet and his wife, Victoria, 
and a relative of hers, Henry Maillot. Of this group only Ivan Bal- 
caen and the Goffinets stayed to make permanent homes. The two 
Philibert families left within a few years and settled elsewhere in 
Kansas. Alfred de Smet left before 1880. While he was there Ivan 
Balcaen worked for him. One time while he was working for de 
Smet the two got into an argument over wages. The case was 
brought to trial in Marion Centre and the newspaper there reported 
that practically the entire French population accompanied them for 
the trial. By this time the people of Marion Centre had become 
accustomed to hearing German on the streets but a group of French- 
men speaking their native language never failed to amuse them. 
The newspaper commented on their "peculiar talk." 

After Alfred de Smet moved away, Ivan Balcaen worked for one 
valley farmer and then another until he finally settled on his own 
farm up Bruno creek in Grant township. In 1890, he was married 
to Laura Huguenin, the daughter of Henry and Adele Huguenin 
who had come from Switzerland a few years before. Ivan Balcaen 
died in 1903, and his widow married Henry D. Soper. She lived at 
Florence until her death June 19, 1934. 

The Goffinets also lived in Grant township. Victoria Goffinet was 
a Maillet, probably the daughter of Henry Maillet who was living 
with them in 1875. They had several children. Some of the family 
still live near Florence. 

Francis Goffinet returned to Belgium to live about 1907. At the 
time of the first World War Alphonse Bichet received a letter from a 
man in a small French village stating that a Francis Goffinet had 
escaped from Belgium into France ahead of the German army. He 
had, asked the Frenchman to get in touch with Mr. Bichet in the hope 
that he could help him get to America. This was not possible and 
nothing further was heard about him. Mr. Goffinet was nearly 80 
years of age at this time. Mrs. Victoria Goffinet died at the home 
of her son, Ellis, in Lubbeck, Tex., in March, 1929. 

The Rensen family came to Florence in 1876. The family con- 
sisted of Joseph Rensen; his wife, Petronile; his son, Joseph, Jr., and 


three daughters, Frances, Josephine and Matilda. They had ar- 
rived in the United States at Portland, Maine, February 15, 1871, 
and had lived in Chicago before coming to Kansas. When they 
came to Florence they bought a farm on Martin creek. Here Joseph 
Rensen died May 3, 1885, at the age of 56. Mrs. Rensen lived on the 
home farm until her death January 25, 1914. 

Joseph Rensen, Jr., was born at Liege, Belgium, December 8, 1859. 
He lived on a farm at Florence until his death November 18, 1931. 
In January, 1891, he was married to Augusta Gaymay, a French girl 
whose family had come to Kansas late in the 1880's. The Gaymays 
lived at Florence for a short time but eventually settled in Wichita 
county. The Joseph Rensens had two daughters, Alice and Mrs. 
Oscar Branson who live near Florence, and a son, Albert, who died 
in 1938. Mrs. Augusta Rensen died August 13, 1949. 

Frances Rensen, daughter of Joseph Rensen, Sr., married Joseph 
Martinot. He was the son of Rosalie Dumartinot who had married 
Peter Martin. Frances Martinot lived less than a year after her 
marriage. On August 31, 1878, Joseph Martinot married Josephine 
Rensen, a sister of his first wife. Mrs. Martinot is still living at Flor- 
ence, one of the few remaining members of the French colony born 
in Europe. She frequently visits at the home of her daughter, Mrs. 
Louise Crawford, near Clements. One day during the summer of 
1949, she came to Clements by bus from her home in Florence. She 
waited for an hour or so at the post office for some one who was 
going by her daughter's house a mile and a half away. When they 
did not come she set out to walk there. The writer overtook her 
after she had walked over a mile. This 87-year-old woman, her 
bundle of clothes in her hand, trudging along the dusty road, seemed 
to typify all the strength and stamina of these foreign pioneer women 
who settled in the French colony. Theirs was not an easy life. Many 
of them helped their husbands in the fields. They did all their own 
housework and raised large families. Tied down at home, they had 
little opportunity to meet other people or adjust themselves to their 
new environment. These women must have been lonely, and yet, 
with few exceptions, none of them regretted that they had come to 
America to live. 

Joseph Martinot was for many years before his death, October 13, 
1932, the oldest of the pioneer settlers in Marion county. As early 
as 1924 he was presented with a bouquet at the old settlers' picnic in 
Marion as the oldest person in point of residence in the county. 

Matilda Rensen, the youngest of the Rensen children, married 


H. J. Reverend, making the fourth of this Belgian family to marry 
French members of the colony. 

Henry Julius Reverend, or Jules as he was usually called, was born 
in New York City, October 11, 1859. In 1873 he came with his 
father, Henry Reverend, to the French settlement. They took up a 
timber claim four miles east of Florence in Doyle township. After 
four months in Kansas they left and went to Paris, France, the 
father's native city. The family established there, Jules was placed 
in school. 

In 1879, however, he returned to America and settled on the old 
homestead. On December 15, 1884, he was married to Matilda 
Rensen. Although the elder Mr. Reverend never returned to Kansas 
to live he did make several extended visits with his son and family 
and it was through his influence that several of the French families 
came to Florence to settle when they decided to come to America. 

About 1902 Mr. Reverend moved his family into town. There 
were two children, Henry and Amelia Fanny. In 1904 Jules Rev- 
erend's father died in Paris leaving quite a large estate. It was nec- 
essary for the Reverends to go to Paris. The whole family went and 
stayed for several months. 

After Amelia was graduated from high school in 1905, her mother 
took her to Kansas City, Mo., where she studied violin and piano for 
several years. Mr. Reverend stayed in Florence for some time look- 
ing after business interests but finally joined his family in residence 
there. He taught French in the manual training high school for sev- 
eral terms then engaged in the real estate business with John Beymer, 
a former Florence resident. He was very active in the Alliance 
Francaise of Kansas City, serving as its president for one or two 

Jules Reverend was a colorful figure in the business life of Flor- 
ence. He was instrumental in organizing the Florence State Bank 
and in securing an ice house for the city when it was badly needed. 
He bought the Mastin lumber yard in 1907 and ran it for several 
years. After the family returned from Kansas City to live in Florence 
he invested quite heavily in real estate and, at one time, owned sev- 
eral business buildings on Main street. In 1923 he helped organize 
the Florence Chamber of Commerce and was elected its first presi- 
dent. Mr. Reverend died May 13, 1942, his wife having died several 
years previously on December 16, 1931. 41 

41. Amelia Fanny Reverend taught music in Kansas City until the fall of 1913 when 
she went abroad and studied for a year in Berlin under Alexander Fiedermann. 

On August 24, 1914, she was married to Bernard Ullman at Pittsburgh, Pa. Four years 
later Mr. Ullman died and she was left with two small children, Gilbert and Robert. A 


The Lalouette brothers, August and Joseph, were born at Geron- 
ville, Belgium. When August was 16 years of age he went to Paris, 
France, where he worked for 12 years. In 1867, he and his brother, 
Joseph, came to the United States. They arrived in New Orleans 
and found that city in the throes of a yellow fever epidemic. The 
young men worked their way to New York where August served 
for eight years as the head waiter in a large hotel. 

On March 25, 1873, he was married to Leonie Marchal, a young 
French girl. Three years later they came to Kansas and settled 
on a farm east of Florence. Joseph Lalouette married Marie Mar- 
chal, a sister of Leonie. They came to Florence at the same time. 
There is a story in the family that one of the brothers wanted to 
settle in Virginia. The other thought they would have more chance 
for success in the newer west so both came to Kansas. 

A short time after they settled at Florence, August Lalouette and 
his wife lost their two small daughters, Augustine, five, and Elvirie, 
three years of age. They died within a week of diptheria and are 
buried in the cemetery at Cedar Point. 

The Lalouettes came to Kansas when times were very hard. They 
had never lived on farms before and many times they actually 
did not know how to go about their work. Their wives, however, 
knew a bit more about farm life so they worked with their husbands 
in the fields until the farm chores became a bit easier. 

In spite of early hardships, both August and Joseph Lalouette be- 
came successful farmers and August, in particular, accumulated 
large land holdings in addition to his original homestead. Mrs. 
Leonie Lalouette was an invalid for many years before her death 
March 17, 1929. August Lalouette died December 4, 1923. 

August and Leonie Lalouette had two sons, in addition to the 
two girls who died in childhood. Leon, born in 1879, was married 
October 6, 1913, to Anna Margaret Carpenter, daughter of Jerome 
Carpenter. He lived near Florence until his death July 15, 1945. 
The other son, Ernest, lives east of Florence on the home place. 
On October 24, 1905, he was married to Cecilia Soyez. Mrs. 
Lalouette is the granddaughter of two pioneer settlers of the old 
colony. Her father, J. E. Soyez, was French, the son of Francis 

daughter, Bernadine, was born February 20, 1919, four months after her father's death. Mrs. 
Ullman brought her family to Florence and has since lived there. 

Amelia Ullman purchased the Horner building in 1919. At that time it was arranged 
for a restaurant on the first floor and office rooms on the second. She and her father re- 
modeled it into a hotel and operated it under the name of the Horner Hotel until 1927. 
Henry Reverend, Mrs. Ullman's brother, ran it for several years after this date. 

After leaving the hotel, Mrs. Ullman established a music studio in which she taught very 
successfully for a number of years. An accomplished musician, she contributed much to the 
cultural development of Florence. 


Soyez, and her mother, Mary Constance Rosiere, was the daughter 
of Felix Rosiere who came to Kansas from Belgium about 1880. 

The Ernest Lalouette home is a treasure store of relics of pioneer 
days. Among the interesting articles is a hand-carved rosary 
brought to America by the Rosiere family and prayer books formerly 
used by both her father's and mother's people. Mrs. Lalouette 
also has costumes and jewelry once worn by the women of her 
family and those of Mr. Lalouette's family. One of the dresses dates 
back to 1860. It belonged to Mrs. Frances Soyez, her grandmother. 
Simply made, the dress is of black material. The most interesting 
part of it is the pocket. It is set inside the skirt and is over 12 
inches in depth. This pocket would hold the baby's bottle, a change 
of clothes for him, and anything else the pioneer mother might 
need when she went visiting for the day. 

Mrs. Lalouette also has the wedding outfit made and worn by 
her husband's aunt, Berthe Marchal, when she was married to 
Charles Rassat on January 9, 1887. 

Berthe Marchal, the sister of Mrs. August and Mrs. Joseph La- 
louette, came to Florence in 1886. She came directly from Paris 
where she had been working for several years in various millinery 
and dressmaking establishments. Her father, Nicholas Louis Mar- 
chal, and his wife came about this time to make a home near their 

Berthe decided to locate in Florence and bought out the millinery 
stock of a Mrs. Bar dwell. She was a dressmaker of unusual skill. 
The wedding outfit spoken of before included a two-piece dress of 
sheer black wool material. The color is as true today as it must have 
been when the dress was made although black very often turns 
rusty or green as it ages. The boa which reaches to the hem of the 
dress was made of black net with yards and yards of narrow satin 
ribbon sewed on it. On the collar of the boa the ribbon was ar- 
ranged in such a way that it very closely resembles Persian lamb fur. 
It must have taken many hours of work. Berthe Marchal made a 
trip or two to New York to buy stock in the short time she remained 
in Florence so her shop must have been successful. In November, 
1887, she announced her intention of closing out the business, and 
early in 1888 she and her husband, Charles Rassat, moved to Trini- 
dad, Colo. After she went to Colorado Mrs. Rassat was the dress- 
maker in the Bee-Hive, a dry goods store owned by Henry Klein. 
Later, after Mr. Rassat's death, she married Mr. Klein and they 





operated the store successfully for a great many years. Berthe Klein 
died April 1, 1943, at the age of 76 years. 

Mrs. Klein was an artist of considerable talent. During her 50 
years as a business woman she found time to paint a number of pic- 
tures. Mrs. Ernest Lalouette has several of these paintings in her 

Joseph Lalouette and his wife, Marie Marchal, had four children, 
Bertha, married Paul Fagard; Jane, married John Johnson; Helen 
died unmarried at the age of 22 years, and Marius. Marius married 
Edna Cochran, a niece of Mrs. Alphonse Bichet. He lives at Hart- 
ford, Kan., at the present time. Joseph Lalouette died in 1896. His 
widow lived at the home of her son-in-law, Paul Fagard, for many 
years. After her daughter's untimely death in 1909, Mrs. Lalouette 
took over the care of her granddaughter, Mignon Fagard. She died 
in Emporia in 1922. 

A third Lalouette brother, Christome, came to this country about 

1900. He, too, had gone to Paris at an early age and lived there for 
many years. He served with the French army in the Franco-Prussian 
war and was decorated for valor during the campaign. After he 
came to Florence he lived with relatives until his death in September, 

Three Rosiere brothers, Felix, August and Henry, came from the 
town of Rosiere, Belgium, between 1876 and 1879 and settled on 
farms north and east of Florence. Henry stayed for only a few years 
and then moved to Oklahoma where some of his family are still 

Felix Rosiere was the oldest of the three brothers. He was mar- 
ried about 1860 to Frances Delforge of Luxemburg, Belgium. They 
had quite a large family when they came to Kansas and one or two 
children were born in this country. Felix Rosiere died February 10, 

1901, and his wife on August 25, 1914. Two of his children are still 
living, Felix, of Chula Vista, Gal, and August, of Denver, Colo. 
Many of the descendants of this couple live near Florence and 

August Rosiere was much younger than his brother. His wife was 
Marie Leotine Degaif, daughter of Hubert and Catherine Degaif 
who lived in the French colony. The parents were quite elderly 
when they came to Kansas and they died many years ago. Mrs. 
August Rosiere died about 1909 and her husband died in October, 
1920. They had five children who were living at the time of the 



father's death. They were Elvirie, Leopold, Eugene, Joseph and 

The Herzets were about the last of the Belgians to settle perma- 
nently in the colony. The family, arriving in Florence June 14, 1886, 
consisted of Mrs. Theresa Herzet and her four children, Robert and 
Charlotte Thomas and Joseph and August Herzet. 

Theresa Counet Herzet was born April 5, 1843, at Liege, Belgium. 
She was graduated from a normal high school and taught school for 
three years before her marriage to Charles Thomas in 1864. They 
lived at Aywaille, Belgium, where her husband died five years later. 
In 1871 she was married to Peter Herzet. When he died in 1883, 
he left a profitable mercantile business. Mrs. Herzet did not feel 
that she could carry on the business because of the prejudice against 
women in industry and the unstable economic conditions in Belgium. 
A relative, Mr. Stillmant, a photographer in Florence, had written 
glowing accounts of prosperity in Kansas so she decided to sell out 
and bring her family to the state. When they arrived in Florence, 
they found that Mr. Stillmant was not so well-off as his letters had 
indicated. The first evening after their arrival he had to borrow 
money from Mrs. Herzet to buy groceries for supper. They were 
soon settled in a house by themselves, however, and two of the 
boys found employment at the stone quarry. In 1887, the Herzets 
moved to Trinidad, Colo., where the boys could work in the mines. 
After a year they came back to Florence and settled on a farm east 
of town. Mrs. Herzet died January 14, 1929, at the age of 85 years. 

Robert Thomas, the eldest son, was born near Liege, Belgium, on 
March 4, 1867. One of his first jobs after he came to Kansas was to 
help in the construction of the Horner Hotel at Florence. Within 
a few months he began to prove up on a homestead south of Cedar 
Point. On June 14, 1893, he was married to Matilda Legere, the 
daughter of Elisie Legere, an early-day Belgian farmer of the valley. 
Robert Thomas died May 10, 1947. Mrs. Thomas lived near Cedar 
Point until her death on March 19, 1951. She was one of the early 
"Harvey girls." She worked at the Clifton Hotel, owned and oper- 
ated by Fred Harvey as a railroad eating house in Florence in 1880, 
and later worked at the Harvey House at Newton. 

Charlotte Thomas was born March 31, 1865. A short time after 
she came to Kansas she was married to Julian Lespegnard, a young 
Belgian whom she had known in the old country. With the excep- 
tion of a year at Trinidad, Colo., the Lespegnards lived near Cedar 
Point the remainder of their lives. Julian Lespegnard died August 


15, 1922, and his wife on January 6, 1939. They had several children 
who live near Cedar Point. 

Joseph Herzet left Kansas many years ago and settled in Okla- 
homa. He died in December, 1928, just a few weeks before his 
mother's death. 

August Herzet was born at Aywaille, Belgium, March 7, 1874. He 
was only 12 years of age when the family came to Kansas. Mr. 
Herzet recalls that he was very lonesome after they came. One day 
shortly after he arrived in Florence he overheard Count de Pingre 
talking in French to Mr. Ginette. To the lonely, homesick boy, the 
sound of his native tongue sounded very comforting. He edged 
closer and closer to them so that he would not miss a word. Finally 
the count noticed him and remarked that he didn't see why the boy 
had to act so curious when he probably couldn't understand a word 
they were saying. Mr. Ginette explained who he was and that 
French was the only language the lad could speak. The count spoke 
kindly to August and never missed an opportunity to be friendly 
with him after that. 

The Herzets live on their farm north and east of Florence. Mrs. 
Herzet, before her marriage on January 27, 1898, was Elvirie Rosiere, 
the daughter of August Rosiere. 


One could not, in the scope of this story, include all the French 
and Belgian people who lived in the valley between 1858 and 1890. 
Many names appear in the census, in the records of land transfers, 
in applications for citizenship, or in the columns of the local news- 
papers but little else is known about them. 

The Plumbergs, who came from Leavenworth to work as stone- 
masons on the Chase county courthouse, were of French origin. 
Julius Remy, a Frenchman, ran a barber shop in Cottonwood Falls 
in the early days, L. E. Duman was a jeweler there and Joseph 
Bibert a shoemaker. Joseph Beaudreau was a gunsmith at Cotton- 
wood Falls as early as 1874, but in 1878 he was living on a farm 
in Doyle township, Marion county. 

Among those who applied for citizenship in Chase county we 
find the names of Theodore Dubs, French, 1872; Gaspard Perret, 
French, 1873; C. M. G. Briart, Belgian, 1874; Amiel Pechin, French, 
1875; Louis Maillet, French, 1875; Louis Chaban, French, 1877; 
Albert Prosper, French, 1884, and Charles Paquat, French, 1885. 
So far as can be determined none of this group stayed long enough 
to get their final papers. 


Nothing further is known of M. Muriet who was chosen president 
of the first French society in 1875. Eugene Pettier and his wife, 
Mary, lived in Cottonwood township in 1885. His son, C. Pettier, 
married a daughter of Elisie Legere, and another son, Julius, married 
Lizzie Rosiere, daughter of Henry Rosiere. Julius lived in the 
neighborhood for a number of years, proably until he moved to 
Emporia in 1909. 

Pierre Noel, a young Frenchman, applied for citizenship at Marion 
Centre in 1877. He never married, living in or near Florence until 
1887 when he was drowned in the Cottonwood river. He must have 
been a person of some importance because the French consul from 
St. Louis came out to Florence after his death to take charge of his 
affairs. Ernest Rose owned land in the valley in the 1880's and was 
associated in several business deals with Messrs. Gaze and Firrnin. 

There were two Relgian families living in Cottonwood town- 
ship in 1880 who apparently stayed only a short time. One of 
them was J. A. Rroner, his wife, Anna, and their five children. All 
of them were born in Relgium except the youngest child, aged 
four years. The wife of their eldest son, Felix, was living with them 
and she was also a native of Relgium. The other family was that 
of John Francis and his wife, Rudlet. According to the 1880 census, 
their two oldest children were born in Relgium, three were born in 
Michigan and the youngest, a baby of seven months, was born in 
Kansas. Ry 1885, the two families had moved from the township 
and no one now remembers anything about them. 

The Quiblers were closely allied with the French colony for sev- 
eral years. Henry Quibler was a native of Switzerland but his wife, 
Salena, was French. They lived east of Florence on a farm but 
moved to California many years ago. 

The LaCoss family, of French origin, was not first generation 
French. Joseph La Coss was born at South Rend, Ind., on November 
4, 1851, the son of Charles La Coss. In 1869, he was married to 
Josephine Reaudeau, a native of St. Rock, Canada, of French parent- 
age. They came to Kansas ten years later and settled on a farm east 
of Florence. In 1890, they moved into town. Charles La Coss and 
two other sons also came to Kansas and lived near Florence at a 
much later date. 

Mrs. Josephine La Coss died October 3, 1913, and her husband 
on February 17, 1920. They had four children, Victor, Rert, Louise 
who married John Louis, and Mayme who married Stearns Rloom. 


Mayme still lives in Florence where her husband was in business 
for a great many years. 

Of the few French families who came out at the time Emile 
Firmin was Kansas immigration agent only the Clavels remained 
permanently. Celestine Clavel and his son came directly from 
the department of Luzerene in June, 1890. In a short time they had 
saved enough money to send for the rest of the family. They lived 
on a farm in Doyle township for many years. The family was large 
but all of the children left Marion county after they grew up. 
Several of the boys are railroad men and live in the West. Celestine 
Clavel died June 14, 1926, and Mrs. Clavel died in Topeka, March 
9, 1935. 

The Reverdys lived on H. J. Reverend's farm for a few years, then 
moved away. Charles Thuillot came from Paris in August, 1889, 
and lived on a farm north and east of Florence. In the same month 
A. Dunas, of Mans, France, but more recently from London, Eng- 
land, arrived in Florence. He was described as a gentleman of 
thorough education and varied experience. He planned, if he was 
pleased with the country, to locate there and expected that some of 
his relatives would come also. The Bulletin extended him a cordial 
welcome and predicted that he would become Americanized soon 
because he already knew the English language. In October his 
sister joined him and they lived on the farm he had recently pur- 
chased near the city. Their father and mother were expected to 
follow them to this country in a short time, but, if they came, it was 
not reported in the paper and nothing more is known of them. 

Thebault Antoine came to live in Doyle township in 1889 or 1890. 
It is not known where he had been living just previously but some 
20 years before coming to Kansas the family lived in Mexico. In 
April, 1890, their 21-year-old son died of consumption and Mrs. 
Antoine died on March 8, 1892. A second son, Ernest, married 
Josephine Soyez, the daughter of Francis Soyez. 


It seems very likely that the French settlement celebrated Bastille 
day from the beginning although we have no records earlier than 
1875. Even after this date the affairs were not always reported in 
the papers. In addition to the celebration on July 14, it was cus- 
tomary for the members of the French colony to have another 
reunion in the fall, usually about September 15. 

In 1875, the French citizens of the Cottonwood valley celebrated 


the fall of the Bastille at Florence. M. Ginette, lately from Paris, 
was the principal speaker of the day. He proposed that they form 
a society, the object of which was to help one another continuously. 
The society was accordingly organized with the following officers: 
M. Muriet, president; M. Ginette, secretary; C. F. Laloge, treas- 
urer; Messrs. Sticker, Puhellier and Philibert, executive committee. 
It seems characteristic that even at this early date at least one of 
the officers, M. Philibert, was Belgian, not French. So far as can 
be determined the Belgians and the few Swiss settlers of the valley 
always considered themselves a part of the French colony and 
always participated in their activities. 

We have no further record of the celebrations until 1883 when the 
big affair was held at Reading, northeast of Emporia. Many of the 
French people from Florence, including the cornet band, attended. 
Over five hundred were present. In the evening those of the French 
citizens who did not go to Reading gathered at the home of Mr. 
Ginette. The house was adorned with the French flag, and the 
"Marseillaise" and other French songs were sung. 

The celebration in 1884 was held at Barker's grove north of town. 
It was quite an elaborate affair. The park was beautifully decorated 
with American flags and the French tri-colors. A platform was 
erected near the center of the park with room for the speakers and 
the band. A large arch spanned the front of the stand with the fol- 
lowing inscription written on a large banner: "U. S. France R. 
F. Etats Unis." 

The program commenced with the "Marseillaise" played by the 
Florence cornet band, followed by "Hail Columbia." During the 
rendition of these numbers the French tri-colors and the Stars and 
Stripes were prominently displayed by Alphonse Bichet. 

Emile Firmin was the speaker of the day. At the conclusion of 
his remarks, Mr. Stillmant, the photographer, took a number of 
pictures. At noon refreshments were served and after that a pro- 
gram of music was given. The program was under the direction of 
Mr. Ginette. The band played instrumental music and there were 
vocal pieces in both French and English. Victoria Bataille, of 
Marion, with her "cultivated voice and clear enunciation," won 
favor with the audience. Petrus Guillion and Louis Guyot sang, 
the former was encored again and again for his presentation of 
French comic songs. 

At four o'clock the platform was cleared and dancing commenced. 
The dancing continued until twilight at which time the French 


chorus formed with flags in hand and marched from the park sing- 
ing the "Marseillaise" and "The Red, White, and Blue." After dark 
a "grand pyrotechnic display" was given from the eminence east of 
the Cottonwood. It was witnessed by practically all of the citizens 
of the town. 

This concluded the festivities of July 14 but it did not conclude 
the celebration. A grand concert was given in the Florence Opera 
House the next evening. The French musicians of Florence were 
assisted by talent from Emporia, Reading, Osage City and Marion. 
Mrs. Ginette presided at the piano. The French chorus sang. There 
were solos by Miss Bougere of Osage City, Miss Debauge of Read- 
ing and Victoria Bataille of Marion. Messrs. Guillion and Guyot 
again sang duets. 

During the next few years the celebrations did not receive much 
notice from the press. The centennial anniversary of the fall of the 
Bastille in 1889 called for a special celebration. The several com- 
mittees of the newly organized "Union Francaise" planned an elab- 
orate affair. It was attended by the entire French and Belgian 
population of Marion and Chase counties and guests from all over 
the state as well as some from Missouri. On the evening of the 
13th at least 200 people gathered in the opera house, "where a 
banquet, such as only our French friends can prepare, was par- 
taken of." After the dinner the president welcomed the guests and 
made a short speech, then the auditorium was made ready for the 
concert which was to follow. A very select program was given. 
It consisted of: 


No. 1. Grand Medley of popular and patriotic French airs, arranged by Chas. 

Leonard, by complete orchestra. 
No. 2. Romance from Giralda (Adam) accompanied by Mrs. Ginette, pianist, 

Mr. Louis Guyot. 
No. 3. Aria from Domino Noir (Auber) piano accompaniment, by Prof. 

Ginette, Mrs. De Pingre. 

No. 4. Grand Fantasia for Piano, from Haydee (Auber), Mrs. Ginette. 
No. 5. Salut a la France, patriotic air, Mrs. [?] Bataille and Louis Guyot. 
No. 6. Air from Noces de Jeannette (Masse), E. Ginette, Sr. 


No. 1. Gloria from Mozart's 12th Mass, Orchestra: Chas. Leonard, A. A. 

Beebe, J. H. Lovatt, M. Ginette. 

No. 2. Aria from Les Dragons de Villars (Maillan) Miss Victoria Bataille. 
No. 3. Selection from II Trovatore ( Verdi ) Louis Guyot. 
No. 4. Grand Quatuor, arranged by Leonard: Orchestra Quartette. 
No. 5. Duet from Les Noces de Jeannette: Mrs. De Pingre and Mr. Ginette. 


No. 6. Grand Concert Waltz for piano (Hertz) Mrs. Ginette. 
No. 7. Duet from Le Mascotte, Miss Bataille and E. Ginette, Jr. 
No. 8. Grand Finale Marseillaise, by complete orchestra. 

After the concert, the chairs were removed and all joined in danc- 
ing until the close of the evening. On the afternoon of the 14th, a 
grand picnic was held in Bichet's grove. At the business meeting 
Mr. Bernard was chosen president; Frank Laloge, treasurer, and 
Alphonse Bichet, secretary of the French society for the ensuing 

In 1890, the French society put forth special effort to make the 
annual reunion on Bastille day a success. The program for the day 
was announced in advance in the Bulletin for July 11 as follows: 
English French 

1. Recreation 1. Divertissement 

2. Dinner 2. Diner pique-nique 

3. Speaking 3. Discours 

4. Various amusements 4. Jeux divers 

5. Games 5. Tombola 

6. Grand ball 6. Bal a Grand Orchestre 

The Bulletin commented, "A people in distant lands, who remem- 
ber with annual celebrations the achievements of liberty in their 
native country, can never prove unworthy of the land of their adop- 

On the day of the picnic the exercises began with the address of 
welcome by Francis Bernard. He concluded his remarks with this 
comment, "The young Republic is already established in France, 
like it is in the United States. Let me join the two countries our 
two fatherlands in one sentiment of love and recognition. Long 
live France and long live the Union/' 

Mr. Lang, the French consul in Kansas City, favored the society 
with an excellent speech in which he said: 

The colony of Marion and Chase is the elite of the French in Kansas. It 
numbers among its members the generous philanthropist, Mr. Bernard, the 
erudite philosopher, Mr. Firmin, men of mind and heart like Mr. Gaze, the 
fearless pioneer like Messrs. Laloge and Bichet, the artistic and versatile like 
Mr. Ginette, the representative of our military in the person of Mr. de Pingre, 
the best specimens of laborers in the honorable and industrious farmers of 
French origin, and chief among them all the charming group of graceful woman- 
hood who are known throughout this valley for their pleasing hospitality. I am 
happy indeed to be with you, and in the name of the country I have the honor 
to represent, permit me to congratulate you upon the flavor you have given to 
the French name, and for your achievements in winning the esteem and admira- 
tion of representative Americans. 


We do not know how much longer the Bastille day celebrations 
were held regularly. The last time the paper mentioned one of them 
was in 1892. In that year the Bulletin reported that "Many of our 
townspeople participated in the festivities which were held in 
Bichet's grove east of town." This explains, in part, why the celebra- 
tions were discontinued. Bastille day lost its meaning when so many 
people attended who did not understand nor appreciate the reason 
for its celebration. Then, as a former member of the colony ex- 
plained, some of the young men of the county took advantage of the 
hospitality of the French and Belgian people by attending and 
turning the celebrations into exhibitions of rowdyism. 


The French people love music and those who settled in the Cot- 
tonwood valley contributed much to the cultural life of the commun- 
ity. There were many talented musicians whom we have already 
mentioned: the Ginettes, Madame de Pingre, Victoria Bataille and 
others. Another family who lived there only a short time is worthy 
of mention. 

Caesar Moutonnier, his wife and three children, Laura, Mary and 
Paul, were all graduates of the Paris Conservatory of Music. Early 
in 1875 they were living on a farm near Cedar Point. The Catholic 
church at Cottonwood Falls planned a festival for May 27 and asked 
the Moutonnier family to give a concert in the evening. M. Ferlet, 
of the Union Hotel, was asked to prepare a real French dinner in 
honor of the occasion. The affair was attended by practically all of 
the residents of the French colony as well as many French people 
from other parts of the state. The concert was enjoyed by a large 
and appreciative audience. In July, the Moutonnier family moved 
to Emporia where they expected to teach music and French. Later 
that year they went Lawrence to live. M. Moutonnier held a profes- 
sorship in the conservatory of music. We have no further record 
of this talented family but it would be interesting to know what 
became of them. 

Many of the French had excellent voices and they enjoyed singing. 
To those who are old enough to remember the reunions in the Bichet 
grove, the mighty oaks still seem to reverberate with the stirring 
"Marseillaise" and the other French songs they so loved to sing. 
Apart from these special occasions, it was customary for the families 
to meet in the evenings and spend the hours talking and singing. 
Love of companionship, of good music and dancing, more than any 
other characteristic, set these people apart from their American 


neighbors who had little time for recreation. Life on the frontier 
was serious and rugged but these French pioneers were seldom too 
tired after a hard day's work to enjoy a few hours of leisure with their 

French weddings were special occasions. The ceremony itself 
was usually held at the county seat, either at Marion or Cottonwood 
Falls, or at the Catholic church at Florence. After the service a cele- 
bration was held at the bride's home. The festivities often lasted 
three days. All the French and Belgian people for miles around at- 
tended at least part of the time. If the house had two stories the 
lower floor was used for visiting and dancing. A room or two on 
the second story was cleared and big tables put up there for food. 
There seemed to be a never ending supply of good things to eat. 

One wedding in the colony was a bit unusual and caused a great 
deal of merriment. The wedding was to be held in the home of the 
bride's parents. On the afternoon chosen the guests arrived and 
the bridegroom put in his appearance just a short time before the 
hour set for the ceremony. He was dressed in his best but his best 
was none too good. He had laundered his own shirt and had done 
a very poor job of it. When the bride saw him she ordered him to 
take off his shirt. Then while the guests and the bridegroom waited 
the bride washed and ironed the shirt. As soon as she had it done 
up to her own satisfaction the groom put it on and the ceremony 


The people of the valley were famed for their hospitality and the 
women were noted for the wonderful food they set before their 
guests. They all had favorite recipes brought from the old country 
and there is no doubt that the food they prepared differed consider- 
ably from that of their American neighbors. They were handicapped 
by a lack of variety in the foods available on the frontier and inability 
to buy condiments easily obtainable in France. 

The following recipes were among those used by the French and 
Belgian housewives: 

La Pomme de Terre avec la Viande. 

Cut fat meat into inch squares and brown in deep iron kettle. Add flour 
and water to make gravy. Salt to taste. Pare potatoes and cut into inch cubes 
and add to gravy. Add one large onion, cut fine. Cook slowly on the back 
of the stove, stirring frequently. 


Dress and cut rabbit into pieces. Salt and pepper to taste. Cover with 
water. Add two tablespoons of vinegar and let stand over night. Wipe 


pieces of rabbit and brown in hot lard in skillet. When rabbit is brown re- 
move from skillet and add flour and water to make gravy. Add browned 
rabbit to gravy and cook slowly until tender. 

Chicken with Sour Cream. 

Cut up young chicken. Have skillet hot with plenty of butter. Place 
chicken in fat and fry slowly until brown (Do not flour the chicken). When 
tender, and just a few minutes before serving, pour a cup of good sour cream 
over the chicken. This will thicken up in a good rich sauce. Serve immedi- 
ately. Sweet cream will thin out and get watery. Be sure the cream is sour. 

Pig's Feet in Brown Gravy. 

Make a gravy in a heavy skillet by browning flour in several spoonsful 
of meat fryings. When brown add cold water, stirring slowly to make a 
smooth gravy. Add salt to taste. Put the scraped and split pig's feet in a 
deep kettle and pour the gravy over them. Cook slowly over a low fire for 
several hours, until the meat is tender and dropping from the bones. Add a 
little hot water as the gravy gets too thick. Stir often as it sticks easily. 

Turnip Kraut. 

This is made about the same way as cabbage kraut but has a different 
flavor and is much better if the turnips are tender and juicy. Pare the 
turnips and shred in narrow strips. Pack tightly into jars and add salt to 
each layer (about a heaping teaspoon to each quart). Cover with cloth and 
weighted lid. Set in cool place and let ripen. When ready to eat the kraut 
may be boiled or drained and fried. 

Fried Noodles. 

To make the noodle dough break an egg into a bowl of flour. Add pinch 
of salt and half an egg shell of water. Form into a ball and roll very thin 
on a floured bread board. Dry this thin sheet of dough for several hours 
(Grandmother used to hang it over the back of a chair). When dry but 
not brittle roll like a jelly roll and cut crossways about % inches wide. Shake 
apart and drop in boiling water. When tender, place in collander and drain. 
Fry in skillet, stirring often like fried potatoes. 42 

Prepared yeast was not available in the early days so it had to 
be made at home from wild hops, corn meal and water. It was 
made into cakes and dried, then used when needed. Sometimes 
the bread was not ready to bake by noon. In this event they would 
take part of the dough and roll it out about an inch thick. It was 
then cut into strips an inch wide and six or seven inches in length 
and fried in deep fat. The bread sticks were sprinkled with sugar 
and eaten while hot. 

About the only salads they had in pioneer days were lettuce and 
other greens grown in the garden. Usually the lettuce was wilted. 
It was cut into pieces, a few green tops of onions, sugar and seasoning 

42. The recipes given were used by the women of the Rosiere, Soyez and Bichet fam- 
ilies. They were furnished through the courtesy of Mrs. Ernest Lalouette and Mrs. Fred A. 
Bichet of Florence. 


added. Bacon grease and vinegar were poured over it and a tight 
lid put on for a few minutes. Wilted lettuce was a standard dish 
for spring whether in an American or French home. 

Potatoes and wild game, of necessity, had a prominent place in 
the menu. The French were very fond of pork. It formed the basis 
for the innumerable soups they made and was used in many other 
ways. Blood sausage was a favorite. When butchering time came 
they made quantities of it. Mrs. Toomey, the French milliner of 
Marion, was especially fond of blood sausage and each fall when 
the Bichets butchered she always made it a point to be on hand to 
get her share. 

The French, in particular, liked their wine. Each farmer had his 
vineyard and some of them were masters in the art of grape culture. 
When the grapes were ripe, they were picked and washed and 
turned into the large stone vat provided for that purpose. The 
juice was pressed out and bottled or put in a barrel. It was cus- 
tomary to add a bit of water and press the juice out a second time. 
This wine, which was not as good as the first run, was given to 
the hired help or used when company was not present. The count, 
according to tradition, never drank plain water. If he couldn't have 
wine he insisted on adding vinegar to the water to kill the germs. 
Coming from a country where drinking water was traditionally im- 
pure and wine was used freely, it was not remarkable for him to 
feel about it as he did. 


The settlers in the colony were predominantly Catholic but there 
was no church close enough for them to attend until several years 
after the Civil War. 

It was not until 1866 or 1867 that a priest visited the Cottonwood 
valley. At that time Father Louis Dumortier, located at St. Mary's 
Mission on the Kansas river, extended his missionary district as far 
south as Council Grove, Diamond Springs and Bazaar. He estab- 
lished a station for the French people on the Cottonwood. Father 
Dumortier tried to cover a very large territory. He had stations 
north and east of St. Mary's, up the Republican valley, the Smoky 
Hill valley as far as Salina, as well as those settlements south through 
Dickinson, Morris and Chase counties. He could not visit each 
station more than once every five or six weeks because of the long 
distances and difficulties of travel. In the summer of 1867, cholera 
broke out among the soldiers at Fort Harker and Father Dumortier 
went there to aid in caring for the ill. He contracted the disease 
and died on July 25. 


The next year Father Paul Mary Ponziglione, working from Osage 
Mission in Neosho county, extended his missionary "parish" beyond 
the settlements on the Verdigris and Neosho valleys and visited 
Father Dumortier's newly established stations on the Cottonwood. 
In his "Western Mission Journal" he wrote that on August 17, 1868, 
he "went to visit a French settlement on Cedar creek and stopped 
at Mr. Bernard's." 43 On August 18, he made this entry, "From Mr. 
Bernard's house this morning the Father went in company of Mr. 
Bernard himself to visit another French family." They found the 
father of the family "a confirmed infidel, who acknowledged that he 
used to be a Catholic, but now claims to have no religion of any 
kind. Unlike to a Frenchman he received the Father with . . . 
contempt so that Mr. Bernard felt very much ashamed for having 
brought the Father to such a house." Father Ponziglione would 
have been very gratified to know that this same Frenchman who 
claimed to have no religion, worked very hard to organize a Catholic 
church in Cedar Point a few years later. 

Father Philip Colleton, also from Osage Mission, visited the 
Catholic settlements in that section in 1869. He reported a "station 
put up in favor of the French settlers at Mr. Bernard's house." 

There was no Catholic church in Chase county until 1871. It was 
made possible through the generosity of Judge Samuel N. Wood 
who, although not a Catholic himself, offered Father Ponziglione 
some land and a donation of money for the erection of a church at 
Cottonwood Falls. The church was built and dedicated to St. 
Francis Borgia on March 26, 1871. 44 There were few, if any, 
Catholics at Cottonwood Falls but it was planned that this church 
would serve the Catholic families at Union, Cedar Point and Bazaar. 
In February, 1873, a meeting was held at the school house in Cedar 
Point "to provide means for the steady erection of a church building, 
and to secure the services of a fit person ( conversant with both the 
French and English languages ) to officiate therein, on every Sunday, 
according to the rites of the Roman Catholic religion." 

On March 1 another meeting was held for the purpose of formally 
organizing a Catholic church. A charter was adopted, signed and 
ordered to be filed with the secretary of state in Topeka. The incor- 
poration was under the name of the Cedar Point Catholic Church. 

43. The notebooks containing Father Ponziglione's "Western Mission Journal" are in 
the archives of the Missouri province of the Society of Jesus, St. Louis University. Excerpts 
from the "Journal" were copied through the courtesy of Father Robert Kraus of St. Louis 

44. The church of St. Francis Borgia was in existence only a few years. Later, in 1881, 
St. Anthony's church was built at Strong City, a mile north of Cottonwood. It is doubtful 
whether any of the French colony attended either of these churches regularly because of the 
distance from their homes, although the baptismal records show that some brought their 
children there for baptism. 


Francis Bernard, Francis Laloge and Stephen Marcou were chosen 
trustees for the first year. Apparently the church was never built. 

During the next years, church services were held in the homes of 
the settlers by visiting priests. The church was moving west quite 
rapidly and the location of the priest administering to the French 
people at Cedar Point, changed from time to time. Father Joseph 
Perrier became resident priest at Emporia in 1874 and he was ex- 
pected to take charge of a mission district extending from Carbon- 
dale to Cedar Point on the Santa Fe railroad and from Council Grove 
to Hartford on the Missouri, Kansas and Texas railway. Father Per- 
rier 45 had an assistant, but with such a large territory to cover, it 
was not possible to reach each settlement very frequently. 

A small stone church was built in Florence in 1878. By this time 
there was a large Irish settlement west of town so the church was 
built as much for them as for the French and Belgians. They did 
not have a resident priest until 1882. 

Practically all the Belgian settlers and a large number of the 
French became communicants of St. Patrick's parish at Florence. 
Occasionally the newspapers announced that services would be 
conducted in French. Ernest Ginette was, for many years, the 
music director at this church. A new and larger building was 
erected in 1883 and the present church was dedicated on December 
11, 1923. Many of the descendants of the French and Belgian 
pioneers are members of this parish at the present time. 

45. Father Joseph Perrier was born March 23, 1839, at Savoy, France, and was ordained 
May 30, 1863, at Chambery. He came to Kansas as a missionary priest in June, 1866, 
starting his work from Lawrence. After serving the church at Emporia where he went in 
1874, he was transferred to Concordia in 1880. He was the first resident priest of this 
parish and through his efforts the cause of the Catholic church in this region was advanced 
materially. Father Joseph was made Monsignor at St. Joseph's church, Concordia, June 24, 
1911. He died December 31, 1917. Sister M. Joseph Perrier, for many years mistress of 
novices of the Sisters of St. Joseph in Concordia, was a cousin of Father Perrier as was Jean 
Perrier of Emporia. Mrs. Rossillion, the mother of Joseph and Francis Rossillion, was a rela- 
tive of Father Perrier. 

Along the Line of the Kansas Pacific Railway 
in Western Kansas in 1870 


E following appraisal of the towns and stations on the Kansas 
A Pacific (now the Union Pacific) railway between Salina and 
Pond City (near the west line of the state), early in 1870, is taken 
from A Business Directory . . . Entitled St. Louis to Denver, 
for 1870 . . ., published by N. W. Josselyn & Co. of St. Louis 
(presumably in 1870), pp. 376-388. The agent of the Directory's 
publisher who traveled over the Kansas Pacific's "Great Smoky Hill 
Route" and recorded his candid impressions, remains anonymous. 


SALINA, ... is one of the most flourishing and prosperous 
towns in Western Kansas. The town site . . . was selected 
and the first settlement made here in 1858 ... by a small 
party under the leadership of Col. Wm. A. Phillips. . . . 

During the war emigration westward was almost entirely sus- 
pended, and Salina did not grow much until after its close. In 
September, 1866, when the first saw mill successfully operated in 
the country began to turn out lumber for building purposes, there 
were scarcely more than a dozen buildings in the town, and those 
were mostly small. The town as it now stands has nearly all been 
built within the last three years. 

Until within the last few years Salina was little more than a 
way station on the Santa Fe and Overland freight and stage route, 
and its business consisted in supplying a few farmers in the valley, 
the ranchemen on the Plains, and in trading with the Indians, Mexi- 
cans and freighters. Now she has a large and rapidly increasing 
trade in the various branches of business, with industrious thrifty 
farmers in large numbers. . . . 

The market west is caused by the demand for the government 
posts along the line of the railroad, and for Sheridan, Hays City 
and Ellsworth, as after you get 30 miles west of Salina it is al- 
most an impossibility to find an acre of tilled land. In fact, Salina 
may very properly be considered as being on the boundary line 
of civilization, and one is surprised on coming there from the east 
to find so much quiet and order in a town so far west. . . . 



The K. P. R. W. runs through the town, and a movement is on 
foot to build a road from Salina south into Texas, and thus open 
an all rail outlet for the cattle trade. Another road is prospected, 
which will run diagonally across the lower portion of the state 
and through Salina. . . . 

Salina contains four hotels, a large number of business houses 
in the various branches of trade, a Presbyterian church, a Methodist 
church, and an elegant Baptist church, just completed. It is one of 
the best churches in Western Kansas, and is a perfect gem. Salina 
also contains a good public school building, which cost between 
$7,000 and $8,000, two grist mills, one saw mill, a newspaper, &c. 

BAVARIA, a flag station, 195 miles from [Kansas-Missouri] State 
line. . . . One stock ranche and a store are all the improve- 
ments to be seen as yet. 

BROOKFIELD. This will be a place of considerable importance, as 
the Kansas Pacific Railway Co. are building a fine round-house 
here, and contemplate building the principal machine shops of 
the road at this point. No other improvements at present. . . . 

ROCK SPRING: A flag station on the K. P. R. W., containing only 
a water tank and a section house. . . . 

FORT HARKER. This is a military post for the protection of the 
frontier against Indians. . . . 

ELLSWORTH ... is a promising young town located at the 
most Southern point of the K. P. R. W. four miles west of Fort 
Harker on the Smoky Hill river. . . . 

This place and Fort Harker are the points of reshipment of 
supplies for Fort Sill, Camp Supply, and the other points in the 
Indian territory and Forts Larned and Dodge, in the South-west. 

Ellsworth now commands a fine trade from an extensive range 
of country. . . . Extensive sales of land are being made to 
actual settlers of a class that will make their mark with permanent 
improvements. This is also a point of reshipment for Texas cattle 
and large numbers will be driven here this coming season as good 
grass and water are to be had in abundance. 

The town was laid out in lots in July 1867, and in August follow- 
ing the Railroad company commenced building their depot. Since 
that time notwithstanding the cholera scare and the Indian diffi- 
culties it has been steadily improving, and now has a population 
of over 500 souls. 

The climate is excellent and the atmosphere is pure, dry and 


exhiliarating, with no malarious diseases, incident to most new 
countries. Physicians find little employment. . . . Buffalo, 
Antelope and other game are found within a few miles of town. 

A vein of anthracite coal is being worked near the western bound- 
ary line of the county, and is delivered at the railroad for $8 per 
ton. . . . 

The National Land company . . . have an agency here 
designated as the "Ellsworth district" including all the Railroad 
lands in Ellsworth, Lincoln, Rice and Barton, under the charge of 
that indefatigable Western Kansas man Judge James Miller. . . . 

The only public buildings yet in course of construction are a 
church and school house which are evidences of an advancing 
civilization and a more healthy public sentiment. 

What the future of this town is to be can only be a matter of 
speculation, but judging from what has already been accomplished 
in so short a time we are inclined to the opinion that there will one 
day be a large and flourishing town, at this point, which was 
once known as a portion of the "Great American Desert." . . . 

Cow CREEK STATION. This is simply a wooding station and 
like all the stations from here to Sheridan except Hays City, 
the largest portion of it is its name. . . . From here to Sheridan, 
there is not a foot of ground under cultivation. . . . 

WILSONS STATION. A "wood and water" station, 239 miles from 
State Line. . . . Coal is found about 5 miles south of here 
and is being worked but it is not of a very good quality. . . . 

BUNKER HILL, "Wood and water" are all the train stops here for. 
Nothing to be seen for miles, except boundless prairies and coarse 
buffalo grass. . . . 

FOSSILL CREEK. Another "wood and water" station, with a 
corporals guard of soldiers on duty as at the other Stations along 
here to prevent any indian troubles. . . . 

WALKERS STATION. This is the first station east of Fort Hays 
and "wood and water" or water and wood for a change, is all 
that is wanted here. . . 

HAYS CITY ... is the county seat of Ellis County Kansas 
and is situated on Big Creek about half a mile from Fort Hays 
from which it derives its name. From here, or rather from the Fort 
a very large amount of Government supplies are sent south, as 
it is from Fort Hays, that Fort Dodge and Camp Supply receive 
there [!] supplies as well as a large quantity of Indian goods. Fort 



Hays is probably one of the most important Government posts on 
or near the Kansas Pacific Railway and is at present, Jan. 1, 1870 
under command of Col. Gibson. 

Hays City is in the heart of the buffalo and Indian country and 
but for its close proximity to the Fort would be completely isolated 
as it is the only town within a radius of nearly 75 miles. It was near 
here that the principal outrages were committed during the Indian 
troubles of 1868 and it was as much a man's life was worth to ven- 
ture half a mile from town. 

In former times it had a very bad reputation, as being the resort 
and abode of a large number of roughs and outlaws, but the law 
abiding citizens having taken matters into their own hands and 
hung a few of them, have so completely changed the order of 
things as to now make Hays City quiet and orderly in comparison 
to what it used to be. . . . 

ELLIS is 302 miles west of State line. . . . It is another 
"wood and water" station, with a few bluecoated fellows on guard. 

OGALLAH . . . is in the very center of the buffalo country, 
and besides the everlasting "wood and water," the train stops for 
dinner, and you are regaled with buffalo in all imaginable styles. 
Nevertheless it contains no houses, and is like all the stations along 
here. Distance from State Line 318. . . . 

PARK'S FORT. There is nothing here but "wood and water," and 
very little of that. 329 miles from State Line, 610 miles from St. 
Louis, and you know all about Park's Fort any one can tell you. 

COYOTE ... is another "city of the plains," and boasts of 
one house and a limited supply of "wood and water," with a few 
blue-coats to watch it. ... 

BUFFALO. A "wood and water" station, 351 miles from State 
Line. . . . 

GRINNELL. More mud forts, presided over, built and com- 
manded by the "boys in blue," here meet the traveler's gaze, as 
another stop is made for "wood and water," at a point 364 miles 
from State line. . . . 

CARLYLE. A mere stopping point for trains, with a side track 
and water tanks, 375 miles from State Line. . . . 

MONUMENT ... is 386 miles from State Line . . . and 
is another stopping point to replenish the fuel and fill the water 
tank. ; , ..,. . 

GOPHER ... is 7 miles east of Sheridan, and the last station 


on the road before you reach there. "Wood and water" again, 
and we are off. Distance from State Line 398 miles. . . . 

SHERIDAN . . . was settled during the summer of 1868, and 
until within the last few weeks of 1869 was the western terminus 
of the Kansas Pacific Railway. Now, however, the road is in opera- 
tion to Eagle Tail, Colorado, 25 miles west of Sheridan, and will 
soon be opened to Carson City, 83 miles west. For a long time 
doubts were entertained as to whether the road would be com- 
pleted any further, as the Government subsidy expired here; but 
the company have determined to push it forward to Denver, any 
how, and a large force of men are now at work on what is called 
the Denver Extension, and the road bed is graded about half-way, 
with a good prospect of the iron horse bounding into Denver 
before the close of the summer. 

Sheridan is the farthest west of any town in Kansas except a small 
place near Fort Wallace called Pond City, and is only 20 miles 
from the Colorado line. While it was the terminus of the road a large 
business was done, as it was from here that most of the teams started 
with freight for Denver and Santa Fe, and also the Overland Mail 
coaches for the same places; but as the road is moving on, the Mexi- 
can and Colorado trade will go with it, and it is thought by many 
that Carson City will be the next place to which the principal busi- 
ness houses of Sheridan will remove, and to which place this trade 
will go. 

The country around Sheridan is barren and totally unfit for culti- 
vation. What life and activity there has been here has resulted en- 
tirely from the railroad and the Mexican trade, and not from any 
demand for goods or even prospect of any from the surrounding 
country, over which the buffalo range and the Indians hold almost 
undisputed sway. Sheridan is 405 miles from State Line. . . . 

FORT WALLACE. A military post of considerable importance, 
419 miles from State Line. . . . It is situated about 2 miles 
from the K.P.R.W., and near the western boundary line of Kansas. 

POND CITY. This is a small place of perhaps 100 inhabitants, 
and is dependent entirely upon the soldiers of Fort Wallace for 
support, it is about two miles from the Fort. 

There are no business houses here, and the town is composed al- 
most entirely of saloons. It is the farthest west of any town in 
Kansas. Distance from State Line 421 miles. 

Bypaths of Kansas History 


James A. Troutman, who wrote the preface to Radges' 1905 Direc- 
tory of Topeka, had the following about Topeka's first lawyer: 

The first lawyer who "flung his shingle to the breeze," according to tradi- 
tion, displayed this unique sign: " , Attorney and Counselor 

at Law, Solicitor in Chancery, and Land Agent. Axe-Handles made to Order." 

There are some members of the bar here now, who might pursue a side line, 
such as making axe-handles, without destroying the efficiency or marring the 
harmony of our jurisprudence. 


From the Kansas National Democrat, Lecompton, January 19, 

WANTED. A WIFE, a domestic, loving one one who would not "cry her 
eyes out" should I chance to stay away ten minutes longer than I promised to 
return. I don't want a "Butterfly," but a real wife one with ordinary economy. 
I do not care for an authoress; neither do I wish for one who is too "soft," 
but one who has an ordinary amount of intelligence; one who can manage 
household affairs while I attend to business outside. I want one who is 
affectionate, and not too fond of scolding; but still I would wish her to have 
sufficient independence to stand up for what is right, nor yet a strong-minded 
woman. Riches I do not seek, but wish one with most of the attributes pertain- 
ing to a real woman. I do not ask for a perfect beauty, nor must she be a 

With such an one, I fancy I could live a happy life, and afford her a com- 
fortable competency, as well as a tolerable good husband, whose morals are 
pretty fair, and also a husband who would stay at home with his wife, and 
not indulge too freely in the "intoxicating bowl." 

Address communications, through the Post-office, Lecompton, to X. Y. Z. 


From The Weekly Kansas Chief, Troy, July 11, 1872. 

Troy has the champion brick-layer. The other day, B. F. Galloway, in one 
day, on Border's new building, laid nine thousand brick, wall measurement, 
or eight thousand kiln count. It was a favorable piece of wall to lay brick 
on; yet we do not believe it can be beaten by any other man, and let him 
pick his wall. 




From The Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, July 18, 1873. 

A DISASTROUS RUNAWAY. Yesterday morning a team of horses attached 
to a lumber wagon took their bits in their mouths and started to run away 
down Tenth avenue. The driver, jerking them up too suddenly, lost his hat. 
Grabbing after his hat he fell off of the seat and out of the wagon, alighting 
on a nomadic pig; the pig, dreadfully frightened, struck for the sidewalk, running 
between a book-peddler's legs, throwing him against and through the show 
window of a tailor shop. The crash startled the tailor so that he dropped the 
hot goose on his foot, broke a kerosene lamp with his elbow, fell down on 
an apprentice, who rammed a two-inch needle through his own thumb and 
into his master's spinal column, and upset the stove on a customer with his 
feet in agonized contortions. What other damage was done at the tailor 
shop we are not prepared to state, as in our eagerness to get hold of all the 
consequences we hastened after the runaway team, which by this time had 
dashed through Mr. Maxwell's fence, converting the boards into kindling- 
wood, and scattering the splinters to the four winds; the next depredation 
was committed upon the property of Mr. Clark, where an elaborate chicken- 
coop was entirely demolished, and the inmates as completely stripped of 
their feathers as if a tornado has just passed over that particular section. 
Passing on down the aristocratic thoroughfare the team encountered a lime 
cart and upset it with very little ceremony, burying the driver beneath the 
lime. About a block below there another catastrophe occurred. A sweet, 
laughing boy of fourteen summers, the idol of his mother's heart and frequently 
of her (slipper) sole's devotion, had tied a clothes line across the street, in 
order to have a joke on the teamsters who pass that way. While the boy was 
aloft in the cross-trees of a tree box, tying the last end of the rope, the 
runaway team heretofore alluded to careened down that way like a lost comet, 
and two hours after he woke up that boy had no more idea how he had got 
into that back yard on the other side of the street than he had of how he 
would manage to get into old John Robinson's circus. It is seldom indeed that 
a runaway is attended with so many touching incidents, and the reader must 
pardon us for making so much of this one. 


From the Wabaunsee County News, Alma, August 13, 1873. 

The A. T. & S. F. railroad is now plowing a forty-inch furrow one hundred 
arid twenty-five feet from the center of its track on each side, between Newton 
and Sargent [on the Kansas-Colorado border], and which will be burned out 
as a fire guard. The teams are now at work, going west at the rate of ten miles 
per day. 



From The Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, September 14, 

It is not necessary to name the place. Border-towns are all very much alike 
after the temporary railway-terminus has gone westward and they are left with 
only their natural resources, pervaded still by the ghost of ruffianism, possessed 
yet by a mania for rows, and a talent for wickedness. 

But there was a theatre there. The curtain rose every night at half-past 
seven, and displayed a stage about seven feet by nine, bordered by the most 
wonderful green cotton walls, perforated by the reddest and most gigantic of 
doors and windows, and altogether overrun by morning-glories as big as your 
hat. Sometimes they would shift a scene, and stupefy the audience with the 
display of a dizzy battlement as much as four feet high, or run out and prop 
up a tree which was phenomenal in the respect of being obviously perfectly 
flat, any one of whose half-dozen leaves might have been economically used as 
a blind-board for a town cow addicted to lifting gates. They had a cabin or 
two, the doors of which occupied an entire end of the tenement, and beside 
which the swelling proportions of a tragedian were truly gigantic. They had 
a strip of the briny deep as much as a foot and a half wide, which washed the 
back of the stage with the wildest of green-and-white waves, regardless of the 
state of the weather. There were "exits and entrances" too numerous to men- 
tion, and wherever any sort of drapery was required about which it is un- 
becoming in an audience to be too particular, it was there in the shape of red 

I was entirely unencumbered as to engagements, and said I would go. It 
was offered as an inducement by my frontier friend that it should not cost a 
cent. "If not," said he, "there'll be trouble with that doorkeeper." When we 
reached the principal entrance to the long, low house which did duty as the 
temple of the drama, my friend administered a rousing kick to the door. "Open 
this yar," he remarked; "I'm a goin' in, so's this feller," and accordingly, in we 

It was not intended for the amusement of a very large audience. One-half 
the available space was taken up by a bar and a big stove. There were some 
wooden benches and boxes to sit upon, and as the curtain had not risen, the 
crowd amused themselves by stealing each other's hats, putting quids of tobacco 
in each other's pockets, irrigating themselves at the bar and trying to kick over 
the stove. The playful and innocent badinage which went on the while; the 
delicate pleasantries would have made a Piute's hair curl. 

But presently, with many a hitch and wrinkle, the curtain rose. I don't 
remember the name of the play, but it depicted the evils and sorrows of a 
drunkard's life to an appreciative audience of drunkards. About the third act 
a "supe" came on with a huge armful of prairie hay and strewed the platform 
therewith, and thereupon the leading actor proceeded to illustrate the charac- 
teristic symptoms of mania a potu. He rolled and tumbled and frothed. It 
was the hardest work I have ever seen done on any stage. It was worse than 
the rail pen at an Indiana camp-meeting, where the hardest cases retire to 
fight it out with the devil. It was done before an audience entirely au fait in 
such matters, and they were critical, therefore, and very exacting. They 
cheered him sometimes when he was seized with an unusual fit of trembling, 


but finally, while he lay completely exhausted, having torn off both sleeves and 
ruptured his pantaloons, a young man in the audience shied half a squeezed 
lemon which he had taken from a tumbler, with such nicety that it took the 
exhausted tragedian squarely in the left eye. He got up and walked to the 
front of the stage, as sober a man as one could wish to see, but awfully mad. 
"If I knowed who throwed that," he remarked, "I'll be blanked * if I wouldn't 
come out there and lick him so blanked bad that snakes wouldn't be nowhar, 
and I'll do it yet; blank me if I can't clean out the whole audience." But after 
all, such is professional discipline, he went back and lay down in the broken 
hay and finished the part, while the imprudent young man was raked down 
from behind and passed, with many a cuff, over the heads of the audience to 
the door. 

Just then my chaperon sidled up to the stove and pretended to warm his 
hands. Then he came back and plucked me by the sleeve; 'let's git," he re- 
marked. We went out and stood across the street. We began to hear the 
beginning of a coughing epidemic, coupled with considerable profanity. The 
doors were flung open and the crowd rushed out, the principal tragedian at 
the head, the talented leader of the largest barking-chorus ever organized in 
the west. "They never do play the thing out," remarked my friend; "they 
allers gets to coughin' rec'n the air is too close." I noticed that he was very 
much concerned in enquiring what was the matter, and expressed himself very 
bitterly with regard to the sneaking trick of peppering the hot stove. 

That was the end of my first and last sitting in front of the foot-lights on the 
border. I passed the place an hour after, and the calico drop curtain was down, 
the benches and boxes were deserted, the temple of the drama again trans- 
formed into a "saloon," and the leading actor, leaning against the bar, was fast 
preparing himself for a delineation of the drunkard's woes not down in the bills. 


* This convenient and expressive word has an illustrious ancestry. I stole it from Mr. 
Brett Harte; he negotiated for it with Mr. Charles Reade, while the latter confesses to have 
got it from one Mr. Boyle. 


From the Netawaka Chief, March 12, 1874. 

We noticed a novel mode of traveling, this morning. A shanty built on 
wheels, with stove, windows, and all the equipments common to a Pullman's 
Palace Car. 

From the Lakin Eagle, May 20, 1879. 

DOES IT BLOW IN KANSAS? As a truth and no fabrication, Kansas is 
not a windy country. 

We have here during twelve months of the year an imperceptible circula- 
tion of air from the south, west, north and east, (varied to suit ones taste 
and inconvenience) that in other states as in Colorado, Illinois and Nebraska, 
might be called high wind, but here it is considered nothing but a gentle 
zephyr. In some states they have high winds but NEVER in Kansas. 


A two gallon funnel turned flaring end windward and gimblet end downward 
will collect enough of Kansas zephyrs in seven hours to drill a hole in solid 
sand rock one hundred and eight feet deep. We never dig wells in Kansas. 
Condensed air does the work most successfully. 

It is terrible windy just across the line in Colorado but it never or we might 
say seldom ever blows in Kansas. 

The men here are all pigeon-toed and bow-legged. This is caused from 
an unceasing effort to stick the toes into the earth and trying to keep a 
strong foothold on terra firma. The gentlemen carry a pound of shot in each 
breeches leg to keep them (the gentlemen) right side out. 

Why they are afraid of turning wrong side out we never knew, but the 
wind has nothing to do with it. We are often compelled to stay down town 
late of nights, and when we arrive home it generally strikes up a lively breeze, 
especially if our breath smells a little of cloves or coffee, yet strictly speaking 
Kansas is not a breezy country. 

The fish are very tough in this country because when they walk out to 
eat grass the wind blows all of their scales off and makes the meat hard and 

To see a young man out in the moon-light walking with his arm around his 
"dulcene del debos" or in a dark corner seated closely by her side means 
nothing more or less than that he loves her tenderly, affectionately and de- 
votedly, and that he intends to woo, win and wed her; not that he is alarmed 
as to the wind. 

Our eastern friends will do well by taking our word for it that Kansas is 
not a windy country, and take a claim and make for yourselves homes. 

From the Garden City Paper, July 24, 1879. 

An eastern man writes to know if we have "quick soil" here in Kansas. 
Quick! Well rather. A Harrison township man was foolish enough to 
fertilize his garden recently, and when he went out to plant some water- 
melon seeds the other day, he had to run for his life to keep from being 
choked by the vines. Before he got over the fence he found half grown 
melons in his pockets. 

From the Hill City New Era, June 18, 1908. 

STORM STORIES. Some pretty big hail fell during the recent storm. At 
Pete Prevaricaters, on Bow Creek the hail stones were unusually large and one 
chunk of ice fell which Pete covered with straw, using twenty-eight two 
horse loads of straw for the purpose, and will furnish ice to the Lenora meat 
shops for the next 90 days at $7.85 per ton. 

At Jimmie Jinkles, on Coon Creek, a large hail stone fell with such force 
that it imbedded itself in the ground and is slowly melting. Jimmie thinks 
the lake made by the melting of the hail stone will afford water for his 
stock all summer and also make a fine boating pond. 

At Thos. Tunks place, near Morland, large hail fell and were heard to 
explode with a loud report almost as soon as they fell. It seems that the 
rain fell from clouds very high in the atmosphere and fell so rapidly that the 
water, by friction, was made boiling hot, as it passed through the cold streak 


in the air a thick coating of ice was formed around the heated water and 
this formed a sort of a bomb which was exploded by the confined steam. 
Only the fact that the ice was shattered into minute fragments by the force 
of the explosion prevented great damage being done by the flying of ice shells. 
Frank Foolix says that with the hail at his place came also a small cyclone 
and that the twisting motion of the wind drew all the milk from his large 
herd of cows and sprayed it into the air where it became mixed with the 
small pellets of hail and made a veritable downfall of ice cream. After the 
storm was over he and his wife scooped up a large tub full of this ice cream 
and sold it to the confectioner at Togo who retailed it to his customers. If 
any one doubts the truth of his story he will gladly show the rub in which the 
stuff was gathered. 


From The Daily Capital Topeka, June 24, 1880. 

Will people ever learn to "go slow" after a game of base ball? Will they 
ever learn to not turn their vehicles about and make a break for the exit? 
Yesterday a horse in the line of wagons and carriages became unmanageable 
and backed into the horses behind him, causing general confusion and resulting 
in damage to the boxes of several buggies, driven by high-toned young drivers. 


From The Globe Live Stock Journal, Dodge City, June 23, 1885. 

At McFarland's stables on Monday we saw a contrivance to cure a horse 
from kicking. It was nothing but an old wheat sack filled with hay, and sus- 
pended by a rope from the ceiling, so that the sack hung just at the heels 
of a vicious horse as he stood in his stall. When the sack was first placed in 
position the kicking equine let fly both feet at it as soon as it touched him, 
but after ten or twenty minutes of that kind of work he came to the conclusion 
that the sack would return as often as he struck it, and he finally gave up 
trying to "knock it out." This same horse, which has a reputation as a kicker, 
can now be hitched to any vehicle, and he will not kick at anything that 
happens to strike his heels. John McEnerny, who prescribed the treatment, 
says that any horse can be cured by it. One good feature about it is its 
cheapness. Ex. 

Kansas History as Published in the Press 

A brief history of the Natoma Methodist Church was printed in 
the Natoma Independent, October 26, 1950. The church was or- 
ganized in 1879, and a sod schoolhouse four miles north of Natoma 
was the first meeting place. A homecoming day was observed Oc- 
tober 22, 1950, when several former pastors and members returned 
for a dinner and a special service. 

The part played by Arkansas in the fight between the Proslavery 
and Free-State elements over Kansas in the middle 1850's was dis- 
cussed by Granville D. Davis in an article entitled "Arkansas and 
the Blood of Kansas/' printed in the November, 1950, issue of The 
Journal of Southern History, Baton Rouge, La. 

Maj. S. H. Long's exploration of the country between the Missis- 
sippi river and the Rocky Mountains in 1819 was the subject of Dr. 
Robert Taft's editorial in the Transactions of the Kansas Academy 
of Science, Lawrence, December, 1950. Also in the December num- 
ber was a list of the enrollment figures of the 22 senior colleges and 
the 21 junior colleges of Kansas for the autumns of 1949 and 1950. 
A total of 32,189 students were enrolled in 1950 in the two groups 
of institutions, 3,980 less than the year before. 

A short biographical sketch of the Michael Sutton family was 
printed in the Dodge City Daily Globe, December 2, 1950. Sutton 
was a pioneer Dodge City lawyer. On December 8 and 22 the 
Globe published pictures and information about the Beeson Mu- 
seum of Dodge City which was recently moved to new quarters. 
The Boot Hill Museum, where an expansion program is now being 
completed, was featured in the Globe, January 18, 1951. 

Recent articles in Heinie Schmidt's column, "It's Worth Repeat- 
ing," in the High Plains Journal, Dodge City, included: "The Little 
German Band," December 7, 1950; "The Barton [Jones-Plummer] 
Trail," December 14; "The Cowboys and Their Songs," December 
21; "Our Fighting Mayor Webster," January 4, 1951; "Mayor Kelley s 
Gratitude," January 11; "Osage Indian Reservation," January 18; 
"They Sang of Kansas," January 25, and "A Gruesome Case of Pio- 
neer Justice," February 1. 

Among articles of historical interest to Kansans published re- 
cently in the Kansas City (Mo.) Star were: "John Cameron Swayze 
Rises on the Flood Tide in Television," by E. B. Garaett, December 



10, 1950; "Wild Horse Herds of the West Are Near Extinction by 
Unrestrained Slaughter," by Robert M. Hyatt, December 26; "Boss 
Builder [Julius Earl Schaefer of Wichita] of Jet Bombers," by John 
Alexander, December 31, and "Successful Oneida [New York] Com- 
munity Led to Communal Living Venture in Kansas," by Charles 
Arthur Hawley, January 29, 1951. Articles in the Kansas City 
(Mo.) Times included: "American Express Had the Government 
as Business Competitor a Century Ago," a review of Alden Hatch's 
American Express: A Century of Service, by James F. King, De- 
cember 15, and "Wife of William Allen White Looked Back on a 
'Full and Complete Life/" by Ruby Holland Rosenberg, January 
10, 1951. 

"Legends of the Wheat Country," by Ernest Dewey, appearing 
recently in the Hutchinson News-Herald, included: "[Buffalo] 
Bones Were Big Business Then [1868-1881]," December 10, 1950; 
"Dave Mathers Stayed a Sinner," December 17; " 'Merry Christmas!' 
Said Lo [an Indian], and It Was Indeed," December 24; "Aristo- 
crats Had Happy Hunting in Early Kansas," January 7, 1951; "Cur- 
ley [Marshall] Never Got Over Shock [Stove-Pipe Hat]," January 
14; "You Might Find Money Anyplace at His [John O'Loughlin's] 
Bank," January 21; "Wherever Bat [Masterson] Went, the Bullets 
Always Followed," January 28, and "Sound and Fury Often Ripped 
Blindfold From Justice's Eyes," February 4. 

A history of the Quinter library by Mrs. Max A. Campbell was 
published in The Gove County Advocate, Quinter, December 14, 
1950. The library was organized in 1932 by representatives of sev- 
eral women's organizations of Quinter. A library building was com- 
pleted and opened in 1950. 

A short biographical sketch of J. B. Edwards who died recently 
at 106 years of age, was published in the Hays Daily News, Decem- 
ber 21, 1950. Mr. Edwards came to Abilene before 1869. He was 
one of the group that hired James B. "Wild Bill" Hickok to rid the 
town of outlaws. 

In observance of the 90th anniversary of the admission of Kansas 
to the Union, To the Stars, published by the Kansas Industrial De- 
velopment Commission, January, 1951, printed biographical 
sketches of ten "colorful Kansans." The ten were: John Brown, 
Clarinda Irene Nichols, Cyrus K. Holliday, John James Ingalls, 
Eugene Fitch Ware, Wyatt Earp, Gen. Frederick Funston, Charles 


Curtis, Charles M. Sheldon and William Allen White. The sketches 
were reprinted, one each day, in the Coffeyville Daily Journal, be- 
ginning February 1, 1951. 

An article by Dr. Emory Lindquist, president of Bethany College 
of Lindsborg, entitled "The Swedes of Linn County, Missouri," was 
published in the Missouri Historical Review, Jefferson City, Mo., 
January, 1951. 

A biographical sketch of Mrs. Florence Baker Woody, Salina, by 
Dorethea Smith, appeared in the Salina Journal, January 7, 1951. 
Mrs. Woody came to Kansas with her parents in 1878, and soon 
after arriving, when she was 17, began teaching school in a dugout 
near Lincoln. 

The history of the community of Dispatch was briefly sketched 
by Mrs. James Deters, Cawker City, in the Beloit Daily Call, Janu- 
ary 23, 1951. 

A short history of the Scandia Journal was published in the issue 
of January 25, 1951. The Journal was founded in the early 1870's 
as the Belleville Republic by A. B. Wilder. 

The Phillips County Review, Phillipsburg, published an eight- 
page historical and progress section January 25, 1951. Among ar- 
ticles on Phillips county history featured in the section were: "Early 
History of Phillips County Starting in 1872," "Organization of Local 
Townships," "Stage Battle for County Courthouse," "Irv McDowell 
Tells of Many Pioneer Events," "Here the County Records Were 
Kept" and "Organization of School System." Additional historical 
and progress editions are to be printed in the future. 

Some of the history of an old burial plot in the Crawford County 
State Park is told in the Pittsburg Headlight, January 26 and 31, 
1951. The cemetery is said to have begun in the early days when 
a group of travelers camped in the area and one of their number, 
a child, died and was buried there. Until recently the cemetery 
had been forgotten and had become overgrown with brush. 

A brief history of the Indian raids in the Solomon and Republi- 
can valleys in 1868, by Leo F. Clark, Westfall, was published in the 
Salina Journal, January 28, 1951. During these raids Mrs. James 
Morgan and a Miss White were taken prisoner by the Indians. 
They were freed early in 1869 by Gen. George A. Custer. 


A 46-page "get acquainted" edition was published by the Con- 
cordia Blade-Empire, January 29, 1951. Included were articles on 
the history of the Concordia schools, churches and other institutions 
and organizations. 

The part played by Capt. D. S. Elliott, then editor of the Coffey- 
ville Journal., in stopping the Dalton raid on the Coffeyville banks 
October 5, 1892, was the subject of an article in the Journal, Feb- 
ruary 11, 1951. This is the first in a series of historical articles to 
be published in the Journal. 

Kansas Historical Notes 

The old school at Council Grove, erected in 1850 by the federal 
government for the education of the Kaw or Kansas Indians, is 
the most recent historic site acquired by the state. Sen. W. H. White 
introduced a bill in the 1951 Kansas legislature which provided 
for the purchase of the building and one-half block of ground. 
The Kansas State Historical Society will manage the building as 
a museum and as a memorial to the Indians for whom the state 
was named. 

Frank Haucke, president of the State Historical Society, pre- 
sided, and Kirke Mechem, secretary, was the featured speaker 
at a dinner meeting held in Council Grove on April 19 at which 
plans for the new museum were discussed. 

Trustees elected for three-year terms at the annual meeting of 
the Shawnee County Historical Society at Topeka, December 12, 
1950, were: Paul Adams, Paul A. Lovewell, Mrs. Henry S. Blake, 
Dwight Ream, Dr. J. D. Bright, Marco Morrow, Fred Derby, 
Mildred Quail, Frank Durein and Earl Ives. J. Clyde Fink was 
named to fill a trusteeship vacancy. Euphemia Page gave a paper 
on the history of Topeka, and Dr. Bryan S. Stoffer spoke on the 
future of Washburn Municipal University. At a meeting of the 
trustees on January 23, 1951, Tom Lillard was elected president of 
the society. Other officers chosen were: Paul Lovewell, vice- 
president; Paul Adams, secretary, and Paul Sweet, treasurer. 

The house in Medicine Lodge where Carry Nation lived during 
her saloon-smashing days was formally opened to the public as a 
memorial and a museum on January 1, 1951. Built in 1882, it was 
recently purchased by D. S. Grigsby, Medicine Lodge, for the local 
W. C. T. U. Among Mrs. Nation's possessions now on display at 
the house, is the hatchet used in her first antisaloon crusades. 

The role played by Kansas Negroes in the Civil War was dis- 
cussed by Dr. Dudley Cornish, Kansas State Teachers College, 
Pittsburg, at a meeting of the Crawford County Historical Society 
in Pittsburg, January 26, 1951. According to Dr. Cornish, two all- 
Negro Kansas regiments took part in the fighting. Ralph Shideler, 
Girard, president of the society, presided at the meeting. 



Kingsley W. Given of Kansas State College was the principal 
speaker at the Kansas Day dinner of the Riley County Historical 
Association held January 26, 1951. The life of Col. George S. Park, 
one of the founders of Bluemont Central College, forerunner of 
Kansas State College, was the subject of Mr. Given's talk. An 
article by Jim Swetnam on Frank I. Burt, manager of the associa- 
tion's museum for the past ten years, was published in the Man- 
hattan Tribune-News, January 18, 1951. 

Dr. Gerald O. McCulloh, Northwestern University, was the prin- 
cipal speaker at the annual meeting of the Native Sons and Daugh- 
ters of Kansas at Topeka, January 28, 1951. Albert Kaine, Wamego, 
won the high school essay contest; Lee Banks, Kansas Wesleyan 
University student, was the winner of the speech contest, and the 
factual story contest was won by Mrs. Benjamin O. Weaver of 
Mullinsville. Edwin R. Jones, Topeka, became the new president 
of the Native Sons, and Mrs. Thomas H. Norton, Topeka, of the 
Native Daughters. Other officers of the Native Sons are: C. W. 
Porterfield, Holton, vice-president; Maurice Fager, Topeka, secre- 
tary, and Rolla Clymer, El Dorado, treasurer. Other officers of 
the Native Daughters are: Mrs. Ray S. Pierson, Burlington, vice- 
president; Mrs. David McCreath, secretary, and Mrs. Ethel Godin, 
Topeka, treasurer. Mrs. Frank W. Boyd, Mankato, was re-elected 
contest chairman. Retiring presidents were Guy D. Josserand, 
Dodge City, and Mrs. P. A. Petitt, Paola. 

The Woman's Kansas Day Club held its 44th annual meeting 
January 29, 1951, with Mrs. Eric Tebow of Manhattan, president, 
presiding. Mrs. Ira Burkholder, Topeka, was elected president of 
the club at the morning session. Other officers elected were: Mrs. 
McDill Boyd, Phillipsburg, first vice-president; Mrs. Tillie Karns- 
Newman, Coffeyville, second vice-president; Mrs. Herb Barr, Leoti, 
recording secretary; Mrs. Walter Stadel, Topeka, treasurer; Mrs. 
Earl Moses, Great Bend, historian; Mrs. Douglas I. McCrum, Fort 
Scott, auditor, and Mrs. W. M. Ehrsam, Wichita, registrar. Di- 
rectors were chosen as follows: Mrs. George Reinhard, Atchison, 
first district; Mrs. R. A. Dunmire, Spring Hill, second district; Mrs. 
Howard Killian, Independence, third district; Mrs. W. A. Smiley, 
Junction City, fourth district; Mrs. Phyllis Obie, Hutchinson, fifth 
district, and Mrs. C. E. Toothaker, Hoxie, sixth district. "The 
Human Tapestry of Kansas," a study of the many nationalities 
which have contributed to the state's history, was the theme of the 


meeting. District directors and historians made historical reports 
in keeping with the "tapestry" theme. One of the most interesting 
reports was presented by Mrs. Anna Laura Bitts Fritts, Williams- 
burg, who gave personal recollections of Silkville, early French 
colony in Franklin county. These reports, a number of museum 
articles, some 150 pictures, manuscripts and printed material were 
presented to the Kansas State Historical Society. 

Eleven directors of the Finney County Historical Society were 
re-elected for two-year terms at the society's third annual banquet, 
February 13, 1951. They were: Gus Norton, East Garfield town- 
ship; J. E. Greathouse, Pleasant Valley township; William Fant, 
Garden City township; Albert Drussell, Ivanhoe township; Mrs. 
Charles Brown, Sherlock township, and Mrs. Kate Hatcher Smith, 
Mrs. Ella Condra, Mrs. R. E. Stotts, Mrs. Jean N. Kampschroeder, 
Frederick Finnup and William E. Hutchison, Garden City. Logan 
N. Green, Garden City attorney, was the principal speaker. Mrs. 
Kate Hatcher Smith, vice-president of the society, presided at the 

The Fort Harker museum at Kanopolis has been opened to the 
public on Sunday afternoons and holidays by the American Legion 
Post No. 329 of Kanopolis. The museum is housed in the old guard- 

Interesting Facts and Places in Kansas is the title of a recently 
published 112-page "fact calendar" by Viola Coyle Bettis. Besides 
a calendar with space for notes each day of 1951, the pamphlet 
contains brief historical notes and present-day information on 

History of Grant County., Kansas, is the title of a new 278-page 
book by R. R. Wilson and Ethel M. Sears. The book, attractively 
printed and illustrated, covers many phases and periods of Grant 
county history. 

The first volume of History of Finney County, Kansas, consisting 
of 262 pages of printed matter and pictures, was recently published 
by the Finney County Historical Society. Included in the volume 
were: The history of the historical society, history of Finney county, 
portraits of founders and early citizens, history of Garden City, 
biographical sketches, military organizations and churches. Ralph 
T. Kersey, society historian, was largely responsible for the prepara- 
tion of the material. 




August 1951 

Published by 

Kansas State Historical Society 


Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor 



Century Robert Taft, 225 

With the following illustrations: 

Portraits of Fernand H. Lungren and Maynard Dixon, facing 
p. 240; H. W. Hansen, J. H. Smith and H. W. Caylor, be- 
tween pp. 240, 241; Bert G. Phillips, Ernest L. Blumenschein, 
Charles Schreyvogel and William R. Leigh, facing p. 248; 

J. H. Smith's "A Race-Day in a Frontier Town," and "The Recent 
Indian Excitement in the Northwest," 

Caylor's "The Trail Herd," 

Sharp's "The Evening Chant," 

Schreyvogel's "My Bunkie," 

Dan Smith's "Freighting Salt in New Mexico," 

Hansen's "Beef Issue," and 

Leigh's "The Lookout," between pp. 240, 241; 

Blumenschein's "The Advance of Civilization in New Mexico 
the Merry-Go-Round Comes To Taos," facing p. 249. 


A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN, 1890-1891: The Journal of 

Mrs. Stuart James Hogg Edited by Louise Barry, 269 


PIONEER: Part Two, 1861, 1862 Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 287 




The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published in February, May, August and 
November by the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan., and is dis- 
tributed free to members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be 
sent to the editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made 
by contributors. 

Entered as second-class matter October 22, 1931, at the post office at To- 
peka, Kan., under the act of August 24, 1912. 


J. H. Smith's "The Frontier Trial." Courtesy Fred 
T. Darvill, of Bellingham, Wash., who owns the copy- 
right (1933). 


Volume XIX August, 1951 Number 3 

The Pictorial Record of the Old West 



(Copyright, 1951, by ROBERT TAFT) 

BY 1899 the Trans-Mississippi West had established its boundaries 
pretty largely as we know them today. Only Oklahoma, Ari- 
zona and New Mexico remained as territories and in the course of 
a dozen years or so all these became states. The century had thus 
seen the transformation of a huge realm, virtually unexplored and 
unknown, into an organized and populous section of the Union. 1 

During the last two decades of the century the volume of litera- 
ture on the West, with accompanying illustrations, became greater 
and greater. Indeed, the number of illustrators increased so rap- 
idly that it is difficult, if not impossible, to note them all. This 
period saw the rise of the best-known names in Western illustra- 
tion, those of Remington, Russell and Schreyvogel. Remington 
achieved a great popularity as an illustrator between 1885 and 

DR. ROBERT TAFT, of Lawrence, is professor of chemistry at the University of Kansas 
and editor of the Transactions of the Kansas Academy of Science. He is author of Photog- 
raphy and the American Scene (New York, 1938), and Across the Years on Mount Oread 
(Lawrence, 1941). 

Previous articles in this pictorial series appeared in the issues of The Kansas Historical 
Quarterly for February, May, August and November, 1946, May and August, 1948, May, 
August and November, 1949, and February, May and August, 1950. The general intro- 
duction was in the February, 1946, number. 

1. In round numbers the population of the Trans-Mississippi West is given in the brief 
table which follows: 

1850 2,000,000 

I860 4,500,000 

1870 7,400,000 




These figures have been obtained from Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1900 
(Washington, 1901), pp. 6-9, by adding the figures for the 22 Western states or territories 
for each of the decades shown above. Strictly speaking, not all these 22 states are in the 
Trans-Mississippi West, as there are small portions of Minnesota and Louisiana that lie east 
of the Mississippi river. These deviations, however, cannot greatly affect the above figures. 
More detailed analysis of the tabulated figures shows that the rate of growth became 
progressively greater from 1850 to 1890, with the greatest numerical growth occurring in 
the decade 1880-1890. 



1900, but probably his greatest fame rests on his work done from 
1900 until his death in 1909. 2 


Charles Schreyvogel began his career as an artist of the Western 
scene in the 1890's, but his greatest fame, too, was achieved after 
the turn of the century. However, since there is no single source 
of information about him, as there is for both Remington and Rus- 
sell, we shall here give a brief review of his work. 

Il should be pointed out that all three, Remington, Russell and 
Schreyvogel, were artists and sculptors. In addition, Remington 
was a most prolific illustrator and writer. Remington and Russell, 
although seldom depicting a specific scene, were imaginative artists 
portraying the life of the West as they knew it, or as they had 
known it. Both made occasional sorties into historical painting. 
On the other hand, Schreyvogel was primarily an historical artist, 
depicting events of an earlier day but depending upon study of 
the written record and of costume. However, he got his back- 
ground and atmosphere by actual visits to the West. Many, prob- 
ably most, of Schreyvogel's canvases deal with various aspects of 
the United States' soldier on the Western frontier, although oc- 
casional paintings have solely Indian themes. 

Schreyvogel was born on the east side of New York City in Jan- 
uary, 1861. As a boy, he showed a talent for drawing and was ap- 
prenticed to an engraver. As a boy, too, he dreamed of the West, 
dreamed of cowboys, Indians and hard riding soldiers, though his 
actual experience was delayed until relatively late in life. In 1887 
he went abroad for training at Munich, where for three years he 
was a student of Marr and of Kirschbach. He returned in 1890 
and for another three years made a precarious living supplying art 
work for advertising lithographers. He finally realized his ambi- 
tion a trip to the West in 1893 and spent the summer of that 
year on the Ute reservation with its post office at Ignacio, in south- 
western Colorado, making side excursions to other localities in 
Colorado and to Arizona. His summer was spent in sketching, 

2. Remington's year of life on the Kansas plains has been described in a previous 
number of this series (The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 16 [1948], May, pp. 113-135); 
the only attempt at biography is Frederic Remington, Artist of the Old West (Philadelphia 
and New York, 1947), Harold McCracken. This book has its greatest value in the ex- 
tensive, although not complete bibliographic list of Remington illustrations from 1882 on. 
My opinion of this book I have expressed at some length in Nebraska History, Lincoln 
v. 29 (1948), September, pp. 278-282. 

For collectors of Western prints, colored reproductions of some of Remington's paintings 
are still available from the Museum of Fine Arts of Houston, Houston 5, Tex., and from 
Artext Prints,. Inc., Westport, Conn. 


making models and photographs and in collecting Western fire- 
arms, Indian costumes and equipment, all of which he took back 
to his studio in Hoboken, N. J. He does not appear to have made 
another Western trip until 1900 when he spent the summer in the 
Dakotas. 3 His career between 1893 and 1900 seems to have been 
a continuation of his early work, but Western scenes were now his 
main interest. 4 

Schreyvogel's greatest fame was achieved with his painting "My 
Bunkie" ( reproduced in the picture supplement ) . Apparently after 
his return from Colorado in 1893 he still made his living furnishing 
art work for lithographers; that is, in producing copy for calendar 
pictures and other advertising. "My Bunkie/' painted in 1899, was 
made for this purpose. Schreyvogel tried to dispose of the paint- 
ing and was offered a small sum for it. The lithographer who made 
the offer, however, upon trying to reduce it to calendar size, found 
that the proportions weren't satisfactory. Schreyvogel then se- 
cured permission to hang the picture in an east-side restaurant in 
the hope that it would attract the eye of a prospective purchaser. 
Some of his friends urged him to send it to the annual exhibition 
of the National Academy of Design. He had already sent at least 
one such painting to a previous academy exhibit and as it had won 
no special distinction he feared that any new effort was a waste of 
time. 5 It was finally sent and accepted, and Schreyvogel was as- 
tounded when it received the Thomas B. Clarke prize of three hun- 

3. The information given above on Schreyvogel's career is based largely on two con- 
temporary accounts, both apparently the result of direct interviews with Schreyvogel in 
1900 and 1901: "A Painter of Western Realism," by Gustav Boehm, The Junior Munsey, 
New York, v. 8 ( 1900 ) , June, pp. 432-438, which contains reproductions of five Schreyvogel 
paintings; and "A Painter of the Western Frontier," by Gustav Kobb6, The Cosmopolitan, 
Irvington, N. Y., v. 31 (1901), October, pp. 563-573, which contains 12 reproductions of 
Schreyvogel's work. Kobbe also had an earlier and briefer account of Schreyvogel, "A 
Painter of Life on the Frontier," in the New York Herald, December 23, 1900, Sec. 5, p. 8 
(six illustrations). 

Some additional biographical data with reproductions of many of Schreyvogel's earlier 
paintings will be found in Souvenir Album of Paintings of Charles Schreyvogel, published 
by Charles F. Kaegebehn, Hoboken, N. J., in 1907. This booklet contains reproductions 
of 28 Schreyvogel paintings copyrighted between 1899 and 1906. 

4. In a brief account of Schreyvogel given in the National Cyclopaedia of American 
Biography (New York, 1906), v. 13, p. 411, there are listed the following Western paintings 
(with dates) made before 1900: "Ration Day" (1893), "Standing Them Off" (1894), 
"On Enemies' Grounds" (1895), "The Stage Coach" (1896), "The Despatch Bearer" 
(1898), "Defending the Stockade" (1898), "The Skirmish Line" (1899), "My Bunkie" 

5. Harper's Weekly, New York, v. 41 (1897), April 17, p. 380, reproduced one of 
Schreyvogel's paintings, "Over a Dangerous Pass," from the academy exhibit of 1897. It 
received no prize and the art critic of the New York Tribune (April 4, 1897, p. 7) made 
no mention of it. It was simply one of over 400 paintings on exhibit and the only attention 
it drew apparently was its selection for inclusion in a number of paintings reproduced in 
the above cited issue of Harper's Weekly. Schreyvogel also exhibited at the National 
Academy of Design subsequent to 1900. Reproductions of three of his paintings appear 
in the exhibition catalogues of the academy for the 77th, the 79th and the 80th annual 
exhibits: "Going for Reinforcements" (1902), "Dead Sure" (1904), "Attack at Dawn" 
(1905); see Index to Reproductions of American Paintings (New York, 1948), Isabel S. 
Monro and Kate M. Monro, p. 563. Schreyvogel may, of course, have appeared in other 
annual exhibitions of the academy without reproduction of his exhibits. 


dred dollars, one of the principal awards of the exhibit of 1900. 6 
Schreyvogel, the unknown, had become famous overnight, and his 
days of comparative poverty were over. 

"My Bunkie," according to Schreyvogel, depicted an incident 
that had been related to him by a trooper on his Western trip of 
1893. A mounted soldier whose horse is in full gallop is shown 
swinging another soldier up into the saddle beside him, while other 
troopers hold the Indians at bay. 7 The painting is now owned by 
the Metropolitan Museum of Art. It undoubtedly was a principal 
factor in Schreyvogel's election as an associate of the National 
Academy of Design in 1901. 8 

Schreyvogel, as has been said, was primarily interested in the life 
of a West prior to his day. The difficulties and problems that beset 
the historical painter and his critics are well illustrated in the events 
following the first exhibition of another of Schreyvogel's paintings, 
"Ouster's Demand," in 1902. Here Schreyvogel attempted to de- 
pict a parley of Custer and his staff with Plains Indians under Lone 
Wolf, Satanta and Kicking Bird in Southwest Kansas during Cus- 
ter's campaign in the fall and winter of 1869. 9 

6. I have followed Gustav Kobbe, a writer for the New York Herald, in describing the 
circumstances of the award; see The Cosmopolitan article listed in Footnote 3. Kobbe's 
account is supported by mention of the Clarke award in Brush and Pencil, Chicago, v. 5 
(1900), February, p. 218. "The winner of the Clarke prize this year," it reported, "which 
is given for the best figure picture by an American, was won by a man utterly unknown. 
When the name was announced, all the exhibitors were asking each other where he came 
from, with whom he had studied, and what he had shown before. There were no answers 
to these queries. It was finally learned that he was Charles Schreyvogel, of Hoboken, N. J., 
that he had studied in Munich, and that he had made a trip out West, where he obtained 
the material for this composition, which he called 'My Bunkie,' and which represents some 
United States soldiers dashing across the plains, while one of them has caught up a wounded 
comrade and draws him on his horse. The work recalls that of Frederic Remington, as all 
such themes must; but it is drawn better, painted better, and has some notion of color, a 
quality not often claimed for the better known illustrator. It furthermore seems that Mr. 
Schreyvogel had been doubtful of sending his picture until the last moment." 

7. Not all critics were in agreement with the award committee of the academy, and 
with the Brush and Pencil account cited in Footnote 6. 

C. H. Caffin writing in Harper's Weekly, v. 44 (1900), January 13, p. 31, stated: "The 
Thomas B. Clarke prize has been awarded to 'My Bunkie' by Charles Schreyvogel. Exactly 
why, it is a little hard to conjecture. The coloring is bright and attractive, and fairly 
permeated with light, and the conception of the subject is stirring, but not very convincing. 
This kind of subject has been better treated before by others; for, when you examine this 
picture carefully, you will find many defects of drawing and a considerable flabbiness in 

8. American Art Annual, New York, v. 10 (1913), p. 80. This account, an obituary, 
states that Schreyvogel was awarded a bronze medal at the Paris exhibition of 1900, a 
bronze medal at the Pan-American exposition of 1901 and a bronze medal at the St. Louis 
exposition of 1904. The Metropolitan Museum of Art wrote me under date of November 9, 
1950 that "My Bunkie" was given to the museum in 1912 by a group of friends of the 
artist.' The picture, dated "1899," is painted in oil on canvas and is 25" X 34'' in size. 
At the time the letter was written the museum had the painting on loan to the Bronx 
Veterans' Hospital, Kingsbridge Road, New York City. 

I have a reproduction in full color of "My Bunkie" which measures 19% inches (width) 
by 14% inches. The only identification of the publisher on the print is the copyright notice 
"c 1914 LWS." 

9 Information of this painting will be found in the Souvenir Album of Paintings of 
Charles Schreyvogel; see Footnote 3. As this booklet was doubtlessly published under the 
direction or with the knowledge of Schreyvogel, it seems reasonable to assume that his 
intent is correctly given, as is the information concerning the painting. According to this 
account the painting was first exhibited at the Corcoran Art Gallery in Washington for 
several months where it attracted the attention of President Theodore Roosevelt. Later it 
was exhibited at the St. Louis exposition and was finally purchased and presented to the 
Pittsfield (Mass.) museum by Fred Love. The date of the incident depicted is December 17, 
1869 and the reproduction of the painting in the booklet identifies Custer, Col. Tom Custer, 
General Sheridan, Col. J. S. Crosby, Scout Grover, Satanta, Kicking Bird, Lone Wolf and 
Little Heart. 


The painting is dated 1902 and after its first exhibition at the 
Corcoran Art Gallery in Washington it was widely reproduced in 
newspapers and magazines. One reproduction was published in 
the New York Sunday Herald of April 19, 1903, and drew the at- 
tention of no less a person than Frederic Remington. Remington 
by 1903 was rapidly becoming "the most famous of all illustrators 
in this country" and regarded himself with some right as the illus- 
trator of the West. 10 Whether he was jealous of the attention be- 
stowed on Schreyvogel or whether egotism destroyed his sense of 
values, he took it upon himself to criticize gratuitously and at some 
length the Schreyvogel painting. 11 

After making the comment that he had studied and ridden "in 
the waste places and had made many notes from older men's ob- 
servations for twenty-three years" he went out on the limb and 
called Schreyvogel's effort "half baked stuff" on the following 
grounds : 

1. The Indian on the left has a form of pistol holster which was evolved 
in Texas in the late 70's and was not generally worn until the 80's. (And his 
picture is in 1869.) The cartridge belt was invented by buffalo hunters and 
soldiers about that time, and was hand made of canvas and not at all in general 
use for ten years afterward. 

2. The Sioux war bonnet was almost unknown in the southern plains 
though one might have been there through trade. The white campaign hat 
was not worn at that period, and not until many years after. The hat was 
black. The boot Custer wears was adopted by the United States cavalry, 
March 14, 1887, and the officer's boot of 1867 [9] was quite another affair. 
The Tapadero stirrup cover was oblong and not triangular as he paints it. The 
saddle bags in this picture were not known for years after 1869. . . . 

Crosby wears leggings, which were not in general use until after 1890. 
The color of Colonel Crosby's pantaloons was not known until adopted in 
1875. . . . 

The officer's saddle cloth in wrong as to the yellow stripe. Now, the picture 
as a whole is very good for a man to do who knows only what Schreyvogel 
does know about such matters, but as for history my comments will speak for 

Two days later the Herald published a letter from Mrs. Elizabeth 
B. Custer defending Schreyvogel. 12 Mrs. Custer, in a letter to 
Schreyvogel, stated, "I think the likeness excellent, the composition 
of the picture and harmony of color admirable." She also pointed 
out that on campaigns on the plains of the West great freedom in 
selection of uniform was allowed and that the "red necktie, buck- 

10. Cosmopolitan Magazine, v. 40 (1905), December, p. 244. 

11. New York Herald, April 28, 1903, p. 3. 
marked contrast with Schreyvogel's comment 
he greatest of us all." Boehm, loc. cit. 

12. New York Herald, April 30, 1903, p. 17. 

11. New York Herald, April 28, 1903, p. 3. Remington's contempt of Schreyvogel is 
in marked contrast with Schreyvogel's comment on Remington, "I think he [Remington] 
is the greatest of us all." Boehm, loc. cit. 


skins and wide felt hat were the unvarying outfit of my husband 
on a campaign." The boots, she further stated, were made by a 
Philadelphia boot maker "who shod so many distinguished feet in 
our service." She concluded by stating: 

I was impressed with the fidility of the likeness and the costume of the In- 
dians, with whom I was familiar especially with war bonnet and shield, for 
my husband had both presented to him by chiefs at that time. The whole 
picture is so free from sensationalism and yet so spirited, that I want to com- 
mend your skill. 

Mrs. Custer's letter drew a response from Remington in the 
Herald that Schreyvogel's picture and the criticisms "lend them- 
selves to interminable controversy" and accused Schreyvogel of 
hiding behind Mrs. Custer's skirts. Remington then went on to 
say that he was enclosing a check for $100 payable to any charity 
the Herald might select if Col. Schuyler Crosby (depicted in the 
painting and still living in 1903) would admit "that he ever saw a 
pair of trousers of the color depicted in Mr. Schreyvogel's picture 
in the year of 1869 in any connection with the regular United States 

It was unfortunate for Remington that he drew Colonel Crosby 
into the argument for in a letter to the Herald printed a few days 
later, Crosby supported Schreyvogel with considerable vigor al- 
though he did admit his trousers "were not the shade of blue de- 
picted in the picture; they were blue but not that shade of blue. 
Neither Mr. Schreyvogel nor Mr. Remington can enlighten me as to 
the exact shade, because they were not there and I have forgotten, 
but Mr. Remington is right." 13 

Crosby made additional comments on Remington's criticisms, 
pointing out that the leggings worn by Crosby were correct as 
shown by Schreyvogel and that he (Crosby) had worn them as 
early as 1863; that he saw many Indian war bonnets on the day 
depicted by Schreyvogel; that the hats worn by Col. Tom Custer 
and Crosby were grey or tan color and were purchased in Leaven- 
worth, Kan., "a few days before we started on the campaign"; that 
the size and shape of stirrup leathers were often changed by the 
troop saddler to conform to the size of the officer's foot." He did 
admit, however, that Custer's boots as depicted by Schreyvogel 
were probably in error. 

Of course it must be very annoying to a conscientious artist [he further 
wrote] that we were not dressed as we should have been, but in those days 

13. Ibid., May 2, 1903, p. 7. The letter is signed "John Schuyler Crosby, Charleston, 
W. Va., May 1, 1903." 


our uniforms in the field were not according to regulations and were of the 
"catch as catch can" order, and were not changed regularly as Master Frederic 
Remington's probably were at that date. . . . Doubtless Mr. Remington 
could have made a better picture, but doubtless he never did. 

The truth of the matter therefore appears to be that some of 
Remington's criticisms were justified but the major share of them 
were not, although it must be remembered that both Mrs. Custer 
and Colonel Crosby were testifying to events that had taken place 
over a third of a century before the discussions of 1903 arose. 

All of Schreyvogel's paintings are of interest they all tell a 
stirring story but possibly those with greatest appeal show men, 
troopers usually, in violent action: the height of combat, the fierce 
charge, the strain of intense and deadly effort, are realistically por- 
trayed. To get these effects, Schreyvogel made careful and ex- 
tensive preparations. His Western trips were made to secure at- 
mosphere and detail and on these trips he made many sketches 
and photographs, collected firearms and Indian dress and equip- 
ment. 14 All of this material was brought back to his studio in 
Hoboken, N. J. Here after his preliminary composition was thought 
out, he modeled his characters in clay. Painting was then done on 
the roof of his studio with the Palisades as a background. "Their 
ruggedness," he is reported to have said, "is not unlike that of the 
Western mountains," and portions of these rocky cliffs appear in 
his paintings. 15 

Some of Schreyvogel's clay models were later cast in bronze; Tif- 
fany's, for example, carried two of them, "The Last Drop" and 
"White Eagle," the bust of an Indian chief, as part of their luxuri- 
ous wares for a number of years. 16 

Although Schreyvogel did little or no illustrating, reproductions 
of his paintings are quite numerous. His work became fairly well 
known in the first decade of the century through the medium of 
large photographs of his paintings. These photographs, platinum 
prints, can still be occasionally found, although a complete set of 
48 is now very rare. 17 

14. In 1940, I had correspondence with Mrs. Louise F. Feldmann, widow of Charles 
Schreyyogel, who subsequently remarried. I am indebted to Mrs. Feldmann for much in- 
formation and illustrative material concerning Schreyvogel. Mrs. Feldmann wrote me that 
in addition to the trips to southwestern Colorado and Dakota already mentioned in the 
text, other summers were spent at Fort Robinson in Nebraska and on a Blackfoot reservation 
in Montana. 

15. Information from Kobb6, loc. cit.; Boehm, loc. cit., and in Harper's Weekly, v. 46 
(1902), November 15, pp. 1668, 1669. 

16. Information from Mrs. Feldmann; see Footnote 14. 

17. These platinum prints are mentioned in The Mentor, New York, v. 3 (1915). 
No. 9, Ser. No. 85, in connection with Arthur Hoeber's review, "Painters of Western Life. 
Mrs. Feldmann wrote me that there were 48 photographs in the set. I have seen a dozen 
or so of these prints and although they vary in size, they average about 20" by 14". 


Probably more important, however, in making Schreyvogel 
known to his day were the half-tone reproductions in black and 
white of 36 of his paintings published in book form in 1909. The 
collection appeared under the title My Bunkie and Others, the in- 
dividual illustrations being of generous dimensions ( about 9 x 13 
inches ) and the reproductions being excellently executed. 18 

If one may judge from the copyright dates of the paintings re- 
produced in this book, 1900 and 1901 were Schreyvogel's most pro- 
ductive years, as 13 of the 36 paintings were made in those two 

After Remington's death in 1909, Schreyvogel came to be re- 
garded, in the East at least, as the leading exponent of the West in 
picture. Russell's reputation was growing but his fame was later 
achieved. In fact, shortly after Remington's death one of the 
country's leading magazines referred to Schreyvogel as "America's 
greatest living interpreter of the Old West." 19 Schreyvogel, how- 
ever, was not destined to retain for long the mantle of Remington. 
An accident led to blood poisoning which cost him his life, ancl he 
died in Hoboken, on January 27, 1912. 20 


Charles Russell, the third member of the triumvirate of Reming- 
ton, Russell and Schreyvogel, also belongs to the Western story 
after 1900, rather than before, although his earliest illustrations in 
Harpers Weekly and Frank Leslie's Weekly Newspaper appeared 
in 1889. Russell, however, was not as prolific as Remington and 
his fame rests largely on his many canvases done after 1900. They 
are still reproduced in color at present. 21 

Russell's first illustrations in Leslie's, however, bring us directly 
to one of the little-known Western artists about whom we can now 
furnish more information than has been previously available. 

18. My Bunkie and Others (New York, 1909), by Charles Schreyvogel. The publica- 
tion also contained a two-page account of Schreyvogel and his work. The individual paint- 
ings with the exception of "My Bunkie" (1899) were all copyrighted between 1900 and 
1909; the count of these copyright dates runs, one in 1899, six in 1900, seven in 1901, 
two in 1902, three in 1903, four in 1904, three in 1905, two in 1906, five in 1907. one in 
1908 and one in 1909. 

19. "The Romance of a Famous Painter," by Clarence R. Lidner, Leslie's Illustrated 
Weekly, New York, v. Ill (1910), August 4, pp. 111-113 (11 reproductions of Schreyvogel's 

20. Hudson Observer, Hoboken, N. J., January 29, 1912. I am indebted to the Free 
Public Library of Hoboken, N. J., for a transcript of Schreyvogel's obituary which appeared 
in the Observer. 

21. Biographic and bibliographic accounts of Russell will be found in Charles M. Rus- 
sell, the Cowboy Artist, a Biography (Pasadena, 1948), Ramon F. Adams and Homer E. 
Britzman, and Charles M. Russell, the Cowboy Artist, a Bibliography (Pasadena, 1948), 
Karl Yost. Anyone interested in Russell prints should write the Dick Jones Co., 3127 Walnut 
Ave., Huntington Park, Cal., for a list and prices; these publishers have in stock some 111 
colored reproductions of Russell's work as well as 19 black and white prints. 


These illustrations appeared in Leslies for May 18, 1889, just six 
days after Russell's first illustration in Harpers Weekly which was 
apparently the first appearance of Russell in print. The Leslie il- 
lustrations, seven in number, appear over the title "Ranch Life in, 
the North-west Bronco Ponies and Their Uses How They Are 
Trained and Broken/' Near the center of the page on which these 
illustrations appear are the signatures of C. M. Russell and J. H. 

J. H. Smith was Jerome H. Smith, although his many illustrations 
usually appear under the signature, "J. H. Smith." Smith was born 
in Pleasant Valley, 111., in 1861. As a boy he grew up on an Illinois 
farm and he there broke Western horses before he ever traveled 
beyond the Mississippi. 22 When 18, the lure of the West called 
him and he found his way to Leadville, Colo., where the silver- 
mining boom was under way. He drifted around the West and 
then returned to Chicago in 1884 where he attended a Chicago art 
school for a time. His first published illustrations appeared in The 
Rambler, a Chicago weekly, and were cartoons, a field in which he 
later became very prolific. The Rambler lasted only for a year or 
so and Smith went on to New York where he eventually landed a 
position on the art staff of Judge, for many years a well-known 
humorous weekly. Cartoons with his signature are particularly 
numerous in the period 1887-1891, and many of them have a de- 
cidedly Western background, particularly those published in 1889 
and 1890. In 1889, he appears to have been sent on assignment to 
the Northwest by Leslies Weekly, which at that time was also a 
Judge publication. The assignment may have arisen from the fact 
that these publications had been acquired in part by Russell B. 
Harrison, a son of President Benjamin Harrison. 23 Harrison had 
been publisher of the Helena (Mont.) Daily Journal but in 1889 
he and W. J. Arkell acquired Judge and Leslie's Weekly, and Les- 
lie's soon announced that they were to have Montana pictures and 

22. Much of my biographical information concerning J. H. Smith has been supplied 
by Fred T. Darvill of Bellingham, Wash., who knew Smith well for many years. I am 
greatly indebted to Mr. Darvill for his aid. A brief obituary of Smith will be found in the 
Vancouver (B. C.) Daily Province, March 10, 1941. The obituary refers to Smith as 
"Josiah Howard Smith" but Mr. Darvill wrote me that Smith had told him that his first 
name was "Jerome." In all the Smith illustrations that I have seen, his name is signed as 
"J. Smith," "J. H. Smith," or "J. S." Mr. Darvill has a group of seven large "letters" 
measuring about 18" X 24" which were written by Smith, probably in the 1930's, and 
were illustrated with water colors by Smith. These letters are essentially recollections of 
Smith's early life much of it, dealing with his Western experiences. In one of these letters 
he recalled breaking Western horses on the Illinois farm, a fact which greatly interested 
me, as on a trip to northern New York in 1943 I encountered similar references. Several 
of the old-timers that I interviewed in Canton, N. Y., the boyhood home of Frederic Rem- 
ington, told me that Western ponies in considerable number were imported into northern 
New York in the 1880's. Remington during his summer stays in Canton in the late 1880's 
used such ponies as models for some of his paintings. 

23. For a biographical sketch of Harrison see National Cyclopaedia of American Biog- 
raphy, v. 27, p. 365. 


a Montana issue. 24 The Montana issue never appeared but a series 
of important Western illustrations, many with a Montana locale, 
begin at practically this same time and were the work of J. H. 
Smith. The group of illustrations already noted, the joint effort of 
Smith and Russell, was the first in the series. There then followed 
the illustrations signed only by Smith, listed below: 

1. "Phases of Ranch-Life on the Plains Capture of Horse-Thieves by a 
Sheriff's Posse" (full page). 

2. "Phases of Chinese Camp-Life in Montana, A Quiet Game [Cards]" (full 

3. "On the Western Plains Friend or Foe?" (full page). 

4. "Montana Cattlemen Compelling Their Herd to Cross a River" (full 

5. "An Indian Trader's Store on the Western Plains" (full page). 

6. "The Highwaymen of the Plains Perils of Stage-Coach Travel in the 
Far West" (five illustrations on one page). 

7. "A Herd of Cattle Threatened by a Blizzard [Montana]" (one-third 

8. "A Race-Day in a Frontier Town" (eight illustrations on one page). 

9. "The Recent Indian Excitement in the Northwest" (four illustrations on 
one page). 25 

Many of these sketches are excellently drawn and, strangely 
enough, well reproduced. But more important for our purpose 
is that they are pictorial history of real worth. Possibly of the en- 
tire series, the last two, "A Race-Day in a Frontier Town'* and "The 
Recent Indian Excitement in the Northwest" (reproduced in the 
picture supplement), are the most important, because both sets are 
obviously on-the-spot records, the first depicting life in Montana 60 
years ago and the second including a sketch of the celebrated "Ghost 
Dance," of which there are few pictorial records. 

After 1890, Smith's name gradually disappeared from the pages 
of both Judge and Leslies Weekly. He was one of those individ- 
uals who had an itching foot, and the life of the West led him from 
Texas to British Columbia, from California to the Dakotas. He 
was a jack of all trades, for he tried mining, herding cattle, freight- 
ing and stage-coach driving. He sketched from time to time and 
even made serious attempts to improve his art, for sometime after 
1890 he spent two years in Paris. The wanderlust was ever too 

24. The announcement of the ownership of Leslie's by Arkell and Harrison appeared 
in Leslie's Weekly, May 11, 1889. p. 222; the statement concerning the Montana issue on 
June 8, 1889, p. 304. 

25. These illustrations will be found in ibid., in the order listed above as follows: 
October 5, 1889, p. 148; October 19, p. 193; November 2, p. 225; November 16, p. 260; 
January 18, 1890, p. 429; January 25, p. 444; February 8, p. 12; June 28, p. 444; December 
13, p. 354. In addition to these Smith illustrations, another group, "Sketches in the Chinese 
Quarter, San Francisco," eight illustrations on one page, were published in ibid., July 5, 
1890, p. 470. 


strong and too many years had passed by for him to profit by his 
training and to achieve the reputation he might have made. "You 
can't teach an old dog new tricks," he told a friend as a summary 
of his art training in Paris. He finally settled down in British 
Columbia, after he married a girl who was part Indian. He began 
painting in oils. His subjects were for the most part recollections 
of his earlier days in the West, although a few non- Western paint- 
ings appeared among his work. Occasionally he sold a painting 
or illustration, but his work attracted little attention. As late as 
1934 an earlier illustration of his was reproduced in the Saturday 
Evening Post. 26 

In 1935, Fred T. Darvill reproduced 12 of Smith's paintings in 
color, including the Western, "The Frontier Trial" (see cover of 
this magazine), the remaining 11 being other aspects of legal life. 
Smith continued to paint a considerable number of oils for Darvill, 
most of which are still in his possession. These oils all depict vari- 
ous aspects of early Western life and vary in size from eight by ten 
inches to three by four feet. 27 

Smith lived until his 81st year, re-creating until the end the life 
he recalled in the West of an earlier day. 28 


An illustrator who was sometimes confused with J. H. Smith was 
Dan Smith, although the two, as far as I have been able to deter- 
mine, were not related. Dan Smith, of Danish parentage, was born 
in Greenland in 1865, but came as a boy to this country. When 14 
he went to Copenhagen and studied at the Public Arts Institute. 
Upon returning to this country he received further training at the 
Philadelphia Academy of Fine Arts and joined the art staff of Les- 
lies Weekly about 1890. 29 

Dan Smith later in life "was known to millions of readers in the 
United States," as for over 20 years he drew the covers of the Sun- 
day magazine section of the New York World. At the time of his 
death on December 10, 1934, he was an artist for King Features. 30 

26. Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia, February 17, 1934, p. 15. The illustration 
was reproduced from Leslie's Weekly, January 25, 1890. 

27. Information from Mr. Darvill who sent me a list of Smith paintings owned in 
1950. Some 140 titles appear in the list of the Darvill collection. For any one interested 
in reproductions of "The Frontier Trial" by Smith, address DarvilTs Picture and Gift Shop, 
1305 Pacific Highway, Bellingham, Wash. 

28. A death notice of Smith wiU be found in the Vancouver (B. C.) Daily Province, 
March 8, 1941, where the date of his death is given as March 7, 1941 (in Vancouver). 

29. New York Times, December 12, 1934, p. 23 (an obituary). He is listed as a 
member of Leslie's art staff in Leslie's Weekly, February 22, 1894, pp. 129-136. As will 
appear in the text, Dan Smith's illustrations began appearing in Leslie's Weekly by early 

30. New York Times, December 12, 1934. 


His place in this series of articles, however, arises from a number 
of Western illustrations appearing in Leslies Weekly from 1891 to 
1897. These illustrations are bold and interesting drawings of 
Western scenes that were based on at least one and probably sev- 
eral Western trips. 31 

His first Western illustrations appeared in Leslie's Weekly in the 
early part of 1891 and are pictorial records of the Indian troubles 
at the Pine Ridge agency (South Dakota) that resulted in the 
tragedy of the Wounded Knee "battle." Since one of this group 
of illustrations bears the legend, "From Sketches Made on the 
Spot," one would infer that Smith was an observer of the incidents 
depicted, although another illustration of the same group bears the 
credit line "after photo." 32 

The next group of Dan Smith illustrations were apparently based 
on a trip to New Mexico and the Southwest in 1891, or possibly 
they resulted from a continuation of his Western trip begun at the 
Pine Ridge agency. Most of them deal with various aspects of the 
cattle industry and that never-failing topic of interest "cow-boys." 
Included in the group are: "An Impromptu Affair A Bull Fight 
on the Plains," "Freighting Salt in New Mexico" (reproduced in the 
picture supplement), "Christmas in the Cow Boys' Cabin," "Giving 
the Mess Wagon a Lift," "Cattle Herding in New Mexico" and 
"Perilous Wagoning in New Mexico." 33 

31. In 1940, I had correspondence with William Smith of New York City, a brother 
of Dan Smith. Mr. Smith wrote me that Dan Smith's Western illustrations were based on 
real life sketches made at the ranch of "Mr. Stevens of Albuquerque." Whether there 
were one or a number of such visits to the Stevens ranch, William Smith could not recall. 

32. This series of illustrations in Leslie's Weekly in 1891 included: "The Sioux Ghost 
Dance," January 10, p. 437 (full page); "The Indian Troubles A Body of Nineteen 
Teamsters Repel an Attack on a Wagon-Train Near Wounded Knee Creek, South Dakota," 
January 17, p. 461 (full page); "The Relief Corps Searching for the Dead and Wounded 
After the Fight With the Hostile Sioux at Wounded Knee Discovery of a Live Papoose," 
January 31, p. 493 (title page); "The Recent Indian Troubles The Military Guard, 
Searching the Field After the Fight at Wounded Knee, Discover the Body of Big Foot's 
Chief Medicine-Man," February 7, p. 13 (full page and "after photo"); "Running Down a 
Sioux Horse-Thief," March 21, p. 117 (full page). The second of the above illustrations 
is credited in the legend to J. H. Smith but is signed "D. Smith 90" which suggests the 
possibility that these illustrations were made originally by J. H. Smith, who was in the West 
at this time, and then were redrawn by Dan Smith. None of the remaining illustrations 
in this group, however, make any reference to J. H. Smith. As J. H. Smith's illustrations 
with credit were appearing in Leslie's Weekly at this time, I think that the more likely 
explanation of the matter is a confusion of names. 

There were many newspaper correspondents and illustrators present for the Indian troubles 
of 1890-1891, including Frederic Remington (see Harper's Weekly, v. 34 [1891], January 
24, 31, and February 7). Elmo Scott Watson of the department of journalism, University 
of Denver, made the reporting of the Wounded Knee troubles a matter of considerable study 
and he wrote me that he had found the names of neither J. H. Smith nor Dan Smith listed 
in any of the contemporary newspaper accounts with which he was familiar. 

33. These and other 
Impromptu Affair A 
Cattle Industry on the 


page); "Christmas in the ^Cow "Boys' Cabin," December 5, 1891 (in this issue the pages 
were not numbered; a half -page illustration); "Giving the Mess Wagon a Lift," January 2, 
1892, p. 383; "The Race on the Plains," January 9, 1892 (title page in color); "Cowboys 


Several sets of illustrations by Dan Smith picturing the opening 
of the Oklahoma country will also be found in Leslies Weekly, but 
these are redrawn after photographs. 34 The last three Western 
illustrations to be mentioned are hunting illustrations drawn by 
Dan Smith. The first of these shows a trial between Siberian wolf- 
hounds and Scotch deer hounds in the Rockies. It is also redrawn 
after a photograph. "Bear Hunting in the Rockies" and "Gen. Nel- 
son A. Miles' Recent Bear Hunt in New Mexico" may possibly be 
the result of direct observation. 35 

After 1897, Dan Smith's activities were directed into other chan- 
nels. He was a pictorial reporter of the Spanish- American War 
and his subsequent efforts which made him so well known, have 
already been mentioned. 36 


Literary critics make much of the fact that James Fenimore 
Cooper was a forceful writer on the political and social scene of 
his day and that he was novelist of the sea but surely his Leather- 
stocking tales have affected more lives than all the remainder of 
his work together. The breathless unrelenting chase in the forest 
wilderness of The Last of the Mohicans, the life of a frontier settle- 
ment depicted in The Pioneers, the sublime scenes of the raging 
prairie fire and of the wild and thunderous buffalo stampede in 
The Prairie, with the other volumes of the series, not only attracted 
a great audience in their day but moved many members of that 
audience to new pathways and careers. The Cooper theme of the, 
American frontier and the continual movement of that frontier 
westward was a major factor in developing an attitude of mind to- 
ward the West the West of the 1830's and 1840's not only at 
home but abroad. To be sure, this attitude was one concerned 
with the romantic aspects of the frontier the idealized Indian, the 
idealized pioneer, the idealized backwoodsman. Cooper, together 
with Catlin, created frontier and Indian types that were to survive 
in the national consciousness for long, long years. They served as 

Struggling With a Horse Maddened by the Plant [Mexican Crazy Weed]," January 23, 1892 
(title page); "Sheep Herding in New Mexico," March 17, 1892, p. 117 (three illustrations 
on one page); "Cattle Herding in New Mexico," September 28, 1893, pp. 204, 205 (double 
page); "The Cowboy's Vision," December 14, 1893, p. 23 (one-half page); "Perilous 
Wagoning in New Mexico," April 12, 1894, p. 245; "On the Range" (roping), March 22, 

1894, p. 191 (one-third page); "A Bull Fight on the Western Plains," November 26, 1896, 
p. 352. 

34. Ibid., May 19, 1892, p. 263 (four illustrations on one page); September 28, 1893, 
p. 208. 

35. Ibid., September 29, 1892, p. 229; January 18, 1894, p. 44; December 20, 1894, 
p. 413. 

36. Smith had several Indian illustrations for a fictional article in ibid., December 12, 

1895, p. 6, and in the issue of August 12, 1897, pp. 104, 105, he was credited with a 
number of Alaskan pictures. There is no evidence, however, that these illustrations were 
the result of his direct observation. 


models for other writers (a whole German school of writers fol- 
lowed Cooper), stirred the imagination and spurred the activities 
of many individuals. 37 

One of this last group was H. W. Hansen. Born in Dithmars- 
chen, Germany, on June 22, 1854, he was a reader of Cooper from 
early boyhood and to Cooper's influence may be attributed the im- 
pulse to wander and to see for himself wild Western scenes. He 
came to this country in 1877. His bent toward an artistic career 
had led to a thorough training at Hamburg under Simmonsen, a 
well-known painter of battle scenes. This training was supple- 
mented in 1876 by a year's study in London. Upon arrival in the 
United States, Hansen supported himself by commercial art work, 
first in New York and later in Chicago. It was in Chicago that a 
commission for three paintings led directly to his career as a painter 
of Western scenes. Hansen himself, in 1908, recalled his first West- 
ern experience: 

I painted three pictures for the Chicago and Northwestern railroad in 1879; 
I think they used them for advertising purposes, showing the progress of trans- 
portation; one showed a canal boat towed by mules, the next a stage coach, 
and the last a train. Now the railroad had just penetrated the Dakotas, and 
had a fine locomotive, all decked out with silver, at the extreme end of the 
line, and the company commissioned me to paint a picture of it. 

They asked me if it wouldn't be best for me to go to Dakota to paint the 
engine, and I at once said "y es " although the proposition was absurd as they 
had plenty of good photographs, but I was young and anxious to see the western 
country. Once I got there, I stayed until I had made all the studies of Indians 
and buffalo I wanted at the time. 38 

Several years were spent in Chicago, where Hansen attended the 

37. For Cooper's contributions as the main originator of the frontier hero and the place 
of the American West in literature see Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land (Cambridge, 1950), 
chs. 6 and 7; for the school of German writers following Cooper, see P. A. Barba, "Cooper 
in Germany," German American Annals, N. S. v. 12 (1914), pp. 3-6, and the chapter 
"America in German Fiction" in Barba's book, Balduin Mollhausen, the German Cooper 
(Philadelphia, 1914); further information bearing on the general subject can be found in 
Barba's "The American Indian in German Fiction," German American Annals, N. S. v. 11 
(1913), pp. 143-174. 

38. Santa Barbara Morning Press, June 30, 1908, p. 5. It seems probable that Hansen's 
memory was defective in regard to the railroad that employed him in 1879. The chief 
railroad in Dakota in 1879 was the Northern Pacific. The Chicago and Northwestern had 
two subsidiary lines in the Dakotas, the Dakota Central of 24.6 miles length and the Winona 
and St. Peter R. R., 38.4 miles long. See Henry V. Poor's Manual of the Railroads of the 
United States for 1880 (New York, 1880), p. 838. The biographic material upon which 
the above discussion is based comes from manuscript notes furnished me by Mrs. H. W. 
Hansen in 1939. Mrs. Hansen not only sent me these notes, but also furnished me a number 
of newspaper clippings concerning her husband's work and several photographs of Mr. 
Hansen and of his paintings. After Mrs. Hansen's death in 1940, further biographic ma- 
terial concerning Mr. Hansen was sent me by his daughter, Miss Beatrice Hansen of San 
Francisco. I wish to express my sincere thanks to both Mrs. Hansen and Miss Beatrice 
Hansen for their very kind co-operation. 

Additional biographic sources of information on Mr. Hansen will be found in California 
Art Research, San Francisco, First Series, v. 9 (1937), pp. 89-104 (mimeograph). I am 
indebted to Miss Caroline Wenzel of the California State Library, Sacramento, for making 
a copy of this work available to me. Obituaries of Hansen will be found in the San Fran- 
cisco Chronicle, Sunday, April 13, 1924, and in the Oakland (Cal.) Tribune of the same 
date. Mr. Hansen's death occurred on April 2, 1924. A biographical sketch of Hansen 
also appeared under the title of "Etching in California," by Harry Noyes Pratt, in the 
Overland Monthly, San Francisco, v. 82 (1924), May, pp. 220, 237. 


Chicago Art Institute but many other side excursions were made. 
On one of these trips, with a companion, he made an extensive 
walking tour and sketching trip through the length of the Blue 
Ridge mountains. In February, 1882, Hansen went to California 
to settle the estate of an older brother. He soon made the state 
his permanent home, married and with brief absences, lived in and 
around San Francisco for the remainder of his life. Hansen was 
not an illustrator and doubtless for that reason his work was not 
widely known for many years. He achieved some local reputation 
with the paintings "A Critical Moment" (1894), "The Round-Up" 
(1895), "Indian Gratitude" (1895), "A Surprise Party" (1898), 
"Mexican Vaqueros" (1899), but his larger reputation, like Schrey- 
vogel's, was achieved after 1900 and he therefore more properly 
belongs to a later story than ours. But, like Schreyvogel again, no 
account of his work is readily available and we have therefore in- 
cluded him here. 

It was Hansen's habit to make frequent and extended sketching 
tours. These were at first confined to the Southwest, Texas, New 
Mexico, Arizona, and to Mexico. He sought not only subjects, but 
incidents, stories, equipment of the Western horse and his riders, 
for Hansen early devoted many of his canvases to the horse. In 
fact, one authority on Hansen's work wrote in 1924: 

It was the horse which formed the prime motif of his work. It may be that 
he some time painted a canvas which did not hold a horse; if he did I have not 
seen the picture. It was the horse that afforded him the real means of telling 
his story what a short-coming that is in the minds of today's generation of 
painters, to tell a story and it was usually his pleasure to tell a tale of some 
sort, dramatic, tragic or of the every day. . . , 39 

Hansen's first exhibition was held in San Francisco in 1901, and 
this exhibition together with the painting, "The Pony Express," 
completed in 1900, were Hansen's introduction to a wider audience. 
"The Pony Express" especially brought him considerable notice, 
since it was bought by a Chicago paper and reproduced in the 
pages of the newspaper in three colors. That this picture was 
widely distributed is shown by a comment of Frank Mayer, editor 
of the Western Field. Mayer while riding the cow ranges with a 
companion in northern Colorado found the print nailed on the wall 
of a dugout. Mayer's companion, a professional cowboy, surveyed 
the print and was moved to comment, "The feller who drawed 
that savvey's his business." 40 

39. Ibid. 

40. Western Field., San Francisco, v. 6 (1905), June. Hansen's first exhibition is 
described in the San Francisco Call, October 27, 1901. Mrs. Hansen wrote me that "The 
Pony Exnress" was reproduced in the Chicago Tribune sometime during 1900 but I have 
not found it. 


A careful student, an excellent draughtsman, an exacting task- 
master for correct detail, Hansen won his Western audience. He 
continued his field work, ranging over an ever-increasing area of 
the West. In 1903, he made his first visit to Montana, spending 
part of the summer at the Crow agency in the southeastern part of 
the state, where he was a guest of S. G. Reynolds, the Indian agent 
on the reservation. Reynolds, popular with the Indians, was able 
to secure many favors for Hansen, among them an invitation to a 
series of Indian dances held to celebrate the Fourth of July. The 
Crows were so patriotic that the celebration was held for three days 
rather than one. In describing his attendance at some of the 
dances, Hansen wrote: 

We were given a most hearty reception and conducted to the center of the 
teepee where we were requested to be seated. Then some special dances were 
performed by the participants, of which there were hundreds, whose nude 
bodies were painted in the most varied and original designs of brilliant red, 
blue, green and yellow, immense war bonnets on their heads, and otherwise 
decorated and ornamented with heavily beaded trimmings and feathers. This 
grotesque and weird-in-the-extreme looking lot of beings, bucks and squaws 
alike, danced to the accompaniment of the dismal tones of their tom-toms, 
until they fairly reeled and were completely exhausted. 41 

And then in the intermissions shades of Fenimore Cooper and 
George Catlin the guests were served lemonade! Such incongru- 
ity, the contrast between the barbaric dances and the hospitable 
gesture of a church sociable, did not go unnoted among the guests; 
the lemonade, Hansen noted, savored "too much of civilization." 

The fine bead and leather work of the Crows also impressed 
Hansen, "their designs being so artistic, and their combinations of 
colors so harmonious/' he wrote, "that it seems almost incredible 
that it is the work of beings still on the lowest rung of the ladder 
of civilization." 

The continued practice of making these summer field trips with 
the wealth of incident and atmosphere gathered and eventually 
transformed into pictured reality, finally brought Hansen well de- 
served recognition and a competence. Exhibitions of his work 
appeared in the East and he began to make sales in considerable 
number. Adolphus Busch of St. Louis bought six of Hansen's 
paintings in 1906 for $10,000 and European buyers in England, 
Germany and Russia left little of Hansen's work available for sale 
in California. The great earthquake of 1906 was a severe blow to 
Hansen, as a number of his paintings in his studio were destroyed. 

41. Hansen described his Montana visit at some length in a letter to the Alameda (Cal. ) 
Daily Argus, Saturday supplement, September 5, 1903. The quotation above is from this 
source as well as the information in the text. 


Courtesy Miss Beatrice Hansen, San Francisco, Gal. 


Courtesy Fred T. Darvill, 
Bellingharo, Wash. 


Courtesy Mrs. H. W. Caylor, 
Big Spring, Tex. 

g 8 
| | 

<3 =o 
5 ^ 


1. A Chief Speaks for Peace. 2. Cattle-Owners Bunching Their Cattle for Protection. 
3. Exodus of Half-Breeds and Squaw-Men. 4. The Ghost Dance. ( From Frank Leslie's 
Illustrated Newspaper, December 13, 1890). 

Courtesy Mrs. H. W. Caylor 


From Brush and Pencil, March, 1900 

Courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City 

From Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, November 28, 1891 



The greatest loss was the collection of Indian and Western arms, 
dress and equipment, as well as field notes and sketches. 42 

Hansen's work at present is chiefly in the hands of private own- 
ers. The notable exception is found in the Art Museum of the 
Eastman Memorial Foundation of Laurel, Miss., which owns six 
paintings. As Hansen was primarily a worker in water color, 
though to some extent in oil, reproduction of his work never had 
the wide distribution achieved by Remington, with whom his work 
has been frequently compared. A critic writing in 1910 pointed 
out that the subject matter of Hansen and Remington paintings 
were many times identical, but he added the pertinent comment 
that Hansen's work "lacks some of the crispness of out-line and the 
vividness of coloring seen in Remington's [but] he makes up for it 
in greater softness and finish." Neuhaus also comments on his work 
with the criticism: 

His [Hansen's] concern was more with realistic photographic records of 
frontier life than with the beauties of design and color. His medium was 
water-color, which he used rather thinly. The artistic value of his work is 
limited, and it will be remembered largely for its historical significance, in that 
it presents a phase of American life rapidly passing. 43 

Remington, Russell and Schreyvogel, all contemporaries of Han- 

42. An extensive exhibit of the work of California artists, most of which was Hansen's 
work, was held in Denver in the fall of 1905. A newspaper account of the exhibit stated 
that Hansen's ". . . Western pictures . . . are just now something of a sensation 
in the East." Denver Republican, September 24. 1905, p. 24. The exhibit before its de- 
parture for the East was described in the San Francisco Call, September 10, 1905. The 
sale of the Hansen paintings to Busch was reported in an unidentified newspaper clipping 
supplied by Mrs. Hansen and dated (in pencil) "1906." Mrs. Hansen in 1939 sent me a 
list of purchasers of some of Hansen's paintings. Included among these buyers were three 
Russians, two Britons and a German. 

43. The first quotation above is from an unidentified clipping sent me by Mrs. Hansen 
in 1939; the comment of Neuhaus is from his book The History and Ideals of American 
Art (Stanford Univ., 1931), p. 324. A brief comparison of Hansen's work with that of 
Russell and of Maynard Dixon, by H. N. Pratt, will be found in the San Francisco Chronicle, 
Sunday, August 26, 1923. 

In 1939, Mrs. Hansen furnished me a list of the 31 paintings that she considered to be 
Hansen's most important canvases. The titles of these paintings follow: 

1. "Geronimo Returning From a Raid." 16. "A Risky Catch." 

2. "Pony Express." 17. "Waiting for the Rush." 

3. "A Dash for the Relay Station." 18. 'Calling His Bluff." 

4. "Renegade Apaches." 19. 'A Surprise Party." 

5. "Custer's Battle Field on the Little 20. 'Indian Gratitude." 

Big Horn." 21. 'A Dangerous Party." 

6. "Stampede." 22. 'Apache Scouts." 

7. "Pony Express Relay." 23. 'In a Tight Place." 

8. "At the Water Hole." 24. 'The Return of the Vigilantes." 

9. "Out for a Lark." 25. 'A Rocky Trail." 

10. "Before the Railroad Came." 26. 'A Narrow Escape." 

11. "Winter." 27. 'The Outlaw." 

12. "Lonesome." 28. 'A Critical Moment." 

13. "The Scalp." 29. 'A Race for Dinner." 

14. "His Postoffice." 30. 'Scenting Danger." 

15. "Breaking an Outlaw." 31. 'Mexican Horse Thieves." 

Even as late as fifteen years ago, the Chicago Tribune (March 8, 1936) reproduced in 
color two of Hansen's paintings, "Apache Scouts Trailing" and "Outcasts" (Dog Soldiers). 


Courtesy Woolaroc Museum, Bartlesville, Okla. 



sen, have left interesting records of their work in bronze. Hansen 
never attempted the art of sculpturing but unlike his contempo- 
raries, he did enter the field of etching. In 1924, the year of his 
death, he took up this new art and several successful works fol- 
lowed. 44 


As the century drew to a close, many artists and illustrators 
other than those belonging to the Taos group whom we shall con- 
sider shortly were beginning the practice of their profession. 
Most of this group achieved their greatest reputation after the turn 
of the century but as they serve as a link between the older and 
the modern "schools" as do the Taos group the early careers of 
four of their number have been selected as illustrative of all. They 
are Fernand H. Lungren, Maynard Dixon, W. R. Leigh and H. W. 

Lungren, born in 1857, grew to young manhood in the Middle 
West. When he was 19 he met Kenyon Cox, only a year older 
than Lungren. Cox had already entered on an artistic career and 
his example influenced Lungren toward the same profession. After 
some art training in Cincinnati, Lungren went to Philadelphia 
where he studied with Thomas Eakins. He began a professional 
career in New York as an illustrator for Scribners Magazine in 
1879. After several years in New York he went abroad for some 
years but returned to make his home in Cincinnati in 1892. Cin- 
cinnati at this time was an active art center, including among its 
artistic personnel Frank Duveneck, J. H. Sharp and Henry F. 
Farny. Farny by this time had begun painting imaginative West- 
ern scenes and Sharp was already interested in Indian portraiture; 
Lungren soon became intimate with both men. When an oppor- 
tunity was offered by the Santa Fe railroad to spend the summer 
of 1892 sketching in New Mexico for an advertising campaign, 
Lungren was eager to make the trip. The following summer he 
was in Arizona. From these two visits to the Southwest there soon 
appeared a number of magazine illustrations and paintings and 
eventually a career as a painter of Western desert scenes. 45 

44. See Pratt, loc. cit., for a reproduction of one of Hansen's etchings. 

45. My information on Lungren comes from the comprehensive biography, Fernand 
Lungren (Santa Barbara, 1936), by John A. Berger; and from correspondence with Mr. 
Berger. All information concerning Lungren given in the text is from Mr. Berger's biography 
unless other citations are made. I should like to take this opportunity to thank Mr. Berger 
for his kind co-operation and aid in supplying information. Apparently resulting from 
Lungren's Western trip of 1892 were 38 paintings under the general title "Among the 
Pueblos" (Nos. 292-329 inclusive) listed in the Catalogue of the Art Collection of the 
St. Louis Exposition, 1893. This same catalogue lists two paintings (Nos. 276 and 277) 
by Charles Craig, "A Cold Day for the Indian" and "Indian Lookouts," and three by the 
Texas artist, Frank Reaugh (Nos. 338-340 inclusive). For a brief sketch of Reaugh and his 
work (1861-1945), see his autobiography Biographical (December, 1936), 6pp., and 


Several illustrations in St. Nicholas Magazine in 1895, and Jan- 
uary, 1896, mark Lungren's first appearance as a Western illustra- 
tor, but a painting reproduced shortly thereafter in Harpers 
Weekly created a sensation. 46 The painting was "Thirst" and is 
said to be based on a personal experience of Lungren on a desert 
trip. It depicts a dead horse on a desert waste with a man in des- 
perate condition in the foreground, his eyes staring and extended. 
It was on display first at the 29th annual exhibition of the Ameri- 
can Water-Color Society and was soon reproduced in Harpers 
Weekly. Owen Wister wrote that the painting was "appallingly 
natural to anyone who has ridden over that country" and that it 
was "too true for one's sitting room." John Berger, Lungren's 
biographer and Stewart Edward White, an intimate friend of Lun- 
gren, confirmed Wister's comment many years later. Mr. Berger 
wrote me that "so many people were so horror-stricken with the 
painting that Lungren finally quit showing it." 47 The present lo- 
cation of the picture is unknown. 

Other illustrations in Harper's Weekly, Harpers Magazine and 
the Century Magazine followed in considerable number. These for 
the most part were concerned with life on the mesa and desert of 
the Southwest. 48 In fact, it was not long until Lungren decided to 
devote his entire time to painting the Southwest desert and his 
later reputation is based primarily on his desert pictures. He be- 
came a Californian in 1903 and settled permanently at Santa Bar- 

Paintings of the Southwest by Frank Reaugh, n. d., 45pp. A number of paintings are 
reproduced in this booklet in black and white and Reaugh has made many notes on the 
original paintings. The Reaugh collection is now housed in the Barker Texas History Center, 
University of Texas, Austin. 

46. The illustrations in St. Nicholas, New York, will be found as follows: "The Bronco's 
Best Race," by Cromwell Galpin, three illustrations by Lungren, Apache and Southwest 
locale, v. 22 (1895), August, pp. 795-803; "The Magic Turquoise," by Lungren himself, 
two full-page illustrations, one dated 1894, v. 23 (1896), January, pp. 216-222, and 
"Hemmed in With the Chief," by Frank W. Calkins, one full-page illustration by Lungren 
(Indian and buffalo), v. 23 (1896), February, pp. 290-293. "Thirst" was reproduced in 
Harper's Weekly as a full-page illustration on February 8, 1896, p. 128, with comment on 
p. 126 by Owen Wister. 

47. Mr. Berger wrote on May 6, 1940, after talking with Stewart Edward White, who 
"studioed" with Lungren in Santa Barbara in 1906. 

48. Harper's Weekly, v. 40 (1896), August 15, has four Lungren illustrations of the 

Magazine, New York, Lungren illustrated "An Elder Brother to the Cliff-Dweller's," by 
T. M. Prudden, v. 95 (1897), June, pp. 55-67, the most important of the illustrations being 
the full-page "A Sand-Storm on the Mojave Desert"; and Prudden's article "Under the 
Spell of the Grand Canyon," v. 97 (1898), August, pp. 377-392, four illustrations by 
Lungren, one in color, "On the Painted Desert." In this last article Prudden described a 
trip of several weeks in the Grand Canyon country, but it is obvious from the context that 
Lungren was not a member of the party. In The Century Magazine, New York, Lungren 
illustrated F. W. Hodge's account of the famous "Ascent of the Enchanted Mesa," N. S. 
V. 34 (1898), May, pp. 15-25, but again Lungren may not have been a member of the 
party that ascended the mesa; that Lungren was a serious student of mesa life, however, is 
attested by an article written and illustrated by himself, "Notes on Old Mesa Life," ibid., 
pp. 26-31. For other Lungren illustrations in this period (not Western), see 19th Century 
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature, 1890-99 (New York, 1944), v. 2, p. 140. 


bara in 1908, where he devoted the remainder of his life to art in- 
struction and to painting Death Valley and the Mojave Desert. 
At his death in 1932, many of Lungren's paintings were willed to 
Santa Barbara State College. 49 

Maynard Dixon was California's notable contribution to Western 
illustration and art. Born at Fresno in 1875, he spent his boyhood 
on the great interior plain of California, at a time when the gold 
rush days were still vivid memories to many a citizen of Fresno 
and of California. Dixon, before his untimely death in 1946, wrote 
a brief paragraph for this series on the beginning of his career: 

Back in the late 80's [he wrote me in 1940] when Harpers, Century and 
Scribners were tops, Frederic Remington and Howard Pyle were beginning 
their best work. I was living in a West that was real, '49ers were still our 
neighbors, even some "mountain men," Miller and Lux were going strong and 
the California vaquero was still king of the saddle. When I was 16 ( 1891 ) I 
quit school and sent Remington 2 sketchbooks. He wrote me a splendid letter 
and I have been on the job ever since. The West of Then and Now is still 
my subject, and at 65 I have yet another lap to go. 

I did my first paid illustrating in 1895 for old Overland Monthly and S. F. 
Call, Jack London's "Men of Forty Mile," "Malemute Kid" and others. I 
think "Lo-To-Kah" was my first book. All these drawings were terrible. Look- 
ing back through old clippings of newspaper and magazine work it seems I 
did not begin to hit the ball until '98 or '99. Made my first "frontier" trip 
outside Calif. (Ariz, and New Mex.) in 1900. Did my last magazine illus. in 
1922 and a little for Touring Topics (now Westways) 1930-31. 50 

Evidently, Dixon did some "free" illustrating for Overland 
Monthly before 1895, for the record shows that his first illustration 
appeared in that magazine in December, 1893 when he was but 
18 years old and many others were to appear before the turn of 
the century. 51 The first of his book illustrations appeared in Ver- 
ner Reed's Lo-To-Kah, published in 1897, which was illustrated 
by both Dixon and Charles Craig. Before his career in illustration 
was finished, Dixon pictures were to appear in over 30 books. 52 

49. Berger, op. cit. 

50. Letter from Mr. Dixon to the writer, October 3, 1940. I carried on an extended 
correspondence with Mr. Dixon from 1939 until his death on November 13, 1946, and 
although I never met him personally I felt that he was a real friend. He always answered 
my inquiries cheerfully and at length, when I am sure he must have marveled at my ig- 
norance of art. He even went to the trouble of drawing outline sketches on thin paper to 
be placed over photographs of his paintings, to illustrate some elemental principle of art. 

51. For a list see 19th Century Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature, 1890-99, p. 739. 
Dixon's illustrations did not appear in Eastern periodicals until 1900. Some of the earliest 
of this group include (all are full page): Harper's Weekly, v. 46 (1902), March 22 (title 
page), "The Trials of a 'Bronco-Buster'," dated "Oregon 1901"; April 19 (title page), 
"Stay With Him! Stay With Him!" (bronco buster); May 17, p. 621, "Wild Range-Horses 
in the Corral," dated "P Ranch Oregon 1901;" October 11, p. 1449, "Freighting in the 
Desert" (California); December 6, p. 15, "Christmas in the Arizona Desert." 

52. My friend J. C. Dykes of College Park, Md., has been compiling a lot of Dixon 
illustrations, particularly book illustrations, and in a list sent me several years ago, Dykes 
included 39 titles of books containing such illustrations. In Lo-To-Kah the earliest Dixon 
illustration bears the date 1894; Reed's book, Tales of the Sun-Land, was also published 
in 1897 and contained 20 full illustrations by Dixon and other drawings. Jack London's 
The Son of the Wolf (1900), is the third book on Mr. Dykes list. 


As Dixon's own account infers, a gradual change in his activities 
occurred about 1920. Painting from that time on became the cen- 
ter of his life. His career thereafter belongs to the modern period 
of Western art. 53 

William R. Leigh, like many another artist of the West, had cher- 
ished the desire since early boyhood to visit that fabulous country, 
the Far West. Born on a West Virginia farm in 1866, he early be- 
gan to draw animals. At the age of 12 he was given an award of 
one hundred dollars by W. W. Corcoran, the great art collector 
of Washington, after Corcoran had seen a drawing of a dog made 
by the youngster. Three years of training at the Maryland Insti- 
tute of Art in Baltimore was followed by extensive training abroad, 
especially at Munich. One impression that he brought from Mu- 
nich was the appearance of horses seen in many paintings abroad. 
To one who had begun his career in boyhood by drawing animals 
on his father's farm, realistic draftsmanship was the first criterion 
of animal representation. But the horses seen in Munich paintings, 
Leigh said a few years later, were "not only unlike any horses that 
I ever saw, but unlike any beast I had ever seen." 54 His reaction 
to these paintings may have set him on an exhaustive study of the 
depiction of the horse and which Leigh eventually published in 
book form as The Western Pony. 55 By 1897, Leigh had achieved 
a considerable reputation as an illustrator of national magazines 
and in the summer of that year he was sent by Scribners Magazine 
to North Dakota to make sketches of wheat farming. Sixteen il- 
lustrations resulting from this assignment were used that fall by 
Scribners in an article by William Allen White, "The Business of 
a Wheat Farm." 56 Particularly notable among the illustrations were 
"Steam Threshers at Work" and "A Camp," the latter showing har- 
vest hands about an evening campfire. These illustrations, Mr. 
Leigh wrote me in 1940, "were all made from life," and he con- 

53. For biographical material on Dixon, consult Who's Who in America (Chicago, 
1946), v. 24 (1946-1947), p. 621; U. S. W. P. A., California Art Research, v. 8; Maynard 
Dixon (San Francisco, 1937, mimeographed); Arizona Highways, Phoenix, v. 18 (1942), 
February, pp. 16-19 this material includes an account by Dixon himself "Arizona in 
1900"; Arthur Miller, Maynard Dixon Painter of the West (Tucson, 1945). This beautiful 
booklet contains reproductions of many Dixon paintings (a number in color), a list of his 
exhibitions, a list of his mural decorations and a list of his works in collections, 1915-1945. 

54. James B. Carrington, "W. R. Leigh," Book Buyer, New York, v. 17 (1898), pp. 
596-599; and "William R. Leigh," The Mentor, New York, v. 3 (1915), No. 9, Serial No. 85. 

55. The Western Pony (New York, 1933), 116pp., with illustrations in black and 
white by Leigh. Leigh discusses at some length in this book his feeling toward the West, 
his judgment of Remington and of Russell as depictors of horses, and his philosophy of art, 
as well as a discussion of the methods employed by the artist in showing movement in 

56. Scribner's Magazine, New York, v. 22 (1897), November, pp. 531-548. For an 
index to Leigh's illustrations of the 1890's, see 19th Century Readers' Guide to Periodical 
Literature, v. 2, p. 59. Leigh also illustrated a Midwest political story for William Allen 
White's "Victory for the People," Scribner's Magazine, v. 25 (1899), pp. 717-728. 


I went to North Dakota in 1897 to do some illustrations for Scribner's Maga- 
zine, but while I then had my first taste of the west, and was really inspired 
by it, I had no opportunity to do any studies independently for my own use. 

From the moment I returned from my studies in Europe, I had wanted to 
go to the west, which I had already determined was the really true America, 
and what I wanted to paint. I made many efforts to that end, but was always 
troubled by lack of funds and misinformation as to the cost and difficulties. 57 

These illustrations of wheat farming were followed shortly by a 
series of remarkable pictures which undoubtedly played their part 
in stirring the slowly awakening social conscience of the American 
people around the turn of the century. The illustrations were made 
for a series of articles by W. A. Wyckoff, "The Workers The 
West/' and show the life of the drifting worker, primarily in Chi- 
cago. 58 Included, however, is one illustration belonging to the 
farther West, a scene depicting an Indian and two cowboys in camp 
on the plains. 

By 1906 Leigh decided to devote all his energies to the drawing 
and painting of Western scenes. Probably of all artists who have 
entered this field exclusively, Leigh's mastery of draftsmanship is 
the surest and most skillful. His later career belongs again to the 
modern period. 59 

H. W. Caylor is representative of a considerable group of men, 
who though known locally, never achieved a wide reputation. 
Born in 1867, he began as a boy to draw pictures of animals. He, 
like many another youngster, wanted to be a cowboy and was ac- 
tually employed as such in Kansas for a few months when in his 
teens. Self-taught, he made most of his early living as an itinerant 
portrait painter. After his marriage in 1889, he acquired two sec- 
tions of land near Big Spring, Tex., bought a few of the vanishing 
longhorn Texas cattle for models and devoted the rest of his life to 
depicting ranch life and cattle and cowboy scenes. He fitted up a 
horse-drawn outfit which carried a camping and painting outfit, 
and with his wife followed cattle drives and roundups. He be- 
came acquainted with a number of cattlemen who were interested 
in his work and who became his patrons. "The Trail Herd" (repro- 

57. Letter to the writer, August 21, 1940. 

58. Scribner's' Magazine, vols. 23, 24; the articles appearing in all nine issues from 
March through November, 1898, except August. 

59. For Leigh's later career see Who's Who in America, v. 26 (1950-1951), p. 1597, 
and The Western Pony, cited in Footnote 55. In 1945 Leigh published (mimeograph) 
"Reproductions of William R. Leigh's Paintings in Color and Black and White Appearing 
in the Following Publications Since 1910." The list includes some 150 titles, a number 
of which are duplicates and also included are a number of African illustrations resulting 
from his trips to Africa in 1926 and 1928. Neuhaus, op. cit., p. 324, wrote concerning 
Leigh: "His pictures have the sophistication and finesse of the schooled painter, but they 
lack the freshness and vigor of Remington's or Russell's work." 

A colored reproduction of Leigh's "An Argument With the Sheriff" is available from the 
Dick Jones Picture Co., 3127 Walnut St., Huntington Park, Cal. 


duced in the picture supplement), "The Stampede/' "The Passing of 
the Old West," "Going Up the Old Trail," "The Lucien Wells 
Ranch," "Prayer for Rain," "The Chuck Wagon," "Disputing the 
Trail," were among his better-known paintings. The titles show the 
nature of his work, which was done between 1891 and the time of 
his death in 1932. 60 


The 80 years of Western illustration, beginning with the work 
of Samuel Seymour in 1819, had its logical conclusion in the Taos 
art colony of the modern day. The landscape of the great open 
spaces and of the Shining mountains ( an early and appealing name 
given the Rockies ) , the activities of the memorable but past West- 
ern scene including its Indian inhabitants, had so firm a hold on 
the life of America that it seems inevitable that collectively these 
aspects of our land and history would eventually lead to its artistic 
expression. That it culminated at Taos may be more or less acci- 
dental; that artists not connected with the Taos School have utilized 
the same themes is more or less irrelevant. The point of immediate 
concern is that there exists a considerable group of artists who 
carry on the Western tradition and spirit. 

The attitude of the art historian toward this group is varied. In 
the recent Art and Life in America which purports to be written 
"for students of American civilization who wish to know what part 
the visual plastic arts have played in our society" no mention is 
made of Taos and modern Western painting and illustration, al- 
though the early Western landscape school is given brief com- 
ment. 61 Royal Cortissoz, in his addition to Samuel Isham's History 
of American Painting at least makes recognition of the Taos group 
and its purpose. "In substance," he wrote, "the group has brought 

60. Material for the above brief description of Caylor came from his widow, Mrs. H. W. 
Caylor of Big Spring, Tex., by correspondence in 1940; from an obituary in the Big Spring 
Daily Herald, December 25, 1932, p. 1, kindly supplied by N. A. Cleveland, Jr., librarian, 
newspaper collection, University of Texas; and from an article by J. Frank Dobie, "Texas 
Art and a Wagon Sheet," in the Dallas Morning News, March 11, 1940, p. 9. More 
recently H. C. Duff, Box 292, Bremerton, Wash., has reproduced for sale the Caylor painting 
"The Passing of the Old West," the original sketches for which were made by Caylor in 
1891 or 1892. 

In addition to Caylor, Reaugh (see Footnote 45) has depicted Texas cattle and ranch 
scenes. Still another artist made at least one excellent Texas cattle scene, "A Stampede," 
reproduced in color as the frontispiece in Historical and Biographical Record of the Cattle 
Industry and the Cattlemen of Texas . . . (St. Louis, 1895). The artist of this illustra- 
tion is identified as Gean Smith of New York City. In addition to this illustration, there 
will be found the reproduction in black and white of a number of Smith paintings of famous 
race horses in Outing, New York, v. 22 (1893), pp. 82, 83, 162, 193, 195, 269, 270, 
271, 377-379; v. 26 (1895), pp. 182, 184, 185, 188. 

Gean Smith (1851-1928) had a national reputation as a painter of horses, spending 
most of his active career in New York City. He retired in 1923 and made his home with 
relatives in Galveston, Tex., for the last five years of his life. An obituary will be found 
in the Galveston Tribune, December 8, 1928. I am indebted to Miss Llerena Friend of 
the Barker Texas History Center for locating the obituary for me. 

61. Oliver W. Larkin, Art and Life in America (New York, 1949), p. vii. 


into American painting romantic motives studied against a notably 
vivid background." 62 Other art historians have in general ignored 
the Taos artists; the most notable exception to this group, as might 
be expected from the fact that he himself is a Westerner, has been 
Eugen Neuhaus. Neuhaus, writing with commendable under- 
standing and judgment stated 

". . . the name of Taos has come to mean a definite achievement in 
American art, which promises to have a long and honorable career before its 
artistic possibilities are exhausted. A peculiar combination of the great open 
country relatively easy of access and a long season of painting weather and 
clear sunlight, under which the landscape as well as human beings assume 
definite contrast of light and shadow, has made Taos a focal point in American 
art life. The Indian at Taos, furthermore, has survived without much loss of 
his original characteristics, and his genuine qualities are not the least element 
in attracting artists to the Southwest." 63 

If the later history of Taos artists is primarily part of another 
story than ours, its development as a logical extension of the field 
which we are here considering warrants the few words which we 
have devoted to its present significance. 

The origin of Taos as an art colony in 1898, however, does man- 
age to come within the more or less arbitrary time limits we have 
set for ourselves. A number of artists had visited Taos before 
1898. Blanche C. Grant in her history of Taos, When Old Trails 
Were New, has listed a number of them, including Henry R. Poore, 
whose painting, "Pack Train Leaving Pueblo of Taos, New Mex- 
ico," has already been mentioned in this series. 64 This illustration 
is probably the first bearing the name of Taos to be reproduced. 
Poore was in Taos in 1890 but he had been preceded by one well- 
known Western artist in 1881. Charles Craig sketched and painted 

62. Samuel Isham, The History of American Painting, new edition (New York, 1927), 
p. 575. 

63. Neuhaus, op. cit., pp. 322 and 323. The attraction of light and color and of Indian 
and Mexican life for the artist, is attested by one member of the Taos group himself; see 

ITT TT 1_ i. T"\ 1. T>i_J. T 1 A 1 ** . -f A..* 1 rt / -I r\ n^ \ A 

i\eunaus, maices some consideration or laos. in ner aiscussion, "ine laos Artists" (pp. 
266-274), she included not only the Taos group as such but Western artists in general, 
including Remington and his contemporaries. Art historians who make no mention of the 
Taos artists are Homer Saint-Gaudens, The American Artist and His Times (New York, 
1941), and Suzanne La Follette, Art in America (New York, 1929). Miss La Follette has 
so little understanding of American history that she makes (p. 110) the well-nigh in- 
credible statement "on the contrary, it [westward expansion] is one of the most depressing 
chapters in American life ... it promoted deterioration in the quality of life." Miss 
La Follette is not alone in expressing such an attitude, but such critics have seized on 
fraud, land exploitation, corruption in public office and other ills that accompanied the 
development of the West, while totally overlooking the facts of similar irregularities of 
Eastern life and the more favorable aspects of Western life. Bernard De Voto in Mark 
Twain's America (Boston, 1932), is in part an answer to such critics. 

64. Blanche C. Grant, When Old Trails Were New (New York, 1934), p. 254. For 
the previous mention of Poore in this series, see The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 18 
(1950), February, p. 6. Poore visited Taos in the summer of 1890; see Report on Indians 
Taxed and Indians Not Taxed . . . Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington, 1894), 
p. 424. 


Courtesy Mr. Phillips, Taos, N. M. Courtesy Mr. Blumenschein, Taos, N. M. 


Courtesy Mrs. Louise F. Feldmann, 
New York City 


Courtesy Mr. Leigh, New York City 


at Taos in the summer of that year, but later in the same year 
settled in Colorado Springs where he spent the next 50 years of 
his life. With Harvey S. Young, he was the first resident artist of 
the Springs and his depiction of Western scenes won him not only 
a local but an international clientele. 65 

For many years Craig had virtually a continuous one-man ex- 
hibit in the lobby of the famous Antler's Hotel of Colorado Springs 
and many of his buyers were visitors at the hotel. When the Ant- 
ler's was destroyed by fire in 1898, many of Craig's canvases were 

Although neither Craig nor Poore were in any way responsible 
for the present art colony of Taos, Joseph H. Sharp who visited 
Taos in 1893, can be more directly related to its origin. 

Sharp, born in Ohio in 1859, began the study of art in Cincinnati 
when he was but 14 years of age, and for many years was asso- 
ciated with the art life of Cincinnati. He had a studio in the same 
building as Henry F. Farny, at the time Farny began his career as 
a Western artist, and it was Farny's example that played an im- 
portant part in determining Sharp's career. Sharp, in a letter writ- 
ten in 1939, pointed out that he was fascinated with the American 
Indian long before he met Farny. He wrote: 

65. Craig (1846-1931) is another artist who really deserves fuller notice in this chronicle 
than we have given him. Examples of his work are so widely scattered that it is difficult 
if not impossible to secure photographs of them, as I have been trying to do for the last 
ten or dozen years. Craig was one of the illustrators for Verner L. Reed's Lo-To-Kah 
(New York, 1897) and others of Reed's publications. Born in Ohio in 1846, he made his 
first Western trip in 1865 up the Missouri river. He was a student in the Philadelphia 
Academy of Fine Arts in 1872 and 1873 and after he settled in Colorado Springs he took 
an active part in the art life of Colorado, both as a productive artist, a teacher of art, and 
as manager of a number of early art exhibitions in Denver and Pueblo, as well as Colorado 
Springs. Biographic material will be found in obituaries in the Colorado Springs Telegraph, 
October 20, 1931, p. 1, and the Denver Post, October 20, 1931. Other materials bearing 
on his work include accounts in the Colorado Springs Evening Telegraph, February 4, 1920, 
p. 9; the Colorado Springs Sunday Gazette and Telegraph, November 11, 1923, Sec. 1, p. 4; 
in Brush and Pencil in Early Colorado Springs by Gilbert McClurg, also in Colorado Springs 
Gazette and Telegraph, November 30, 1924, Sec. 2, and in Who's Who in America, v. 13 
(1924), p. 832. 

Harvey B. Young (1841-1901), a landscape artist, had his first Western experiences in 
California in 1859. He received art training abroad and made his home in Manitou, Colo., 
in 1879, and later in Aspen and Denver. He deserted art for a time in the 1880's when 
he made and lost a fortune in mining. His reputation as an artist was based on landscape 
paintings of the Rockies and of Brittany and Fontainebleau. For biographical information 
see Gilbert McClurg, op. cit., Colorado Springs Gazette and Telegraph, November 23, 1924, 
Sec. 2, pp. 1, 3, and an obituary in the Denver Republican, May 14, 1901. 

Another friend of Craig's was Frank P. Sauerwen, who was also a visitor to Taos in 
1898, but who was claimed as a Denver artist. Sauerwen was born in 1871 in New Jersey, 
and moved to Denver about 1891. He moved to California in 1905 and died in Stamford, 
Conn., on June 13, 1910. He had a large local reputation as an artist but was scarcely 
known outside of the mountain West. Fred Harvey was one of his patrons as was Judge 
J. D. Hamlin of Farewell, Tex. Judge Hamlin wrote me in 1940 that he owned some 40 
canvases done by Sauerwen. I have seen but two reproductions of Sauerwen's work, "First 
Santa Fe Train," reproduced in color by the Fred Harvey System in post-card form and 
"The Arrow," probably his best-known picture, which was reproduced in black and white 
in Brush and Pencil, Chicago, v. 4 (1899), May, p. 83. 

I am indebted to Judge Hamlin, to the Denver Public Library, and especially to Alfred 
W. Scott, art dealer of Denver, for biographic information concerning Sauerwen. Newspaper 
material on Sauerwen will be found in the Denver Republican, November 22, 1898; Rocky 
Mountain News, Denver, November 22, 1898; Denver Weekly Church Press, December 10, 
1898- Denver Republican, April 9, 1899; Rocky Mountain News, April 9, 1899; Denver 
Republican, April 15, 1900, and April 13, 1903. 


I was first interested in Indians before becoming an artist the first group 
I ever saw was at the B. & O. depot near Wheeling, W. Va. They would 
shoot at dimes and quarters placed in upright forked stick with bow and arrow 
even the kids were expert. I was about six years old [then]. Later, living 
at Ironton, O., near Cincinnati, the town used to have summer parades and 
fiesta simple floats, etc. Once, when I was 12-13 yrs. old, 4 other boys & 
myself were Indians on ponies, stripped to G-string & all painted up by local 
druggist with ochre. ... we got tired of the slowness [of forming the 
parade] and with yells & war whoops we broke loose, stole the show and went 
galloping & maurauding all over town. When I went to Cincinnati Art Acad- 
emy & learned to draw and paint, I wanted to paint Indians Farny was doing 
it then, & dissuaded me by telling of hardships, dangers and made me feel I 
didn't exactly have a right to paint Indians after a couple of years or so when 
he saw I was determined to go west, he gave me books on Pueblo Indians & 
particularly the Penitentes of New Mexico & wanted me to take that up! 

It was to the Southwest that Sharp finally went first in Santa 
Fe in 1883, and later to Taos in 1893, and to other pueblos of New 
Mexico and Arizona in the following years. He retained a posi- 
tion on the Cincinnati Art Academy in the winter months, from 
1892 until 1902, and then resigned to devote all his time to paint- 
ing Indian themes in the Indian country. For a number of years, 
beginning in 1901, he had a summer studio on the Crow agency of 
Montana which was located at the foot of the Custer battlefield. 
He became a permanent resident of Taos in 1912, where he lives 
across from the home of the celebrated frontiersman, Kit Carson. 66 

After Sharp's sketching trip to Taos in the summer of 1893 he 
went abroad. There he met Bert G. Phillips and Ernest L. Blumen- 
schein, both interested in painting the American Indian. They 
were students at the Academy Julien in Paris, and were particularly 
receptive to Sharp's glowing account of the Southwest and of the 
village of Taos in particular. Upon their return to this country in 
1895, they set up a studio together and then in the winter of 1897 
and 1898, Blumenschein, who was also a one-time student of Lun- 
gren, spent some time in Colorado and New Mexico. A number 

66. I have carried on a correspondence with Mr. Sharp since 1939, the material quoted 
above being from a letter dated "April, 1939." For published information on Sharp's 
career, see National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 18, p. 188; Who's Who in 

America 1950-1951, v. 26 (1950), p. 2483. Sharp illustrations resulting ^rom his visit 

id *"_. ; . 

with a description by Sharp himself on pp. 982 and 983; ibid., v. 38 (1894), June 9, p. 

, . , 

to New Mexico in 1893 may be found in Harper's Weekly, v. 37 (1893), October 14, p. 


981, "The Harvest Dance of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico" (full page), dated "9L 
with a description by Sharp himself on pp. 982 and 983; ibid., v. 38 (1894), June 9, 
549, "The Pueblo Turquoise Driller" (small), with brief description by Sharp on the same 

Taos as the locale. A full-page reproduction in color of Sharp's "The Evening Chant" 
(Pueblo Indians), appeared in ibid., v. 5 (1900), March, facing p. 241, with a brief com- 
ment by Sharp on p. 284 (reproduced in black and white with this article); in the same 
periodical, v. 7 (1901), April, p. 61, is a full-page black and white reproduction of his 
painting, "Mourning Her Brave," which on p. 64 is credited' "from life." An Exhibition 
of Oil Paintings by Joseph Henry Sharp (Tulsa, 1949), lists 204 of his paintings, many of 
which are dated; one, "Zuni Pueblo," bears the legend, "Painted 1898"; altogether some 
16 were painted before 1900. The Sharp exhibition at Tulsa was opened on his 90th 


of illustrations appeared in McClures Magazine as the result of this 
trip. In the fall of 1898, Blumenschein, with Phillips as his com- 
panion, was back in New Mexico. 

On September 4, 1898, they arrived in Taos, and Phillips has 
remained there ever since. Blumenschein stayed for a time with 
Phillips but he did not make Taos his permanent home until 1919, 
so that Phillips is to be regarded as the founder of this modern art 
colony in the Southwest. 67 The first of the pictures to be repro- 
duced belonging to the modern Taos group, however, is to be cred- 
ited to Blumenschein, for there appeared late in 1898, the illustra- 
tion, "A Strange Mixture of Barbarism and Christianity The 
Celebration of San Geronimo's Day Among the Pueblo Indians," 
and signed by Blumenschein, "Taos N. M. 1898." The next year 
there appeared two further illustrations, "The Advance of Civiliza- 
tion in New Mexico the Merry-Go-Round Comes To Taos," and 
"Wards of the Nation Their First Vacation From School [Na- 
vajo]." 68 The original drawing of "The Merry-Go-Round" illus- 
tration, according to Mr. Blumenschein, was done in black and 

67. In this statement of the founding of the art colony at Taos, I am following the 
account of E. L. Blumenschein which appeared in the Santa Fe New Mexican, June 26, 
1940, "Artists and Writers Edition," and the biographic sketch of J. H. Sharp which also 
appeared in the same issue of the New Mexican. Blanche C. Grant, op. cit., ch. 35, was 
another who described the founding of the art colony at Taos and gave biographic sketches 
of a number of the artists in the colony at the time of writing (1934). Miss Grant also 
included an interesting group photograph of ten of the Taos artists. According to the 
Blumenschein account, some 50 artists were making Taos their permanent home in 1940. 
Blumenschein's illustrations appeared in McClure's Magazine, New York, as follows: v. 10 
(1898), January, p. 252; v. 12 (1899), January, p. 241, February, pp. 298-304: v. 14 
(1899), November, pp. 88, 90-93, 95. For Bert G. Phillips (born 1868), see Who's Who 
in America, v. 26 (1950-1951), p. 2163. 

The story of the actual arrival of Phillips and Blumenschein at Taos in 1898 has been 
told by both men; by Blumenschein in the account cited above, and by Phillips in "The 
Broken Wagon Wheel or How Art Came To New Mexico," an address made by Phillips in 
1948 on the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Taos Art Colony. 

The two young artists of 1898 started out from Denver for Mexico after buying a team 
and a light wagon for their artistic exploration of the Southwest. Neither of the two had 
handled horses before and their training in harnessing and driving was gained the hard way 
by the method of trial and error. After a series of vicissitudes, one of the rear wagon wheels 
collapsed when they were on a mountain road about thirty miles north of Taos. By drawing 
lots, it was decided that Blumenschein should take the wheel to Taos for repairs, Phillips 
remaining behind to guard their belongings. After three days, Blumenschein was able to 
return with the repaired wheel, and the two traveled on to Taos. So entranced were both 
with Taos and its surroundings that they went no farther, both resolving to make the wealth 
of beauty and picturesque life around them known to a far wider audience; "a wealth," as 
Mr. Phillips remarked, "that will continue to exist as long as this old world shall endure." 
It is not surprising with this account before us, that the symbol of the present Taos Colony 
is a broken wagon wheel. 

Santa Fe itself, as well as Taos, is now a very considerable center of art and has been 
for many years. Although no attempt will be made to outline the history of Santa Fe as a 
center of art it can be pointed out that the Santa Fe New Mexican has many items bearing 
on such a history previous to 1900. For example, the New Mexican for September 9, 1886, 
p. 4, described the work of a Mr. and Mrs. Elderkin, art teachers, who were established in 
Santa Fe. 

The modern art colony in Santa Fe had a much later beginning. Dr. Reginald Fisher 
of the Museum of New Mexico wrote me recently as follows concerning the modern period: 
"Roughly speaking, the years 1918 and 1919 might be given for the founding of the Santa 
Fe art colony. It was during this time that the original group of artists established perma- 
nent homes here. Among these were Gustaye Baumann, Randell Davey, Fremont Ellis, 
John Sloan, and within a year or two following were Will Sluster, Jozef Bakos, Theodore 
Van Soelen (who settled first at Albuquerque in 1916 then at Santa Fe in 1922) and Albert 
Schmidt. These are all leading names today among Santa Fe artists." 

68. These illustrations appeared in Harper's Weekly, v. 42 (1898), December 10, pp. 
1204, 1205; v. 43 (1899), June 17, p. 587, October 28, p. 1100. J. H. Sharp's painting 
reproduced in Brush and Pencil, "The Mesa, From Kit Carson's Tomb, Taos, New Mexico," 
cited in Footnote 66, should not be overlooked in considering the early illustrations from 


white gouache, and its present whereabouts is unknown. 69 These 
illustrations were "very early work in my career," continued Mr. 
Blumenschein. "I afterward and until about 1912 was a successful 
illustrator at a period when illustration of magazines was in a much 
higher plane than today." The long and imposing list of awards 
made Blumenschein since that day and his election to the National 
Academy in 1927, are sufficient achievements for his inclusion in 
any consideration of American art. 70 

For many of these artists and illustrators, as has been said, the 
Indian and the cowboy of the West were the boyhood magnets that 
drew them to their careers. Even mature men, with no previous 
acquaintance with the West, were not immune to the power of this 
attraction. One artist wrote on his initial trip to the West in 1893: 

We Easterners were worked up to a pitch of nervous excitement, until, at 
the close of the third day, we could descry from the car window signs of ap- 
proaching desolation. Even the seemingly endless plains with bunches of cattle 
here and there were interesting to us. ... Our ears tingled with new 
names and new expressions." 71 

The marvelous range of color, the brilliant sunlight, the early 
inhabitants both red and white the contrasts of plain and desert 
and mountain, captivated many artists as it has captivated a count- 
less number of souls outside the profession. "It is a striking scene 
of gorgeous color," wrote one artist in viewing an Indian dance, 
"The brilliant sunlight illumines the gaudy trappings of the danc- 
ers." Another artist wrote after a trip across the San Juan valley: 

Sand, sage, and cactus, a true picture of the Southwest. The mountains in 
the distance, with their snowy tops, were beautiful in their softness of tone 
and grand proportions. . . . During the ages of erosion, towers of rock 
have been left standing in the plain, giving to the scene a weird and wondrous 
effect. The color in all is beautiful, the snuff-brown hue of the nearer towers 
and slopes losing itself in the blue and misty ones far away. 

And still another artist, an ardent lover of solitude and remote 
mountain recesses, was to write of New Mexico and the beauty of 

. . . the skies of marvelous blue through which pass, in summer, regiments 
of stately clouds; the majesty of the mountains, those serrated, rugged peaks to 
the East and North, and the gentler tone of the remoter ranges low lying in 
the west. . . . Every turn unfolds a new wonderland of beauty. [And 

69. Letter of E. L. Blumenschein to the writer, March 16, 1940. 

70. For Mr. Blumenschein's career see Who's Who in America, v. 26 (1950-1951), 
p. 253. Mr. Blumenschein is still active at the age of 76. 

71. Remington W. Lane, "An Artist in the San Juan Country," Harper's Weekly, v. 37 
(1893), December 9, p. 1174. Seven of Lane's pictures of southwestern Colorado and 
Utah will be found on p. 1168. Lane was a member of Warren K. Moorehead's archaeologi- 
cal party that traveled overland from Durango, Colo., to Bluff City, Utah. I have found 
no other data concerning Lane. 


in fall] The timbered sides of the mountains capped in snow are now carpeted 
in the delicate pattern of the changes, aspens, gold and russet against the green 
of the pine. The heat of summer is gone. . . . Everywhere the sage, the 
adobes and the cottonwoods melt together in one harmonious symphony of 
greys and browns and violets of the choicest quality. 72 

All these marvels of Western land and color remain to us today. 
All who will may look and see. But the life of an earlier day, por- 
trayed against this colorful background of tremendous breadth and 
scope, has gone. To that group of artists who recorded the early 
life of our West we owe much, for they have left us the nearest 
approach to the past that we will ever know. 

The passing of the old West was mourned by many, including 
these pictorial recorders who lived through its closing hours. One 
artist wrote: 

When I was last in Tucson there were four gambling houses running full 
blast night and day to every block. They were patronized by Indians, cowboys, 
sheepherders, niggars and Chinamen. Every man, whatever his color, wore a 
gun in sight, and I could walk up and down the main street of Tucson all day 
and every day of the week getting material for pictures, local color and new 
types. Now the town is killed from my point of view. I met a man here who 
had just come up from Arizona and he tells me they have shut down all the 
gambling houses tight, and not a gun in sight! Why the place hasn't the 
pictorial value of a copper cent any longer. 73 

Even the best-known of all the recorders of the life of the West 
that was, lamented its passing. Frederic Remington wrote: 

I knew the derby hat, the smoking chimneys, the cord-binder, and the 
thirty-day note were upon us in a resistless surge. I knew the wild riders and 
the vacant land were about to vanish forever, and the more I considered the 
subject the bigger the Forever loomed. ... I saw the living, breathing 
end of three American centuries of smoke and dust and sweat, and I now see 
quite another thing where it all took place, but it does not appeal to me. 74 

The wheels of change and progress wait for no man, not even 
artists. Doubtless in the comments above, at least two were car- 
ried away by their own words. The fact remains that the years 
around the turn of the century mark with some finality the end of 
an important era in the life of the West and of the nation. What 
better recognition could be made of that fact, from the standpoint 
of this series at least, than a pictorial one? So we shall let Blumen- 
schein's "The Advance of Civilization in New Mexico The Merry- 
Go-Round Comes To Taos" (reproduced facing p. 249) be our pic- 
torial conclusion. 

72. The first quotation given above was written by J. H. Sharp, Harper's Weekly, v. 37 
(1893), October 14, p. 982; the second was Remington W. Lane, in ibid., December 9, 
p. 1174; the third by W. Herbert Dunton, in American Magazine of Art, v. 13 (1922), 
August, p. 247. 

73. H. W. Hansen in the Santa Barbara Morning Press, June 30, 1908, p. 5. 

74. Collier's Weekly, New York, v. 34 (1905), March 18, p. 16. 

The Swedes in Kansas Before the Civil War 


census report of 1860 accounts for only 122 Swedes in Kan- 
A sas. Thirty years later, in 1890, when 17,096 Swedes were 
residents, the highest point in the Swedish-born population was 
reached. Kansas then ranked tenth in the nation as to the num- 
ber of Swedes, who constituted the third largest national group in 
the state. In 1880, the 11,207 Swedes placed Kansas fourth in the 
nation as to Swedish-born population, with only Illinois, Minnesota 
and Iowa showing greater numbers, and ahead of New York by 
forty-three. In 1940, fifty years following the highest point in 
Swedish population, there were only 4,540 Swedish-born residents 
in Kansas. 1 

The exact date of the arrival of the first Swede in Kansas is 
unknown. There is considerable evidence to indicate that Lars 
Anderson from Vastergottland, C. Johnson-Lindahl from Smaland 
and Henrik Olander from Skane settled in Osage county in 1948. 2 
George J. Johnson, Peter Paulson and John and Peter Peterson 
arrived in the same county in 1854 or 1855. 3 L. A. Lagerquest 
came to the future site of Big Springs in Douglas county on July 4, 
1854. 4 Considerably more is known about John Rosenquist who 
came to Kansas from Knoxville, 111., with the Rev. Thomas J. Addis 
of Addington. The journey was made by covered wagon in 
March, 1855. Upon arrival at Lawrence, Rosenquist was directed 
to the "Upper Neosho" settlement. He selected a claim below the 
junction on the Neosho and began building a cabin. 5 In May, 
1855, Charles Johnson located on the Cottonwood river in Lyon 
county and during the same year L. H. Johnson settled on the 
Neosho river, above the present city. 6 Kansas must have been 
quite well known to the Swedes, as is indicated by a statement 

DR. EMORY LINDQUIST is president of Bethany College, Lindsborg. 

1. Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1940, Population, Vol. II, Characteristics of 
the Population, Part III (Washington, 1943), p. 31; Carroll D. Clark and Roy L. Roberts, 
People of Kansas A Demographic and Sociological Study (Topeka, 1936), p. 51. 

2. Bethany College collection, "Misc. SK 26"; A. W. Lindquist, Minnen af Kansas-Kon- 
ferensens Femtio-Ars Fest, p. 7. 

3. A. T. Andreas and W. G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas (Chicago, 1883), 
p. 1531. 

4. Ibid., p. 308. 

5. Flora Rosenquist Godsey, "The Early Settlement and Raid on the 'Upper Neosho'," 
Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, v. 16 (1923-1925), pp. 451- 
453; letter of Mrs. Godsey, daughter of John Rosenquist, dated November 2, 1944, to 
Kirke Mechem, in the library of Kansas State Historical Society. 

6. Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., p. 845. 



in the recently founded Swedish newspaper, Hemlandet, det Gamla 
och det Nya, on March 31, 1855, when Kansas was described as 
"an excellent country." 7 

The most important development in the coming of the Swedes 
to Kansas before the Civil War occurred when John A. Johnson 
came to the Blue valley near Cleburne on June 20, 1855. In May, 
1852, two brothers, John A. and N. P. Johnson, together with the 
latter's wife Mary, started the long trip to America. The voyage 
from Gothenberg to New York on the sailing boat Virginia took 
approximately six weeks. The journey westward brought them 
to the well-known Swedish settlement, Andover, 111., on July 30, 
1852. John Johnson found employment with Wm. Shannon, a 
farmer, near Galesburg. In 1855, the prospectus issued by Gov. 
Andrew H. Reeder of Kansas territory, outlining the advantages 
of the area, became known to Shannon and Johnson. They decided 
to go to Kansas and arrived in the Blue valley on June 20. Johnson 
was favorably impressed with the land and its possibilities and he 
decided to stay there. He built a simple log cabin which became 
the first dwelling place in the fine Mariadahl community. 8 

John A. Johnson's brother Peter and his wife stayed in Illinois 
where they worked for a farmer near Ontario for a short time 
until the husband found employment at Galesburg. On April 22, 
1856, the Johnsons and their infant daughter started the arduous 
trip to Kansas in a covered wagon drawn by oxen. They ap- 
proached Kansas via St. Joseph rather than by Lexington, thereby 
avoiding the great danger from Proslavery partisans. In the com- 
pany of four "American" families they traveled to the Vermillion 
river. At that point they went on alone in search of brother John. 
Toward dusk one day, Peter, realizing that they were lost in a 
strange country, reluctantly left his wife and daughter in a frantic 
search on foot for his brother. When in despair and ready to 
return to the temporary camp, he saw a small cabin and a man 
coming out of it. To his great joy he discovered that the man 
was his brother. They hastened to join Mrs. Johnson and the in- 

7. Hemlandet, det Gamla och det Nya, March 31, 1855, hereafter referred to as 
Hemlandet. It first appeared on January 3, 1855. The editor and publisher was Dr. T. N. 
Hasselquist, pastor of the Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church, Galesburg, 111., famous 
and influential pastor, editor and educator and the first president of the Augustana Lutheran 
Synod. Hemlandet was an influential newspaper and was read widely in America and also 
in Sweden. Complete files are available in the Denkman Memorial Library, Augustana 
College, Rock Island, 111. A representative collection of letters to the editor of Hemlandet, 
including some from Kansas are found in George Stephenson, "Hemlandet Letters," 'Year- 
book of the Swedish Historical Society, v. 8 (1922-1923). 

8. A. Schon, "De forste svenskarne i Kansas," Prairiebloman, 1912 (Rock Island, 1911), 
pp. 171-173; T. W. Anderson, "Swedish Pioneers in Kansas," Year Book of the Swedish 
Historical Society of America, v. 10 (1924-1925), pp. 7-18, contains an interesting descrip- 
tion of the early Swedish settlements in Kansas. 


fant daughter. There was great rejoicing and deep gratitude to 
God on that day, May 22, 1856. 9 

The two brothers were anxious that their mother and brothers 
and sisters should come to America following the death of their 
father on February 27, 1858. The interchange of letters resulted 
in the departure of the family from Snararp, Rumskulla, about 
June 7, 1859. The itinerary was via Hamburg, which was the port 
from which they embarked July 11 or 12 on the sailing vessel 
Doanu, arriving in New York on August 24. They came to Kansas 
by rail via St. Joseph, then by wagon, pulled by horses and mules, 
to the Blue valley on September 30, 1859. In addition to Maria, 
the mother (after whom the settlement was named Mariadahl), 
David, Gustaf, Victor, Christina, Charlotta, Emma and Clara joined 
the two brothers. Upon their arrival in the Blue valley, the following 
Scandinavians were there, in addition to John and Peter Johnson: 
N. P. Axelson, S. P. Rolander, C. J. Dahlberg, Niels Christensen, 
Lewis Persson, Peter Carlson and John Sanderson. 10 

The Swedes who came to the Blue valley in the 1850's were 
devout and pious people. Informal religious services, which con- 
sisted of hymn singing, reading of the Bible and Martin Luther's 
sermons and prayer, were held regularly in the various homes. 
They gathered for the traditional festive early morning Christmas 
service, Jul Otta. Some of the members of the colony had belonged 
to Dr. T. N. Hasselquist's Lutheran congregation in Galesburg, 
111. Appeals were directed to him for pastoral services from the 
Kansas Swedes. Hasselquist was the first president of the Augustana 
Lutheran Church, organized in 1860, and in the autumn of 1863, 
the Rev. John Johnson of Princeton, 111., was sent to minister to 
the Swedes in the Blue valley. He stayed for a period of six weeks, 
baptizing, conducting confirmation services, preaching and teach- 
ing. The Mariadahl Swedish Lutheran congregation was organ- 
ized by Pastor Johnson in the home of N. P. Johnson on October 
14, 1863. Thus the first congregation of the Augustana Lutheran 
Church was established in Kansas. 11 

9. C. J. E. Haterius, Minneskrift ofver Svenska Ev. Luth. Forsamlingen i Mariadahl, 
Kansas (Rock Island, 1913), p. 9; Schon, loc. cit., pp. 175, 176. 

10. A. Victor Johnson's reminiscences, in J. C. Christensen, The Johnson Family of 
Mariadahl, Kansas (Privately printed, 1939), pp. 12-15. This 20-page pamphlet edited by 
Mr. Christensen, the historian of the Johnson family, contains the reminiscences of one of 
the children from their home in Sweden to early developments in Kansas. Another Swede, 
C. J. Dahlberg, arrived in the Blue valley in July, 1857. A fascinating account of the 
journey to Kansas and early pioneer life is found in a statement by his son, C. V. Dahlberg, 
in Bethany College collection, "Misc. SK 18." 

11. Haterius, op. cit., p. 12; O. O. Oleen, Mariadahl Lutheran Church-Historical Sketch 
(Randolph and Cleburne, Kan., 1938), p. 37; Schon, loc. cit., p. 177. 


While strife over the slavery issue was undoubtedly an im- 
portant factor in keeping many Swedes from coming to Kansas 
in the 1850's, individuals in the territory urged their countrymen 
to join them. Late in the summer of 1856, an unknown Swede 
described in Hemlandet the advantages of Kansas. It was a beau- 
tiful and productive land. He realized that the calm in the state's 
political life might be of short duration and that the future of the 
state depended upon the North. He predicted that if Fremont were 
elected President, Kansas would be free, but if Buchanan was the 
victor, it would be necessary to fight for freedom. 12 The editorial 
policy of the influential Swedish paper Hemlandet encouraged 
Swedes to come to Kansas. It was suggested that immigrants 
should take the land route through Iowa and southern Nebraska 
in order to avoid the difficulties caused by the struggle over 
Kansas. 13 

Many Swedes turned toward Kansas in 1857 in spite of the un- 
certainty of the future. In April, Hemlandet observed that "immi- 
gration to Kansas is much stronger than in any other direction." 
A correspondent had assured the editor that four-fifths of the 
residents were Free-State men. He was certain that his country- 
men would never regret coming to Kansas, but he urged them to 
do so in large groups, in order that they might maintain their 
identity. 14 

On April 19, Henry L. Kiisel sent in a rather lengthy report on 
developments in Kansas. He had gone there the preceding sum- 
mer and was living in Grasshopper Falls (now Valley Falls). 
The difficulties of the previous year had been shared by him, and in 
order to avoid imprisonment at Lecompton with other Free-State 
men, he had left Kansas and visited various places in Iowa. He 
hoped now that the Free-State forces had been able to consolidate 
their position. The victory in the election of the mayor of Leaven- 
worth was a sign of hope. He was uncertain if the decision of 
the Free-State men to refrain from voting following the Topeka 
convention was a wise one. The future seemed to depend now 
upon the action taken by the new governor. He was quite cer- 
tain that Kansas would become a free state and in that event he 
would be delighted to build his home there, but if Kansas became 

12. Hemlandet, August 15, 1856. Hasselquist was actively urging the election of Fre- 
mont. The slate of candidates on the Republican ticket was published in Hemlandet so 
that the readers would make no mistakes in voting. October 10, 1856. 

13. Ibid., August 29, 1856. 

14. Ibid., April 21, 1857. 



a slave state, he considered going to Galesburg, 111., where he 
could be with his countrymen who were not numerous in Kansas. 
The immigration to Kansas was really amazing, according to 
Kiisel, and for good reason. Nature was kind and all who wished 
to share in the bright prospects of the future should plan to come 
to Kansas. Enthusiasm for Kansas continued to run high when it 
was declared by another observer that the productivity of the 
state could provide for one hundred and fifty million people. 15 

The editor of Hemlandet apparently realized that the few 
Swedes in Kansas were overly enthusiastic and pointed out that 
great praise for their place of settlement was a common response 
of pioneers everywhere. 16 The official policy of Hemlandet, how- 
ever, was to encourage immigration to Kansas. On July 14, the 
editor addressed "Some Words to Recently Arrived Immigrants 
and Others Who Are Seeking Their Luck in America." The 
statement pointed out that the Eastern states were already crowded 
and that times were hard there for newly arrived immigrants. 
Land in Illinois and Iowa was already too high in price for poor 
people and for those of modest means. The wise thing to do 
would be to go to some new territory like Kansas or Nebraska. 17 

One of the factors in the encouragement given to settlement in 
Kansas by Hemlandet was the interest which the editor, Dr. T. N. 
Hasselquist, showed in a colonization project proposed by Dr. 
C. H. Gran, a physician in Andover, 111. In the June 3, 1857, issue 
of this Swedish newspaper, under the heading, "To Each and 
Every One Who Wishes to Improve His Circumstances," the an- 
nouncement was made about the proposed Scandinavian colony 
in Kansas. 18 The statement indicated that Gran hoped to bring 
the colonizers to Kansas in April, 18^8, or earlier. The first intent 
was to settle along the route to California, since Gran was certain 
that some day there would be a railroad to the West coast. He was 
convinced that slavery never would nor could exist in Kansas. There 
was nothing to fear from the Indians. Gran had traveled widely in 
Kansas, eaten their food and smoked many pipes with them. He 
felt as secure in their wigwams as in his own house. These natives 
of Kansas had their own schools and churches. He had a grammar 
of their language. The chief inducement, however, for choosing 

15. Ibid., May 20, 1857. 

16. Ibid., June 3, 1857. 

17. Ibid., July 14, 1857. 

18. Ibid., June 3, 1857. Hasselquist's interest in the Gran plan was based on his 
desire to encourage settlement by the Swedes in a manner that would keep them identified 
with the Lutheran Church. Oscar Fritiof Ander, T. N. Hasselquist The Career and In- 
fluence of a Swedish-American Clergyman, Journalist and Educator (Rock Island, 1931), 
pp. 33, 34. 


Kansas was the rich land and the suitability of the climate and 
soil for agriculture. Wood, stone and water were available in 

This original statement on the proposed Kansas colony invited 
inquiries to be addressed to Gran, with the request that each appli- 
cant over 21 years of age should place one dollar in the envelope 
to cover preliminary expenses. Each name would be entered in a 
permanent record book. Gran announced that he planned to visit 
Kansas again in the early autumn. He would find the most suit- 
able land and secure guarantees that it would be available for 
the colony. He urged the Swedes to participate in this enter- 
prise. While Gran pointed out that he was nicely situated pro- 
fessionally and financially in Illinois, he was willing to spend time 
and money on this Kansas project which would mean so much to 
the Swedes. Hasselquist endorsed Gran's plan, pointing out that 
Kansas was south of Illinois and Iowa, thereby offering mild winters 
and that the Swedes already in Kansas were enthusiastic about 
the advantages there. 

In July, 1857, Gran's plan for a Scandinavian colony in Kansas 
was formally announced in a four-page supplement (Bihang) to 
Hemlandet. lQ The brochure answered the question "Why Go 
To Kansas?" by describing the fine soil, the mild climate, the op- 
portunity for settlement, and the cheap land which made it pos- 
sible to secure 160 acres in Kansas for the price of 20 acres in any 
other state. Twelve reasons were listed for undertaking settle- 
ment as a member of a colony rather than individually. Among 
the reasons cited were the savings in large scale purchase of supplies 
and equipment, the establishment of a trading post within easy 
access of all members of the colony, the privilege of being governed 
by officials chosen from among themselves, the possibility of hav- 
ing the comforts and conveniences of an older settlement within 
the least possible time, the certainty of having a church and school 
immediately, and a guarantee of prosperity and progress for all 
members of the group. 

The Gran plan provided that the future Kansans should as- 
semble at Illinoistown, 111., opposite St. Louis, on May 1, 1858. 
The rules and regulations of the company should be adopted at 
that time and necessary equipment purchased. Upon arrival in 
Kansas an elected committee should pick the townsite. Land 
should be distributed by lot as the most equitable method. A 

19. Plan for Dr. C. H. Gran's Skandinaviska Kansas-Koloni, Juli, 1857. Bihang till 
Hemlandet, det Gamla och det Nya (Galesburg, 1857), 4 pages. 


vote should be taken on such questions as the following: How 
large should the house be on each quarter section? How much 
land should be plowed and fenced? Perhaps the members would 
vote that the house should be 18 by 12 feet and 8 feet high with 
a middle partition, three windows and two doors and that 20 acres 
should be plowed on each quarter section. The entire member- 
ship would then begin the work in common for which they were 
best qualified. Gran stated that he would not be able to do 
heavy work, but he would take care of the sick and injured with- 
out any cost from the time they met in Illinoistown and as long as the 
work proceeded in common. 

When the townsite had been established, houses built and a cer- 
tain amount of land plowed, the company was to be dissolved. 
Each member would then go to the closest government land office 
and take out title to the property allocated to him. Each individual 
could do as he chose with the certificate of title. If some wished 
to trade holdings so that friends and relatives could live in adjoining 
tracts, such an arrangement was possible. 

Gran pointed out that $200 would be needed if a member was 
to secure title to 160 acres at the initial sale price of $1.25 per acre. 
Payment could be made within a year. While the building of 
houses and breaking of sod was to be done in common at the 
outset, food and other household and personal needs were not to 
be shared in this manner. The enthusiastic originator of this 
Kansas plan emphasized continuously the advantages of joining 
in a large company. There would be good roads and bridges, 
churches and schools, many conveniences, the fellowship of kin- 
dred spirits with a common language and great economic ad- 

In order to promote the plan, Gran announced again his intention 
of traveling to Kansas in early autumn to select the best location 
for the colony. He had arranged for some competent Swedes, 
who knew the territory well, to assist him. Several factors had 
to be considered before the final location was determined. Com- 
munications with other settlements, possibilities for factories and 
potentialities for growth were important. 

A cordial invitation was extended by Gran to join in this coloniza- 
tion project. Interested individuals were urged to see or write him 
immediately. He wanted to know how much land would be re- 
quired by the company before going to Kansas. Information as 
to age family, trade and profession should be included with the 


inquiries. Gran stated that he had spent between $400 and $500 
of his own money and that he was ready to leave a successful 
medical practice in order to promote the colony. He suggested 
that "Kansas Clubs" be formed in various communities in order 
to stimulate interest in the project and to make available informa- 
tion as to the plans. Individuals and clubs should also send sug- 
gestions to Gran as to the best way of carrying out this plan for a 
Kansas colony. 

Leading citizens endorsed Gran's plan and certified that he was 
of "the highest respectability, intelligence and moral worth" and 
that "His plans can be accepted with greatest trust." Endorsing 
the plan and the reputation of Gran were two of the greatest pioneer 
pastors of the Augustana Lutheran Church, the Rev. T. N. Hassel- 
quist, pastor of the Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church at Gales- 
burg and Knoxville, 111., and the Rev. L. P. Esbjorn, pastor of the 
Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church at Princeton, 111. Other 
well-known supporters of the projected colony in Kansas were 
former Sen. Ben Graham, justice of the peace, and S. Cronsioe, 
publisher of Den Svenska Republikanen i Norra Amerika, at 
Galva, 111. 

Gran's plan was received enthusiastically in many quarters. 
Hasselquist discussed the proposal in a three-column front-page 
story in Hemlandet. This distinguished leader of the Swedish ele- 
ment in America urged the Swedes to go to the West. He ex- 
pressed grave concern that if they stayed in the Eastern cities many 
of them would become members of "the poorer classes." While 
expressing enthusiasm for Gran's plan, he admonished the Andover 
physician to provide adequate spiritual care for the colonists. He 
reported that this aspect had been discussed with Gran at consider- 
able length and that the physician had assured him that the Kansas 
colony would make careful provision for the spiritual needs of the 
members. 20 

Inquiries about the Kansas colony came from a wide area. In 
September, Hasselquist reported, following a visit with Gran at 
Andover, that 200 individuals had already signified their interest 
in the plan. 21 On Monday evening, September 14, a "Kansas Meet- 
ing" was held at the Swedish Lutheran Church at Galesburg. 

20. Hemlandet, July 28, 1857. At this time Gran was trying to raise money for his 
Kansas project. He had compounded and marketed a "Fross Medicin" which was advertised 
widely. Great claims were made as to its curative power for the ague and other illnesses. 
In Hemlandet for August 4, 1857, Gran urged all who had acquired this medicine through 
Dr. Hasselquist to make payment which was due. 

21. Hemlandet, September 9, 1857. 


People were in attendance from far and near. Gran spoke to the 
group about the advantages of that area and answered many ques- 
tions. He announced at the meeting that he was soon leaving 
for Kansas to seek the best location for the colony. The following 
were to accompany him: John P. Swenson from Richmond, Mo., 
Henry Kiisel who resided at Grasshopper Falls, K. T., and one other 
person. 22 

Gran went to Kansas in September and on December 3, Hem- 
landet reported that he was back at Andover. In a review of his 
journey we find that he arrived at Wyandotte City, K. T., on Sep- 
tember 27. "When one gets up on a bluff and looks over the fruit- 
ful plains and woods, these wonders of God's creation, the soul 
is filled with a stirring that words cannot describe/' he wrote. The 
beauty of the Smoky Hill, Republican, Big Blue and other rivers 
in Kansas appealed to him greatly. There were optimistic descrip- 
tions of the products of the area, nuts, plums, potatoes, beans, wheat, 
oats, corn, tobacco and a new kind of molasses. The quality of the 
products was good and the yield was bountiful, with corn produc- 
ing 60 to 70 bushels per acre, wheat 30 to 45 bushels per acre 
and potatoes 100 to 300 bushels per acre. 23 

Support for the project came also from Henry L. Kiisel in Kansas 
who wrote on December 15: 

Countrymen in New York and in all other Eastern states. You who work 
hard every day for your small daily wage, now is the chance for you to get 
your own home where you can live independent of Americans. You will 
escape working so hard, and cease to be dependent upon your daily wages. 
If God lets me live and gives me health, I want to live among my 
countrymen again, who will be interested in founding a good Swedish congre- 
gation together with building its own school and church. 

This lonesome Swede ended his appeal by urging his countrymen 
to join in Gran's project and come to Kansas. 24 

The invitation from Kiisel to the Swedes was extended again 
in January of 1858, as Gran formulated plans for the journey to 
Kansas in the spring. The loyal Kansan reported that the past 
winter had been mild and comfortable. He expressed the hope 
that the stories in the newspapers about the strife in Kansas would 
not be taken too seriously. Conditions were not as bad as reported. 
"He who minds his own business," he wrote, "and does not inter- 
fere in politics, can go in peace. Countrymen, come next April. 

22. Ibid., September 18, 1857. 

23. Ibid., December 3, 1857. 

24. Ibid., December 15, 1857. 


You can improve your condition in beautiful Kansas and secure 
a fine home for yourselves and your children." 25 

Meanwhile, Gran completed his plans, said farewell to his friends 
at Andover and with a few companions started for the appointed 
meeting place en route to Kansas. When he arrived at St. Louis 
on April 5, he experienced a great disappointment. Only a few 
people awaited his arrival. However, he learned from them 
that a large group of Swedes had left for Kansas earlier. They 
had become impatient following reports that good land was getting 
scarce. The people who were now with Gran decided nevertheless 
to go with him to Kansas immediately and left St. Louis on April 6. 26 

The number in Gran's party was too few to carry out the grand 
design of the original plan. Only about a dozen people continued 
with Gran to a place on the Saline river. Here a townsite was laid 
out with the primitive measuring device of a piece of string and 
the name Granville was given to it by the Illinois dreamer. On 
May 25, Gran wrote a detailed letter to Hemlandet about his un- 
fortunate experiences, designating the place of origin with wishful 
thinking as Granville, K. T. A. M. Campbell and A. C. Spillman 
assisted Gran in measuring off what the doctor thought was a square 
mile for a townsite. Campbell and Spillman were promised four 
lots each for their services. 27 

Gran stayed in his newly founded colony for only a few days. 
He stopped briefly at Ft. Riley and then returned to Illinois. How- 
ever, he still urged people to consider Kansas as a place for settle- 
ment. In a communication to Hemlandet he suggested that pros- 
pective residents of Kansas should go to Wyandotte City, Lawrence, 
Burlingame, Emporia, and then to Whitewater in Butler county 
or to El Dorado in Hunter county. 28 A colony of Swedes located 
in 1858 on the Upper Walnut creek and De Racken creek and others 
on Cole creek in Butler county. 29 

Included in the group of people who came to Kansas with Gran 
was L. O. Jaderborg. He was born in Jarbo, Gastrikland, Sweden, 

25. Ibid., February 16, 1858. 

26. Ibid., May 25, 1858. 

27. Ibid.; Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., p. 698. Andreas refers to Dr. Gran of Illinois but 
his brief description corresponds in detail with the complete account in Hemlandet. The 
statement that Dr. Gran came to Kansas in the early 1860's and that he went to the 
Neosho valley has no basis in fact. Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society, v. 4 
(1886-1888), p. 287. 

28. Hemlandet, May 25, 1858. Dr. C. H. Gran was burned to death in his bed at 
the Invalid's Hotel, Alpha, 111., of which he was proprietor, on March 15, 1883. The bed 
apparently took fire from the lamp by which he had been reading. The Henry County 
News quoted in Henry L. Kener, History of Henry County, Illinois (Chicago, 1910), v. 1, 
p. 763. 

29. V. P. Mooney, History of Butler County, Kansas (Lawrence, 1916), p. 301. 


January 28, 1829. Influenced by "Amerika feber" (America fever), 
he left his native country on the sailing ship Maria, July 22, 1855, 
and after a brief stay in England, came to the United States on 
October 16. He worked at Andover, 111., where he joined Gran 
and the Kansas colonizers. 30 Information is made available by 
Jaderborg about the fate of the Gran colony. The leader stayed 
only a few days in Kansas, leaving his associates there with food 
and provisions for two weeks. Near the end of that time the few 
Swedes remaining at Granville became alarmed at their desperate 
condition and started for Ft. Riley. Heavy rains and floods caused 
great hardship. They were without food for two days before reach- 
ing Ft. Riley. Only Jaderborg stayed there. The rest of the party 
hurried on to Illinois. 

Jaderborg secured employment as a blacksmith with L. B. Perry 
who ran the ferry at Ft. Riley. He learned that a Swede, John 
Swenson, had settled in Center township in Dickinson county. 
At Christmas time and lonesome for contact with a fellow Swede, 
he sought the Swenson home. He arrived there on Christmas 
eve. The Swensons and their small daughter lived in a small eight 
by eight foot cabin but there were no limitations to their hospitality. 
The visitor stayed there until the day after Christmas. Jaderborg was 
impressed with the land and made arrangements to take out a pre- 
emption claim. He returned in the spring of 1859 to work the 
land and made occasional trips there. In April, 1861, he joined 
the Second Kansas cavalry as the driver of a provision wagon 
pulled by six mules. The first action for him was at Pea Ridge 
and the last at Prairie Grove. He returned to Kansas and partici- 
pated in the action associated with Price's raid. In the atumn 
of 1865 he went to his land near Enterprise. Peter Joshua Peter- 
son, who had been there in 1859, and Isaac Broman lived with 
him that winter in a dugout. Jaderborg became a leading Swedish- 
American citizen in Kansas, identifying himself with the Bethlehem 
Lutheran Church near Enterprise and giving generous support to 
Bethany College at Lindsborg. 31 

Several other Swedes who were not associated directly with 
Gran's "colony" came to Kansas in 1858. The first Swedish settler 
in Marshall county was Peter Froom. He came to the United States 
in 1855 and arrived in Kansas from Knox county, 111., in 1858, when 

30. Lindsborg Fasten, January 12, 1916. 

31. Schon, loc. cit., pp. 182-185; Lindsborg Posten, January 12, 1916. Jaderborg died 
at Lindsborg on January 6, 1916. 


he settled on a homestead in Rock township. 32 P. J. Peterson, 
who became a contractor in Lawrence, arrived in that city in 1858 
from Chicago where he had learned the carpenter's trade. He 
had come to America with his parents in 1855. 33 Several Swedes 
settled in Osage county in 1858, including Peter Peterson in Junc- 
tion township, and Chris and John Peterson in Fairfax township. 
Pal Peterson and six sons came to the county also in 1858. 34 

While Dr. C. H. Gran had great plans for Kansas in 1858 and 
lived to see them fail, another Swede, Andrew Palm, came to 
Kansas that year with dreams and hopes that became a reality to 
a considerable extent. He was born in Killerod, Bellinge Socken, 
April 30, 1835. His name until he became a naturalized American 
citizen was Andrus Person Palmquist. Graduating from the Uni- 
versity of Lund in 1855, he arrived at Bloomington, Kan., four 
miles from Lawrence, three years later. He was associated with 
Hyde, Swain and Palm in the saw and grist mill business. How- 
ever, the Missouri bushwhackers burned the mill and Palm's house 
was destroyed by fire. He thereupon moved to Lawrence. 35 

Andrew Palm possessed an imaginative mind that produced prac- 
tical ideas leading to several inventions. In the spring of 1862, 
together with John Wilder, the decision was made to construct 
a huge windmill in the west part of Lawrence. Palm returned to 
Sweden in November and purchased all the equipment for the 
project. Accompanied by 12 mechanics, he sailed for America. 
En route the ship was stopped and searched by the crew of the 
famous Confederate raider, the Alabama, but since Palm's vessel 
was of German registry, it was permitted to continue the voyage. 
On June 15, 1863, Palm and his associates arrived in Lawrence. 
They started work on their unusual project and all was going well 
until that morning of August 21 when Quantrill and his band rode 
into town. L. Johnson, one of the workers on the windmill pro- 

32. Emma E. Forter, History of Marshall County, Kansas (Indianapolis, 1917), p. 228; 
Schon, loc. cit., pp. 187, 188. Peter Froom was born in Ockelbo, Sweden, March 21, 1825, 
and died in Marshall county, July 9, 1894. He was active in the Salem Lutheran Church 
in the Swedish settlement near Axtell. It has been stated that two Swedes lived on a farm 
near Marys ville in Marshall county in 1855 but nothing definite is known about them. 

33. Lindsborg Fasten, April 4, 1906. Peterson was born at Rodja, Smaland, Sweden, 
February 8, 1838. He died in Lawrence in 1906. He was president of the Scandinavian 
society in Lawrence and a stockholder in the Lawrence Plow Company. 

34. C. R. Greene, Early Days in Kansas Annals of Lyndon, v. 4 of Greene's Historical 
Series (Olathe, 1913), p. 223; Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., pp. 1554, 1555; Bethany College 
collection, "Misc. SK 26." 

35. Bethany College collection, "Misc. SK 24"; Schon, loc. cit., pp. 193-199; bio- 
graphical sketch of Andrew Palm, by Mrs. Blenda (Palm) Greenwood, in manuscripts divi- 
sion, Kansas State Historical Society. Palm came to America on the sailing boat Unonia. 
He lived for a while in Boston where antislavery agitation was high and this fact influenced 
his decision to come to Kansas. He died at Lawrence, November 5, 1906. 


ject was shot and made a cripple for life. His son, Gus, was slightly 
wounded. The workmen hurried to Wilder's stone residence in 
the 700 block on Kentucky street. QuantrnTs men assumed that 
the place was well fortified and hence did not attack it. Eighteen 
men, including Palm, were unharmed. 36 

Work on the mill continued until the early autumn of 1864, when 
it was completed at a cost of $9,700. The structure was octagonal, 
five stories in height, the basement constructed of stone with four 
foot walls. The structure above ground was of native oak. The 
huge wheel was 80 feet in diameter, with canvas sails 10 feet in 
width, making 13 revolutions a minute. The result was a force 
equal to an 80 horsepower engine. It was used for grinding wheat 
and corn until 1885. It burned in 1905. Palm and Wilder also 
established the Wind Mill Agricultural Works which manufactured 
plows to break the virgin soil, cultivators, other farm equipment 
and household goods. Palm is said to have cast the first plow in 
Kansas. He took out several United States patents. Included in 
Palm's inventions were a riding cultivator, a barbwire lifter and 
grading scrapers. 37 

The few Swedes in Kansas at the time of the gold rush in the 
Pikes Peak region became enthusiastic about the possibilities of 
achieving great wealth, and others in Illinois and elsewhere con- 
tacted their countrymen in the state about the prospects. An un- 
known Swede, who apparently represented some of his friends, re- 
ported on the prospects when writing from Leavenworth in May, 
1859. His letter stated that on the previous Saturday the first ex- 
press arrived from the Pikes Peak region with $5,000 worth of gold 
dust. Some of the precious mineral could be seen in small bottles 
at Russell's bank. Rumors were circulating that additional gold to 
the value of $10,000 was en route, although some skeptics doubted 
the authenticity of reports of the discoveries. Since there was so 
much uncertainty, this Swede stated that he and his friends would 
delay their journey to the gold fields. 38 The interest among the 
Swedes in the gold strike was so great that Hemlandet warned its 
readers not to be misled by the glowing reports. 39 In the spring 
of 1860, interest in Kansas as a gathering point for the journey to 
Colorado is shown by a feature article and a large map on the 

36. Schon, loc. cit., pp. 197, 198; Lawrence Journal-World, June 28, 1941. G. Rodell, 
a Swede who was in Lawrence during QuantrnTs raid, described the event for Swedish 
readers and reported that among the Swedes only Carl Anderson was killed. Hemlandet, 
September 30, 1863. 

37. Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., p. 330; Greenwood, loc. cit. 

38. Hemlandet, June 8, 1859. 

39. Ibid., March 15, 1859. 


front page of Hemlandet indicating the routes to "guldlandet," 
the gold country. 40 Gust Johnson, S. P. Rolander and Jonas Magnus 
Johnson of the Mariadahl colony were among the Kansas Swedes 
who went to the Pikes Peak region in the spring of 1860, returning 
that autumn. 41 There is no record of Swedes sharing extensively 
in the riches which seemed so promising at a distance. 

While the prospects in Kansas had been favorably portrayed to 
Swedish people through the influential newspaper Hemlandet, the 
strife over Kansas and a series of criticisms of the state were fac- 
tors in discouraging immigration. A. Thorson, writing in July, 
1858, pointed out that 

Kansas is the battle ground and the source of discord between two powerful 
political parties, and the end of the struggle is far off. For this reason at 
present Kansas can only with difficulty be settled and occupied by peaceable 
people who must earn their bread by the sweat of their brows. 42 

Hemlandet described a meeting of Swedes in Galesburg on 
February 28, 1859, at which a letter from a Swede in Kansas ad- 
vising his countrymen not to come to that area was read. Louis 
Lybrecker, who had spent several months in Kansas in 1857 with 
a surveying party wrote to his countrymen: 

My knowledge about Kansas is of such a character that from the bottom 
of my heart I never want to think of it. What is home for us people from 
the Northern Countries without woods and water? Are we accustomed 
to an endless prairie with its eternal monotony? No, we feel at home when 
we are surrounded by beautiful nature, by evergreen forests along a lake 
or river. That the climate is healthful I deny absolutely. Ague is so preva- 
lent throughout the entire state that scarcely a person can be found who has 
not suffered from it. ... Let us rather found a colony in Southwestern 
Minnesota, or near our countrymen in that state. I have never been in 
Minnesota, but it seems to me to be the right place for Swedes. 43 

Additional criticism of Kansas appeared in Hemlandet in October, 
1860, when an article was reprinted from the Chicago Tribune 
describing terrible conditions of conflict, poverty, starvation and 
distress. 44 

The pattern of settlement, at least temporarily, followed the 
advice of Lybecker. Minnesota, unlike Kansas, was not in the 
center of the conflict that split the nation into two armed camps. 
It was easier to go to Minnesota than to Kansas, many Swedes 
were already there, several Swedish churches had been organized, 

40. Ibid., April 15, 1860. 

41. Christensen, op. cit., p. 15. 

42. Hemlandet, July 6, 1858. 

43. Ibid., March 15, 1859. 

44. Ibid., October 19, 1860. 


and the natural surroundings there seemed closer to those of the 
homeland than did the wide prairies of Kansas. Moreover, the 
failure of the Gran colony plan undoubtedly discouraged many 
Swedes. While Hemlandet published letters for and against 
Kansas, the former enthusiasm for the state had disappeared. 45 
However, there was a change in the situation within a decade. 
The end of the Civil War aroused new interest. In 1869, several 
hundred Swedes, under the leadership of two Lutheran pastors, 
the Rev. Olof Olsson from Varmland in Sweden and the Rev. A. W. 
Dahlsten from Galesburg, 111., settled in the Smoky valley in cen- 
tral Kansas. While Gran and his Kansas "colony" became almost a 
legend, the idea of the Andover physician that the Swedes should 
settle in large groups was kept alive. In the Smoky valley, the 
First Swedish Agricultural Company of McPherson county in the 
Lindsborg area and the Galesburg Company in the Freemount 
community acquired thousands of acres of land upon which hun- 
dreds of Swedes settled. Similarly along the Republican river at 
approximately the same time, the Scandinavian Land Company 
promoted colonization in the Scandia area. Out of the settlements 
in the Smoky valley came Bethany College and the "Messiah" 
chorus tradition at Lindsborg. From these and other groups, came 
the religious and cultural values which have made it possible for the 
Swedes of Kansas to make their contribution to the great symphony 
of American life. 

45. Ibid., March 15, 1859, published a favorable report on Kansas by A. Lars Person 
from Riley county and the severe criticism by Louis Lybecker. 

A British Bride in Manhattan, 1890-1891: 
The Journal of Mrs. Stuart James Hogg 


TN THE summer of 1883, Sir Stuart James Hogg of London, ac- 
* companied by his teen age son, Stuart James Hogg, spent a month 
in Kansas looking after the interests of the newly-organized British 
Land and Mortgage Company of America, Ltd., of which he was 
president. The Hoggs arrived in Atchison on July 24, where they 
were met by the company's American agent, James S. Warden, of 

Making Atchison his headquarters, Sir Stuart set out to look 
over prospective land investments. Among the towns he visited 
was Manhattan, and when he was there on August 7 a local news- 
paper reported: 

On Tuesday, Sir Stuart Hogg, (pronounced Hoge) and his son, a young 
man of eighteen years, Chief Justice Horton, and Rev. Philip Krohn, of 
Atchison, arrived on the U. P. train from the east. They were met at the 
depot by Mr. E. B. Purcell, and were his guests until the next day. Sir Stewart 
[sic!] Hogg is the head of an English syndicate that has already made large 
investments in Kansas, and expects to continue doing so^and we understand 
that he was so much pleased with Manhattan, that he will visit it again soon. 
While here, he arranged for his son to take a course at the Agricultural college, 
as he says he wants him to learn American ways. Both father and son have 
sensible and manly countenances. . . .* 

On August 15, several other officials of the English syndicate ar- 
rived in Atchison, and a few days later there was some consternation 
in local financial circles when an announcement was made by Sir 
Stuart, in Atchison newspapers, that James S. Warden's connection 
with the company had been "fully revoked and annulled/' (This 
abrupt severance of relations resulted in litigation with Warden 
which was not settled until April, 1885. ) 

The next development was reported in an Associated Press dis- 
patch from Atchison on August 20: 

Sir Stuart Hogg, of London, president of the British Land and Mortgage 
Company of America, representing about $5,000,000 has been in this city for 
several weeks and just returned to England. He has appointed Hon. E. B. 

LOUISE BARRY is in charge of the manuscripts division of the Kansas State Historical 

1. The Nationalist, Manhattan, August 10, 1883. 



Purcell, of Manhattan, Kan., as agent and general manager for the company; 
Messrs. Everest and Waggoner, of this city, as general solicitors; and the Ex- 
change National bank, of Atchison, as bankers for the company. 2 

Thus, in the late summer of 1883, the headquarters of the British 
Land and Mortgage Company of America was removed to Man- 
hattan, to the office of the widely-known Kansas financier E. B. 
Purcell. There it was to remain until January, 1890. 

When Sir Stuart departed from Kansas not to return for seven 
years he left his son, Stuart James Hogg, in Manhattan to ac- 
quaint himself with American life and to take an increasingly active 
role in the administration of the British company's affairs. 

From late August, 1883, till early June, 1892, young Hogg was a 
Manhattan resident. He lived for some time at "Squire" Lee's 
home. On September 12, 1883, he was enrolled as a special student 
at the Kansas State Agricultural College. He completed the three 
terms of 1883-1884 and re-enrolled in the fall of 1884, but was 
called to London and excused from classes on December 2. 

After he returned from England in February, 1885, he began to 
assume some responsibilities in the British Land and Mortgage 
Company office. Manhattan newspapers occasionally noted Hogg's 
business activities in such items as the following: (June, 1885) 
"Gen. McDowell, Maj. Adams and Stuart Hogg are in New Mexico, 
buying cattle"; (August, 1885) "E. B. Purcell, accompanied by Mr. 
Cattell and Stuart Hogg, left Tuesday for a week's inspecting in 
Cloud and adjoining counties"; (February, 1887) "Stuart Hogg, of 
the British Land and Mortgage Co., spent the most of last week 
at Irving on business"; (April, 1887) "Pasturage for 400 head of 
cattle on British Land and Mortgage Co/s ranch, 10 miles south- 
east of Manhattan. For particulars inquire of Stuart Hogg at the 
office of E. B. Purcell." 

In November, 1885, he again went to England this time for the 
Christmas holidays. On the return voyage, in January, 1886, he 
met his future wife, Margaret Alice Muir. The Muirs Andrew 
and daughters Margaret and Eva were en route to Florida on a 
business-and-pleasure trip. 8 

Of his social life in the Manhattan community the local newspa- 
pers give little clue. One item, published in the Manhattan Mer- 

2. Ibid., August 24, 1883. 

3. Miss Eva Muir, who kept a diary of this journey, made the following entry under 
date of "Tues 19th Jan 1886 SS Servia": "In the morning at breakfast spoke to a youth 
who sits opposite to us. He is a nice gentlemanly boy about 23-24 years of age, I should 
think: a ranch man in Kansas. His name is Stuart Hogg. He is rather quiet and shy 
but has constituted himself our cavalier and wraps rugs round our feet etc. etc. We like 
him very much. He is tall and very thin good features dark hair, brown eyes, very 
short sighted and wears spectacles." This quotation courtesy of Mrs. J. H. Brett of St. 
Albans, Herts, England. 


cury early in January, 1890, noted a party given by Hogg and a 
friend: "A merry group of young people had supper at the rooms 
of Jas. Taylor and Stuart J. Hogg New Years eve. In addition to 
the hosts there were present Misses Minnie Whitford, Anna Green, 
Minnie Dow, Allie Long and Walter Taylor and wife." 

When he had an accident in late June, 1889, the Nationalist some- 
what ambiguously reported: "Stuart Hogg . . . was riding his 
horse rapidly ton Sunday, June 30] and in turning the corner near 
Stingley & Huntress' store the horse fell, dislocating his ankle and 
breaking the small bone of the leg. Dr. Lyman is attending him." 

In January, 1890, Stuart J. Hogg took over the agency and man- 
agership of the British Land and Mortgage Company of America, 
and at once moved its headquarters from PurcelFs office at 305 
Poyntz avenue to rooms in a building at 110 North Second street. 
It was announced that Purcell had retired from active management 
to a position on the board of directors. In an advertisement Hogg 
stated that the company would continue lending money on real 
and personal property "in the same conservative manner as before," 
and that H. F. Christy, a lawyer, and P. C. Helder would retain 
their positions. 

On April 8, 1890, the Manhattan Bank a 20-year-old institution, 
founded, owned and managed by E. B. Purcell closed its doors 
with over $500,000 in liabilities. The news of this financial crash 
"almost paralyzed the people of Manhattan," though the Mercury 
stated that "It had been whispered for months that the depreciation 
in values and a hard money market had so embarrassed E. B. Pur- 
cell . . . that he was in close circumstances. . . ." Un- 
fortunately, the actual closing of the bank was precipitated by the 
British Land and Mortgage Company. As explained in the Man- 
hattan Nationalist, the story was this: 

In December last [i. e., 1889], Mr. Purcell had borrowed from the 
British Land & Mortgage Company, Limited, $20,000, which was due on 
Monday last [April 7, 1890]. He gave as security 5200 shares of stock in 
the British Company, upon which $30,000 had been paid. The Company, 
through its agent, Stuart J. Hogg, demanded payment. 

Mr. Purcell offered to pay the obligation in the British stock dollar for 
dollar, or, if that was not enough, as much more as was wanted. The company 
refused to take its own collateral in payment. When Mr. Purcell was informed 
that the 5200 shares he had deposited as collateral were to be advertised for 
sale, his attorney notified Mr. Hogg that a suit for damages would result. The 
advertisement was made, and the result was that the bank, in order to protect 
itself from a run, was forced to close doors. 

The sympathy of almost everybody is with Mr. Purcell in this 
matter and the British Company is much blamed, whether justly or not. . . . 


The bank was only one of Purcell's many business interests, 
which in Manhattan included a mill, a mercantile store and a 
lumber-and-coal establishment. Over the state he was widely 
known as a landowner, and as a large stockholder and member 
of the board of directors of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe rail- 
road. Only the bank was involved in the crash, and as it turned 
out, no one lost money. A few months later, the appraisers reported 
that the bank assets were $830,877, as against liabilities of $562,209. 

However, the forced closing of the bank was both financially and 
personally embarrassing to Purcell and he immediately brought 
a $100,000 damage suit against the British Land and Mortgage 
Company. This legal action caused Sir Stuart Hogg to make a 
hurried trip to Kansas. He arrived on April 28, and next day the 
Manhattan Daily Republic had this to say: 

A very pleasant gentleman is Sir Stuart Hogg, Bart., of London, England. 
. With a tall, well-knit frame, clad in a tasteful suit of grey tweed, 
with shoulders slightly stooping, a benevolent face and kindly eyes, he is a 
handsome and striking representative of the aristocracy which is at once the 
pride of England and the world. . . . Affable, courtly, knightly, he is 
an ideal person for an interview. 

The Republic quoted Sir Stuart on the Purcell bank failure at 
some length: 

About the Purcell matter? Well, that is the principal reason for my coming 
to America. ... I was truly sorry when the news was first received 
of Mr. PurcelTs suspension. For him I have naught but the kindliest feeling, 
and have always thought of him as one of my friends. During my previous 
visit to Manhattan Mr. Purcell was my host, and he extended to me every 
courtesy which friendship and a hospitable heart could prompt. Aside from 
this, he is a man of large business qualifications, and although had not things 
transpired in the manner they did, the crisis would probably only have been 
delayed for a week, a fortnight or a month, I am pained that the end should 
have been precipitated by a company with which I am connected. It gratifies 
me to hear such a general expression of good will toward Mr. Purcell, and I 
hope that it will not be long ere he will be positioned as he was before the 

Sir Stuart remained in Kansas only briefly. The furore over the 
Purcell matter subsided, and Manhattan settled back to its ordinary 
business calm. (The damage suit of E. B. Purcell vs. the British 
Land and Mortgage Company of America, Ltd., was dismissed at 
plaintiff's cost in the U. S. court at Topeka in December, 1890. 4 ) 

In the latter part of June, 1890, young Stuart Hogg went again to 
England. He returned on October 9, bringing with him his bride- 
of-a-month, the former Margaret Alice Muir. For the next 20 

4. Manhattan Daily Republic, December 27, 1890. 


months the couple lived in Manhattan. Mrs. Stuart James Hogg's 
journal, published here, begins on her wedding day. 

By February, 1891, as Mrs. Hogg recorded in her journal, Sir 
Stuart had retired from the London management of the British 
Land and Mortgage Company of America. It was anticipated that 
the headquarters might soon be moved from Manhattan to Kansas 
City or Denver, or to England, but the expected change was slow 
in developing. Mrs. Hogg's journal ended abruptly in November, 

In March, 1892, Stuart Hogg advertised a "Great Stock Sale!" at 
the ranch on Deep creek near Biasing's springs. On March 6, 1892, 
the Nationalist stated: "Mrs. Stuart Hogg started on her return 
trip to England yesterday." And on June 9, 1892, the Republic 
announced: "Stuart Hogg has gone to London going by way of 
Florida, where he will rest a few weeks." 

Details of the Hoggs' later life are meager. It is known that two 
girls were born to the couple, one of whom is now Mrs. J. H. Brett 
of St. Albans, Herts, England. Mrs. Hogg died in England in 1943 
and Stuart Hogg died in 1947. 

The above may seem a little heavily businesslike as an introduc- 
tion to the brief notes of a young bride, written without thought 
of publication. But it was felt that a glimpse of the representatives 
of a British syndicate operating in Kansas would be of interest, in 
addition to providing a background for the activities of the diarist 
and her husband. 



We were married at St. George's, Campden Hill by the Rev. Canon 
Daniel. The Church was beautifully decorated with palms and 
white lilies and the sun shone down upon us. They sang the new 
marriage hymn, "He shall give his Angels," ending with "O God 
our help in Ages past." It was all very beautiful and solemn. The 
church was full of smiling friends as we went out. My bridesmaids 
were Eva, Molly, Katie McLaren and Sally Norton, and Terence and 
Evelyn Barclay were pages and held my train. There was a large 
party at Holland Park afterwards and everybody was most friendly 
and sympathetic. Stuart and I went off under showers of rice and 
took the 5.45 train to St. Albans. 5 Our driver advised us to go the 
Peahen Hotel as it was superior to the George. However it was 
not up to much. We spent the evening writing letters home. 

5. St. Albans is in Hertford county, England, some 20 miles northwest of London. 



We went to Morning Service at the Abbey and were rather disap- 
pointed to find it was not choral. It is a large building, some parts 
old and interesting but not beautiful. The day was lovely so we 
walked by a pleasant shady path along some fields and through 
a wood. We passed bits of ancient Roman wall. 

In the afternoon we drove to the old Church of St. Michael, 
dating from Saxon times and climbed the tower to get a view of 
St. Albans. Then we went on to Gorhambury and saw the ruins 
of Lord Bacon's house. It has a large park surrounding it with 
beautiful old trees, many of which must have been there in Bacon's 
time. We trundled softly over the turf. Coming home Stuart got 
out and walked. 

In the evening we joined the night express at Bedford. 6 We 
managed to get a private compartment in the Pullman so the journey 
was luxurious. 


We reached Kilmarnock, dismallest of towns, in the early morning 
and had to change. All the way from there to Ardrossan 7 Stuart 
made fun of the dull flat country. "What a fine country Scotland is 
what magnificent mountains? How wild!" When we got in sight 
of the sea not a vestige of Arran was to be seen it was all covered 
by clouds and my heart sank. 8 I was afraid Stuart would think 
it a most over-rated place. On the steamer we got into a sheltered 
place with our backs to the wind. When we were half way across 
I saw the sky was clearing so we jumped up and ran forward and 
there was Arran in its glory, the clouds rising from all the mountains. 
Stuart was enthusiastic in admiration of it and we ran forward to the 
prow and stood there in the teeth of the wind, holding on so as 
not to be blown away. It was very exhilarating the strong fresh 
wind, sparkling sea with dashes of spray every now and then and 
the sight of Arran coming nearer and nearer. 

We put up at the Brodick Hotel and had time before lunch to 
stroll along the Strathwhillan road. The sea was the loveliest blue 
and all the colours on land very strong in the north-west wind. 
It was very strange walking in this familiar place with Stuart. He 
was enchanted, and what joy it was to me! We stayed in Arran till 
Monday, September 15th and had lovely weather all the time. 

6. Bedford is about 30 miles northwest of St. Albans. 

7. Kilmarnock is an inland town in southern Scotland; Ardrossan is a west coastal town, 
on the Firth of Clyde. 

8. Arran is an island, 20 miles long and 10 miles wide, in the Firth of Clyde. The 
Hoggs stayed in the town of Brodick while in Arran. 



Stuart and I left home and sailed from Southampton on the "Allen." 
Father and Eva said goodbye to us on board. 


We arrived at New York and on Tuesday started for Manhattan 
which we reached on Thursday, October 9th. 

It was exciting to me to be arriving at Manhattan the place 
that was to be our first home. There were still a good many leaves 
on the trees and the country looked green as we drew near and 
was not bad to look at, though I laughed at the low brown mounds 
that Stuart called "hills." At Manhattan we jumped out with all 
our array of small parcels. Stuart's buggy was there, a serious 
looking man in shabby clothes holding the horses. This was James 
Taylor, Stuart's chum. We drove straight to Stuart's rooms over 
his office. How interesting it was to see the place he had described 
to me so often and from which he had written to "Miss Muir" that 
was. He had made it very comfortable and nice and there was 
even some attempt at artistic decoration of the walls. I was very 
happy and excited and didn't feel in the least tired. Mills was 
there having accomplished the journey across America by herself, 
she had already formed rather a poor opinion of the place and I 
think if it had not been for the buggy and pair would have felt that 
I had come down in the world. 

Stuart had been hearing about houses from Christie one of his 
clerks and was so anxious to be off to see them that he could 
hardly wait for me to have a cup of tea. Off we started again, the 
ponies trotting briskly and the buggy trundling lightly over the 
dusty ground. Manhattan looked quite pretty all the streets, ex- 
cept the main street, were avenues of green with houses peeping 
out of the trees and bushes on either side. Suddenly as we turned 
a corner I saw one of the wheels roll off and the next moment we 
were down in the dust. It was just like Stuart's luck. We weren't 
in the least hurt however as the horses stood still. There was no 
mending it so after a good laugh we started walking to the stables, 
with the horses, to get another buggy. We saw two houses and 
decided on one belonging to Mr. Newell in Houston Street the 
fashionable street of the town. 9 It was not quite what we wanted, 
the upstairs rooms had sloping ceilings and it all looked very tiny 
and cramped, but there was nothing better to be had. Then we 
trundled off again, this time outside the town, and called on Kitty, 

9. E. W. Newell's house at 618 Houston street. It had been built in the spring of 1886. 


the wife of Walter Taylor a young couple whom Stuart had more 
or less taken under his wing and helped and in whose home he felt 
more at home than anywhere else in Manhattan. 10 She is a good 
honest, simple young woman, very cheery and kind hearted and 
hard-working but with a terribly strong American accent. Then 
we came home again. There was a soft evening glow and as we 
drove along together I felt full to overflowing of joy and content- 

While in Stuart's rooms we had to take meals at the hotel very 
unsavoury messes and I was sorry to think what poor Stuart had 
had to endure for all those years. It made us all the more eager 
to get into our own house. 

On Friday I made a round of the shops, laid in my stores and got 
furniture for the servant's room, so that Mills might go in at once. 
It was amusing going round, for Stuart had to introduce me to 
everyone or great offence would have been taken and they all 
wrung me by the hand and told me they were old friends of 
"Stooard's." We sent over all the sitting-room furniture on Friday 
and Mills took up her abode in the house. Stuart's room horribly 
bare and devastated that night. 


We moved from Stuart's rooms to our new house. 

Saturday I had a hard day of it at the house, receiving furniture 
cases and heaps of clothes. By the evening the carpets were laid so 
that we could get our bedroom into some sort of order. Oh how 
glad I was to get to bed that night and rest my tired feet! 


Of course we had to work very hard putting things in order, 
unpacking cases, etc. It was very exciting getting out all our wed- 
ding presents, and the nice silver and china. 

The first meals at home were very funny for there was nothing 
but fine silver and the roughest kitchen ware, our crockery not hav- 
ing arrived from Chicago. Mills cooked wonderfully well and it 
was a pleasure, after the hideous hotel, to be dining at a nice Eng- 
lish table. Stuart simply sat and beamed opposite me he could 
not get over the oddness of all this happening in Manhattan. 

NOVEMBER, 1890. 

We had to live in rather a makeshift manner till our things from 
Chicago and Kansas City arrived. After that the house got into 

10. "Walter Taylor occupies a position in the drug store of T. E. Williams & Co. He 
learned this business in London." The Nationalist, Manhattan, April 8, 1887. 


some shape and looked very cosy and nice. I worked hard making 
short muslin curtains for the bedrooms, hemming dusters, etc. We 
left the drawing room unfurnished for a time. 

One day Stuart came back from the office early in the forenoon 
and said, "I must be off to Denver this afternoon, will you come 
too?" I wasn't long in making up my mind, it was such fun to 
think of starting off at a minute's notice and not having to ask any- 
one's leave. 11 I called for my trunk and packed up Stuart's and my 
things and Riley took them down to the Station, leaving us nothing 
to do but saunter down leisurely after lunch. We got to Denver 
next day and stayed four or five days. Stuart investigating mines, 
etc., I buying things for the drawing-room and helping him to look 
through mine reports, etc. For Sunday we took the train for Mani- 
tou Springs to look up Hubert Paton. We had a fine view of the 
Rocky Mountains springing straight up from the plain. A magnifi- 
cent range. Hubert appeared at the Hotel and we all squeezed 
into a buggy and drove up some of the canons and saw the famous 
garden of the gods which did not impress us much. Hubert was 
shy and silent at first, but after discovering that Stuart was not an 
American he woke up and they made great friends, running down 
the whole American people. He stayed the rest of the day with us 
and dined at the Hotel and evidently enjoyed a good talk. We saw 
his pictures but did not think highly of them. He lives in a sort of 
hand-to-mouth way, sometimes painting, sometimes cattle-punch- 
ing, and is quite philosophic about it. We were glad to have seen 
him. Next morning we came back to Denver and then home 
again. 12 

After this I was very busy getting my little drawing-room into 
order. It is a bright room with windows to south, east and west. 
To make it as different as possible from the library I did it up with 
light colours, pretty Japanese blue cretonne curtains and covers and 
light cane chairs. We got quite nice pale yellow paper in the town, 
I hung Burne-Jones photos and Phil's and Fred's sketches on the 
walls. On the floor are some Daghestan rugs and I have a piano 
and a little table covered with plants. It looks like a sister to the 
Furze Hill drawing-room and I fancy that any of our London 
friends walking in would say at once, "A Muir lives here." I gen- 
erally come in at about five o'clock, put on a tea gown and Mills 
brings tea in my pretty little rosebud teaset, but oh! it makes me 

11. "Mr. and Mrs. Stuart Hogg left on the afternoon U. P. train for Denver, where Mr. 
Hogg will transact business and his wife view a portion of magnificent scenery. . . ." 
Manhattan Daily Republic, October 30, 1890. 

12. "Stuart J. Hogg and wife returned from their Denver trip to-day." Manhattan 
Mercury, November 5, 1890. 


long for some one to come in and share it with me, some of my 
own friends and not these dull Manhattanites. 

A good many of the people call on me but I have not made 
friends with anyone yet. I think most of them come out of curi- 
osity. Some are just like servants, sit on the edge of their chairs 
very conscious of their best clothes and can only say "Yes'm it is so." 

Stuart often has to go on drives into the country to do business 
with some farmer and he generally takes me with him. I enjoy 
these drives a deux through the quiet country. The weather is 
lovely all the time, clear crisp autumn weather and perpetual sun- 
shine and there are often beautiful sunsets. 

We are early people, breakfasting at 7.30 or at latest 8. I then 
have a busy morning dusting, cleaning silver, sewing, mending, 
marketing. Stuart comes to lunch at 1 and then rushes back to 
the office. In the afternoon I write letters, read, go for a walk, play 
piano, etc. Stuart comes home to dinner at 7.30 and then we enjoy 
ourselves, sing German duets, read poetry and so forth. I have in- 
troduced Stuart to Browning and Shelley and he is quite off his 
head with enthusiasm. 

Mills manages to get through the housework wonderfully with a 
little help in boots and knives from the black boy and a char once 
a week. She has turned out a very fair cook. But alas she is begin- 
ning to worry about getting home already! 

I write a great many letters home and receive a great many, 
which is a comfort. When there is an extra large English mail 
Stuart comes galumphing home to tea and we enjoy it together. 

DECEMBER, 1890. 

The days are so like each other that there is no use in writing 
them down separately. The fine weather went right on up to 
Christmas, only getting a little colder. On Christmas Eve it snowed 
all day and in the morning everything was glistening like a Christmas 
card. We went to Church but hardly anyone else did and the 
service was dismal and depressing, not even the good Christmas 
hymns. After lunch we drove over to the Taylors who had just 
had a little daughter born to them and took wine and guava jelly. 13 
It was lovely driving all wrapt up in furs, over the snow. There was 
a red sunset going on as we drove home. 

A new inmate has been added to our household, a curly brown 
Irish spaniel called "Lon." He is a young dog full of romping spirits 
and also very affectionate and is a dear friend of ours already. 

13. "Born: Dec. 24th, to Mr. and Mrs. Walter Taylor, of this city, a daughter." 
Manhattan Republic, January 1, 1891. 


On the 28th I went to Kansas City to stay with a young English 
couple the Mackenzie's who have lately set up house there. Stuart 
followed in time for New Year's Day and we came home on the 2nd. 
They are very friendly people and it is nice to be with old-country 
folk again but Mrs. Mackenzie is so very silent and without interests 
of any kind that it is most difficult to keep up conversation during 
long tete a tetes. 

JANUARY, 1891. 

A month of snow and slush in which nothing much happened. 
Stuart took to going trips of two or three days to look after his 
business in different parts of the state and I felt very dreary and 
forlorn. Once when he went away ten days I couldn't stand it and 
went and got an English woman to come and take pity on me. She 
has just come to be principal of the high-school and is very English 
and rather schoolteacherish. It was something having a creature 
to talk to in the evenings and she is pleasant enough, though 
cruelly plain. Her name is Miss Gerrans. 14 

FEBRUARY, 1891. 

The weather goes on being unsettled, half the week quite warm 
then hard frost and snow, then thaw and slush. It is rather tiresome. 

We have been busy ever since Xmas talking over plans for the 
future, for Sir Stuart has retired from the Company and changes are 
to be expected. Stuart is sick of this place and longs to get away. 
Some new scheme for deliverance turns up every week and then 
a letter comes knocking it on the head. One day we are quite 
settled to move to Denver, another day it is London another day 
Kansas City. Sir Stuart does not seem to exert himself much. 

MARCH, 1891. 

We still go on making plans and the Company now they have lost 
Sir Stuart are in a hopeless muddle and appear unable to come 
to any conclusions. Endless correspondence goes on and no result. 
It is very disheartening to Stuart. 

In the house things go on as cheerfully as ever only that Mills 
has developed a bad temper and is still pining for home. 

In the end of the month I went to Kansas City to have my teeth 
attended to. Dined at the Mackenzies and met a Mr. Vincent 
Rowe whom I liked. His brother is about to settle in K. C. with 
a branfd] new wife. 

Our garden is full of spring flowers and looks lovely. 

14. "Miss Amy Gerrans, of Kansas City, has been tendered and accepted the position 
of principal in our high school and will assume her position in about two weeks. . . ." 
Manhattan Mercury, January 7, 1891. 


APRIL, 1891. 

We had Willie Mackenzie and Vincent Rowe down to shoot 
ducks with Stuart. 15 The Lotos Glee Club happened fortunately to 
be in town that Saturday and gave us an excellent performance. 16 
The Sunday was horribly wet and the poor men got drenched and 
had very poor sport. Next morning we spent in the garden pruning 
rose bushes and they went off in the afternoon. Stuart enjoyed im- 
mensely having some Britishers to talk to and I think they felt they 
had had a good time in spite of the rain. 

Next week Stuart had work to do at the farm so we packed up 
some necessaries and drove out over fearfully muddy and jumpy 
roads. 17 We found the farm house full. The young woman had 
just had a baby and the old mother had her hands full looking 
after her and cooking for the men. The only thing to do was to 
settle down in Stuart's little hut and wait on ourselves. This con- 
sisted of only one small room containing a stove, a bed, a table, two 
chairs and a washstand. Here we lived for the inside of a week and 
a tight fit it was! I had fortunately brought out some cold meat and 
tinned things so there was little cooking to do and we were able to 
manage with two spirit lamps and the occasional use of the stove at 
the farmhouse. It was hot weather and we couldn't have borne 
the heat if we had lighted the stove in our tiny room. 

I enjoyed the whole thing immensely. The first thing in the 
morning I jumped up and opened the door and there was our quiet 
little valley, the trees in all the nooks of the hills a very delicate 
green and a lovely group of peach trees in blossom in the fore- 
ground; golden morning light over it all. It was as fresh and sweet 
as at the beginning of the world. Then I had to bustle round 
and make porridge and boil water for the coffee. I generally went 
up to the house to do this so as to leave Stuart a little room to 
dress in. Our meals were very rough and simple and in the morn- 
ings Stuart was always off to his work at once and I had the minute 
house to myself to work around in sweep, dust, make beds and 
wash up. After the other meals he stayed to smoke his pipe and 
then it was a great business getting the things washed and put 
away as wherever he sat his long legs stretched across the room and 

15. "Messrs. Vincent Rowe and William MacKenzie, of Kansas City, are the guests of 
Stuart Hogg." Manhattan Republic, April 23, 1891. 

16. The Lotus Glee Club Concert Co. appeared on Saturday night, April 18, 1891, at 
Moore's Opera House (Geo. F. Dewey & Co., managers). This male quartet was advertised 
as "all artists," "fresh from their successes in London." Manhattan Daily Republic, April 
18, 1891; Manhattan Mercury, April 8, 1891. 

17. This farm was evidently the one later described in an advertisement listing stock 
for sale by Stuart J. Hogg. It was "On Deep Creek, near Biasing's Springs, 10 miles south- 
east of Manhattan and in Riley county." Manhattan Nationalist, March 4, 1892. 


tripped me up. One window sill served for a pantry and the 
other for a dressing table and bookshelf and we had two nails on 
the door on which to hang all our things. 

After I had cleaned up in the morning the little room looked 
quite pretty. I put books and papers and my writing materials on 
the table, also a pot of peach blossom and a photograph or two 
and sat down to do sewing or writing. Now and then I went up 
to the house and had a talk in German with the old woman and 
the young mother and in the afternoons I wandered about in the 
wooded parts along the brook. 

One day I went up with Stuart on horseback to the place where 
they were working and galloped about on the tops of the hills 
while he toiled at fencing. He was dressed just like a workman in 
blue jeans and a flannel shirt and large sombrero and worked 
harder than any of them. On the Saturday we drove home in the 
Spring waggon, he in this costume and I in a common print skirt and 
blouse and a large straw hat and all our goods behind us, saddles, 
bedding, boxes, and baskets and a dog poised on the top. We were 
immensely amused at ourselves in the disguise of farmer and 
farmeress and pictured the surprise of our friends supposing we 
were to meet them bowling along that road in their neat dog carts 
or victorias. 

It was a hot drive though and by the time we got to Manhattan 
it was a relief to get indoors in a cool house where there was room 
to spread about. We also enjoyed the luxury of baths and nice 
clothes and dining off shining white linen and pretty glass and 
silver. Manhattan looked charming for in those few days the leaves 
had burst out and all the roads were avenues of green. Our little 
house was in a perfect bower and there was long bushy grass in the 
garden. We passed our Sunday in this civilised idleness and then 
off to other farms again for a few days on Sunday. And so April 
came to an end. 

MAY, 1891. 

The vegetables Stuart put in last month are all coming up bravely. 
My tulips and hyacinths are nearly over and I have sowed some seed 
under them but I don't expect them to do well in this poor soil. 
But the apple and peach trees are all in blossom and in many 
yards there are delicious lilac bushes. The neighbours are kind and 
send me round great bunches every now and then. The rose 
bushes along our fence have also begun to bloom. It is very warm 
and we leave all doors and windows open and a delicious breeze 
blowing through the house. Mills was finding the work too much 


so I have got a little English girl, Effie Stewart, who waits very 
nicely at table and helps in the house. 

About the 10th Stuart and I went with the Rows to their ranch 
in Texas. 18 It was a long journey a night in the train and then a 
whole day in ordinary car, jumping out for meals at little wayside 
eating houses. We had our tea basket with us and made afternoon 
tea in the car, much to the delight of the other passengers. One 
large cowboy-looking fellow came and leant over the back of the 
seat to examine the machine, inquire where we got it and what it 
cost, etc. We got to a little tiny place called Miami late at night 
and were put up there, rather roughly. 19 Next day there was a forty 
mile drive to the ranch. We drove in a large three-seated vehicle 
with bad springs and oh how wretched I was! There was a bitter 
wind and I had only prepared for hot weather and got chilled to 
the bone. We got to the ranch at last and there was Vincent, beam- 
ing with good nature and paint pot in one hand and brush in the 
other. He had arrived the day before and hastily painted over 
the house in honour of our visit. It was a nice little place con- 
sisting of a sitting room and four bedrooms opening on to a balcony. 
For meals we had to go down to a neighboring cottage, where the 
usual cowboy fare was dealt out to us and everything was of the 
roughest and simplest. Here we lived for a week and enjoyed it 
immensely. Stuart joined in all the ranch work with tremendous 
energy. Branding cattle, droving horses from one enclosure to 
another, etc. We had some good rides and a picnic on the shores 
of a river. A little Irishman who had been an officer in the English 
army, came over from a neighbouring ranch and stayed some days. 
We found him very cultivated and with a good knowledge of books. 
He and Stuart made great friends. The ranch was situated on the 
side of a broad low valley at the other end of which were some large 
trees. It was the loveliest place I have ever seen. 

Stuart and I came home before the Bernard Rows. 20 We found 
letters which finally decided Stuart to take a trip to England. In 
order to see people before they left town it was necessary to go as 
soon as possible, so we fixed upon the 9th of June. The weather 
was very hot at this time and I was glad to think of getting away. 
We were both in tremendously high spirits at the idea of going home 
and could hardly think of anything else. 

18. "Mrs. Stuart Hogg left Tuesday for Kansas City, where she will be met by Mr. 
Hogg, and will go to Texas for a two weeks' stay." Manhattan Republic, May 14, 1891. 

19. Miami is in Roberts county, in the Texas Panhandle. 

20. "Mr. and Mrs. Stuart J. Hogg are home again." Manhattan Republic, June 4, 


JUNE, 1891. 

We had a hot week to endure and then the rain came on, cooling 
the air and making packing less of a trial. We set forth in a deluge 
of rain, but full of joy. 21 The journey was quite comfortable for 
everywhere there had been rain and the dust was laid. We ar- 
rived at New York on the 20th and sailed on the same day in the 
Aurania. Vincent Row who had travelled from Kansas City with us 
was on board and made a cheery companion. The rest of the 
passengers were very dull. The weather was fine and calm but 
we made a slow passage only arriving on the Monday. We were 
burning with impatience and by a tremendous rush through the 
custom house just managed to catch the early train. The journey 
seemed interminable. At last we got into Euston, and there on the 
platform were the dear girls radiant and lovely in light summer 

When Stuart saw them he gave a shout that resounded through 
the station and nearly flung himself out of the window. We had 
a happy drive in a fourwheeler, our two pretty girls opposite a 
feast for the eyes. Then old 42 and dear Mother looking fresher 
and prettier than ever, and Father and Kenneth just lately arrived 
from Russia. It felt so queer being in the old house again, every- 
thing just the same only that now I inhabited the spare room. 
Stuart and Ken struck up a great friendship at once and went about 
buying tobacco and pipes together. Father was eager to get down 
to Furze Hill so our time in London was brief and hurried. 

JULY, 1891. 

I went down to Furze Hill with father and was amazed at the 
change in the field where the new house was. Father had worked 
hard and it was really a most successful garden. Masses of roses, 
sweetpeas, and all sorts of lovely flowers in bloom. We came back 
for Sunday the 5th and Stuart, Eva and I went a round of calls. 
The Groom-Robertsons Burne Joneses 22 and Leslie Stephens. 
Stuart was delighted. They were all very kind and pleased to see 
us. I forgot to say that the day after our arrival we went to a Dance 
at the Winkworths and the next to Marianna Lehmann's wedding. 

How odd and delightful it was to be among a crowd of civilized 
well-dressed people again! 

21. "Mr. and Mrs. Stuart J. Hogg started yesterday for London, where they will spend 
the summer. . . ." Ibid., June 18, 1891. 

22. Sir Edward Burne-Jones (1833-1898) was one of the most influential English 
painters of the Victorian era. His greatest achievements were in the field of decorative 
design (stained glass windows, tapestries, etc.), but many of his paintings had popular ap- 
peal. Reproductions of "King Cophetua," "The Golden Stairs," "The Wine of Circe," and 
others of his works, were in many American homes. 


Stuart had to be in London pretty often so we were constantly 
running up or down from Furze and the time seemed to go with 
terrible rapidity. Stuart was too busy and harassed to enjoy the 
country properly, especially as the wet weather stopped most 

AUGUST, 1891. 

In the beginning of August, Kenneth went back to Russia. Stuart 
and I went down to Sandgate from a Saturday to Monday to stay 
with Lady Hogg and say good bye to Lucy, who goes to India in 
September, and I disgraced myself by being ill in bed most of the 
time. A touch of the 'grippe' I think. Stuart sailed on the 12th. 
The night before we dined with Sir Stuart at the naval exhibition 
and drank lots of champagne to keep our spirits up. On the Wed- 
nesday, Eva and I went to see Stuart off at Euston, and at the last 
minute decided to go to Liverpool. I was equipped in blue serge 
but Eva was in a delicate summer garment, so we had to get her a 
shawl when we reached Liverpool. It cheered Stuart to have us 
to the last but poor dear, he looked desperately mournful as the 
tender went off and leant over the railings of the Teutonic looking 
back at us. 23 

Soon after that Father and I took a little trip to Scotland. We 
went up to Inverness and next day to Beauly and Invercarrick, a 
most lovely part of the highlands I had never seen before. To our 
surprise we found we had landed at the very doors of Guisadran, 
Lord Tweedmouth's place. We saw them in Church on Sunday, 
and the Quintin Hoggs were with them and introduced me. Then 
we went up to lunch at the house and were shown Lord Ts wonder- 
ful model farm. They were all very friendly and nice. Lady T. a 
handsome and regal-looking Dame with rather a sharp manner. 
Lord T. kindly and jovial. We went on by the Caledonian Canal 
to Invergarry and had a wet drive thence to Glenelg. After that a 
lovely day on which we steamed from Glenelg to Balmacarras when 
we got stuck for want of horses. Drove by moonlight to Strome 
ferry and next day in rain again to Glencairn where we had a jolly 
time with the McLarens, and home again by Inverness and Edin- 

At Edinburgh we stayed long enough to see all the Patons who 
were in town. Had tea with Lora in her own little house, called on 
the old Macnab and dined at 33. Sir Noel was there, Vic, Fred, 

23. "Stuart J. Hogg returned from his trip to England Monday." Manhattan Mercury, 
Wednesday, August 26, 1891. 


Ronald, Lora Bob and later on Madge. It did us good to see all 
those dear people. 


We just had a quiet Sunday at Furze and then to London on Mon- 
day, and tremendous packing and buying of last odds and ends, 
etc., and Molly and I were off to Liverpool on Tuesday and sailed 
early on Wednesday the 9th. 

I forgot to say that Laura and her children had come up from 
Eastbourne in the middle of August and taken the Huntingdon's 
house on the top of the hill. It was delightful having them so near, 
the children were down at Furze nearly every day and were darl- 
ings. It was hard for poor Molly to be dragged away so soon, but 
I was glad to get a cabin on the "Teutonic" and besides there was 
more chance of escaping storms. 

We had a wonderfully fine voyage and made friends with several 
people. We sat at Table with Johnston Forbes Robertson, who 
was excellent company. 24 There was a charming Bostonian couple, 
Mr. Watson and his wife, with whom we made special friends. 
After landing at New York we all went to the Brunswick Hotel, 
and in the evening dined together at Delmonicos. The Watsons 
and their friend D. Whittredge, J. F. R., Molly and I. After that 
heard Seidls orchestra perform part of the Cavalleria Rusticana, a 
beautiful thing. 

We had a hot and tiring journey and were immensely cheered 
and refreshed by the sight of Stuart at Kansas City. At last we 
got here and were able to enjoy the luxury of baths and clean 
clothes. 25 

Home looked tinier than ever, but very pretty and nice. It was 
too hot to do anything but wear the thinnest garments and lie 
about in hammocks, and poor Molly had toothache into the bargain 
and was quite wretched. 

OCTOBER, 1891. 

The weather got cooler and then we had good times. Stuart 
bought a boat and had a boat house built on the river bank and 

24. Johnston Forbes Robertson (1853-1937), the English actor, had not at this time 
reached the height of his career. His fame was established in 1895 when he began a series 
of Shakespearean revivals in London. His first visit to the United States was in 1885. 
Some of his greatest successes were in Shaw's Caesar and Cleopatra, Kipling's The Light 
That Failed, and Jerome's The Passing of the Third Floor Back. He married Gertrude El- 
liott, American actress, and they played together in many productions. The United States 
was included in Forbes Robertson's farewell tour in the season of 1913-1914. He was 
knighted in 1914, and retired in 1915. 

25. "Mrs. Stuart J. Hogg returned from England Sunday, accompanied by her sister, 
Miss Muir." Manhattan Mercury, Wednesday, September 23, 1891. 


after that we used to row a great deal up and down the Blue river 
and with an occasional turn up the Kansas. 26 As the [leaves?] 
turned the river became more and more lovely. One Sunday we 
took our tea with us and went a long way up the Blue and made 
tea on the banks, rowing home at sunset it was delicious. Molly 
took to rowing with great energy. She seemed very well and was 
delightfully happy and contented and pleased with everything that 
happened. A little brown pup was sent us from Fort Riley. This 
we gave to Molly and she christened it Banshee. It was a great 
pet with all of us. Molly also made great friends with Lon and 
Fanny and the ponies. She and I went for drives all round the 
country when Stuart was not able to get away from the office for a 
row. Once or twice we drove out to the farm in two buggies, had 
lunch there, and tramped about looking for quail with guns on our 
shoulders. It was exciting though we shot nothing. 

One day as Molly and I were driving home in the dark Stuart 
and Riley behind we heard an engine whistle just before we got 
to the crossing. Stuart said it was the Rock Island so we went on. 
Riley rushed before us and wildly waved his arms for us to go on, 
the horses were stopping on the rails and there was a train coming 
steadily on, we whipped them up and tore across just in front of 
the engine. It was thrilling. 

NOVEMBER, 1891. 

This month there came a good many dull days but Molly seemed 
just as cheery and contented in the house as out of doors. She sat 
in a corner of the library which we called her corner; at the window 
by Stuart's writing table. She wrote endless letters and knitted 
little white woollen garments. At tea time went into the drawing 
room and then she sat down at the piano and played Chopin by 
the hour. These were our red letter days when Molly was with 
us. 27 When Stuart came in he and she would romp and play like 
children and generally combined to make fun of me. 

26. "S. J. Hogg has had a boat house built on the bank of Blue river near the bridge." 
Ibid., October 21, 1891. 

27. "Miss Muir, who has been visiting her sister, Mrs. Hogg, has returned to England." 
Ibid., December 2, 1891. 


The Letters of Joseph H. Trego, 1857-1864, 
Linn County Pioneer 


PART Two, 1861, 1862 

QHORTLY after the firing upon Fort Sumter, Joseph H. Trego 
**J volunteered for military service. He was chosen second lieuten- 
ant of a company commanded by Gapt. Charles R. Jennison, also 
a physician and resident of Mound City who later became a colonel, 
and commander of the Seventh Kansas cavalry, known as "J enn i~ 
son's Jayhawkers," and subsequently a brigadier general in com- 
mand of all Kansas troops west of the Neosho. This company went 
to Lawrence to join the Second Kansas infantry, commanded by 
another Linn county pioneer, Col. Robert B. Mitchell, a veteran of 
the Mexican war who had been treasurer of Kansas territory and 
was the first adjutant general of the state. However, a disagree- 
ment between Jennison and Mitchell caused the unit to return to 
Mound City and disband. 

In July, 1861, under authority of Gen. James H. Lane, James 
Montgomery began raising the Third Kansas Volunteers, a regi- 
ment, like the Fourth, of mixed arms: infantry, cavalry and artil- 
lery. Montgomery had settled near Mound City in 1854 and was 
widely known as leader of the local "Self-Protective Company" 
which he had organized in 1857 (see Trego's letter of January 24, 
1858, Kansas Historical Quarterly, May, 1951, p. 128). Trego vol- 
unteered and was mustered in as first lieutenant of Company E, a 
cavalry unit composed almost entirely of Mound City men, with 
Henry C. Seaman as captain and Orlin E. Morse as second lieuten- 
ant. The Third and Fourth regiments, with the Fifth Kansas cav- 
alry, constituted Lane's brigade, and served in the campaigns on 
the border in the fall of 1861, including the Battle of Dry Wood 
on September 2. The Third regiment joined Fremont's army at 
Springfield, Mo., in October, but returned to Kansas in December 
and camped for the winter on Mine creek, southeast of Pleasanton. 

In February, 1862, Trego was placed in temporary command of 
Company C. On the 20th of that month an order was issued dis- 

EDGAR LANGSDORF is state archivist of the Kansas State Historical Society. 



banding the Third and Fourth Kansas regiments. The infantry 
companies, including Company C, were consolidated to form the 
Tenth Kansas infantry. Company E of the Third was assigned to 
the Fifth Kansas cavalry with its designating letter changed to D. 
Trego went with Company C to Fort Riley, where he remained 
until he was relieved in May to rejoin his own unit at Holla, Mo. 
In the months following, Company D was used extensively in 
scouting and Trego's health failed seriously, the dust and exposure 
particularly affecting his eyesight. He offered his resignation, 
which was accepted on October 17, and returned home to Mound 
City to rest and recuperate. 

The following letters were written by Dr. Trego to his wife while 
he was serving as an officer in the Union army. 

THE LETTERS OF 1861, 1862 


We have been under orders to march South, for several days but 
were delayed from day to day by difficulty in getting what was re- 
quired. Lane has reported every thing on hand and in readiness 
for his brigade but we did not find it so and have not been able to 
get a start until yesterday, after dinner 7 

I could not go home with the team but sent it down by E R 
Smith and H. A. It will require us to wait where we are 5 miles 
from Leavenworth until the remaining can be loaded. We have 
21 government wagons with us, loaded with provisions, arms, uni- 
forms and camp equipage, and when the freighting wagons are all 
together each drawn by six pairs of oxen, and numbering seventy 
five, we will be ready for another move 

We will not, I think, reach Mound City before the middle of 
next week. The 75 wagons are loaded with provisions for Lyon's 
forces. A company from 111. among them Edgar Trego, Cyrus 
Twining, Waugh and some others from Mercer, Henry & Rock 
Isld counties arrived here, last Saturday. They are now in camp 
between Leavenworth City and the fort, awaiting the arrival of 

We would be very glad indeed if they could come into our regi- 

7. Colonel Montgomery, with the artillery company and the two cavalry companies of 
his regiment, had gone to Leavenworth to be outfitted. Their return journey was announced 
by the Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 13, 1861: "A train with supplies for 
Montgomery's troops started out yesterday morning. A rather singular circumstance about 
it is that all the drivers were negroes! The wagon-master, even, was a negro! Nearly all 
were 'contraband,' having left their 'comfortable homes' within the past ten days and made 
for the Fort and Montgomery. Two or three a day have been coming in to him. A cavalry 
company escorted the train. 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 289 

ment in place of Stewart's company. 8 The weather continued very 
sultry until the 8th a light shower the evening before produced a 
change which has kept up an agreeable coolness since 

We were fortunate enough to draw our tents the day before the 
rain commenced, a very pleasant consideration as it has been rather 
rainy weather since. 

While we were in camp near Fort Leav. two of our horses were 
stolen in day time. A guard was placed over horses at night but 
none in day light as it had not been considered necessary. The 
other horse Company [Company I] also lost one horse. Yesterday 
as we came through the eastern suburbs of the city, one of the lost 
horses was discovered, hitched to a wagon. It was Bill Bairds horse 
and he immediately took possession of it. To-day some of the boys 
were off from the camp to water their horses and overhauled a 
gentleman in a buggy who had the other horse taken from our 
company, and was leading him behind his buggy, having as he 
said, just obtained from an Auctioneer in the City. We have all 
back again and 3 fine gov. horses beside. . . . 

I made a picture this morning representing one of our company 
who had been married but a few weeks before starting out, to the 
school marm, Miss Kennison, and has had the blues the worst kind 
since stopping at the fort. He spent most of his time away from 
every body and nothing could begin to put any animation into him. 
Being utterly useless in the camp I wrote out a furlough for him to 
be signed by the commander of the companies, if he saw proper. 
It was signed and the fellow was as springy as whale bone at once. 
They are all ready to go so good bye 

Your affectionate H. 

8. Edgar P. Trego, of Preemption, 111., was a first cousin once removed of Joseph H. 
Trego. At this time he was a second lieutenant in the 14th regiment of home guards, a 
Missouri unit commanded by R. H. Graham which had been raised for service in New 
Mexico. On February 28, 1862, this organization was consolidated with the Eighth Kansas 
infantry, and Colonel Graham became the regimental commander. Trego became captain 
of Company H, serving with distinction until his death at Chicamauga on September 19, 
1863. Trego county, Kansas, is named for him. Report of the Adjutant General of the 
State of Kansas, 1861 -'65, reprinted by authority (Topeka, 1896) [hereafter cited Adjutant 
General's Report], v. 1, p. 284, and Pt. II, "Military History of Kansas Regiments," pp. 100, 
101, 141; Official Army Register of the Volunteer Force of the United States Army, Pt. VII 
(Washington, 1867), p. 99; A. Trego Shertzer, A Historical Account of the Trego Family 
(Baltimore, 1884), pp. 56-58; Wichita Daily Eagle, June 1, 1886, address by Gov. John A. 
Martin, delivered at Wichita on Memorial day, 1886. 

Washington Waugh, of Moline, 111., also became a member of Company H, Eighth 
Kansas infantry. He was promoted to the grade of sergeant on January 30, 1862, and was 
discharged for disability on April 28, 1863, at Nashville, Tenn. Adjutant General's Report, 
pp. 284, 287. 

Cyrus Twining has not been identified. 

Capt. John E. Stewart of Lawrence commanded Company I (cavalry) of the Third 
regiment. At the time of the reorganization he was transferred to Company C, Ninth Kansas 
cavalry, and served until he was mustered out at Leavenworth October 25, 1864. Thirteenth 
Biennial Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Kansas, 1901 -'02 (Topeka, 1902) 
[hereafter cited Thirteenth Biennial Report], p. 159; Adjutant General's Report, p. 304. 




Last Sunday I wrote two pages of fools cap and was going on 
for at least two pages more, when I was suddenly interrupted by 
the bugle call to arms. The wagon master of Col. Weer's regiment 9 
had put their mules, 90 in number out on the Missouri side of our 
camp about two miles, and had them left with a guard, more than 
himself and some of the teamsters might be considered as consti- 
tuting a guard. In the afternoon, a body of 100 horsemen sud- 
denly made their appearance, surrounded the mules and drove 
them and the wagon master off in a hurry. Several companies 
started in pursuit as soon as possible and gave chase until dark but 
to no advantage. It is generally believed that the wagon master is 
a secessionist. 

Price has been near us for more than a week and it was believed 
that he would attack Fort Scott within twenty four hours at least, 
as his forces numbered from 7000 to 8000, and ours was less than 
six hundred. Such another time as they had pitching tents, and 
loading up company wagons. Citizens fixing up their effects pre- 
paratory to leaving, and Government wagons hustling out provi- 
sions &c has not been seen before in this country. They, the rebels, 
have not been yet and the houses, with all their furniture, are 
turned over to the use of the soldiers. Col. Montgomery, Adjt 
Zulasky, Chaplain Moore, Capts Jewel & Seaman, Lieuts Trego & 
Morse, (I forgot to mention Capt Flint) 10 with four soldiers as 
servants and a contraband wench for cook are occupying the house 
where Mr Williams was living. The parlor and one bed room are 
richly furnished, fine paintings & engravings on the walls, spring 
bottom sofa, divan, chairs &c. A good piano which Zoulasky is 
now amusing himself with. Preserves & jellies, magazines & book[s] 
and everything we want are here, so you see we are living high 
at present. 

Last night was dull, some rainy and the road excessively muddy 

9. Col. William Weer was commanding officer of the Fourth K^nsf>s volunteer regiment. 
When the Third and Fourth Kansas were combined to form the Tenth Kansas infantry he 
was assigned as commander of that regiment. Adjutant General's Report, p. 347, and Pt. 
II, "Military History of Kansas Regiments," pp. 178, 179. 

10. Casimio B. Zulasky (or Zularsky or Zulaosky) of Boston, Mass., and Mound City, 
enrolled as a private in Company E, Third regiment, on July 24, 1861, and on the same 
day was promoted to first lieutenant and regimental adjutant. No official records of his 
service have been found, but he was mustered out on the date the regiments were consoli- 
dated. He was a nephew of Louis Kossuth. Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 31, 186J. 

H. H. Moore was enrolled on July 24 and served as regimental chaplain until he was 
mustered out on February 14, 1862. 

Capt. Henry C. Seaman and Lts. Trego and Orlin C. Morse, all of Mound City, were 
the officers of Company E. 

Captains Jewel and Flint have not been identified. Thirteenth Biennial Report, pp. 
125, 144, 148. 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 291 

and I had the pleasure, by way of contrast, of riding fifteen miles 
in the enemies country, reconnoitering, being up and awake the 
whole night and did not return to quarters until noon to-day. Done 
some hard riding, was plastered all over, face and all with mud 
and went with [out] breakfast. This morning Price pulled up stakes 
and started for Lexington. To-night about 300 cavalry men will 
stir up their camp and retake the mules if possible. 

I will go back away and tell you what we have been at since we 
arrived here, which was at day light after marching all night, in 
the evening following we set out for Spring river to explore. We 
went as far as a little place called Medock, nine miles from Car- 
thage All the rebels in that village made their escape except one 
who was shot in the act of loading his rifle. We (here I made a 
long pause to listen to Zulasky sing Annie Laurie) were so near 
Carthage at this point, that we did not deem it safe to remain there 
with our little party of 140 men. 

Capt Williams, 11 Stewart and myself, Capt Seaman being sick in 
Mound City, after cooking up a large quantity of mutton, which 
was all we had to eat except a scanty supply of sea-biscuit, and 
taking a nap of two hours we mounted and were off going ten 
miles out on a vacant prairie where a dog would hardly find us, 
and then slept until day light without even one sentinel Our de- 
parture was accelerated by a great commotion among the dogs 
along the road leading toward Carthage. We have since learned 
that a force did come up and were in the edge of the timber within 
gunshot of us just after our picket was recalled for the march. If 
they had had the grit they could have stamped [ed] our horses and 
then had their own time to cut us all to pieces as there is nothing 
but level prairies between Medock and Fort Scott. The com- 
mander ordered the men to form into line of battle ready to make 
a charge, but fortunately for us the men concluded it would be 
safer for them to disobey orders and fall back farther into the wood 
than to charge upon Jay Hawkers. 

This was a rough trip having no tents or wagons but laying right 
down in the big grass wet with dew and eating when we could find 
something to eat. One morning we pulled up some potatoes and 
roasted them for breakfast. Some of the boys had broiled chicken. 
I tried the hind leg of a hen that was pulled off of about twenty 
eggs that were nearly ready to hatch. It didn't eat very well be- 
cause it wasn't warmed quite thro' We took possession of La Mar 

11. James M. Williams was captain of Company B, Third regiment, and after the con- 
solidation was transferred to Company F, Fifth Kansas cavalry. Ibid., p. 131. 


but found no rebels in it. I was greatly in hopes that we would 
have kept up by way of the battle ground of Siegel but our trip 
was likely to be too hard on some who were so poorly clothed that 
they laid shivering in the grass one night, that was pretty cold We 
had all the peaches and apples we wanted 

We made another trip down the Osage to Ball's Mill, came near 
having a fight, the rebels, numbering three hundred to our one hun- 
dred and forty, placed themselves in attitude for fight but a few 
shots of shell thrown among them to burst, caused them to speedily 
decamp. We suffered no damage except that Capt Williams had 
his horse shot under him. That old stamping ground of the rebels 
Ball's Mill was burned together with a fine covered bridge over the 
Little Osage 12 

We drove out over 200 head of cattle for Uncle Sam, and between 
30 and 40 horses Our enemy that has been growing so fast was 
camped on Dry wood 10 miles from this. We had heard a great 
many stories about the forces on Dry wood and on Tuesday last all 
the cavalry went down to see what they amounted to. The day 
was sultry and up to this time we had had no rain for some weeks 
consequently the dust was very deep Our company was some 
distance from the scene of battle when it commenced as the boys 
had that morning, drawn their uniform [s] and were delayed in that 
and the fitting of their garments. Jennison had a few men who 
came up about half an hour after us. 13 It was not the intention of 
the Col. to engage the enemy in a regular fight but having driven 
a squad [?] thro' the timber the companies in advance soon found 
themselves actively engaged with a powerful enemy who had 7 
canon to play upon our side while we had nothing but the how- 
itzer and that was of but litle use as it could not be kept near 
enough to do execution without greater danger of having it taken. 
We had but just arrived on the ground and formed in line of battle 
when an order came to retreat. The enemy followed us a short 
distance, and about the same time that we met Jennison's regiment 
coming to us they stopped. Our company was not on the ground 
more than 20 to 30 minutes before we began a backward move- 
ment, but all this time and until we got past the range of cannon 
balls we had them flying thick and fast overhead and occasionally 

12. This second expedition into Missouri, on August 29, was led by Captain Williams, 
and consisted of his cavalry company, with those of Stewart and Seaman, and Captain 
Moonlight's artillery. Ball's Mill, sometimes called Ball Town, was a "noted secesh rendez- 
vous" on the south side of the Little Osage, in Vernon county, Mo. Leavenworth Daily 
Conservative, September 5, 1861. 

13. Charles R. Jennison had been commissioned a colonel by Maj. Gen. John C. Fremont, 
commanding the Western department, and authorized to raise a regiment of cavalry to be 
attached to Lane's brigade. He and 500 of his men were reported to be with Lane at this 
time. Ibid., August 21 and September 4, 1861. 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 293 

one would strike the ground near us making the dust fly. Several 
horses were shot all up with canon balls and two men were killed. 
Three wounded. The enemy did, as we learned by Esq Rad- 
field whose residence is close by the battle field, lost in killed and 
wounded at least 54, and he thinks many more. Price left their 
camping ground today ostensibly to move toward Lexington but 
perhaps it is to make a break in some other direction. It is very 
likely that we shall have a fight soon All the Mound City folks are 
in Fort Lincoln, on the Osage. the cavalry are all in Fort Scott 
and the Infantry and artillery are at the fort on the Osage which 
Lane is having built. 14 They number in all over 3000 men. 

I had another picture taken when in Lawrence which I will for- 
ward, as soon as I can get to go up to M[ound]. City May be 
sooner as there seems to be but little chance of getting away. 
. . . When I sat for the picture I had on Lieut. Morse's coat 
mine not being finished. The only difference in them however is 
that the epauletts on mine have a small bar in each end of the 
square. . . . Capt. Allen 15 and several others in our regiment 
had their likeness taken at the time, dressed in their uniform. 
Zulavsky is at the piano again getting off some of his Hungarian 
songs. It does me good to use the luxuries of these fellows that 
have always been the enemies of Anti-slavery men particularly in 
Mound City and vicinity. Just think of it, Montgomery is using 
every thing for himself and men that belonged to his persecutors, 
except what they cou[l]d carry away with them. Well my love I 
will say good bye for awhile. . . . Your affectionate Husband 

Direct your letters as below and they will be sent to the Regiment 
wherever it may be and with additional postage 

Lieut J H Trego 

3rd Regiment Kansas U. S. C. 

Mound City Kansas 

CAMP No 3. SEPTEMBER 12-ra 1861 

We are on a march from Fort Lincoln to some place north in 
Missouri, perhaps to Lexington but I dont know, and it is quite 
probable that our destination is dependent upon circumstances that 
leaves it uncertain. This is our third day out and we are now en- 
camped in the valley northeast of Trading Post. 

14. Lane was building fortifications on the Little Osage river ten miles east of Fort 
Scott. Ibid., August 31, 1861. The Conservative's informant added that he did not know 
the purpose of the earthworks, for he was sure no secessionist would come near them 
voluntarily, unless Lane wanted his men "well practised in the use of the spade" so that 
they would be able to bury the enemy after they had killed him. Fort Lincoln, in north- 
eastern Bourbon county, was on the Little Osage just north of the town of Fulton. 

15. William R. Allen, of Jefferson, Ohio, was captain of Company C. He was enrolled 
July 30, 1861, and mustered out February 13, 1862. Thirteenth Biennial Report, p. 137. 


Gen. Lane is along. There is of Cavalry not many more than six 
hundred, of which Col. Montgomery has charge and [sentence not 

I have been well every day until last Tuesday when I had one 
of those old spells of dizziness. It happened to be a very rainy 
day so that we did not move and yesterday I was straight again 
tho not feeling very briskly. Col Montgomery was too unwell to 
ride when we left Fort Lincoln but we heard this morning that he 
will be with us in a day or two. Col. Jennison is out with 36 men 
to-day. The army that has been camped on Dry-wood [creek], 
where we had a little brush with them, is now moving northward, 
and we will keep somewhere near them until Lane can get his 
Artillery. He would have had artillery so as to be able to meet 
them with some show of success, but Gov. Robi[n]son has placed 
every obstacle possible in his way. . . . 

The excitement of Camp life has ceased to be interesting except 
when near an enemy; the prospect of an engagement will always 
be attended with feelings of the liveliest interest no matter how 
used a person may become to scenes of strife and it is only those 
who can maintain an approach to an equilibrium in the excitement 
of battle that are fit to lead. Col. Johnson 16 was so wrought up 
that if he had had command at Dry-wood we would have all been 
killed or taken prisoners but Montgomery was sufficiently self pos- 
sessed to order a retreat in time to save nearly all, tho' not quite, a 
few being cut off and taken prisoners 

Since we are not employed as a regular guerilla force but are to 
move with the main army I conclude that we shall have no more 
fighting to do until a great blow shall be struck which will decide 
the fate of one side or the other, that is, of these two armies. 
. . . Since writing the foregoing we have received orders to be 
in readiness to ride to Butler to-night. The object is mainly, I 
suppose, to take in a few secessionists and a good many horses and 
cattle, if they can be found, to supply the army 

Secessionists have furnished us all the sheep and cattle we have 
needed. It is getting so dark that I cannot see to write and I must 
send my letter to Mound City [by] Kelsey or I may not have a 
chance again soon and maybe something will transpire by another 
time for writing that will be interesting 

With much love to yourself and our dear little girls I will say 
good night and pleasant dreams Your Husband 

16. Col. Hampton P. Johnson of Leavenworth was the commanding officer of the Fifth 
cavalry. Five days after this letter was written, on September 17, he was killed in action 
at Morristown, Mo. Adjutant General's Report, p. 125, and Pt. II, "Military History of 
Kansas Regiments," p. 66; Leavenworth Daily Conservative, September 20, 1861. 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 295 


We are now encamped near West Point the Infantry are in the 
town. All who were fit for duty, five days ago, went to Osceola. 
They returned yesterday, having had a little brush with the enemy, 
scattered them, took the town, obtained all the horses, mules, 
wagons and niggers; loaded the wagons with valuebles from the 
numerous well supplied stores, and then set fire to the infernal 
town it was burned to the ground. 

I remained in camp this time, the first that the company have 
moved without me being with them. 

It was a tedious stay here while they were gone, because the 
tents, provisions, and all the wagons, except the few they took with 
them were left here without a sufficient guard to protect them if the 
rebels had known how we were situated. I remained in camp to 
meet Simp and Ellwood and deliver to them some contraband 
property taken at Morristown and which the Captain and myself 
drew after the appraisement. I sent up a better buggy than the 
one Lyman got, for which I pay Gov. $35. I send to-day a lot of 
Merinos, velvet, barred muslins, calicos, shoes &c most of which is 
to be distributed among those who are unable to buy. There are 
about a dozen plaid shawls of various sizes. 

Cap. made me a present of two pr of first quality white silk 
gloves for parade. I bought Ellwoods white horse and rode him 
about two weeks, our brush on Drywood cut him down very much 
and the subsequent trip to Butler was so hard on him that I was 
unwilling to use up so valueble a horse when another less costly 
would do as well and have sent him home. I took at Butler an- 
other of the same kind which I now ride. He is quiet and dont 
wear himself out fretting as Whitey did. I have to keep two 
horses, but they come cheap so far. 

We start to-day for Kansas City or some other point on the Mis- 
souri. Affairs are looking squally there and in the S. W. part of 
this state. There being a large secession army on each side If 
Gov. would send in troops to take care of the river towns we could 
do the rest, but to go now to the river with only a portion of our 
forces and leave the other portion behind we will stand a chance 
of being beaten north and McCullough will probably come into 
S. E. Kansas and just use up the first range of counties. So it seems 
to us who only get the rumors. Lane may know much more about 
it than what we are able to learn. Cap, Lieut Morse & self have a 
camp stove that Simp & Ell brot down a few days ago, which is a 
first rate thing . . . 


11 O'CLOCK P. M. OCT. 2ND 1861 

We had been on the march for several days, until Monday last 
when we arrived at this place. McGee's Addition is full of soldiers. 
Two Regiments from Ohio, one or two from Iowa and Col. Jen- 
nisons regiment of Cavalry, numbering about 200 men. They are 
on foot yet. Lieut Col. Anthony, editor of Leavenworth Con- 
servative is the support of the whole institution and is here in 
command. 17 He may make it go and we all hope that he may as 
in our present condition we need all the assistance we can get, if 
not more. ( Gen Sturgis and Peabody are here with their commands 
making in all over 5000) I am ignorant of the moves of the Gen- 
erals until after they are made and therefore cannot tell what the 
present move is likely to effect. Most of our Brigade left camp 
this afternoon and I learn that the camp will all move to-morrow 
at 10 a. m. All of the well men in our Company have gone except 
the teamsters, camp keepers, Charley, who is Q. Master, 18 and Lieut 
Morse and myself who were detailed for Jury men in a court- 
martial which has been in opperation since we arrived here and is 
not yet through with the business that was brought before it. One 
chap is likely to be sentenced the limb of a tree or something worse, 
for stealing horses. 

There is a matter that is to be attended to tomorrow before court 
that interests many of us very much just now. It is to secure the 
services of a Brass band for our Regiment. Other regiments are 
trying to get them but they prefer Montgomery's and I think we 
will succeed. We have heard no music since we have been out, 
unless the noisy drums and squeaking fifes make music, until we 
came here. Last night, about 10 o'clock a band came to Col. 
Montgomery's Markee played several pieces. They were far 
enough from us to make the music sound right and we lay in our 
tent enjoying the fullest measure of the favor. . . . 

17. Daniel R. Anthony, I, of Leavenworth entered military service September 29, 1861, 
as a major in the First Kansas cavalry, which shortly thereafter was redesignated the Seventh 
cavalry. On October 29 he was promoted to lieutenant colonel. He was appointed provost 
marshal of Kansas City on October 7, when General Sturgis placed the city under martial 
law. In 1862, while in command of Brig. Gen. Robert B. Mitchell's brigade in Tennessee, 
Anthony issued an order prohibiting Southerners from passing through the Union lines in 
search of fugitive slaves. When he refused to countermand the order he was placed under 
arrest by General Mitchell, but after an investigation was restored to duty by Maj. Gen. H. W. 
Halleck. He resigned his commission September 3, 1862. Adjutant General's Report, 
p. 214; W. E. Connelley, Standard History of Kansas and Kansans (Chicago, 1918), v. 5, 
p. 2385; Leavenworth Daily Conservative, October 9 and 11, 1861. 

18. Charles Eaton of Mound City was quartermaster sergeant of Company E. He was 
transferred with the rest of the company to the Fifth cavalry and served until his death 
from disease, October 16, 1862, at Keokuk, Iowa. See below, letters of September 30 and 
October 28, 1862. Adjutant General's Report, p. 135; Thirteenth Biennial Report, pp. 
144, 146. 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 297 

[Several lines missing] Cavalry hats for the company, with the 
yellow cords and tassells, eagles for the sides, ostrich feather &c 
which makes a splendid uniform. Lane is having his whole Brigade 
rigged out in as good style as any soldiers that I have seen since 
this war was begun, the Regulars at Fort Leavenworth not ex- 

Thursday 3rd I left off last night thinking I might get time this 
morning to write some more but I have not. Must go to attend the 
Band meeting which is to be over before court time. . . . 



I have an opportunity to send a line to Fort Scott, perhaps to 
Mound City, to be mailed, if I can have it ready in just five min- 
utes. This evening, since we encamped, Lane has called upon us 
for some men to carry a despatch to Fort Scott. I will just say 
enough to let you know where I am and what we are doing or 
what we suppose we are doing. I have been well all the time. 
The whole Brigade is healthy. The Missourians speak of the 
healthy appearance of the men every where we go. The southern 
army seems to be very much affected with sickness. We are now 
moving south west towards Springfield. Hunter Fremont, Sigel, 
Nugent, Lane, Sturgis and others are getting into close proximity 
and we are told that we are going South to meet the great army of 
Missouri Arkansas and Texas, said to number 50,000 & from that 
up to 80,000. We will have 50,000 when we get together, and if 
they want a fight they have a good chance now. We want to see 
that great army whose trail we have crossed so many times. We 
have been stopping in Cedar Co to get some contraband wheat 
ground. A few days since our whole company was out in a grub 
settlement hunting up wheat that had be [en] secreted we found 
100 bus. in one place, entirely surrounded by thicket for miles. We 
had native for a guide. We send off niggers by the hundreds. Two 
hundred left for Kansas under the care of Capt Baine the day we 
left Osceola. 

While we stopped in that town what is left of it, the business 
part being all destroyed the union men in the surrounding coun- 
try were invited to come in and help themselves to salt and stores 
of which there was a great abundance. Direct we left, Sturgis 
came in with his command and forthwith placed a guard over the 
mdze to prevent any being carried away, when he came thro' on 


the road we had traveled, instead of living on the rebels as we had 
done, he purchased all his supplies of forage, beef &c from known 
rebels when he could have bought of Union men just as well. Such 
a course is regarded as traitorous because he is giving aid to the 
enemy by so doing. In fact, the neutral men along the way did 
not hesitate to say that they would just as leave Sturgis would 
march thro the country as not, and neutral men are just about all 
of them secessionists in principle. 

The two Ohio regiments under his command are desirous of 
getting into Lane's command. Col. Nugents regiment of Missouri 
home guards who are now in the U. S. service say they will not 
remain with Sturgis command. Lane said he meant to make the 
secessionists in Missouri feel the difference between being loyal 
and disloyal citizens and he is doing it. We have camped where 
there was secession farms on one side and Union farms on the 
other, when we would leave the secession farms were stripped of 
every thing like crops & fencing while the others remained un- 
touched. We have plenty of first rate horses and so far we are 
getting along finely. 

After we have had a fight we may not feel so crank. There are 
a great many little incidents in Camp life that I might relate but 
must stop now. Will begin to-morrow to write a long letter I 
have received but the one letter from you yet. Cant think you 
have not written. We want to have a big fight and then, if I am 
spared I expect to leave the army for sometime. . . . Do write 
to me and tell me all about your self and of the children. What 
disposition you are going to make of yourselves this winter 

Yours affectionately 


LAMAR, BARTON Co. Mo. Nov. 12ra [1861] 

This evening, Page came in from Kansas, bringing with him 
about a hundred letters, one for me which you sent from Atkinson 
[111.] the 21st ult. I received three letters while at Springfield from 

Nov. 18th I had written so much and was interrupted, and soon 
after we started out towards Fort Scott, where we landed on the 
evening of the 14th I came up home on Saturday to see how the 
folks were getting along and also my horses. . . . 

It would be very agreeable to have you here if we remain some- 
where in this vicinity which is probable since the new division has 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 299 

been created We may take up winter quarters at Fort Scott. 
... If you have a good chance to come and think it best to 
do so I shall be very glad to see you, and if the forces now under 
Lane are to remain here to protect the Union people in Western 
Missouri and at the same time Kansas, as it was at first intended 
we think there will be no further trouble here. . . . 

We had 250 slaves ready to follow us out of Springfield. Some 
of them were white girls. Kansas is about full of niggers now. All 
our servants are niggers. The Missourians have been into Kansas 
at several points retaking some of the property that was taken from 
them by those fellows who would not join the army because they 
could do better at Jayhawking on their own hook Several of them 
were killed. Three on Mine Cr. one of them was in our company 
last summer. 

Quite recently a company of 75 went into Missouri and gathered 
up a lot of stock and several wagonloads of plunder, a load or two 
of salt, and were attacked by 300 men as they said. All ran away 
and left the wagons but 15. Among them was Baine Corbins Jim 
Manor and some others in this vicinity. Jim has not been seen 
since. 5, I think they say, are missing. All that remained with the 
wagons had to fight their way through. By Hildreth had a wagon 
load of salt which he tossed out on the road to enable him to make 
better time. They wont want to go out again in that shape while 
there are so many sesesh in the country. Many are getting back 
from the Southern army because they cant live down where Price 
retreated to. They must come up north to live and they slip along 
at night in small squads. When at Lamar our pickets brot in such 
squads at several different times during the night. Some of them 
had deserted from the Southern Army and had no arms. All such 
represented that they were sick of secession and couldn't stand it 
any longer. 

There is a large force yet in Pineville Ark. which is made up of 
Missourians, Arkansans, Texxans, and also from Tennessee, Louisi- 
ana Cherokee Country &c. Dont know whether we will yet have 
a chance to fight them or not. 

Miss McDow, and Miss Baird have lately returned home. Metz 
married Emma McDow. Frank Barnes married Liz Allen and there 
has been a general time of marrying amongst the lads and lasses. 
Squint-eye Veatch has run away with Col. Montgomery's daughter 
and the Col. is just boiling about it. ... 

WEDNESDAY 20TH I go back to the army this morning. . . . 
I shall be very busy this morning before starting and can only write 


a few lines. If you can get me 2 knit under shirts, and two prs of 
drawers, and enough good flannel of slate color, or something neat 
if of a fancy color, to make three shirts, it will probably save con- 
siderable in expense. I dont wear white shirts at all now. French 
flannel is generally worn but I dont know the expense of it. I have 
material for you and Maria each a white dress. Several yards of 
nice velvet for sacks, plenty of black silk thread, over 100 skeins 
and you may perforate your ears ready for some cheap ear bobs. 

They done all right in advising you to remain on account of the 
children but there is no doubt but that the Kansas Brigade will re- 
main where it can protect Kansas, now that the new division has 
been created, so you can be quite safe here. 

My best respects to friends and hoping to see you within a month 
at least I am 

Your ever loving Husband 


I wrote to you, when I was here before, that I would be in Leav- 
enworth on the 13th. At that time I knew of nothing in the way 
of my being there at that time. 

The withdrawal of the federal troops from Missouri has given 
Price's army full possession of southwestern Missouri and at the 
same time the Kansas brigade was divided up until at this time 
there is more danger of invasion than ever has been before. On 
last Thursday night a party was sent up on Mine Creek who pil- 
laged Potosi and several neighboring houses, getting all they could 
carry away. They killed one man and took two prisoners. We 
were escorting a train from Leavenworth, having gone up towards 
Pottawattomie to meet it. Since returning we have been on the go 
constantly. The Infantry had gone to Papinsville and Butler to 
burn those towns, also to burn every sesesh house, on the way. It 
was but a small party and they were away so long, a day over their 
time, and no word from them, Montgomery became uneasy and 
had the Cavalry go over to meet them and ascertain if Price had 
cut off their retreat. We rode 40 miles and found them all right 
and on their way home, having done the work they were sent to 
do. It was a hard case as families had to be set out of doors, not 
however without every thing that belonged to them except their 

This was done to stop, if possible, the pursecution of Union men 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 301 

in Missouri, who have since the federal troops left, been robbed 
and driven from their homes, more than at any former time. Just 
at this time it is impossible to know what shape affairs will take 
here, but if the new Generals will return to the border the forces 
that have been ordered away, and add to them enough to be able 
to make anything of a show of defence for the country and the 
Gov. stores that are now here then there will be no danger of in- 
vasion. At this time there is 14 to one against us if Price should 
undertake the job. 

A few days will develop something that will enable us to decide 
how it is going to be here, and if the agents of the government do 
as we think they should I will go to Leavenworth, send for you to 
come there and await your coming. ... I am hoping that we 
may be left to rest here a few days. We are encamped in the woods 
below the mill. It is a nice cosy place and with such splendid 
weather as we are having it is very comfortable being in camp. 

I will write again this week 

Goodbye your loving Husband 


It is impossible for me to express the disappointment I have felt 
in not being able to meet you at Leavenworth at the time I desig- 
nated. Just about at that time we were very apprehensive that the 
Southern army would invade Kansas, which they could have done 
if they had attempted it at the right time. Of course I did not wish 
to have you coming here while that danger existed and it was ex- 
pected that this condition of things would be of short duration, 
which was the case, and after matters were put into better shape 
I began to make preparations for going to Leavenworth. We had 
never received any pay, but were assured that the pay would be 
forth coming as soon after the 6th of this month the time when 
muster rolls was made out and sent off as the Pay master could 
make it convenient to come down. I had obtained some money of 
Col. Blunt 19 for present conveneince and would have had no diffi- 
culty in getting more in case we were not paid in time, but for a 
new view that the gov. agents took of the matter which precluded 
the possibility of getting any pay until the first of next month. I 

19. James G. Blunt was lieutenant colonel of the Third regiment. On April 8, 1862, 
he was commissioned a brigadier general, and on the following November 29 was promoted 
to major general, the only Kansan to win two-star rank during the Civil War. Adjutant 
General's Report, p. 6; Thirteenth Biennial Report, p. 125. 


cannot leave now until after next mustering day which will be on 
the 31st. as soon as possible after that I will hasten to Leaven- 
worth to meet you. You will understand by the above, though I 
have not expressed it, that without more "dust" than I was in pos- 
session of, I could not make the trip right, or as would comport 
with the dignity of an officer in the U. S. Army. We are now lo- 
cated, for the winter probably, at the old military crossing, on 
Mine Creek, eight miles from Mound City. We have had splendid 
weather nearly all the fall. Have had two cold snaps and a few 
days since, we had 4 inches of snow, but with stoves in our tents 
we live comfortably. It is a great contrast to our constant, and 
often very hard marches all the summer and early fall. . . . 

29TH Last evening, while I was writing and had progressed so 
far, our company returned from a trip, twenty miles into Missouri 
whither they had gone to attend a secesh ball. They missed the 
road on their way down last night, which made them too late for 
the dance, the company having dispersed. They however scoured 
the neighborhood and took in some prisoners one of whom is an 
officer in the Southern army who had come home to remain awhile. 
They brought in several teams loaded with bacon, dried fruit, 
apples, lard, butter, honey &c but had no fight. The stir attendant 
upon their arrival prevented me from writing any more last evening. 
To-day we have been busy, all day, in moving our camp to a point 
nearer the stream; only a few rods. We now have our two tents 
set together end to end, with the stove in the "back parlor" where 
we have a table covered with a splendid red and black centre- 
table-cloth, upon which we have our books and writing materials. 
We also keep our clothing, arms and musical instruments in this 
apartment. In the "front room" we keep saddles, blankets and a 
large box in which we have been carrying our bedding and which 
now serves as a clothes press and dining table. Lieut. Morse is a 
good hand to help keep things in order but Capt. Seaman dont 
know how to do one thing toward it, dont so much as know where 
his clothes are or if he has any at all. The Capt. is at home so 
often that we are getting to not expect to find him in camp only 

Col. Montgomery has an old Sibley tent, smoky and cheerless, 
in which he receives all the yahoos from Missouri who are anxious 
to see him, and there is generally a tent full of them, who will lay 
around him by the hour, talking about border Ruffian times when 
they supposed that Montgomery was an 'awful man* but they had 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 303 

gone right, far enough to vote for Lincoln, and for that they were 
driven from Missouri. If they had been worth as much as a good 
cigar they would have defended themselves at home, instead of 
running at the first approach of danger. Why the Col. permits 
such men to occupy so much of his time is known only to him- 
self. . . . 

Your impatient Husband 

Have just received a letter from you in which you express disap- 
pointment in not hearing from me some where near the time that 
was agreed upon. I knew that you would be placed in a very un- 
pleasant situation and I have worried a great deal about [it], but 
have not had it in my power to shorten the suspense. Heavens! 
what a miserable out the officers of this Brigade have made in the 
matter of pay. There are lots of men whose families are in a more 
destitute condition than were the poor of last winter and they can- 
not get a cent for them, or go home to do anything for them, except 
in a few cases near us. The men are getting very much discour- 
aged but not so much as they might, and those who have been so 
neglectful of their duty as to cause so very much of suffering on 
the part of soldiers' families should, and may be they are, ashamed 
of themselves, to say the least. 

JUNE IST 1862 

I left Fort Scott on Monday afternoon in company with Lt. Col. 
Jenkins, Major Hoffman, Chaplain Fisher, Lts. Hedden, and Kelly, 
Capt Miller and sixty men. 20 We came together as far as Spring- 
field where we stopped half a day. On Friday morning the Col. 
and I, with fourteen men started out for this place, the regiment 
having moved here some days before. We were two days coming 
through, a distance of 88 miles. 

Houston near which we are now camped, is the county seat 
of Texas County [Mo.], on the road from Rolla to Genl Curtis' 
Army and the regt. was ordered here to protect the provision trains 
that pass over this road. I did not find our Company here, they 
went with a train to Rolla Hope we will all go there or some other 

20. Lt. Col. Wilton A. Jenkins of Le Roy, Maj. S. E. Hoffman of Leavenworth, and 
Chaplain Hugo D. Fisher of Lawrence were staff officers of the Fifth Kansas cavalry. 
James M. Heddens of Burlington, second lieutenant of Company E, was promoted to first 
lieutenant of Company K on September 1, 1862. Harrison Kelly of Ottumwa, second lieu- 
tenant of Company G, was promoted to captain of Company B on October 11, 1862. 
Adoniram J. Miller of Ohio City was captain of Company K. Adjutant General's Report, 
pp. 125, 129, 138, 144, 154. 


civilized place soon. We are buried up here in a forest where no- 
body lives and where there is nothing but Mountains, covered 
every where with trees so thick that we can scarcely see the sun. 
The teams have gone out twenty five or thirty miles to a valley for 
corn and will not be back for three days. The hills are awful. 

There are some things attractive too: the high piles of rock, fine 
springs of clear water running over clean white sand and gravel 
and the pines. I had my tent pitched this morning fortunately for 
me it was left behind with Fairbanks, Minchell 21 and half a dozen 
others who could not go with the company Minchell helped me 
to gather a lot of pine boughs to spread over the ground for a car- 
pet, and I am now fixed up as nice as an old maid. Yes, very like 
an old maid, for I would like to be married. 

. . . Williams and Seaman have gone to Washington, it is 
said, and I think it not unlikely that a change for the better will 
be effected in this regiment. 

Capt. Clark, a slaveholder in northern Missouri, who has been 
in the regt. since its organization was killed at Springfield a short 
time before we arrived there. 22 Although on duty as officer of the 
day, he became intoxicated and attempted to force a guard and 
was shot through the heart, as he should be. A house that had 
been occupied by a squad of accommodating girls, changed hands 
and a family moved into it. Those who had been in the habit of 
visiting the place continued to call without knowing that the for- 
mer inmates had been removed. This annoyed the present oc- 
cupants and a guard was placed there to prevent intrusion. The 
guard did a rightious act. An old nut named Rice was in com- 
pany with Clarke and fired a revolver at the guard and killed a 
young lady belonging to the family. Her betrothed was present 
and he in turn fired upon Rice, hitting him in the shoulder, inflict- 
ing a dangerous wound but the old sinner is likely to recover. I 
dont know when I can get this to a post office, but I will have it 
ready whenever an opportunity does offer. Write me on receipt 
of this. A letter may happen to come thro* very soon to Spring- 
field and I shall want to hear from you as soon as I can 

Your ever loving Husband 

21. Elihu Fairbanks served as a private in Company E, Third regiment, and Company 
D, Fifth cavalry. Byron L. Minchell was mustered into Company F, Third regiment, on 
July 24, 1861, where he was promoted to sergeant, but was transferred on September 1 to 
Company E as a private. He, too, was assigned to Company D, Fifth cavalry, at the time 
of the consolidation. Both men continued in service until they were mustered out at Leaven- 
worth, September 5, 1864. Ibid., pp. 136, 137; Thirteenth Biennial Report, pp. 146, 147, 

22. John R. Clark, captain of Company B, died May 21, 1862. Adjutant General's 
Report, p. 129. 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 305 


FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE GTH. I did not have an opportunity to send 
my letter, and yesterday I came here myself We came fifty miles 
through forest and are all very well pleased to be out of the wilder- 
ness. Col. [Powell] Clayton is to take command of this post and 
we will probably remain here for some time. We can get anything 
we want here, and the whistle of the locomotive sounds quite re- 
freshing as a reminder of civilized times. 

A regiment of Dutch came up from St Louis last evening. They 
are on their way to Springfield. It is reported that a large force is 
marching on Springfield and it is likely that a large additional 
force will be added to what is already there of our own troops. 
There may be a good deal of fighting yet in Mo. The Dutch that 
came up on the cars last evening are a part of Sigel's men. 

A company of men, part from Ark. and the rest of this state, 
under command of one Coleman have been engaged in destroying 
Gov. trains for some time past. The regt. was ordered into the 
mountains at Houston to disperse or arrest this party but they are 
not to be caught in the vicinity of any considerable number of 

Lt. Morse took 40 men, was gone 3 days and brought in, last 
night, several of the party who had returned to their homes since 
destroying the last train that started to Genl Curtis. Our company 
has been scattered about for two weeks, in five different places but 
this morning we are all together again except four that are in Kan- 
sas and Charley Perin 23 and one other with him who were left 30 
miles west of us hunting their horses, which escaped from them 
night before last when they were scouting for Coleman's men. 
They have had small-pox in the Regt. but there is now no case of it 
in the camp. 

We have had rainy weather since Monday night; to-day is dull 
but no rain. 

I hunted around on the mountains for some new flower to send 
you but could find nothing there is not even grass there and if 
we had not been ordered away our horses would soon have been 
unable to carry us away. 

Your affectionate Husband 

, 2 3'. Ch r , les H ' Perrin of Mound City joined Company E of the Third regiment on 
July 24, 1861, was toansferred to Company D, Fifth cavalry, and died at Pine Bluff, Ark., 
on October 25, 1863, of wounds received in action. Ibid., p. 136; Thirteenth Biennial 
Report, p. 147. 



AUG. GTH 1862. 

I write you this time to send you some funds. I hope you will 
get it all right. I have been thinking for some days how I might 
send it with the most safety. Charley Varnum leaves to-day. He 
will carry a large amt. for the boys; quite as much as he can do 
with safety, travelling as he will have to do on the deck of a boat. 
I have finally concluded to send by Q. Master [James] Davis to 
Leavenworth where he will drop it in the office. If you get this 
take good care of it as it may be all that I shall be able to supply 
you with and you may need it before you will find anyone to take 
my place if I should be so unfortunate as to get killed. 

If I should be made a prisoner with the money about me it would 
then all be lost; for these reasons I have concluded to risk sending 
it. Now dont think that the probabilities of my being killed or 
taken prisoner are so great that you will begin at once to look up 
another partner. It is not likely that I shall ever be placed in so 
dangerous a position as the one from which we escaped on our way 
down. Brother Fisher's letter did the thing up most splendidly 
when he represented Lts Morse and Harrington 24 as pursueing the 
rebels after they were put to flight as though they had nothing to 
do with starting them, when in fact, they did all that was done in 
the whole transaction. Again, when he had the old Q. M. Doct 
Davis, Morse and myself cooking supper while the train was cross- 
ing the river. Lt. Morse was where the fighting was done. 

If this comes to you all right you will find enclosed six one 
hundred dollar bills, or U. S. treasury notes, one of fifty dols and 
two of twenty dollars, making in all $690.00. We are paid now to 
June 30th It is costing me more to live this summer than it did 
last. We are boarding now at $3.00 per week; cheaper than keep- 
ing our own table. The weather is so excessively hot every body 
is prostrated in strength and the number of sick is daily in- 

There are very few bad cases however. It is not likely that we 
will do much before cool weather. Horses are improving very 
much in appearance on green corn, but they cannot endure any 
fatigue. If we could only get out of this dutch arrangement we 

24. Stephen R. Harrington of Burlington served as regimental adjutant until he was 
promoted to captain and given command of Company K on July 1, 1862. He was promoted 
to major October 29, 1864, and mustered out of service January 10, 1865. Adjutant Gen- 
eral's Report, pp. 125, 154. 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 307 

would all "rejoice exceeding much" Our company would rejoice 
still more if we could be reinstated in the old 3rd Regt. 

Charley Varnum has started I dont know when Q. M Davis will 
leave but I will have this ready. . . . 

Good bye love and dont forget. Will send the check by bearer 
of this, C Varnum 

Your Husband 

P. S. . . . Our Regt has been changed and may be again so 
direct 5th Kansas, Genl Curtis Army 

AUG. 7xH The Q. M. was not willing to carry the money and I 
have bot a check which you can keep with more safety than the 
money itself. Let me know at once when you get it. 

J. H. T. 

HELENA SEPT. 7-ra 1862 

We are having a very little rain this afternoon, the first we have 
had for about six weeks. I dont feel in good frame of mind at all. 
I am sick. Lt. Mforse] is sick, lots of the men are yet sick, the 
regiment is badly managed. Major Walker 25 improves backward 
as he goes up, showing that he is much better as a Captain than 
acting the part of a Col. as he has been trying to do since Lt. Col. 
Jenkins went home to see his family. We have always been in bad 
odor in this army. The Missouri Repub hates all Kansas troops and 
the bulk of this army read and admire the Repub Walker is likely 
to increase this distaste at Head Quarters. We are not now sur- 
prised that Robi[n]son should send Walker here. He was our only 
hope for the salvation of the Regiment. That hope is gone and we 
are gloomy. I cant make up my mind to leave the boys and yet I 
believe that to remain in this regiment and in this army so much 
dissatisfied, and the debilitating effects of this climate operating 
upon me I shall never get well. . . . 

I dont regard the news we get of our army in Virginia retreating, 
as alarming. The rebels will likely take Washington yet. It will 
probably have to come to that before the men in power and the 

25. Samuel Walker of Lawrence had been an active Free-State partisan since 1855, 
when he settled in Douglas county. In that year a local militia company called the Bloom- 
ington Guards was organized, with Walker as first sergeant. In 1856 he was elected colonel 
of the Fourth Kansas cavalry, participating in the siege of Lawrence and the capture of 
Fort Titus, and in the same year was a member of the house of representatives under the 
Topeka constitution. In June, 1861, he was mustered as captain of Company F, First Kansas 
Volunteer infantry, and received his promotion to major, Fifth Kansas cavalry, on May 24, 
1862. On October 29, 1864, he was again promoted to lieutenant colonel of the Sixteenth 
Kansas cavalry, and was mustered out with that regiment on December 6, 1865. He was 
brevetted brigadier general of volunteers in the campaign against the Sioux Indians in 1866. 
Ibid., pp. 41, 125, 534; W. E. Connelley, op. cit., v. 3, p. 1223. 


pro-slavery men in the north who put them there, will understand 
and be willing that the war on our part must be carried on as the 
south is carrying on their war, and if we get whipped that we will 
all have to bid goodbye to freedom. The south understand that if 
they can effectually destroy the government they can rule us after- 
wards. There is no better evidence, perhaps, of the weakness of 
our government than the great number of northern journals that are 
faulting the President, and the constant changes that are being 
made in the Military commands or departments. England and 
France too seem to be very successful in their efforts to keep up 
the war to the end that the country may be ruined. 

It is now too dark for me to write more this evening. I cannot 
see to write by candle light so will defer the matter until the 8th. 

It is cloudy this morning and not near so sultry as it has been 
for some days past. Lt. Morse went this morning to see if he can 
get a leave of absence for a few weeks, to enable him to regain his 
health. When we were on our way down here he had a serious 
fall, horse and all, in giving chase to one of the parties of guerillas 
we met near Salem, the effects of which, he has felt ever since and 
for a month past he has been growing much worse, not able to be 
up but very little during the day. . . . 

I shall not now see home again before frost has destroyed every- 
thing, perhaps not before another Spring opens them out again, 
because much fighting must necessarily be done this coming winter 
and we are likely to be called upon to do our full share. The prob- 
abilities are that we will have to leave this point soon or be sur- 
rounded in which case we will have to fight our way out if we can. 

The gun boats have ben canonading heavy between 12 and 1 
o'clock today; dont know what it was for. . . . Day before 
yesterday one gun boat and four transports went down, on their 
way to Vicksburg. the transports had on board four thousand five 
hundred rebel prisoners from Camp Douglass 111. 

With much love to you and children I am your H 


To-day our regiment left the river bank and moved eight miles 
into the country. It was expected that the move would be much 
farther, the common talk and the preparations together would seem 
to indicate an extensive move. 

LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 309 

Under the impression that a long and tedious march northward 
was about to be made I came here with others on the sick list to 
take boat for it, but the probabilities are that we will remain here- 
about for some weeks to come. 

I shall stop in this city a few days and then go out to the regi- 
ment I expect. A week ago last Saturday I was taken with a very 
severe attack of a bilious character. Not much fever but vomiting 
enormous quantities of bile from 9 a. m. until after dark. Had 
been troubled more than a week with dizziness and that day nearly 
used me up. Am just able to move about again at a very slow rate. 

Charley Eaton began to be sick several days before I did. He 
is Jaundiced terribly, looks fairly green and is so far gone that he 
is not likely to recover. We kept him with us until this morning 
when he was brought to the hospital. There are three lying in the 
hospital now awaiting coffins We will all be thankful if we ever 
get out of this place. Lt. Morse has so far recovered his health 
as to report for duty again a few days since. . . . 

The way they are enlisting in Kansas I think the ladies are likely 
to be left quite alone, not even enough old wilted men left to pro- 
vide for their numerous wants. We are rejoiced to learn that 
Abraham has, at last, begun at the bottom of the difficulty to solve 
it. We now look anxiously forward to see what kind of reception 
it will receive and how many true union men there are in the north 
and especially among the higher officers in the U. S. service. 

There is nothing transpiring here in this army that would be of 
much interest to you or any body else. . . . 

Kiss the children once around for me and put an additional lump 
of sugar in Harrietts coffee 

Your devoted Husband 

[Part Three the Letters of 1863, 1864 Will Appear in the 
November, 1951, Issue] 

Bypaths of Kansas History 

From the Western Volunteer, Fort Scott, April 26, 1862. 

In our last we mentioned that Geo. Misener and Ben. Huffman had en- 
listed in the Wisconsin 9th. We are since informed, that they have been 
mustered out, on a certificate of disability from the Brigade Surgeon. They 
stood all the tests except one; Geo, went down on the twenty-fifth and Ben. 
on the twenty-ninth glass of lager. The regulations require a capacity for 
sixty-two. They were in the service just ten days, and but for the above un- 
fortunate failure would undoubtedly have made excellent soldiers. During 
their short term they patrolled the State Line to Kansas City and back twice, 
performing the entire march on foot. 

From the Wichita Eagle, August 7, 1873. 

J. A. Grayson and brother were hunting last week in the Southwest. One 
night while sleeping in camp they were awakened by the dogs barking and 
the horses snorting. Rousing up they heard in a certain direction a thunder- 
ing noise as if an avalanche was rolling toward them. Presently they dis- 
covered a tremendous herd of stampeded buffalo coming toward them. The 
boys were terribly frightened, but had presence of mind enough to open with 
their Spencers upon the approaching mass which at length they succeeded in 
frightening to either side of them. Grayson says he does not desire a repeti- 
tion of the adventure. Hutchinson News. 


From the Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, November 14, 

The proposition to vote bonds for water works in Topeka meets with very 
little favor. There are so few of our people who use water that it is im- 
possible to create any enthusiasm on the subject. 

From the Garden City Paper, July 31, 1879. 

C. J. Jones has in his possession a spear of grass that is sixty-eight feet 
long, which grew on the bottom near the river. The above story sounds in- 
credible, but anyone doubting it can come and see for themselves, and if it 
is not the length stated, we will pay all expenses of the trip. 


Kansas History as Published in the Press 

Articles of a series, by various authors, concerning Coffeyville his- 
tory and legends, have appeared weekly under the title "Coffeyville 
Lore" in the Coffeyville Daily Journal during the winter and spring 
months of 1951. 

The history of the Missouri, Kansas, Texas railway better known 
as the Katy was sketched in the Emporia Daily Gazette, January 
24, 1951. The railroad came into being at a meeting in Emporia 
on September 20, 1865, and the charter was filed with the secretary 
of state five days later. Construction started in 1869, from Junction 
City to Emporia. Some of the history surrounding Phillips Inn, 
near the Reading state lake, appeared in the Gazette, May 1. The 
building was constructed in 1856 or 1857 by Oliver Phillips, said 
to be Lyon county's second settler. A short history of Lyon county 
cemeteries was published in the Gazette, May 29. Probably the 
first area recognized in the county as a public burying ground was 
the Mount Hope cemetery near Neosho Rapids. Lucina Jones, 
Emporia, historian of the Lyon County Historical Society, has com- 
piled a nine- volume manuscript on 21 of the county's 38 cemeteries. 
Short sketches of early-day Emporia, by O. W. Mosher, curator of 
the Lyon county historical museum, under the title "When Emporia 
Was Young," began appearing weekly in the Gazette, March 6, 
1951, in the "Museum Notes" column. 

An article on the history of Crawford county entitled "Father 
Came West," by the late Mrs. Oello Ingraham Martin, began ap- 
pearing in installments in the Girard Press, February 1, 1951. Mrs. 
Martin came to Crawford county in 1870. 

Some of the history of Merriam, Johnson county, as recalled by 
C. V. McLeod, appeared in an article by Mabel M. Henderson in 
the Johnson County Herald, Overland Park, February 15, 1951. 

A history of Caney entitled "Caney in Retrospect," was presented 
at a meeting of the Sigourneyan club of Caney, February 15, 1951, 
by Mrs. J. F. Blackledge, a summary of which was printed in the 
Caney Daily Chronicle, February 16. 

The research of Dr. Dudley Cornish, Kansas State Teachers Col- 
lege, Pittsburg, on the use of Negro troops in the Civil War was the 



subject of a two-column article by Harold O. Taylor in the Pitts- 
burg Headlight, February 19, 1951. 

A history of the Arnold cemetery at Caldwell, by E. A. Detrick, 
was printed in the Caldwell Messenger, February 19, 1951. All 
burials in the cemetery were made before 1881, but the city did 
not purchase the plot until 1884. 

A brief history of the public library of Russell appeared in the 
Russell Daily News, February 22, 1951. The institution was 
founded March 1, 1901, with Grace Stephens as the first librarian. 

Historical and progress editions were published by the Phillips 
County Revieiv, Phillipsburg, February 22, and March 22, 1951. 
Subjects in February included: the Indian battle on Prairie Dog 
creek, by George B. Jenness; the Lutheran church of Stuttgart, by 
Mrs. Leonard Preuss; first public road in the county; Phillipsburg 
men in the Spanish- American War, and Kirwin's schools. A de- 
scription of Phillips county in the early 1870's, quoted from W. M. 
Wells' "The Desert's Hidden Wealth," and Phillips county post 
offices and postmasters were among the subjects in the March issue. 

A short history of Cherokee was printed in the Cherokee Sentinel, 
February 23, 1951, in connection with the 77th anniversary of the 
city's incorporation. In the three following issues the Sentinel 
printed small items of information about the early residents. 

Articles on the early history of Marshall county, by Lillian K. 
Farrar, Maxwell, Iowa, begun in the Axtell Standard on February 
28, 1946, have continued to appear regularly. 

A history of the Salina fire department was published in the Mis- 
souri Valley Fire Chiefs Journal, Topeka, February-March, 1951. 
The first Salina fire department was a volunteer organization begun 
in 1879, which served until 1909 when Fred Brodbeck was ap- 
pointed fire chief and the paid department was organized. A bio- 
graphical sketch of J. E. Travis, present fire chief, also appeared in 
the Journal. 

"Politics in the Midwest," by Walter Johnson, University of Chi- 
cago, was published in Nebraska History, Lincoln, March, 1951. 
The "Military Career of Robert W. Furnas," by Robert C. Farb, 
Simpson College, Indianola, Iowa, was also included in the March 
issue. Furnas was mustered into the service as a colonel in 1862 
and immediately began recruiting and organizing the First Indian 
regiment in Kansas. 


Among articles in the Bulletin of the Shawnee County Historical 
Society, Topeka, March, 1951, were: Ft. IV of Russell K. Hickman's 
"The First Congregational Church of Topeka"; "Reminiscences of 
Mrs. E. F. Ritchie"; "Topeka in 1877," including a drawing of a 
bird's-eye view; "Felitz' Island [in the Kaw river]"; "The Generous 
Ichabod [Washburn]," by John Daniel Bright; the llth and last in- 
stallment of W. W. Cone's Shawnee county history; "Topeka Fetes 
Royalty," the visit of Grand Duke Alexis of Russia, to Topeka, by 
William Frank Zornow, and an installment of George A. Root's 
"Chronology of Shawnee County." 

"Kansas Weather 1950," by R. A. Garrett, was published in the 
Transactions of the Kansas Academy of Science, Lawrence, March, 
1951. Robert Taft's editorial, which was reprinted in pamphlet 
form, concerned Asa Gray's ascent of Gray's Peak in 1872. 

The Sedan Times-Star, March 1, 1951, printed an article on the 
M. V. Floyd family, who came to Kansas in 1870. In 1872 the 
family settled in Howard (now Chautauqua) county where they 
built a log cabin which, until it was torn down recently, was one 
of the oldest and best known landmarks of the county. 

Among recent articles of a historical nature in the Hays Daily 
News were: "Catherine Parishioners Carry Original Colony Cross 
Today," some of the religious history of the Russian colony of Cath- 
arinenstadt, March 4, 1951, and "Names of Signers of Petition for 
College at Hays Uncovered," April 22. 

A history of the Russell county 4-H program, now 24 years old, 
by Gale Mullen, county 4-H agent, was published in the Russell 
Record, March 5 and 8, 1951. On April 9 the Record printed a his- 
torical sketch of Russell county. The Russell Daily News, May 23, 
published a special 60-page edition, and the Record, May 24, one 
of 34 pages, in celebration of Russell's 80th anniversary. Included 
in the editions were histories of Russell county and city, other towns 
in Russell county, and industries and institutions of the county. 
Russell was founded in May, 1871, by a group from Wisconsin, and 
incorporated the following year. 

The Cowley county militia of 1874 and the James and Dalton 
gangs were the subjects of Walter Hutchison's column, "Folks Here- 
abouts," in the Arkansas City Daily Traveler, March 12 and April 
6, 1951, respectively. 


Reminiscences of Harry Johnson, Woodland Park, Colo. ? concern- 
ing the Central City church, Anderson county, were printed in the 
Garnett Review, March 15, 1951. The church building, recently 
sold, was constructed in 1870. 

The Belle Plaine News, March 15, 1951, published a history by 
Mrs. O. F. Kilmer of the Belle Plaine Presbyterian Church which 
has reached its 75th anniversary. The church was formed March 
11, 1876, under the leadership of the Rev. A. M. Mann, who be- 
came its first pastor. 

A survey of the foreign-language groups in Kansas entitled "Babel 
in Kansas," by J. Neale Carman, was published in Yowr Govern- 
ment, Bulletin of the Bureau of Government Research, University 
of Kansas, Lawrence, March 15, 1951. The article was reprinted in 
the Junction City Union, April 16. 

Two articles, by James L. Robinson, in the Topeka Daily Cap- 
ital, March 18, 1951, reviewed the "Messiah" chorus and the art 
colony at Lindsborg and Bethany College. The 70th annual "Mes- 
siah" festival was observed in Lindsborg in March. 

Early Pawnee county history was recalled by Ed Christian in 
The Tiller and Toiler, Larned, March 22 and 29, 1951. Christian 
came to Kansas from Indiana about 1880 when he was 13 years old. 

The pioneer experiences of G. J. Peebles, as written by him in 
1889, were printed in the Cawker City Ledger, March 22 and 29, 
1951. Peebles first settled in Brown county in 1857, but in 1870 
moved west to near Cawker City. 

Articles of historical interest to Kansans appearing in recent is- 
sues of the Kansas City (Mo.) Star included: "Funston Captured 
Aguinaldo by Ruse 50 Years Ago, Ending Island Revolt," by J. M. 
Dow, March 23, 1951; "Pithy Wisdom of William Allen White in 
Autographs for a Boy's Collection," by Ruby Holland Rosenberg, 
April 3; "Hope, Kas., a Town of 538, Boasts of Its Native Sons/' 
among whom are Arthur and Edgar Eisenhower, John Cameron 
Swayze and Oscar Stauffer, by Howard Turtle, April 29; "Glory of 
a Civilization Nourished by Grass Was Sung by Great Kansas Ora- 
tor [John J. Ingalls]," May 16; "Famous Old School at Council 
Grove Becomes Museum of the Storied Past," by Margaret Whitte- 
more, May 19, and "Towns of the Prairie Dogs Stretched Like 
Ocean Waves in the Early West," by E. B. Dykes Beachy, May 29. 


Articles appearing in the Kansas City (Mo.) Times were: "The 
Early Texans Found a Word [Maverick] for Unbranded Cattle of 
Western Plains," by Lewis Nordyke, April 23; "Many Reminders of 
the Shawnee Indians Seen in Kansas Area Where They Lived," by 
E. B. Dykes Beachy, April 27, and "Eisenhower's Strength Is Cred- 
ited to His Ability to Speak 'Kansas Language/ " by Everett Rich, 
April 28. 

An article by Wayne A. O'Connell on the history of the old Hope- 
field Mission was published by the Oswego Independent, March 
30, 1951, and the Oswego Democrat, March 30, April 6 and 13. The 
mission was established in present Oklahoma in the early 1820's by 
a group sponsored by the Presbyterian church and under the leader- 
ship of Dr. William C. Requa. About 1836 the mission was moved 
to present Labette county where it operated only until 1837 when 
forced to close because of a severe drought and trouble with the 

A brief biographical sketch of the Hugh Francis Reid family was 
printed in the Bonner Springs Chieftain, April 5, 1951. Reid 
brought his family to Kansas about 1860, settling near Muncie, 
Wyandotte county. Mrs. Perle Mesta, U. S. minister to Luxem- 
bourg, is a granddaughter of Reid. 

The early history of Rosedale school, district 68, Jewell county, 
by Mrs. Pearl Gifford, was printed in The Jewell County Republi- 
can, Jewell, April 5, 1951, and in The Kansas Optimist, Jamestown, 
May 3. The district was organized in 1878 and Flora Dayton was 
the first teacher. 

The reminiscences of R. W. Akin of Hewins, were published in 
the Cedar Vale Messenger, April 5, 12, 19, 26, and May 3, 1951. 
Akin came to Kansas from Illinois in 1872 with his father's family, 
settling near Cedar Vale. 

A 24-page 75th anniversary edition of the Erie Record was pub- 
lished April 6, 1951. The Record was founded in 1876 by George 
W. McMillen at Thayer. Histories of the Record and of Erie are 
included in the edition. 

An article on the historic Elkhorn mill at Minneapolis appeared 
in the Salina Journal, April 8, 1951. The mill, operated by water 
power, was first built in 1865 by Israel Markley who had discovered 
the site while on a buffalo hunt in 1860. Destroyed and rebuilt in 
1893, the mill is now to be razed. 


A brief biographical sketch of the Rev. Isaac Mooney, by Mrs. 
Corah Mooney Bullock, appeared in the Butler Free-Lance, El 
Dorado, April 12 and 19, 1951. Mooney was the founder of the 
Towanda Congregational-Christian Church which celebrated its 
75th anniversary in April. Notes from Mooney's journal were 
printed in the Free-Lance, April 26. 

The school history of Cuba, in Republic county, was traced 
briefly by Robert Benyshek in the Belleville Telescope, April 19, 
1951. The first school building was erected in 1869. 

Brief biographical sketches of Theodore Rand and D. R. Jay, 
pony express riders, were printed in the Atchison Daily Globe, 
April 22, 1951. 

A brief biographical sketch of Dick Rogers, Minneola, by J. C. 
Denious, Jr., was printed in the Dodge City Daily Globe, April 25, 
1951. The Rogers family came to the Minneola area in 1885 and 
built a sod house which still stands. 

A sketch of the Baptist church of Downs appeared in the Downs 
News, April 26, 1951. Organized in 1876, the church installed an 
elder, Z. Thomas, as the first pastor. The Rev. S. Renfrew was 
called in 1877. 

The front page of the Frankfort Index, April 26, 1951, was de- 
voted to historical articles on Frankfort, Frankfort newspapers, the 
Wyandotte constitution and the Kansas State Historical Society. 
Frankfort's earliest newspaper was the Record, first published in 

A short, early history of Winfield, reprinted from the Winfield 
Daily Telegram, May 9, 1879, was included in the historical sec- 
tion of the 1951 achievement edition of the Winfield Daily Courier, 
published February 26, 1951. 

The history of St. Paul's Lutheran Church, near Albert, was 
briefly sketched in the Great Bend Herald, May 10, 1951. The 
church was organized in 1876 under the leadership of a Reverend 

A brief history of the Hopewell United Presbyterian Church, near 
Beloit, which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, was published 
in the Beloit Daily Call, May 15, 1951. The church was organized 
March 13, 1876, with 38 members. The Rev. J. P. Finney was the 
first full-time pastor. On June 1 the Call printed the Mitchell 
county reminiscences of Frank Douglass, now of Garden City. 


The Pittsburg Headlight and Sun, May 16, 1951, published 74- 
page diamond jubilee editions in conjunction with the 75th an- 
niversary of the founding of Pittsburg. Included were biographical 
sketches of early-day community leaders, and historical articles on 
Pittsburg industries, businesses, schools, churches and other organi- 
zations and institutions. 

The Rush County News, La Crosse, May 17, 1951, printed a brief 
historical article on the community of Liebenthal, which was 
founded February 22, 1876. 

The reminiscences of Andrew G. Nelson, Chanute, concerning 
his family's early years in Neosho county, written by H. G. Curl, 
were printed in the Chanute Tribune, May 25, 1951. Nelson came 
to Kansas from Sweden in the late 1860's. The article, in shorter 
form, was reprinted in the Coffeyville Daily Journal, May 27, 1951. 

The beginning and growth of the Leavenworth Catholic Church 
was traced in The Eastern Kansas Register, Kansas City, May 25, 
1951. The first building was constructed in 1855 under the leader- 
ship of Bishop Miege. 

A brief history of Kinsley, by Mrs. Nell Lewis Woods, appeared 
in the Kinsley Mercury, May 31, 1951. The town was founded in 
1873 and incorporated in 1878. 

A two-column story of Old Cherokee, by Wayne A. O'Connell, 
was published in the Chetopa Advance, May 31, 1951; the Oswego 
Democrat, June 1, and the Baxter Springs Citizen, June 4. Old 
Cherokee was a settlement near present Oswego which was de- 
stroyed by federal troops in 1860 because the area was not yet open 
for settlement. 

The "colorful past and sizable achievements" of Kansas are re- 
viewed by Debs Myers in "The Exciting Story of Kansas/' pub- 
lished in Holiday magazine in June, 1951. Abolition, prohibition, 
Populism, weather, agriculture and industries are some of the 
phases of Kansas history discussed by Myers, along with sketches 
of such Kansans as John Brown, William Allen White, Carry Na- 
tion, Sockless Jerry Simpson and others. 

"Helton's Colorful History," assembled by Will T. Beck, has con- 
tinued to appear regularly in recent issues of the Holton Recorder. 

Kansas Historical Notes 

The 76th annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society 
will be held in the rooms of the Society in the Memorial building 
at Topeka on October 16, 1951. 

Luther D. Landon was elected president of the Russell County 
Historical Society at its annual meeting in Russell February 7, 
1951. J. C. Ruppenthal was elected to succeed Landon as second 
vice-president. Re-elected were: John G. Deines, first vice-presi- 
dent; Merlin Morphy, secretary; A. J. Olson, treasurer, and Mrs. 
H. A. Opdycke, chairman of the board of directors. Clarence Peck 
was the retiring president. The Kennebec Landon Valley Histori- 
cal Association has been made a chapter of the Russell county 
society. May 28 was homecoming and pioneer day, sponsored by 
the society, of the eight-day "Prairiesta" held at Russell, beginning 
May 23. Mrs. Emma Woelk, who came to Russell in 1872, was 
chosen the city's pioneer mother. A pageant entitled "Pioneers of 
Progress," was presented in the evenings of May 28, 29 and 30. 

Mrs. W. W. Austin was chosen chief historian of the Chase 
County Historical Society at a meeting of the society's executive 
committee at Cotton wood Falls, March 3, 1951. Plans were made 
for publishing the third volume of the history of Chase county. 
Mrs. Ida Vinson is chairman of the committee. 

Officers elected or re-elected by the Ford Historical Society at a 
luncheon March 9, 1951, included: Mrs. Guy Wooten, president; 
Mrs. F. M. Coffman, vice-president; Mrs. I. L. Plattner, secretary- 
treasurer, and Mrs. Lyman Emrie and Mrs. E. H. Patterson, his- 

H. D. Lester was elected president of the Wichita Historical 
Museum Association at a meeting March 29, 1951. Other officers 
chosen were: H. M. Quinius, first vice-president; Mrs. Wallis 
Haines, second vice-president; Carl Bitting, secretary, and Dr. H. C. 
Holmes, treasurer. 

The board of directors of the Finney County Historical Society 
met at Garden City April 10, 1951, and re-elected all officers of the 
society. They are: Gus Norton, president; Mrs. A. F. Smith, first 
vice-president; Frederick Finnup, second vice-president; Mrs. Jose- 



phine Cowgill, third vice-president; Mrs. Ella Condra, secretary; 
Mrs. Eva B. Sharer, treasurer; Ralph T. Kersey, historian; Mrs. 
Emma Weeks White, custodian of relics, and P. A. Burtis, business 
manager. C. L. Reeve is a new member of the board. Mr. Finnup 
presided at the meeting. 

The Kansas Association of Teachers of History and Related Fields 
held its annual meeting at the Memorial Building, Topeka, April 27 
and 28, 1951. Speakers and their subjects were: "Greece Under 
Nazi Occupation and the Greek Underground/' G. Georgiades Ar- 
nakis, University of Kansas City; "The Effect of Witchcraft on 
European Royalty During the Seventeenth Century," Floyd W. 
Snyder, Sterling College; "Carlyle as a British Historian," F. R. 
Flournoy, College of Emporia; "Petain: Traitor or Scapegoat?" Les- 
lie Anders, University of Missouri; "The Kansas Raid of Sterling 
Price," Albert Castel, Wichita University; "Kansas Negro Regiments 
in the Civil War," Dudley T. Cornish, Kansas State Teachers Col- 
lege, Pittsburg; "Father Dumortier, Itinerant Missionary in Kansas 
in the 1850's and 1860's," Sister M. Evangeline Thomas, Marymount 
College, and "The Unwanted Mr. Lincoln," William F. Zornow, 
Washburn University. At the luncheon session John Rydjord, 
Wichita University, addressed the group on "Nationalism: Notions 
and Nonsense." Flournoy was elected president of the association 
for the coming year. Other officers elected were: Elizabeth Coch- 
ran, Kansas State Teachers College, Pittsburg, vice-president; Er- 
nest Baders, Washburn University, secretary-treasurer. Other mem- 
bers of the executive committee are: Alvin H. Proctor, Kansas State 
Teachers College, Pittsburg; Deane Postlewaite, Baker University; 
the Rev. Peter Beckman, St. Benedict's Abbey, Atchison, and 
George L. Anderson, University of Kansas. Anderson was the re- 
tiring president. 

An antique melodian, which was a gift from John Brown to his 
oldest daughter, Ruth Brown Thompson, and which was played at 
Brown's funeral, was presented to the board of the John Brown 
Memorial Park in Osawatomie at ceremonies held at the Osawato- 
mie high school May 9, 1951. This instrument, since 1925 the 
property of Mr. and Mrs. Edward Simmons, Altadena, Cal., has 
been permanently placed in the John Brown cabin in the park. 
Fred W. Brinkerhoff, Pittsburg publisher, principal speaker for the 
occasion, discussed Brown's antislavery activities in Kansas and his 
attempt to seize the government arsenal at Harper's Ferry. Others 


participating in the program included: the Rev. William I. Hastie, 
Osawatomie; State Senator Ben F. Bowers, Ottawa; James A. Day, 
Osawatomie, who played the melodian, and Ada Remington and 
Rosalie Ward, members of the Brown family. 

Organization of the Edwards County Historical Society was com- 
pleted at a meeting in Kinsley May 25, 1951. Mrs. E. G. Peterson 
was elected president. Other officers elected were: Lavina Trotter, 
Harry Offerle and Ruth Roenbaugh, vice-presidents; Henry J. 
Draut, secretary; John Newlin, treasurer; Mrs. Myrtle Richardson, 
historian, and Beulah Moletor, custodian of relics. Mrs. Richard- 
son presided at the meeting and H. F. Schmidt, of Ford county, 
was the principal speaker. 

The Price of the Prairie Grass, is the title of a recently-published 
18-page pamphlet by Cecil Calvert, Hays. The article begins with 
the arrival of Calvert's father in western Kansas in 1884, describes 
pioneer life, and traces the agricultural practices which led to wind 
and water erosion of the soil and the disappearance of the prairie 

A 75-page pamphlet entitled A History of the First 30 Years of 
the Kansas Division of the American Association of University 
Women, by Teresa Marie Ryan, was published recently. The first 
local organization of the AAUW, known then as the Association of 
Collegiate Alumnae, in Kansas was formed at Lawrence in 1906. 
The state unit was organized in 1919 and Alice Winston, Lawrence, 
was elected the first president. 

Agricultural Discontent in the Middle West (Madison, Wis., 
c!951), by Theodore Saloutos and John D. Hicks, is the title of a 
581-page historical treatment of the agrarian unrest and the result- 
ing farm movements and farm legislation from 1900 to 1939. 

Willie Whitewater, the 309-page story of W. R. Honnell's life and 
adventures among the Indians as he grew up with the state of 
Kansas, as told by him to Caroline Cain Durkee, has been published 
by the Burton Publishing Company, Kansas City, Mo. Honnell, 
known among the Indians as Willie Whitewater, was born in 
November, 1860. In 1899 he was appointed Indian agent for 
Kansas. Later he had a part in the preservation of the Huron 
cemetery which was laid out by the Wyandot Indians in 1844. 
Mr. Honnell died in 1946. 



November 1951 

Published by 

Kansas State Historical Society 



Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor 



NEBRASKA TERRITORY: A Letter Dated December 17, 1853, 

James C. Malin, 321 


the Pacific Railroad Reports Robert Taft, 354 

With the following illustrations: 

Charles Koppel's "Los Angeles," November 1, 1853, 

A. H. Campbell's "Valley of the Gila & Sierra de las Estrellas 

From the Maricopa Wells" (Arizona), 1855, 
J. C. Tidball's "Valley of Williams River" (Arizona), 1854, 
William P. Blake's "Mirage on the Colorado Desert" (California), 

1853, between pp. 368, 369. 

PIONEER: Part Three, 1863, 1864 Concluded, 

Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 381 

With the following illustrations: 

Dr. and Mrs. Joseph H. Trego and six of their nine daughters; 
the Mound City band, from a photograph taken in 1878, 
between pp. 384, 385. 






The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published in February, May, August and 
November by the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan., and is dis- 
tributed free to members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be 
sent to the editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made 
by contributors. 

Entered as second-class matter October 22, 1931, at the post office at To- 
peka, Kan., under the act of August 24, 1912. 


R. H. Kern's sketch of "Fort Massachusetts At the Foot of 
the Sierra Blanca; Valley of San Luis" (1853). The fort was 
established in 1852 in what was once Kansas territory, and is 
reported to have been the first United States settlement in the 
San Luis valley. The buildings and stockade of pine logs ac- 
commodated 150 men, infantry and cavalry. In 1858 the post 
was moved a few miles and the name was changed to Fort 
Garland. The site of old Fort Massachusetts is in the south 
central part of present Colorado. (See p. 366.) 


Volume XIX November, 1951 November 4 

The Motives of Stephen A. Douglas in the 
Organization of Nebraska Territory: A 
Letter Dated December 17, 1853 


THE scope of this paper is limited. The prime object is to 
make available a single letter of Stephen A. Douglas, dated 
December 17, 1853, dealing with his purpose and motives for the 
organization of the Indian country as of that date. The letter is 
momentous because it placed upon the record Douglas* own state- 
ment of his position after the introduction of the Dodge bill into 
the senate on December 14, notice having been given December 5, 
the very first day of the session, and during the interval when the 
senate committee on territories, of which Douglas was chairman, 
was deliberating on that bill, which, through substitution and 
amendment, was to become the Kansas-Nebraska Act of May 30, 
1854. This, then, is the nearest contemporaneous statement by 
Douglas, just prior to the opening of the historic debates, relative 
to the organization of the Indian country, the Pacific railroad, the 
Indian barrier and the slavery issue. 

The motives of Douglas have been the subject of dispute, and 
historical literature presents several major interpretations. These 
are reviewed here under three main heads: (1) slavery, (2) pro- 
visional government of Nebraska, (3) Pacific railroad. 

The slavery interpretation includes both anti and proslavery ver- 
sions. The dominant one is represented in many variant antislavery- 
abolition accounts, all of which, however, agreed upon hostility to- 
ward Douglas as the prime author and proponent of the Kansas- 
Nebraska Act, with its repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820 
by which slavery had been excluded from the Louisiana Purchase 
territory north of the line of 36 30' north latitude. Implied or ex- 

DR. JAMES C. MALIN, associate editor of The Kansas Historical Quarterly, is professor of 
history at the University of Kansas, Lawrence. 



pressly, they ascribed to Douglas lack of moral principles, ambi- 
tion for the Presidency, subservience to the slavocracy as a means of 
promoting his personal ambition and unscrupulous political meth- 
ods of accomplishing his ends. This literature may be classified 
for convenience into three types : 1 ) immediate attacks upon Doug- 
las in connection with the debates on the Kansas-Nebraska bill, 
and the subsequent Kansas troubles, the most dramatic single doc- 
ument being the "Appeal of the Independent Democrats . . .," 
published January 24, 1854; 2) the formal historical works of con- 
temporaries such as Horace Greeley (1856, 1866), Henry Wilson 
(1874), and John A. Logan (1886); 3) the formal work of histori- 
ans of the post-Civil War generation, who were supposedly com- 
mitted to the scientific method, especially Hermann Eduard von 
Hoist (1885), and James Ford Rhodes (1892). In the name of 
human freedom, morality and religion, these set the pattern of one 
of the most flagrant instances of character assassination in history. 

The vicious character of the contemporary attacks upon Douglas 
are best illustrated by the "Appeal of the Independent Democrats 
. . .," l as it may be said to have set the model for so many others. 
The body of the "Appeal" was directed at the Douglas drafts of the 
Nebraska bill as they appeared January 4 and 10. Among other 
things Senators Chase and Sumner and associates declared that 

We arraign the bill as a gross violation of a sacred pledge; as a criminal be- 
trayal of precious rights; as part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from 
a vast unoccupied region immigrants from the Old World, and free laborers 
from our own States, and convert it into a dreary region of despotism, inhab- 
ited by Masters and slaves. 

They expressly related the bill to the Pacific railroad, charging 
that slavery along such a road would retard settlement, enhance 
costs of construction, endanger profits, and would render worthless 
there a homestead law if enacted; 

We earnestly request the enlightened conductors of newspapers printed in 
the German and other foreign languages, to direct the attention of their readers 
to this important matter. . . . 

We implore Christians and Christian ministers to interpose. Their divine 
religion requires them to behold in every man a brother, and to labor for the 
advancement and regeneration of the human race. 

1. Congressional Globe, 33 Cong., 1 Sess., January 30, 1854, pp. 281, 282. The docu- 
ment as printed in the Globe was given the date January 19, 1854, and contained a note 
at the end commenting on the new draft of the Douglas bill presented January 23, 1854, 
which divided the territory into Kansas and Nebraska. The New York Tribune printed the 
"Appeal" January 25, 1854, giving it the date January 19, without the note, and attributed 
it to the Ohio senators and a majority of the Ohio members of the house of representatives. 
The original publication was in the National Era, Washington, D. C., January 24, 1854, 
with the date January 22, 1854. Milton, Eve of Conflict, p. 120, note is inaccurate on the 
Tribune handling of the document. 


Then the note, appended to the "Appeal," written the day Doug- 
las reported the new draft of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, January 23, 
1854, closed with this sentence: "Will the people permit their dear- 
est interests to be thus made the mere hazards of a presidential 
game, and destroyed by false facts and false inferences?" 

Such was the state of mind among the antislavery-abolitionists 
that all that seemed necessary was for the recognized leaders, like 
Chase, and Sumner, to make an accusation, and it was accepted as 
true without investigation. Historians have largely been held cap- 
tives by this formula of liberalism, morality and religion. Douglas 
replied in hardhitting speeches, especially on January 30 and on 
March 3, but few newspapers, North or South, certainly not the 
New York Tribune, reported them adequately for readers to learn 
the facts. 

The essential portion of the Missouri Compromise read that, ex- 
cept for Missouri, in all of the Louisiana Purchase north of 36 30' 
north latitude, slavery "shall be and is hereby forever prohibited." 
It should be noted that the word "forever" is used. When, on Jan- 
uary 30, Douglas took Chase to task for the accusations made in 
the "Appeal," Chase replied: 

Sir, our offense is, that we deny the nationality of slavery. No man can 
show that we have ever sought to interfere with the legislation of any State 
of the Union upon that subject. All we have ever insisted upon is, that the 
Territories of this Union shall be preserved from slavery; and that where the 
General Government exercises jurisdiction, its legislation shall be on the side 
of liberty. It is because we defend these positions that the Senator from Ill- 
inois attacks us. . . . 2 

If Chase knew what he was saying, he had himself repealed the 
Missouri Compromise, except during the territorial period when 
he insisted the policy of the General government must be slanted 
in favor of liberty. Douglas had stated explicitly that there was 
no intention of legislating slavery into or out of a territory. Only 
during the territorial status did Chase's position, as stated upon 
cross-examination in the debate, differ from that of the Douglas 
bills in any of their several versions. Participation in government 
was open to any citizen or immigrant who had declared his inten- 
tion of becoming a citizen of the United States. The Clayton 
amendment, proposing to disqualify declarants from political priv- 
ileges, was not offered until later and should not confuse the issue. 
What did the antislavery-abolition group intend; what sincerity 
was there in their professions; what was the meaning of this 
"tempest-in-a-teapot" in which words had no relation to reality? 

2. Cong. Globe, 33 Cong., 1 Sess., p. 280. 


The excesses of the heat of battle are usually treated by histori- 
ans with a great deal of tolerance, and that may be applicable to 
the controversies over the Kansas-Nebraska bill and the later Kan- 
sas troubles. But the problem does not end there. The books of 
Greeley, Wilson and Logan were written after the Civil War, when 
time and perspective should have, but did not, mellow judgments. 
Greeley called his two-volume book The American Conflict: A His- 
tory of the Great Rebellion . . . ( Hartford, Chicago, 1866-1867 ) . 
Henry Wilson called his three-volume work The Rise and Fall of 
the Slave Power in America (Boston, 1872-1877). John A. Logan 
wrote of The Great Conspiracy (New York, 1886). But least ex- 
cusable on any basis of measurement is the work of scholars of the 
generation later, those who had not been participants. Hermann 
von Hoist, a German scholar, might have been expected to bring 
to the history of the United States an objective view of a foreigner, 
but in many respects, he outdid the antislavery partisans in his 
interpretations : 

Both [Pierce and Douglas] labored for the slavocracy for the reward of the 
presidency and earned perhaps only the contempt of the people of the north, 
. . . but then the contempt visited on Douglas had its roots in hate while 
Pierce seemed so contemptible that to hate him was to do him too much 
honor. 3 

The case of James Ford Rhodes is quite different and more com- 
plex. He had grown up under the antislavery environment of the 
Western Reserve district of Ohio, but his father, Daniel P. Rhodes, 
had been a friend of Douglas, and there was a marriage connection 
linking the two families, and Douglas had named Daniel P. Rhodes 
as executor of his estate. Upon the death of his father, James Ford 
Rhodes succeeded to that post. When the two Douglas sons be- 
came of age the estate had been dissipated, and suit was brought 
against James Ford Rhodes. This litigation was finally compro- 
mised out of court, by Rhodes settling with the Douglas sons for 
the equivalent of about $30,000. There would seem to be little 
room for argument that by that time relations between the two 
families were not exactly amicable. What bearing did these Mmily 
difficulties exert on Rhodes as historian? When F. H. Hodder pub- 
lished the facts in 1922, Albert Bushnell Hart undertook to dispute 
them on authority of a denial by Rhodes. Only when faced with a 
photostat of the original agreement of settlement, with signatures, 
did they decide to withdraw their charges. 4 

3. The Constitutional and Political History of the United States, 8 volumes translated 
from the German by John J. Lalor (Chicago, 1881-1892), v. 4 (1885), p. 317. 

4. "F. H. Hodder Papers," library of the University of Kansas. 


Whatever the influence of these family difficulties, Rhodes' treat- 
ment of Douglas in his History of the United States From the Com- 
promise of 1850 was venomous. 5 

Rhodes said that of the five rivals for the Presidency in the Dem- 
ocratic party, as of January 1, 1854, "Douglas was the boldest of all" 
and "the least popular with the South." In the nominating conven- 
tion of 1852, he had received the smallest number of votes from 
that section, which would have 117 votes in the nominating con- 
vention of 1856: "The result of the previous convention, however, 
had taught Douglas that he could not be nominated without the 
aid of Southern votes." On the basis of this reasoning, Rhodes at- 
tributed to Douglas the following: "Thoughts and calculations like 
these must have passed through Douglas' mind . . .," and as 
chairman of the committee on territories, he could win the support 
of the South by organizing territories agreeable to these wishes. 
He attributed to Douglas a desire to emulate Clay, assuming for 
himself a leadership in the Democratic party similar to Clay's lead- 
ership in the old Whig party. On this particular point, the com- 
parison with Clay, the great compromiser, Rhodes may have guessed 
better than he knew, but he spoiled it by venting his personal 
spleen: "But Clay had profound moral convictions which, although 
sometimes set at naught in the heat of partisan conflict, were of 
powerful influence in his political career; in the view of Douglas, 
moral ideas had no place in politics." 6 

On the proslavery side of this slavery interpretation of Douglas 
are the versions of Sen. Archibald Dixon, Rep. Philip Phillips and 
Sen. David R. Atchison, contemporaries; and their subsequent more 
formal presentations of later years. Each of these men claimed at 
the time to have been the prime mover or author, or both, of the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and to have forced the hand 
of Douglas in this matter. Mrs. Archibald Dixon elaborated her 
husband's story in a book, The True History of the Missouri Com- 
promise and Its Repeal (Cincinnati, 1899). Perley Orman Ray, 
published an elaborately documented monograph, The Repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise (Cleveland, 1909), in which he explained 
the repeal as arising out of the political rivalry of Atchison and 
Thomas Hart Benton in Missouri, and Atchison's forcing of Doug- 
las' hand. H. B. Learned, without becoming a partisan, has pre- 

5. This work was planned in several volumes, the original block covering the period 
1850-1877 in seven volumes. Later, two other volumes were added. Volume 1, in which 
the enactment of the Kansas-Nebraska Act was treated, was published in 1893, copyright 

6. James Ford Rhodes, History of the United States . ., v. 1 (New York, 1893), 
PP. 424, 425, 430, 431. 


sented the evidence on "The Relation of Philip Phillips to the Re- 
peal of the Missouri Compromise. . . ." 7 

The provisional government of Nebraska interpretation of the 
Kansas-Nebraska Act has two aspects and complications which defy 
neat labels. Persons in the Indian country, or near it, conceived the 
idea of anticipating the official organization of the country into a 
territory and sending a delegate to represent the so-called Nebraska 
territory in congress. Hadley Johnson, allied with Iowa interests, 
was "elected" and appeared in Washington in December, 1853, 
with the idea of dividing the Indian country into two territories as 
a means of advancing Pacific railroad interests, and he claimed that 
Douglas accepted his plan, which appeared in the revised bill of 
January 23, 1854. 8 

The more comprehensive claims growing out of the situation in 
the Indian country, were associated with the so-called provisional 
government of Nebraska territory, which was set up primarily by 
the Emigrant tribes of Indians, particularly the Wyandot tribe in 
1852, with William Walker as provisional governor, and Abelard 
Guthrie as delegate to congress, both members of the Wyandot 
tribe. The protagonist of the claims of these men to having in- 
stigated the organization of Kansas and Nebraska, was William 
Elsey Connelley. 9 He maintained that Hadley Johnson's activities 
and the division of the territory blocked the recognition by the 
house of representatives of the provisional government, 10 and that 
Abelard Guthrie's activities during the winter of 1852-1853 forced 
the action upon congress at the next session, which did pass the 
Kansas-Nebraska Act. 11 

The Pacific railroad interpretation of the Kansas-Nebraska Act 
was presented to a hostile and skeptical public, after Douglas' 
death, by two political friends, James Washington Sheahan (1861), 
and James Madison Cutts (1866). In view of the contents of the 
Douglas letter which serves as the occasion for this paper, a re- 

7. Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, v. 8 (1922), March 
pp. 303-317. 

8. Hadley Johnson, "How the Kansas-Nebraska Boundary Line Was Established," 
Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, series 1, v. 2 (1887), 
pp. 80-92. 

9. W. E. Connelley (editor), "The Provisional Government of Nebraska Territory, and 
the Journals of William Walker, Provisional Governor of Nebraska Territory," Proceedings 
and Collections of the Nebraska State Historical Society, Lincoln, series 2, v. 3 (1899). 
A brief restatement of the argument is in Connelley, A Standard History of Kansas and 
Kansans (5 volumes, Chicago, 1918), v. 1, ch. 14, and in Connelley, History of Kansas, 
State and People (5 volumes, Chicago and New York, 1928), v. 1, ch. 15. 

10. Connelley, Kansas and Kansans, v. 1, p. 315. A part of Johnson's own story was 
reprinted in ibid., pp. 312-315. 

11. Ibid., pp. 304-315. 


printing of both these versions seems desirable as neither is gen- 
erally available for reference. 12 


. . . The great act of legislation upon which his opponents have as- 
sailed him most fiercely, and which, even after death, has been quoted as "the 
great mistake, not to say crime" of his life, was the one in which he took the 
most pride, and which he felt to be the wisest and the best. It was the Ne- 
braska Act. A defence of that act is not needed here, but as it served for 
years as a battery from which he was assailed, it is but proper that in a few 
sentences it be stated why he proposed it, why he pressed it, and why it 

Mr. Douglas was one of those who saw that the agitation of the slavery 
question in Congress could accomplish nothing, save to widen the social and 
political breach that has always existed between the slaveholding and non- 
slaveholding States. Seven years experience in Congress confirmed him in 
the opinion that it was necessary to remove that question from the halls of 
the national legislature. In 1850, the compromise bills of that year, of which 
he wrote every word, were passed. California had been acquired, and a road 
to the Pacific was indispensable. In 1854, the immense tract of territory, now 
known as Nebraska and Kansas, was closed, by law, to emigration and to 
travel. Like a huge block, it barred the natural pathway to the Pacific. The 
South was pressing a railroad from Memphis, and southwesterly across the 
continent. Mr. Douglas wanted a fair chance to have that railroad lead from 
the north, where it could find communication through Chicago to the Atlantic. 
Our railroads had already reached the Mississippi, and others were projected, 
extending to the Missouri. He wanted Nebraska and Kansas opened, and the 
country made free to the enterprise of the north. In case of a dissolution of 
the Union, it was essential to have the Pacific connected by some other route 
than one through a hostile section. That was the motive for organizing these 
territories a motive having its origin in the desire to benefit the whole nation, 
and especially to give to the northwest a fair opportunity to compete for the 
commerce of the great east. 

But that curse of all things, the question of African slavery, lay at the 
threshold. He could not open Kansas and Nebraska without waking the sleep- 
ing Demon. He therefore determined to make one grand struggle, to seize 
the monster, to invite both North and South to unite in chaining it; and, hav- 
ing it in chains, to remove it forever beyond the limits of national legislation. 
For that purpose he framed the Nebraska Act, by which he asked the North 
and the South forever to bind themselves to leave the question of the existence 
or non-existence of slavery to the exclusive adjudication and determination of 
the people of the respective territories. The bill passed, and became a law. 

12. James W. Sheahan, Eulogy on Stephen A. Douglas (Chicago, 1861), reprinted, 
with slight omissions, as Stephen A. Douglas an Eulogy, in the Fergus Historical Series, 
No. 15 (Chicago, 1881), pp. 15-18 in the original printing, and pp. 204-207 in the re- 
print. The present author has seen only the reprint, but the late Frank Heywood Hodder 
collated the two printings and marked his copy of the reprint accordingly, and that copy 
is now in the library of the University of Kansas. This eulogy was delivered at the Uni- 
versity of Chicago, of which Douglas was a founder, July 3, 1861. 

James Madison Cutts, A Brief Treatise Upon Constitutional and Party Questions, and 
the History of Political Parties, as I Received It Orally From the Late Senator Stephen A. 
Douglas, of Illinois (New York, 1866), pp. 84-97. 


Its design and intent plainly stamped upon its face, and its friends all com- 
mitted to abide its results. He had accomplished all his purposes, so far as 
they could be done by legislation. The rest he left to time and to the intelli- 
gence of the people; and throughout the eventful years that followed he was 
not an indifferent but a confident spectator, waiting for results which every 
day seemed more inevitably certain. For two years he fought rebellion in 
Kansas, and to Pierce he offered just what he offered to Lincoln his aid in 
suppressing rebellion, and resistance to the laws and Constitution. In 1856, 
the Cincinnati convention met. He was but little troubled as to who should 
be the nominee, but he was greatly agitated lest some portion of the South 
would not ratify and approve the great act of 1854. But that convention, 
without a dissenting voice, did ratify that act, and then from the very bottom 
of his heart he rejoiced. The chain which bound fanaticism forever had been 
riveted, and the territories were no longer to be divided by a black line, but 
freedom was as free to go to the lowest confines of the continent as it was to 
tread the ocean-washed shores of Oregon. Never, except by something ap- 
poaching a miracle, would there be another slave-State formed by the free 
will of the people, and no State, except formed by the free will of the people, 
could ever be admitted without a violation of the contract. In the fullness of 
his joy, and in the tumult of his gratitude, he sent that dispatch which, while 
it withdrew his name, unfortunately made Mr. Buchanan President. 

Despite the civil war and rebellion which had reigned in Kansas, the great 
measure worked its own way successfully toward the contemplated result; 
when lo, there came a blow so sudden and unexpected, that no human sagacity 
could have been prepared to meet it. The Lecompton fraud was taken to the 
executive bosom, nursed into life; a message was sent to Congress, requesting 
that, after the manner of royal infants in other lands, this only child of the 
bachelor President, should be portioned, pensioned, and provided for at the 
national charge. Had Mr. Buchanan been true to his trust, true to his plighted 
honor, and true to the solemn oath of office, the issue of disunion would have 
been tried on the Lecompton question, and rebellion would have been com- 
pelled to take up arms in defence of that horrid fraud a fraud covered with 
blood, and reeking with the stenches of the most shocking corruptions. Had 
he been true, Mr. Douglas* original design and expectations would have been 
verified, and the ultraists of the South, and not of the North, would have 
heaped contumely upon the Nebraska bill and its author. 

As the corner-stone of the University [of Chicago] was laid under a male- 
diction upon the Nebraska bill and its living author, I have thought it not in- 
appropriate, that in burying the illustrious dead beneath its monumental towers, 
a record of the motive should be placed where posterity may find that and the 
malediction together. 

Mr. Douglas was an independent statesman. Looking at all questions from 
an immovable stand-point of principle, he could neither be coaxed nor driven 
into an approval of what he deemed to be wrong. . . . 


At the next meeting of Congress after the election of General Pierce, Mr. 
Douglas as chairman of the Committee on Territories, reported the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill, accompanied by a special report, in which he said, "that the 
object of the committee was to organize all Territories in the future upon the 


principles of the compromise measures of 1850. That these measures were in- 
tended to have a much broader and more enduring effect, than to merely ad- 
just the disputed questions growing out of the acquisition of Mexican territory, 
by prescribing certain great fundamental principles, which, while they ad- 
justed the existing difficulties, would prescribe rules of action in all future 
time, when new Territories were to be organized or new States to be admitted 
into the Union." The report then proceeded to show that the principle upon 
which the Territories of 1850 were organized was, that the slavery question 
should be banished from the halls of Congress and the political arena, and re- 
ferred to the Territories and States who were immediately interested in the 
question, and alone responsible for its existence; and concluded, by saying 
"that the bill reported by the committee proposed to carry into effect these 
principles in the precise language of the compromise measures of 1850." 

By reference to those sections of the Kansas-Nebraska Act which define the 
powers of the Territorial Legislature, it will be perceived that they are in the 
precise language of the acts of 1850, and confer upon the Territorial Legisla- 
ture power over all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with the Consti- 
tution, without excepting African slavery. 

During the discussion of this measure it was suggested that the 8th section 
of the act of March 6, 1820, commonly called the Missouri Compromise, would 
deprive the people of the Territory, while they remained in a Territorial condi- 
tion of the right to decide the slavery question, unless said 8th section should 
be repealed. In order to obviate this objection, and to allow the people the 
privilege of controlling this question, while they remained in a Territorial con- 
dition, the said restriction was declared inoperative and void, by an amendment 
which was incorporated into the bill, on the motion of Mr. Douglas, with 
these words in explanation of the object of the repeal: "it being the true intent 
and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, 
nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to 
form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to 
the Constitution of the United States." In this form, and with this intent, the 
Kansas-Nebraska Act became a law, by the approval of the President, on the 
30th of May, 1854. 

This bill and its author were principally assailed upon two points. First, 
that it was not necessary to renew slavery agitation, by the introduction of the 
measure; and secondly, that there was no necessity for the repeal of the Mis- 
souri restriction. 

To the first objection it was replied, that there was a necessity for the organ- 
ization of the Territory, which could no longer be denied or resisted. That 
Mr. Douglas, as early as the session of 1843, had introduced a bill to organize 
the Territory of Nebraska, for the purpose of opening the line of communica- 
tion between the Mississippi Valley and our possessions on the Pacific Ocean, 
known as the Oregon country, and which was then under the operation of the 
treaty of joint occupation, or rather non-occupation, with England, and was 
rapidly passing into the exclusive possession of British Hudson's Bay Fur Com- 
pany, who were establishing posts at every prominent and commanding point 
in the country. That the Oregon Territory was, therefore practically open to 
English emigrants, by ships, while it was closed to all emigration from our 
Western States by our Indian intercourse laws, which imposed a thousand dol- 


lars penalty, and six months' imprisonment, upon every American citizen who 
should be found within the Indian country which separated our settlements in 
the Mississippi or Missouri Valley from the Oregon Territory. That the desire 
for emigration in that direction was so great, that petitions were poured into 
Congress at every session for the organization of the Territory. Mr. Douglas 
renewed the introduction of his bill for the organization of Nebraska Territory, 
each session of Congress, from 1844 to 1854, a period of ten years, and while 
he had failed to secure the passage of the act, in consequence of the Mexican 
war intervening, and the slavery agitation which ensued, no one had objected 
to it upon the ground that there was no necessity for the organization of the 
Territory. During the discussions upon our Territorial questions during this 
period, Mr. Douglas often called attention to the fact that a line of policy had 
been adopted many years ago, and was being executed each year, which was 
entirely incompatible with the growth and development of our country. It had 
originated as early as the administration of Mr. Monroe, and had been con- 
tinued by Mr. Adams, General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren, Harrison, and Tyler, 
by which treaties had been made with the Indians to the east of the Mississippi 
River, for their removal to the country bordering upon the States west of the 
Mississippi or Missouri Rivers, with guaranties that the country within which 
these Indians were located should never be embraced within any Territory or 
State or subjected to the jurisdiction of either, so long as grass should grow 
and water should run. These Indian settlements, thus secured by treaty, com- 
menced upon the northern borders of Texas, or Red River, and were continued 
from year to year westward, until, when in 1844, Mr. Douglas introduced his 
first Nebraska Bill, they had reached the Nebraska or Platte River, and the 
Secretary of War was then engaged in the very act of removing Indians from 
Iowa, and settling them in the valley of the Platte River, with similar guaranties 
of perpetuity, by which the road to Oregon was forever to be closed. It was 
the avowed object of this Indian policy to form an Indian barrier on the west- 
ern borders of Arkansas, Missouri, and Iowa, by Indian settlements, secured in 
perpetuity by a compact, that the white settlement should never extend west- 
ward of that line. This policy originated in the jealousy, on the part of the 
Atlantic States, of the growth and expansion of the Mississippi Valley, which 
threatened in a few years to become the controlling power of the nation. Even 
Colonel Benton, of Missouri, who always claimed to be the champion of the 
West, made a speech, in which he erected the god Terminus upon the summit 
of the Rocky Mountains, facing eastward, and with uplifted hand, saying to 
Civilization and Christianity, "Thus far mayst thou go, and no farther!" and 
General Cass, while Secretary of War, was zealous in the execution of this 
policy. This restrictive system received its first check in 1844, by the intro- 
duction of the Nebraska Bill, which was served on the Secretary of War, by 
its author, on the day of its introduction, with a notice that Congress was 
about to organize the Territory, and therefore he must not locate any more 
Indians there. In consequence of this notice, the Secretary (by courtesy) sus- 
pended his operations until Congress should have an opportunity of acting upon 
the bill; and inasmuch as Congress failed to act that session, Mr. Douglas re- 
newed his bill and notice to the Secretary each year, and thus prevented action 
for ten years, and until he could procure action on the bill. In the mean time 
the passion of the Western people for emigration had become so aroused, that 


they could be no longer restrained; and Colonel Benton, who was a candidate 
in Missouri for reelection to the Senate in 1852 and 1853, so far yielded to the 
popular clamor, as to advise the emigrants, who had assembled, in a force of 
fifteen or twenty thousand, on the western border of Missouri, carrying their 
tents and wagons, to invade the Territory and take possession, in defiance of 
the Indian intercourse laws, and of the authority of the Federal Government, 
which, if executed, must inevitably have precipitated an Indian war with all 
those tribes. 

When this movement on the part of Colonel Benton became known at 
Washington, the President of the United States dispatched the Commissioner 
of Indian Aifairs to the scene of excitement, with orders to the commanding 
officer at Fort Leavenworth to use the United States army in resisting the in- 
vasion, if he could not succeed in restraining the emigrants by persuasion and 
remonstrances. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs succeeded in procuring the 
agreement of the emigrants that they would encamp on the western borders of 
Missouri, until the end of the next session of Congress, in order to see if Con- 
gress would not in the meantime, by law, open the country to emigration. 
When Congress assembled at the session of 1853-'54, in view of this state of 
facts, Mr. Douglas renewed his Nebraska Act, which was modified, pending 
discussion, by dividing into two Territories, and became the Kansas-Nebraska 
Act. From these facts you can draw your own conclusions, whether there was 
any necessity for the organization of the Territory and of Congressional action 
at that time. 

In regard to the second objection, it is proper to remark, that if the neces- 
sity for the organization of the Territories did in fact exist, it was right that 
they should be organized upon sound constitutional principles; and if the com- 
promise measures of 1850 were a safe rule of action upon that subject, as the 
country in the Presidential election, and both of the political parties in their 
national conventions in 1852 had affirmed, then it was the duty of those to 
whom the power had been intrusted to frame the bills in accordance with those 
principles. There was another reason which had its due weight in the repeal 
of the Missouri restriction. The jealousies of the two great sections of the 
Union, North and South, had been fiercely excited by the slavery agitation. 
The Southern States would never consent to the opening of those Territories 
to settlement, so long as they were excluded by act of Congress from moving 
there and holding their slaves; and they had the power to prevent the opening 
of the country forever, inasmuch as it had been forever excluded by treaties 
with the Indians, which would not be changed or repealed except by a two- 
third vote in the Senate. But the South were willing to consent to remove the 
Indian restrictions, provided the North would at the same time remove the 
Missouri restriction, and thus throw the country open to settlement on equal 
terms by the people of the North and South, and leave the settlers at liberty to 
introduce or exclude slavery as they should think proper. This was true, but 
this power to defeat the Kansas-Nebraska Act by refusing to make new treaties, 
that is, repealing the old by consent of both parties, the Indians and the United 
States, was overlooked by both parties, or the Kansas-Nebraska Act might have 
been defeated. I saw this objection, and was often on the point of letting it 
slip, in debate, but as often checked myself. In the meantime commissioners 
were sent out, pending the Nebraska Act, to make new treaties. A clause in 


the act made it prospective, so as to await this result. The treaties were made 
and ratified by the Senate. Bell, of Tennessee, saw the objection, and alluded 
to it; but he did not portray or grasp it fully. I pretended not to be listening 
to his speech, but was terribly frightened, when, on the last night of the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill he made his speech against it (having been previously pledged 
to vote for it), but at a time when the whole South was pledged to it, and 
would hardly even listen to what he was saying. In that speech, Bell, in sub- 
stance, said that he did not blame the Senator from Illinois for the part he 
was acting on this occasion that Senator understood what he was about. He 
had a grand scheme for the building up of a great Northwestern empire, which 
would in a few years be strong enough to govern the whole country. His 
scheme contemplated the extinction of the Indian title to a country large enough 
for ten or twelve new States, which under his guidance would soon be brought 
into the Union, to swell the power of his own section. "I repeat that I do not 
blame the Senator for the part he is acting; I only blame the South for allow- 
ing themselves to be used as his instruments, to carry out his grand scheme for 
his own section. It is said that the Romans were in the habit of conferring a 
civic crown upon every Roman consul who added a new province to the em- 
pire. If his section of the country shall prove as grateful as the Romans, he 
will be entitled to ten civic crowns in gratitude for his services." 

Immediately after the Nebraska Bill was introduced, and before the clause 
was inserted in the bill repealing the Missouri Compromise, an appeal to the 
people was prepared and published by Messrs. Chase of Ohio, Sumner of 
Massachusetts, Seward of New York, Wade, Giddings, and other leading Free- 
soilers, in which they denounced the measure as an attempt to open the whole 
Northern country to slavery, and, in fact, to introduce slavery into a country 
large enough for fourteen States by act of Congress, and denouncing the au- 
thor of it as a traitor to the cause of freedom, to the North, and to the whole 
country; and appealing to the friends of freedom, and to all who were opposed 
to the extension of slavery, to forget all former party distinctions, hold public 
meetings, denounce the measure and its author, send up petitions and remon- 
strances from every town and hamlet in the country, urge the Legislature to 
send up instructions, and requesting the preachers of the gospel to denounce it 
in their pulpits, and all religious men to assemble in prayer-meetings and invoke 
the interposition of divine vengeance against those who should consummate 
such a damnable crime. This appeal to the passions of the people was pre- 
pared by its authors secretly, and after being agreed to in caucus on the Sabbath 
day, as appears from its date, was printed and sent to every portion of the 
country the day before the bill was to be taken up for discussion in the Senate. 

On the next morning, a few minutes before Mr. Douglas was to make his 
opening speech in favor of the bill, Mr. Chase and Mr. Sumner came to his 
desk and appealed to his courtesy to postpone the discussion for one week, 
and assigned as a reason that they had not had time to read the bill and under- 
stand its provisions, acknowledging that it was their own fault and neglect that 
they had not done so, and therefore that they had no other claim to ask the 
postponement than the courtesy of the author of the measure. Mr. Douglas 
yielded to their appeal, and granted the postponement. Three or four days 
afterwards, he received by mail from Ohio a printed copy of this appeal, signed 
by Chase and Sumner, and bearing date several days before he had granted 
the postponement, which conduct he immediately denounced in open Senate.. 


They had thus lied had got first before the country, seeking thus by fraud to 
forestall public opinion. Mr. Douglas' friends had reproved him for granting 
the postponement. He replied to them that it was a fair measure, and that he 
intended to act fairly and honestly, and to let friends and opponents all equally 
have an opportunity to use their abilities, for and against the measure, under- 

In response to this appeal the wildest passions were aroused. Meetings were 
held, violent resolutions of denunciation were passed, sermons preached, vio- 
lence urged to any extent necessary to defeat the measure. As a specimen of 
the tone of the anti-Nebraska press, the New York 'Tribune* threatened, and 
justified the execution of the threat, that if the measure could not be defeated 
in any other mode, the capital should have been burned over the heads of the 
members, or blown up with powder. Mr. Douglas was burned and hung in 
effigy in every portion of the free States, sometimes in a hundred different 
places in the same night, and nearly every pulpit of the Protestant churches 
poured forth its denunciations and imprecations upon every man who should 
vote for the measure. A memorial was presented in the Senate, among others 
of the same character, containing the signatures of three thousand and fifty 
clergymen protesting against the measure in the name of Almighty God, and 
imploring His vengeance upon the author. 

The twentieth century vindication of Stephen A. Douglas must be 
credited primarily to two men; Allan Johnson, whose biography was 
published in 1908, and Frank Heywood Hodder, in a series of pa- 
pers, 1912-1925, but to the latter must be credited the most funda- 
mental research in establishing the factual basis for a comprehen- 
sive reinterpretation of this "Middle Period" of American history. 13 

The interest of Douglas in a Pacific railroad by a northcentral 
route, preferably from Chicago, and the organization of the Indian 
country spanned nearly a decade, 1845-1853, prior to the fateful 
congressional session of 1853-1854. He successfully countered ef- 
forts to make commitments for rival routes for railroads north or 
south of the Chicago-South Pass route, or for canal routes at some 
point across the Isthmus. 14 The Indian country was divided into 
two territories, Nebraska and Kansas, to facilitate railroad plans, 
either through Kansas or through Nebraska. Douglas hoped to 
avoid any reopening of the slavery agitation. 

13. F. H. Hodder, "Genesis of the Kansas-Nebraska Act," Proceedings, Wisconsin His- 
torical Society, 1912 (Madison, 1913), pp. 69-86; "Propaganda as a Source of American 
History," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, v. 9 (1922), June, pp. 3-18; "The Railroad 
Background of the Kansas-Nebraska Act," ibid., v. 12 (1925), June, pp. 3-22. 

A brief review of Hodder's historical career was presented by the present author, "Frank 
Heywood Hodder," Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 5 (1936), May, pp. 115-121- "Hod- 
der's 'Stephen A. Douglas,'" ibid., v. 8 (1939), August, pp. 227-237. 

The most comprehensive biography of Douglas that has come out of this reinterpreta- 
tion is that of George Fort Milton, The Eve of Conflict: Stephen A. Douglas and a Needless 
War (Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1934). The Milton book has many good points, but the 
fact remains that a satisfactory biography of Douglas is still to be written. 

14. Robert R. Russel, Improvement of Communication With the Pacific Coast as an 
Issue in American Politics, 1783-1864 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1948). 

This study of the whole range of railroad and canal rivalries was begun under Hodder's 
direction at the University of Kansas. It is the pioneer monograph and is unique in the 


To this summary of the revision of the historical view of Douglas, 
an additional point should be added. Douglas and the West have 
been emphasized, but that is inaccurate to the extent that it used 
the word West with two meanings; west meaning everything to the 
Pacific ocean, and west meaning the Mississippi Valley with em- 
phasis upon the western portion of it. The area in which Douglas 
was engrossed primarily was the Mississippi Valley; certainly not 
in a third use of the term west as employed by the followers of 
Frederick Jackson Turner and the frontier hypothesis, nor in a 
fourth sense suggested by the phrase: "Westward the course of 
Empire takes its way," which applied to the idea of the circum- 
navigation of the globe by European culture. Douglas was thinking 
about the continent of North America as a land mass, the interior 
of which was made accessible by steam on waterways and espe- 
cially on railroads. The Great Lakes and the Mississippi Valley 
were the geographical pivot of its history. This is in the tradition 
of Halford J. Mackinder's thinking about land power as superior 
to sea power under certain conditions, especially under the influ- 
ence of mechanically-powered land communications. 15 Under such 
a regime, interior sites became more important than coastal sites, 
the continent pivoting upon the area where the Mississippi Valley 
and the Great Lakes meet. To be sure, Douglas had not given these 
ideas a formal theoretical statement, or constructed from them a 
system of thought, or embodied them in a comprehensively docu- 
mented philosophy of history, but his ideas were in accord with a 
substantial body of opinion trending in that direction. Mackinder 
did not give this land-mass theory its classical statement until 1904, 
elaborated in 1919, just as Alfred T. Mahan had not stated his sea- 
power theory of history until 1890 in his book, The Influence of Sea- 
Power in History. The best statement of Douglas on the subject 
was extempore, March 13, 1850, but it was so clearly done as to sug- 
gest that the ideas were not new to him. He was taking Webster 
to task for saying that the Northern Democracy had supported the 
annexation of Texas, the Mexican War, and the annexation of the 
Southwest "under pledges to the slave interest." Webster inter- 
posed to differentiate the Northwest, and it was then that Douglas 
launched his eulogy: 

I am gratified to find that there are those who appreciate the important 
truth, that there is a power in this nation greater than either the North or the 

15. Halford J. Mackinder, Democratic Ideals and Reality (New York, 1919, 1942); 
James C. Malin, "Space and History: Reflections on the Closed-Space Doctrines of Turner 
and Mackinder and the Challenge of Those Ideas by the Air Age," Agricultural History, 
v. 18 (1944), pp. 65-74, 107-126; Essays on Historiography (Lawrence, Kan., 1946), 
chs. 1 and 2. 


South a growing, increasing, swelling power, that will be able to speak the 
law to this nation, and to execute the law as spoken. That power is the country 
known as the great West the Valley of the Mississippi, one and indivisible 
from the Gulf to the Great Lakes, and stretching, on the one side and the 
other, to the extreme sources of the Ohio and Missouri from the Alleghanies 
to the Rocky Mountains. There, Sir, is the hope of this nation the resting 
place of the power that is not only to control, but to save, the Union. We 
furnish the water that makes the Mississippi, and we intend to follow, navi- 
gate, and use it until it loses itself in the briny Ocean. So with the St. Law- 
rence. We intend to keep open and enjoy both of these great outlets to the 
ocean, and all between them we intend to take under our especial protection, 
and keep and preserve as one free, happy, and united people. This is the 
mission of the great Mississippi Valley, the heart and soul of the nation and 
the continent. We know the responsibilities that devolve upon us, and our 
people will show themselves equal to them. We indulge in no ultraisms no 
sectional strifes no crusades against the North or the South. Our aim will 
be to do justice to all, to all men, to every section. We are prepared to fulfill 
all our obligations under the Constitution as it is, and determined to maintain 
and preserve it inviolate in its letter and spirit. Such is the position, the des- 
tiny, and the purpose of the great Northwest. 16 

Douglas had written confidentially to Charles H. Lanphier, No- 
vember 11, 1853, that three issues would challenge the Pierce ad- 
ministration: public finance which meant adjustment of the tariff 
to eliminate the surplus before a panic occurred; a rivers and har- 
bors policy toward which he proposed improvements financed by 
local tonnage dues, and the Pacific railroad, which he would aid 
with land grants. 17 This letter is the nearest in time to the St. 
Joseph convention letter which reflects the views of Douglas on 
what he thought would be the leading issues of the coming session 
of congress. Historians and biographers of Douglas have either 
omitted all reference to the rivers and harbors program of Douglas 
or have barely mentioned it, only to miss its significance. 

At an earlier time, Douglas had discussed the matter in congress, 
but on January 2, 1854, he addressed a letter to Gov. Joel A. Matte- 
son, of Illinois, in exposition of the plan for state action. 18 As the 
constitution provided that states might levy tonnage dues in har- 
bors with the consent of congress, Douglas advocated a federal act 
to that effect, providing a uniform rule and authorizing state com- 
pacts among states bordering particular rivers, the administration 

16. Congressional Globe, 31 Cong., 1 Sess., App, p. 365. 

17. Quoted in part in Allan Johnson's Stephen A. Douglas, pp. 226-228. 

18. The full text is in James W. Sheahan, Stephen A. Douglas, pp. 358-366 the cam- 
paign biography published in the interest of the Douglas candidacy in 1860. Johnson's 
Douglas (1908) bungled the whole subject. Milton's Douglas is silent. 

Among the contemporary publications, the full text of the Douglas letter to Matteson 
was printed in the National Intelligencer, January 26, 1854, along with a commentary upon 
it by Archibald Williams. The National Intelligencer gave much more space to the rivers 
and harbors issue during January, 1854, than to the Nebraska question. 


of each river being placed in the hands of a board of commissioners 
named by the compact states. Thus the Delaware river would be 
governed by a three-state compact and a three-man board; the Ohio 
river by a six-state compact, and the Mississippi river by a nine- 
state compact. These regional state compacts and boards were 
Douglas' alternative to federal involvement, to which, as a States' 
rights man, he was opposed. The New York Tribune took him 
seriously enough to publish, January 30, 1854, an editorial diatribe 
on his Matteson letter of nearly two columns on the crucial day of 
his opening of the debate on the redrafted Kansas-Nebraska bill 
and of his first opportunity to reply to the "Appeal of the Independ- 
ent Democrats." 

The conclusion to be formulated here for the first time is that 
the focus of Douglas' interest was the continental interior of North 
America, and his program of 1853-1854 comprehended both water 
and land communications combined with a view to the development 
of the pivot area where the Great Lakes and the Mississippi river 
meet, "the heart and soul of the nation and the continent." 

In view of the existing status of the Douglas problem, the anti- 
slavery interpretation would seem to have been completely dis- 
credited. The proslavery interpretations and the provisional gov- 
ernment interpretations must be recognized as contributing, but 
not as controlling, factors. The preponderance of evidence has 
long since been all but conclusive that Douglas' ruling passion was 
the development of what was generally referred to as the west, 
more accurately, the Mississippi Valley, as the dominant issue of 
national politics in the mid-nineteenth century. He sincerely be- 
lieved that the slavery question was subordinate, and that its agi- 
tation could only be a menace to the Union. He hoped that any 
revival of it after the Compromise of 1850 could be avoided. 

The revision of the Douglas role in history has not been accepted 
altogether, and in some quarters there has been a tendency to chal- 
lenge its adequacy. Allan Nevins, The Ordeal of the Union ( 1947 ) , 
took the ground that the Western interpretation of Douglas' career 
had not been proven. 19 To some extent the reinterpretation of 
Douglas has been caught in the cross currents of another disagree- 
ment, the whole issue of the American Civil War, its causes, 
whether war was necessary, and its consequences. The so-called 
revisionist school had been interpreting it as a needless war that 
might have been avoided. Milton's biography partook of both re- 

19. The Pulitzer prize winner in American history for 1947, in two volumes, v. 2 (New 
York, 1947), pp. 104, 105. 


vision movements. 20 Still more recently, a new current of inter- 
pretation of the American Civil War is in the making, arising out 
of the mid-twentieth century preoccupation with racism. These re- 
visionists propose to revise the revisionists, and insist that the major 
cause of the Civil War was the moral issue of slavery, that slavery 
could be eradicated only by the shedding of blood, and that it was 
a veritable "irrepressible conflict," a moral crusade. They are mak- 
ing of it a virtual "holy war," and inevitably hark back to a revival 
of the old antislavery-abolitionism views of the Civil War genera- 
tion, with only some twentieth century refinements of argument. 21 

During the summer of 1853, issues in the West were moving 
rapidly to a climax. The Atchison-Benton feud was intensifying 
with the approaching election of a legislature which would select 
the next senator. Natural recrimination was the order of the day 
between them on the subjects of the organization of the Indian 
country and the Pacific railroad. Benton and friends sponsored 
the Edward F. Beale expedition, as a rival to the government sur- 
veys, to survey the gaps in the Colorado mountains for a railroad 
and Benton spoke at the City of Kansas on the occasion of Beale's 
departure. Also, Benton announced that unassigned lands in the 
Indian country were already open to immediate white settlement 
and had a map printed and circulated showing these lands. The 
map was captioned "Official," but the Commissioner of Indian Af- 
fairs, George W. Manypenny, repudiated the claim. The provi- 
sional government of Nebraska held elections, from which three 
candidates claimed the seat of delegate to congress: Abelard Guth- 
rie, Thomas Johnson and Hadley Johnson. Benton was supposedly 
identified with the provisional government movement, but it had 
gotten out of hand. Atchison took ground opposite to Benton on 
white settlement in Indian country, and demanded the repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise as a condition of organization of the ter- 
ritory of Nebraska. 

In response to this excitement centering on the Indian country, 

20. Avery Craven, The Repressible Conflict, 1830-1861 (Baton Rouge, 1939); The 
Coming of the Civil War (New York, 1942); James G. Randall, Lincoln, the President, 2 
volumes (New York, 1945); Lincoln and the South (Baton Rouge, 1946); Lincoln, the 
Liberal Statesman (New York, 1947); George Fort Milton, The Eve of Conflict: Stephen 
A. Douglas and a Needless War (New York, 1934). 

For a comprehensive discussion of the problem of the causes of the Civil War, see 
Howard K. Beale, "What Historians Have Said About the Causes of the Civil War," Social 
Science Research Council Bulletin 54, Theory and Practice in Historical Study: A Report 
of the Committee on Historiography (New York, 1946), pp. 53-102. 

21. Bernard DeVoto, "The Easy Chair" department, Harpers Magazine, v. 192 (1946), 
February, March, pp. 123-126, 234-237; Harry Carman, review of Randall's Lincoln, the 
President, American Historical Review, v. 51 (1946), July, p. 726; Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., 
"The Causes of the Civil War: A Note on Historical Sentimentalism," Partisan Review, 
New York, v. 16 (1949), October, pp. 969-981. 



a mass meeting was held at St. Joseph, August 27, 1853. At this 
meeting resolutions were adopted endorsing the immediate organ- 
ization and settlement of Nebraska, the congressional action to fol- 
low the lines of the Willard P. Hall bill of the preceding session, 
which had been passed by the house of representatives by an over- 
whelming vote and was defeated in the senate by six votes. Hall 
addressed the meeting. On November 9, 1853, the St. Joseph Ga- 
zette 22 proposed a delegate convention, which was called to meet 
January 8, 1854. On December 3, 1853, a mass meeting was held 
in Buchanan county to choose delegates and pass resolutions. Other 
counties in northwestern Missouri and western Iowa did likewise 
during December, even "Nebraska Territory" sent delegates. The 
Buchanan county mass meeting appointed a committee of corre- 
spondents to invite notable men to attend and others to address the 
convention. Responses came in the form of letters from two sena- 
tors, Douglas of Illinois, and Augustus C. Dodge of Iowa, Missouri 
Congressmen Mordecai Oliver and John G. Miller, Ex-Representa- 
tive Willard P. Hall, and four Missourians in state politics. 

The letter of Sen. Stephen A. Douglas is the major concern of 
this article; the subject of the Nebraska convention at St. Joseph, 
together with the other documents, being reserved for a separate 
paper. Douglas had been invited to address the convention, but, 
of course, declined on account of his duties in the senate at Wash- 
ington. As suggested by the invitation, however, he expressed his 
views to the convention. His remarks were organized under four 
heads: 1) the history of Douglas' interest in the organization of 
the Indian country 1844 to 1853; 2) prevention of the completion of 
the Indian barrier, linked with the organization bills; 3) the Pacific 
railroad paralleling in time the first two questions; 4) and finally the 
slavery issue. Douglas showed how he had advocated continuously 
the three policies hand in hand over a decade. 

Douglas related how the Indian policy had been shaping in the 
direction of a permanent Indian barrier from the Red river north- 
ward, emigrant Indian tribes from the east being settled there in 
perpetuity, and with the pledge that they would "never be incorpo- 
rated within the limits of territory or state of the Union." Upon in- 
troducing his first Nebraska bill, in 1844, he had notified the Sec- 
retary of War to suspend the settling of Indians there during the 

22. The files of the St. Joseph Gazette, incomplete, are held by the St. Joseph Public Li- 
brary, where they were consulted originally by the present author. More recently, they were 
microfilmed by the Missouri State Historical Society and a copy of that film has greatly facili- 
tated the work on this study which includes another paper on the Nebraska convention at 
St. Joseph. 


time the bill was pending. Afterwards, Douglas continued the tac- 
tics and claimed to have succeeded in preventing the completion 
of the relocation policy. In order to settle the 1,500 miles of Indian 
country intervening between the Missouri-Iowa boundary and the 
Pacific coast, the Indians must be removed: "Continuous lines of 
settlement, with civil, political and religious institutions all under 
the protection of law, are imperiously demanded by the highest 
national considerations." 

Besides organization and settlements, there must be telegraph 
and railroads, "not one railroad only, but many lines, for the valley 
of the Mississippi will require as many Rail Roads to the Pacific 
coast as to the Atlantic and [I] will not venture to limit the num- 
ber." He then reviewed his pamphlet of December, 1845, in which 
he had discussed these issues at length. That was prior to the ac- 
quisition of California, but he had expressed a preference for the 
railroad to reach San Francisco rather than Oregon, "in event Cali- 
fornia should be annexed in time." The Mexican War and the 
slavery agitation operated adversely upon these projects, and in the 
last congress, 1852-1853, the organization bill was defeated, but 
he was confident that it would pass at this session: "It is to be 
hoped that the necessity and importance of the measure are mani- 
fest to the whole country, and that so far as the slavery question is 
concerned, all will be willing to sanction and affirm the principle 
established by the Compromise Measures of 1850." 

With the gist of the Douglas letter before the reader and the full 
text available at the end of this article, the time has come for some 
evaluations. The first item is to invite comparison of the Cutts ver- 
sion printed earlier in this article with the Douglas letter. Cutts 
professed to have received the information for his book orally from 
Douglas. That may have been true, but the exact quotations incor- 
porated at various points is proof that Cutts has consulted the doc- 
uments rather carefully. Did Cutts have before him a copy of this 
Douglas letter or some similar statement of the facts about the or- 
ganization of the Indian country and the Indian barrier? The point 
Cutts did omit was the development of the theme of the Pacific 
railroad, although he did refer to the original Douglas Nebraska 
bill as introduced for "the purpose of opening a line of communica- 
tions between the Mississippi Valley and our possessions on the Pa- 
cific Ocean. . . ." The legislative history of the Kansas-Nebraska 
bill was general knowledge available from the Congressional Globe, 
for the most part, but possibly punctuated by personal comments 


from Douglas; certainly the Chase "appear episode is in that cate- 

Historians have been disposed to ignore the Cutts book. Ray 
pronounced it "of almost no value." In preparing a monograph, 
published in 1921, on Indian Policy and Westward Expansion, 
1830-1854, 23 the present author became convinced of the substan- 
tial reliability of the Cutts account of the relationship of the Doug- 
las organization bills and the Indian barrier question. It did fit the 
major facts. The Douglas letter of December 17, 1853, seems to 
vindicate that judgment. Possibly the Cutts book as a whole is en- 
titled to a revaluation, because the bitter and vindictive antislavery- 
abolition prejudice against Douglas extended to all who defended 

Similarly, the Sheahan Eulogy invites comparison with the Doug- 
las letter of December 17, 1853. Sheahan's major contention that 
the Pacific railroad was the motive behind the Kansas-Nebraska Act 
is confirmed explicitly by Douglas. His statement of the slavery 
question was correct so far as it went. Sheahan made one error, 
when he admitted that the Kansas-Nebraska Act failed on account 
of the action of Buchanan. What is meant by failure? It did not 
fail, because the question of freedom in Kansas was settled regard- 
less of the action of Buchanan. The Free-State party held control 
of both legislatures, territorial and Lecompton state, so that in event 
of either admission or rejection under the Lecompton constitution, 
Kansas was free. 24 The Lecompton controversy was again "a tem- 
pest in a teapot" which had no practical bearing on the fate of Kan- 
sas, and served only the purposes of those intent upon inflaming 
the sectional conflict on a national scale. But, on the main issue, 
Sheahan was sound, and the Douglas letter vindicates the Eulogy. 

This Douglas letter of December 17, 1853, has nothing on the 
matter of the Presidency, either directly or indirectly. It would 
seem to fit into the framework of his confidential letter to Charles 
H. Lanphier, editor of the Illinois State Register, Springfield, No- 
vember 11, 1853, when he commented that "I think such a state of 
things will exist that I shall not desire the nomination. . . . Let 
us leave the Presidency out of view for at least two years." 25 The 
item that he did have in view for the coming session was the Pacific 
railroad which he predicted would be "a disturbing element." He 
did not mention the organization of Nebraska in that letter, but too 

23. University of Kansas, Humanistic Studies, v. 2 (1921), No. 3, November. 

24. James C. Malin, John Brown and the Legend of Fifty-six (Philadelphia, 
30, "The Victory of Conservatism." 

25. Printed in part in Allan Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas (1908), pp. 226-228. 


much should not be made of that, because the December letter was 
most explicit in making the organization of Nebraska and a contin- 
uous line of settlements the necessary antecedents of the Pacific 
railroad. There is nothing contradictory between the two letters, 
and certainly there is nothing in the December letter that could 
possibly be interpreted as a changed intention to bid for the Presi- 

In St. Joseph, Mo., Lucien J. Eastin, editor of the Gazette of that 
place, responded enthusiastically, December 14, 1853, to the news 
of the Dodge Nebraska bill and railroad bill. The headline ran: 

Introduced First Moment of the 

Session, by Dodge of Iowa. 



and the text elaborated: 

The very moment a quorum was announced to be present in the Senate, 
Mr. Dodge of Iowa, introduced a bill to organize Nebraska Territory; also a 
bill granting lands to Iowa for Rail Road purposes. 

The resolutions adopted at the St. Joseph delegate convention of 
January 9, 10, 1854, representing northwestern Missouri and west- 
ern Iowa, spoke of the organization and settlement of Nebraska as 
"adding many new stars to our political constellation, and we are 
therefore in favor of such legislation as will cover the whole extent 
of that wilderness with a people and a free government" 26 It was 
fortunate for Douglas and the success of his bill that these resolu- 
tions did not enjoy publicity in Washington. Dodge and Douglas, 
and for that matter all who advocated the organization of Nebraska, 
were careful not to refer to it in terms of more than one potential 
state. The division into two territories by the rewritten bill of Jan- 
uary 23, 1854, was carefully explained in terms of facilitating rail- 
roads. There is no documentation for the antislavery-abolition 
charge that it was done to give Kansas to the South as a slave state 
in compensation for Nebraska as a Free State. All the evidence is 
on the other side. There was a rather general consensus in the South 
that Kansas was not adapted to the slave system. In Missouri, 

26. St. Joseph Gazette, January 18, 1854. The use of the word free in conjunction 
with government in this sentence did not refer to slavery, but to free white democracy. 

The Nebraska bill, as reported by Douglas, January 4, 1854, contained in section 1, a 
definition of the boundary which differed from the later version of January 23. To clarify 
geography, these should be compared with the final limits as enacted May 30. But, provisos 
attached to the boundary section require more attention than has been given them. One 
proviso authorized the division of the territory, or the admission of one or more states 
carved from it, no limit being set to the number. The same proviso had been in the Hall 
bill of December 14, 1853, but occasioned no comment. Therefore, the division of the 
Indian country into two territories, Nebraska and Kansas, on January 23, should have oc- 
casioned no particular surprise, or recriminations. 


where slavery had been established from the beginning, it was on 
the defensive and was declining independently of any influence of 
antislavery-abolition agitation. 27 The logic of these facts has not 
been applied to the situation, even by those defending Douglas. 
Cutts mentioned Douglas* consternation at Bell's reference to 
Douglas' Nothwestern empire, which, with the ten or twelve states 
that would be added from Nebraska, could govern the Union. Every 
subdivision of the Indian country, under whatever name, meant 
that many more Free States, and a strengthening of the non-slavery 
North. The division of the Indian country into two territories, 
Nebraska and Kansas, was clearly to the advantage of the North. 
There was no real danger of Kansas ever becoming a slave state, 
and the whole Kansas crusade of antislavery-abolitionism was a 
trumped-up affair in which the country was victimized by propa- 
ganda, and history has been dominated ever since by that falsehood. 
The North should have welcomed two territories as a victory. Why 
didn't they insist on three or five? Naturally, the South was not en- 
thusiastic about the Kansas-Nebraska Act and its popular sov- 
ereignty, and many denounced it from the beginning. In any case, 
the moderate elements in the South accepted it only as an unwel- 
come compromise, and some attempted to make the best of it for 
their section. 

The argument has been made by the defenders of Douglas, that 
the organization of the Indian country was essential to prevent the 
South from getting the Pacific railroad. It is long since time that 
this assumption was re-examined. The Douglas letter of December 
17, 1853, was explicit in specifying that there would be many lines; 
as many west as east of the Mississippi river. The element of ri- 
valry was in getting the advantage that might accrue from the first 
railroad. But there is another aspect of the problem that needs 
clarification. Should the South have secured the first railroad, with 
the Indian barrier legally intact against the middle and northern 
routes, illegal settlement, Indian troubles, and organization could 
have been made formidable handicaps that might have delayed in- 
definitely the second road by middle routes. Cutts' reference to 
Douglas' fears had substance, that the South could embarrass him 
by merely refusing to permit the extinguishment of Indian titles in 
the Indian country. Organization of the Indian country prior to a 
southern railroad authorization was essential to that time only to 

27. E. L. Craik, "Southern Interest in Territorial Kansas," Kansas Historical Collec- 
tions, v. 15 (1919-1922), pp. 334-450; G. F. Milton, The Eve of Conflict, p. 149, as- 
sembled evidence that the South recognized that Kansas was not suited to slavery. 


the extent of equalization of opportunity in the rivalry among the 
sections to be first to settle and to build railroads westward that 
would reach the coast. 

So far as the private speculation of Douglas was concerned, he 
had placed most of his investments in the Chicago vicinity. But 
he had invested also in the Superior City enterprise on Lake Supe- 
rior, with a view to making it the terminus of a Pacific railroad by 
the northern route. 28 He had hedged also against the southern 
route, by joining with southern interests in railroad bills that would, 
if successful, connect across Arkansas to Cairo and the Illinois Cen- 
tral with a Pacific railroad by any southern route. 29 There is one un- 
answered question that is entered into the record for the sake of 
completing the picture: Had Douglas hedged also against the vic- 
tory of St. Louis and Benton's central route? 

The aspect of the Douglas letter that is most in need of clarifica- 
tion is that relating to the slavery issue. The sentence on that theme 
from the Douglas letter bears repeating as the text for the discus- 
sion which follows: "It is to be hoped that the necessity and im- 
portance of the measure are manifest to the whole country, and 
that so far as the slavery question is concerned, all will be willing 
to sanction and affirm the principle established by the Compromise 
measures of 1850." Of course, in this sentence and in the bill which 
he reported January 4, 1854, Douglas was proposing to repeal the 
Missouri Compromise of 1820. Why deny it, or quibble about it? 
More accurately, he was recognizing an accomplished fact, that, in 
effect, the Missouri Compromise had been repealed already by the 
course of events. His proviso was only a straightforward recogni- 
tion of reality; a technicality of removing the obsolete material from 
the statute books. 

The successive changes of form, in other words the changes in 
wording, January 10, and 23, February 6, and 7, 1854, were changes 
in form only. Nothing of substance was either added to or sub- 
tracted from the original report of January 4, 1854, or the sentence 
quoted above from the letter of December 17, 1853. He yielded 
nothing of substance in those amendments to David R. Atchison, to 
Philip Phillips, or to Archibald Dixon. His subsequent assertion 
that he consulted no one, but wrote the bill himself seems more 
clearly substantiated than formerly, if it needed any further cor- 

The "Appeal of the Independent Democrats," which was men- 

28. Milton, op. cit., p. 105. 

29. Hodder, "Railroad Background of the Kansas-Nebraska Act," loc. cit., p. 13. 


tioned by Cutts, was published January 24, 1854, by Sen. Salmon 
P. Chase of Ohio, Sen. Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, and others, 
and was undoubtedly a major invention in propaganda technique 
and strategy. It was as outstandingly successful as it was contempt- 
ible. In spite of the fact that the episode has been recounted in- 
numerable times there is no satisfactory version extant; and Milton, 
in his biography of Douglas, missed his opportunity by writing a 
distorted pro-Douglas narrative. This article is not the place to 
retell the story, but this much may be said. Neither party to the 
Kansas-Nebraska debates in congress, during that session, can stand 
successfully the test of candid examination, and the idealist must 
wish that popular government in action might have risen to the 
challenge of the heroic possibilities of the occasion and might have 
presented to the world a high level of performance in keeping with 
the gravity of the crisis. In retrospect, the historian can see so many 
ways in which Douglas could have made a more statesmanlike de- 
fense and one more worthy of the principle for which he stood. 
The point must not be missed, that Douglas was standing for an 
important principle. 

Douglas did not raise the slavery issue in the Nebraska organiza- 
tion question in congress or outside. That had been done already 
in the country, and by others. Avoidance of it in congress would 
have been nothing less than miraculous. The only elements of un- 
certainty in the matter that can be considered are when, how, and 
by whom a mere technicality, but of tremendous strategic advan- 
tage in controversy where it is important to place the opponent on 
the defensive for conducting propaganda on an emotional level. 
The choice before Douglas was not between right and wrong, a 
clear cut moral issue, but a choice from among courses, none of 
which was ideal. 

To attempt to ignore the Nebraska question would only have 
been to precipitate it in another and possibly more dangerous form. 
Even assuming that the issue was not forced by someone else in 
that session of congress, following Benton's advice, his deceptive 
map and false interpretations of law, the population would have 
moved into the Indian country in force during the summer of 1854, 
and with unpredictable consequences, possibly civil war on the 
border. Atchison and Benton were men of more than local influ- 
ence and they were determined to destroy each other. Both appear 
equally unscrupulous and both were guilty. Regardless of law, 
slavery would have been carried into the unorganized Indian coun- 
try. In fact, slavery had been practiced there for some time at the 


Methodist mission to the Shawnees, as well as by Indians them- 
selves, all without the issue of legality under the Missouri Compro- 
mise having been raised. Contrary to the accusations of Chase and 
associates in the "Appeal," Douglas was not introducing slavery 
into the Indian country by any version of his bills. 

Hall's bill had contained a proviso: "That nothing shall be con- 
strued to impair the rights of person or property now pertaining to 
the Indians in said Territory. . . ." This caused no comment. 
Douglas had used it in his Utah bill of 1850, and inserted it in his 
Nebraska bill, as reported January, 1854. In this context, it caused 
an explosion. The New York Tribune, January 10, 1854, stated that 
the Indians who held slaves were protected, and on January 19, 
applied the proviso generally. The National Era, Washington 
(weekly ed. ), January 19, 1854, insisted that the reason for this pro- 
viso was the fact that slavery already existed in Nebraska territory. 

To attempt to organize Nebraska territory under Dodge's bill, as 
he prepared it (the Hall bill of the preceding session), without 
change in the Missouri Compromise status, would have precipitated 
the slavery controversy on the floor of congress in a manner similar 
to what did happen, only the three senate sponsors of repeal, Phil- 
lips, Atchison and Dixon, would have been engaged in making 
amendments that really meant change of substance. The situation 
faced in the winter of 1853-1854 was different from that of the win- 
ter of 1852-1853. The slavery agitation had reached such a point 
of emotional tension and semantic confusion that no statement what- 
soever on that subject could be framed that would mean the same 
thing to those concerned. Two of the several resolutions of the 
St. Joseph convention on Nebraska illustrate the point: 

7. Resolved, That, we are utterly opposed to any reagitation of that vexed 
question, now happily at rest and we will resist all attempts at renewing in 
Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatsoever 
shape or color the attempts may be made. 

9. Resolved, That in organizing Nebraska Territory, all who are now or 
who may hereafter settle there should be protected in all their rights, leaving 
questions of local policy to be settled by the citizens of the Territory, when 
they form a State Government. 

These two resolutions were quoted without comment, by the Na- 
tional Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., February 2, 1854, appar- 
ently as completely without consciousness as the convention that 
adopted them, of the absolute paradox they contained. The New 
York Tribune, January 30, 1854, reprinted from the pro-Benton St. 
Louis Democrat an editorial which contained two of the resolutions 
from the same convention; on immediate organization of Nebraska, 


and on opposition to reagitation of "that vexed question," but passed 
over the one demanding the protection of the settlers in all their 
rights, which meant that the slave property of any settler was to be 
legalized in Nebraska contrary to the Missouri Compromise. Was 
that superseding or repealing the Missouri Compromise; or was it 
organizing the territory without repealing the Missouri Compro- 
mise or reagitating "that vexed question?" The reader should be 
reminded that one of the five points in the Compromise of 1850 had 
been the prohibition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, 
an area under federal jurisdiction, but not the abolition of slavery 
there. The view was that certain attributes of the institution were 
separable. In other words, specified attributes could be practiced, 
without making a commitment for or against the institution as a 
whole. That is substantially what the St. Joseph convention was 
asking for Nebraska territory, the application of the Compromise 
of 1850. That is exactly what Douglas proposed to do if the Eng- 
lish language can be claimed to serve the function of communica- 
tion. The charge was made repeatedly that the proposal to organ- 
ize without repeal was intended to defeat organization; also that 
the proposal to organize only with repeal had the same purpose. 
In other words, total frustration threatened regardless of what 
course was followed. To fail to organize Nebraska at that session 
would have left all parties to the controversy disgruntled and in- 

To organize Nebraska as Douglas proposed to do was only to 
recognize the fact that the slavery issue had been raised already, 
and to attempt the disposal of it again by the same formula he had 
used with apparent success in the Compromise of 1850. Possibly 
therein lies the major weakness of the Douglas position captive 
of his own success in 1850, he thought that the same formula could 
be employed in a different situation. His hand was not forced to 
repeal the Missouri Compromise unless one argues mere technical- 
ities to the point of complete semantic frustration. The argument 
may be made that there was no great crisis to compromise as in 
1820-1821, 1833 and 1850, and superficially that may appear to be 
true, but misses the point. The pro-Benton St. Louis Democrat had 
made the charge against Cass and Douglas: 

The glory gained by serving the Union by the Compromise of 1850, has 
begun to tarnish, and they want another opportunity of displaying their talents 
in that line, and therefore as nobody else will agitate Slavery and thus endanger 
the Union, Cass and Douglas have determined to bring about a crises them- 
selves and thus give themselves an* opportunity of displaying their patriotism. 


It was in this connection that the Democrat had quoted two se- 
lected resolutions from the St. Joseph convention group, omitting 
the one relative to protection of property in Nebraska, and de- 
nounced agitation of the slavery question as a means of defeating 
organization of Nebraska. Reprinted in the New York Tribune, 
January 30, 1854, this editorial was given a wide audience. 

As intended, this St. Louis Democrat editorial diverted attention 
from the real issue. A potential crisis was brewing, even more por- 
tentous than that of 1850, and an explosion was imminent. Doug- 
las' experiences in the crisis were fresh in his mind, and they were 
to be recalled to him in part by Senator Smith, on February 10, 
1854. 30 In the session of congress, 1850-1851, a resolution had been 
presented declaring the Compromise measures of 1850 to be a de- 
finitive settlement of all the questions growing out of the subject 
of domestic slavery. Douglas opposed the resolution in a speech, 
December 23, 1851: 

At the close of the long session which adopted those measures, I resolved 
never to make another speech upon the slavery question in the halls of Con- 
gress. I regard all discussion of that question here as unwise, mischievous, 
and out of place. 31 

Later in the same speech he repeated: 

I wish to state that I have determined never to make another speech upon 
the slavery question; and I may now add the hope that the necessity for it will 
never exist. I am heartily tired of the controversy and I know the country is 
disgusted with it. 

The resolution before the senate, therefore, he thought inexpedi- 
ent, because the country generally acquiesced in the settlement, 
and the opponents were silent. To pass the resolution would add 
nothing to the law, and the opponents would charge that the agita- 
tion still continued; "Are not the friends of the compromise becom- 
ing the agitators?" Furthermore, he added: 

If the compromise is to be made the test of faith, the two parties will, of 
course, be composed of friends and opponents of that measure in battle array 
against each other, and the slavery question must of necessity continue the 
sole topic of discussion and controversy. That is the very thing which we 
wish to avoid, and which it was the object of the compromise to prevent 
drop the subject. 

In 1852, both political parties had adopted finality planks, but as 
Douglas had pointed out, the repetition of finality pledges was it- 
self continuance of agitation: A controversial situation is not re- 
solved until the participants have stopped talking about it. There 

30. Congressional Globe, 33 Cong. 1 Sess., App. p. 174. 

31. Ibid., 32 Cong., 1 Sess., App. pp. 65-68. 


is no legitimate purpose to be served in the mid-twentieth century 
for historians to pretend either, that Douglas raised the issue, or 
that the issue was not already before the session of congress which 
opened in December, 1853. His compromise proviso, or formula, 
was to quench the new fire before it spread. Douglas was a prac- 
tical man with more courage and integrity than his opponents to 
face the facts and to try to find an effective adjustment in conform- 
ity with reality. His opponents of the opposite extremes, inspired 
by doctrinaire approaches were determined to impose their abstrac- 
tions, without respect to facts, upon all who disagreed, and to penal- 
ize by destruction all who refused to comply. Douglas was not a 
hypocrite in the same sense as his opponents. He found himself in 
the role of a neutral between the aggressive slavocracy and an 
equally aggressive antislavery-abolitionism. His appeal was to the 
nonfanatical, to the practical middle-ground majority. In securing 
the enactment of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, Douglas did succeed 
in his compromise of 1854. 

But that conclusion will be challenged by all traditionalists, and 
raises the question as to what is meant by success in compromise. 
The success of the great compromises of 1820-1821, 1833 and 1850 
was tested by the measuring stick of whether they prevented or 
postponed the crisis from leading into dissolution of the Union, or 
resort to force to prevent it. The Douglas compromise of 1854 met 
that test. To blame Douglas with conspiring against freedom was 
like blaming fire fighters for starting the fire, because they built a 
backfire or demolished buildings in the path of the flames as a 
means of stopping them. 

Having won the compromise, did Douglas' followers betray him 
and themselves? The answer must be a qualified yes. In the long 
run they did, possibly because they did not possess a sufficiently 
positive consciousness of and convictions about the principles un- 
derlying their true interests. Time and all of the facts were on 
their side, if only they were not stampeded into destruction, and 
persisted in the faith to see the thing through. So far as the ex- 
tension of slavery into the territories was concerned, railroads and 
the right of occupation, legalized by territorial organization, would 
settle the issue of freedom in both the territories and the new states 
irrespective of the legal status of slavery. Willard P. Hall's letter 
to the St. Joseph convention on Nebraska had made that point, 32 
but he received no hearing nationally. Douglas' Freeport doctrine 

32. St. Joseph Gazette, March 29, 1854. 


of 1858 was correct also. Of course a compromise does not settle 
anything, but when successful, it does buy Time during which 
reality may work itself out, released from the tensions of the emo- 
tional crisis. That had been true of each of the three preceding 
great compromises, but the fact should be faced candidly, that with 
the intensification of the slavery controversy, each compromise 
bought less and less time. 

The "Appeal of the Independent Democrats" was successful in 
creating a false issue, and by repetition it was fixed in the public 
mind. Douglas was made to appear a villain of the piece instead 
of the Great Compromiser in the tradition of Henry Clay. Not 
only did the appeal and the subsequent course of antislavery-aboli- 
tion propaganda create a false issue and confuse contemporaries, 
these factors have kept historians confused to the present day. In 
the South, as the pot boiled, a corresponding fanatical scum rose 
to the top, so that by 1860 the Democratic party was split at least 
four ways. 

One thing that emerges clearly from a study of the 1850's is the 
power of fanatical propaganda unending repetition of unscrupu- 
lous falsehoods syllogizing in semantic confusion intolerance 
masked under moral and religious symbolism all leading the pub- 
lic to frustration and defeatism, which at long last found escape 
from stalemate in Civil War. 

The United States has been conspicuously addicted to the delu- 
sion that the passing of a law, based upon some doctrinaire prin- 
ciple, can work miracles; as though a mere statute could solve any- 
thing. Such procedure must fail outright, either through nullifica- 
tion of such legislation by general disregard of it, or through resort 
to force. To be effective, law must follow public opinion, and 
register popular will. The first alternative contains the seeds of 
the police state. The latter is the foundation for responsible popu- 
lar government. The role of Douglas in 1854 was to carry through 
a compromise in keeping with the course of events and the convic- 
tions of the effective majority. Kansas was in no danger of being 
lost to slavery. That bogey was all a trumped-up issue of extrem- 
ists. The compromise of 1854 postponed again the final appeal to 
disunion, or to arms, until facts had more nearly overtaken the 

The major "if question of the Middle Period of American history 
is whether still another postponement in 1860-1861 might possibly 
have eliminated the institution of slavery and set the stage for a 


satisfactory solution of the race question without resort to force 
Civil War and the breakdown of popular government. There 
should be no mistake about this last point. It is speculation, not 
history, but by stating the matter in this form, possibly the reader 
may be aided in liberating himself from captivity to the legend 
about Douglas, the villain of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and in re- 
orienting himself to the idea of Douglas, the successful compro- 
miser of the crisis of 1854. 

In conclusion then, this Douglas letter to the St. Joseph conven- 
tion committee does not provide an answer to all the questions 
pending about Douglas. Some questions are answered conclu- 
sively, but the letter may be said to raise more new questions than 
it settles. The historian can have no legitimate objection on that 
score, however, because new facts and points of view give zest and 
vitality to the study of history. When there are no unsettled ques- 
tions to answer, then indeed, not only history, but all historians 
will be dead. 

Stephen A. Douglas: Text of a letter to the St. Joseph Convention 
of January 9, 1854, Dated, Washington, De- 
cember 17, 1853, and Published in the St. 
Joseph Gazette, March 15, 1854. 

Your letter of the 15 inst, inviting me, on behalf of the citizens of Buchanan 
County, friendly to the immediate organization and settlement of the Terri- 
tory of Nebraska, to address a Convention favorable to that important object 
on the 9th of January, next, is this moment received. 

Believing that I will be able to promote the objects of the Convention more 
efficiently by remaining at my post and, as chairman of the Territorial com- 
mittee, reporting and pushing forward, the Bill for the organization of Ne- 
braska, I will avail myself of the alternative presented in your land letter of 
invitation, and furnish a brief "statement of my views, to be laid before the 

It is unnecessary for me to inform you, who have so long, and so anxiously 
watched the slow development and progress of this important measure, that 
I am, and have been, at all times since I had the honor to hold a seat in either 
House of Congress, the warm and zealous advocate of the immediate organi- 
zation and settlement of that Territory. Ten years ago, during the first session 
I was a member of the House of Representatives, I wrote and introduced a 
bill for the establishment of the Territory of Nebraska, which so far as I am 
advised was the first proposition ever made in either House of Congress to 
create a territory on the West bank of the Missouri river. That bill gave a 
beautiful and euphonious name to a great river and the country drained by it, 
by reversing the aboriginal word "Nebraska" and substituting it for the modern 
and insignificant word Platte by which the river and adjacent country were at 


that time generally known. 33 From that day I have never ceased my efforts 
on any occasion, when there was the least hope of success, for the organization 
of the Territory, and have scarcely allowed a Congress to pass without bring- 
ing forward the Bill in one House or the other. Indeed I am not aware that 
prior to the last Congress, any other member of the Senate ever felt interest 
enough in it to bring forward a Bill, or even to speak in its favor when intro- 
duced by myself. 

I am induced to call your attention to these facts in consequence of having 
been furnished with a copy of a newspaper published in your State, in which 
I am charged with hostility to the measure. My reasons for originating the 
measure, and bringing it forward during my first session in Congress, and re- 
newed it so often since even when the indications of support furnished very 
light hopes of success, may be briefly stated. It seemed to have been the 
settled policy of the government for many years, to collect the various Indian 
tribes in the different States and organized Territories, and to plant them per- 
manently on the western borders of Arkansas, Missouri and Iowa under treaties 
guaranteeing to them perpetual occupancy, with an express condition that they 
should never be incorporated within the limits of territory or state of the Union. 
This policy evidently contemplated the creation of a perpetual and savage bar- 
rier to the further progress of emigration, settlement and civilization in that 
direction. Texas not having been annexed, and being, at that time a foreign 
country, this barbarian wall against the extension of our institutions, and the 
admission of new states, could not start from the Gulf of Mexico, and conse- 
quently the work was commenced at Red river, and carried northward with 
the obvious purpose of continuing it to the British Possessions. It had al- 
ready penetrated into the Nebraska country, and the war department in pur- 
suance of what was then considered a settled policy, was making its arrange- 
ments to locate immediately several other Indian Tribes on the Western borders 
of Missouri and Iowa with similar guarantees of perpetuity. It was obvious 
to the plainest understanding that if this policy should be carried out and the 
treaty stipulations observed in good faith it was worse than folly to wrangle 
with Great Britain about our right to the whole or any part of Oregon much 
less to cherish the vain hope of ever making this an Ocean-bound Republic. 
This Indian Barrier was to have been a colossal monument to the God terminus 
saying to Christianity, civilization and Democracy "thus far mayest thou go, 
and no farther." It was under these circumstances, and with a direct view of 
arresting the further progress of this savage barrier to the extension of our 
institutions, and to authorize and encourage a continuous line of settlements 
to the Pacific Ocean, that I introduced the first Bill to create the Territory of 
Nebraska at the session of 1853-4 [1843-4?]. The mere introduction of the 
Bill with a request of the Secretary of War to suspend further steps for the 
location of Indians within the limits of the proposed Territory until Congress 
should act upon the measure had the desired effect, so far as to prevent the 

33. There were obvious typographical errors in the printing of this Douglas letter. 
The opening sentence gives the wrong date for the letter of invitation. It could not have 
been December 15, answered December 17. The other letters of invitation apparently 
have the date December 3, which was the date of the mass meeting authorizing the invi- 
tations. Other corrections of wrong dates are indicated in brackets in the body of the letter. 

The sentence about the origin of the name Nebraska is somewhat confused. The au- 
thorities on Nebraska nomenclature assign the origin to an Otoe word meaning "broad 
water." The reverse of Nebraska is Aksarben, a word for which the present author has 
not found any authority. Looking at it from another angle, maybe Douglas' original letter 
meant to say "reviving" instead of "reversing" and it was misread by the St. Joe printer. 


permanent location of any more Indians on the frontier during the pendancy of 
the Bill before Congress, and from that day to this I have taken care always 
to have a Bill pending when Indians were about to be located in that quarter. 
Thus the policy of a perpetual Indian barrier has been suspended, if not en- 
tirely abandoned, for the last ten years, and since the acquisition of California, 
and the establishment of Territorial governments for Oregon and Washington 
the Idea of arresting our progress in that direction, has become so ludicrous 
that we are amazed, that wise and patriotic statesmen ever cherished the 

But, while the mischief has been prevented by prescribing limits to the on- 
ward march of an unwise policy, yet there are great national interests involved 
in the question which demand prompt patience, and affirmative action. To 
the States of Missouri and Iowa, the organization of the Territory of Nebraska 
is an important and desirable local measure; to the interests of the Republic 
it is a national necessity. How are we to develope, cherish and protect our 
immense interests and possessions on the Pacific, with a vast wilderness fifteen 
hundred miles in breadth, filled with hostile savages, and cutting off all direct 
communication. The Indian barrier must be removed. The tide of emigration 
and civilization must be permitted to roll onward until it rushes through the 
passes of the mountains, and spreads over the plains, and mingles with the 
waters of the Pacific. Continuous lines of settlements with civil, political and 
religious institutions all under the protection of law, are imperiously demanded 
by the highest national considerations. These are essential, but they are not 
sufficient. No man can keep up with the spirit of this age who travels on 
anything slower than the locomotive, and fails to receive intelligence by light- 
ning [telegraph]. We must therefore have Rail Roads and Telegraphs from 
the Atlantic to the Pacific, through our own territory. Not one line only, but 
many lines, for the valley of the Mississippi will require as many Rail Roads 
to the Pacific as to the Atlantic, and will not venture to limit the number. The 
removal of the Indian barrier and the extension of the laws of the United 
States in the form of Territorial governments are the first steps toward the ac- 
complishment of each and all of those objects. When I proposed ten years 
ago to organize the territory of Nebraska, I did not intend to stop at that point. 
I proposed immediately to establish a line of military posts to protect the settler 
and the emigrant and to provide for the construction of bridges and making 
roads by granting a portion of the public lands for that purpose. In 1854 
[1845], I published a pamphlet in which I proposed, so soon as the territory 
should be established to make out the line of a rail road to the mouth of the 
Columbia River, "or to the Bay of San Francisco in the event California should 
be annexed in time," and then to have the public lands, on each side of the line 
surveyed into quarter sections, and to set apart the alternate tracts to the 
actual settler. The object of all these measures was to form a line of continu- 
ous settlements from the Mississippi to the Pacific, with a view of securing and 
enlarging our interests on that coast. The Mexican war operated adversely 
to the success of these measures, all the revenues in the Treasury were needed 
for military operations and there was an unwillingness to make any liberal and 
extensive disposition of the public domain, while we were making loans predi- 
cated, in part, upon that fund. The slavery agitation which followed the ac- 
quisition of California and New Mexico, also had an injurious effect by divert- 
ing public attention from the importance of our old territory and concentrating 


the hopes and anxieties of all upon our new possessions. Last session the Bill 
passed the House of Representatives, but was lost in the Senate for want of 
time, it being a short session. I have a firm confidence that none of these 
causes can defeat the organization of the Territory this session. It is to be 
hoped that the necessity and importance of the measure are manifest to the 
whole country, and that so far as the slavery question is concerned, all will be 
willing to sanction and affirm the principle established by the Compromise 
measures of 1850. 

You will do me the favor, Gentlemen to communicate this hasty sketch of 
my views to the convention, and assure the Delegates of my zealous efforts, 
and hearty cooperation in the great work which brings them together. 

I have the honor to be, with respect your obedient servant. 

[Men to whom directed] 
Messrs. J. H. Crane, 

D. M. Johnson, 
L. J. Eastin; 
Committee, St. Joseph, Mo. 

23 SOT 

The Pictorial Record of the Old West 


(Copyright, 1951, by ROBERT TAFT) 

JANUARY 1, 1850, opened the new year auspiciously in New York 
J City. The day was clear and mild, New Year's parties were nu- 
merous and gay as the socially minded hurried from one hostess to 
the next, getting mellower as the afternoon advanced. For those 
not socially inclined Barnum's American Museum could be visited; 
or one could attend a special afternoon performance of Christy's 
Minstrels, "The first to harmonize Negro melodies"; or moving pano- 
ramas, huge painted canvases that slowly passed before the seated 
audience, enabled the New Year's day visitor to pass away an hour or 
so as he viewed the noble Hudson or the ancient Nile, or the Astor 
House riot of the previous year. 

On that same day, Horace Greeley, one of the leading editors of 
his time, was to write in the Tribune "1850 will complete the most 
eventful half century recorded in history. The coming year is preg- 
nant with good for all Humanity, and so must be a happy one." 

As the year commenced in Washington, however, there were 
signs that all was not happiness and light. The two houses of con- 
gress convened for the first time in the new year on January 3. The 
house immediately got into a wrangle over the election of its offi- 
cers. It took 20 ballots to elect a clerk of the house and earlier, 63 
ballots had been required to elect a speaker. 1 Sectional differences 
between Northern and Southern members governed every action 
and the seeds of discord were being lavishly sown. 

In the senate, on its opening day of the year, Senator Henry S. 
Foote of Mississippi notified his colleagues that "on Monday next" 
he would ask their consideration of a resolution asserting the ex- 
pediency of establishing a territorial government for California, 
Deseret and New Mexico. Foote began the discussion of his reso- 

DR. ROBERT TAFT, of Lawrence, is professor of chemistry at the University of Kansas 
and editor of the Transactions of the Kansas Academy of Science. He is author of Photog- 
raphy and the American Scene (New York, 1938), and Across the fears on Mount Oread 
(Lawrence, 1941). 

Previous articles in this pictorial series appeared in the issues of The Kansas Historical 
Quarterly for February, May, August and November, 1946, May and August, 1948, May, 
August and November, 1949, February, May and August, 1950, and August, 1951. The 
general introduction was in the February, 1946, number. 

1. The Congressional Globe, 31 Cong., 1 Sess. (1849-1850), pt. 2, pp. 94-138. The 
election of the speaker was completed on December 22, see p. 66 of above reference. 



lution on January 16. It provided not only for the organization of 
territorial government in California, Deseret (Utah) and New Mex- 
ico but it also included a clause which would have established, 
with the consent of Texas, a new state, Jacinto, to be formed from 
the eastern third of Texas. 2 

Senator Foote's proposal was, of course, based on the competing 
claims of free and slave states but failed to muster sufficient sup- 
port. President Zachary Taylor, however, in a message to the 
house on January 21, reported that he had recommended to both 
California and New Mexico that they prepare state constitutions 
and submit them to congress together with "a prayer for admission 
into the Union as state [s]." 3 

The final action taken by congress as a result of all this agitation 
was to admit California as a state on September 9, 1850, and to or- 
ganize New Mexico and Utah as territories on the same day. 

As this discussion suggests, the American West of 1850 was a 
vastly different country from the West of today. True, in many re- 
spects, it is physically the same, but socially and geographically, 
and from the standpoint of numbers and material development, it 
has greatly changed. In fact, if we take the first of the year 1850 
as our point of measurement, the entire West at that time was 
scarcely more than embryo, an outline only faintly suggestive of 
the changes to come. West of the Mississippi there were but five 
states when the year began: Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri 
and Iowa. In these five states, according to the census of 1850, 
lived over 90% of all the inhabitants of the West. But all the in- 
habitants of the West in 1850 made up a population that numbered 
some two million souls, not many more than the population of pres- 
ent day Kansas. Even in California, which as we have pointed out, 
was admitted as a state during 1850, the population recorded was 
a scant 93,000. Fifty-eight thousand of this number claimed they 
were miners and only 7,000 "females" could be found within its 
border by the takers of the census! 

With the exception of Texas, there were, in 1850, no Plains states. 
For the spread of plain and prairie, of hill and upland which now 
makes up many of our states was included in a huge realm that 
stretched from the northern border of Texas to the southern border 
of Canada. It had no name save "unorganized territory"; but in 
speech and writing it was usually called "The Indian Country." 

2. Ibid., pt. 1, p. 97, and pp. 166-171 where the boundaries of the state of Jacinto are 

3. Ibid., p. 195. 


A century ago there were, perhaps, a dozen or so struggling col- 
leges in the states beyond the Mississippi with students numbering 
less than a thousand. But most surprising of all to many of us, in 
comparing the West of a century ago with the West of the present, 
is the fact that in 1850 there was not one mile of railroad beyond 
the Mississippi, although there were some eight thousand miles of 
track in the states east of the Mississippi. 4 

Not that railroads were unthought of for the region beyond the 
Mississippi! As a matter of fact one student, after an extensive con- 
sideration of the problem, concluded that by 1850 the idea of a 
transcontinental railway was firmly established and that "both in 
Congress and out, it is clear that the construction of a railway to 
some point on the Pacific coast was generally accepted as a work 
of the near future by the close of the first half of the nineteenth 
century." 5 

The rapid growth of California, of the Oregon country, the estab- 
lishment of the "New Mormon settlement by the Great Salt Lake, 
beyond the Rocky Mountains" had convinced many that the Far 
West of the 1850's was "now on the golden shores of the Pacific." 6 

Communication to and defense of the Western shores and inter- 
mediate points were matters forming the basis for arguments in 
favor of railroad construction. War with England or France would 
cause loss of California and Oregon, one interested group pointed 
out in a memorial to congress. 7 As for more rapid communication 

4. Admittedly the census figures of 1850 are none too reliable but they are, in fact, all 
the data that are available to us. The figures on population above were secured by adding 
those of the trans-Mississippi states and territories as reported in The Seventh Census of the 
United States: 1850 (J. D. B. De Bow, Washington, 1853), p. xxxiii as follows: Arkansas, 
209,897; California, 92,597; Iowa, 192,214; Louisiana, 517,762; Minnesota Territory, 6,077; 
Missouri, 682,044; New Mexico territory, 61,547; Oregon territory, 13,294; Texas, 212,592; 
Utah territory, 11,380; total, 1,999,404. The California population was undoubtedly shift- 
ing and changing too rapidly to enable anything approaching an accurate count. The Na- 
tional Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., January 14, 1851, p. 3, points out that California 
claimed a population of 200,000, but there were "actually only about 117,000 reported." 

In Henry V. Poor, Manual of the Railroads of the United States for 1868-69 (New 
York, 1868) there is a table, "Progress of Railroads in the United States" (pp. 20, 21), 
which indicates that the only state west of the Mississippi that had any railroads in 1849- 
1850 was Louisiana, which is credited with 80 miles of track in both 1849 and in 1850. 
Although I have not determined with certainty the company which owned this trackage, it 
was probably the New Orleans, Jackson and Great Northern railroad, a company which re- 
sulted from the consolidation of two roads, one of which was incorporated in 1841 and the 
other in 1848 (see Edward Vernon, American Railroad Manual for the United States and 
the Dominion [New York, 1873], v. 1, p. 367). Further, however, this road ran west and 
north from New Orleans on the east side of the Mississippi and was therefore not in the 
trans-Mississippi West (see map in Vernon, cited above, "Railroad Map of the States of 
Arkansas, Louisiana and Mississippi"). 

Poor, cited above, pp. 20, 21, gives the total railroad mileage in the United States and 
therefore east of the Mississippi, as 7,365 miles in 1849 and 9,021 miles in 1850. 

5. A Congressional History of Railways in the United States to 1850, Lewis Henry 
Haney (Madison, Wis., 1908), p. 406 (Bull. Univ. Wis. No. 211). 

6. The quotations in the order given above are from the North American Review, 
Boston, v. 70 (1850), January, p. 167, and Senate Misc. Doc. No. 5, p. 2, 32 Cong., 2 Sess. 

7. Memorial of a committee appointed at a railroad convention held at Little Rock, 
Ark., on July 4, 1852. Ibid. 


with the country beyond the Mississippi, the need can best be shown 
by quotation of two contemporary accounts. A Panama newspaper 
article, reprinted on January 1, 1850, in a Washington paper, stated: 
The mails which are now going up to San Francisco have been brought 
here by the indomitable preseverance of Capt. McLean from New York in 
sixteen days, will reach San Francisco in Forty Days the shortest trip ever 
made. Glory enough for one day. 8 

A dispatch from St. Louis (dated December 28, 1849) indicates 
the slowness and difficulty of travel on the Plains: 

Mr. J. H. Kirkhead arrived in this city yesterday from a journey across the 
Plains. He left the city of Salt Lake, in company with thirty-five others, on 
the 19th of October. The party were not molested by the Indians on the route, 
nor did they meet with any accident. The snow on the Plains was very deep, 
or the party would have reached here several days sooner. 9 

Small wonder, then, with communication to and from the West 
a matter of months, that there was a loud and insistent demand, 
backed by many in the East, for a better method of transportation. 

The question was not, shall a railroad be constructed to meet this 
demand, but how and where? Which raised problems in turn that 
were complicated by inflamed sectional feeling, and by personal 
and commercial antagonisms. 10 

How violent these antagonisms actually were, can be seen from 
the fact that when congress convened in 1853, practically the entire 
session was devoted to heated debate on legislation that would 
make possible the construction of a railroad to the Pacific. At least 
four bills were considered, all of which were amended or substi- 
tuted, but none could secure sufficient support to insure its passage. 
As a result of the extended and partisan debates in congress, inter- 
est in a Pacific railway throughout the country reached a fever heat 
and congress, no doubt painfully aware that some progress on the 
question must be made, finally approved a measure that appropri- 
ated $150,000 for a survey of possible routes that a railroad could 
successfully follow to the Pacific. 11 

8. National Intelligencer, January 1, 1850, p. 1. Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, New 
York, v. 24 (1851), p. 784, reported that the Clipper Ship Surprise made the trip from New 
York to the Golden Gate (around the Horn) in 96 days, "The quickest trip between New 
York and San Francisco." 

9. National Intelligencer, January 1, 1850, p. 3. 

10. Haney, op. cit., pp. 415, 416, 420; and Robert R. Russel, Improvement of Com- 
munication With the Pacific Coast as an Issue in American Politics, 1783-1864 (Cedar Rap- 
ids, 1948), chs. 1-3. 

11. Ibid., ch. 7, discusses the work of this session of congress (the 32 Congress, 2 
Session) on the Pacific railroad problem in some detail. 

Probably there were few topics in congress that were discussed in more detail and at 
greater length during the 19th century than that of a railroad to the Pacific. Beginning in 
the 1840's and extending up to 1864 when Federal legislation was finally enacted that made 
possible the beginning of Pacific railway construction, there are literally hundreds upon hun- 
dreds of references in the indexes of The Congressional Globe to discussions in the halls of 
congress upon this subject. When one realizes that each such reference may reveal a speech 


In this measure, congress instructed army engineers to carry out 
the work involved in such surveys and it fell to Jefferson Davis, 
secretary of war in the cabinet of President Franklin Pierce, to draw 
up the general plans for the surveys. Four general routes to the 
Pacific had been under consideration from time to time in public 
and congressional discussions: 

(1) A southern route beginning at a point on the Red river of 
eastern Texas and extending westward somewhere near the Texas- 
Mexico border; frequently called the 32nd parallel route. 

(2) A route beginning at Fort Smith, Arkansas, and extending 
westward through present Oklahoma, New Mexico and Arizona to 
California; frequently called the 35th parallel route. 

(3) A central route beginning either at Kansas City, Missouri, or 
Council Bluffs, Iowa, and extending westward to California through 
the Central West. 

(4) A northern route beginning at St. Paul, in the newly organ- 
ized territory of Minnesota and extending north and west and ter- 
minating at Seattle in Washington territory. 

Actually some six surveys were at work on parts of these and 
alternate routes in the period 1853-1854. The plan for the surveys 
was comprehensive in scope. Not only were the individual surveys 
instructed to examine carefully the country through which each 
passed with a view of establishing feasible routes for railroads but 
the nature of the country as revealed by its climate, by its geology, 
by its plants and animals and by the character and degree of de- 
velopment of its native inhabitants were to be observed and re- 
corded. All such facts would be of value in making an estimate of 
the ability of the country through which a railroad might pass to 
support a population which would naturally be expected to come 
with the railroad. 

To further these ends, each survey party included among its 
group, in addition to surveyors and civil engineers, geologists, bot- 
anists, zoologists, naturalists, astronomers, meteorologists, artists, 
physicians and topographers. In order to reduce the size of the 
personnel, a number of the members of each party served in dual 
capacities. Even so, since in addition to the scientific personnel, 
cooks, teamsters and assistants had to be provided as well as a mili- 
tary escort a very necessary addition as we shall see the individ- 

of considerable length, these references mean hundreds of pages of actual discussion. For 
example, Sen. Jeff Davis of Mississippi has a speech running to ten pages (appendix to The 
Congressional Globe, 35 Cong., 2 Sess., pp. 277-287, January 20, 1859) on the subject. 
As each page of the Globe contains in the neighborhood of 3,000 words, the total volume 
of words upon the Pacific railroad in the Globe would constitute an extensive encyclopedia in 


ual parties at times assumed very considerable proportions. One 
could with difficulty imagine how more extensive the personnel of 
the surveys could have been made, but a congressman, after the 
surveys had been completed, complained that no practical railroad 
men and he should have added capitalists had been included 
among the individual parties. 12 

Preliminary reports of all surveys were published from time to 
time, but the complete reports, with revisions and additions of the 
work of subsequent surveys, were published in a magnificent and 
comprehensive 12-volume work, Reports of Explorations and Sur- 
veys to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economic Route for a 
Railroad From the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. These 
volumes, published by the federal government between 1855 and 
1861, constitute probably the most important single contemporary 
source of knowledge on Western geography and history, and their 
value is greatly enhanced by the inclusion of many beautiful plates 
in color of scenery, native inhabitants, fauna and flora of the West- 
ern country. Ironically enough the publication of this monumental 
work cost the government over $1,000,000; the surveys themselves, 
$455,000. 13 

These reports, invaluable first-hand sources for the historian of 
today, created tremendous interest at the time they were published. 
They were discussed in the newspapers, talked about in congress, 
in homes, on the street, and were reviewed at length in the con- 
temporary magazines. The North American Review, for example, 
one of the leading magazines for intellectuals of the 1850's, devoted 
over 25 pages to a review of these reports. The impression they 
produced can best be realized by quoting the editors of the Review: 

Before the accession of California, the western possessions of the United 
States were looked upon as a sort of fairy land basking under the influences of 
a most delightful climate, and enriched by the choicest gifts of nature. Gi- 
gantic herds of buffaloes, and troops of wild horses of comely proportions and 
unsurpassed fleetness, roaming at large over pastures whose verdure never 
paled, were said to meet the eye of the traveler at every turn. Plains of im- 
mense extent and unparalleled fatness lay at his feet, while ever and anon rich 
clumps of woodland, gentle flowing rivulets, invited him to shelter and repose. 
Farther on these become interspersed with hills and ravines, highly picturesque 

12. Appendix to Congressional Globe, 35 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 288, January 11, 1859; the 
speaker was Sen. Henry Wilson of Massachusetts. 

13. For a detailed bibliography of these reports see the appendix at the end of this 
article. Hereafter they will be cited simply as Reports. 

Russel, op. cit., ch. 11, gives a brief review of the surveys, and it is his estimate of 
the cost of surveys that I have used. The estimate of the cost of publication is based on 
a comment of Senator Harlan (see Footnote 16) who stated that the first nine volumes 
cost nearly $900,000. It seems reasonable to assume that the last three volumes would 
average at least $100,000 each (considering the large number of volumes 11 and 12 
printed) which would bring the cost of printing up to $1,200,000 approximately. 


in effect, terminated in the remote distance by the snow-clad elevations of the 
Rocky Mountains, which were again succeeded by gentle slopes of arable land, 
whose western limits were washed by the waves of the Pacific. 

The report of the surveys tended to dispel these illusions, based 
as they were on a more accurate knowledge of the country than 
had before been available. In fact, the Review went so far as to 
state after studying the reports: 

We may as well admit that Kansas and Nebraska, with the exception of the 
small strip of land upon their eastern borders, are perfect deserts, with a soil 
whose constituents are of such nature as for ever to unfit them for the purposes 
of agriculture, and are not worth an expenditure of angry feeling as to who 
shall or who shall not inhabit them. We may as well admit that Washington 
Territory, and Oregon, and Utah, and New Mexico, are with the exception of 
a few limited areas, composed of mountain chains and unfruitful plains; and 
that, whatever route is selected for a railroad to the Pacific, it must wind the 
greater part of its length through a country destined to remain for ever an un- 
inhabited and dreary waste. 14 

Despite all the information available in these reports and all 
the discussion brought on by the 12 publications mounting sec- 
tional antagonism was destined to prevent immediate decision on 
"the best" route to the Pacific. Not until the Civil War was well 
advanced was the actual work of construction undertaken and not 
until 1869 was the first of the Pacific railroads, that following the 
central ro