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THE
Kansas Historical
Quarterly
KIRKE MECHEM, Editor
JAMES C. MALIN, Associate Editor
NYLE H. MILLER, Managing Editor
Volume XIX
1951
(Kansas Historical Collections)
VOL. xxxvi
Published by
The Kansas State Historical Society
Topeka, Kansas
24-807
72234
Contents of Volume XIX
Number 1 February, 1951
PAGE
THE DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND Clifford P. Westermeier, I
HISTORY OF THE FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT IN THE
COTTONWOOD VALLEY Alberta Pantle, 12
With portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Francis Bernard, Mr. and Mrs. Alphonse
Bichet, Francis Laloge, and Mrs. August Ferlet, between pp. 32, 33.
ROBBERY ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL IN 1842 50
THE ANNUAL MEETING: Containing Reports of the Secretary,
Treasurer, Executive and Nominating Committees; Annual Ad-
dress of the President, SOME ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF THE
G. A. R. IN KANSAS, Charles M. Correll, a talk, THE HISTORICAL
SOCIETY, AFTER SEVENTY-FIVE YEARS, Kirke Mechem; Election
of Officers; List of Directors of the Society .... Kirke Mechem, Secretary, 52
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY,
Compiled by Helen M. McFarland, Librarian, 84
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 99
KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE PRESS 103
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES . 110
Number 2 May, 1951
PAGE
THE LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864, LINN COUNTY
PIONEER: Part One, 1857, 1858 Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 113
With views taken in 1858 of the sawmill built by Trego and the Smiths
on Little Sugar creek, and the homes of Edwin Smith, J. H. Trego and
T. Ellwood Smith, between pp. 128, 129.
THE KANSAS SENATORS AND THE RE-ELECTION
OF LINCOLN William Frank Zornow, 133
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS IN THE
PHILIPPINES Todd L. Wagoner, 145
HISTORY OF THE FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT IN THE
COTTONWOOD VALLEY: Part Two Concluded Alberta Pantle, 174
With portraits of Mrs. Ernest Ginette, Sr., and the Countess de Pingre,
and a picture of the Bastille day celebration held near Florence on
July 14, 1884, between pp. 192, 193.
ALONG THE LINE OF THE KANSAS PACIFIC RAILWAY IN
WESTERN KANSAS IN 1870 207
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 212
KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE PRESS 218
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES . . . 222
(iii)
Number 3 August, 1951
PAGE
THE PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST: XIII. The End of a
Century Robert Taft, 225
With the following illustrations:
Portraits of Fernand H. Lungren and Maynard Dixon, facing
p. 240; H. W. Hansen, J. H. Smith and H. W. Caylor, be-
tween pp. 240, 241; Bert G. Phillips, Ernest L. Blumenschein,
. Charles Schreyvogel and William R. Leigh, facing p. 248;
J. H. Smith's "A Race-Day in a Frontier Town," and "The Recent
Indian Excitement in the Northwest,"
Caylor's "The Trail Herd,"
Sharp's "The Evening Chant,"
Schreyvogel's "My Bunkie,"
Dan Smith's "Freighting Salt in New Mexico,"
Hansen's "Beef Issue," and
Leigh's "The Lookout," between pp. 240, 241;
Blumenschein's "The Advance of Civilization in New Mexico
the Merry-Go-Round Comes To Taos," facing p. 249.
THE SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR Emory Lindquist, 254
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN, 1890-1891: The Journal of
Mrs. Stuart James Hogg Edited by Lonise Barry, 269
THE LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864, LINN COUNTY
PIONEER: Part Two, 1861, 1862 Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 287
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 310
KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE PRESS 311
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES . . .318
Number 4 November, 1951
PAGE
THE MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS IN THE ORGANIZATION OF
NEBRASKA TERRITORY: A Letter Dated December 17, 1853,
James C. Malin, 321
THE PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST: XIV. Illustrators of
the Pacific Railroad Reports Robert Taft, 354
With the following illustrations:
Charles Koppel's "Los Angeles," November 1, 1853,
A. H. Campbell's "Valley of the Gila & Sierra de las Estrellas
From the Maricopa Wells" (Arizona), 1855,
J. C. Tidball's "Valley of Williams River" (Arizona), 1854,
William P. Blake's "Mirage on the Colorado Desert" (California),
1853, between pp. 368, 369.
THE LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864, LINN COUNTY
PIONEER: Part Three, 1863, 1864 Concluded,
Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 381
With the following illustrations:
Dr. and Mrs. Joseph H. Trego and six of their nine daughters;
the Mound City band, from a photograph taken in 1878,
between pp. 384, 385.
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 401
KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE PRESS 402
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 407
ERRATA AND ADDENDA, VOLUME XIX 410
INDEX To VOLUME XIX 411
(iv)
THE
KANSAS HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
February - 1951
Published by
Kansas State Historical Society
Topeka
KIRKE MECHEM JAMES C. MALIN NYLE H. MILLER
Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor
CONTENTS
PAGE
THE DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND Clifford P. Westermeier, 1
HISTORY OF THE FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT IN THE
COTTONWOOD VALLEY Alberta Pantle, 12
With portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Francis Bernard, Mr. and Mrs. Alphonse
Bichet, Francis Laloge, and Mrs. August Ferlet, between pp. 32, 33.
ROBBERY ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL IN 1842 50
THE ANNUAL MEETING: Containing Reports of the Secretary,
Treasurer, Executive and Nominating Committees; Annual Ad-
dress of the President, SOME ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF THE
G. A. R. IN KANSAS, Charles M. Correll; a talk, THE HISTORICAL
SOCIETY, AFTER SEVENTY-FIVE YEARS, Kirke Mechem; Election
of Officers; List of Directors of the Society .... Kirke Mechem, Secretary, 52
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY,
Compiled by Helen M. McFarland, Librarian, 84
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 99
KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE PRESS 103
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES . .110
The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published in February, May, August and
November by the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan., and is dis-
tributed free to members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be
sent to the editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made
by contributors.
Entered as second-class matter October 22, 1931. at the post office at Topeka,
Kan., under the act of August 24, 1912.
THE COVER
Dodge City's famous cowboy band as pictured in 1886. The director was
Roy Drake (fourth from left in the second row). Seated at the front-row ends
are: Left, D. M. Frost, publisher of the Dodge City Globe Live Stock Journal,
and right, Col. S. S. Prouty, editor of the Kansas Cowboy. Chalk M. Beeson,
organizer and manager of the band, sits next to Colonel Prouty.
THE KANSAS
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Volume XIX February, 1951 Number 1
The Dodge City Cowboy Band
CLIFFORD P. WESTERMEIER
WHILE its early history was being painted against the canvas
of the frontier, Dodge City acquired more lurid and flaming
titles than any other city. "The most wicked town in existence/'
"The Beautiful, Bibulous Babylon of the Frontier," "The Wickedest
City in America," "The Deadwood of Kansas," the "rip-roaring burg
of the West" were but a few of the scarlet sobriquets. 1 It was a city
of violent contrasts brave men and bad men, harlots and ladies,
dives and churches, ugliness and beauty "Wicked Dodge" was the
synonym of all that was profane, immoral and evil. From this
"Bibulous Babylon," this "Wickedest City," came an organization so
unpretentious and respectable that its virtuous fame made it wel-
come wherever it appeared. This was the Dodge City Cowboy
Band of the 1880's, recognized as one of the finest attractions and
entertainments of the era.
Some dubiety exists concerning the year of its organization.
Merritt Beeson of Dodge City says his father, Chalk Beeson, or-
ganized the band in 1879. Wright, in his Dodge City, maintained
that the band was organized in 1881, and first appeared as such in
a performance at the Topeka fair. 2 An article from the "Ford
County Clippings" of the Kansas State Historical Society says : "The
Original Dodge City Cowboy Band was organized in 1881 or 1882
and for many years was a flourishing organization which enjoyed
more than local fame." 3 The uncertainty is not clarified by the ap-
pearance of an article under the title "Dodge City Band" in the
Ford County Globe, June 27, 1882:
DR. CLIFFORD P. WESTERMEIER is a lecturer in the extension department at the Univer-
sity of Colorado, Boulder. He is the author of Man, Beast, Dust: The Story of Rodeo (Den-
ver, World Press, 1947).
1. Robert M. Wright, Dodge City, The Cowboy Capital . (n. p., n. d.) pp.
6, 142, 144, 147, 148.
2. Letter from Merritt L. Beeson, October 24, 1950, to the Kansas State Historical
Society; Wright, op. cit., p. 322.
3. "Ford County Clippings," v. 1, p. 225-Kansas State Historical Society.
2 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Alderman C. M. Beeson or rather "Chalk," as we all know him after years
of trials, has at last succeeded in organizing a Brass Band, and we claim it
The Band of the Land, of which Dodge may justly be proud. . . . They
perform every evening in front of the "Long Branch" and Opera House Balcony
and crowds gather to hear them. . . . 4
Late in the summer of 1882 the Cowboy Band received an invita-
tion to enter a band contest during the soldiers' reunion at Topeka.
Evidently, the organization was eager to attend and to compete, for
an appeal to raise money was published in the Ford County Globe.
A subscription paper was circulated for the purpose of securing
the necessary funds to defray the expenses of the trip. The Globe
commented:
The boys will need considerable money to properly fit themselves out
and pay necessary expenses while at Topeka, and we trust our cattle men,
merchants and citizens generally will contribute freely and thus assist the
distinguished "Cow Boy Band" of Dodge City to make a creditable display of
their musical talent. 5
Apparently, the band had excellent support, for a week later the
same paper published a list of 29 firms and individuals with the ap-
proximate head of cattle represented by each over 400,000 head,
or a cash capital of nearly $10,000,000. 6 On this trip to Topeka, each
of the 25 men in the band wore a longhorn badge on his hat. "Their
rigging presented a peculiar appearance, dark shirts with 'leather
breeches full of stitches/ together with revolvers buckled on making
up the uniform. As the train passed they were singing 'Oh! dear,
raggedy Oh! Just look at the riggins on Billy Barlow/ " 7
There is little more information concerning the Cowboy Band
during the remainder of the year. The Globe published an account
of a minstrel show, with singing, conundrums, jokes, stories and im-
personations; however, music by the band constituted the greater
portion of the program. "There was a goodly crowd present who
listened with marked attention and showed their appreciation
from time to time by loud bursts of laughter and applause." 8
The Colorado Chieftain, the weekly newspaper of Pueblo, Colo.,
gave an account of the cattlemen's convention held in Dodge City
beginning April 10, 1883. The cowboy band, managed by Chalk
Beeson, serenaded the governor on that occasion. 9 The same paper,
a week later, commented on the close of the convention: "...
4. "Dodge City Band," Ford County Globe, Dodge City, June 27, 1882.
5. "The Cow Boy Band," ibid., September 5, 1882.
6. Ibid., September 12, 1882.
7. Ibid., September 19, 1882.
8. "Cowboys' Minstrels," ibid., December 19, 1882.
9. "Round-Up," Colorado Chieftain, Pueblo, Colo., April 12, 1883.
DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND 3
the proceedings wound up last night with the grandest ball and
banquet ever held in western Kansas. . . . The music was fur-
nished by Beeson's orchestra. . . ." 10
During the ensuing months occasional mentions were made of
practice sessions, but the subject of the Cowboy Band does not be-
come significant until the early part of September, 1884. The pro-
posal to send the organization to the Cattlemen's convention in
St. Louis in November met unanimous approval, because Dodge
City and the cattle interests of Kansas would receive invaluable
publicity at St. Louis. The suggestion was made that the Western
Kansas Cattle Growers' Association promote the idea and become
the sponsor of the band. 11
This obvious promotion on the part of the Kansas Cowboy secured
the desired results, and during the latter part of October the follow-
ing article appeared.
It is all fixed that the Cowboy band goes to the National Stockmen's con-
vention at St. Louis. The band wall number eighteen pieces, composed of
musicians whose music will astonish the ears of the denizones [sic] of the
Mound City and others, soies [sic] who will be there during the session of
the great convention. They will find that the historic cowboy of the plains,
as will be represented by the members of this band, is an individual of a far
different color than what has been painted by sensational papers. He will be
found to be a gentleman and as proficient in the aesthetical art of music as
he is in the skill of punching cows. But we do not wish to anticipate. 12
The newspapers of the towns situated along the railroad recorded
the progress of the band on its trip to St. Louis. From Nickerson
came the following information: "Hearing that the Cowboy band
of Dodge City would pass through on the evening train, a large
number of our citizens met them at the depot and were favored
with several choice selections of music." 13
The band was provided with an especially-made banner the
present of Andy Snider and Sons. 14 The Nickerson report also gave
the first complete description of the costumes of the band: "all of
them [were] dressed in regular cowboy style, broad hats, woolen
shirts, leather leggins, spurs and pistols. . . ." 15
10. "Cow Congress Round-Up," ibid., April 19, 1883. (R. M. Wright in his Dodge City
quoted this article in part on pp. 321 and 322; however, he recorded it as appearing in
the Pueblo Chieftain, April 13, 1882, and he used the words the Cowboy Band for the
words Beeson's orchestra. )
11. Kansas Cowboy, Dodge City, September 13, 1884.
12. "Soies" is probably an attempt to make a plural of the word socius, meaning asso-
ciate or member. Kansas Cowboy, October 25, 1884.
13. Ibid., November 22, 1884.
14. Ibid., November 8, 1884.
15. Ibid., November 22, 1884.
4 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
A report from St. Louis to the Kansas Cowboy gave further in-
formation concerning the arrival of and the impression created by
the cowboy musical organization as it crossed the state of Kansas:
"At all the stations in Kansas, word had been received that the band
was coming and everybody flocked to the depot to get a peep at the
cowboys and to hear their delicious music. The boys kindly satisfied
the curiosity of the people by favoring them with airs." 16
The Missouri Republican also related a first impression made
by the cowboys in full regalia. On the opening day of the conven-
tion a band, with trumpets blaring and cymbals crashing, marched
down Olive street. A crowd of excited and enthusiastic youngsters
followed, watching especially the leader who bore a banner identi-
fying the group as "The Cowboy Band of Dodge City, Kansas." The
drum major, Capt. J. S. Welch, waved his hands wildly and thus
aroused greater enthusiasm in his fellow bandsmen. 17
But the appearance of the band was gorgeous. It was wild; it was ne plus
ultra, sui generis, and superb. The inseparable gray slouch hat with a band
inscribed "Cowboy Band of Dodge City, Kansas" and bearing also the picture
of a steer, each hat having a different brand. ... A flannel shirt, leather
leggings of a conventional type, bandana handkerchief around throat, belt with
a six-chambered ivory handled revolver and fierce spurs completed the genuine
cowboy outfit. 18
A Globe-Democrat reporter asked the leader of the band:
"What do you swing that gun for?"
"That's my baton," was the answer.
"Is it loaded?"
"Yes."
"What for?"
"To kill the first man who strikes a false note." 19
On the first day of the convention the delegates from Kansas and
the Indian territory marched to the hall in a body. The Cowboy
Band led the procession, and thousands of people followed; the side-
walks and windows were crowded with cheering and applauding
spectators who were eager to see and hear the famous band. 20
The curious asked many questions about the band, and the
various members of the organization offered interesting bits of in-
formation: They were all genuine cowboys, who were able to play
different music at sight; they organized in 1882 for the fair at Topeka,
16. "From St. Louis," ibid.
17. Missouri Republican, St. Louis, November 18, 1884.
18. Ibid.
19. "The Famous Cowboy Band," Kansas Cowboy, November 29, 1884.
20. Ibid., November 22, 1884.
DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND 5
and Dodge City was selected as the rallying point if the band were
ever tp reorganize again; the importance of the cattlemen's conven-
tion at St. Louis caused them, after a separation of two years, to
come together two weeks before it. 21
The reporter of the Missouri Republican was dubious about these
statements, for the skill of the musicians showed practice and be-
cause the stories varied one that they had been rehearsing during
the year, another that they had not been together in two years.
Someone was bold enough to say that the group was simply a local
band from Dodge City, for the most part composed of professional
musicians. 22
Regardless of these varying stories, opinions or suggestions, the
band did intrigue and amuse the St. Louisans. However, there is
evidence that some of the delegates from parts of the West lacked
enthusiasm for it. A delegate from Texas said:
we are not responsible for this circus and are unwilling to endorse the
band as a feature of the convention. We are not in favor of any such display as
the so-called cowboy band is making. This leggin' revolver business is out of
place in a great city like St. Louis. Besides we are not the desperadoes the band
would seem to indicate we are. . . . They parade the streets with the
handles of their revolvers protruding from their hip pockets and their leader
keeping time with one. 23
A delegate from Colorado expressed his opinion in a similar
fashion:
We feel that the cowboy band is out of place as long as they persisted in
making a parade of their leggings and revolvers. It is painfully true that people
in the East have been led to believe that a greater portion of cattlemen of South-
west and West are as a rule desperate characters; and that we roam about over
the prairies armed to the teeth with knives and revolvers. We want to dispel
this idea as it places us in a false light before the world. Years ago when likely
to meet a bunch of Indians, we were required to go heavily armed when we
followed our cattle. Times have changed and the necessity for revolvers no
longer exists. On many ranches cowboys are not allowed to carry revolvers.
Today the average cowboy is as good an average American citizen as can be
found anywhere in America. 24
Some of the mystery hovering over, and unanswered questions
concerning the band were clarified in the November 20 issue of the
St. Louis paper. The editor of the Kansas Cowboy, S. S. Prunty,
explained and also took responsibility for the appearance of the
organization at the convention, namely, western Kansas had sent it
21. Missouri Republican, November 18, 1884.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
6 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
as a token of appreciation for the hospitality shown by St. Louis.
Prunty said: "The attire of the members of the band is regulation
dress of the plains cowboy. The spurs, pistol, and leather leggings
are seen every day on the cowboy of the plains. The members, while
mostly cowboys in jest, are gentlemen and some represent thousands
of head of bovine." 25 Regardless of the controversy, the Cowboy
Band was a great attraction for the people of St. Louis.
Immediately following the triumph at the cattlemen's convention,
the band, and also the delegates, received an invitation to visit Chi-
cago. During their visit they played daily concerts in the Palmer
House and, dressed in full regalia, were a great attraction to the
spectators. 26 The Kansas Cowboy commented: "If one didn't ex-
pect that a man that drives cattle could bring music out of a cornet
or horn, he was favorably disappointed, for the entire programme
was performed excellently and with real pleasure, apart from the in-
terest therein, to every surprised listener." 27
The band played such selections as the "Monabello Waltzes," the
"Miserere" from "II Trovatore," and the "Criterion Quickstep." The
audience was particularly interested in the leader of the musicians,
who waved his nickel-plated six-shooter for a baton, and "forthwith
lead [sic] his performers into the open measures of the old operatic
favorite, which many a New York opera-goer would think in strange
hands if heard performed by such picturesque, half-warlike figures
as composed the Cowboy Band." 28 The editor of the Kansas Cow-
boy concluded his statement regarding the Chicago side trip with
his usual plug for the home town: "They are giving Dodge City
such an advertisement as she has never had before." 29
The triumphs of the band during the Chicago visit resulted in an
invitation from the Milwaukee & St. Paul railroad to visit Minne-
apolis and St. Paul. Supplied with all the necessary accommodations
for the trip, they heartily accepted the courtesy. 30
When the band returned to Dodge City, the editor of the Kansas
Cowboy heaped praise upon the members for "gentlemanly" conduct
and their popularization of "the plains cowboy in the estimation of
the eastern people." Stating that Dodge City should be proud of
its band, he concluded his comment in his usual stirring and cam-
25. Ibid., November 20, 1884.
26. "Cattlemen's Excursion," Kansas Cowboy, December 6, 1884.
27. Ibid., November 29, 1884.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid., December 6, 1884.
30. Ibid.
DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND 7
paigning tone: "A town that can sustain such a popular organiza-
tion needs a $60,000 hotel." 31 The Cowboy Band met in a council
and adopted resolutions, "wherein they express their appreciation
of the courtesies extended to them on their last trip to the great
cattlemen's convention at St. Louis, and their subsequent journey to
Chicago, St. Paul and Minneapolis, and points along the route." 32
The next news of importance concerning the band appeared about
two weeks before the second cattlemen's convention, held in St.
Louis, November, 1885. The members were instructed to meet in
Dodge City on November 10 to start immediate training for the con-
vention. "The rehearsals will take place in one of the rooms of the
upper story of Prof. Ly Brand's planing mill." 33
Plans were elaborated and expanded this year. Although not too
many details are given, a longer tour was evidently in view. En
route to St. Louis, they presented a concert at the Grand Opera
House in Topeka, which was attended by Governor Martin and other
prominent officials. They also entertained in Kansas City and fol-
lowing their engagement at St. Louis, they were scheduled to ap-
pear "in other eastern places." 34
In commenting on their appearance at the National Convention of
Stockmen, the Kansas Cowboy said: "The boys were as popular and
in as much demand as they were at the convention last year." 35 In
St. Louis they played three evenings at the Crescent skating rink,
"the toniest institution of the kind in St. Louis." 36 News of the
Dodge City fire caused the cancellation of the plans to appear "in
other eastern places," because many of the boys suffered heavy losses
and were anxious to see what damage had been done. 37
The matter of the authenticity of the members of the band came
up again during the Kansas City exposition of 1887, and to settle the
question they proposed to give an exhibition of their roping skill.
Mr. Beeson, the manager, in speaking of the matter, said that every
member of his band were old cowboys who had spent the past ten
years in the West and on the ranch. Said he: "I have boys in my band
who can throw a steer over a horse." 38
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid., December 13, 1884.
33. Ibid., November 7, 1885.
34. "The National Convention of Stockmen," ibid., December 5, 1885.
35. Ibid.
36. Ibid.
37. "Fire at Dodge City," Rocky Mountain News, Denver, Colo., December 2, 1885.
(The fire of November 28, 1885, was disastrous and "the loss was at least $30,000 or even
$50,000.")
38. Texas Live Stock Journal, Fort Forth, Tex., November 5, 1887, p. 10.
8 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
The exposition was honored with a visit from President Cleveland,
and the boys of the band, in their true Western generosity and en-
thusiasm, collected $100 in order to present him with an original
sombrero which they immediately ordered from Mexico City. Much
to their chagrin, however, it did not arrive in time to be presented
to the chief executive. 39
In this same year the Cowboy Band was one of the chief attrac-
tions at the fourth annual convention of the Consolidated Cattle
Growers' Association of the United States in Kansas City, Mo. Ac-
cording to a Rocky Mountain News item, the band had been present
at every national cattle convention since it was organized. 40
In his Dodge City, Wright mentions that the band visited Denver
and Pueblo, Colo., in 1886; however, no evidence has been found in
the newspapers to verify this statement. It is of interest that a con-
tract was made with the Cowboy Band to appear in Denver during
the great Colorado jubilee held in the last week of March, 1888, for
a four-day engagement at the attractive remuneration of $450.
They marched in the parade which opened the celebration and
played at the promenade concert before the grand ball at the Tabor
Opera House. The band, even though it received favorable notice
and attracted attention, was overshadowed by the splendor and ex-
citement of the jubilee. 41
On February 24, 1889, they returned to Denver to present a con-
cert at the Tabor Opera House. Twenty-five musicians, with Roy
Drake as conductor, presented a program, composed of music and a
quartet of colored male singers. The selections, "Last Heart Throb/'
"British Night," "Intrepid," and "L'Espoir de T Alsace" overtures were
particularly worthy of note. The proceeds of the concert were given
to the Cowboy Club of Denver to be applied toward the expenses of
the club on its trip to Washington, D. C., for the inauguration of
President-elect Harrison. 42 The object of this trip was to advertise
Colorado at the national capital, and the Denver club joined forces
with the Cowboy Band of Dodge City for the expedition. 43
On the morning after the concert in Denver, the band with their
majesties, Rex and the Queen of the Pueblo Mardi Gras, left by train
39. Ibid.
40. "Kansas City Preparing for Cattle Convention," Rocky Mountain News, October 22,
1887.
41. Denver Republican, March 15, 17, 29 and 30, 1888.
42. "Cowboy Band Concert," ibid., February 25, 1889; "The New President," Pueblo
(Colo.) Daily Chieftain, February 26, 1889.
43. "The Cowboy Band," Denver Republican, February 24, 1889.
DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND 9
for the latter city. En route they serenaded the people of Colorado
Springs and arrived at their destination in good form. 44
As a feature of the Pueblo Mardi Gras, the band contested with
the First infantry band of Denver.
. . . [It] was a gratifying treat to all who were within hearing distance.
Martial music, passionate music, voluptuous music, music that quickened the
spectators to spontaneous applause, music that thrilled them with the joy of
living and music that held them spellbound in appreciative silence. Such was
the contest. 45
The Cowboy Band was victorious in the contest and was awarded
a silver medal, presented by Rex after a very long-winded speech.
The design of the medal, valued at $50 portrayed an elegant shield
and crown surmounted by an eagle which was suspended from a
massive bar. It was appropriately engraved: "'Rex, To His Royal
Band/ and around the edge, 'Pueblo, Colorado/ " 46
This most recent triumph was surpassed only by the following
engagement. On February 27, on a special train of Pullmans on
the Rock Island railroad, the combined forces of Cowboy Band and
Cowboy Club, numbering about 100, departed for the presidential
inauguration. 47 This joining of forces was clearly an advertising
scheme on the part of Colorado and of Pueblo, as is very obvious
in a speech given by Colonel Harvey at the Mineral Palace in that
city. He said:
. . . that the Cowboy band had gone to Washington with the kindest feel-
ings toward Pueblo and that two of the agents of the advertising committee had
accompanied them with instructions to paint the city red. That the band would
make a tour of the eastern cities and would take the Pueblo men with them and
permit them to make announcements at their concerts, to distribute dodgers and
in every other way to give the Pittsburg of the West the benefit of the drawing
abilities of the Cowboy band. 48
On the trip eastward, the combined cowboy groups were inter-
viewed in various places. In Chicago, O. W. Wilcox, the secretary
of the Cowboy Club, said to an inquiring reporter: "Oh yes, we
are genuine cowboys, every one of us/' 49
A first hand account of the cowboy invasion of the national capital
came from Thomas McGill, the advance agent of the groups, who
reported that the cowboys were greeted with enthusiasm in the East
44. "Pueblo Given Up to Mirth," ibid., February 26, 1889.
45. "King Rex in Pueblo," ibid., February 27, 1889.
46. Ibid.; Pueblo Daily Chieftain, February 27, 1889.
47. "The New President," ibid., February 26, 1889; "Cowboys Off For East," Denver
Republican, February 28, 1889.
48. "Mineral Palace," Pueblo Daily Chieftain, March 1, 1889.
49. "A Western Outfit," ibid., March 2, 1889; "Denver Cowboys En Route," Denver
Republican, March 2, 1889.
10 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
and that on inauguration day, the Cowboy Band and Cowboy Club,
led by "Buffalo Bill" Cody and Buck Taylor, were the greatest attrac-
tions of the parade. 50 The news items which appeared the day after
the inauguration confirm this statement, and one from the Daily
News of Trinidad, Colo., said: "It was an object lesson, illustrating
things in the west, not often exhibited in that locality." 51
Mr. McGill also informed his contemporaries that at all the sta-
tion stops enormous crowds waited to greet them, and "with the
exception of President Harrison's car no other car east of Indian-
apolis received so much atteention." 52
On the evening of March 3 the Cowboy Band presented a concert
at the Bijou in the capital city where they were received with much
enthusiasm and applause. They also serenaded the President at his
Arlington Hotel headquarters during the inaugural ceremonies. 53
The immediate plans of the cowboy contingent following the
Washington trip are not fully known, although Mr. McGill does
offer some information. He had made arrangements for concerts in
Philadelphia, New York, Boston and other places; the members of
the band, however, felt compelled to return to Dodge City to take
care of business matters before embarking on such a tour. He does
say that a group of "the boys left for New York. . . . Some of
them have gone to New England," but he does not state whether
these men were members of the club or the band or of both. How-
ever, the band did give a concert at Pittsburgh before returning to
Dodge City. 54
The fitting and honorable gesture, in considering the accomplish-
ments of the Cowboy Band, is to leave it here at the height of this
latest triumph. The Dodge City Cowboy Band was one of the
unique institutions of western Kansas. It began as a local enterprise
which received its first support from some of the most prominent
citizens of that city, and with its very colorful and attractive regalia,
it caused comment wherever it appeared. That it was composed of
skilled musicians is evident, for on every occasion the music played
was of a high caliber. The numerous invitations and request per-
formances endowed it with a national reputation. One of the dubi-
ous questions about the band was whether or not the members were
real cowboys. The bandsmen often answered the question in the
50. "Cowboys Down East," ibid., March 11, 1889.
51. Trinidad (Colo.) Daily News, March 6, 1889; "The Inaugural Parade," Denver
Republican, March 5, 1889.
52. "Cowboys Down East," ibid., March 11, 1889.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid.
DODGE CITY COWBOY BAND 11
affirmative, but Merritt Beeson reports that the band's personnel
consisted of "musicians playing the little theaters and dance halls"
in Dodge City, "and came from Denver, Kansas City, St. Louis and
Chicago." 55 Presenting a type of fine entertainment, the nationally
famous Cowboy Band brought more fame to the "Wickedest City
in America" than did all the lures concocted to attract the weak-
nesses of mankind.
Many gaps appear in the chronology of the band's history, still
a pattern has been developed which offers a fair understanding of
the accomplishments and the entertainment value of this unique
musical organization. A final newspaper item, swept with nostalgia
and sadness, brings the story of the Cowboy Band to a close:
Idaho Springs, Colo., June 4. (Special. ) The paraphenalia of the famous
Dodge City Cowboy Band was unloaded here yesterday and will be used by
the Idaho Springs Cowboy Band. . . . Jack Sinclair, the leader and man-
ager of the original cowboy band has been engaged as manager, and the aggrega-
tion will be heartily backed by the citizens of Idaho Springs. 56
55. Letter from Beeson, October 24, 1950, to the Kansas State Historical Society.
56. "Idaho Springs Cowboy Band Succeeds Old One," Denver Republican, June 5, 1905.
History of the French-Speaking Settlement
in the Cottonwood Valley
ALBERTA PANTLE
INTRODUCTION
OETTLEMENT of the French-speaking people in the Cottonwood
^-J valley in central Kansas began during the territorial period.
The greatest number came from France but there were many Bel-
gians and a few Swiss who came later. They were all considered
an integral part of the settlement, which was usually called the
French Colony. It was unlike many of the foreign colonies in Kan-
sas in that it was made up of individuals or family groups who ar-
rived at intervals over a period of some 40 years, instead of being a
mass immigration.
From 1857, when the first Frenchman settled in the valley, the col-
ony grew steadily until 1885 when there were over 60 families.
They were confined largely to Cottonwood township in Chase
county, Grant and Doyle townships and the town of Florence in
Marion county. In addition, there were at various times several
French families in Cottonwood Falls and Marion Centre who allied
themselves closely with their countrymen near Florence. They vis-
ited them often and attended all the Bastille day celebrations and
other social gatherings.
After 1885, few new families came to the settlement. The older
residents died and the younger ones intermarried with persons of
other nationalities. The colony lost its identity as a French-speak-
ing community and for many years writers have referred to it as the
"lost French colony." It is no more lost, however, than any of the
many foreign settlements in Kansas. Descendants still live in the
Cottonwood valley and the pioneers themselves rest in the ceme-
teries near the lands they cultivated so many years ago. They spoke
a strange language but they had no racial or religious beliefs which
set them apart for any length of time. Most of them were good
farmers, good neighbors, and they very easily adapted themselves to
life on the Kansas frontier.
In the autumn of 1857, Lievin Daems, Francis Bernard, Solomon
Schultz and nine other men whose names are unknown located the
town of Cottonwood City in what is now Chase county. Each man
had 40 acres in the townsite. It was on the Cottonwood river near
the mouth of French creek about two miles northeast of the present
ALBERTA PANTLE is a member of the Library staff of the Kansas State Historical Society.
(12)
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 13
town of Cedar Point. Daems and Bernard were Frenchmen, as was
Michael Frachet, who established a trading post at this place. Cot-
tonwood City was the terminus of the mail route from Cottonwood
Falls, and a voting place June 7, 1859. l For some reason it did not
flourish and eventually the townsite was absorbed into the surround-
ing farms.
As the years progressed, the center of the colony moved west into
Marion county. The homes of the French and Belgian settlers bor-
dered the banks of the Cottonwood river, Cedar creek to the south,
and French, Brenot and Martin creeks to the north. The latter two
were named for early French settlers. These are the only geo-
graphical names of French origin in the vicinity, but there are two
landmarks still standing on the banks of the Cottonwood that are
reminiscent of the once flourishing colony. One is the former home
of Francis Bernard, two miles east of Cedar Point, the other is the
home of the Bichet family, three-quarters of a mile west of town.
One is in ruins, the other is a beautiful farm home still in possession
of a descendant of the original owner, Claude Francis Bichet.
Francis Bernard, Claude Francis Bichet and later his son, Al-
phonse, played important roles in the establishment of the colony
and in the political development of the Cottonwood valley. In the
early days disputes among the settlers were taken to one of the three
men for arbitration. Consequently, few cases involving Frenchmen
are found in the records of the county courts. All through the years
their homes were open to new families arriving from Europe. Many
times the immigrant found that he did not have enough money saved
to buy a farm or establish a home immediately. Sometimes there
was difficulty in locating a homestead or in getting a clear title to it.
The Bernards or the Bichets were always ready to give a new arrival
employment or to help him, in other ways, to get settled.
FRANCIS BERNARD, FIRST PERMANENT FRENCH SETTLER
Francis Bernard was born in Dijon, France, April 19, 1821. He
was married on May 11, 1852, to his childhood sweetheart, Her-
mance Senevay, and they came to America two years later. It was
commonly believed in the French colony that Mr. Bernard had been
forced to leave France because of difficulties over his political activi-
ties. This could very well have been true. He was an impetuous
man and an ardent Republican. He frequently told of his experiences
while fighting in the streets of Paris during the days of the Second
Republic and the restoration of the monarchy in 1852, so we know
1. Chase County Historical Sketches (Emporia, 1940), v. 1, pp. 24, 25.
14 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
he had taken an active part in the uprisings. By 1854, when the
Bernards left France, nearly three million Frenchmen had been de-
prived of their political rights and over one hundred thousand Re-
publicans had been arrested under one pretext or another. Many
had been banished from the country, while countless others had
voluntarily exiled themselves to escape persecution and to find a
place where personal liberty was assured.
The Bernards lived for a short time in New York City, then went
to Kankakee county, Illinois, where they farmed for about a year.
In November, 1857, they came to Kansas territory and pre-empted
160 acres of land along the Cottonwood river and Cedar creek east
of the present town of Cedar Point. Francis Bernard planned when
he came west to establish a French colony and brought with him a
stock of goods for a trading post. The idea of the post was aban-
doned, however, and he settled down to the life of a farmer and
stockman.
Within a short time, several Frenchmen had settled near by. Jo-
seph and Charles Portry had come in October, just a month before
the Bernards. Francis Godard and Louis Ravenet came in May,
1858, the Bichet family came in August, 1858, and Alexander Louis,
a Belgian, came in October of that year.
The old Bernard home stands on the south bank of the Cotton-
wood near the mouth of French creek. To reach the place today it
is necessary to leave the highway and drive through a field, fording
a creek which is a short distance from the house. The original log
cabin, the home of the Bernards in the earliest days, is still standing
and still sturdy. It is on the very bank of the river. The big house
is in front of the cabin, a bit farther from the river. Part of the house
has been torn down and moved out to the highway where it has been
remodeled into a home for the present occupant of the farm. The
rest of the house has fallen into decay. The huge fireplace built
into the wall between the kitchen and dining room has been removed
but the hearth is still there, and the long covered wood box beside it
has not been disturbed. It is long enough to have been used for a
bed and probably was a great many times.
The barn is standing but rapidly deteriorating. There is enough
of it left to tell that it was well built, with siding both inside and out.
The yard in front of the house is a tangle of weeds, vines and bushes
but here and there are the remnants of flower beds, and the road
leading to the ford is lined with a profusion of trumpet vines. People
who knew the place in the early days remember Mrs. Bernard's
beautifully kept flowers and yard.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 15
Francis Bernard never returned to France, but Mrs. Bernard made
several trips to visit her people, and relatives came out to visit them
many times. Mr. Bernard became one of the most successful farmers
and stockmen of Chase county. He was a stockholder and a director
of the Chase County National Bank from its organization in 1882 un-
til his death in 1910.
Francis Bernard has been described as a large man with a boom-
ing voice. One of his greatest pleasures was to sing the "Marseil-
laise" at the Bastille day picnics. He was a generous man. Although
the Bernards had no children of their own they liked young folks.
They helped the children of many of their neighbors through school
or gave them financial aid for other purposes.
The Bernard home was the scene of many bountiful dinners
cooked in true French fashion. Even after his wife's death, it was
customary for Mr. Bernard to invite his French friends for Sunday or
holiday meals. As late as 1909 the Florence Bulletin carried this
news item:
As usual F. Bernard of the East side entertained on Thanksgiving Day with
a lavish hand. Besides those from a distance about thirty guests enjoyed his hos-
pitality. Mr. Bernard is 88 years old but his heart is still young and his social
entertainments on each recurrent Thanksgiving Day are always the admiration of
his friends and neighbors. The guest who dines with Mr. Bernard always fares
sumptously. 2
Mrs. Bernard died in January, 1903, and was buried in the Cedar
Point cemetery south of town. The following summer Mr. Bernard
had a large stone erected at the site of her grave. The base of the
monument is white granite and the shaft black granite, forming a
pleasing contrast. It bears the following inscription:
Hermance Senevay, wife of Francois Bernard, born in France, November 20,
1833, died January 6, 1903. Came to America 1854, settled in Chase county,
Kan., 1857.
She was the first lady settler in this part of the country. Her death was re-
gretted by her husband and friends.
In the autumn of 1909, Mr. Bernard enjoyed a visit from Hippolite
and Jacques Clair, his grandnephews from Paris. During their stay
the papers carried many items about their activities. They visited
friends of the Bernards in Osage City and Reading. On one occasion
Mr. Bernard, in spite of his advanced age, took them to Cottonwood
Falls to meet his friends there. The young men left Florence on De-
cember 11 and were killed, two days later, in the wreck of a Pennsyl-
2. Florence Bulletin, December 2, 1909.
16 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
vania railroad train at Erie, Pa. 3 Their remains were returned to
Cedar Point and interred in the cemetery there. 4
Francis Bernard died October 24, 1910. Both he and his wife were
buried from the Presbyterian church at Cedar Point although in the
early days they had belonged to the Catholic church. His will is
interesting. It begins as follows:
I give to Cottonwood township the house, barn, corncrib and one acre of
land on which they are situated in Section 33 of Township 20 of Range 6,
commencing at the west line of the section just south of the little creek.
I also give to the same township the S. E. quarter of Section 32 of Township
20 of Range 6 east. I give the above mentioned land and improvements to Cot-
tonwood township to rent or do that which will bring most profit and % profit to
poor of township and % to the preacher of any denomination in said township so
long as they believe in Christ.
I also direct that the officers of said township send a man two days of each
year to clear and clean my lots at the cemetery of Cedar Point, Kansas, and
that every five years they will have the fences painted. 5
Then followed bequests to friends and relatives. Several of the
persons, to whom legacies were given, lived at Osage City. The rela-
tives included Leon and Louise Berton of San Francisco, Cal., a
niece, Clothilde Mes of Seine-et-Oise, France, and a nephew, Fran-
cois Clair, of Paris. The latter died before the will had been pro-
bated.
THE BICHET FAMILY 6
Claude Francis Bichet was born near Dijon, France, February 11,
1812. At the age of 14 or 15 years he enlisted in the navy and served
for 15 years. It was customary in the French navy at that time to
teach each man some trade. Francis Bichet learned the trade of a
"saboteer," in other words a wooden shoemaker. His pay while he
was in the navy was one cent a day.
It is not likely that he was married until after his discharge in
1841. Between the time of his marriage to Sophia Jacques and 1858,
the year in which he migrated to America, Francis Bichet worked for
a farmer near his home for one dollar a week. After his day's work
3. Ibid., December 16, 1909.
4. Since the death of the Clair boys, relatives from France have kept a floral piece in
the cemetery in memory of them. The present one is a wreath with a small statue of Christ
in the center. It is encased in glass with a steel frame set in cement.
5. Francis Bernard's will is on file in the office of the probate judge in the Chase county
courthouse at Cottonwood Falls.
6. Much of the material on the Bichet family was obtained from a sketch written by
Fred A. Bichet of Florence, grandson of Claude Francis Bichet. It was originally written
for the late Victor Murdock who planned to include the French colony in his series of his-
torical sketches of Kansas then appearing in the Wichita Eagle. Mr. Murdock died before
he had an opportunity to use the sketch and it was returned to Mr. Bichet. The writer of
this article owes a debt of gratitude to Mr. and Mrs. Bichet, not only for this sketch, but also
for their friendly interest and invaluable assistance given during the collecting of material
for this story.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 17
in the fields he went home and made wooden shoes. When he had
a wagon load he sold them in the near-by city of Strasburg.
His fondest dream was to bring his family to America. Many
times while he had been in the navy he had visited New Orleans,
New York and other seaport cities in the United States, and he had
made up his mind that he would return there to live. Finally he and
his wife decided they had enough money for the trip and they left
France on February 2, 1858. In the group were Claude Francis
Bichet, his wife, Sophia, their only child, Alphonse, a lad of 12 years,
Mrs. Rosalie Dumartinot and her eight-year-old son, Joseph. After
five weeks in the steerage they arrived in New York. Here a French
agent sent them on to St. Louis where they were to be further ad-
vised about a place to settle. From St. Louis they were sent to St.
Joseph, Mo. Upon their arrival they learned of the Chase county
settlement.
Mr. Bichet spent his last two hundred dollars on an old wagon and
a span of oxen. They set out on the trail to central Kansas. The first
night out one of their oxen wandered off or was stolen. They tried to
find it but encountered so much difficulty in making themselves un-
derstood that they decided to go on with the one remaining. Mr.
Bichet tried to adjust the yoke but it hung down and choked the ox.
The only solution was for someone to walk beside the ox and carry
the other side of the yoke. Mr. and Mrs. Bichet took turns carrying
it all the way to the present Bichet farm, a distance of 180 miles.
Upon their arrival at the small French colony they found a large
group of Cheyenne Indians camped on the land they wished to pre-
empt. Contrary to their expectations, the Indians were friendly and,
at times, even helpful. The Indians stayed on their land for nearly
a year after they came, then moved west.
Until 1862, the Bichets lived in a dugout on the banks of the river.
Then they built a log cabin which is still a part of the present house
on the place. Originally the cabin was covered with walnut siding
cut on the farm. Alphonse Bichet, while not a carpenter by trade,
must have been very handy with tools. The paneled doors and win-
dow frames and the fireplace mantle and trim were attractively fin-
ished and have endured all these years.
In 1875, a two-story stone addition was built. Practically all the
other buildings on the farm are of native stone. About 20 years ago,
John Madden wrote that, "The farm house of native stone, at the end
of a great drive of trees, is a memorial to the Bichet family." 7 Today
7. Florence Bulletin, September 19, 1929.
25517
18 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
the house stands as sturdy and as beautiful as it was when it was
built 75 years ago. The cottonwood trees planted by Claude Francis
Bichet along the drive leading up to the house have grown to an
enormous height. There is probably nowhere in Kansas such a long
avenue of cottonwood trees so tall and straight.
During the early days, the Bichet home, even when it consisted of
one room with a loft overhead, was the first stopping place of many
of the French people coming into the valley. This must have taxed
their hospitality, but each newcomer found a cordial welcome at the
Bichet place.
As soon as he was old enough, Alphonse Bichet started "working
out." His first job was at French Frank's ranch and trading post on
the Santa Fe trail. For wages he received a bushel of corn meal
each month. At the end of the month he carried the meal home
where it was a very acceptable article of food. After Francis Laloge
and Peter Martin sold the ranch, Alphonse worked at other jobs on
the trail. He also did some government scouting.
On March 18, 1875, Alphonse was married to Mary Stewart at the
home of Mrs. Tamiet, the French milliner at Marion Centre. The
big house was not built until later in the year, but he brought his
bride home to live with his parents in the tiny cabin. Mary Stewart
was Irish and she never learned to speak French. The elder Bichets
did not know a word of English but the three soon learned to under-
stand each other perfectly.
In 1883, Alphonse Bichet decided to retire from farming. He
moved into Florence, taking with him his parents and his own fam-
ily, which now consisted of his wife, two daughters, Laura, born in
1876, and Amelia, born in 1878, and his son, Fred A., born April 11,
1880.
Claude Francis Bichet died January 18, 1886, at the age of 74
years. Sophia, his wife, lived nearly 20 years longer. She died July
9, 1905.
After his father's death, Alphonse moved back to the farm for a
few years. In August, 1887, he made a prospecting trip to Pueblo,
Colo., and in September of the same year went to Las Vegas, N. M.,
with the idea of moving west if the country suited him. Several
members of the French colony had gone to Trinidad, Colo., and Mr.
Bichet had some business interests there. The Bichets did not leave
Marion county until many years later.
Alphonse Bichet was a progressive farmer. As early as 1881 he
was experimenting with Clawson wheat. It proved to be a good
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 19
producer in the Cottonwood valley and many of his neighbors
bought their seed wheat from him. He was a Republican and took
a prominent part in the political affairs of the county. He and T. P.
Alexander 8 made many trips from Florence to the county seat to at-
tend Republican committee meetings and rallies. In 1887, Mr.
Bichet was a candidate for the office of county treasurer but was de-
feated by J. W. Moore of Durham Park. He was a charter member
of the Masonic lodge at Florence. As he grew older, Alphonse
Bichet suffered greatly from rheumatism, the result of exposure in
pioneer days. He and Mrs. Bichet began to spend the winters in a
warmer climate. Sometimes they went to Texas, sometimes to Flor-
ida where their son was living, and occasionally to California. In
1923, they moved to San Diego, Gal., where Mr. Bichet died January
27, 1929. He was brought back to Florence and buried beside his
parents in Hillcrest cemetery on September 15 of that year.
In an address at the memorial service, John Madden 9 paid tribute
to his old friend. Among other remarks, he said:
Alphonse Bichet was a man of superior build, very active and strong, a hand-
some blond man. He was a welcome guest in the home of every settler, good-
natured, kindly, very considerate of the needs and wants of his neighbors. He
was loved by all. He was ready to face any danger that menaced the people of
his little frontier. He was a general favorite of the young men of that period.
They all knew he was ready to meet any emergency and to 'saddle and ride any
hour of the day or night to protect the community from raiding bands of Indians,
or lawless white men. ... He was to my mind a fine type of Frenchman.
He embodied all of the finest characteristics of his nation. He could face hard-
ships with courage, always having that abundant hope that would carry him over
rough places. He was part of the soul of France, and one of the finest types of
American citizens that it has been my good fortune to know. 10
Mary Stewart Bichet died July 31, 1940, at her home in San Diego.
She was 81 years of age. When the estate was being settled up
after her death, Fred Bichet n bought his sisters' share of the farm
8. Thomas P. Alexander was born in Eugene, Ind., August 26, 1840. He served in the
Eleventh Indiana infantry during the Civil War. In May, 1871, he and his wife, the former
Esther Stewart, came to Florence where he owned and operated a hardware store for many
years. Mr. Alexander kept a diary from 1888 until the year of his death, 1913 It was
published some years ago in the Florence Bulletin and is a valuable source of information on
the people of Florence and vicinity.
9. John Madden, a prominent lawyer and politician of the state, lived in Marion and
Chase counties from 1865 until 1893 when he moved to Emporia. He studied law under
the Hon. J. Ware Butterfield, of Florence, and was admitted to the bar of Kansas in 1878.
10. Florence Bulletin, September 19, 1929.
11. Fred Bichet, the only son of Alphonse and Mary Stewart Bichet, enlisted in the 40th
Hospital corps, U. S. army, in September, 1899. After he came home from the Philippines
he was on patrol duty on the Mexican border until September, 1902. While he was in
service he had a broken leg, a sunstroke, and, as he expresses it, all the tropical diseases one
man could carry off. Had it not been for this misfortune he might have settled on the old
farm and become a farmer and stockman as his father and grandfather before him. Farm
labor being out of the question he studied pharmacy.
In September, 1905, he was married to Edna Van Way of Winneld. After his marriage
he owned drugstores in several central Kansas towns. About 1907, they moved to Auburn-
20 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
at Cedar Point. In attempting to clear the title, he found that the
patent for the 40 acres in Chase county had never been recorded.
It was necessary to get a copy of the original patent from Wash-
ington before the land could be transferred. The fact that this
farm has been in possession of one family continuously since 1858
is an unusual record for land ownership in that part of Kansas.
Louis RAVENET, GENTLEMAN
Louis Ravenet settled in what is now Doyle township of Marion
county in May, 1858. He lived there for a number of years on his
farm along the Cottonwood river west of Cedar Point. His name
appears in the census reports up to 1870 and in records of land
transactions for a year or two longer. John Madden, in an article
on the French colony, says that Ravenet
was a man of culture, wellborn, and like Victor Hugo an exile. The coup d'etat
of Napoleon was distasteful to him so he found his way to Kansas. His old farm,
joining the Bichet land on the west, had a setting of wood, valley and stream.
The wood extended up to the steep escarpment of a rocky hill on the south side
of the river and was one of the beauty spots in the Valley. The old log cabin is
gone and so is the cultured gentleman who filled it with books and works of art. 12
Louis Ravenet was long spoken of with an air of mystery. That
his name was not really Ravenet and that he had returned to France
to reclaim his estate when the Third Republic was established, was
a favorite story when the Frenchmen of the valley got together to
talk over early times. Mr. Madden did not believe that the name
was assumed. He says rather that Louis Ravenet was "a gallant
gentleman who bore the Raven in his family crest since the days
of Rollo the Norman 'Chevalier sans peur, et sans reproche.' "
JOHN BRENOT
John Brenot was another early settler about whom we know very
little. There seems to be no record of the date of his settlement on
the creek which still bears his name. One of his children, buried in
the Cedar Point cemetery, died September 3, 1858, so he was living
there at least that early. The Bruno creek bridge on Highway 50S is
dale, Fla., where they lived for a number of years. In the 1920's they lived for several years
in San Diego, Cal., where Mr. Bichet was general foreman of the operating department of the
city. Florence, Kan., is now their home although they spend many of the winter months in
the South.
Their only son, Stewart A. Bichet, was born in Florence, December 14, 1906. He studied
civil engineering at Heald College, Oakland, Cal. After graduation he worked with the
U. S. engineers in the building of the Harvey locks at New Orleans, the Vermillion locks on
the Intercoastal canal in Louisiana, and the Calcasieu river channel from Lake Charles, La.,
to the Gulf of Mexico. During World War II he supervised the construction of the air base
to defend the Panama canal at Kingston, Jamaica. It was here he contracted the tropical
disease which caused his death on February 23, 1948. He left his wife, the former Celeste
Reynes, of New Orleans, and two children, Fred A., II, and Betty Ann.
12. Chase County Historical Sketches (Emporia, 1940), v. 1, p. 91.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 21
practically on the Marion-Chase county line. John Brenot built his
cabin a short distance up the creek in what is now Marion county.
In 1860 this locality was designated as Marion township of Chase
county. John Brenot and his wife were the only native French
people living in the township in that year.
The Brenots were the only settlers on the creek in 1861. They
were not far from the small French settlement on the Cottonwood to
the south but north and west of them there were no settlers for
many miles and then only a few families at the present site of
Marion.
On January 10, 1861, snow fell to a depth of two feet and remained
on the ground for a whole month. Because of the extreme cold and
lack of forage, buffalo came into the valley by the hundreds. On
January 20 a buffalo hunt was organized. C. C. Smith 13 and O. H.
Drinkwater, 14 living near present Cedar Point, killed six of the ani-
mals just north of the John Brenot farm.
During the Civil War, John Brenot freighted for the government.
In August, 1864, he was hauling corn to Fort Lyon. While he was
encamped at Cow creek ranch, probably in present Rice county, the
Indians attacked the train. His two teamsters, William Crammer
and another man whose name is unknown, were out herding the
oxen. They narrowly escaped death. William Crammer was badly
wounded. The Indians killed 24 head of Brenot's oxen. He also lost
a good pony which had been a gift to his wife from her father. 16
John Brenot has been described as a short, dark man, restless and
quick tempered. There were six children listed in the census of 1875
and at least two had died. In 1879, they moved to Franklin county,
perhaps to Silkville, although no record has been found. A year or
two later they went to California where John Brenot died within a
few years. Mrs. Brenot and some of the children came back to visit
a time or two but no one has heard of the family for many years.
13. C. C. Smith came to present Chase county, Kansas, in 1856 and settled in the
Cottonwood valley near Cedar Point. He acquired considerable wealth as a farmer and
stockman and at the time of his death, August 4, 1918, was said to have owned some 2,000
acres of valley land. Ibid., pp. 391, 392.
14. Orlo H. Drinkwater came from Pennsylvania to Kansas in 1855 and located near
Topeka on land owned by Abram Burnett, chief of the Pottawatomie Indians. He took an
active part in the Free-State movement. In the fall of 1857 he settled in the Cottonwood
valley. In his diary, excerpts of which are printed in the Chase County Historical Sketches
(Vol. 1) he says: "There were very few white settlers in the Cottonwood Valley at that
time. It was government land but was the hunting grounds of the Kaws, Osages and other
reservation Indians that lived farther east. The country was full of deer and antelope and
wild turkeys, and sometimes buffaloes came into the Valley." O. H. Drinkwater laid off
the town of Cedar Point and had a post office established on his farm in 1862. He built
and operated the first mill at Cedar Point. He died October 8, 1912. Ibid., pp. 183-186.
15. Emporia News, August 20, 1864.
22 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
THE Louis FAMILY
The only Belgian to settle permanently in the colony during the
territorial period was Charles Alexander Louis. He was born in
Brussels in December, 1828. In 1854, he came to the United States
and lived in Wisconsin until October, 1858, when he came to Chase
county. Alexander Louis and Eliza Jane Creamer were married at
El Dorado, March 4, 1865.
Mrs. Louis was born in Indiana, June 15, 1848. When she was 11,
her parents moved to Missouri and a few years later removed to But-
ler county, Kansas. The Louis' lived in Butler county for a short
time, then moved to a farm on the Marion-Chase county line south of
Cedar Point. In 1868, they took a claim three miles east and one
mile north of Florence. This was their home for the remainder of
their lives. Alexander Louis died February 17, 1907. Mrs. Louis
died March 15, 1932.
There was a large family, mostly boys. 16 Mrs. Louis was an in-
valid for many years, so much of the responsibility of raising the
family fell upon Mr. Louis. When the children were small he not
only did his own work in the fields but had to do the housework, the
cooking, canning, washing and caring for the family.
During the period of the Civil War the colony did not grow. The
Kansas state census for 1865 lists only eight French and Belgian
families living in Doyle and Cotton wood townships. They were:
DOYLE TOWNSHIP, MARION COUNTY
Name Age Occupation Place of Birth
Laloge, C. F. 31 Rancher France
M. 28 Ohio
Kansas
France
Belgium
Indiana
France
France
Kansas
Kansas
Kansas
France
France
France
France
France
16. Six of the Louis' sons, John, Alex., Charles, Emil, Ed and Fred settled near Florence,
Rudolph lived in Barber county for many years. Mary E. Louis, the oldest daughter, married
Robert Stewart, a nephew of Mrs. Alphonse Bichet. She died in Trinidad, Colo., in 1890.
Jessie, the youngest daughter, married Ed Schroer and lived in Marion county.
F.
Martin, P.
Louis, Alexander
E.J.
COTTONWOOD
Brenot, J.
M.
L.
J. M.
C. F.
Hallock, N.
J. A.
Bichet, F.
S.
A.
1
41 Farmer
34 Farmer
28
TOWNSHIP, CHASE COUNTY
34 Fanner
24
4
3
1
66 Farmer
38
53 Farmer
45
18
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 23
Dumartinot, R. 43 France
J. 13 France
Bernard, F. 43 Farmer France
H. 30 France
Joseph and Charles Portry, Eugene and Rosanna Gurer, Francis
Goddard and the Frachets, listed in the 1860 census, had left the
community. Presumably Louis Ravenet was missed by the census
enumerator because he lived on his farm in Doyle township until
after 1870. Hallock is probably a misspelling of Hallotte. They
were relatives of Mrs. Francis Laloge. A Joseph Hallotte married
Lucinda Cramer in Chase county on November 15, 1866. A John
Hallotte also lived in the valley in the early days. He was a govern-
ment scout for many years.
THE LALOGES 17 AND PETER MARTIN
Francis Laloge and Peter Martin began farming in the Cotton-
wood valley in 1864 or 1865. Their stories are interesting. Francis
Laloge, with 15 other young men, left France June 10, 1857. They
landed at New Orleans July 22. Francis took a partner, Peter Mar-
tin, another young Frenchman who had probably come to America
on the same ship. Both got jobs at a baker's shop and worked for
a year. Then they went to Louisville, Ky., where they worked for
another year. In July, 1859, they came to Kansas and Peter Martin
got a job on the Santa Fe trail. Francis Laloge went on to Pike's
Peak to dig for gold. He stayed there about a year, spent all his
money and walked back to Kansas.
After his return Laloge got a job at one of the stations on the
Santa Fe trail. In 1861, he quit this job and started a trading post
on a ranch at Cottonwood hole a few miles south and west of
Moore's ranch at Cottonwood crossing. These two ranches, with
a third owned by a man named Smith at Lost Springs, were the
only ranches on the Santa Fe trail in what is now Marion county.
The Laloge store was known as French Franks. Peter Martin again
became his partner and together they ran the post for several years.
Martin usually stayed at the ranch while Francis Laloge went west
to trade with the Indians or east into Chase county to buy produce
for the store.
On one of these trips he met a young French girl, Mary Eugenie
Hallotte, who had come from Ohio with her parents in 1860. On
May 10, 1863, they were married at the home of J. Hallotte in the
town of Cottonwood.
17. Information on the Laloge family was obtained, in part, from sketches by Claude
and Francis Laloge in the Chase County Historical Sketches, v. 1, pp. 266-269.
24 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
The Laloges returned to the ranch on the trail to live. By this
time the Indians on the frontier were becoming hostile. "French
Frank" was accustomed to trading with them and had always found
them friendly but the Indians who came to the trading post now
were insolent and demanding. One day Satanta and some of his
braves came in and threatened the lives of the traders. Laloge told
them that if they did not leave he would blow up a keg of powder
even though it meant death to all of them. The Indians left but he
knew they would soon return and would not be so easily frightened
again. In a short time he had a chance to sell the ranch and the
Laloge family and Peter Martin moved to farms near Cedar Point.
The Laloges bought a farm at the junction of Cedar and Coon
creeks in 1869. This was their home for the remainder of their lives.
Francis Laloge died there June 30, 1899, and Mary Hallotte Laloge
died on February 14, 1911.
Mr. Laloge was township treasurer for a number of years and
served as county commissioner one or two terms. He took a promi-
nent part in the various French societies that were organized through
the years.
There were five sons in the Laloge family: Joseph, Francis,
Claude, Peter, and Louis who died in infancy.
Peter Martin took a homestead on Cedar creek. On March 1,
1868, he was married to Rosalie Dumartinot, a widow, who with her
son, Joseph, had come to Kansas with the Bichets in 1858. Rosalie
Martin died December 3, 1872. Soon after her death, Peter Martin
left the community and no one now remembers where he went or
whether he was ever heard from again.
After the arrival of the Laloges and Martin, no more French peo-
ple came into the valley until late in the 1860's. The Civil War
stopped practically all foreign immigration. Also, conditions on the
Kansas frontier were such that settlers from other states were not
attracted to the area.
THE 1860's: FRONTIER LIFE, AND INDIAN DEPREDATIONS
Living conditions in the little settlement during the first few years
were difficult. The nearest grist mill was at Emporia, some 60 miles
distant. Supplies had to be hauled from there or from Council
Grove which was only a few miles closer. After the Bichets built
their house in 1862, they used blankets at the windows. Finally they
decided to put in real window frames and panes. Alphonse was sent
to Council Grove for them. He went with a neighbor, but after they
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 25
got to the Grove, the neighbor decided to go on to Leavenworth with
his team. The boy bought the windows and walked the entire dis-
tance back home with them on his shoulders. His son, Fred A.
Bichet, of Florence, still has these windows, although they have been
replaced in the house itself.
During drought years the buffalo came off the plains, foraging for
food. Hay stacks had to be fenced against them so the farmers
would have feed for their livestock. Except for the dry year of 1860,
there were no crop failures because of lack of rain. The land in the
Cottonwood valley is rich, fertile and well-watered.
The Indians, comparatively friendly in territorial days, became a
source of annoyance, if not an actual menace, during the Civil War
and for several years afterwards. Francis Bernard, in later years,
often told the story of one of his encounters with the Red men.
One day five or six Indians came to his cabin and demanded to see
his wife. Perhaps, because Mrs. Bernard was one of the few white
women in that part of the country, they really wanted only to see her,
but Mr. Bernard, fearing for her safety, could not be sure. He told
them she was away from home for a visit. Barring the doors and
windows of the tiny cabin, he had Mrs. Bernard crawl between the
two feather mattresses on their bed and there she stayed for three
days. The Indians waited outside, peering through the window at
frequent intervals to see whether he had told them the truth. When
it came time for him to eat his meals he ate at the edge of the bed
so he could give Mrs. Bernard some of the food as the opportunity
arose.
The French colony was on the fringe of settlement. O. H. Drink-
water, one of the earliest settlers on the present townsite of Cedar
Point, had a fortified building which was frequently referred to as
Fort Drinkwater. Here the settlers gathered for protection when
there was an Indian scare. On several occasions, when the reports
were particularly alarming, they went on to Shafts, about ten miles
above Cottonwood Falls. On July 20, 1864, Ed Miller, a young boy
of Marion Centre, was sent to take a message to the E. P. Waterman
family at Running Turkey ranch on the Santa Fe trail west of Cotton-
wood crossing. 18 Ed stopped for a few minutes at French Frank's
ranch. Alphonse Bichet who was working there at the time rode a
mile or two with him then turned back to the ranch. He was the last
person to see the boy alive. Three days later a searching party
18. Marion Record, January 11, 1912.
26 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
found his body near the present Marion-McPherson county line. He
had been killed and scalped by the Indians.
Until late in the fall of that year there were numerous Indian
scares. The Emporia News reported on July 30, 1864:
We have just recovered from one of those incidents of our present unsettled
conditions, "a scare." It did not come from the Bushwhackers this time, but
from the Indians on the plains. From the demonstrations at different times this
summer from the Indians, it was easy to make the people believe that the reports
were true.
The direct cause of the alarm here was the following dispatch from Col.
Smith, of the 8th militia, dated at Cottonwood Falls, on Sunday night, and ad-
dressed to Col. A. J. Mitchell, of the Eleventh militia:
"The reports are very alarming from the upper Cottonwood in regard to the
Indians. The settlers have all left their homes, and are in camp at Shaft's, ten
miles above here. Twenty-five men are killed as far as heard from. Every man
in Chase, Butler and Marion will be in the saddle tonight. We expect you to
help us, and that at once, as the case is one of urgency. Morris county militia
will all be on the road tonight. Should you see fit to send a detachment, send
up the Cottonwood to the crossing of the road, and there you will get informa-
tion to control further action. Don't fail to help us, as there is great danger.
The Indians are already on the head of Cottonwood. Gen. Wood is out of the
District, and I think you are in command of the 5th District. W. S. SMITH,
Col. 8th K. S.M."
This distpatch arrived here about 2 o'clock Monday morning, and Col.
Mitchell and Lieut Col. Bunch both being absent at Leavenworth, was sent to
Major Abraham. He immediately called out the regiment, and at an early hour
Monday morning was on his way, with nearly two hundred men, up the Cotton-
wood. The forces consisted of parts of Co. A, under command of Lieut. Hum-
phrey; Co. B, under Capt. Elliott; Co. C, under Capt. Campbell; Co. D, under
Capt. Hill; and Co. H, under command of Lieut. Borton. Co. E, under Capt.
Harper, and Co. F, under Capt. McGinnis, followed in the evening. Lieut. Wil-
son, who is stationed here with part of Co. A, 15th Kas. Cav., also started early
in the morning. In the meantime reports kept coming in of the frightful state of
affairs. A lady came from Smoky Hill, stating that the Indians had commenced
murdering the settlers in that region. Another report was that a large train was
corralled between Cow Creek and the Arkansas, and were being starved out, and
that the Santa Fe stage had been captured, and the Indians had possession of
Fort Lamed, etc., etc.
The command under Major Abraham proceeded to the Santa Fe crossing.
They found a good many settlers at Shaft's, as stated by Col. Smith. Some had
got over the scare and returned to their homes, while others were about to do so.
The command arrived at the Cottonwood crossing Tuesday evening, at 6 o'clock.
The Santa Fe stage had arrived a few minutes before and reported that they had
seen no Indians between that and Fort Lamed. They had passed about 300
militia from Chase and Morris counties, who had turned back. Major Abraham
and Lieut. Wilson being unable to hear any news that would warrant them in
going on, and the former having no provisions, they turned back, and arrived
home Thursday about noon.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 27
It seems there was some grounds for these rumors. The Indians had run off
all the horses and mules at all the ranches and stations between the Cottonwood
crossing and Pawnee Fork, and several persons have been killed. A band of
Indians was seen several miles below the Cottonwood crossing of the Santa Fe
road, and it is supposed they were scouts, and when they saw the demonstrations
on the part of the people and military authorities, reported to the main body,
when the trains were released and the red-skins scattered. There is no doubt
but that the plains in that direction are full of Indians, and they must be watched
very closely to prevent great mischief. Great credit is due the militia for the
promptness with which they turned out, and the determination which they
evinced to meet the Indians and drive them back had they really invaded the
settlements. This demonstration on their part shows they are ready to defend
their homes.
On September 10, 1864, the Emporia News reported, "We are in-
formed that the settlers in Marion county, west of here some sixty
miles, are leaving their homes and coming this way for protection."
The settlers around Cedar Point again assembled at "Fort Drink-
water" and from there went to Cottonwood Falls.
This is the last recorded evidence of Indian trouble in the Cotton -
wood valley. For several years, however, marauding bands of In-
dians came at night and stole cattle and horses. The Indian depre-
dation claims, on file in the U. S. office of Indian affairs, list the
names of many of the Cedar Point farmers. Alexander Louis and Al-
phonse Bichet were among those of the French colony who filed
claims for stolen or damaged property. Some of these claims were
disallowed but some were paid by the Federal government as late
as 1898.
In one raid in 1867, a large number of horses were stolen from the
valley by the Keechie ( or Kichai ) Indians. Alphonse Bichet, O. H.
Drinkwater and several others, whose horses were taken, followed
the trail and found their horses near the present site of Wichita. They
were able to recover nearly all of them. Stories of the recovery have
become legend. One version is that the men found another tribe
camped near the Keechies, approaching these Indians they offered
$5 for every horse returned to them. That night the camp of the
Keechies was raided and practically all of the stolen horses were de-
livered to the Cedar Point men.
THE 1870's: NEW ARRIVALS
Louis E. Berton, the son of Francois Claude and Jeanne Marie
(Bajard) Berton, was born in Paris, France, June 6, 1852. When
he was 17 years of age, he came to America to visit his uncle Francis
Bernard. A few years later he returned to France to bring his
28 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
mother to this country. In 1880, they were living on a farm in
Cottonwood township, Chase county. On March 10, 1881, he was
married to Marie Leonie Marcelot, the daughter of a French farmer
living near by.
Mrs. Berton, the mother of Louis E. Berton, died September 2,
1882, and was buried in the Cedar Point cemetery. Some time later
Louis E. Berton and his wife moved to California. Mrs. Berton's
father, Paul Marcelot, and his two children, Melanie and Henry,
went with them.
Paul Marcelot had come to this country from the Department
de L'Yonne, Ville de Vezelay, France. His wife died during the
voyage to America and was buried at sea. Arriving in New York
with his three motherless children, he set out to bring them to
central Kansas. He bought a farm in Doyle township and farmed
there until 1882 when he went to California with the Bertons. Paul
Marcelot later went to Panama to work for the French company
which was then attempting to build a canal across the Isthmus. He
died there August 5, 1887.
Marie Leonie Berton died in Napa county, California, September
2, 1887, and her sister a year later. Both died of tuberculosis.
Henry Marcelot, their brother, died of the same disease many years
later.
Louis E. Berton died in San Francisco, February 19, 1902. His
children, Leon and Louise, are the last descendants of the two
French families, Berton and Marcelot, who once lived in Kansas.
They live in San Francisco at the present time. 19
Other names in the French colony in 1870 were: Rassat, Teuta,
de Pardonnet, Fortuna, Marcou, Stiker and Ferlet. Jack Teuta was
the only one of this group who lived in the neighborhood for the
remainder of his life.
Frank Rassat and his wife, Josephine, and the Stikers lived there
for some 15 or 20 years. We know nothing more of Jacques For-
tuna. The Ferlets, Stephen Marcou, George de Pardonnet and
Frederick Teuta soon left but all had interesting histories.
FRENCH INNKEEPERS: THE FERLETS
August Ferlet was born in Burgundy, France, in 1831. He mar-
ried Rosa Garcon in Paris in 1858 and they lived in LeRoi, France,
for four years. In 1862, they came to America, landing at New
Orleans. Their first home in the United States was at Farmington,
19. Information on the Berton and Marcelot families was furnished by Louise Berton in
a letter dated, San Francisco, Cal., October 7, 1949.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 29
Wis. In 1870, they came to Kansas and homesteaded a farm north
of Cedar Point.
In 1873, August Ferlet was sued by Stephen Marcou for possession
of a heifer which Ferlet thought Marcou had given him nearly
three years before. Marcou denied the gift and thus started one
of the most unusual lawsuits Chase county has ever had. The case
was tried before one court and then another until finally one jury
found in favor of Ferlet, and some $150 in costs were assessed
against Marcou. Marcou appealed the case to the district court.
Col. S. N. Wood and Father Perrier, of the Catholic church,
worked on the case and finally solved it in this fashion:
All the suits are dismissed, Marcou paying half the costs $166.77
Ferlet keeps the heifer and donates to the Catholic church at Cedar
Point 20.00
Pays half the costs 166.77
His own attorney fees 100.00
Total $453.5420
The account in the paper goes on to say that "the heifer was sold
last week for $16.00 on six months credit." The costs in the case
would have been considerably more if Stephen Marcou had not
acted as his own attorney.
By the time the case was .settled, August Ferlet was ready to
leave the country. Having received an offer to teach French in a
college at Staunton, Va., he rented his farm and left, with his
family, for that place in May, 1873.
Just two years later, the Ferlets returned to Chase county and
settled in Cottonwood Falls. On May 16, 1875, they purchased
the Falls House, one of the early-day hotels in that town. The
Falls House was remodeled and enlarged, apparently with the idea
of attracting the drummer trade. The first floor contained an
office, a sample room and a sitting room. The second floor had
bedrooms and a parlor. The hotel, renamed the Union Hotel,
proved to be one of the most popular stopping places for travelers
in central Kansas. The Florence Tribune for January 3, 1885, says
that "A. Ferlet ... is one of the most genial hosts in our
knowledge. He has held his custom through times of misfortune
as well as in seasons of plenty, and the steady increase in his travel-
ling custom is the best testimony of his agreeable accommodations/'
One of the early employees at the Union House was James E.
Hurley. He came to Cottonwood Falls in 1875 looking for a job.
20. Chase County Leader, Cottonwood Falls, May 9, 1873.
30 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
August Ferlet hired him but before he began work Mrs. Ferlet
took the half -starved boy to the kitchen and fed him. At first Jim
Hurley did odd jobs around the hotel. One of his first jobs was to
get two of Mrs. Ferlet's chickens out of a well. After working for
hours to get them out they hit upon the idea of lowering one of
the Ferlet boys down in one of the well buckets. He rescued the
chickens and carried them to safety.
The Ferlets found Jim Hurley dependable and agreeable. He
soon advanced to driver of the Union Hotel bus. After a few
months, during which Hurley won many friends for himself and
the hotel, he quit his job and became baggage man at the Santa
Fe station. This was the beginning of his career as a railroad
man which was to lead to the general managership of the Atchison,
Topeka and Santa Fe Railway Company.
August and Rosa Ferlet took some months off for visiting and
sightseeing in 1893 but they came back to run the hotel until Au-
gust's death, May 2, 1899. Mrs. Ferlet died on August 30, 1917.
They had four children. 21
THE ERRATIC MR. MARCOU
We do not know when Stephen G. Marcou settled in the Cotton-
wood valley. He was living in Doyle township with his mother,
Constance, in 1870. He was then 31 years of age.
Of his activities in the valley, we know little except for his part
in the lawsuit with August Ferlet which has already been described.
On May 24, 1871, he wrote a letter to Governor Harvey saying that
he had called at his office that day and, finding the governor away,
had left letters from A. A. Moore of Marion Centre, and O. H.
Drinkwater of Cedar Point. 22
21. The Ferlets children were: Anatole, Leopold, Edward R. and Rosalene. Anatole or
"Tony," as he was always called, learned the printer's trade under W. A. Morgan, editor of
the Chase County Leader. He left Cottonwood Falls at an early date and, after working in
St. Louis for a few years, went to San Antonio, Tex., where he established a job printing es-
tablishment. He was so successful his brother, Leo, joined him in the business. Later they
moved their printery to El Paso.
Tony Ferlet was killed many years ago in an accident caused by a runaway team. His
brother continued the business. Leo Ferlet was a charter member of the El Paso Rotary Club.
When the club celebrated its quarter-century anniversary some years ago he was given a
silver plaque for having a perfect attendance for the entire 25 years.
Edward R. Ferlet farmed in Greenwood county after he left home. In 1900, he returned
to Cottonwood Falls and operated a hardware store. Six years later he again left and even-
tually settled in Kansas City, Mo., where he was engaged in the real estate business for
many years.
Rosalene Ferlet, the only one of the children born in Cottonwood Falls, took a secretarial
course when she finished high school. She worked in Topeka for several years. Just before
World War I she took a trip to France. After the war she secured a secretarial position with
Anne Morgan in her rehabilitation work in France. When that job was ended she stayed on
in Paris with some of her mother's people. She was working for the Adams Express Company
when she died, quite unexpectedly, in 1929. She was buried in Paris.
22. The Marcou correspondence is on file in the Archives division of the Kansas State
Historical Society.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 31
Marcou further stated that he was on his way to France to lecture
in the principal cities on the subject of Kansas and her opportunities
with the object of inducing the immigration of French people to the
state. He asked the governor to write to President Grant asking
for a letter of recommendation to Elihu Washburne, then United
States minister to France. Marcou was on his way east and he asked
the governor to address his reply in care of F. I. Doremus, Chatham,
Morris county, N. J.
We have no record of Governor Harvey's reply but he must
have been agreeable to the project because, on June 5, 1871,
Stephen G. Marcou was appointed Kansas emigration agent to
France.
If Mr. Marcou went to France at this time, he did not stay long.
On September 25, 1871, the Marion County Record reprinted an
item from the Poughkeepsie ( N. Y. ) Daily Press to the effect that
Stephen G. Marcou, a resident of southwestern Kansas, delivered
an address from the city hall steps to the working men of the city
urging them to "go west." Marcou's whereabouts for the next few
months are unknown, however, so he may not have gone abroad
until after he was in Poughkeepsie.
How successful Marcou's lectures were in inducing Frenchmen
to migrate to Kansas is not known. In 1873, a French family settled
in Marion Centre and the Marion County Record says that they
came as a result of Mr. Marcou's recommendation.
In the summer of 1873, Marcou took up his residence in Marion
Centre. He was not destined to remain long but there is little doubt
that he was one of the most enterprising men who ever lived there.
First, he set himself up as an attorney. He offered his professional
services free to anyone who was unable to pay. Every court docket
listed several cases in which Marcou represented one side or the
other. Several times he acted as his own attorney as he had done
in the Marcou-Ferlet case. On some occasions he defended his
fellow countryman, John Brenot, whom he always referred to as
"My friend, John Brenot."
One would suspect that Marcou went out of his way to create
situations out of which lawsuits might arise. One time John Brenot
was arrested for a minor infraction of the law. There seemed to be
no easy way to get him out of his difficulties. A few days later
the sheriff, Samuel Howe, was sued for false arrest and imprison-
ment. Marcou had discovered that no bond had been filed for the
sheriff for that term of office. The matter was referred to the
32 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
governor who, after consulting with the attorney general, advised
Mr. Howe to resign. He was thereupon reappointed by the gov-
ernor and a proper bond posted. In the meantime the charges
against Brenot had been dropped.
Marcou was a brilliant and clever lawyer but his tactics were of-
tentimes the despair of the other lawyers practicing in Marion Cen-
tre at that time. E. W. Hoch, in the Marion County Record for De-
cember 29, 1876, repeated this courtroom incident:
Marcou was opposed by A. E. Case, 23 then a practicing attorney, now cashier
of the Cotton wood Valley Bank, and his partner, S. R. Peters, 24 now judge of the
District. Mr. Case, in his quaint way, dryly expressed the belief, that if Marcou
should die and go below, he would get up a row and be expelled from old Nick's
domains within a week. The ready-witted Frenchman quickly retorted, that if
Case should go there, the devil would do as Mr. Peters had done go into part-
nership with him.
Mr. Hoch added that the joke had never been published before
and if any newspapers wished to copy it they should do so at once
for he had an idea Mr. Case would make a desperate effort to sup-
press it.
Not content with his law practice, Marcou opened a real estate
office. He ran large advertisements in the Marion County Record
and the Chase County Leader. He advertised land in Chase and
Marion county and town lots in Marion, Florence and Cedar Point.
For several weeks he ran his advertisement in English, German and
French. Apparently he advertised well because in one week he re-
ceived 47 letters of inquiry about property he had for sale.
In October, 1873, Marcou set up a sales agency. Included in his
advertisement in the Record for November 22, 1873, were one yoke
of No. 1 Texas work cattle, one threshing machine, four thousand
fence posts. On January 10, 1874, the paper reported that S. G. Mar-
cou has contracted for space for his sales agency and added, "His
sales agency has already become a permanent institution . . .
and that in connection with his land and law business would swamp
almost any other man."
23. Alexander E. Case was born at Canton, Bradford county, Pa., October 1, 1838, the
son of Ephraim and Mary (Bothwell) Case. He served in the Union army from 1861 to
1865. In 1866 he came to Marion Centre which at that time consisted of 13 log shanties.
Mr. Case became the first county surveyor and in 1869 platted the present townsite of
Marion Centre. He was admitted to the bar and served for a time as county attorney of
Marion county. In the early 1870's he was appointed Santa Fe land agent and was instru-
mental in settling many Mennonite groups in that section of Kansas.
On December 12, 1868, he was married to Mary Moulton. She died in 1880 leaving two
sons, Rosse and Frank. On June 25, 1884, he was married to Maria H. Wooster. He died
January 3, 1929. Marion Record, January 10, 1929.
24. Samuel Ritter Peters located in Marion Centre in 1873 and practiced law there for
a short time. In 1876 he was judge of the ninth judicial district. He was prominent
politically in Kansas for many years.
MRS. FRANCIS BERNARD
(1833-1903)
FRANCIS BERNARD
(1821-1910)
ALPHONSE BICHET
(1846-1929)
MRS. ALPHONSE BICHET
(1859-1940)
FRANCIS LALOGE
(1831-1899)
Pictures courtesy of Fred A. Bichet
of Florence.
MRS. AUGUST FERLET
(1837-1917)
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 33
Mr. Marcou evidently was not "swamped" because he found time
to make speeches and write lengthy letters for publication in the
local papers. He also found time to compile and publish a 15-page
pamphlet entitled Homes for the Homeless. A Description of Mar-
ion Co., Kansas, and the Cottonwood Valley, the Garden of the State.
It was printed in the offices of the Marion County Record. 25
His speeches were, for the most part, made for the benefit of the
Catholics in Marion Centre and vicinity. They were attempting at
this time to organize and build a church in Marion Centre. On Janu-
ary 3, 1874, the paper reported that there had been a meeting of the
Catholics to discuss the problems of erecting a church building. Ad-
dresses were made by Messrs. Marcou, Brenot, etc. A Marion Cen-
tre Catholic Church Association was formed with a capital stock of
$1,000. Trustees for the first year were Jno. M. Henn, Chas. Verling
and S. G. Marcou. A contract was let for the building and some time
later a small frame building was erected.
Marcou's pet dream for Marion Centre was to have sidewalks in
the business district. Some of the merchants had built walks in front
of their stores but they were not uniform in height or width and the
spaces in between were muddy when it rained. The only way to
have proper sidewalks was to have the town incorporated. Marcou
began talking and writing incorporation. When the rains came he
donned seven-foot stilts and walked about the town on them to tan-
talize the opponents of his incorporation scheme. He apparently
talked sidewalks everywhere he went, because on February 20, 1874,
the Chase County Leader had this to say:
S. G. Marcou, formerly of this county but now of Marion Centre, came near
losing his life by drowning, one day last week. While crossing Main street, in
that town, he stepped into a mudhole, the bottom of which had fallen out, and
but for the providential proximity of some logs, which were shoved out to him,
he would now be in that bourn from which no lawyer was ever known to return.
Things were not going too well with Mr. Marcou. In March, he
intimated that he was having trouble with what he called the "Mar-
ion Centre ring." His advertisements ceased to appear in May and
the Chase County Leader for the 22, carried this item: "S. G. Mar-
cou, the erratic, has left Marion Centre and gone to Colorado. Some
time ago he said he would bust the ring in the Centre or get busted,
and from the unceremonious manner of his leaving we suppose the
latter event happened."
25. A copy of the pamphlet is in the Library of the Kansas State Historical Society.
35517
34 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Thus Marion Centre lost one of her most colorful citizens. Ste-
phen Marcou dressed in the height of fashion, it is said, and was al-
ways immaculately groomed. He drove a "spanking pair" of horses
hitched to an elegant buggy but he lived in a dugout on the banks of
Mud creek. He had dreams of making Marion Centre over into a
charming village such as those he remembered in France. He was
eccentric and, at times, unethical, but he must have been sincere else
he would not have put forth so much effort to attain his ideals.
So far as it is known he was never heard of again except on one
occasion. In 1876, A. A. ( Lank ) Moore wrote that he had "recently
seen Stephen Marcou, ex-realestate man from your town. I saw him
on the summit of the highest mountain on the Pacific slope, headed
west, and looking hearty and fine."
GEORGE DE PARDONNET: PROMOTER OF IMMIGRATION
George de Pardonnet lived in the Cotton wood valley seven years,
probably from about 1867 to 1872. Governor Harvey appointed
him special immigration agent in Europe for Kansas in 1872. At the
same time he was to act as agent for the Missouri, Kansas and Texas
Railroad Company which was attempting, as were the other rail-
roads in Kansas, to induce foreign residents to come to Kansas to
settle on their lands.
The appointment was made by the governor with the under-
standing, on de Pardonnet's part at least, that the Kansas legislature
would follow up the appointment with an appropriation to finance
the project. For some reason the legislature did not co-operate.
George de Pardonnet went to Europe confident that the appro-
priation would be forthcoming. He established an elaborate office
at 2 Rue d' Amsterdam in Paris. On June 9, 1874, he wrote Gov-
ernor Osborn:
. . . The results I have obtained during the last fortnight are excellent. I
shall send off a lot of French emigrants on the 10th and 15th of this month and
every day for the last month I have been sending off one or two families regu-
larly for Kansas, nearly all of them with sufficient means to start at once, and
many good and intelligent workmen.
For the end of the month I have a large quantity of German and Swiss emi-
grants whom I engaged at Basle and a certain quantity of Alsacian-Lorraine and
Belgians who will leave by Antwerp. 26
He also wrote that he had started, at his own expense, a special
agency at Antwerp exclusively for the State of Kansas. His assist-
ant at this agency was his youngest brother-in-law, Frederick
26. The de Pardonnet correspondence with the governor is on file in the Archives divi-
sion of the Kansas State Historical Society.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 35
Teuty, who had been with him when he lived on his farm in the
Cottonwood valley.
De Pardonnet had spent, so he wrote, several thousand dollars
of his own and, in addition, part of Madame de Pardonnet's fortune.
The only help he was getting from Kansas was $225 a month from
the M. K. & T. "irregularly payed."
In a letter to Governor Osborn dated August 1, de Pardonnet
complained that
certain French residents of Topeka 27 who have a long time entertained a deep
hatred for me have said, written and had published in New York and Europe,
that I was not Special Immigration Agent in Europe for the State of Kansas
. . . in spite of my three commissions, the first signed by your predecessor,
Hon. J. M. Harvey, who knows me well and the last by yourself 15 February,
1873; 9 February, 1874.
As a result of these articles de Pardonnet had been called in by
a French government official and asked to explain his position.
This he had been able to do satisfactorily.
In spite of these difficulties, de Pardonnet still expected to con-
tinue his work. He had by then expended $6,000 of his own money
and established agencies in France, Switzerland, Belgium and Italy.
He had caused to be printed "thousands and in many languages"
pamphlets, views and cards upon Kansas. One of these pamphlets
is in the collection of the Kansas State Historical Society.
Within a week after this letter was written, on September 7, 1874,
Governor Osborn revoked de Pardonnet's commission. A certified
copy of the revocation of the commission was sent to Hamilton
Fish, Secretary of State of the United States, asking him to forward
it to the proper authorities in France.
Secretary Fish replied that, in view of the fact that de Pardonnet
was not an officer of the government of the United States, it was not
within its province or that of any of the agents of the United States
in France to communicate the revocation to any authorities in
France. In an unofficial and private letter he explained that some
European countries, especially Germany and France, had shown
a repugnance to agencies from the United States or elsewhere pro-
moting or soliciting emigration from their areas. On several oc-
casions agents had been arrested and forced to leave the country.
27. The letters referred to by de Pardonnet were signed by M. A. Campdoras and Louis
Laurent. They claimed that he was sending numerous indigent Frenchmen to Topeka with
the promise that they would be provided for by the French people of Kansas. We do
not know how many came or what became of them. De Pardonnet does not mention Dr.
Campdoras in his letters but says that Laurent's actions were prompted by personal hatred for
liizn*
36 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
George de Pardonnet and several of his friends wrote Governor
Osborn asking him to reconsider the revocation of the commission.
S. Lang, 28 a French businessman of Leavenworth, wrote a lengthy
letter to the governor on November 12, 1874. He praised the work
of M. de Pardonnet and lamented the fact that so much zeal and
arduous labor in behalf of the state of Kansas should have been so
poorly rewarded. He named a number of prominent men, includ-
ing the Hon. Mr. Stover, J. W. Simcock, Dr. A. J. Beach and Judge
Huffaker, who stood ready to vouch for de Pardonnet. The entire
French population of Leavenworth, Mr. Lang wrote, backed him in
his support of the former agent.
There is nothing in the governor's correspondence to indicate
that any of these letters were ever answered. On May 30, 1875,
Dr. A. J. Beach, of Council Grove, wrote Governor Osborn asking
that a statement be made as to the reason for de Pardonnet's dis-
missal. The governor replied, "The action of this office was based
upon the fact that there is in existence no statute authorizing such
a commission. Charges of a serious character were preferred
against M. de Pardonnet but for the reason above stated the com-
mission was revoked."
So far as we can determine, George de Pardonnet did not return
to Kansas to live. There is no record of the number of immigrants
he induced to come to Kansas. Several new families came to the
Cottonwood valley in the early 1870's and some of them may have
been influenced by his advertising. The Missouri-Kansas-Texas
Railroad Company has no record of the activities of M. de Par-
donnet as land commissioner and immigration agent of the com-
pany nor do they believe that there was any substantial coloniza-
tion of French people on their lands in Kansas. Many records of
the company's predecessor, the Missouri, Kansas & Texas Railway
Company, were destroyed when the station and office building at
Parsons burned many years ago. 29
28. Sylvain Lang was bom in Nantes, France, in 1837. He came to America in 1857
and lived for a year at Louisville, Ky. He went back to France and served his required
time in the army then, in 1863, he came to the United States and settled in Leavenworth.
He was engaged in the wine and liquor business for a number of years. He took a very
active part in organizing French residents of this section into societies. In 1886 he succeeded
in uniting the French societies of the United States into a national organization and served
as president for three years. In recognition of his services Mr. Lang was appointed French
vice-consul of Jackson county and the state of Kansas. He served in this capacity until
his death April 12, 1900. Sylvain Lang was a frequent visitor in Florence. Emil Brus, also
well known to members of the French colony, was appointed vice-consul to succeed Mr.
Lang. Kansas City Times, April 13, 1900.
29. This information was furnished by N. A. Phillips, secretary of the Missouri-Kansas-
Texas Railroad Company, in a letter dated November 23, 1949.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 37
Miss Nell Blythe Waldron, in her thesis, "Colonization in Kansas
From 1861 to 1890," says that Kansas gained not more than 50
permanent settlers and that the project failed,
not because the French did not want to emigrate nor because Kansas could not
receive them but because the wrong man was sent as agent. Pardonnet was of
the aristocracy and the French Republicans who were in Kansas resented his
dealings with the humble folk to whom he undoubtedly misrepresented condi-
tions in Kansas.
THE GAZES AND FIRMINS
Gustave Gaze and his sister, Leonie, settled in Doyle township
in 1875. He was then 22 years of age and his sister about three
years older. He filed his intentions to become a citizen at Marion
Centre on December 15, 1875, and received his final papers April
29, 1881. Shortly before the latter date Gustave Gaze made a
trip to France. It was rumored in Florence that he had been taken
into the army but the report was untrue.
On May 8, 1884, he was married to Mme. Ernestine Ayral, the
widow of Francis Ayral. The Ayrals had come to Kansas some
years previously but Francis Ayral had returned to France in 1883
because of ill health and died there. Gustave Gaze took his bride
to France for their wedding trip. They spent two months visiting
friends and relatives, returning to Florence early in August.
For several years before his marriage, Mr. Gaze had been associ-
ated in business with his brother-in-law, Emile Firmin. Mrs. Firmin
was a sister to Gustave and Leonie Gaze.
Emile Firmin was born on October 11, 1846, in Ispagnac, depart-
ment of Lozere, France. He was the son of Firmin Firmin and his
wife, Marguerite Sophie Bouncil. From the age of 11 until he was
18, Emile Firmin attended the college at Mende, France, near his
home. In 1870, he was graduated from the Paris law school. Dur-
ing the Franco-Prussian war he served as a lieutenant in General
Bourbaki's division in eastern France. After the war he returned to
his native department and served for five years as notary of the town
of Chanac. In France, a notary is of much greater importance than
in any other country. He not only acts as witness in the signing of
documents but draws up all contracts, mortgages and other deeds
and conveyances where the property in question amounts to more
than 150 francs. In 1875, Emile Firmin's attention was attracted to
Kansas by a pamphlet published in France, probably the one written
by George de Pardonnet. Six years later, he and his wife joined their
relatives near Florence.
38 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Both Emile Firmin and Gustave Gaze had considerable means and
they were shrewd businessmen. They soon became important fac-
tors in the political and economic affairs of Florence and vicinity.
For many years the large tract of land east and north of the river
and south of the present Highway 508 was owned by Firmin and
Gaze. As the town expanded, part of this tract adjoining the river
was subdivided into lots. After it was incorporated into the city, it
was known as Firmin & Gaze's addition. They owned other land
around Cedar Point and Florence and considerable land in western
Kansas.
In July,, 1883, Messrs. Gaze, Firmin and Ayral completed arrange-
ments for the construction of an opera house in Florence. The con-
tract was let to J. M. Anderson of Emporia. The estimated cost of
the building was between $14,000 and $15,000 and was to be com-
pleted by January, 1884. It was to stand on the southwest corner of
Main and Fifth streets and to be three stories in height. The first
floor was designed for a store building to be occupied by Tucker &
Chandler's Dry Goods Company. The second floor front was to be
used as offices. The third floor front was to be fitted up for stage
dressing rooms while the balance of the building above the first floor
was to constitute the main gallery of the opera house which would
seat over eight hundred persons. The front of the building was to
have iron columns and French plate glass for the first story and
above that "modern improvements" and galvanized iron cornices.
The Florence Herald for July 21, 1883, in the feature item describing
the proposed opera house, stated that it was to be the finest and larg-
est between Emporia and Denver. The editor of the paper also com-
mended the three gentlemen who were financing the project which
would give Florence a much needed meeting hall, adding that it was
all to be built with Frenchmen s money.
The opera house was formally opened on January 24, 1884. For
the opening night the managers secured the popular Louis Lord
Dramatic Company and the play to be presented was "The Linwood
Case." The Hon. J. Ware Butterfield opened the festivities with a
short address in which he noted the remarkable advancement that
had been made by the town of Florence. He mentioned the fact
that the town was indebted to French capital and public spirit "for
this substantial evidence of genuine interest in the success of his-
trionic pursuits."
During the next few years many different dramatic companies and
musical troupes played at the Florence Opera House and it was used
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 39
by the local people for programs, balls, etc. Usually the traveling
companies gave two performances and they were as a rule, well at-
tended. In a little over a year, three different companies presented
Uncle Toms Cabin and each played to a capactiy house. The third
performance, the Boston Double's Uncle Toms Cabin, nearly ended
in tragedy.
In the third act two donkeys were brought upon the stage. One
of them stumbled and knocked over one of the footlights. The lamp
broke and oil ran over the floor and back under the stage. The oil ig-
nited and, for a few moments, the fire spread rapidly. In attempting
to smother the flames under the stage, one of the men broke through
and narrowly escaped falling to the floor of the dry goods store be-
low. The fire was finally put out, and although part of the audience
had gone home, the play continued to the end. The lessee of the
theater informed the people of Florence that in the future like acci-
dents would be guarded against by keeping a barrel of water f
buckets and blankets near the stage during every performance. At
that time the city of Florence had no fire-fighting equipment, so the
fire could have caused considerable damage if it had not been
controlled.
On May 12, 1891, the opera house did burn down but it was at
night when the place was empty. It was rebuilt in a few weeks by
Firmin and Gaze and the building is still in use in Florence.
EMILE FIRMIN: KANSAS AGENT IN FRANCE
In 1888 the congress of the United States authorized the several
states to send representatives and exhibits to the industrial exhibition
which was to open in Paris in May of the following year.
Later in the year Emile Firmin wrote to L. U. Humphrey, gov-
ernor-elect of the state, asking that he be considered for the appoint-
ment as Kansas commissioner to the exhibition. 30 He said that he
had been not only an observer but also a student of Kansas climate,
soil and products. He had given the matter his attention for the pur-
pose of better informing the French people of the advantages of the
great and growing state. He proposed to put the results of his study
in the form of a printed pamphlet for these reasons:
First. To correct some erroneous impressions among the more desirable
classes of our foreign population speaking French relative to Kansas, and
Second. To furnish such information to the business and moneyed classes of
France that will induce more of them to unite their abilities and means with
30. The Firmin correspondence is in the Archives division of the Kansas State His-
torical Society.
40 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
ours in still further achievements in the line of commercial prosperity and so-
cial progress instead of wasting their time and means in unsuccessful efforts in
the crowded portions of the East.
Mr. Firmin felt that a pamphlet in the French language would be
beneficial because he recalled that it was through such a channel of
information that he was first attracted to this country.
Several petitions urging the appointment of Mr. Firmin were sent
to the governor. One was from Rush county where Emile Firmin
was well known, another was signed by a number of businessmen of
Florence and prominent men from over the state. A third petition
came from the French colony at Florence and read as follows :
To the Governor and Members of the Kansas Legislature:
In pursuance of the direction embodied in the following resolutions we trans-
mit herewith the expression of our people on a subject of much importance to
the State-
WHEREAS, Congress by resolution and legislative appropriation, has made
provision for representation of the United States at the World's Exposition to
be held in Paris, France, commencing in May next, and has invited the several
states of the Union to participate therein, and
WHEREAS, the French people of Marion county, Kansas, constituting the larg-
est French colony in the State, are desirous of increasing that class of immigra-
tion from their country that represents the more diversified industries as well as
means sufficient to develop them in Kansas, and
WHEREAS, Mr. Emile Firmin, of Florence, Kansas, has for several years given
special attention and study to the question of increasing the variety of our in-
dustries in direct adaptation to the climate, soil and seasons of the State, there-
fore be it
Resolved, That the French colony of Florence and Marion county in public
meeting assembled hereby express their deep interest and confidence in the
practicability and importance of Mr. Firmin's ideas and energy in the direction
indicated, and indulge the hope that our young and marvelous State will add
new progress to her achievements by the inauguration of a system of immigration
marked by an intelligent discrimination in favor of those who are better fitted to
take their places among the industrial and commercial classes, and whose means
will enable them to give greater assistance in the development of our natural
resources, and be it further,
Resolved, That His Excellency, the Governor and the Honorable Senators and
Representatives of our Legislature, be solicited to give this matter their favorable
attention and to take such action in regard thereto as will give to Mr. Firmin's
efforts the greatest possible influence in bringing within the borders of Kansas
more of the classes whose positions in life make them desirable and important
factors in all the elements of social and commercial progress, be it also
Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing be presented to the Governor and to
each branch of our State Legislature and that our Senators and Representatives
be urged to give this enterprise their approval and active support.
COMTE DE PINGRE DE GuiMicouRT, President.
ERNEST GINETTE, Secretary.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 41
S. Lang, then French consular agent for Jackson county, Missouri,
and the state of Kansas, wrote a personal letter of recommendation
to the governor. J. Ware Butterfield 31 and J. B. Crouch of Florence
spent almost the entire month of February in the legislature in To-
peka working for the passage of the bill which would authorize the
appointment of a Kansas agent to the French exhibition.
On March 2, 1889, the bill was signed by the governor. In brief,
the duties of the Kansas commissioner were to act in conjunction
with the United States commissioner general to the fair in all matters
touching the interests of the state; to disseminate information about
the state; to issue invitations for participation in the exhibits; to ap-
portion the space placed at his disposal.
The legislature acted on Mr. Firmin's suggestion and provided
further that the said commissioner was to prepare and have printed,
in the French language, for distribution at the exposition ( said print-
ing to be done by the state printer), a pamphlet containing a con-
densed history of the state presenting such information as would
tend to enlist the interest and secure the citizenship of the best class
of enterprising and thrifty immigration.
The sum of five thousand dollars was appropriated for the project.
The law was published in the official state paper March 7, and on
the same day, Governor Humphrey appointed Emile Firmin to the
position. Thus, for the third time, a Frenchman from the Cotton-
wood valley was sent abroad by the state of Kansas for the purpose of
encouraging Frenchmen to leave France and settle in Kansas. This
time the Kansas agent went with the consent of the United States
government, the approval of the Kansas legislature and the good
wishes of a great many of the people over the state who seemed to
be genuinely interested in the undertaking. On the whole the ap-
pointment of Mr. Firmin brought favorable notices from the press,
although Sol Miller and one or two other editors were dubious of the
measure. While the primary purpose of the law was to have Kansas
represented at the exposition there is no doubt that Mr. Firmin and
other French residents of the state were much more interested in the
immigration angle.
31. J. Ware Butterfield was bom at Andover, N. H., February 24, 1838. He attended
Colby Academy, Dartmouth College and was a graduate of Dane Law School at Harvard.
He practiced law at Boston, Cambridge and Memphis, Term., until the Civil War when he
served as captain in the Twelfth New Hampshire volunteers. He came to Florence in 1873
and opened a law office. In 1891 he moved to Topeka where he practiced law and acted
as correspondent for several Eastern newspapers, reporting the legislative war of 1893. He
served as representative from Marion county from 1883 to 1886. Mr. Butterfield died at
Topeka, June 12, 1915. Topeka State Journal, June 12, 1915.
42 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
In addition to the pamphlet written by Emile Firmin on the en-
tire state, material was solicited from the various French groups in
which their particular section of the country would be described.
On March 30, the French- American citizens of Marion and Chase
counties met at the Florence Opera House to organize a society.
A second purpose was to discuss the measures necessary to attract
the greatest number of French immigrants who would undoubtedly
come as a result of Commissioner Firmin 's efforts.
The organization of the society was made by the selection of
the following officers: Count de Pingre, president; Francis Ber-
nard, first vice-president; Joseph Lalouette, second vice-president;
E. Ginette, secretary; C. F. Laloge, treasurer, and Alphonse Bichet,
Gustave Gaze, August Lalouette, A. Ferlet and Jules Reverend,
executive committee.
It was decided to publish a special pamphlet showing the ad-
vantages of farming in the Cottonwood valley and informing the
French people interested in migrating that they would find many
of their own countrymen in the valley where they would be ex-
tended a cordial welcome.
The society proposed to raise $300, the amount necessary for
printing at least 10,000 copies of the pamphlet. About $200 was
given at the time.
At the conclusion of the meeting Mr. Firmin, in behalf of him-
self and his wife, extended an invitation to all those present to
bring their families and be his guests at a banquet, concert and ball
commencing at 7:30 that evening in the auditorium of the opera
house.
There were over 60 people present in the evening. The supper
was cooked and served in true Parisian style, the waiters attired in
French costume. Count de Pingre presided at the table as master
of ceremonies. After the dinner and speeches by several of the
guests, a concert and ball followed under the management of Mr.
and Mrs. Ginette. Miss Bataille and Louis Guyot added their
talent to that of the Florence artists.
Among the guests were Mr. and Mrs. Paul Bartholomey and Mr.
and Mrs. Brus, wealthy French people of Kansas City, Mo. These
two families were friends of the Firmins, Gazes and other members
of the French settlement at Florence and frequently visited in
Florence.
Emile Firmin, his wife and son, arrived in Paris on April 28 where
he began his work immediately. From time to time various phases
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 43
of his activities were reported in the newspapers of the state. He
wrote letters to the governor, and Kansas people who visited the
exposition brought back favorable impressions of what he was
doing.
The Firmins stayed in Paris a year. While there, the little boy
died and Mrs. Firmin was seriously ill for some weeks. On May
29, 1890, a few weeks after their return to Florence, Emile Firmin
sent a detailed report of his work to Governor Humphrey. It is from
this report that we learn of his accomplishments abroad.
Mr. Firmin had received his appointment too late to make ar-
rangements for space for any agricultural or industrial exhibits from
the state. He did enter some of the state publications and some
others of an industrial nature. The Sixth Biennial Report of the
Kansas State Board of Agriculture received a gold medal and the
Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Labor and Industrial Sta-
tistics was awarded a silver medal.
Fifty thousand copies of the Kansas brochure had been printed.
Of these 44,000 had been taken to France, 5,000 were distributed
in the United States and 1,000 were retained for use in connection
with future correspondence with French homeseekers. The copies
taken to France were placed in public libraries, clubs, hotels, public
reading rooms and sent to individuals. In addition Mr. Firmin had
supplemented the information in the pamphlet by articles written
for publication in the French journals both in Paris and in the
smaller cities of France.
Emile Firmin had corresponded with persons in charge of sev-
eral of the leading geographical societies of France, Belgium and
Switzerland, and the Societe de Geographic Commerciale de Paris
had honored him by asking him to become a member. His rela-
tions with this society were very cordial. He was asked, upon two
different occasions, to give lectures on Kansas and his name is
mentioned frequently in the society proceedings for the year he
was in Paris. Mr. Firmin found editors and society managements
willing to publish reliable information about the development and
progress of the state of Kansas and it was his intention, if possible,
to continue to contribute to these newspapers and periodicals after
his return home. In several instances he was able to correct some
rather startling misstatements then appearing in regard to Kansas.
At the suggestion of Franklin G. Adams, secretary of the Kansas
State Historical Society, Mr. Firmin arranged exchanges of periodi-
cals with ten of the leading learned societies. It is interesting to
44 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
note that several of these exchanges were continued until the
time of World War I. The books taken to France for exhibit, and
several others more local in character, were presented to the
Library of the Societe de Geographic Commerciale de Paris.
As a result of his efforts, Mr. Firmin received some 2,000 applica-
tions for further information about Kansas. He had hoped, when
he went to France, to interest people with education, skill and
money so that, if they did come to the state, they could help de-
velop the vast resources here. He believed that he had been suc-
cessful.
Emile Firmin found, however, that there were two principal ob-
stacles with which he had to contend. First, the impression that
public sentiment in the United States was unfriendly to foreign im-
migration and that stringent laws were being enacted to restrict it,
and second, the great effort and monetary inducements of the South
American countries being made at this time to attract French immi-
gration made a great many people less interested in coming to the
United States.
Mr. Firmin sought to find new industries for Kansas from among
those suggested by the vast and varied exhibits of the exposition.
He thought that the growing of Ramie or China grass from which
textiles could be manufactured would be profitable here and sug-
gested greater encouragement of beet culture believing it to be an
industry of great promise to Kansas. At the time of the exposition
irrigation projects for western Kansas were important issues. At
the governor's suggestion Emile Firmin talked with several irrigation
experts who were in Paris at the time and sent home considerable
literature on the subject.
In concluding his report, Mr. Firmin acknowledged the uniform
kindness of the French press and people toward his mission and
thanked the governor for his co-operation in the undertaking.
Several days before Emile Firmin left Paris the French minister of
public instruction conferred upon him the decoration of "Officer d'
Academic" for his labors in the dissemination of international knowl-
edge of social geography and commerce. Mr. Firmin did not men-
tion this honor in his report.
There is no doubt that Emile Firmin advertised Kansas among his
countrymen. The energy and earnestness of his work won the re-
spect and admiration of the French people. The attitude of the
country toward emigration agents had changed considerably since
George de Pardonnet went to France in 1871.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 45
Le Radical, one of the leading papers of Paris, in its issue of No-
vember 22, 1889, commented upon this change in attitude and goes
on to say:
We read lately in a pamphlet found at the Exposition, an appeal from a group
of our countrymen living in the State of Kansas, the purpose of which is to show
the advantages of that country to the farmer, the mechanic, and the capitalist of
France. What an astonishing country is that Kansas. Here is a publication due
to the labor of one of our countrymen who has come as a representative of that
state, and shows it to us in a high and incessant state of development. Its popu-
lation has increased tenfold in twenty-five years, it has doubled its railroad mile-
age in four years, and the pamphlet shows that from 1884 to 1888 the value of
property increased from $240,000,000 to $300,000,000 and all this in the com-
forts of the highest civilization.
Where is this Kansas? will be asked when reading this. Exactly in the
center of the United States there where the maps of our boyhood placed the
great American desert. The development of that country, in view of its former
reputation is thereby more remarkable. Therefore we think it our duty to call
the attention of the French people to this pamphlet and we thank our country-
man from Kansas for this initiative.
Julius Van Beck, a German publicist, wrote Mr. Firmin from
Vienna that he had read his excellent book and intended writing
some articles on Kansas for various journals in Austria and Germany.
He added that he would be very happy if he could make some
friends for Mr. Firmin's "marvelous country/'
Other journals wrote complimentary articles about the commis-
sioner's work at the exposition. In addition to the many letters Mr.
Firmin received in France there were dozens of queries sent directly
to Florence. Several of the people who wrote said they would be
ready to start to this country a year or two later.
We have no way of knowing how many French families came to
Kansas as a result of Mr. Firmin's efforts but there is no indication
that they came in any large numbers. Only five or six families came
to the Cottonwood valley during the early 1890's and some of them
did not stay to become permanent residents. It was not surprising
that Emile Firmin failed in this aspect of his mission. Due to condi-
tions both in Europe and in the United States immigration had
sharply declined before 1890 and after that date very few people
from Central Europe came to Kansas.
Two weeks before Emile Firmin arrived home, two distinguished
visitors came to Florence. 32 They were Paul de Rousiers, a French
author of note, and George Reviere, an artist. Sent to this country
by the publishing firm of Firmin, Didot, et Cie., of Paris, they were
32. Florence Bulletin, April 25, 1890.
46 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
gathering material for a book which was to serve as a guide and in-
structor to French visitors to the World's Columbian exposition to be
held in Chicago in 1893.
It had not been Mr. de Rousiers' intent to examine any of the coun-
try between Chicago and the Rocky Mountains but after reading the
Kansas pamphlet and talking with Mr. Firmin he decided to make
one stop in Kansas. Believing that the Kansas commissioner had
preceded him, he made Florence his objective. Although they were
disappointed that Mr. Firmin had not yet arrived, the two men
stayed in Florence nearly a week. They visited the horse and cattle
ranch of the Makin brothers, the sheep ranch of F. A. Wells, the
farms down the Cottonwood, the Danish settlement in Summit town-
ship, the Mennonites at Hillsboro, and other places of interest in
Marion and Chase counties. Paul de Rousiers was very favorably
impressed with the vast and valuable lands in central Kansas, their
comparative cheapness and the conditions that would make it pos-
sible "for a newcomer to start with a few hundred dollars, industry
and economy, and in a few years gain a competency in life." A copy
of Mr. de Rousiers' book American Life, translated by A. J. Herbert-
son, is in the library of the University of Kansas. Naturally, in a
book of this type, names of individuals are not mentioned but he
does make one comment about the French colony in Kansas which is
of interest. He says:
One day I was with a Frenchman who had settled in Kansas a long time ago.
After a long walk over the grounds he said to me, after proudly glancing around
him, "you see, Sir, what I have done here. In the time of the Indians I began
with my two arms, defending my cattle and crops against them; sometimes sell-
ing my plough-oxen to get a few measures of flour, to keep me from starving; and
yet I never learned anything but my trade of cabinet making in my home in Bur-
gundy." I asked him if many of his neighbors began farming for the first time
on their homesteads. "Why, down in that valley through which you came to
get here," he replied, "one farmer was once a waiter, another a salesman at Pyg-
malions in Paris, a third a journeyman printer from New York, another is an old
Norwegian sailor, who deserted, and I can point out to you an advocate, old
soldiers, merchants and so on."
The cabinetmaker of whom he was speaking was undoubtedly
Francis Bernard and several of the people he mentioned are easily
identified among the members of the French colony.
EMILE FIRMIN: PLAYWRIGHT
Emile Firmin wrote a play in 1892. The theme was drawn from
the vagaries of the American social and political system as seen
through French spectacles. He engaged a professional theatrical
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 47
company to produce it and expected, following the initial perform-
ance in Florence, to send it on the road.
"Col. Granger," Emile Firmin's four-act play, was scheduled to
be produced for the first time at the Florence Opera House on
March 26, 1893. A distinguished Frenchman, M. Mital, on an
official tour of the United States, was visiting in Florence the week
before the date set for the performance. Being somewhat of a
dramatic critic himself he read the play, pronounced it good, and
extended his visit so that he could see it produced.
The opening night was quite a social event in Florence. The
producing company did an excellent job of acting but the audience
did not take kindly to Mr. Firmin's play. As Jay E. House, then
editor of the Florence Bulletin, wrote: "It treads too harshly on the
corns of the American people to ever become a money-making
production in its present form. People do not go to play houses
to have their dearest follies and foibles laughed to scorn."
Many years later Mr. House was writing a column entitled "On
Second Thought," for the Topeka Daily Capital. One day he made
the Firmin play the theme of his column:
Contrary to the general impression E. W. Howe's Story of a Country Town
is not the first play by a Kansan to be staged and produced by a regular theatri-
cal company. Twenty years ago there lived on a farm on the outskirts of Flor-
ence, Marion county, a Frenchman named Emile Firmin. Firmin was a man of
marked ability. In France he had been a distinguished lawyer. . . . Fir-
min was interested in the drama and built the first and only "opera house" in
Florence. By and by he wrote a play and it was produced by a traveling com-
pany doing a three nights stand in that locality. The writer witnessed the first
performance of the piece and wrote the only criticism of it ever embalmed in
print and take it from one who attended its untimely demise, it was a pippin.
Technically it was almost, if not quite, flawless, and it had all the natural ele-
ments of a successful drama. But in writing the play Firmin had smashed every
idol the American people hold dear. He took the hide off the old soldiers and
the pension plan, a much more heinous offense then than now, slammed the
church and rasped the clergy, ridiculed our social and religious conventions,
and burlesqued our political gods. Wherever a pimply spot showed on the
surface of our body politic there Firmin trampled with both feet. In the origin-
ality of its conception and the cleverness and keenness of its satire the mark of
genius showed clearly. But it wouldn't do and we knew it. After the perform-
ance those of us who were his friends led the author away beseeching him to
make such changes in it as would make it acceptable to American audiences.
But Firmin was obdurate. He wouldn't change a line nor a phrase. And so,
the child of his fancy went into the scrap heap without reaching the dignity of a
second performance.
48 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
In June, 1902, another of Mr. Firmin's plays was produced in
the Opera House. This too was a satire on our social life. It was
a one-act play entitled, "Marriage in Chicago." According to the
Marion County News Bulletin, Florence, for June 12, 1902: "It is
safe to say that Mr. Firmin has placed more marriages and divorces
in the short space of eighteen minutes than the average Kansas
judge could carry through in as many months." Perhaps because the
scene was laid in Chicago or because the theme was not so vital this
play seemed very clever and amusing. It was received much better
than "Col. Granger" had been.
The Firmins moved to town in 1892. At first they lived in the
upper story of a building they owned at the corner of Main and
Fourth streets. Later they built a house in the Firmin & Gaze ad-
dition east of the river. Mr. Firmin made a great many trips to
western Kansas where he still owned land. He and Gustave Gaze
owned considerable land east of Florence and they devoted much
of their time to improved methods of farming. They specialized
in the breeding of Hereford cattle and built up quite a large herd.
They had a large vineyard which yielded quantities of grapes of
excellent quality each year.
In March, 1904, Messrs. Firmin and Gaze announced a sale on
their farm later in the spring. They offered 190 head of Hereford
cattle, most of which were purebred. They also advertised
their town lots for sale.
Mr. and Mrs. Firmin and Leonie Gaze left Florence about the
middle of May to return to France to live. Gustave Gaze and his
wife left later in the same month for Kansas City where their
daughter, Camille, was in school. They expected to make a rather
extended tour of the East and then sail for France in July. The
Gazes planned, when they left Florence, to stay in France for about
three years during which time Camille would finish her education
and then return to Florence to live.
Neither family ever came back to the United States. From time
to time friends in Florence received letters from one or the other
of the families. In 1905, Emile Firmin wrote H. J. Reverend that
he and Gustave Gaze had joined another American in the manu-
facture of prepared milk for commercial purposes, the milk being
reduced to a powder.
Emile Firmin died April 19, 1914, at his home at La Garenne-
Colombes, near Paris.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 49
Camille Gaze married Roger Deletang who died in 1925 at the
age of 39. At the time of his death he was mayor of the village
of St. Georges des Boillargeau in the department of Vienne, France.
Mrs. Deletang never remarried and now lives at Poitiers, Vienne.
She writes occasionally to one or two people in Florence. A year
or two ago she asked a friend to send her some popcorn. She re-
membered it from her childhood at Florence and her grandchildren
had never had any.
[To Be Concluded in the May Issue]
45517
Robbery on the Santa Fe Trail in 1842
THOMAS FITZPATRICK (c!799-1854) was well-known as a
trapper and guide in the year he wrote the following letter. The
incident he describes occurred on the Santa Fe trail, probably in
present Pawnee county, as Fitzpatrick was returning to St. Louis
after two years spent in leading emigrant parties to Oregon.
The letter, and related papers, are to be found in the superinten-
dency of Indian affairs "Records," v. 8, pp. 109-111, in the Society's
manuscripts division.
ST Louis NOVEMBER 28, 1842
Sir:
I take the liberty of laying before you a case of robbery commited on me
by the Pawnee Indians, on the the 28th ulto; about three hundred miles
from Independence on the Arkansas river. I left Fort Scott (Columbia river)
August 20" in company with one man for the U. S. and that I might more
easily avoid the Sioux & Chiennes (who are now considered hostile) I left
the usual route and came by Messr. Bent & St. Vrain's trading post on the
Arkansas from which to the settlement I anticipated little or no danger;
however about half way between that place and Independence I met with
a war party of the Pawnees coming from the Sioux, they at first appeared
perfectly friendly, but on our attempting to leave them and continue our
route, they showed symptoms of hostility and in a scuffle which ensued they
got possession of my gun, in the mean time my travelling companion fled
and I have not since heard from him, I was therefore left at the entire mercy
of the Savages, and they made good use of the power they then possessed
as they rifled me of all my travelling equipage, save my horses which they
politely returned to me; they did not leave me wherewith to make a fire,
which you know is very inconvenient and one of the greatest privations. I
will herein enclose a bill of the articles they robbed me of, in order that I
may obtain redress according to the laws existing on that subject. The loss
I have sustained is very trifling, but the insult is very great to have occurred
as it were on the very borders of the Settlement.
I have appeared before a magistrate of this city, as you will perceive, &
have sworn to the correctness of the enclosed bill; however, I will make some
remarks on the different articles for your satisfaction. They are all priced
and set down at what I believe they cost me, except the Spy glass which
would be worth here about fifteen dolars, but in the Indian country I
could at any time get a good horse or forty dollars for it. There were^many
other articles amongst my losses which I could make no estimate of and there-
fore left out altogether, such as Indian curiosities, many curious petraf actions,
mineral Specimens &cc
Y Ob St.
[Signed] THOS. FITZPATRICK
(50)
ROBBERY ON SANTA FE TRAIL IN 1842
51
I). D. MITCHELL Esq.
Supt Ind Aff
Memorandum of articles taken from the undersigned Oct 20, 1842 by
Pawnee Indians, Arkansas river, viz:
One double barrel & twist gun $50.00 Five cotton & Gingham sheets
One spy glass 25 .00
One Super broad cloth dress
coat 34.00
One french Merino frock coat 18.00
Two vests $4.50 & $7.00. ... 11.00
Two pr. pantaloons at $5 . 00
ea 10.00
Three linen shirts at $3.50 ea 10.50
at $1.50 ea $7.50
Powder lead & percussion caps 8.00
Shot pouch, belt &c 3.00
One Spanish riding saddle 10.00
One Razor case with four
blades fitting into one
handle 5.00
Blankets, bear skin &cc for
bedding 15.00
$207.50
Fitzpatrick's affidavit, which has not been published here,
adds only two items of information, that his companion was named
"Vandusen," and that the Pawnees numbered "about twenty."
When the Indians met their agent at Council Bluffs on June 2, 1843,
they admitted taking all the items except the shot pouch and belt.
The matter was finally settled by reimbursing Fitzpatrick from
the Pawnee annuities.
The Annual Meeting
'TVHE 75th annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society
-L and board of directors was held in the rooms of the Society on
October 17, 1950.
The meeting of the directors was called to order by President
Charles M. Correll at 10 A. M. First business was the reading of the
annual report by the secretary.
SECRETARY'S REPORT, YEAR ENDING OCTOBER 17, 1950
At the conclusion of last year's meeting, the newly elected president, Charles
M. Correll, reappointed Robert C. Rankin and Milton R. McLean to the execu-
tive committee. Mr. CorrelTs term also expired and in his stead he ap-
pointed Wilford Riegle of Emporia. The members holding over were John S.
Dawson and T. M. Lillard.
BUDGET REQUESTS
Appropriation requests for the next biennium were filed with the state budget
director in October. Among the increases and special appropriations asked
for were the following:
An additional cataloger for the library, the first since 1921; $1,500 for new
lights in the reading rooms; $2,000 for repairing and restoring oil paintings
and other pictures; and $1,000 a year additional for the contingent fund.
Requested for the Memorial building were: another janitor; $1,000 for
rewiring and installing modern equipment in the main switchboard; $6,000
for overhauling the heating system and insulating steam pipes; $4,000 for
painting; $700 for repairs to the skylights and the roof; and $500 for repairing
the west steps and repointing stone work.
An increase of $1,000 a year in the maintenance fund at the Old Shawnee
Mission was requested. This is for repairs to the buildings, for painting and
wallpapering, for grading and seeding the grounds and for five new large
metal signs.
LIBRARY
During the year 3,179 persons did research in the library. Of these, 1,197
worked on Kansas subjects, 1,279 on genealogy and 703 on general subjects.
Numerous inquiries were answered by letter and 108 packages on Kansas
subjects were sent out from the loan file. A total of 6,197 newspaper clippings
were mounted from papers covering April 1, 1949, through June 30, 1950.
They came from the seven daily papers which are read for clipping, and from
six special historical editions and 1,069 duplicate papers.
A number of gifts of Kansas books and genealogies were received from
individuals. Typed and printed genealogical records were presented by the
Kansas Society of Colonial Dames and the Daughters of the American Revolu-
tion. Gifts from the Woman's Kansas Day Club included books, manuscripts,
museum pieces, and clippings, pamphlets and pictures on old churches.
Microfilm copies of the following books were added to the library: History of
(52)
THE ANNUAL MEETING 53
Rawlins County by Claude Constable, Early History of Chapman by J. B.
Carpenter, Historical Atlas of Kansas by Robert P. Marple and History of the
National Group Settlements in Republic County, Kansas, by Ida Lucretia Smith.
PICTURE COLLECTION
During the year 566 pictures were accessioned. Nearly 6,000 new cards
were made for the picture catalog, covering illustrations and pictures of indi-
viduals from county atlases. New pictures of particular interest are: three
original pen and ink sketches of the Old Shawnee Methodist Mission by Harry
Fenn; five original pencil sketches of territorial Kansas by H. W. Waugh, in-
cluding scenes of Leavenworth and Lawrence; an oil portrait of David D.
Leahy by the late Ed L. Davison of Wichita, given by Mrs. Davison. A
scrapbook containing 86 photographs of carriages, some with the fringe on top,
mail wagons, delivery wagons and early automobiles, was given by Mrs. Ralph
W. James of Topeka. Many of the carriages were made to order by the
Rehkopf Brothers of Topeka. Three photographs of old Fort Wallace were
given by Mr. Al Sears of Topeka.
ARCHIVES DIVISION
Work on the new archives stacks is now nearly complete. Pending their
installation, no effort has been made to secure new accessions. However, the
following were added during the year:
A collection of 318 volumes from the insurance department. Some of these
will be destroyed, having no permanent value, and others are being microfilmed.
The statistical rolls of Kansas counties for 1943, amounting to 1,933 volumes,
from Kansas State College.
A file of the state architect's weekly "News Letter," beginning in 1949. This
is a valuable record of the state's huge building program.
The minutes of the board of managers of the house of representatives in the
impeachment of Judge Theodosius Botkin in 1891. It came from David H.
Coons of Stockton, Cal., a son of the secretary of the board.
A collection of 170 rolls of negative microfilm, containing records of births,
still births and deaths in Kansas from 1947 to the present. This film is held for
safe-keeping for the board of health.
The Society's project for microfilming archives has made good progress.
During the year ending September 30, 90 volumes of election returns, 1861-
1930, and 819 volumes of insurance department records, 1870-1947, were
filmed. This work required about 340,000 pictures, or 339 hundred-foot rolls
of film. In addition, all unbound statistical rolls of counties and cities owned by
the Society have been prepared for filming, which will begin this fall.
MANUSCRIPTS DIVISION
During the year, 34 manuscript volumes and approximately 1,600 individual
manuscripts were received.
The largest accession was the William Henry Harrison Kelley collection,
given by Miss Gordon Kelley, a great-granddaughter, of Fort Smith, Ark. Har-
rison Kelley (1836-1897), of Coffey county, after serving in the Fifth Kansas
cavalry, was made a brigadier-general of the state militia in 1865. From that
year till 1891 he was prominent in Republican politics and held numerous elec-
tive and appointive positions. In 1891 he was defeated for re-election to con-
54 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
gress and became a Populist. Governor Lewelling appointed him a regent of
the Kansas State Agricultural College in 1893, and he was still serving at the
time of his death in 1897. The Kelley collection covers the years 1863-1897,
but the bulk of the letters date between 1889 and 1893.
A journal kept by 19-year-old Calvin H. Graham as he crossed the plains from
western Pennsylvania to California, in 1853, was lent for copying by James
Irwin of Topeka.
Papers given by Mrs. H. M. Korns, of Salina, included some William A. Phil-
lips correspondence, and genealogical material on the Spilman family.
From William Mitchell, Yonkers, N. Y., the Society received the 1856-1857
minutes of the Prairie Guards the militia organization of the Connecticut Kansas
colony which settled in Wabaunsee county in 1856. Also related to this colony
was a gift from the late Dr. J. T. Willard, Manhattan, of two Wabaunsee Town
Company record books (June 17-August 27, 1858; and February 11, 1859-
August 7, 1865). The town company succeeded the colony as an organization.
Through the Woman's Kansas Day Club, F. I. Burt, Manhattan, gave the
1886 diary of Charles B. Lines who settled in Wabaunsee county in 1856, as
one of the original members of the Connecticut Kansas colony.
A 26-page documented account of the Jordan massacre was presented by
the author, Howard C. Raynesford, Ellis. Richard Jordan, his wife Mary,
his brother George, and Fred Nelson were murdered by Indians in Ness
county in the summer of 1872. The guilty Indians were traced to Indian
territory (Oklahoma) but were never brought to justice.
Three volumes of records (1859-1931), of the First Presbyterian Church,
Topeka, were lent for microfilming.
Papers relating to the Kaw Valley Basin Flood Control Association (1933-
1948), were given by A. Q. Miller, Salina.
Other donors were: Robert T. Aitchison, Wichita; Mrs. Grace Grant Baker,
St. Louis, Mo.; Mrs. E. E. Beauchamp, Marysville; Mrs. J. W. Benton, Kansas
City, Mo.; F. I. Burt, Manhattan; Mrs. Omar Carlisle; Gov. Frank Carlson,
Topeka; Robert Caulk, Topeka; Berlin B. Chapman, Stillwater, Okla.; Chester
County Historical Society, West Chester, Pa.; Colonial Dames of America;
Mrs. Ada (Dodge) Ferguson, Ardmore, Okla.; Fortnightly Club, Topeka;
G. F. Gould, Topeka; Sumner L. Hamilton, Ellis; F. A. Hobble, Dodge City;
Frank Hodges, Olathe; Alva E. Home, Topeka; Louis O. Honig, Kansas City,
Mo.; Irene Horner, Topeka; Bruce Kurd, Topeka; Mrs. Frank C. Kelly,
Waterloo, Iowa; Eads W. Lehman, Idalia, Colo.; Emma Lyman, Olathe;
Myrtle McCamant, Tonkawa, Okla.; Maude McFadin, Wichita; Dr. Karl A.
Menninger, Topeka; Mrs. Will C. Menninger, Topeka; Mrs. Sidney Milbauer,
Los Angeles, Cal.; Mrs. Frances E. Moore, Fort Worth, Tex.; Theo W. Morse,
Mound City; C. E. Nash, Peru; Native Sons & Daughters of Kansas; David
Neiswanger, Topeka; Sara A. Patterson, Lawrence; Paul Popenoe, Los Angeles,
Cal.; Mrs. H. A. Rowland, McPherson; J. C. Ruppenthal, Russell; St. Mary
College Library; Dr. Mary B. Waterman Sanford, Methuen, Mass.; Frederick
F. Seely, Meadville, Pa.; Horace J. Smith, Los Angeles, Cal.; Marjorie E.
Stauffer, Pasadena, Cal.; M. G. Stevenson, Ashland; Mrs. Eric Tebow, Man-
hattan; Carl Trace, Topeka; Dr. E. B. Trail, Berger, Mo.; Mrs. Alma Anthony
Weber, Dallas, Tex.; Mrs. Evelyn Whitney, Topeka; Woman's Kansas Day
Club; Mrs. Jennie R. Wood, Cottonwood Falls; Brinton Webb Woodward, II,
THE ANNUAL MEETING 55
Topeka; Charles S. Wright, Woodland Park, Colo.; Otto J. Wullschleger,
Frankfort.
MICROFILM DIVISION
Two million photographs have been made by the microfilm division since
its establishment in 1946. About half a million were made the past year:
339,380 of archives, 145,734 of newspapers, and 4,183 of manuscripts. News-
papers of average size are filmed one page at an exposure, but archives and
manuscripts generally can be taken two pages at a time, hence the number
of pages actually filmed for those departments greatly exceeds the number of
exposures reported.
Miscellaneous newspapers microfilmed during the year include: Anthony
Journal, January 7, 1881-December 28, 1882; Appeal to Reason, Girard, August
31, 1895-November 4, 1922; The Catholic Visitor, Olathe and Leavenworth,
May, 1882-July 1, 1886; The Kansas Catholic, Leavenworth, July 8, 1886-
September 17, 1891; Kansas City Catholic, September 24, 1891-May 12, 1898;
Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 2, 1867-September 16, 1868.
Lawrence newspapers microfilmed the past year include: Daily Gazette,
October 15, 1884-May 31, 1895; Daily Herald-Tribune, July 17, 1884-March
29, 1890; Daily Journal, June 19, 1879-February 17, 1911; Daily Kansas Trib-
une, January 2, 1882-January 5, 1883; Daily Record, September 12, 1^89-July
1, 1893; Jeffersonian Gazette, April 6, 1899-August 5, 1920; News and Tribune,
November 16, 1883-July 10, 1884; Republican Daily Journal, March 4, 1869-
June 18, 1879; Weekly Gazette, September 7, 1882-March 30, 1899; Weekly
Journal, January 7, 1886-June 27, 1889; Weekly Record, November 14, 1889-
June 30, 1893, and Western Home Journal, March 11, 1869-March 25, 1885.
W. A. Blair, publisher of the Oswego Independent, lent several early news-
paper files of southeast Kansas for microfilming. They were collated with
files belonging to the Society and the following microfilms were made: Chetopa
Advance, January 20, 1869-December 30, 1880; Chetopa Herald, March 4,
1876-February 16, 1878; Chetopa Settlers Guide, April, 1879-May, 1880;
Neosho Valley Eagle, Jacksonville, June 13, 1868; Labette Sentinel, September
8, 1870-March 2, 1871; Oswego Independent, June 22, 1872-December 30,
1876; Oswego Labette County Democrat, October 16, 1879-December 30,
1881; Oswego Daily Register, May 13, 1869; Oswego Register, July 8, 1870-
November 27, 1874; Parsons Eclipse, April 9, 1874-December 26, 1878; Par-
sons Sun, June 17, 1871-December 29, 1877, and Western Enterprise, Parsons,
September, 1872-January, 1873.
The Society's photostat collection of Missouri newspapers, dated 1819 to
1856, was also microfilmed. They were fading and becoming illegible. This
collection of 53 bundles of photostats was condensed into 16 reels of micro-
film.
Publishers of the following daily newspapers are donating microfilm copies
of current issues: Angelo Scott, lola Register; Dolph and W. C. Simons, Law-
rence Daily Journal-World, and Dan Anthony, III, Leavenworth Times.
NEWSPAPER AND CENSUS DIVISIONS
Over five thousand certified copies of census records were issued during the
year, an increase of more than 32 percent over the preceding year. September,
1950, with 552 records issued, was the biggest month since July, 1942, early
56 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
in World War II. This was partly due to the Korean war and the stepped-up
War tempo. But most of the requests still come from those who need proof of
age for social security or other retirement plans. During the year, 3,148 patrons
called in person at the newspaper and census divisions. Five thousand six
hundred and sixty-six single issues of newspapers, 5,136 bound volumes of
newspapers, 626 microfilm reels and 8,983 census volumes were consulted in
giving the service, which is without charge.
The 1950 annual List of Kansas Newspapers and Periodicals was distributed
in August. This is the 55th issue since the Society's organization. The 1950
List shows 697 newspapers and periodicals being received regularly for filing.
These include 58 dailies, two triweeklies, 12 semiweeklies, 383 weeklies, 18
fortnightlies, 25 semimonthlies, two once every three weeks, 129 monthlies,
three once every six weeks, 16 bimonthlies, 28 quarterlies, 17 occasionals, two
semiannuals, and two annuals, coming from all the 105 counties. Of these
697 publications, 257 are listed as independent, 120 Republican and 17 as
Democratic in politics; 87 are school or college, 38 religious, 20 fraternal,
seven labor, nine industrial, 15 trade and 127 miscellaneous.
The Society's collection of original Kansas newspapers, as of January 1,
1950, totaled 53,488 bound volumes, in addition to more than 10,000 bound
volumes of out-of-state newspapers dated from 1767 to 1950. The Society's
collection of newspapers on microfilm now totals 2,664 reels.
Included among the donors of miscellaneous newspapers during the year,
exclusive of the editors of Kansas, were: Miss Gordon Kelley, Fort Smith, Ark.;
Stanley A. Shepard, New Brunswick, N. J.; F. O. Bica, Wellsville; W. G.
Clugston and H. J. Freeborn, Topeka.
ANNALS OF KANSAS
The Annals, which the 1945 Legislature voted to bring up to date, has now
been compiled to 1919. The past year's work, covering the years 1913 to 1918
inclusive, deals with World War I, and the Hodges and Capper administrations.
The period was marked by peace leagues, good roads movements, farm-bureau
organization and development of the oil and gas industry. There were lean
years which reduced wheat growers to seed loans and Russian-thistle ensilage
and fat years which enabled them to send shiploads of grain to starving Belgians.
Tractors plowed up thousands of acres of grazing land for wheat.
The legislature appropriated a $300,000 emergency fund to fight livestock
diseases and to compensate for losses. Other legislation provided for a highway
commission, a welfare commission, a tuberculosis sanitarium and the child hy-
giene bureau.
In World War I, Kansas oversubscribed all quotas. Hoarding flour, failure
to buy bonds or give to the Red Cross or thresh wheat properly brought out the
yellow-paint squad. German courses were abolished from schools. "Hooverize"
became the housewife's slogan. Spanish influenza in 1918 raised the death rate
to 15.2 per 1,000 population the highest on record.
In the Kansas news, Woody Hockaday marked highways; W. D. Ross, movie
censor, rejected The Birth of a Nation; Jess Willard whipped Jack Johnson;
Dwight Eisenhower became a lieutenant colonel; the Martin Johnsons made a
movie film in the South Sea Islands. Deaths recorded included Governors Craw-
THE ANNUAL MEETING 57
ford and Humphrey, William F. (Buffalo Bill) Cody, General Fred Funston,
Vinnie Ream Hoxie and Mary Vance Humphrey.
MUSEUM
The attendance in the museum for the year was 46,088.
There were 50 accessions. Two dolls dressed in the costumes of Dauphine,
ancient province of France, and six medals struck by the French government in
recognition of Franco-American unity in World War II, were gifts to Kansas
from the French Merci train.
An old violin which had belonged to Luther Hart Platt, a Congregational
minister who came to Kansas in 1856, was given by his granddaughters, Lois
and Ruth Platt. Platt was known as the "Fiddling Preacher." In 1865 he
taught violin and voice at Lincoln College, Topeka, now Washburn.
Charles S. Wright, of Woodland Park, Colo., gave a Frank Wesson rifle, made
in 1859, which was used by William (Buffalo Bill) Mathewson for hunting
buffalo.
A quart whisky bottle of pre-prohibition days in Kansas was donated by
Pierce R. Hobble of Dodge City. It originally contained hand-made sour-mash
whisky, distilled in Kentucky and bottled for Peter Berry & Son, of Leavenworth.
It bears a revenue stamp of the 1890's.
The work of cleaning and repairing the birds in the Goss collection was com-
pleted last spring. Some of these birds are nearly 80 years old, and most are
'over 70. Col. N. S. Goss, who made the collection, came to Kansas in 1857.
Starting as an amateur ornithologist, he became a national authority. In 1881
he donated his collection to the state. It consists of 1,523 birds (756 species),
and when presented was valued at $100,000. A unique feature of the display is
that every bird is mated. There are a number of rare birds, several of which
are now extinct, such as the passenger pigeon.
In 1915 the collection was moved to the Memorial building and placed in
charge of the Historical Society. The birds had become very dirty and till this
year were displayed in the original old-fashioned cases. A modern case with
fluorescent lighting was built along the north wall of the museum, according to
plans furnished by Dr. E. Raymond Hall of the University of Kansas. The taxi-
dermy was done by Frank Boddy, a disabled war veteran of Topeka, who was
recommended by Doctor Hall. The birds were too fragile to remount, but they
were cleaned, the bills and feet were repainted, new eyes were fitted where nec-
essary, and the mounting blocks were refinished. The total expense was $4,000,
twice the original estimate. Even so, four of the old cases had to be used. They
were repaired and painted, however, and fitted with fluorescent lights. Mr.
Boddy did an expert job, and this fine old collection is now in first class shape
and well displayed.
SUBJECTS FOR RESEARCH
Extended research on the following subjects was done during the year:
Biography: Francis Huntington Snow; James H. Lane; Edward Hogue Funston;
Edmund G. Ross. General: Railroad development and influence in the Gulf
Southwest; Abram Burnett's youngest granddaughter; the period of Charles F.
Scott's term in the United States congress; Nicodemus, the negro colony of
Graham county, Kansas; Cities west of St. Louis, a study in history and geog-
58 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
raphy; territorial laws; Kansas City, Mexico and Orient railway; cattle pools in
Barber county; history of Shawnee Baptist Missions; negro troops in Kansas dur-
ing the Civil War; Indians; Billy the Kid; Indian raids in northwest Kansas,
1864-1878; Kansans in Oklahoma; the army of the Plains, Division of the Mis-
souri, 1866-1876; the Smoky Hill trail in western Kansas, 1859-1869; sod houses
and contemporary structures in western Kansas; the Santa Fe trail; land values
( Pottawatomie reservation); history of Grant county; history of Lindsborg;
public opinion of the cowboy; reforms of Walter Vrooman.
ACCESSIONS
October 1, 1949, to September 30, 1950
Library:
Books 1,015
Pamphlets 2,020
Magazines ( bound volumes ) 225
Archives:
Separate manuscripts 1
Manuscript volumes 2,251
Manuscript maps None
339 reels of microfilm
Private Manuscripts:
Separate manuscripts 1,600
Volumes 34
4 reels of microfilm.
Printed maps, atlases and charts 320
Newspapers ( bound volumes ) 708
Reels of microfilm 2,664
Pictures 566
Museum objects 50
TOTAL ACCESSIONS, SEPTEMBER 30, 1950
Books, pamphlets, newspapers (bound and microfilm reels) and
magazines 444,369
Separate manuscripts (archives) 1,632,611
Manuscript volumes ( archives ) 55,224
Manuscript maps (archives) 583
Microfilm reels (archives) 361
Printed maps, atlases and charts 11,418
Pictures 24,503
Museum objects 33,471
THE QUARTERLY
The 18th bound volume of The Kansas Historical Quarterly, which is now in
its 19th year, is about ready for distribution. Among the features are three con-
tributions by Dr. Robert Taft in his series, "The Pictorial Record of the Old
West"; Albert R. Kitzhaber's article on the downfall of Senator Pomeroy; Homer
E. Socolofsky's "The Scully Land System in Marion County"; and the "Memoirs
of Watson Stewart," with an introduction by Donald W. Stewart, a grandson,
of Independence. Thanks are due to Dr. James C. Malin of the University of
Kansas, associate editor of the Quarterly, who continues to take time from his
busy schedule to read articles submitted for publication.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 59
OLD SHAWNEE MISSION
During the past year the exterior woodwork of the four Mission buildings was
repainted and a new roof was put on the East building. This roof was made of
heavy cedar shingles, in keeping with the construction of the 100-year-old build-
ing, and cost $2,000.
In connection with the celebration last spring of the 100th anniversary of
the founding of Kansas City, Mo., an open house was held at the Mission on
June 4. Members of the Shawnee Mission Indian Historical Society, dressed in
costumes of the period, acted as hostesses and guides. About 500 visitors at-
tended.
Among recent visitors at the Mission were Mrs. Ida Riley of Oklahoma and
her sister, Mrs. Bertha Beaty of Kansas City, who trace their ancestry to Tecum-
seh, the famous Shawnee chief. Their father and mother had attended school at
the Mission. Another visitor was Mrs. Bettie Withrow of Chetopa who traces
her ancestry to Charles Bluejacket, at one time a missionary and interpreter in
the Mission. Bluejacket later became a chief of the Shawnee tribe.
The Society is indebted to the state departments of the Colonial Dames, the
Daughters of the American Revolution, the Daughters of American Colonists, the
Daughters of 1812 and to the Shawnee Mission Indian Historical Society for
their continued cooperation at the Mission.
THE FIRST CAPITOL
During the past year the caretaker's cottage was painted and minor repairs
were made on the capitol building.
The legislature of 1949 appropriated money for bringing electricity to the
caretaker's house. However, when the authorities at Fort Riley were asked to
make the installation, for which they had previously given an estimate, the cost
was considerably more than the appropriation. The Union Pacific right-of-way
runs through the grounds, and it was suggested that the company might help.
T. M. Lillard, attorney for the railroad and a member of the executive committee
of the Historical Society, was appealed to. Within a few weeks the installation
was made without cost to the state. The Society is greatly indebted to Mr. Lil-
lard and to the company. It will be remembered that in 1928 the Union Pacific
restored the Capitol building at a cost of $25,000.
THE STAFF OF THE SOCIETY
The various accomplishments noted in this report are due to the Society's
splendid staff of employees. I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to them.
Special mention, perhaps, should be made of the heads of departments: Nyle
H. Miller, assistant secretary and managing editor of the Quarterly; Helen M.
McFarland, librarian; Edith Smelser, custodian of the museum; Mrs. Lela
Barnes, treasurer; Edgar Langsdorf, archivist and manager of the building; and"
Jennie S. Owen, annalist. Attention should also be called to the work of Harry
A. Hardy and his wife Kate, custodians of the Old Shawnee Mission, and John
Scott, custodian of the First Capitol.
Respectfully submitted,
KIRKE MECHEM, Secretary.
At the conclusion of the reading of the secretary's report, Presi-
dent Correll called for the report of the treasurer, Mrs. Lela Barnes.
60 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
TREASURER'S REPORT
Based on the audit of the state accountant for the period
August 25, 1949, to August 21, 1950.
MEMBERSHIP FEE FUND
Balance, August 25, 1949:
Cash $4,037.70
U. S. savings bonds, Series G 8,700 . 00 $12,737 70
Receipts:
Memberships $828 . 00
Reimbursement for postage 727 . 95
Interest on bonds. . 242.50
1,798 45
$14,536.15
Disbursements $1,174 82
Balance, August 21, 1950:
Cash $4,661 .33
U. S. savings bonds 8,700 . 00
13,361 33
$14,536.15
JONATHAN PECKER BEQUEST
Balance, August 25, 1949:
Cash $163.56
U. S. treasury bonds 950 . 00
$1,113 56
Receipts:
Bond interest $27.27
Savings account interest 1 . 35
28.62
$1,142 18
Disbursements:
Books $48 15
Balance, August 21, 1950:
Cash $144.03
U. S. treasury bonds 950 00
1,094.03
$1,142 18
THE ANNUAL MEETING 61
JOHN BOOTH BEQUEST
Balance, August 25, 1949:
Cash $50.92
U. S. treasury bonds 500 . 00
$550.92
Receipts:
Bond interest $14.40
Savings account interest .68
15.08
$566.00
Disbursements:
Balance, August 21, 1950:
Cash $66.00
U. S. treasury bonds 500 00
$566.00
THOMAS H. BOWLUS DONATION
This donation is substantiated by a U. S. savings bond, Series G, in the
amount of $1,000. The interest is credited to the membership fee fund.
ELIZABETH READER BEQUEST
Balance, August 25, 1949:
Cash in membership fee fund $571 . 19
U. S. savings bonds ( shown in total bonds,
membership fee fund) 5,200.00
$5,771 19
Receipts:
Interest . 130 . 00
$5,901 . 19
Disbursements:
Five sketches of Kansas territorial scenes by H. W. Waugh .... $30 00
Balance, August 21, 1950:
Cash $671 . 19
U. S. savings bonds, Series G 5,200 00
5,871 . 19
$5,901 . 19
STATE APPROPRIATIONS
This report covers only the membership fee fund and other custodial funds.
It is not a statement of the appropriations made by the legislature for the main-
tenance of the Society. These disbursements are not made by the treasurer of
the Society but by the state auditor. For the year ending June 30, 1950, these
62 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
appropriations were: Kansas State Historical Society, $143,365.40; Memorial
building, $14,529.80; Old Shawnee Mission, $7,980.00; First Capitol of Kansas,
$2,602.00.
On motion by T. M. Lillard, seconded by Mrs. W. D. Philip, the
reports of the secretary and the treasurer were accepted.
The report of the executive committee on the audit by the state
accountant of the funds of the Society was called for and read by
John S. Dawson:
REPORT OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
October 13, 1950.
To the Board of Directors, Kansas State Historical Society:
The executive committee being directed under the bylaws to check the ac-
counts of the treasurer, states that the state accountant has audited the funds of
the State Historical Society, the First Capitol of Kansas and the Old Shawnee
Mission from August 25, 1949, to August 21, 1950, and that they are hereby
approved.
JOHN S. DAWSON, Chairman.
On motion by John S. Dawson, seconded by Robert Taft, the re-
port was accepted.
The report of the nominating committee for officers of the Society
was read by John S. Dawson:
NOMINATING COMMITTEE'S REPORT
October 13, 1950.
To the Board of Directors, Kansas State Historical Society:
Your committee on nominations submits the following report for officers of
the Kansas State Historical Society:
For a one-year term: Frank Haucke, Council Grove, president; Will T. Beck,
Holton, first vice-president; Robert Taft, Lawrence, second vice-president.
For a two-year term: Kirke Mechem, Topeka, secretary; Mrs. Lela Barnes,
Topeka, treasurer.
Respectfully submitted,
JOHN S. DAWSON, Chairman.
The report was referred to the afternoon meeting of the board.
There being no further business, the meeting adjourned.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 63
ANNUAL MEETING OF THE SOCIETY
The annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society con-
vened at 2 P. M. The members were called to order by the president,
Charles M. Correll.
The address by Mr. Correll follows:
Address of the President
CHARLES M. CORRELL
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF THE G. A. R.
IN KANSAS
THE Grand Army of the Republic has passed into history. More
than a quarter of a century has gone by since the last effective
encampment of the department of Kansas was held. The books have
been closed and the charters of the local posts have been turned in to
repose in the archives of an organization which, for several decades,
was identified with the public life of locality, state and nation. It is
thrilling to study the records of the early meetings of the comrades
who wore the little bronze buttons as they assembled in the annual
encampments and carried on their business with the full-blooded
vigor of active manhood; then it becomes pathetic to read in the rec-
ords of the later proceedings of the difficulty the officers and speakers
had as, with voices weakened with age, they struggled to make them-
selves heard by those whose ears were increasingly stopped by the
passing of the years. In the last few encampments that were held,
the business was done in the name of the old soldiers, but the work
was actually carried on by the members of the auxiliary organiza-
tions, such as the Ladies of G. A. R., the Sons of Veterans and the
Daughters of Union Veterans.
It was the boast of Kansas that this young state sent more soldiers
into the Union armies during the Civil War than did any other state,
in proportion to population. It is also true that, when the war was
over, Kansas received an unusually large number of veterans as set-
tlers and citizens. This fact is not surprising for Kansas had at-
tracted nation-wide fame as the scene of the Rorder war, and of the
activities of John Rrown, so it was only natural that the young men,
released from military service, should be attracted to the state where
the prologue of the national tragedy had been enacted. To be sure,
this attraction was not lessened by the opportunities offered by the
new homestead law. The late William Allen White, in his presi-
64 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
dential address before this Society, alluded to this large number of
Civil War soldiers who came to make up the G. A. R. in the state,
and he said of them, ". . . they all joined the G. A. R. It domi-
nated Kansas politics for 30 years; kept the state a rock-ribbed Re-
publican plutocracy for thirty years after Appomatox. . . ." x
Insofar as Mr. White's statement is correct, it alludes to a natural
consequence of the situation. These young men had, under the
leadership of Abraham Lincoln, served in the armies which saved
the Union, and, now that the job was done, the great majority of
them would inevitably adhere to the party of Lincoln.
However, Mr. White's statement is more rhetorically correct than
it is statistically, for he had in mind the total strength of the Union
veterans in the state and not specifically the strength of the G. A. R.,
for this organization never recruited more than a small fraction of the
potential members, and it tried to be strictly non-partisan. It was a
comradeship to preserve common memories, to care for the widows
and orphans of soldiers and to promote all that could advance the
spirit of patriotism in the community. The officers and members
were repeatedly being reminded that they must not let partisan poli-
tics affect their activities. Like all organizations, it desired to grow
in numbers. The number of posts and their membership fluctuated
from year to year, but in the early 1890's, when the organization was
at its peak, there were somewhat less than 500 posts with a member-
ship of not much over 20,000, while it was estimated that the prob-
able number of Union veterans within the borders of the state was
some 100,000. Hence the department officers were constantly urging
the officers of the local posts to carry on an active recruiting cam-
paign.
During the decade of the 1890's, when the Populist movement was
at its height, one local post commander, in response to the official
prompting to recruit new members, wrote the state headquarters
that he "never had asked a damned Pop to join and he never would
do so." Of course he was properly reprimanded and again, all were
reminded of the non-partisan rules under which they worked. How-
ever, one may suspect that there was quite general agreement with
the attitude of the anti-Populist commander on the part of the leaders
of the G. A. R., although they didn't dare express it so openly as he
did. The state was solidly Republican, as White states, and the old
soldier vote no doubt was largely responsible for it, but it is not tech-
1. The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 8 (1939), February, p. 76.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 65
nically correct to say that the G. A. R., as an organization, was re-
sponsible for it.
In spite of the large number of Civil War service men who were
homesteading in Kansas, the G. A. R. did not come into full recogni-
tion in this state until the decade of the 1880's. One may assume that
the homesteaders were too busy founding their homes, breaking up
the tough sod, fighting Indians and grasshoppers, struggling with the
unfriendly elements, and then trying to survive the depression years
of the early 1870's, to give time and effort to the establishment and
propagation of a social and patriotic organization. However, there
was formed in Kansas as early as December, 1865, an order called the
Veteran Rrotherhood, and the following June a state encampment
was held in Topeka. At about the same time the national G. A. R.
was founded with the first post at Decatur, 111., in April, 1866. The
leaders of this group evidently invited other veterans' organizations
that had sprung up in various states to meet in a national encamp-
ment in Indianapolis, November 20, 1866, and the Veteran Brother-
hood of Kansas was represented by T. J. Anderson and possibly other
members at this meeting. At a second encampment of the Veteran
Brotherhood at Topeka in December, 1866, it was voted to transfer
into the G. A. R., and the Topeka post of the Veteran Brotherhood
became Lincoln Post No. 1 of the G. A. R. 2
Kansas was represented at the national encampment of 1867 and
again in 1869 but was not in 1870 nor 1871. In this year it was re-
ported that Kansas had had 36 posts in 1868 but had only nine in
1871 and was in arrears with national dues, so was dropped from the
roster, but it was represented again in 1872 and reported that a re-
organization was in progress. In 1873 the Kansas department was
again in arrears, but got its dues paid by 1874 and, although officially
present in 1876, the representative had to report that the number of
posts in the department had fallen to a single one of 16 members at
Independence. However, posts were being organized at Lamed
and at Leavenworth, so Kansas was carried as a provisional depart-
ment in the national organization until 1880 when it gained regular
status and remained an active department throughout the remaining
years of its history.
The first encampment of the state department was held in Topeka
in 1882 and regular meetings were held from that time on. In the
records of this first encampment allusion was made to the growth of
2. Frank W. Blackmar, Kansas, A Cyclopedia of State History, . . . (Chicago,
c!912), v. 1, pp. 772, 773.
55517
66 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
the order from one post five years before to 36 active posts in 1882.
Evidently recruiting went forward at a good rate during the next
few years for, at the encampment held in 1884, it was stated that
Kansas ranked fourth among the states of the Union in point of num-
bers in the G. A. R., being surpassed only by Pennsylvania, New York
and Ohio, and that there were then 298 posts in the state with 16,551
members. 3 Nearly a decade later the number of posts was given as
477 and the membership at a little over 20,000. So, although the
numbers on the rolls never included more than a quarter of the po-
tential members, yet it was the actively organized portion of the
veteran population, it had definite purposes to attain and, as was em-
phatically stated at one of the state encampments, "the Grand Army
of the Republic is a power in this State, and . . . can make its
influence felt. . . ." 4
It was a constant objective in the minds of the Civil War veterans
to inculcate the spirit of patriotism and, except for the subject of
pensions, few themes were more frequently emphasized in the en-
campments of the organization. The department meeting in 1889
adopted a long resolution setting forth the desirability of keeping
alive in the minds of future generations the devotion of those who
had saved the Union, and calling upon the schools and state institu-
tions of higher education to set aside memorial halls for reading
rooms and historical museums. The next year the encampment
urged all local posts to use their influence to get national flags dis-
played in all public school rooms. In 1891 a resolution was adopted
calling on the national encampment to take all necessary steps to in-
sure the teaching of patriotism in the schools, emphasizing in this
connection that it was part of their mission to see that the correct
history of the Civil War was taught. Throughout the decade of the
1890's, the department commanders and the resolution and educa-
tion committees were constantly calling on the members and the
local posts to urge legislation requiring schools to own and display
flags, and more than one commander called upon the congress of the
United States to make available for use in the public schools a system
of military instruction already in use in colleges.
In 1903 the education committee reported failure to get a bill
through the legislature to require the flag salute in the schools of the
state because the River Brethren had protested that such a law
would inculcate idolatry, while another proposed piece of legisla-
3. Proceedings Third Annual Encampment, Department of Kansas, G. A. R., 1884, p. 4.
4. Journal of Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Encampment, Department of Kansas,
G. A. H., 1886, p. 13.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 67
tion to appropriate money with which to furnish schools a manual of
patriotism failed because "a foreign born member who couldn't
speak English" had moved that "te pill pe turn down/' The com-
mittee complained of lack of support from the local posts. 5 In spite
of the seeming apathy of the members of the organization, the com-
mittees persisted in their efforts to secure favorable legislation and in
1907 the legislative committee, under the chairmanship of Cyrus Le-
land, was able to report success in getting the legislature to pass an
act requiring school boards to secure flags and facilities for display-
ing them in the schools, and also requiring the state superintendent
to prepare a patriotic manual to be printed by the state printer and
distributed to the public school authorities. Just prior to the an-
nouncement of this achievement, the office of patriotic instructor
seems to have been created in the national organization, state depart-
ments and local posts, and in 1906 the department patriotic instruc-
tor reported that over 100 flags had been placed in the public schools,
but the report failed to indicate where the funds had come from with
which to purchase these flags.
In keeping with its interest in patriotism, is the attitude of the or-
ganization towards holidays related to Civil War men and incidents.
In 1885 the department encampment expressed its appreciation of
the act of the legislature making Memorial Day, May 30, a legal
holiday, and there is no doubt that the organization and its members
had been active in lobbying for that legislation, as they were later
for enactment of the law making Lincoln's birthday a legal holiday.
That they were jealous of the proper observance of such days is
evidenced, for example, by the strong protest voiced by the G. A. R.
in 1919 against the proposed plan for President Taft to speak in
Kansas City on Memorial Day on the subject of the League of Na-
tions. It is to be assumed that the protest was animated, not by
hostility towards Wilson's league, but only by the determination to
keep that day sacred to the theme of the Civil War and the sacrifices
of the heroes who had fought in the struggle to save the Union.
Similar sentiment, evidently, explains the persistent opposition of
the G. A. R. to the adoption of a state flag, as they reiterated their
Slogan, "One Country, One Flag, One Language." It seemed in-
appropriate, if not unpatriotic, to these boys in blue for any symbol
to be raised that might seem to divide allegiance, or to detract
from the glory of the Stars and Stripes, and it was not till after the
5. Proceedings of the Twenty-second Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the
Republic, Department of Kansas, 1903, pp. 51-53.
68 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
G. A. R. had ceased to be a force in public affairs that a state flag
was adopted.
It is of rather special interest to note that the G. A. R. went on
record as officially approving and endorsing the G. A. R. Memorial
College at Oberlin, Kan. This was a college incorporated in 1891
for the especial purpose of giving free college education to the chil-
dren of soldiers and sailors of the Civil War, and it is said to have
been the only college in the country set up for that purpose. The
boys and girls who attended were required to wear uniforms fur-
nished by the school at cost and they had to bear the cost of their
board and rooms, but they were charged no tuition. The college
had but a short existence but while it lived it had the blessing
of the old soldier organization.
In this same decade of the 1890's, the department encampment
passed a resolution calling upon the state and national governments
to appropriate money for the building of a Union Soldiers' Memorial
Hall of United States History, to be erected on the campus of the
University of Kansas. This structure was to be dedicated to the
realization of the G. A. R. purpose that the correct history of the
Civil War be taught. In view of this constant and commendable
emphasis on what they considered good patriotism, it is a bit sur-
prising that the encampment of 1884 indefinitely postponed action
on a proposed resolution commending Sen. John J. Ingalls for "his
masterly defense of the martyred hero of freedom and patron saint
of Kansas, John Brown/' One wonders if the negative action was
prompted by a doubt as to the saintliness of John Rrown or by a
doubt as to the propriety of an endorsement of a prominent politi-
cian. 6
Another evidence of the interest the G. A. R. had in the proper
inculcation of patriotism in the rising generation is seen in the con-
cern the department commanders were constantly manifesting in
the character of the textbooks in United States history that were in
use in the schools. As early as the meeting of 1891 this concern was
indicated by the resolution which was passed calling on the national
encampment to take steps to insure the proper presentation of the
account of the Civil War its significance, its battles, its heroes
to the youth in the schools of the land. At the state encampment of
1894, the department commander in his address strongly criticized
the school histories in use as being written to sell in all parts of
the country the South as well as the North and so failing to teach
6. Proceedings of the Third Annual Encampment, Department of Kansas, G. A. R.,
1884, p. 28.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 69
the proper love and reverence for the soldiers who had saved the
country. He stated that he had appointed a committee to see about
rewriting the histories or having a good one written. Later in this
same meeting this committee gave its report, going into some detail
in its criticism of the history books in use, and it closed its report
with three recommendations, namely, (1) That the department
commander appoint a committee of three G. A. R. men to watch
with vigilance the character of books used in the public schools
of the state and the character of the teachers employed at public
expense. (2) That the regents and professors at the state university,
the state agricultural college and the state normal school be re-
quested to raise the American flag over their college buildings every
school day, and the department commander be authorized to ap-
point three comrades annually residing at Lawrence, Manhattan
and Emporia, to report at each encampment whether the school
authorities had respected this request. (3) Each post commander
was to have this report read at a post meeting soon after the en-
campment proceedings were published. 7
In 1895 the comrades were still worried about this matter as is
indicated by a resolution which was passed authorizing the com-
mander to appoint a committee to work out a plan to get a proper
history text published for use in Kansas schools. Such a committee
was appointed and at the meeting the following year it gave a long
report. It told how three comrades had been given time before the
state teachers' association meeting to point out errors in the history
book then in use and to tell the teachers how to teach patriotism.
One of these speakers was quoted as telling the teachers that if he
were writing a history textbook he would give, not a few lines, but
50 pages to the story of the Kansas struggle. 8 Evidently he wasn't
worried about the size of the book the children would have to read
if all the topics were treated in similar ratio.
Three years later the subject was again attacked in the com-
mander's address when he condemned the book then in use because
it gave too little space to the battles and leaders of the Civil War
and failed to instill the spirit of patriotism. Another committee
was appointed to make a study of the state-adopted text, which was
Taylor's Model History of the United States, Kansas edition, and
at the encampment of 1900 this committee gave a long report which
7. Journal of the Thirteenth Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic,
Department of Kansas, 1894, pp. 61, 62.
8. Journal of the Fifteenth Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic,
Department of Kansas, 1896, pp. 55-74.
70 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
pointed out the inadequacies of the book. Among other short-
comings, it was pointed out that the book devoted only 17 pages
to the account of the Civil War while it gave 19 to the story of
Cleveland's administration, and, furthermore, it wrongly gave credit
to the Cleveland administration for some legislation favorable to
the veterans which had actually been passed at an earlier date.
This supposed partiality of the author for the Cleveland program
made an especially good point of attack, for Cleveland's economy
in the matter of pensions had made him unpopular with the mem-
bers of the G. A. R., just as the program of the earlier commissioner
of pensions, Corporal Tanner, with his "God pity the surplus"
slogan had made him a favorite with the recipients of pensions.
Still the question of textbooks wasn't settled and in 1901 another
committee was appointed to investigate school history books, and
in 1902 this committee reported that the new textbook commission,
appointed by Governor Stanley, had replaced Taylor's history text
by one written by Davidson, who was superintendent of schools in
Topeka, and the committee highly praised Davidson's book and
gave credit to the G. A. R. for getting the change made.
This story of the turmoil over textbooks serves to remind us that
each generation has its problems of unpatriotic and subversive in-
fluences and each generation produces its censors to correct such
influences. In the decade of the 1890's, the terms "socialist" and
"anarchist" were rather indiscriminately pinned onto the advocates
of political and economic reform, even as the terms "red" and "Com-
munist" are today, and the G. A. R. was one of the organizations
that made it its business to see to it that no un-American ideas
poisoned the minds of the youth.
Naturally the G. A. R. was active locally and in a state-wide way
to get statues and other monuments erected as memorials to men
and events of the Civil War, and many such monuments stand on
courthouse squares and in city parks as evidence that the organiza-
tion was effective in this line of endeavor. At the first state encamp-
ment in 1882 action was taken urging the quartermaster general of
the U. S. army to have erected at the national cemeteries at Ft. Scott
and Ft. Leavenworth suitable rostrums for use on memorial occa-
sions. By this time there must have been some agitation for the
establishing of a national soldiers' home west of the Mississippi, for,
in 1883, a committee was appointed to see what could be done and
at the next encampment the committee reported that it had circu-
larized the posts in the states of the Midwest and had secured over
THE ANNUAL MEETING 71
20,000 signatures to a petition asking congress to establish such a
home in Kansas. Later the record shows that the department had
advanced nearly $500 to cover the expenses "incurred in securing
the passage of the appropriation for the soldiers' home and its
subsequent location in Kansas" and that the legislature had in due
time refunded the amount to the department.
The campaign carried on by the G. A. R. was evidently effective
for in 1884 congress passed a bill appropriating $250,000 for the erec-
tion of a soldiers' home west of the Mississippi and on July 2 of that
year President Arthur signed the bill. The location of the home was
a matter for further campaigning and bidding from various cities,
but Leavenworth gave 640 acres of land and $50,000 and this, plus
the fact that George T. Anthony, of that city, appeared before the
national board of managers, was sufficient to swing the matter and
the home was located there. 9 The success of this program was a
cause of great rejoicing on the part of the organization, as is indi-
cated in the address of the commander at the encampment of 1885
when he said "What stronger proof can there be of the usefulness of
the G. A. R. than the good we have accomplished in this direction/'
Probably the supreme achievement of the Kansas department of
the G. A. R. in the matter of memorial buildings, was its success, after
years of striving, in securing the erection of the Memorial building
in Topeka, where the archives of the organization are kept, and in
which the State Historical Society is housed. The erection and dedi-
cation of this building were high lights in the lives of the old soldiers
and their organization, and this was practically the last notable ac-
complishment of the state department of the G. A. R. It appears
that the first foreshadowing of this hall is in the action of the en-
campment of 1889 asking the executive council of the state govern-
ment to set aside a part of the capitol building as a memorial hall
where G. A. R. meetings could be held and where post flags and
relics could be stored, and a memorial hall committee was appointed
at this meeting. Some time before 1897 this request had been favor-
ably acted on, for in this year the minutes of the encampment refer
to the act of the legislature by which two rooms in the capitol had
been set aside as a G. A. R. museum under the custody of men named
by the department officers, and the first report of the superintendent
of the museum was given at this 1897 encampment. 30 This arrange-
ment didn't prove entirely satisfactory, evidently, for there is later
9. The Kansas Knight and Soldier, Topeka, July 1, 1887, p. 16.
10. Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual Encampment of the Department of Kansas,
Grand Army of the Republic, 1897, pp. 79-81.
72 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
complaint that the capitol authorities had compelled the organiza-
tion to move to other rooms in the state house, so agitation continued
for better accomodations.
At last, in 1909, a department committee reported that the state
legislature had appropriated $200,000 for the building of a memorial
hall and had created a building commission on which the secretary
of the State Historical Society and the commander of the state de-
partment of the G. A. R. should serve. The resolutions adopted at
this same 1909 meeting refer to the state appropriation and also state
that over $200,000 of funds received from the general government
still remain in the treasury, but give no explanation of the source of
this money nor its possible use. However in December, 1908, a cir-
cular had been sent out from the department headquarters explain-
ing that $97,000 had been received in the state treasury from the
federal government, being interest due on money spent by Kansas in
raising and equipping troops for the Civil War, but also in part,
evidently in payment of individual claims, for it is stated that proof
of claims for this money had been chiefly supplied by the State His-
torical Society. It was believed that some $200,000 would finally be
received and hope was expressed that this money, plus state appro-
priations, would be used in the building of the Memorial hall. 11
The next year the department member of the Memorial hall commit-
tee reported that he had secured, in the plans for the hall, a G. A. R.
room to seat 1,500, a room for a museum and rooms for the auxiliary
organizations. In the discussion that followed the report, the ques-
tion of the materials to be used in the construction of the hall was de-
bated, and also it was strongly emphasized that the G. A. R. museum
must be kept separate from that of the Historical Society. It turned
out that the money at hand wasn't sufficient for building the hall as
planned, but the legislature of 1911 made additional appropriations,
and the contract for the erection of the building was let on March 30,
1911. It was arranged that the ceremony of the laying of the corner-
stone was to be on September 27, with the President of the United
States officiating, but all the exercises to be under the control of the
G. A. R.
At the encampment of 1911 an explanation was made as to the
source of the funds from the general government which were going
into the building of the hall. The government at Washington had
paid to the state of Kansas for expenses and personal losses in con-
nection with the Civil War, the sum of $1,268,503. Of this, $337,054
11. Journal of the Twenty-eighth Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the Re-
public, Department of Kansas, 1909, pp. 107, 108.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 73
had been paid to certain individual claimants, and the state's
share of $895,892 had been allocated by the state to the building of
Memorial hall.
By 1914 the hall had been completed and the dedication cere-
monies were observed on May 26, 27 and 28, at the time of the de-
partment encampment. A communication in the press that spring
seemed to give the impression that the Kansas Academy of Science
would direct the exercises at the dedication. This brought forth
from the headquarters of the G. A. R. a vigorous letter declaring that
the members of the academy, as well as all other citizens, would be
welcome at the exercises, but stating in no uncertain terms that the
exercises of the day would be under the control of the G. A. R. and
of no one else. The original act of the legislature, which provided
for the building of the hall, contained a section which reserved the
use of the second floor of the building for the G. A. R. and its auxili-
ary organizations, but by 1918 the G. A. R. officers were protesting
against the use of the second floor by other organizations to the ex-
clusion of their order and contrary to law. 12 The legislative session
of 1919 passed an act transferring the custody of the hall from the
Memorial hall building committee to the state executive council, but
through the efforts of Senator Kanavel, the lone Civil War veteran
in the senate, the original provision giving the second floor to the
Civil War organizations was retained. And so it is today that the as-
sembly room, the museum, and the offices on the second floor of the
hall are memorials to, and contain the records of the Grand Army
of the Republic and related organizations admitted to its use before
the G. A. R. became defunct.
The limitations of time prevent the telling of many other interest-
ing and constructive achievements accomplished by the organization
of the men who, as boys, had fought the battles of the war between
the states. Much could be said of the leaders, many of whom served
their communities, the state and the nation in public office. The
organization was largely responsible for inducing the federal govern-
ment to turn over to the state the land of old Fort Dodge for the pur-
pose of building on it the state soldiers' home which, down through
the years, was indeed a home for many a worthy and needy old com-
rade in his helpless years. The orphans' home at Atchison was an-
other benevolent institution for which the G. A. R. was largely re-
sponsible, and it shared with its auxiliary, the Ladies of the G. A. R.,
in the establishment and direction of the Mother Rickerdyke Home
12. Topeka State Journal, February 3, 1919.
74 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
at Ellsworth. The G. A. R. was no doubt what would be called to-
day a pressure group and it certainly applied the pressure for obtain-
ing pensions and other favors to veterans, but it carried on its propa-
ganda frankly, proudly, and in the open for it always insisted that
the nation owed to the men who had saved it from destruction a debt
that could never be paid with pensions, homes and such benevolence.
The motto of the order Fraternity, Charity and Loyalty guided
it in caring for the comrades, their widows and orphans, in minister-
ing to any who suffered from epidemics and other disaster, and in
keeping alive in the thought of the people the ideal of devotion to
country and flag. Their charity came to extend to those outside their
order and even to their former enemies, for Kansas posts sent car-
loads of corn and other gifts to aid in financing the building of homes
for Confederate veterans. Yes, the Grand Army of the Republic has
passed into history, but the history of its ideals and achievements
should not be forgotten.
Following the address of the president, Kirke Mechem, secretary,
read a paper giving a sketch of the Society's history:
THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AFTER SEVENTY- FIVE YEARS
T^VERY spring hundreds of Kansas school children visit the Memo-
-" rial building in Topeka. The first thing they see in the lobby is
a long case where the original state constitution is displayed. They
receive a folder which tells how the document was written. From it
they learn that there were three earlier attempts to write a constitu-
tion and that all failed because of the bitter fight over slavery in the
territory.
Curiously, this was also true of the organization that has charge of
the constitution the Kansas State Historical Society and Depart-
ment of Archives, to give it its full name.
In 1855 the Pro-Slavery Legislature chartered the Historical and
Philosophical Society of Kansas Territory, which lasted only as long
as its sponsors. Four years later the Scientific and Historical Society
was incorporated. By 1863 it had brought together in Lawrence a
collection of 244 books and the files of 14 newspapers. In that year
many of its collections were destroyed in the Quantrill raid. Then in
1867 a State Historical Society was projected. But it, too, soon died.
The Kansas Editors and Publishers Association organized the so-
ciety that finally took root. This was at Manhattan in April, 1875.
Today, though 33 states are older than Kansas and many outrank it
THE ANNUAL MEETING 75
in wealth and population, only two or three have historical societies
as large.
Perhaps the most important act of the editors was to promise to
give back files of their papers and to donate all future issues. For 75
years this promise has been kept, with the result that the collection
is now the largest in the United States outside the Library of Con-
gress.
Nothing of course can compare with a newspaper as a source of
history. Each file is a continued story of its community. Combined,
these Kansas papers record the births and deaths, the successes and
failures, the joys and sorrows of the people of the state for nearly a
hundred years. No other state has ever attempted such a collection
and no other commonwealth, therefore, ever possessed such a minute
record of its existence. Consider what historians would give for a
file of an Athens Post at the time of Sophocles or a London News in
Shakespeare's day!
The papers received by the society are listed each year in a book-
let. The 1950 list shows 697 newpapers and periodicals. Of these,
58 are daily and 383 are weekly, coming from all 105 counties. The
total number of Kansas bound volumes is now 53,488. In addition
there are over 10,000 bound volumes of out-of-state newspapers
dated from 1767 to 1950.
The Society's first library was donated by its first president, Chief
Justice Samuel A. Kingman. It consisted of a bookcase in the office
of the state auditor. Today the library has few equals in the fields
of Western and Indian history, and genealogy. The section dealing
with Kansas is the largest in the country, with about 300,000 separate
card entries relating to Kansas subjects alone.
An attempt is made to get a copy of every book, pamphlet and
magazine article written about Kansas or by a Kansan. In addition,
several leading Kansas dailies are read, and the stories with historical
value are clipped and catalogued. In this way the current history
of the state is kept up-to-date.
The Chinese have a saying that one picture is worth 10,000 words.
In the library 24,000 pictures are catalogued, mostly of Kansas sub-
jects. They range from tintypes less than an inch in size to a life-size
painting showing Governor Reeder escaping from the territory dis-
guised as a woodchopper. Also, there are 12,000 maps, atlases and
charts, tracing three centuries of development in the Kansas region.
The most popular department, especially with children of school
age, is the museum. It is the largest of the state historical museums
76 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
and contains 35,000 objects illustrating the history of Kansas and the
West.
These objects range in size from Mexican dressed fleas to a Con-
cord stage coach, and in time from a Coronado sword of 1541, found
on the plains of Kansas, down to the present year. Boys with a
Hopalong Cassidy complex flock about the old Western rifles, re-
volvers, powder flasks, cartridge belts and saddles. None of the
relics attracts more attention than an airplane made and flown in To-
peka in 1912.
The Society is the official archives department of the state. Ar-
chives, strictly speaking, are business records. Schools, for example,
have archives in the form of minutes of school boards, records of
classes, etc. When a state officer, such as the superintendent of pub-
lic instruction, wants to dispose of records he notifies the records
board. The archives department examines the papers and deter-
mines which have permanent value. They are then moved to the
Memorial building and organized for use. The others, usually the
larger part, are destroyed.
Kansas was the first state in the middle west to pass an archives
law. This was in 1905. Not until recent years, however, did the
law prohibit departments from destroying records without permis-
sion. Since then, more records have been transferred to the Society
than in any preceding twenty years. The state's total archives run
to over 2,000,000 documents.
In the archives may be found the correspondence of every Kansas
governor since 1854. All the original census reports since the first
enumeration of 1855 are preserved. Of great value are the charter
books from the secretary of state's office which contain a record of
all Kansas corporations.
Another department, similar to archives, consists of private letters,
diaries and the like. They were written by early-day missionaries,
farmers, politicians, housewives, etc., and include records of organi-
zations and commercial firms. Examples are 35 bound volumes of
the letters of Isaac McCoy, one of the first missionaries and surveyors
in Kansas; the journal of Jotham Meeker, Kansas' first printer; and
the official correspondence of the New England Emigrant Aid Com-
pany. Nearly every noted Kansan, and hundreds of others, are
represented in this collection of 300,000 pieces.
Since all papers break down with age, especially wood-pulp news-
papers, a chief problem is to preserve their content. The best
method is to photograph them on microfilm, since it also saves space.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 77
The Kansas Society was one of the first to experiment in this field.
The microfilm department has now taken 2,000,000 pictures of old
newspapers and archives. In addition, it has bought from the Na-
tional Archives, and elsewhere, microfilm records pertaining to Kan-
sas which total around 350,000 pictures. Three projectors are avail-
able for use of these films.
The Society of course is more than a collector. It has published
17 books known as the Kansas Historical Collections, 18 bound vol-
umes of The Kansas Historical Quarterly, as well as numerous
smaller publications. It is now compiling an "Annals of Kansas," a
continuation of Wilder's Annals. This work, when published, will
be a day-by-day history of the state from 1885 to 1925.
As trustee for the state, the Society has charge of several historic
sites. The most important are the old Shawnee Mission, which was
established in 1830 near present Kansas City as an Indian mission
and school, and the First Capitol building on the Fort Riley reserva-
tion. Custodians at both places care for the properties and show
them to the public.
Like other state departments, the Society operates on money re-
ceived from the legislature. For the most part, this support has been
generous. But sometimes there are questions. A few years ago a
member of an appropriations committee, visiting the building for the
first time, asked, "What the hell good is a historical society?" It
turned out that he was a cattleman, and when he was shown a com-
plete collection of brand books, with his father's brand in one of the
volumes, he began to look about him with a more open mind.
Actually, the Society serves the public in three ways. The first is
in a sense patriotic; it stimulates the pride people have in their past
and encourages their natural desire to honor their ancestors. These
are legitimate sentiments, and are a trait of all strong civilizations.
Likewise, the Society helps teach some of the lessons of history: what
can be learned from the struggles and errors of the past.
On another level, the Society is merely an entertainer. People like
curiosities, and the older the better. They like to identify the objects
their parents or grandparents used. They enjoy seeing the crude
utensils of the Indians, the prairie-breaking plows of the pioneers,
the rope beds, the hand-written arithmetics. They are entertained
by old maps and pictures. They are amused by early-day news-
paper advertisements of bustles, mustache cups and bed warmers,
and are touched to see steak offered at ten cents a pound and stock-
ings at 15 cents a pair.
78 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
For many, there is entertainment in genealogical research. Scores
of persons spend hours in the library checking family histories.
And of course there are other hobbyists who want to know about
stamps, coins, old china, Indian relics, costumes and countless other
subjects.
But there is a dollar-and-cents value in historical records that is
little appreciated by the general public. A great deal of the advertis-
ing Kansas receives is based on the Society's collections. News-
papermen use them constantly, as a source for features, for illustra-
tions, for checking information. This is also true of writers for
national magazines and authors of books.
No historian of course can write about the state, or for that matter
about the Great Plains region, without reference to the Society's
records. Allan Nevins, who has twice won the Pulitzer prize, has
visited the Society a number of times. Not long ago, J. Frank Dobie,
a leading authority on Southwestern history, wrote that Kansas has
the best state-maintained society he has ever worked in. "Go to
Kansas," he told his own state, "to learn how a historical society
representing Texas might be dignified/'
Nearly 300 persons a month come to the Society for help in get-
ting birth certificates, and requests are received by mail from all
parts of the country. These certificates are needed for claims for old
age assistance, social security, railroad retirement, pensions, pass-
ports, proof of citizenship, etc. In giving this service last year it was
necessary to search 8,983 census volumes and hundreds of bound
newspaper volumes and microfilm reels.
Recently the title to a valuable Kansas property hinged on the
validity of a notary's commission. It was claimed that the commis-
sion had expired before the notary had witnessed a transfer many
years before. By reference to the Society's records it was proved
that the commission had been renewed and that the transfer was
legal. Frequently, in similar instances, official signatures can be
verified by comparing them with known true signatures in the
archives.
Even out-of-state business concerns occasionally make use of the
Society. Several months ago one of the country's largest chain stores
was sued by the federal government. As part of the defense of the
suit, the corporation hired a staff of researchers to check their ad-
vertisements through hundreds of Kansas newspapers.
One of the state's most beautiful buildings was erected without
cost, thanks to the archives. This is the Memorial building, which
THE ANNUAL MEETING 79
probably could not be replaced today for $1,500,000. During the
Civil War, on promise of repayment by the federal government, Kan-
sas spent $600,000 of its own money. Then for the next 50 years it
tried to collect. In 1908 reimbursement was at last approved. Those
who handled the matter stated that "without the records kept by the
historical society, and nowhere else to be found, the state couldn't
have collected a dollar/'
There was, therefore, a touch of poetic justice in the decision that
made the Memorial building the permanent home of the Society.
The building is now 35 years old, yet even today few other societies
are so well equipped. Certainly much of the Society's progress has
been due to this capacity for expansion.
PRESIDENTS OF THE KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
1875-1951
1875-1876 * SAMUEL AUSTIN KINGMAN, Topeka.
1877 'GEORGE ADDISON CRAWFORD, Fort Scott.
1878 'JOHN ALEXANDER MARTIN, Atchison.
1879-1880 * CHARLES ROBINSON, Lawrence.
1881-1882 'TIMOTHY DWIGHT THACHER, Lawrence.
1883-1884 'FLOYD PERRY BAKER, Topeka.
1885-1886 * DANIEL READ ANTHONY, I, Leavenworth.
1887 * DANIEL WEBSTER WILDER, Hiawatha.
1888 'EDWARD RUSSELL, Lawrence.
1889 'WILLIAM ADDISON PHILLIPS, Salina.
1890 'CYRUS KURTZ HOLLIDAY, Topeka.
1891 'JAMES STANLEY EMERY, Lawrence.
1892 'THOMAS A. OSBORN, Topeka.
1893 'PERCIVAL G. LOWE, Leavenworth.
1894 'VINCENT J. LANE, Kansas City.
1895 'SOLON O. THACHER, Lawrence.
1896 'EDMUND N. MORRILL, Hiawatha.
1897 * HARRISON KELLEY, Burlington.
1898 'JOHN SPEER, Garden City.
1899 'EUGENE FITCH WARE, Kansas City.
1900 'JOHN GIDEON HASKELL, Lawrence.
1901 'JOHN FRANCIS, Colony.
1902 'WILLIAM H. SMITH, Marysville.
1903 'WILLIAM B. STONE, Galena.
1904 'JOHN MARTIN, Topeka.
1905 'ROBERT M. WRIGHT, Dodge City.
1906 'HORACE LADD MOORE, Lawrence.
1907 'JAMES R. MEAD, Wichita.
1908 'GEORGE W. VEALE, Topeka.
1909 'GEORGE W. CLICK, Atchison.
1910 *ALBE B. WHITING, Topeka.
1911 'EDWIN C. MANNING, Winfield.
80 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
1912 *WILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY, Topeka.
1913 *DAVBD E. BALLARD, Washington.
1914-1915 *JOHN N. HARRISON, Ottawa.
1916 * CHARLES FREDERICK SCOTT, lola.
1917 * CHARLES SUMNER GLEED, Topeka.
1918 * GEORGE PIERSON MOREHOUSE, Topeka.
1919 ^WILDER S. METCALF, Lawrence.
1920 *THOS. A. McNEAL, Topeka.
1921 *F. DUMONT SMITH, Hutchinson.
1922 *SAM F. WOOLARD, Wichita.
1923-1924 * CHARLES H. TUCKER, Lawrence.
1925 * THEODORE GARDNER, Lawrence.
1926 * JEROME W. BERRYMAN, Ashland.
1927 *SAMUEL E. COBB, Topeka.
1928 *CHARLES L, KAGEY, Beloit.
1929 ^WILLIAM L. HUGGINS, Emporia.
1930 W. C. SIMONS, Lawrence.
1931 CHARLES M. HARGER, Abilene.
1932 JOHN S. DAWSON, Hill City.
1933 *THOMAS AMORY LEE, Topeka.
1934 H. K. LINDSLEY, Wichita.
1935 *THOMAS F. DORAN, Topeka.
1935 * FRANK HEYWOOD HODDER, Lawrence.
1936 *E. E. KELLEY, Garden City.
1937 *EDWIN A. AUSTIN, Topeka.
1938 * WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE, Emporia.
1939 ROBERT C. RANKIN, Lawrence.
1940 THOMAS M. LILLARD, Topeka.
1941 JAMES C. MALIN, Lawrence.
1942 CHAS. H. BROWNE, Horton.
1943 W. E. STANLEY, Wichita.
1944 FRED W. BRINKERHOFF, Pittsburg.
1945 *RALPH R. PRICE, Manhattan.
1946 JESS C. DENIOUS, Dodge City.
1947 MILTON R. MCLEAN, Topeka.
1948 ROBERT T. AITCHISON, Wichita.
1949 R. F. BROCK, Goodland.
1950 CHARLES M. CORRELL, Manhattan.
1951 FRANK HAUCKE, Council Grove.
SECRETARIES OF THE KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
1875-1951
1875-1876 *FLOYD PERRY BAKER, Topeka.
1876-1899 *FRANKLIN GEORGE ADAMS, Topeka.
1899-1914 *GEORGE WASHINGTON MARTIN, Kansas City.
1914-1930 *WILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY, Topeka.
1930 *FRED B. BONEBRAKE, Topeka. ,
1930- KIRKE MECHEM, Wichita.
* Deceased.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 81
The report of the committee on nominations was called for:
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON NOMINATIONS FOR DIRECTORS
October 13, 1950.
To the Kansas State Historical Society:
Your committee on nominations submits the following report and recom-
mendations for directors of the Society for the term of three years ending
October, 1953:
Aitchison, R. T., Wichita. McLean, Milton R., Topeka.
Anderson, George L., Lawrence. Malin, James C., Lawrence.
Anthony, D. R., Leavenworth. Mayhew, Mrs. Patricia Solander,
Baugher, Charles A., Ellis. Topeka.
Beck, Will T., Holton. Miller, Karl, Dodge City.
Capper, Arthur, Topeka. Moore, Russell, Wichita.
Carson, F. L., Wichita. Raynesford, H. C., Ellis.
Chambers, Lloyd, Wichita. Redmond, John, Burlington.
Cotton, Corlett J., Lawrence. Rodkey, Clyde K., Manhattan.
Dawson, John S., Hill City. Russell, W. J., Topeka.
Euwer, Elmer E., Goodland. Shaw, Joseph C., Topeka.
Farley, Alan W., Kansas City. Somers, John G., Newton.
Hobble, Frank A., Dodge City. Stewart, Donald, Independence.
Hogin, John C., Belleville. Thomas, E. A., Topeka.
Hunt, Charles L., Concordia. Thompson, W. F., Topeka.
Knapp, Dallas W., Coffeyville. Van Tuyl, Mrs. Effie H., Leavenworth.
Lilleston, W. F., Wichita. Walker, Mrs. Ida M., Norton.
Respectfully submitted,
JOHN S. DAWSON, Chairman,
On motion by John S. Dawson, seconded by Frank A. Hobble, the
report of the committee was accepted unanimously and the mem-
bers of the board were declared elected for the term ending in Octo-
ber, 1953.
Reports of county and local societies were called for and were
given by Mrs. John L. Barkley for the Shawnee Mission Indian His-
torical Society, and by Wilford Riegle for the Lyon County Histori-
cal Society.
There being no further business, the annual meeting of the Society
adjourned.
To mark the Society's 75th anniversary, refreshments were served
in the secretary's office at the close of the meeting. Mrs. Charles M.
Correll cut a three-tiered birthday cake; and Mrs. Kirke Mechem
served punch from the silver punch bowl of the battleship Kansas
service.
65517
82
KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
MEETING OF THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS
The afternoon meeting of the board of directors was. called to
order by President Correll. He asked for a rereading of the report
of the nominating committee for officers of the Society. The report
was read by John S. Dawson, chairman, who moved that it be ac-
cepted. Motion was seconded by Standish Hall and the following
were unanimously elected:
For a one-year term: Frank Haucke, Council Grove, president;
Will T. Beck, Holton, first vice-president; Robert Taft, Lawrence,
second vice-president.
For a two-year term: Kirke Mechem, Topeka, secretary; Mrs.
Lela Barnes, Topeka, treasurer.
There being no further business, the meeting adjourned.
DIRECTORS OF THE KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
AS OF OCTOBER, 1950
DIRECTORS FOR THE YEAR ENDING OCTOBER, 1951
Bailey, Roy F., Salina.
Beezley, George F., Girard.
Bowlus, Thomas H., lola.
Brinkerhoff, Fred W., Pittsburg.
Browne, Charles H., Horton.
Campbell, Mrs. Spurgeon B.,
Kansas City.
Cron, F. H., El Dorado.
Ebright, Homer K., Baldwin.
Gray, John M., Kirwin.
Hamilton, R. L., Beloit.
Harger, Charles M., Abilene.
Harvey, Mrs. A. M., Topeka.
Haucke, Frank, Council Grove.
Hodges, Frank, Olathe.
Lingenfelser, Angelus, Atchison.
Long, Richard M., Wichita.
McArthur, Mrs. Vernon E., Hutchinson.
McFarland, Helen M., Topeka.
Malone, James, Topeka.
Mechem, Kirke, Topeka.
Mueller, Harrie S., Wichita.
Philip, Mrs. W. D., Hays.
Rankin, Robert C., Lawrence.
Ruppenthal, J. C., Russell.
Sayers, Wm. L., Hill City.
Simons, W. C., Lawrence.
Skinner, Alton H., Kansas City.
Stanley, W. E., Wichita.
Stone, Robert, Topeka.
Taft, Robert, Lawrence.
Templar, George, Arkansas City.
Trembly, W. B., Kansas City.
Woodring, Harry H., Topeka.
DIRECTORS FOR THE YEAR ENDING OCTOBER, 1952
Barr, Frank, Wichita.
Berryman, Jerome C., Ashland.
Brignam, Mrs. Lalla M.,
Council Grove.
Brock, R. F., Goodland.
Bumgardner, Edward, Lawrence.
Correll, Charles M., Manhattan.
Davis, W. W., Lawrence.
Denious, Jess C., Dodge City.
Fay, Mrs. Mamie Axline, Pratt.
Godsey, Mrs. Flora R., Emporia.
Hall, Mrs. Carrie A., Leavenworth.
Hall, Standish, Wichita.
Hegler, Ben F., Wichita.
Jones, Horace, Lyons.
Lillard, T. M., Topeka.
Lindsley, H. K., Wichita.
Means, Hugh, Lawrence.
Norton, Gus S., Kalvesta.
Owen, Arthur K., Topeka.
Owen, Mrs. E. M., Lawrence.
Patrick, Mrs. Mae C., Satanta.
Payne, Mrs. L. F., Manhattan.
Riegle, Wilford, Emporia.
Rupp, Mrs. Jane C., Lincolnville.
Schultz, Floyd B., Clay Center.
Scott, Angelo, lola.
Sloan, E. R., Topeka.
Smelser, Mary M., Lawrence.
Stewart, Mrs. James G., Topeka.
Van De Mark, M. V. B., Concordia.
Wark, George H., Caney.
Williams, Charles A., Bentley.
Wooster, Lorraine E., Salina.
THE ANNUAL MEETING 83
DIRECTORS FOR THE YEAR ENDING OCTOBER, 1953
Aitchison, R. T., Wichita. McLean, Milton R., Topeka.
Anderson, George L., Lawrence. Malm, James C., Lawrence.
Anthony, D. R., Leavenworth. Mayhew, Mrs. Patricia Solander,
Baugher, Charles A., Ellis. Topeka.
Beck, Will T., Holton. Miller, Karl, Dodge City.
Capper, Arthur, Topeka. Moore, Russell, Wichita.
Carson, F. L., Wichita. Raynesford, H. C., Ellis.
Chambers, Lloyd, Wichita. Redmond, John, Burlington.
Cotton, Corlett J., Lawrence. Rodkey, Clyde K., Manhattan.
Dawson, John S., Hill City. Russell, W. J., Topeka.
Euwer, Elmer E., Goodland. Shaw, Joseph C., Topeka.
Farley, Alan W., Kansas City. Somers, John G., Newton.
Hobble, Frank A., Dodge City. Stewart, Donald, Independence.
Hogin, John C., Belleville. Thomas, E. A., Topeka.
Hunt, Charles L., Concordia. Thompson, W. F., Topeka.
Knapp, Dallas W., Coffeyville. Van Tuyl, Mrs. Effie H., Leavenworth.
LiUeston, W. F., Wichita. Walker, Mrs. Ida M., Norton.
Recent Additions to the Library
Compiled by HELEN M. MCFARLAND, Librarian
IN ORDER that members of the Kansas State Historical Society
and others interested in historical study may know the class of
books we are receiving, a list is printed annually of the books ac-
cessioned in our specialized fields.
These books come to us from three sources, purchase, gift and
exchange, and fall into the following classes: Books by Kansans
and about Kansas; books on the West, including explorations, over-
land journeys and personal narratives; genealogy and local history,
and books on the Indians of North America, United States history,
biography and allied subjects which are classified as general. The
out-of-state city directories received by the Historical Society are
not included in this compilation.
We also receive regularly the publications of many historical so-
cieties by exchange, and subscribe to other historical and genea-
logical publications which are needed in reference work.
The following is a partial list of books which were added to the
library from October 1, 1949, to September 30, 1950. Federal and
state official publications and some books of a general nature are
not included. The total number of books accessioned appears in
the report of the secretary in this issue of the Quarterly.
KANSAS
ADAMS, KENNETH M., Portfolio of Lithographs. Albuquerque, The University
of New Mexico Press, c!950. 8 Lithographs.
AMRINE, MICHAEL, Secret. Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950. Slip.
BARBE, MRS. MURIEL GULP, A Union Forever; an Historical Story of the Turbu-
lent Years, 1854-1865, in the Lincoln Country and the Kansas-Missouri
Border of the Old Central West, Based on Contemporary Records, Docu-
ments and Letters of Lewis Hanback, Hitherto Unpublished. Glendale,
Cal., The Barbe Associates, 1949. 470p.
BECKER, EDNA, 900 Buckets of Paint. New York, Abingdon-Cokesbury Press
[c!949]. [22] p.
BENDER, RICHARD N., A Philosophy of Life. New York, Philosophical Library,
Inc. [c!949]. 250p.
BIRCH, CLARENCE ELLIS, John Faithful, Schoolmaster. New York, The Expo-
sition Press [c!949]. 200p.
BRACKE, WILLIAM B., Wheat Country. New York, Duell, Sloan and Pearce
[c!950]. 309p.
BRECKENRIDGE, R. H., An Industrial Survey of Pratt, Kansas. Manhattan, En-
gineering Experiment Station, Kansas State College, 1950. 107p.
(84)
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 85
BUMGARDNER, EDWARD, The Life of Edmund G. Ross, the Man Whose Vote
Saved a President. Kansas City, Mo., The Fielding-Turner Press, 1949.
117p.
Colby City Directory, Including Thomas County, Kansas, 1949 Edition. Colo-
rado Springs, Rocky Mountain Directory Company, 1949. 121p.
COOPER, HELEN MARIE, The Wealth She Gathered. Boston, Chapman and
Grimes, Inc. [c!950]. 260p.
CUSTER, GEORGE ARMSTRONG, The Custer Story; the Life and Intimate Letters
of General George A. Custer and His Wife Elizabeth. Edited by Marguerite
Merington. New York, The Devin-Adair Company, 1950. 339p.
ENGLISH, E. Lois, Of Dreams and Memories. [New York] The Exposition
Press, 1949. 63p.
, Travel Memories of Europe. New York, The Exposition Press [c!947],
107p.
GAGLIARDO, DOMENICO, American Social Insurance. New York, Harper and
Brothers [c!949]. 671p.
GANN, WALTER, Tread of the Longhorns. San Antonio, The Naylor Company
[c!949]. 188p.
GINGER, RAY, The Bending Cross, a Biography of Eugene Victor Debs. New
Brunswick, Rutgers University Press, 1949. 516p.
GLOYNE, HOWARD F., Carl A. Preyer; the Life of a Kansas Musician. [Law-
rence, Preyer Memorial Committee, University of Kansas, c!949.] 99p.
Goodland City Directory, 1948 . . . Colorado Springs, Rocky Mountain
Directory Company, 1948. 134p.
GORDON, MILDRED, and GORDON GORDON, Make Haste To Live. Garden City,
N. Y., Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1950. 223p.
HARDER, MARVIN A., The Tidelands Controversy. Wichita, Municipal Uni-
versity of Wichita, 1949. 35p. (University Studies Bulletin, No. 20.)
HIBBARD, CLAUDE W., Mammals of the Rexroad Formation From Fox Canyon,
Kansas. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1950. [79]p. (Contribu-
tions From the Museum of Paleontology, Vol. 8, No. 6, pp. 113-192.)
, Pleistocene Stratigraphy and Paleontology of Meade County, Kansas.
Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1949. [37]p. (Contributions
From the Museum of Paleontology, Vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 63-90.)
, Pleistocene Vertebrate Paleontology in North America. New York, The
Geological Society of America, 1949. [12]p. (Bulletin, Vol. 60, pp. 1417-
1428.)
, Pliocene Saw Rock Canyon Fauna in Kansas. Ann Arbor, University of
Michigan Press, 1949. [14]p. (Contributions From the Museum of Paleon-
tology, Vol. 7, No. 5, pp. 91-105.)
, Techniques of Collecting Microvertebrate Fossils. Ann Arbor, University
of Michigan Press, 1949. [13]p. (Contributions From the Museum of
Paleontology, Vol. 8, No. 2, pp. 7-19. )
, and KENDALL A. KEENMON, New Evidence of the Lower Miocene Age
of the Blacktail Deer Creek Formation in Montana. Ann Arbor, University
of Michigan Press, 1950. [lljp. (Contributions From the Museum of
Paleontology, Vol. 8, No. 7, pp. 193-204.)
HINSHAW, DAVID, Herbert Hoover, American Quaker. New York, Farrar,
Straus and Company [c!950]. 469p.
86 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
HORNER, W. B., The Gold Regions of Kansas and Nebraska. Being a Com-
plete History of the First Year's Mining Operations ... a Complete
Guide to the Gold Mines. Chicago, W. H. Tobey and Company, 1859. 67p.
(Mumey Reprint, 1949.)
HOWE, JANE MOORE, Amelia Earhart, Kansas Girl Indianapolis, The Bobbs-
Merrill Company, Inc. [c!950]. 196p.
HUBBARD, FREEMAN H., Vinnie Ream and Mr. Lincoln. New York, Whittlesey
House [c!949]. 271p.
HUBBARD, WILLIAM F., My Second Trip With the U. S. Navy . . . (Re-
printed from The Hugoton Hermes With Additions. July, 1950. ) [63]p.
, My Trip With the U. S. Navy. Fall Maneuvers, Nov. 1 to 22, 1949,
From Norfolk, Va., to Arctic Circle in the Davis Strait, and Return. (Re-
printed from The Hugoton Hermes, February 2, 1950. ) [24]p.
HUGHES, LANGSTON, Simple Speaks His Mind. [New York] Simon and Schus-
ter [c!950]. 231p.
INGE, WILLIAM, Come Back, Little Sheba. New York, Random House [c!950].
119p.
JARECKA, LOUISE (LLEWELLYN), Made in Poland; Living Traditions of the Land.
New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1949. 289p.
JONES, ALLETTA, Peggy's Wish. New York, Abingdon-Cokesbury Press [c!949].
175p.
KANSAS ACADEMY OF SCIENCE, Transactions, Vol. 52. N. p., Kansas Academy
of Science, 1949. 521p.
KANSAS AUTHORS CLUB, 1950 Yearbook. N. p., 1950. 128p.
KANSAS CITY, KANSAS, WASHINGTON AVENUE METHODIST CHURCH, Silver Anni-
versary, 1924-1949. N. p. [1949]. 39p.
Kansas Magazine, 1950. Manhattan, The Kansas Magazine Publishing Associ-
ation, 1950. 108p.
KANSAS STATE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL WELFARE, Kansas Handbook of Social
Resources, 1949. No impr. Mimeographed. [376]p.
KANSAS UNIVERSITY, New Writers, 1950. [Lawrence, New Writers, University
of Kansas, 1950.] 80p.
Liberal, Kansas, City Directory, 1948 . . . Colorado Springs, Rocky Moun-
tain Directory Company, 1948. 184p.
LOCKWOOD, ETHEL K., Side Roads Calling; Traveling the Unbeaten Paths From
California to Florida. New York, The Exposition Press [c!949]. 185p.
LOWTHER, CHARLES C., A Tale of the Kansas Border. New York, Vantage
Press, Inc. [c!949]. 190p.
MARKHAM, REUBEN HENRY, Tito's Imperial Communism. Chapel Hill, The
University of North Carolina Press, 1947. 292p.
MARQUETTE, 75TH ANNIVERSARY PLANNING COMMITTEE, Marquette's "Pioneer
Day" Momenta. [Marquette] 75th Anniversary Planning Committee, 1949.
[35]p.
MARTIN, WILLIAM IVAN, and BERNARD HERMAN MARTIN, Silver Stallion.
[Kansas City, Mo., Tell-Well Press, c!949.] [26]p.
MENNINGER, WILLIAM CLAIRE, Enjoying Leisure Time. Chicago, Science Re-
search Associates, Inc. [c!950]. 48p.
METHODIST CHURCH, WOMAN'S SOCIETY OF CHRISTIAN SERVICE, KANSAS CON-
FERENCE, Annual Report, 7 and 8, 1947-1948, 1948-1949. No impr. 2 Vols.
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 87
MILLER, AMY (JOHNSON), The Pioneer Doctor in the Ozarks White River Coun-
try. Kansas City, Mo., Burton Publishing Company [c!949], 161p.
MOORE, CLINTON J., Brain Storms. N. p., 1950. Mimeographed. 48p.
Moss, L. HANI, Dust on Memory's Shelf. Boston, Bruce Humphries, Inc.
[c!948]. 80p.
MUSSELMAN, MORRIS MCNEIL, Get a Horse! the Story of the Automobile in
America. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company [c!950]. 304p.
, I Married a Redhead. New York, Thomas Y. Crowell Company [c!949].
244p.
NICOLAY, HELEN, Born To Command, the Story of General Eisenhower. New
York, D. Appleton-Century Company [c!945]. 192p.
PARK, ESTHER AILLEEN, Mural Painters in America. Part 1, a Biographical
Index. Pittsburg, Kansas State Teachers College, 1949. 182p.
P oik's Topeka (Shawnee County, Kansas) City Directory, 1950. Kansas City,
Mo., R. L. Polk and Company, c!950. 782p.
POPENOE, PAUL, Marriage Is What You Make It. New York, The Macmillan
Company, 1950. 221p.
Portrait and Biographical Album of Marshall County, Kansas . . . Chi-
cago, Chapman Brothers, 1889. 740p.
POWERS, PAUL S., Doc Dillahay. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1949.
250p.
RAZAK, KENNETH, Full-Scale Wind Tunnel Tests of 1949 Automobiles. Wichita,
Municipal University of Wichita, 1950. 67p. (University Studies Bulletin,
No. 21.)
RIDDLE, KENYON, Records and Maps of the Old Santa Fe Trail. [Raton, N. M.,
The Raton Daily Range, c!949.] 104p.
ROOT, FRANK ALBERT, and WILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY, The Overland Stage
to California . . . Topeka, 1901. [Reprinted by Long's College Book
Company, Columbus, Ohio, 1950.] 630p.
ROSE, FRANK L., "The Heavens Are Telling." Jesus Is Coming. Hazel Crest,
111., Commentary Publishing Company, c!948. 46p.
SCHROEDER, RUTH, Youth Programs for Special Occasions. New York, Abing-
don-Cokesbury Press [c!950]. 256p.
SIKES, WILLIAM HERMAN, Life Begins at Ninety. Girard, Haldeman-Julius
Publications [c!949]. 146p.
SNELL, JOHN, The Political Thought of Adam Ferguson. Wichita, Municipal
University of Wichita, 1950. 20p. (University Studies Bulletin, No. 21. )
STAUFFER, JOHN H., Ramblings in Europe, 1949. Topeka, The Topeka State
Journal [1949]. 52p.
STONE, IRVING, The Passionate Journey. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday and
Company, Inc., 1949. 337p.
STOWELL, FRANK L., Year Book of Garden City, Kansas, and Biographical
Sketches of Leading Citizens. N. p., 1936. 95p.
TAFT, ROBERT, Fifty Years in Bailey Chemical Laboratory at the University of
Kansas. [Lawrence] Department of Chemistry, University of Kansas, 1950.
47p.
VESTAL, STANLEY, Writing: Advice and Devices, by Walter S. Campbell. Gar-
den City, N. Y., Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1950. 301p.
88 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
WELLMAN, MANLY WADE, Giant in Gray, a Biography of Wade Hampton of
South Carolina. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1949. 387p.
Wichita Social Register, 1950. Vol. 8. [Wichita, Prairie Publishers, Inc.]
1950. 157p.
WILSON, LLOYD E., A History of Cooperatives in Kansas. Topeka, Kansas Co-
operative Council Publication, 1949. 153p.
THE WEST
BANDELIER, ADOLPH FRANCIS ALPHONSE, A Scientist on the Trail; Travel Letters
of A. F. Bandelier, 1880-1881. [Edited by] George P. Hammond and Edgar
F. Goad. Berkeley, The Quivira Society, 1949. 142p. (Quivira Society
Publications, Vol. 10.)
BEARD, JOHN W., Saddles East; Horseback Over the Old Oregon Trail. Port-
land, Ore., Binfords and Mort [c!949]. 181p.
BEEBE, Lucius MORRIS, and CHARLES CLEGG, 17. S. West, the Saga of Wells
Fargo. New York, E. P. Button and Company, Inc., 1949. 320p.
BOLTON, HERBERT EUGENE, Coronado on the Turquoise Trail; Knight of
Pueblos and Plains. Albuquerque, The University of New Mexico Press,
1949. 491p. (Coronado Cuarto Centennial Publications, Vol. 1.)
CLAPPE, LOUISE AMELIA KNAPP (SMITH), The Shirley Letters From the Cali-
fornia Mines, 1851-1852. With an Introduction and Notes by Carl I. Wheat.
New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1949. 216p.
CLELAND, ROBERT GLASS, This Reckless Breed of Men, the Trappers and Fur
Traders of the Southwest. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1950. 361p.
DOBIE, JAMES FRANK, The Voice of the Coyote. Boston, Little, Brown and
Company, 1949. 386p.
DuBois, JOHN VAN DEUSEN, Campaigns in the West, 1856-1861. The
Journal and Letters of Colonel John Van Deusen Du Bois With Pencil
Sketches by Joseph Heger. Tucson, Arizona Pioneers Historical Society,
1949. 120p.
Du Ru, PAUL, Journal of Paul Du Ru [February 1 to May 8, 1700] Missionary
Priest to Louisiana. Chicago, Printed for the Caxton Club, 1934. 74p.
EMRICH, DUNCAN, It's an Old Wild West Custom. New York, The Vanguard
Press, Inc. [c!949]. 313p.
HECKMAN, WILLIAM L., Steamboating; Sixty-Five Years on Missouri's Rivers;
the Historical Story of Developing the Waterway Traffic on the Rivers of the
Middlewest. Kansas City, Mo., Burton Publishing Company [c!950]. 284p.
HUNGERFORD, EDWARD, Wells Fargo, Advancing the American Frontier. New
York, Random House [c!949L 274p.
HUNTER, Louis C., Steamboats on the Western Rivers, an Economic and Tech-
nological History. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1949. 684p.
MADDEN, HENRY MILLER, Xdntus, Hungarian Naturalist in the Pioneer West.
Palo Alto, Books of the West, 1949. 312p.
MANLY, WILLIAM LEWIS, The Jayhawkers' Oath and Other Sketches. Los
Angeles, Warren F. Lewis, 1949. 168p.
MEGQUIER, MARY JANE (COLE), Apron Full of Gold; the Letters of Mary Jane
Megquier From San Francisco, 1849-1856. San Marino, Cal., The Hunt-
ington Library, 1949. 99p.
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 89
MUMEY, NOLIE, Clark, Gruber and Company (1860-1865), a Pioneer Denver
Mint. History of Their Operation and Coinage. Denver, Artcraft Press,
1950. 93p.
PADEN, IRENE (DAKIN), Prairie Schooner Detours. New York, The Macmillan
Company, 1949. 295p.
PFEFFERKORN, IGNAZ, Sonora, a Description of the Province. Albuquerque, The
University of New Mexico Press, 1949. 329p. (Coronado Cuarto Centen-
nial Publications, Vol. 12.)
PRICE, GEORGE FREDERIC, Across the Continent With the Fifth Cavalry. New
York, D. Van Nostrand, 1883. 705p.
RATHBONE, PERRY T., ed., Mississippi Panorama, the Life and Landscape of
the Father of Waters and Its Great Tributary, the Missouri . . . [St.
Louis] City Art Museum of St. Louis [c!950]. 228p.
SALISBURY, ALBERT, and JANE SALISBURY, Two Captains West, an Historical
Tour of the Lewis and Clark Trail. Seattle, Superior Publishing Company
[c!950]. 235p.
WALLACE, ED. R., Parson Hanks Fourteen Years in the West. A Story of the
Authors Frontier Life in the Pan Handle of Texas. Arlington, Tex., Journal
Print [1950]. [168]p.
WARREN, SIDNEY, Farthest Frontier, the Pacific Northwest. New York, The
Macmillan Company, 1949. 375p.
WESTERNERS, DENVER, Brand Book, 1948. Denver, The Westerners [c!949].
271p.
, Los Angeles, Brand Book, 1948. [Los Angeles, The Los Angeles West-
erners, c!949.] 175p.
WILLIAMS, ALBERT NATHANIEL, Rocky Mountain Country. New York, Duell,
Sloan and Pearce [c!950]. 289p.
WOLLE, MURIEL VINCENT SIBELL, Stampede to Timberline; the Ghost Towns
and Mining Camps of Colorado. Boulder, Author [c!949]. 544p.
WYER, MALCOM G., Western History Collection, Its Beginning and Growth.
[Denver] Denver Public Library, 1950. [20]p.
GENEALOGY AND LOCAL HISTORY
ALBEMARLE COUNTY [VIRGINIA] HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Papers, Vol. 9, 1948-
1949. Charlottesville, Albemarle County Historical Society, 1950. 77p.
AMERICAN CLAN GREGOR SOCIETY, Year Book Containing the Proceedings of
the 1949 Annual Gathering. Richmond, Va., The American Clan Gregor
Society [1950]. 51p.
American Genealogical Index, Vols. 34-38. Middletown, Conn., Published by
a Committee Representing the Cooperating Subscribing Libraries . . .,
1949-1950. 5 Vols.
ATWATER, FRANCIS, Atwater History and Genealogy. Meriden, Conn., The
Journal Publishing Company, 1901. 492p.
BENFORD, J. H., History of Hancock County, Indiana . . . Greenfield,
Ind., William Mitchell, Steam Book and Job Printer, 1882. 536p.
Biographical and Genealogical History of Southeastern Nebraska. Chicago, The
Lewis Publishing Company, 1904. 2 Vols.
Biographical and Historical Record of Jay and Blackford Counties, Indiana
. . . Chicago, The Lewis Publishing Company, 1887. 901p.
90 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Biographical Memoirs of Wabash County, Indiana . . . Chicago, B. F.
Bowen, 1901. 705p.
Biographical Review . . . Biographical Sketches of the Leading Citizens
of Franklin County, Massachusetts. Boston, Biographical Review Publishing
Company, 1895. 668p.
Biographical Review . . . Containing Life Sketches of Leading Citizens
of Norfolk County, Massachusetts. Boston, Biographical Review Publishing
Company, 1898. 710p.
Biographical Sketches of Leading Citizens of Cortland County, New York.
Buffalo, Biographical Publishing Company, 1898. 515p.
BOSTONIAN SOCIETY, Proceedings, Annual Meeting January 10, 1950. Boston,
Society, 1950. 68p.
BOWEN, RICHARD LE BARON, Earl Rehoboth; Documented Historical Studies
of Families and Events in This Plymouth Colony Township. Vol. 4.
Rehoboth, Mass., Privately Printed, 1950. 189p.
, Index to the Early Records of the Town of Providence, Vols. 1-21.
Providence, Rhode Island Historical Society, 1949. 97p.
CHANDLER, CHARLES H., comp., The Descendants of Roger Chandler of Con-
cord, Mass., 1658. Provo, Utah, Herald Printing Company, 1949. 152p.
CHAPMAN, BLANCHE (ADAMS), comp., Isle of Wright County Marriages, 1628-
1800. [Smithfield, Va.] 1933. Mimeographed. 137p.
DALE, EDWARD EVERETT, Oklahoma, the Story of a State. Evanston, 111., Row,
Peterson and Company [c!949]. 448p.
DANIEL, J. R. V., comp. and ed., A Hornbook of Virginia History. [Richmond]
Virginia Department of Conservation and Development, Division of History
[1949]. 141p.
DEERFIELD, MASS., Vital Records to the Year 1850. Boston [Wright and Potter
Printing Company], 1920. 328p.
DORCHESTER, MASS., Dorchester Births, Marriages and Deaths to the End of
1825. Boston, Rockwell and Churchill, 1890. 392p.
Dow, GRACE ANN (BALL), Dow, Ball, Eaton and Allied Families; a Genea-
logical Study With Biographical Notes. New York, The American Historical
Company, Inc., 1947. 80p.
EAST TENNESEE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Publications, No. 21, 1949. Knoxville,
The East Tennessee Historical Society, 1949. 143p.
EASTWOOD, ERIC KINGMAN, and SIDNEY KINGMAN EASTWOOD, The Eastwood
Family. An Account of Some of the Descendants of Abel Eastwood Who
Settled in Washington County, New York, Around 1780. Pittsburgh, Pa.,
Privately Printed, 1950. 14p.
EBERLEIN, HAROLD DONALDSON, The Manors and Historic Homes of the Hudson
Valley. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company, 1924. 327p.
ERVIN, EDGAR, Pioneer History of Meigs County, Ohio, to 1949, Including Ma-
sonic History of the Same Period. No impr. 514p.
ERVIN, SARA SULLIVAN, comp. and ed., South Carolinians in the Revolution,
With Service Records and Miscellaneous Data. Also Abstracts of Wills,
Laurens County (Ninety-Six District), 1775-1855. [Ypsilanti, Mich., Uni-
versity Lithoprinters] 1949. 217p.
EVERTON, WALTER MARION, The Handy Book for Genealogists . . .
Logan, Utah, Herald- Journal Printing Company, c!949. 205p.
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 91
FAIRFIELD [CONN.] HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Pamphlet, 1950. Fairfield, Fairfield
Historical Society, 1950. 26p.
FISHER, CHARLES A., Early Central Pennsylvania Lineages. N. p., 1948. lOOp.
, comp., Wills and Administrations of Northumberland County, Pennsyl-
vania, Including Wills and Administrations of Union, Mifflin and Indiana
Counties, All Formerly a Part of Northumberland County, Pennsylvania.
Selinsgrove, Pa., 1950. 77p.
Fox, FRANK BIRD, Two Huguenot Families: DeBlois, Lucas. Cambridge,
Mass., University Press [c!949]. 120p.
GALLAND, ISAAC, Galland's Iowa Emigrant: Containing a Map and General
Description of Iowa Territory. Chillicothe, Ohio, William C. Jones, 1840.
[Reprinted by the State Historical Society of Iowa, 1949.] 28p.
CAREER, VIRGINIA (ARMISTEAD), The Armistead Family, 1635-1910. Rich-
mond, Va., Whittet and Shepperson, 1910. 319p.
GARNER, WINFIELD SCOTT, ed., Biographical and Portrait Cyclopedia of Chester
County, Pennsylvania, Comprising a Historical Sketch of the County, by
Samuel T. Wiley. Together With More Than Five Hundred Biographical
Sketches of the Prominent Men and Leading Citizens of the County. Phila-
delphia, Gresham Publishing Company, 1893. 879p.
GLAZEBROOK, EUGENIA G., and PRESTON G. GLAZEBROOK, Virginia Migrations;
Hanover County, Vol. 2, 1743-1871. Wills, Deeds, Depositions, Letters,
Marriages, Obituaries, Estates for Sale, Absentee Land Owners and Other
Documents of Historical and Genealogical Interest. N. p., c!949. Mimeo-
graphed. llOp.
GOERING, JACOB M., and ANNA (GRABER) GOERING, The Jacob H. Goering
Family Record, 1856-1948. Inman, Kan., Salem Publishing House, 1948.
85p.
, The Jacob Strausz, Sr., Family Record, 1859-1948. Inman, Kan., Salem
Publishing House, 1948. 76p.
, The Peter Graber Family Record, 1839-1948. Newton, The Herald Book
and Printing Company, Inc., 1948. 444p.
GREEN, FLETCHER MELVIN, ed., Essays in Southern History. Chapel Hill, The
University of North Carolina Press, 1949. 156p. ( The James Sprunt Studies
in History and Political Science, Vol. 31.)
GREENWOOD, FREDERICK, Greenwood Genealogies, 1154-1914 . . . New
York, The Lyons Genealogical Company [c!914]. 546p.
GROTON, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1849. Salem, Mass.,
The Essex Institute, 1926-1927. 2 Vols.
GUNNISON, GEORGE W., comp., A Genealogy of the Descendants of Hugh Gun-
nison, of Boston, Mass., Covering the Period From 1610-1876. Boston,
George A. Foxcroft, 1880. 222p.
HAIN, HARRY HARRISON, History of Perry County, Pennsylvania, Including
Sketches of Its Noted Men and Women and Many Professional Men.
Harrisburg, Hain-Moore Company, 1922. 1088p.
HALIFAX, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1849. Boston, Massa-
chusetts Society of Mayflower Descendants, 1905. 21 Ip.
HASKELL, HENRY C., JR., and RICHARD B. FOWLER, City of the Future, a Nar-
rative History of Kansas City, 1850-1950. Kansas City, Mo., Frank Glenn
Publishing Company, Inc. [c!950]. 193p.
92 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
HAZLETT, CHARLES A., History of Rockingham County, New Hampshire, and
Representative Citizens. Chicago, Richmond-Arnold Publishing Company,
1915. 1306p.
HELLER, FRANCIS HOWARD, Virginia's State Government During the Second
World War; Its Constitutional, Legislative and Administrative Adaptations,
1942-1945. Richmond, Virginia State Library, 1949. 203p.
HELMEN, VERNON R., Archaeological Survey of Owen County, Indiana. Indian-
apolis, Indiana Historical Bureau, 1950. 49p.
Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois and History of Mercer County. Chicago,
Munsell Publishing Company, 1903. 798p.
Historical Notes on the Ancestry and Descendants of Henry Neill, M. D. N. p.
Privately Printed, 1886. 33p.
History of Jefferson County, Iowa, Containing a History of the County, Its Cities,
Towns, Etc. . . . Chicago, Western Historical Company, 1879. 603p.
History of Lawrence and Monroe Counties, Indiana, Their People, Industries
and Institutions. Indianapolis, B. F. Bowen and Company, 1914. 764p.
History of Portage County, Ohio . . . Chicago, Warner, Beers and Com-
pany, 1885. 927p.
History of Van Wert and Mercer Counties, Ohio. With Illustrations and Bio-
graphical Sketches of Some of Its Prominent Men and Pioneers. Wapakoneta,
Ohio, R. Sutton and Company, 1882. [506]p.
HORTON, H. LEAVITT, New England Chronicle, No. 1. Abraham Lincoln.
N. p., c!950. [23]p.
, New England Sampler: Boston, Hingham and the South Shore, With
Views and Sketches Printed in Colors by the Author. N. p., c!950. [26]p.
HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, Transactions, No. 54. Baltimore,
Waverly Press, Inc., 1949. 51p.
IRVINE, MRS. ESTHER, Hulpiau-Jelly Family Histories. N. p. [1950]. Mimeo-
graphed. 91p.
LANTZ, EMILY EMERSON, The Family of Boarman. Typed. 12p.
LAWRENCE, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1849. Salem, Mass.,
The Essex Institute, 1926. 125p.
LEONARD, JOAN DE LOURDES, SISTER, The Organization and Procedure of the
Pennsylvania Assembly, 1682-1776. Philadelphia, 1949. (Reprinted from
The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 72, No. 3, July
and October, 1948. ) 66p.
LYNN, MASS., Records of ye Towne Meeting of Lyn, 1691-1701/2. Lynn, Lynn
Historical Society, 1949. 83p.
MARSHALL, GEORGE SIDNEY, The Daniel Marshall Family With a Sketch of
the Aaron Marshall Family. Columbus, Ohio, n. p., 1949. 74p.
MORGAN, MANIE, The New Stars; Life and Labor in Old Missouri. As arranged
by Jennie A. Morgan. N. p., The Antioch Press, 1949. 301p.
MOUNT VERNON LADIES' ASSOCIATION OF THE UNION, Annual Report, 1949.
[Mount Vernon, The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union, c!950.]
47p.
NELSON, WILLIAM, ed., Nelson's Biographical Cyclopedia of New Jersey. New
York, Eastern Historical Publishing Society, 1913. 2 Vols.
NEW CANAAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Annual, June, 1950. New Canaan, Conn.,
The New Canaan Historical Society, 1950. 134p.
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 93
NEWTON, CLAIR ALONZO, Newton Families of Colonial Connecticut, Vol. 2.
Naperville, 111., n. p., 1949. 286p.
NOURSE, HENRY STEDMAN, ed., The Birth, Marriage and Death Register, Church
Records and Epitaphs of Lancaster, Massachusetts, 1643-1850. Lancaster,
n. p., 1890. 508p.
OWEN, THOMAS McAooRY, History of Alabama and Dictionary of Alabama
Biography. Chicago, The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1921. 4 Vols.
PENNSYLVANIA, HISTORICAL AND MUSEUM COMMISSION, Guide to the Published
Archives of Pennsylvania Covering the 138 Volumes of Colonial Records'
and Pennsylvania Archives, Series 1-9. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania Historical
and Museum Commission, 1949. lOlp.
PLATT, GEORGE LEWIS, The Platt Lineage, a Genealogical Research and Record.
New York, Thomas Whittaker, 1891. 398p.
Portrait and Biographical Album of Morgan and Scott Counties, III., Contain-
ing . . . Biographical Sketches of Prominent and Representative Citizens
of the County . . . Chicago, Chapman Brothers, 1889. 617p.
Portrait and Biographical Album of Otoe and Cass Counties, Nebraska . . .
Chicago, Chapman Brothers, 1889. 1307p.
Portrait and Biographical Record of Hunterdon and Warren Counties, New
Jersey . . . New York, Chapman Publishing Company, 1898. 578p.
RANDOLPH, WASSELL, William Randolph I of Turkey Island (Henrico County),
Virginia, and His Immediate Descendants. Memphis, Seebode Mimeo
Service, 1949. 115p.
Religious History of South Hampton, N. H., With an Appendix. Exeter, N. H.,
The News-Letter Steam Job Print, 1881. 84p.
Representative Men and Old Families of Rhode Island: Genealogical Records
and Historical Sketches . . . Chicago, J. H. Beers and Company, 1908.
2 Vols.
RITCHIE, WILLIAM AUGUSTUS, The Bell-Philhower Site Sussex County, New
Jersey. Indianapolis, Indiana Historical Society, 1949. [133]p. (Prehistory
Research Series, Vol. 3, No. 2.)
Rockingham Recorder, Vol. 1, Nos. 3-4, 1947-1948. Harrisonburg, Va., Rock-
ingham Historical Society, 1947-1948. 2 Nos.
ROSCOE, WILLIAM E., History of Schoharie County, New York, With Illustra-
tions and Biographical Sketches of Some of Its Prominent Men and Pioneers.
Syracuse, N. Y., D. Mason and Company, 1882. 470p.
ROXBURY, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1S49. Salem, Mass.,
The Essex Institute, 1925-1926. 2 Vols.
SAWYER, ROLAND D., The History of Kensington, New Hampshire, 1663 to 1945
. . . With a Family and Homestead Register of the Pioneer Families,
Early Settlers and Permanent Citizens of the Town. Farmington, Me., The
Knowlton and McLeary Company, 1946. 404p.
SCALES, JOHN, Historical Memoranda Concerning Persons and Places in Old
Dover, N. H. Collected by the Rev. Dr. Alonzo Hall Quint. Dover, N. H.,
n. p., 1900. 425p.
SCHLEGEL, MARVIN WILSON, Virginia on Guard; Civilian Defense and the State
Militia in the Second World War. Richmond, Virginia State Library, 1949.
. 286p.
94 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
SCHUSTER, O. J., In the Stream of Time, a Historical Family Sketch. No impr.
25p.
SCRIBNER, HARVEY, ed., Memoirs of Lucas County and the City of Toledo
. Including a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Representative
Families. Madison, Wis., Western Historical Association, 1910. 2 Vols.
SHAFEH, TWILA (BIRNIE), and FRANCIS BEASLEY ODELL, Descendants of the
Sutton-Beasley Family of Brown County, Ohio. [Topeka, Myers and Com-
pany] 1946. 97p.
SMITH, JOHN COTTON, Papers of John Cotton Smith While Lieutenant Gov-
ernor, Acting Governor and Governor of the State of Connecticut. Vol. 2,
July 19, 1813-April 14, 1814. Hartford, The Connecticut Historical Society,
1949. 303p. (Collections, Vol. 26.)
SMITH, JOHN E., ed., Our Country and Its People; a Descriptive and Biographi-
cal Record of Madison County, New York. [Boston] The Boston History
Company, 1890. [888]p.
SOCIETY OF INDIANA PIONEERS, Year Book, 1949. Published by Order of the
Board of Governors, 1949. 125p.
SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI, Roster. N. p., Society, 1950. 114p.
SOUTH DAKOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Collections and Report, Vol. 24, 1949.
[Madison, S. D.] The Madison Daily Leader, 1949. 595p.
SPALDING, CHARLES CARROLL, Annals of the City of Kansas: Embracing Full
Details of Trade and Commerce of the Great Western Plains, Together With
Statistics of the Agricultural, Mineral and Commercial Resources of the
Country West, South and South-West, Embracing Western Missouri, Kansas,
the Indian Country and New Mexico. Kansas City, Van Horn and Abeel's
Printing House, 1858. [Reprinted by Frank Glenn Publishing Company,
1950.] 116p.
STEBBINS, WILLIS MERRILL, Genealogy of the Stebbins Family Including Kin-
dred Lines of Swetland, Wilcox and Cheney Families. Lincoln, Neb., Brown
Printing Service [c!940]. 123p.
STEEN, MOSES DUNCAN ALEXANDER, The Steen Family in Europe and America
. . . 2d ed. Revised and Enlarged. Cincinnati, Monfort and Com-
pany, 1917. 740p.
STICKNEY, MATTHEW ADAMS, The Fowler Family: a Genealogical Memoir of
the Descendants of Philip and Mary Fowler, of Ipswich, Mass. Ten Gener-
ations, 1590-1882. Salem, Salem Press, 1883. 247p.
STREETS, THOMAS HALE, David Rees of Little Creek Hundred; and the Descend-
ants of John Rees, His Son. Philadelphia, n. p., 1904. 80p.
, The Descendants of Thomas Hale of Delaware, With an Account of the
Jamison and Green Families. Philadelphia, n. p., 1913. 116p.
, Samuel Griffin of New Castle County on Delaware, Planter; and his
Descendants to the Seventh Generation. Philadelphia, n. p., 1905. 235p.
TAYLOR, H. C., Historical Sketches of the Town of Portland [N. YJ Comprising
Also the Pioneer History of Chautauqua County, With Biographical Sketches
of the Early Settlers. Fredonia, N. Y., W. McKinstry and Son, 1873. 446p.
THOMAS, JAMES W., and T. J. C. WILLIAMS, History of Allegany County,
Maryland . . . N. p., L. R. Titsworth and Company, 1923. 2 Vols.
TIERNAN, CHARLES BERNARD, The Tiernan and Other Families, as Illustrated
by Extracts From Works in the Public Libraries, and Original Letters and
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 95
Memoranda in the Possession of Charles B. Tiernan. Baltimore, William
J. Gallery and Company, 1901. 466p.
Town Register: Exeter, Hampton, 1908. Augusta, Me., The Mitchell-Cony
Company, 1908. 256p.
TRURO, MASS., Vital Records to the End of the Year 1849. Boston, Massa-
chusetts Society of Mayflower Descendants, 1933. 480p.
VANDERVELDE, CONRAD, comp., "Now These Are the Generations of .
Pieter B. De Swarte (1787-1860) . . . Emporia, Kan., n. p. [1948].
43p.
Vestry Book of the Upper Parish Nansemond County, Virginia, 1743-1793.
Richmond, The Library Board of Virginia, 1949. 328p.
WAKEFIELD, HOMER, Wakefield Memorial, Comprising an Historical, Genea-
logical and Biographical Register of the Name and Family of Wakefield.
Bloomington, 111. [Pantagraph Printing and Stationery Company], 1897.
352p.
WATERS, MARGARET R., Revolutionary Soldiers Buried in Indiana; 300 Names
Not Listed in the Roster of Soldiers and Patriots of the American Revolution
Buried in Indiana. Indianapolis, 1949. Mimeographed. 42p.
WATERTOWN, MASS., Watertown Records . . . Vols. 2-4. Watertown,
1900-1906. 3 Vols.
WEBB, WILLIAM JAMES, Our Webb Kin of Dixie, a Family History. Oxford,
N. C., W. J. Webb, 1940. 205p.
WESTON, MASS., Births, Deaths and Marriages, 1707-1850. 1703-Grave-
stones-1900. Church Records, 1709-1825. Boston, Mclndoe Brothers,
1901. 649p.
WOLFE, WILLIAM G., Stories of Guernsey County, Ohio . . . Cambridge,
Ohio, Author, 1943. 1093p.
WRIGHT, CHARLES WILLIS, The Wright Ancestry of Caroline, Dorchester, Som-
erset and Wicomico Counties, Maryland. [Baltimore, Baltimore City Print-
ing and Binding Company] 1907. 218p.
[WYMAN, THOMAS BELLOWS], The Frothingham Genealogy. [Boston, T. R.
Marvin and Son, 1916.] 170p.
GENERAL
AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, Proceedings at the Annual Meeting Held in
Worcester, October 19, 1949. Worcester, Mass., Society, 1950. [146]p.
, Proceedings at the Semi-Annual Meeting Held in Boston, April 20, 1949.
Worcester, Mass., Society, 1949. 160p.
ANDERSON, RUDOLPH E., The Story of the American Automobile, Highlights and
Sidelights. [Washington, D. C.] Public Affairs Press [c!950]. 301p.
AYER, N. W., AND SON'S, Directory Newspapers and Periodicals, 1950. Phila-
delphia, N. W. Ayer and Son, Inc. [c!950]. 1478p.
B ARBOUR, VIOLET, Capitalism in Amsterdam in the Seventeenth Century. Balti-
more, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1950. 171p. (The Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series 67, No. 1.)
BARKER, GEORGE C., Pachuco: an American Spanish Argot and Its Social Func-
tions in Tucson, Arizona. Tucson, University of Arizona, 1950. 38p. (So-
cial Science Bulletin, No. 18.)
96 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
BEMIS, SAMUEL FLAGG, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American
Foreign Policy. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1949. 588p.
BILLINGTON, RAY ALLEN, ed., and others, The Making of American Democracy:
Readings and Documents. New York, Rinehart and Company, Inc. [1950].
[940]p.
BOATRIGHT, MODY CocGiN, Folk Laughter on the American Frontier. New
York, The Macmillan Company, 1949. 182p.
BOTKIN, BENJAMIN ALBERT, ed., A Treasury of Southern Folklore; Stories, Bal-
lads, Traditions and Folkways of the People of the South. New York, Crown
Publishers [c!949]. 776p.
BROWN, TRUESDELL SPARHAWK, Onesicritus; a Study in Hellenistic Historiog-
raphy. Berkeley, University of California Press, 1949. 196p. (University
of California Publications in History, Vol. 39.)
CLARK, WALTER, The Papers of Walter Clark. Vol. 1, 1857-1901. Edited by
Aubrey Lee Brooks and Hugh Talmage Lefler. Chapel Hill, University of
North Carolina Press [c!948]. 607p.
COLLIER, JOHN, Patterns and Ceremonials of the Indians of the Southwest
With Over 100 Lithographs and Drawings by Ira Moskonitz . . . New
York, E. P. Button and Company, Inc., 1949. 192p.
COULTER, ELLIS MERTON, The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865.
[Baton Rouge] Louisiana State University Press, 1950. 644p. (A History
of the South, Vol. 7.)
COURTENAY, WILLIAM, The Metropolitan Visitations of William Courteney,
Archbishop of Canterbury, 1381-1396; Documents Transcribed From the
Original Manuscripts of Courteney s Register, With an Introduction Describ-
ing the Archbishop's Investigations by Joseph Henry Dahmus. Urbana, Uni-
versity of Illinois Press, 1950. 209p. (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences,
Vol. 31, No. 2.)
CREMEANS, CHARLES DAIRS, The Reception of Calvinistic Thought in England.
Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1949. 127p. (Illinois Studies in the
Social Sciences, Vol. 31, No. 1.)
CURTIS, NATALIE, ed., The Indians' Book, an Offering by the American Indians
of Indian Lore, Musical and Narrative To Form a Record of the Songs and
Legends of Their Race. New York, Harper and Brothers, 1907. 573p.
DALE, EDWARD EVERETT, The Indians of the Southwest: a Century of Develop-
ment Under the United States. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press,
1949. 283p.
DAVIDSON, HENRY M., Fourteen Months in Southern Prisons . . . Mil-
waukee, Daily Wisconsin Printing House, 1865. 393p.
DILLISTON, WILLIAM H., Bank Note Reporters and Counterfeit Detectors, 1826-
1866. With a Discourse on Wildcat Banks and Wildcat Bank Notes. New
York, The American Numismatic Society, 1949. 175p.
EATON, CLEMENT, A History of the Old South. New York, The Macmillan
Company, 1949. 636p.
EDELMAN, MURRAY, The Licensing of Radio Services in the United States, 1927-
1947; a Study in Administrative Formulation of Policy. Urbana, The Uni-
versity of Illinois Press, 1950. 229p. (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences,
Vol. 31, No. 4.)
RECENT ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY 97
Encyclopedia of American Biography. New Series, Vol. 21. New York, The
American Historical Company, Inc., 1949. 473p.
ESTTGARRIBIA, JOSE FELIX, The Epic of the Chaco: Marshal Estigarribia's
Memoirs of the Chaco War, 1932-1935. Austin, The University of Texas
Press, 1950. 221p. (Latin- American Studies, 8.)
GALLOWAY, JOHN DEBO, The First Transcontinental Railroad: Central Pacific,
Union Pacific. New York, Simmons-Boardman [c!950]. 319p.
GARDNER, CHARLES M., The Grange Friend of the Farmer; a Concise Reference
History of America's Oldest Farm Organization, and the Only Rural Frater-
nity in the World, 1867-1947. Washington, D. C., The National Grange
[c!949]. 531p.
HALE, WILLIAM HARLAN, Horace Greeley, Voice of the People. New York,
Harper and Brothers [c!950]. 377p.
HARVEY, ROWLAND HILL, Robert Owen, Social Idealist. Berkeley, University of
California Press, 1949. 269p. ( University of California Publications in His-
tory, Vol. 38.)
HENRY, RALPH B., and LUCILE PANNELL, My American Heritage, a Collection of
Songs, Poems, Speeches, Sayings and Other Writings Dear to Our Hearts.
Chicago, Rand McNally and Company [c!949]. 318p.
HOLBROOK, STEWART H., The Yankee Exodus, an Account of Migration From
New England. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1950. 398p.
HORRY, P., and MASON LOCKE WEEMS, The Life of General Francis Marion
. . . Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott and Company, 1858. 252p.
Information Please Almanac, 1950. New York, The Macmillan Company
[c!949]. 927p.
JACKSON, ELISABETH COLEMAN, and CAROLYN CURTIS, Guide to the Burlington
Archives in the Newberry Library, 1851-1901. Chicago, The Newberry
Library, 1949. 374p.
JAKOBSON, ROMAN, and ERNEST J. SIMMONS, Russian Epic Studies. Phila-
delphia, American Folklore Society, 1949. 223p.
JEFFERSON, THOMAS, Papers. Vol. 1, 1760-1776. Princeton, Princeton Univer-
sity Press, 1950. 679p.
JOHANNSEN, ALBERT, The House of Beadle and Adams and Its Dime and Nickel
Novels; the Story of a Vanished Literature. Norman, University of Okla-
homa Press [c!950]. 2 Vols.
KANE, JOSEPH NATHAN, Famous First Facts; a Record of First Happenings, Dis-
coveries and Inventions in the United States. New 7 ->rk, The H. W. Wilson
Company, 1950. 888p.
KING, JAMES EDWARD, Science and Rationalism in the Government of Louis XIV,
1661-1683. Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1949. 337p. (The Johns
Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series 66,
No. 2.)
LUTRELL, ESTELLE, Newspapers and Periodicals of Arizona, 1859-1911. Tucson,
University of Arizona Press, c!950. 123p. (General Bulletin, No. 15.)
MALLERY, OTTO TOD, More Than Conquerors; Building Peace on Fair Trade.
New York, Harper and Brothers [c!947]. 204p.
Mennonite Historical Bulletin, Vol. 1, No. 1-Vol 10, No. 4; April, 1940-October,
1949. Scottdale, Pa., Historical Committee of Mennonite General Confer-
ence, 1940-1949. 10 Vols.
75517
98 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
MORGAN, DALE L., A Bibliography of the Church of Jesus Christ, Organized at
Green Oak, Pennsylvania, July, 1862. (Reprinted from The Western Hu-
manities Review, Vol. 4, No. 1, Winter, 1949-1950.) 28p.
MORGAN, LEWIS HENRY, League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois. Roch-
ester, N. Y., Sage and Brother, 1851. 477p.
MOTOLINIA, TORIBIO, History of the Indians of New Spain. Translated and
Edited by Elizabeth Andros Foster. [Berkeley] The Cortes Society, 1950.
294p.
National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Vol. 35. New York, James T.
White and Company, 1949. 557p.
NOBLIN, STUART, Leonidas La Fayette Polk, Agrarian Crusader. Chapel Hill,
The University of North Carolina Press, 1949. 325p.
NORDYKE, LEWIS, Cattle Empire, the Fabulous Story of the 3,000,000 Acre
XIT. New York, William Morrow and Company, 1949. 273p.
OSBORN, FAIRFIELD, Our Plundered Planet. Boston, Little, Brown and Company,
1948. 217p.
Pattersons American Educational Directory, Vol. 47. Chicago, Field Enter-
prises, Inc. [c!950]. 1094p.
POLLARD, JOHN A., John Greenleaf Whittier, Friend of Man. Boston, Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1949. 615p.
RADIN, PAUL, Winnebago Culture As Described by Themselves; the Origin
Myth of the Medicine Rite: Three Versions, the Historical Origins of the
Medicine Rite. Baltimore, Waverly Press, Inc., 1950. 78p. (Special Pub-
lications of Bollingen Foundation, No. 2. )
REICHARD, GLADYS ALMANDA, Navaho Religion, a Study of Symbolism. [New
York] Pantheon Books [c!950]. 2 Vols. (Bollingen Series, 18.)
STANISLAWSKI, DAN, The Anatomy of Eleven Towns in Michoacdn. Austin,
The University of Texas Press, 1950. 77p. (Latin- American Studies, 10.)
TEXAS UNIVERSITY, INSTITUTE OF LATIN-AMERICAN STUDIES, Basic Industries
in Texas and Northern Mexico. Austin, The University of Texas Press, 1950.
193p. (Latin- American Studies, 9.)
WALKER, EDWIN FRANCIS, America's Indian Background. 2d ed. N. p., 1947.
19p. (Southwest Museum Leaflets, No. 18.)
WEITENKAMPF, FRANK, Early Pictures of North American Indians, a Question
of Ethnology. New York, The New York Public Library, 1950. 26p.
WESTERMEIER, CLIFFORD PETER, Man, Beast, Dust; the Story of Rodeo.
N. p. [1948]. 450p.
Who's Who in America. Vol. 26, 1950-1951. Chicago, The A. N. Marquis
Company, 1950. 3347p.
WILLIAMS, KENNETH P., Lincoln Finds a General, a Military Study of the Civil
War. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1949. 2 Vols.
WIRT, WILLIAM, Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry. New
York, Derby and Jackson, 1858. 468p.
WITNEY, FRED, Wartime Experiences of the National Labor Relations Board,
1941-1945. Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1949. 309p. (Illinois
Studies in the Social Sciences, Vol. 30, Nos. 2-3.)
World Almanac and Book of Facts for 1950. New York, New York World-
Telegram Corporation, c!950. 912p.
Bypaths of Kansas History
To PIKE'S PEAK ON FOOT
From The Daily Times, Leavenworth, April 4, 1860.
PEDESTRIANS FOR THE PEAK. We were amused, and at the same time some-
what saddened, yesterday, at a sight familiar enough a year ago, and the terrors
of which, through the history of the Blue brothers and the thousand unwritten
tales of horror like it, have been terribly taught to others. Still we were amused,
as we saw twelve hearty fellows, each with his carpet sack and rifle trudging
manfully and hopefully on their road. "Which way?" we asked.
"Pike's Peak or bust!" was the answer, and on they went, cracking their jokes
and laughingly turning their faces Westward. To Pike's Peak on foot, with no
sufficient provision, or sufficient means for obtaining it "or bust!" Some will
get through a stout heart, a manly purpose and a sound constitution, will bring
success but some, we fear, "will bust." A hazardous experiment, at least. We
would not like to try it.
God speed them on, however, and may they all arrive safely and find plenty
of the golden store they seek, and never have need to "bust."
THE FIRST PLUG HAT IN EMPORIA
From the Emporia News, July 25, 1863.
Much excitement was caused in town last Thursday, by the arrival of a
"plug hat" the first seen in the place since its settlement. It soon became
noised abroad that the "plug" was here, and that F. G. Hunt, Register of
Deeds, was its proud possessor. Curiosity was on tip-toe to get a sight at the
strange object, and the crowd, obeying a sort of natural instinct, made a rush
for Hallberg's, where the receptacle for bricks was found to be undergoing a
process necessary to fit it for use. At this point the excitement became so in-
tense that Felix was compelled to mount a beer barrel and make a speech to
the assembled multitude apologizing for making this innovation upon the
time-honored customs of the village and entreating the crowd to disperse, after
which he hired a small boy to fire a bunch of fire-crackers in honor of the new
hat, and the people retired peaceably to their homes.
Thus ended one of the most exciting scenes ever known in the history of
Emporia. No cause is known for this unwarranted act of Mr. H., unless it is
that he has found the position of Register a very lucrative one. At any rate,
such is the general belief, and accordingly two new candidates for that office
have appeared since Thursday.
THE LAW IN WALLACE COUNTY IN 1873
From The Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, January 22,
1873.
When the Kansas Pacific train [now the Union Pacific] from Denver reached
Wallace, on Wednesday morning, the train men who go no farther than that
(99)
100 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
station eastward from Denver, partook of their breakfast and then retired to
bed, as is their customary habit. Two of these men, Charles Stillman and Dick
Herring, the former baggageman and the latter brakeman, occupied one room
together at the station house. Stillman had a pair of new eighteen dollar boots,
of fine workmanship, which he placed near his bed, and put his vest, containing
a small amount of money, under his pillow. Herring had in his clothing a
horse shoe nail, a comb and a tooth brush, and twenty-five cents in money. The
two slept long and soundly, and when they awoke, and Stillman attempted to
put on his boots, he discovered that his nice ones had become strangely meta-
morphosed, having turned into a pair of coarse $6 affairs. The boys then began
searching their clothing, and Herring found that his horse shoe nail, comb,
brush and money were gone. Then they began investigating the matter. Still-
man suspected a fellow who had been working his way along the road as fire-
man, and thought he had gone off on a freight train; but he was shortly after-
ward found at the table eating his dinner. Stillman then went to a man in
Wallace who sells boots, and asked him if he had any like the ones the thief
had left him, and the storekeeper said he had, and, further, pointed out the
fellow who had bought them there before. It proved to be the identical chap
then at his meal. Pat Greeny, deputy sheriff, was summoned, and when the
young man finished eating, the officer told him that he wanted to see him a
little while. They took him into a back room and investigated his foot gear,
and sure enough, there were Stillman's boots. Furthermore, he had in his
clothing the articles taken from Herring.
Pat Greeny, the deputy sheriff, thereupon constituted himself a court, and
the evidence being of the most positive kind he pronounced the prisoner
"guilty," and proceeded at once to pass judgment upon the offender. The
court didn't fumble over law books or statutes any not he; neither did he as-
sess damage or pass sentence in the good old style. He had his man right be-
fore him, and, being a practical sort of fellow, he just "passed the culprit one"
with his clenched fist, letting him have the benefit of a demolishing blow right
between the eyes. This laid the offender out on the floor, and the court ad-
ministered another dose of "justice" to him as he lay there, when, considering
that he had gone to the extent of the "law," Wallace law, he let him up, and
told him most emphatically to "get up and dust himself" right away, and the
fellow "dusted," and he didn't wait for a train either.
THE INTRODUCTION OF POSTAL CARDS
From The Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, June 6, 1873.
The first lot of postal cards for distribution at the office in this city arrived
yesterday, and are now on sale. The demand for them is almost beyond the
ability of the department to supply. Probably the novelty of the arrangement
has much to do with the demand, but the indications are that the cards will
come into very general use.
While everybody has been looking eagerly for the appearance of this cheap
method of communication, acknowledging in them very pleasant mediums of
correspondence, there are some who have expressed a fear that the foul-minded
may make these sources of the interchange of business intelligence and friendly
feelings, real nurseries of evil. It is a gratification to be able to state, however,
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 101
that such parties as may write indecent matter on these cards are headed off
in two ways. One is, that it is made the duty of all postmasters and clerks to
throw such indecently worded cards into the waste-basket. The other is, that
all such writers, if discovered, are subject to "a fine of not less than $100, nor
more than $5,000 for each offense." After a few splurges of the foul-thoughted
and dirty-penned, some criminal will be detected; some example will be made;
the evil will disappear; and postal cards will become what they are intended to
be, a great public convenience for the transmission of correspondence that is
not meant to be altogether private.
SOCIETY REPORTING IN EARLY DODGE CITY
From the Dodge City Times, August 4, 1877.
THE SOCIAL HOP. Another of the social hops for which the Dodge House
has become famous, was on yesterday evening indulged in by quite a number
of our citizens who worship Terpsichore. The names of Ike Johnson, John New-
ton and G. E. Hadder as managers were sufficient to insure a success, notwith-
standing the inclemency of the weather. Our special reporter who was de-
tailed to write up the costumes of the ladies, and who was in our usual liberal
way furnished an excessive amount of pocket money to make himself agreeable
with, has in some way got the boot on the wrong leg, and submits the following
varied description of the paraphanalia of the Lords of Creation:
Mr. J. F. L. appeared in a gorgeous suit of linsey wolsey, cut bias on the
gourd with red cotton handkerchief attachment imported by Messrs. H. & D.
from Lawrence.
Mr. H. was modestly attired in a blue larubs wool undershirt, firilled. He
is a graceful dancer, but paws too much with his fore legs. His strong point
is "the schottisch, my dear."
Mr. I. G. J. was the envy of all; he wore his elegant blond moustache a la gin
sling, and was tastefully arrayed in arctic over shoes with collar buttons and
studs.
Mr. J. N. The appearance of this gentleman caused a flutter among the fair
ones; as he trimmed his nails, picked his nose and sailed majestically around
the room, the burr of admiration sounded like the distant approach of the No. 3
freight train. His costume was all that the most fastidious could desire. His
train cut "ea regale," his mouth set "pour en milkpunch," it was evident that
he sails on Love's golden pinions far into the blue etherial.
Mr. H. H. the Duke! the Duke! was whispered as the nose and eye glasses
of this gentleman commenced to appear in the doorway. This stranger is some
distinguished foreigner traveling incog. It is darkly hinted that he is the Prince
Imperial in disguise. He was beautifully ornamented with two pair of eye-
glasses; his hair was trimmed by Mr. Sam. Samuels at an enormous expense;
his beard cut a la pompadore, he was the loveliest flower of them all.
Mr. G. E. H. "Oh! the charming creature," said a beautiful angel on our
left, as Mr. H. appeared fantastically arrayed in a sad, sweet smile, which oc-
casionally exploded into a laugh of the most unearthly sweetness. He wore full
Georgia costume, lacking the collar and spurs.
Mr. A. H. J. There was a split in the air, a streak of white whirling through
102 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
space, and Sam was performing a highland fling with grape-vine accompani-
ments, as only Sam can do it. He was costumed as an angel playing on a harp
of a thousand strings. Were it not for a slight gang-saw movement of his hind
legs, which occasionally shook the foundation and jarred loose the bridge on
the base viol, his dancing would indeed have been the essence of a car-load of
long horns.
NOTICE. It is evident that at this point something happened [to] our re-
porter. There is a maudling description of P., but it is so mixed with gin slings,
straits, and cigars and lemons, as to be unintelligible.
NEWS IN 1908
From The Daily Union, Junction City, November 18, 1908.
A touring car and a roadster, both Ramblers, passed through the city this
afternoon on their way from Kansas City to Russell.
Kansas History as Published in the Press
An eight-page history of Wichita, with photographs, entitled "A
Town Grows in Kansas/' by Chauncey H. Black, was published in
The B S 6- B Beacon, an industrial magazine published at Kansas
City, Mo., February, 1950.
Ernest Dewey's "Legends of the Wheat Country" have contin-
ued to appear in the Hutchinson News-Herald. Included were:
"[Don Antonio Jose] Chavez Buried His Bullion?" May 28, 1950;
"Lady Godiva of Prairies Carried a Six-Shooter," June 18; "The Wild
Huntress Had to Ride," June 25; "Silkville in Wheat Country," Au-
gust 21; "Few Beat 'Poker Alice' Until Death Sat in on the Game,"
September 3; "Culture Came Hard to Early Kansans," Sara Bern-
hardt's reception in the state, September 24; "Doc [Holliday] Was
Dentist Who'd Rather Shoot You Than Pull Your Teeth," October
11; "Kansas' Last Armed Invasion Met Its Waterloo at Scott City,"
October 22, and "Only Ghosts to Bring Memories [in Dead Town of
Zarah]," November 12. The Silkville article was reprinted in the
lola Register, August 16, and the Salina Journal, September 10.
Articles in the Bulletin of the Shawnee County Historical Society
for June, 1950, included: "In Memoriam-Cecil Howes, 1880-1950,"
by Marco Morrow and Paul A. Lovewell; "Old Shawnee County
Families"; the ninth installment of W. W. Cone's "Shawnee County
Townships"; the second part of "Reminiscences of the Son of a
French Pioneer," by Louis Charles Laurent; a continuation of Part
II of "The First Congregational Church of Topeka, 1854-1869," by
Russell K. Hickman; "Fifty Years Later-What Would Carry Nation
Think About Kansas Now?" by Paul A. Lovewell; "'Uncle Chet'
Thomas How He Helped Make Topeka the Capital," and a con-
tinuation of George A. Root's "Chronology of Shawnee County."
Among articles in the December, 1950, number of the Bulletin were:
"Early Hospitals of Topeka"; the second installment of "Old Shaw-
nee County Families"; Part III of "First Congregational Church of
Topeka, 1854-1869," by Russell K. Hickman; "Jacob Chase's Story";
W. W. Cone's Shawnee county history; "The Husking Bee"; "Told
by a Pioneer," John Speer's recollections of the early days of Topeka
and Tecumseh, and George A. Root's "Chronology of Shawnee
County" continued.
A series of articles dealing with the early history of Baxter Springs
(103)
104 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
has appeared regularly in the Baxter Springs Citizen, beginning July
20, 1950.
Articles of historical interest to Kansans appearing in recent issues
of the Kansas City (Mo.) Star included: "Cavalry Service, Famous
for 2,500 Years, Now Motorized and Named Armor in U. S.," by
Franklin S. Riley, Jr., July 25, 1950; "Wealth in Western Kansas for
Men With Spirit to Win," by Karl L. Peterson, Jr., July 30; "Vener-
ated Educator [Dr. Julius T. Willard], Who Died at 88 Gave 71 of
His Years to Kansas State," by Thomas D. Leathers, August 17;
"Life of Ed Arn Is Geared to Family Activities," by Margaret Ham-
ilton, September 10; "Ike Looks to Kansas as Leader in Training
American Citizens," by Alvin S. McCoy, September 17; "A Contin-
ued Story of Western Life Keeps Growing in Kansas Capital," an
article on the Historical Society, by Henry Van Brunt, October 16,
and "Life With Ike Is Being Wed to Three Men, His Wife Says,"
October 22. Articles in the Kansas City (Mo.) Times included:
"French and Spanish Explorers Opened Kansas to Trade in Days of
Indians," by J. M. Dow, September 28; "Reporter [Albert D. Rich-
ardson] Found Kansas City Small and Muddy But Full of Con-
fidence in 1857," by John Edward Hicks, August 9; "Artist [William
Allen Rogers] Who Did Not Wait for Orders Produced Interesting
Report on West," a summary of Dr. Robert Taft's article on Rogers,
October 20; "Brick 'Castle' Overlooking Kaw Valley Reflected Suc-
cess of German Pioneer [Anthony Philip Sauer], by E. B. Dykes
Beachy, October 21; "Masks Were Used by Indians for Fall Fes-
tivals Before White Men Arrived," by Marjorie Van De Water, Oc-
tober 31; "Strange Today Is the Carefree Note of World War I
Classic 'Henry [J. Allen] and Me [William Allen White]/" Everett
Rich, November 11; "Kansas City as Focal Point in Strange Ameri-
can Beginnings of Julia Marlowe," by Henry Van Brunt, November
16; "Bold Start Toward Kansas Magazine Reached Goal After Many
Troubles," by Webster Schott, December 1, and "Cowpoke Is A
Hay Hand Much of the Time as the Cattle Country Turns to New
Ways," a review of C. L. Sonnichsen's Cowboys and Cattle Kings:
Life on the Range Today, by John Edward Hicks, December 2.
A brief history of Frankfort appeared in the Frankfort Index, July
27, 1950. In 1867 the Frankfort Town Company was formed and
the townsite laid out, but the town was not organized as a third
class city until July 24, 1875. R. S. Newell was the first mayor.
C. D. Smith's series of historical articles in the Blue Rapids Times
continued on August 3, 1950, with biographical sketches of John
KANSAS HISTORY IN THE PRESS 105
McPherson, Albert E. Sweetland, Rufus S. Craft, Festus Cooley,
Edwin M. Brice and James G. Strong, all prominent in the early and
middle years of Blue Rapids history. The last article in the series
appeared August 31.
Among numerous articles on Ellis county history appearing in the
Hays papers in recent months was the continuation of Raymond L.
Welty's series in the Hays Daily News: "Negro Troops Arrived at
Old Ft. Hays 83 Years Ago," August 6, 1950; "Moving of Post Was
Exciting Event at Old Fort Hays," August 13; "Indian Hostilities
Kept Ft. Hays Troops Busy," August 27; "Guards of Soldiers Went
With Stagecoaches From Hays," September 3; "Buffalo Bill Failed
in Real Estate Business," September 10; "Cholera Epidemic Hit Fort
Hays and Rome in 1867," October 1, and "4 of 5 Companies at Fort
Hays in 1867 Were Negro," October 8. The News printed a special
edition November 12, the 21st anniversary of the publication of its
first issue, in which several historical articles were reprinted from
the first issue. The story of a shooting duel between Ellis county
sheriff Alexander Ramsey and an outlaw, Jim Flory, in 1875, was
printed in the News, September 24. A series of articles on the his-
tory of Victoria was begun in the weekly Ellis County News, Hays,
September 21, 1950. Victoria was founded in the early 1870's by
George Grant, a wealthy Englishman.
The building of the first church in Kiowa county was described
in the Kiowa County Signal, Greensburg, August 10, 1950, from in-
formation supplied by John S. M. Howard of Englewood, Colo. The
building was erected in the fall of 1879.
The dead town of Ravanna, Finney county, is the subject of a
historical editorial in the Garden City Daily Telegram, August 12,
1950. Organized in the 1880's as Bulltown by John Bull, Ravanna
engaged in a bitter fight with Eminence over which was to be the
county seat of Garfield county. In 1893 Garfield became a part of
Finney county, and both Ravanna and Eminence have ceased to
exist. The Johnson Pioneer, August 17, also printed a brief history
of Ravanna.
The Mt. Olive African Methodist church of Emporia reached the
80th anniversary of its founding August 13, 1950, and a brief history
of the church was published in the Emporia Times, August 17. A
short history of the Cottonwood Friends church, five miles west of
Emporia, which recently celebrated its 90th anniversary, appeared
in the Emporia Gazette, October 7.
106 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
A short history of Marshall, early Sedgwick county trading post,
was published in the Cheney Sentinel, August 24, 1950. David
Moore who started the Lone Tree ranch in 1872 was the first settler
in the region, and Emmett Joslyn established the first store at Mar-
shall. The town flourished for a few years, but the railroad missed
it by two and one-half miles and the entire town moved to Cheney
in 1883.
"Neosho Valley Facts and Legends/' by Audrey Z. McGrew, pub-
lished regularly in the Humboldt Union, ended with the issue of
August 31, 1950. Among the later articles were brief histories of
the Poplar Grove Baptist church, July 13, and the Humboldt Meth-
odist church, July 20.
A review of the history of the Friends church, Riverton, by Mrs.
Alfaretta Mitchel, appeared on August 31, 1950, in the column "Do
You Remember When?" still being published regularly in The Mod-
ern Light, Columbus. Mrs. Mitchel's article also was printed in the
Columbus Daily Advocate, August 29, 1950.
An account of a mule-team trip from Illinois to Kansas in 1876,
written by Alfred W. Lindley in 1931, was published in the autumn,
1950, issue of the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society of
Springfield. Alfred was the driver of the lead team when his moth-
er's family made the journey to Cloud county in the early fall of
1876.
An eight-page review of "The Work of James C. Malin as His-
torian and as Critic of Historians," by Thomas H. Le Due, professor
of history at Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio, appeared in the Sep-
tember, 1950, issue of 'Nebraska History, published by the Nebraska
State Historical Society at Lincoln. Mr. Le Due has written so
highly of Dr. Malin that we are reprinting (without consulting Dr.
Malin) a few excerpts from the review:
"With the publication of the Essays on Historiography and The
Grasslands of North America it became apparent that James C.
Malin now and for almost thirty years a teacher of history at the
University of Kansas, was thinking about history and historical
writing in ways that are fresh and fundamental. It is clear that he
is not only an incisive critic of several basic hypotheses long and
well regarded among historians, but also a creative worker of pro-
digious industry, immense learning, and disciplined imagination.
"Malin's individual works have been reviewed in the learned jour-
nals and their originality recognized not only by historians but by
KANSAS HISTORY IN THE PRESS 107
specialists in other fields. . . . His is a common-sense, practical
approach to history. . . .
"He challenges the fundamental implication of the Turner hypoth-
esis. Turner announced in 1893 that the frontier was gone and
the supply of usable land exhausted. By asserting that the avail-
ability of free land had conditioned, indeed determined, the devel-
opment of American institutions up to that point, he implied that
America had reached the catastrophic end of the first chapter of her
history. Nonsense, says Malin. The critical element is not land
entry but land use. What really matters is intelligent adaptation to
environment. The frontier is not closed as long as we are moving
towards that goal. Turner's frontier is gone. The shabby, exploita-
tive, wasteful west of the 1820's is happily lost. The scrubby cattle
are replaced by the more efficient Herefords; the paltry corn is sup-
planted by new hybrids; the primitive tillage is succeeded by new
techniques. Out of experiment and innovation has come enrich-
ment. . . .
"One wonders how long it will be until James C. Malin is as fully
appreciated by the historians as by the scientists and economists."
"State Administration of Wildlife, A Natural Resource," by E.
Raymond Hall, University of Kansas, was published in the Transac-
tions of the Kansas Academy of Science, Lawrence, September, 1950.
Other articles included: A discussion of Diamond springs, Morris
county, by the editor, Dr. Robert Taft; "Prairie Chickens in Kansas,"
by Maurice F. Baker; "Botanical Notes: 1949," by Frank U. S.
Agrelius, and "Kansas Phytopathological Notes: 1949," by E. D.
Hansing, L. E. Melchers, H. Fellows and C. O. Johnston.
A three-installment biographical sketch of the late Ed Dean of
Morton county, by Willard Mayberiy, was published in the Elkhart
Tri-State News, September 1, 8 and 15, 1950. Dean came to south-
west Kansas in 1884 at the age of 15.
A short history of St. John's Lutheran church, near White City,
was published in the Council Grove Republican, September 4, 1950.
The 75th anniversary of the church was celebrated September 3. A
school centennial edition of the Republican was published Septem-
ber 29, 1950. Council Grove's education history began in January,
1850, with a school for Kaw Indians.
Stories on the attempt by the Dalton gang to rob the Coffeyville
banks on October 5, 1892, were published in the Coffeyville Daily
Journal, September 12 and October 5, 1950. The Journal is leading
108 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
a movement to establish a museum for Coffeyville, of which the
mementos of the Dalton raid would be the nucleus.
A history of the Abilene Public Library, by Mrs. Lucy Burkholder,
the librarian, was published in the Abilene Reflector-Chronicle, Sep-
tember 19, 1950. The library had its beginning December 20, 1900,
when the ladies* literary clubs of Abilene formed a library associa-
tion. The library formally opened on January 1, 1903, with Lida
Romig as librarian. The present library building was dedicated on
October 1, 1908.
Dan Hillman's reminiscences of the early days around Beloit were
printed in the Beloit Call, September 28, 1950. Hillman came to Be-
loit in 1873 at the age of six. Beloit's history begins about 1866
when Aaron A. Bell was the first settler on what was to become the
townsite.
Reminiscences of the settling of Gnadenau were printed in the
Hillsboro Journal, September 28, October 5 and 19, 1950. The
settlers arrived from the Crimea, Russia, in the summer of 1874, the
location having been selected by Jacob A. Wiebe and Franz R. Jan-
zen. "History of the First Mennonite Church of Lehigh, Kansas,
1900-1950," by Mrs. Frank H. Klassen, appeared in the Journal, Oc-
tober 19.
"Kansas Wheat Farmer," is the title of an article in the Harvester
World, publication of the International Harvester Co. at Chicago,
October, 1950. Ronald Bricker, Wallace county, is used as an ex-
ample of the younger Kansas wheat farmers and what they have
done since the dust bowl years.
An article entitled "The Tale of Two Cities," Victoria and Herzog,
by the Rev. Fr. Blaise Fusco, was published in the Victoria Visitor,
October 12, 1950. The first British colonists arrived at Victoria in
1873 after George Grant had received a grant of nearly 100,000 acres
from the railroad. In 1876 German colonists arrived and settled
near Victoria, naming their settlement Herzog. The communities
united in 1913 under the name of Victoria.
Frontier days near Fort Scott, as recalled by Henry Gross, were
described by Frank Reeds in the Fort Scott Tribune, October 18,
1950. In 1855 Gross' father and mother homesteaded about ten
miles north of Fort Scott.
Included among brief historical articles which appeared in recent
issues of The News Chronicle, Scott City, were: "Coxey's Invasion
KANSAS HISTORY IN THE PRESS 109
Was Big Event," October 26, 1950; "El Quartelejo," site of Picurie
Indian pueblo, November 2; "Last Indian Battle in Kansas Was
Fought Just South of the Present State Park [Scott county]," Novem-
ber 9, and " 'The Trail of Vengeance' Ended Near the Smoky Hill
River," a Pawnee Indian legend, November 16.
A series of brief articles under the title of "Helton's Colorful His-
tory," was begun in the Holton Recorder, October 26, 1950. Material
for the articles is being assembled by W. T. Beck.
Heinie Schmidt's column, "It's Worth Repeating," still appearing
regularly in the High Plains Journal, Dodge City, has recently fea-
tured a number of men who helped fashion the frontier history of
the Dodge City region, including: Gen. George A. Custer, October
26, 1950; "Doc" John Holliday, November 16; William Barclay "Bat"
Masterson, November 23, and George Reighard, November 30.
The Quantrill raid on Olathe, September, 1862, was described by
Mabel M. Henderson in the Johnson County Herald, Overland Park,
November 2, 1950. The early days around Lenexa were recalled
by Ed Legler, and written by Miss Henderson, in the Herald, No-
vember 9.
Articles in the 1951 number of the Kansas Magazine, Manhattan,
included: "The Great Drouth of 1860," by Russell K. Hickman;
"Pancakes Across the Sea," by Humphrey Cotton Minchin, British
consul in Kansas City, Mo.; "Calamity Jane," by Caroline Cain Dur-
kee, and "Kansas City Traders and Merchants," by Zealia B. Bishop.
Kansas Historical Notes
A Douglass Historical Society has been organized under the
sponsorship of the Copeland Memorial Library of Douglass. Offi-
cers are: Mrs. Elmer Sherar, president; J. M. Guyot, vice-president;
Mrs. Inez Graves, secretary; Mrs. Daisy Lamb, historian, and Mrs.
Viola Dennett, reporter. Persons who came to Douglass before
1878 are honorary members. Meetings are scheduled for the second
Monday evening of each month.
The old guardhouse at Fort Harker, Ellsworth county, has been
turned over to the Kanopolis post of the American Legion. The
Legion has converted it into a historical museum. The guardhouse
was built about 1867, when Fort Harker was an important military
outpost.
The historic Council oak at Council Grove, a famed Santa Fe
trail landmark, recently underwent "surgery" and is now expected
to live another 50 years. Money for the work was raised by the
Council Grove Historical Society.
A pageant depicting episodes in the history of Larned and Paw-
nee county, which was written by Judge Lorin T. Peters of Ness
City, was presented in Larned, August 11, 1950. A reunion of Paw-
nee county pioneers was held as a part of the day's program.
George Miller was re-elected president of the Chase County His-
torical Society at a meeting at the courthouse in Cottonwood Falls,
September 9, 1950. Other officers re-elected were: Henry Rogler,
vice-president; Helen Austin, secretary, and George T. Dawson,
treasurer. Members of the executive committee are: Ida M. Vin-
son, Clint A. Baldwin, Minnie Norton, T. R. Wells and Claude
Hawkins.
Mrs. C. D. Cheatum was elected president of the Shawnee Mis-
sion Historical Society at a luncheon in Spring Hill, September 25,
1950. Other officers elected were: Mrs. James Glenn Bell, first vice-
president; Mrs. Homer Bair, second vice-president; Mrs. Arthur W.
Wolf, recording secretary; Mrs. R. D. Grayson, corresponding sec-
retary; Mrs. Charles Houlehan, treasurer; Mrs. Kenneth Carbaugh,
historian; Mrs. C. L. Curry, curator; Mrs. William Brazier, chaplain,
and Mrs. Percy L. Miller, parliamentarian. Mrs. John Barkley was
the retiring president.
(110)
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 111
Ralph Shideler of Girard was elected president of the Crawford
County Historical Society at a meeting in Pittsburg, September 28,
1950. Other officers chosen were: Dr. Ernest Mahan, Pittsburg,
vice-president; Mrs. Ines Dixon, Pittsburg, secretary, and Opal
Smith, Pittsburg, treasurer. Dr. Alvin Proctor, Mrs. J. U. Massey
and C. P. Kelso were elected to the board of directors for three-year
terms, and Dr. Josephine Trabue was named a director for one year.
The history of the McNally Pittsburg Manufacturing Corp. was
outlined by Thomas J. McNally, head of the firm, as the main fea-
ture of the program. Dr. H. M. Grandle, the retiring president,
headed the society for two years.
A campaign was launched by the Kiowa County Historical Society
at its annual Gold Ribbon party in Greensburg, October 5, 1950, to
raise money for a museum at Greensburg to house the society's col-
lection of relics. Gold ribbons were worn by 105 persons of the
more than 250 attending the party, indicating that they had come
to Kiowa county more than 50 years ago. Sixteen golden wedding
couples were present.
The annual meeting of the Riley County Historical Association
was held October 12, 1950. C. A. Kimball was elected president;
Mrs. Florence Fox Harrop, vice-president; Joe D. Haines, treasurer,
and Mrs. Max Wolf, secretary. Albert Horlings, Richard Rogers
and Mrs. F. A. Marlatt were elected to the board of directors. A
talk by George Robb, state auditor, on Sen. James H. Lane, was the
main event on the program. Prof. George Filinger was the retiring
president.
A 30-foot stone cross, erected near Lyons in honor of Juan de
Padilla, Franciscan friar who visited that area with the Coronado
expedition in 1541, was dedicated by Bishop Mark K. Carroll, Wich-
ita, on October 15, 1950. The monument was presented to the state
of Kansas by the Knights of Columbus.
About 75 persons attended a meeting of the Dickinson County
Historical Society at the Willowdale church, October 19, 1950. D.
W. Tappan, Abilene; Bruce Crary, Herington; Mrs. Mame Riordan,
Solomon; Mrs. George Mark, Chapman; Elsie Koch, Hope, and Mrs.
Marie Chandler, Enterprise, were appointed as a committee to work
toward getting a room for a museum in the new courthouse when it
is built. Mrs. F. E. Munsell, Herington, is president of the society.
The Protection Historical Society was organized into the Co-
manche County Historical Society at a meeting in Protection, No-
112 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
vember 14, 1950. Warren P. Morton, Coldwater, was elected presi-
dent of the new organization. Other officers chosen were: Fred
Denney, Protection, vice-president; Mrs. Nellie Riner, Protection,
recording secretary; Mrs. Lillian Lyon, Coldwater, corresponding
secretary, and F. H. Moberley, Wilmore, treasurer. Judge Karl
Miller, Dodge City, was the principal speaker at the meeting. Den-
ney was the retiring president of the Protection society.
The Wyandotte County Historical Society has been given a plot
of land 100 by 100 feet, located at the old Shawnee Methodist Mis-
sion monument near Turner. In order to accept the gift a decision
was made at a meeting November 14, 1950, to incorporate the so-
ciety. Clifford H. Millsap is president
A 36-page pamphlet has been printed by the Assaria Lutheran
church in connection with the 75th anniversary of the organization
of the church. Included in the pamphlet are pictures of the pastors,
church leaders and present church organizations, and the church
history. Some of the history was printed in the Salina Journal, Sep-
tember 16, 1950.
The Funston Homestead is the title of a recently published 30-
page booklet by Mrs. Ella Funston Eckdall of Emporia. The home-
stead which was bought in 1867 by Edward Hogue Funston, was
the home of his son, Edward H. Funston, member of congress, 1884-
1894, and the boyhood home of his grandson, Gen. Frederick Fun-
ston.
The first Swedish settlement in Kansas, at Mariadahl, was men-
tioned in Oscar N. Olson's new book, The Augustana Lutheran
Church in America: Pioneer Period, 1846-1860. The 397-page book
was published by the Augustana Book Concern, Rock Island, 111.
D
THE
KANSAS HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
May 1951
Published by
Kansas State Historical Society
Topeka
KIRKE MECHEM JAMES C. MALIN NYLE H. MILLER
Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor
CONTENTS
THE LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864, LINN COUNTY
PIONEER: Part One, 1857, 1858 Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 113
With views taken in 1858 of the sawmill built by Trego and the Smiths
on Little Sugar creek, and the homes of Edwin Smith, J. H. Trego and
T. Ellwood Smith, between pp. 128, 129.
THE KANSAS SENATORS AND THE RE-ELECTION
OF LINCOLN William Frank Zornow, 133
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS IN THE
PHILIPPINES Todd L. Wagoner, 145
HISTORY OF THE FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT IN THE
COTTONWOOD VALLEY: Part Two-Concluded Alberta Pantle, 174
With portraits of Mrs. Ernest Ginette, Sr., and the Countess de Pingre,
and a picture of the Bastille day celebration held near Florence on
July 14, 1884, between pp. 192, 193.
ALONG THE LINE OF THE KANSAS PACIFIC RAILWAY IN
WESTERN KANSAS IN 1870 207
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 212
KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE PRESS 218
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 222
The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published in February, May, August and
November by the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan., and is' dis-
tributed free to members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be
sent to the editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made
by contributors.
Entered as second-class matter October 22, 1931, at the post office at To-
peka, Kan., under the act of August 24, 1912.
THE COVER
THE OLD KAW SCHOOL AT COUNCIL GROVE
Tliis building was erected in 1850 by the federal government.
The Methodist church operated it as a school for the Kaw or Kansas
Indians from 1851 to 1854.
The state bought the building in 1951. It will be managed by
the Kansas State Historical Society as a Santa Fe trail museum and
as a memorial to the Indians for whom the state was named. (See
p. 222.)
THE KANSAS
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Volume XIX May, 1951 Number 2
The Letters of Joseph H. Trego, 1857-1864,
Linn County Pioneer
Edited by EDGAR LANGSDORF
PART ONE, 1857, 1858
INTRODUCTION
IN THE autumn of 1857 Dr. Joseph Harrington Trego left his home
in Mercer county, Illinois, for a new residence in Linn county,
Kansas. Because the southeastern part of Kansas territory was
rough and unsettled, he left his wife and three little girls in Illinois
until he could prepare a home for them in the new country. Earlier
in the year he had selected a location at Sugar Mound, now Mound
City, and had completed arrangements with Thomas Ellwood Smith
and his brother, Edwin Smith the Ell and Ed mentioned in the
letters to erect and operate a sawmill on Little Sugar creek.
The townsite had been located in 1855 by David W. Cannon and
Ebenezer Barnes, and was known as Sugar Mound because of its
proximity to a mound of that name which lay a little to the east.
An act of the territorial legislature of 1858 incorporating the Mound
City Town Company was approved February 2, 1858, and there-
after the town was called Mound City. Trego and the two Smiths
were among the prominent men of the settlement. When the town
company was first organized, in 1857, Trego became secretary and
T. E. Smith was a trustee. Their mill was one of the important in-
dustries of the community. Commencing operations near the end
of December, 1857, it produced the lumber and shingles for the
first frame buildings in Mound City. A store and post office belong-
ing to Charles Barnes, the first president of the town company, was
completed on January 30, 1858, and the first three frame houses,
property of the sawmill proprietors, were finished in April and June.
Trego was born at Pineville, Bucks county, Pa., on May 8, 1823,
one of eleven children of Jacob and Letitia Trego. Although there
EDGAR LANGSDORF is state archivist of the Kansas State Historical Society.
114 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
are some discrepancies in the accounts of his early life, it is known
that he lived in Pennsylvania probably until 1843, when he moved
to Illinois with other members of the family. They settled in Mer-
cer county, where Trego farmed for three years before he went
East to enter the medical school of Jefferson College in Philadel-
phia. After graduating in March, 1849, he returned to Illinois to
practice medicine at Willoby, near the town of Preemption. He
was married on August 22, 1850, to Alice Mannington, whom he had
met in 1849 when she was visiting an aunt in Mercer county.
Although he was a practicing physician in Illinois, Trego never
attempted to establish himself in his profession after coming to
Kansas. His letters indicate that he was dissatisfied with a profes-
sion that, in those days, involved so much inconvenience and left
him little leisure time to spend with his family. At any rate, he was
a doctor only by title in Mound City. 1
The following letters were written by Trego to his wife during
the fall and winter of 1857-1858 while she was in Illinois and he in
Kansas. They are part of a group of family letters which were pre-
sented to the Historical Society in February, 1949, by Dr. Trego's
daughter, the late Mrs. Sara Trego Morse of Mound City. In pre-
paring the letters for publication, passages containing only personal
or family reference, and those lacking general interest, have been
omitted.
THE LETTERS OF 1857, 1858
ST Louis SEPT lOrH/57
We are yet in St Louis as you see but we start from here some
time tomorrow. This is now Sunday night, and I write you from,
or in, one of the heavenward rooms in Barnum's hotel. It is a
very rainy night and we are very well content to stay indoors having
had plenty of exercise, anxiety and hot weather to endure since
our arrival. . . . The boat we came down on from the foot
of the rapids, should have made her regular trip down to-day
but was disabled in a storm which we encountred directly we left
Keokuk. It blew so hard that the hurricane deck was loosend
in many places and the roof over the Ladies cabin was partly blown
overboard exposing the fine furniture to the beating rain as long
1. Sources of information concerning Trego are: A. T. Andreas and W. G. Cutler,
History of the State of Kansas (Chicago, 1883), pp. 1108, 1110; A. Trego Shertzer, A
Historical Account of the Trego Family (Baltimore, 1884), pp. 40, 47, 81, 82; Kansas City
(Mo.) Journal, August 26, 1900; Mound City Torch of Liberty, July 20, 1905; Mound City
Border Sentinel, 1864-1874, passim; letter of Theodore W. Morse to Edgar Langsdorf. Mound
City, August 27, 1950.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 115
as the shower lasted. The ladies were not exposed to it so long,
as they proceeded toward the bow of the boat at a quicker step
than would be considered dignified enough under ordinary cir-
cumstances. . . .
The Missouri river is low & we expect a rather tedious trip to
Kansas City, but we will take along a supply of novels & peaches
so it wont be so bad
You must write me at
Sugar Mound P. O.
Linn Co
K.T.
very soon. Tell me all about the affairs at home &c. . . .
With much love to you
J H Trego
MONDAY 4 O'CLOCK
Boat starts soon. We have been as busy as possible so far to day
closing up our business & moving to boat. Have just received
my med[icine]. chest. The boat got aground and was delayed
untill the next [li]ne [?] boat came along to-day & pulled her off
yesterday & to-day's boat coming in together. A store house is on
fire nearby which bids fair to be a big one yet. There was another
exciting occurrence on board our boat. While we were at dinner
a trunk was broken open in a room adjoining ours and several
thousand dollars taken out. Family that is moving west all they
have in way of money
J H Trego
SUNDAY AFTERNOON [SEPT. 1857] ON BOARD
THE S[TEAM]. B[OAT]. /. H. Oglesby, MIS-
SOURI RIVER 12 MILES BELOW KANSAS CITY
DEAR ALICE
Have been going to write all day but couldn't get at it untill ^ibout
the last chance that I can have on board this bo I, & after we leave
the boat it is probable we will find no more time or opportunity
for letter writing untill we reach our destination, so I thot I would
write you from this place, thinking it might be agreeable to have
intelligence of our progress before we get entirely thro* with our
journey. We have made slow progress, very, in consequence of
low water, and a boat so heavily laden that it has been difficult
to keep her floating in daylight; having to tie up of nights.
Many a stick we have had on the sand bars & many a snag has
made the boat quiver & bound till I have been seriously concerned
116 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
about her safety, because if she had sprung a leak we would have
been put the trouble and perhaps loss of getting our baggage off
and obtaining passage on another craft. But we are within three
hours of our stopping place & I have no doubt now but that we
will be on land by sunset. The boat shakes so that I cannot write
without making a rather old looking hand of it. There has been
nothing of particular interest since we left St Louis. . . .
No more at present so good bye love until we get to Sugar Mound.
With love to all I am
Yours always
Jo
IN OUR LOG-CABIN AT SUGAR MOUND OCT 16TH/57
MY DEAR WIFE
I did not think I would have deferred writing you so long as this.
It has been three weeks, and a few days over perhaps, since I wrote
you from Kansas City, the day of our departure from that
place. . . .
We hired a teamster in Kansas C. to bring us and our luggage
down to the Mound. We expected to stop, on the way, at public
houses, as the road is an old military road leading to Fort Scott,
consequently we made no preparation much for camping out; but
in this we were disappointed, for the driver would stop every night
on the open prairie so his mules could feed close to the wagon and
our only chance for eating was to lay in a heavy dinner when ever
we came to a cabin where we could get some, there being no
regular places for accomodating travellers on the route, and go
to bed on the ground without any supper. We had some coffee,
mornings, & a few crackers would do us very well untill about noon
of each day that we were on the way, when we either stopped at
a cabin while the driver would go on to a feeding place or, if he
was at a good pasture about noon and no cabin near we would go
ahead and order a dinner which was always the same, fat
pork corn-bread, fried butter and coffee, followed with peach pie
without sweetening. We saw several farms where they had a great
abundance of peaches. The road out from the river is on the state
line and for nearly a days journey it is fenced all up on one side
with old and well improved farms as far east as we could see, while
to the right in the territory, owned by Indians some of it it is
open, wild prairie.
When we arrived at home we found the family yet in the house,
but they began at once to pick up there plunder and move it into
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 117
the still smaller cabin that was first put up here to make the claim.
It is not fit to live in only in good weather. They have since erected
a new cabin on their claim, which we helped them lay up and
which they are now living in. They are very clever folks and as
pleasant as they can be, but they are of the "Hoosier" stripe and of
course not company for us. They came from Missouri opposite the
Ohio and are proslavery, but the subject has not [been] mentioned
between us yet; we have it from free-state neighbors, and [from]
seeing a slave to work for one of the family who lives on another
claim. The brother of whom we bot this place has lived here longer,
was present last summer during the war and this fall voted the free
state ticket.
We boarded for a week or two after our arrival, as our provisions
had not yet arrived from St Louis when we left Kansas, tho', as
soon as we could get rested and Mr. Chidester had time to see
around and conclude to take an interest in the town, he and I
started, with a driver, back to Kansas [City], he to return home and
I to buy a stove and other fixings to keep house with. It was the
hardest job I ever had. In consequence of a rainy spell which
came on after we started home with the load we were much longer
on the road, and then the nights, oh dismal! We were wet all the
time day & night and my boots were so tight on my feet after the
first day's walk in the mud that I was afraid to pull them off lest I
could'nt get them on again. On a Sunday night, Oct 4th we were
over taken by night on a prairie and as hard a rain as I ever saw
about, the wind, too, blew hard all night which drove the wet
thro the muslin cover of the wagon till the driver was nearly
drowned. I fared better because I had the large buffalo robe
around me with the hair side out which kept me from getting any
wetter than I was by walking in the rain thro the day, which we
were obliged to do all the time on account of the deep mud. There
were two teams in company and the drivers had to each one hire
teams to finish up their journey, there own teams being completely
done for, soon after crossing the Marias des Cygnes, only about
fifteen miles from home. Since that time we have had good
weather, and warm, untill yesterday, which was a cold blustering
day and this morning we had enough frost to nip pumpkin vines &c.
We have our things arranged for living now & have been getting
things ready to go on with the work. We made beadsteads by
putting together some poles and swinging the fabric from the joice
by means of ropes. This was to get our roost where the inhabitants
118 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
cant bore us with their company, and there are several large families
hanging 'round. Some day when I have time I think I will take a
sketch of the interior and send it along and, also, of the travellers
and thier rigg as they appeared the day the teams gave out. We
were out hunting one day since we have been here often go into
the wood to shoot squirrils and brot home a turkey. I prepared
it for cooking, and all right too, but the stuffing, which we couldn't
come, for want of bread It went very well and lasted us several
days, but but I guess I wont eat any more turkey this winter. We
gathered some hops and if we had a little yeast to start with I think
I could make bread. Will get some when we go up to Kansas [City]
again after the Mill. When at Kansas [City] I bot a small wash
tub & a washboard, and two flat irons, so we could do some of our
washing. We tried it one day and done up a pile of socks, and
some towels, the shirts we concluded to leave awhile; since that we
employed a neat kind of woman to do our washing for the winter.
I think tho' we will continue to wash towels & socks as we have to
pay 10 cts a piece . . .
SUGAR MOUND, DECEMBER STH 1857
MY DEAR WIFE
It is morning, four O'clock, and I have swept up a place before
the fire and swept the ashes and litter all into the fire so that it
looks kind of comfortable around and before me. As to the appear-
ance of things back in the interior of the cabin I have nothing to say.
I am writing with a board in my lap that serves as a desk. We have
a table but I can't sit by that and be close to the fire. . . .
We have had such bad weather ever since our arrival here that
it has been quite discouraging. So much rain that we could not
keep our work going along to advantage and about two weeks ago
we had a real cold snap. The murcury getting down to 10 one
morning that was an extreme, but many days it was 18 and 20
scarcely thawing all day. All this week the weather has been good
enough, mostly warm, sunny days and some nights not cold enough
to freeze any. Have had no snow to lay on the ground more than a
few hours and all the stock is yet doing well on the low prairies
there being plenty of grass that is some green yet. I say all the
stock because I don't know of one stable in the country and the
animals are necessarily exposed to the weather just as it comes
along.
Ell starts this morning for Kansas City &, if the boats are yet
running, will go on to St Louis to bring up some machinery, the
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 119
chief of which is a corn mill which bids fair to be a very profitable
investment as flour here is worth six dollars per hundred. We
bought a lot when the machinery was brot down which we sold at
five & quarter. There is a small affair for grinding corn, a few
miles from here which has been doing as such mills generally do
in a new country, taking enormous toll and selling meal high. They
manage to get one third for toll and sell the meal at one dollar per
bushel So the people are bound that we shall bring on a corn mill
as we talked of doing. I find that I will have to close soon for there
is so much stir and getting ready to start to the mill, we have
breakfast so as to get the hands off to work before sunrise having
two miles to go, and I want Ell to carry this to St Louis with him
so you can get it direct. I will write again soon when I have more
time and nobody to interrupt. . . .
I am as ever your affect husband
SUGAR MOUND DEC HTH 1857
DEAR LITTLE WIFE
. . . Ell came back . . . this evening; was not able to get
to St Louis, or, at least, there was no prospect of getting back again,
with freight and the fare down is enormous. The river is clear of
ice but boatmen are afraid there might be some made suddenly.
Since last Saturday, the weather has been warm enough, some
of the time rainy like, tho' not to stop work. Yesterday and to-day
the sun shone very fine and warm, the murcury getting up from 36
this morning to 64 at noon; after noon it was much higher, but the
sun could shine on the thermometer. The Indians, and all the old
trappers and traders, agree in the opinion that we will have but
little freezing this winter, if so, it will be nice enough for the grass
is not all killed by the frost yet and animals continue to feed pretty
well on it. ...
During this last week, Ed and I have been down to the mill untill
late of evenings, when we would come home tired and have a fire
to make up and supper to get, which is often some bread and molas-
ses we get some bread baked in at the next door and the
same old tune "what fools we were to come out here to live this
way" with various accompaniments, such as liow nice it would be
to have a clean room to sit down in/ or 'would'nt I like to have the
children to talk to awhile/ or Tde give a pile of money if my wife
was here instead of ten thousand miles off/ and a great many other
preposters exclamations, but we can't help it. Time does hang
120 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
heavily and we dont expect it to do otherwise untill we can see our
families again. . . .
There is to be a meeting to-day of the town company. We have
not selected our locations in the city yet. We have been waiting
for this meeting and I suppose we will make our selections soon
and have the cellars dug for the houses. I hope to get a lot in
among some trees near the mill and where we can see the creek
from the windows and the falls too when the leaves are off which,
in high water, is very fine. At present it is not much for the streams
are only just a little affected by the rains which we have had. We
are having a moveing today, but it is only a large log-crib to sleep
in of nights when we don't all want to walk home, which, with me
would often be the case.
We bought provisions in St Louis, on our way out intending to
board our hands. We tried it but found it no go, and our own
living now costs Ed and myself as much as it would to keep our
families. Oh the waste and the very extrava[ga]nt use of coffee
and sugar and Golden syrup at $1.30 per gal. Ed gets rampant
once in a while because, he says, 'what he has he worked for' and
I have resolved many times that when I can get out of this "baching
it" I will provide only for my own table, and all those who like to
eat sugar wet with very strong coffee, and syrup with cake crumbs
in it may be at the whole expense of procuring them.
Yesterday I was as busy as possible "clearing up," and salting
down some beef. We cant keep meat fresh but a few days. It
was so warm yesterday that flies were about the house.
I will mail one of our papers to-day ( if I get to the office in time )
for Walt that he may see the other side of the free-state party from
what is represented in the Tribune. I regard it as a kind of mediator
for the Southerners here who are in favor of and have voted to
make Kansas a free-state, indirectly, that is, by voting the free-state
ticket in October, but they would have their prejudices excited
against any movement intended to benefit the niggers. They are
in favor of a free state government from politic motives & not
humane. Nearly all our neighbors are of that kind and they will
probably do anything to resist the efforts of office seekers as they
regard them from forcing slavery upon us, but to fight. They
were all run out of the territory a year ago and running would be
thier choice again. It makes some of them look pale to hear of
danger of collisions and IVe no doubt we would too if we were
not so absorbed in business that we have not time to think enough
about the matter to appreciate the danger.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 121
A party of armed F[ree] S[tate] men passed by here two days
since, on their way to a nest of pro-slavery scoundrels in Bourbon
Co but thier business was not made public so we were left to con-
jecture. The conclusion was that they intend to string up a man
who has made himself particularly odious to the people of Lawrence
and gone to old Ft. Scott for protection from those who would
deal with him as the laws would direct if there was any law capable
of directing.
Well, I must go into the woods now and rake up some dry leaves
to put into our bed; it has flattened down so that it is to much like
laying on a pile of rails with only a quilt over them. Ell's bed is
no better at all and he is to tired to fix it any better so I expect
he can just have it so as long as he has a mind to. I stop in the
cabin this forenoon to help the teamster load the logs while the
others are at the mill. After dinner I go down to the mill and if
the mail has not passed will mail my letter to-day, otherwise it will
not go untill Tuesday, the up mail being on Tuesday, Thursday
and Saturday. . . .
Your devoted Husband
SUGAR MOUND DEC 21sT 1857
MY DEAR WIFE
I shall adhere to the promise of writing every week, as closely
as possible. We are exceedingly busy every day except Sundays,
when we desist from work as the hands, some of them, and the
people generally are Methodists or Baptists.
Of evening I am often so tired that I cannot read more than a
few minutes and writing is no go at all. Yesterday week I went
out to shoot deer, wounded one and followed it so far that we Ell
was along did not get back untill noon the next day. What a
splendid prairie we saw, high mounds and broad valleys without
a tree or house in sight all day, except at starting, and when we were
returning home came in sight of timber on Big Sugar. We had
set out fires as we went along and a night there was a big fire.
We stopped at a cabin, at eight o'clock, for the night. It was warm
enough to lie out but the ground was rather moist, without blankets
to wrap up in. We were nearly as tired as tho' we had been at work.
Yesterday too I wanted to be at head-quarters to see and hear.
You will have heard when this reaches you, no doubt, of the doings
here and, as usual, much will be said that will proceed chiefly
from some imaginative brains. I will try to give a little sketch
of the matter as nigh the truth as anybody who will write for the
papers.
122 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
There has been difficulty on the Little Osage all summer & fall
between pro-slavery and free-state men, about claims, hogs &c
The free-state men that were driven away a year ago, came back to
their claims and found them, in many cases, occupied by Missourians
who refused to give them up, and [their] hogs, [and] other stock
being clean gone which were in the timber [were] claimed by
these Missourians. In short, there was continual bra[wls?] among
them and the pro-slaves being the most numerous in this locality
they could enforce the bogus laws and have things pre[tty] much
their own way. The free-state men 'would'nt give it up' and some
of them are not the most peaceable kind of fellows either, and the
disturbances encreased untill there was open war between them.
They have a bogus court at Ft Scott and free-state men were
brot before it for defending their rights and in every case beaten
and court charges & law[y]ers fees piled on so heavily that they
were unable to pay so their property was seized and sold to Mis-
sourians at nominal prices, and immediately driven away. I have
talked with several who were stripped of every thing they had in
that way. Free-state men from different parts went down there
to assist them in there difficulties, the party, when all together,
numbered fifty. They were attacked by the ruffians. The particu-
lars of the attack, as I heard the 'Boys' tell it over and over again in
their camp, was that the ruffians numbered about two hundred
mounted men, while the Boys numbered but fifty and but few
mounted. The ruffians came upon them and were about to sur-
round them, to take them prisoners it was supposed, so fifteen
of the Boys opened a fire upon them with Sharpe's-rifles. The fire
was returned but the commander being wounded he set up such a
cry of I'm shot I'm shot' that the ruffians broke and run to a dis-
tance of three fourths of a mile. Considering themselves at a safe
distance they halted to take further council probably. So one of
the boys got permission to try his skill with his rifle to see what he
could effect. He fired and knocked a man off his horse. The man
was gathered up as speedily as possible and the party got them-
selves out of sight before they stopped again. The ruffians had three
wounded, but none killed that has been heard of yet. The boys
came off unscathed, tho one fellow narrowly escaped having a ball
shot thro' his body, the ball having struck his revolver which was
under a belt, at his side. The boys then came up to the Mound
here to await reinforcements as they knew that a still larger body
of ruffians would be collected in the vicinity of the Fort. The in-
tention of the boys is to go down there as soon as they are sufficiently
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 123
strong in numbers, and give the ruffians a sound drubbing, such a
one as will make them keep the peace hereafter.
[Addison] Danford and [R. B.] Mitchell, representatives from
this county, came home last night in a great hurry having heard,
while at Lecompton that Sugar Mound was about to be taken. The
ruffians had become alarmed at the storm they had raised and sent
up the most preposterous stories about the burning and pillaging
that was being perpetrated by the Abolitionists, to induce the gov-
ernor to send U. S. troops to their aid. Stanton 2 sent troops, too,
to the fort with orders to protect the land office and other govern-
ment property but not to interfere with the fight, for [he] said "if
they want a fight let them have it out/'
Last night some time it commenced snowing. I could feel it
coming thro' the roof into my face, it fell very light however and
was no further inconvenience than the sensation produced, which
was similar to being tormented by flies. To-day it has continued
[to] fall nearly all the time and is yet snowing but the air is so
warm yet that it does not collect any as I can see, it being just about
enough on the ground to make good tracking of deer and turkeys
We have not had the ground frozen for three weeks and many days
the murcury has been up to 64 or there about. . . .
WEDNESDAY EVENING 23RD . . . We moved to the mill yester-
day. You may remember perhaps that our cabin in the woods is
two miles from the creek, we sometimes had to walk it, frequently
of late, and we got tired of the fun so we moved a corn crib down
here and put our things into it, that is all that we could. It is a
fact and no joke and we find it quite comfortable. It is 12 ft long
and 9 ft wide; no floor but a kind of a door is reared up to keep the
wolves from stealing our meat our bed is put up so high that we
can sit under it and the stove close [is] up in a corner.
You may wonder why we don't make a house [of] boards. Well
I never told you anything about the mill business I believe so I will
do so now. In the first place the mill was late getting here, then
the roads were very bad which made everything go slowly. It was
so rainy that we could do almost nothing for a long time and it has
only been within the last three weeks that we have made much
progress. Besides all that we employed a man to build the mill who
proved himself to be quite incompetent and while Ell was up to
Kansas [City] I got out of all patience and gave him his walking
papers, and forthwith hired two men both experienced in their line,
2. Frederick P. Stanton was secretary, and twice acting governor, of Kansas territory
from April 16 to December 21, 1857.
124 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
one an engineer, the other a preacher just from [Io]wa who is an
excellent sawyer. I did not employ the latter one to preach, as I
don't know much about his experience in that line but in line of
sawyer I meant. The weather is very fine again and we expect to
start the machinery in two or three days. We would have made
enough by sawing to have paid the expense of erecting the mill,
easily, if these men had taken it in hand from the start. Ed and I
worked at rebuilding for a week which was more than would have
been required to do the work right in the first. We thought some
queer words out loud most every day we were at it.
I dont know how well you are posted in political news but I will
give you the latest. The Freestate legislature when they met [at
Lecompton, December 7-17, 1857,] repealed all the bogus laws.
Made Gen Lane commander in Chief of the Territory with power
to organize a militia and he has already done so. He is now here
but what his intentions are we know not as he keeps, the troops
even, in ignorance. Before he came down we could learn all about
the movements of the army and the ruffians understood there plans
as well as any body. We heard to-day that the bogus capital,
Lecompton, is in ashes, but nothing of the why or wherefore. Sev-
eral hundred men are encamped in the neighborhood and squads
of horse-men are passing to and fro almost continually. Last Mon-
day was the day to vote on the constitution which was framed by
the proslavery-National-democrats. Have heard nothing of the re-
sult, only know that the polls were not opened in this precinct. The
legislature, elected by the people of Kansas, last October, have ap-
pointed the 4th of January next to vote for or against that constitu-
tion, all who have a right to vote will put in, that day. . . . 3
,, ~ , SUGAR MOUND JAN ND 1858
MY DEAR WIFE
I have no news to tell you this time, I believe, unless it is that we
have, at last, raised the steam and got our mill to working. . . .
Your affect. Husband
SUGAR MOUND JAN QTH 1858
MY DEAR WIFE
. . . Dont ... let anything here trouble you in the least
for I can assure you that the only trouble we have, now that the mill
is doing business, is the vexation of housekeeping and that you
know is, by no means, of a serious nature. . . .
3. The election on the Lecompton constitution occurred on Monday, December 21, 1857,
and resulted as follows: for the constitution, with slavery, 6,226; for the constitution,
without slavery, 569. It was reported that 2,720 illegal votes were cast in the election, at
which the Free-State partisans abstained from voting.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 125
As to the wars which I see are reported in the papers, if you dont
feel any more concern about it than what we do, you wont loose a
moment of sleep. . . . That there has been warlike demon-
strations here, right in this place, I dont dispute, but I can say truly
that there is no probability of the people here at Sugar Mound be-
ing molested for two reasons There is no particular cause and if
there was we are to many for them We have no fear so I hope you
wont, and now for every thing that I can think of. We have done
some washing with the creek water and find it soft. Are you not
glad, its so handy too. We bought a bag full of apples, real nice
ones for $1.25 per bushel. Plenty of them in the State [Missouri],
within a days drive. . . .
I have learned that there are nurseries over in the state where
trees can be had at $1.50 per dozen, we have a few on our claim,
set out last spring so much nearer than any point on the river that
nobody in this county would ever go to the river for trees. Most
every body has oxen and it requires eight days or more to make the
trip. That is too long a time to be getting one load of trees when
they can get them out of the nursery and be home in four days at
most. I have no opportunity of knowing what chance there may
be along the river but suppose that there may be good sale within
twenty or twenty five miles and probably much farther in the
direction of Lawrence. They would, however, have to be shipped
in the fall as they could not be sent to the territory before the season
would be too far advanced. That however is a matter of
opinion. . . .
We were so late getting the mill to running that we have given
up the building of houses this winter. We are engaged in putting
a two story building over the mill seventy feet long and twenty six
wide at one end with an ofsett over the boiler making it about thirty
four feet at the other end. It will keep us all winter, save time
enough to build something to move into next spring, before we
start home. A good stable will do for a few weeks I guess, rather
than wait here to build a house. . . .
Love to the children and Kiss them for me. Husband
SUGAR MOUND, JAN 18TH, 1858
MY DEAR! WIFE
Last Saturday was my day to write you but I was prevented from
getting a letter in the mail that day, by our work which was going
on furiously all day, and then I was so tired of nights that I went to
roost immediately after supper and, besides, last week was my week
126 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
to get the meals. This week and next I will be out and can have
time, of evenings, to read some before supper and when not too
tired can put in an hour or two after tea. Oh dear! how tired I am
of keeping *bach' Nothing but the interest I feel in seeing the work
going on, enables me to stand it now. To-day I have been riding
all day partly on business connected with the mill and partly to get
signers to three road petitions, for roads branching of from Mound
City.
The weather is delightful, 55 to-day, warm sun, I enjoyed the
ride very much untill after noon when I began to tire of it. We
don't perform much hard labor, it is more care and anxiety than of
physical labor; we hire most of that done. We can saw 4000 ft of
lumber a day. We have not worked any after night yet. If we
were only living together here now I should like the business very
well. I think it will be much pleasanter than either riding around
thro' hot sun or cold winds, rough roads and muddy roads, rainy
days and dark nights to peddle pills, or to raise crops and have to
watch them so much to keep them from being destroyed and then
to scarcely get enough for them to pay expenses. It will be
pleasant too to be near enough to places of public gathering to go
without riding several miles in the dark, over a rough or muddy
road, and to call on the neighbors too of an afternoon. . . .
Maria 4 had better keep in the notion of coming here. There is
no question about the school if she wants to teach. There is a
school house here but no school this winter. I have not heard of
any one who could be had to teach a school, who is capable. Ed
expressed himself as being very well pleased that Maria purposed
coming here, so that his boys could go to school. That was on our
way out, last fall. . . .
Now my dear wife you must excuse me for another week for my
back aches, and, if I aint sleepy now, I will be in the morning at
getting up time Your loving Husband
SUGAR MOUND JAN 24TH 1858
MY DEAR WIFE
We have had a pretty heavy rain since dark, last (Saturday)
evening. It ceased to-day about three or four oclock. The creek
is pretty well up and the Falls are making a stunning noise. After
the rain, we went up to see how it looked. We tarried there untill
night gazing upon the, seemingly, angry flood, with mingled feel-
4. Maria Mannington, sister of Alice Trego. Maria came to Mound City in 1858 and
was married that year to J. S. Atkinson. This was the first marriage to take place in Mound
City. Andreas-Cutler, op cit., p. 1108.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 127
ings of awe and admiration. Last night, during the thunder storm,
there was but very little admiration of it ( the storm ) expressed and
no awe as it takes reverence to make up that feeling. The expres-
sions were a kind that indicated a different state of feeling when
the warm rain began to spatter all over our berth. We have a very
great deal of work to do and see after, our mill is not raised yet,
that is, the house part, and we are exposed to the weather so much
that it is a great disadvantage. Some days the wind blows the belt
off, and saw-dust in our eyes so we can scarcely see; other days it
rains and that, of course, puts a stop to the work entirely. But we
are hopeful yet. With good weather as we have had we can have
the mill building done in two weeks, and in two more we can have
our houses so they will do to live in next spring, untill we can finish
them up on our return with families, if we can find them again.
Rainy weather will begin in a few weeks and we must have the
mill sheltered before that time or we can do nothing at all.
Ed and self are bound to start just as soon as we can possibly get
our buildings so they will do to live in, after we are done working
on the mill. If there will be no delays, we can be off yet, by the
first of March, we may not, however, for two or three weeks later.
We have been wanting, all winter, to go to the Neosho to get some
robes of the Indians, and a pair of ponies, we see no chance to get
away and I fear it will be a failure. I would much rather ride across
the country part of the way home than be at the expense of going
all the way to St Louis.
FRIDAY 28TH [29-m] You see I did not get my letter off the first
of the week, the reason is, that the mail was stopped by high water,
having no bridges over the streams yet, and it was brot down to-day
for the first [time] since last Friday. Now I must drop it in the
office before the mail returns to-morrow for I've no doubt you are
as anxious to see a letter about every week as I am. . . .
We had a hearty laugh over the Advertiser's account of a collision
between the U. S. troops and those of Kansas. The fellow that got
up that and some other Kansas yarns must have some of the stuff
in his composition, that novel writers are made of.
Well, there is nothing like telling something stunning when the
design of it is to produce a sensation. That fuss was all over and
would have been forgotten but for the huge waves that roll back
upon us in the shape of newspaper accounts swelled by every blow
of letter writers for the papers. Before you get thro' with that job
we will have another, worse yet, perhaps. I hope at any rate it will
result, this time, in the destruction of Fort Scott. We had a town
128 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
meeting to-day The prospects for Mound City are indeed very
flattering. The probabilities are favourable for its becoming the
county seat and the Rail road from St Louis to Jefferson City, will,
when extended on thro' the Territory, pass thro this valley and if
Mound City can get to be somebody in two or three years, there is
no reason why the R. R. should not pass thro its boundaries. . . .
Your devoted Husband
SUNDAY EVENING [JANUARY 31] My love, I hope you will excuse
my failure to drop this letter in the Office yesterday. It was not
neglect but the being absent on business until it was too late.
. . . I learned yesterday that the mail, on that day of the week,
only goes to the end of our carriers route only a few miles, where it
lays over untill the next Tuesday, so you see it will be not more
than a day later at any rate. After this I will send my letters off in
Tuesday's mail. Now I wish to send you news in advance of all the
papers if the telegraph dont beat me, but they will have to wait
untill the occurrance takes place, before they can send while I will
guess what is to happen. The Bourbon County Banditti have been
committing more robberies upon the settlers in that region and seem
determined to have everything they can possibly make use of. They
are allowed to do so because the pro slaveryites think they will
drive away all Free State men by so doing. Such being the case
there is no law to punish the theives. They even attempted to hang
one man because he would not go away. The man is here at the
Mound now. Captain [James] Montgomery was here this evening
telling about the affair but I did not learn how the man escaped
from the ruffians, but Montgomery told us that several Companies,
his among the number, are in readiness to march upon Fort Scott
to-morrow, for the purpose of destroying the place, scattering the
band and perhaps to hang up the leaders of it to prevent them from
making similar nests anywhere else. . . .
To be read last The news which I referred to was the burning
of Fort Scott. It aint done yet but will be I suppose, so you see,
you get the news earlier than any body else)
MOUND CITY FEE HTH 1858
MY DEAR WIFE
. . . To-morrow we raise the mill house. It will be a big
job and all the help we can get will be required. It is cold this
evening, raw east wind blowing into our pa [r] lor so that I feel
like forsaking it and going up stairs to bed Will write more
tomorrow evening. Since writing the foregoing I concluded to
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 129
let this go by the board and write another, which I did this morning.
Now am not satisfied with it either so I have concluded just
as Ed is getting ready to go to the office that I will send both I
have only time to say that the freestate party according to report
of a messenger just in have taken Fort Scott, without any fighting
as the villians fled to save their bacon. There was some kind of
treaty entered into about the future conduct of the people there
which I consider of very little importance but a good deal of the
stolen property was returned to the owners, however and promises
enough for the forthcoming of some horses which the thieves took
away with them. The day is very fine, snow is melting and E wants
to go now to the office before the male [?] arrives so goodby again
Your loving husband
MOUND CITY FEE 13TH [1858]
MY DEAR WIFE
. . . We raised our mill yesterday and got thro* without acci-
dent tho' we very narrowly escaped having the chimney fall by the
breaking of a guy rod caused by trying to lift a guy, on the opposite
side from the break, to allow a part of the frame to pass under it
as they were raising. Before we got thro' it commenced snowing
furiously and continued on after dark. This morning the snow is
5 inches deep. The first snow we have had worth calling a snow.
Now I have about filled this up, so good by again for another week
Your aff husband
MOUND CITY FEE 28TH 1858
MY DEAR WIFE
Now I expect that by the time you get this you will think it has
been a long spell since you received the preceeding one, and it
has been two weeks now since I wrote you.
The reason of that is that I have been off a week, cruising around
Went down into the Osage Nation, whilst we were out, to buy
ponies, but we did not get any because the Indians wont sell them
when thin in flesh. No matter what price is offered, they cant be
made to believe but that the person making the offer would give
more for the pony after he fattens up in the Spring. We were
some little disappointed in not getting ponies, but we had a pretty
good trip of it and saw a great deal of fine prairie and fine timber
which will soon be open for settlement, at least we were told by
Indian traders, agents &c in the nation, that a treaty was likely to
be effected this spring with that tribe. Ed and one of our hands
96496
130 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
and myself, with a driver to take us, constituted the company. The
first evening out we encamped on the Little Osage river, where I
shot a wild cat out of a tree near the woodchopper's cabin which
we went into to cook our supper. The cat was run out from under
the floor of the cabin by the dogs. The next day our road lay across
a large prairie where we saw nothing all day but wolves and one
flock of deer. At sunset we came within sight of a house. We tried
to get on to Cofachique, 5 on the Neosho, but failed to reach it, tho'
it was but four miles distant. We encamped on the prairie. The
day had been perfectly clear and the sun was shining too hot to feel
comfortable. We regarded it as prognostic of storm but did not
think it would come on so suddenly as it did and with such violence
too. We were too conscious that we were exposed, in the after part
of the night to a perfect gale of wind, cold and raining, which
covered every thing with sleet, and before day it turned to snow.
When light enough to see, we started for the town, the snow flying
so thick that we could see but a few rods ahead but were soon en-
abled to make our way without difficulty, but the fences. It was
very cold and we stopped at the hotel, the only building in the
place capable of accomodating us and made ourselves at home
untill the next (Monday) morning. The house, up stairs, was full
of snow as was every building in the town. While we were stopping
there, a family came up from the Virdegris, where they moved last
fall. The family consisted of a woman and several children who
were left alone some weeks ago by the man who went away for the
ostensible purpose of getting provisions, of which they were sadly
in need, and they have heard nothing from him since. He is an
inebriate. The family were suffering from want of food and cloth-
ing. Fortunately summer is near by when they wont need much
only in the eating line. The villagers furnished them with a house
and provisions and, being invited to contribute something we fur-
nished each of the little chaps with a pair of shoes.
On Monday morning it was very cold but the sun came out clear
and having the wind to our backs we had a pleasant drive of it.
Night came on long before we arrived at a stopping place, but a
team was just ahead of us and we followed their track, the only one
to be seen since the snow. It is very seldom that wagons are seen
so far down among the Indians. We arrived at the post of a trader
about 9 o'clock and put up their for the night. A village of several
5. Cofachique, Allen county, was established in 1855 about two miles southwest of
present lola. It was the county seat from 1855 to 1858, and soon thereafter the townsite
was abandoned.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH TREGO 131
hundred Indians is close by the post. Many of them were in the
eating house where we got our suppers, there is no white woman
here. The trader has a very respectable looking squaw in his part
of the establishment and a slave to wait upon her. In the kitchen
there was another squaw who done the cooking for the trader and
his assistants and any one who might chance to be travelling that
way as was our case. I had a tolerably good bed, the rest rolled
themselves up in buffalo robes and slept on the floor. The team
which open[ed] the way for us so far, also stopped here, the men
were on a trading expedition and had a lot of prints and jewelry.
We played euchre untill midnight, the only time I have played since
coming into the territory. In the morning we went to the Indian
village, the wigwams made of buffalo skins, and took a look around
at the fashions. Ed and I were objects of great curiousity to the
grown people because of our unmutilated beards being covered
with a good coating of frost, the morning being very still and frosty,
But the worst of it was that when I went into a wigwam where
there was a lot of children they all began to scream and dodged out
like frightened cats as soon as I was far enough inside to leave
room for them to pass out behind me. One little fellow, who, no
doubt, told the rest that he wasn't afraid, came back and lifted the
robe which hung over the entrance was coming in all so fast but
he gave a yell and "pop went the weasel" I regreted very much
that I had no trinkets to give them but I told an Indian who could
speak English that I expected to be down there again before they
started on their summers hunt and would bring the little fellows
some presents, to make friends with them. We saw a buffalo here,
that has been tamed. Our travels to-day were thro' the country
where the Indians have erected their wigwams in considerable
numbers from a dozen to twenty together and these villages a few
miles apart. We arrived at the Osage Mission 6 by the middle of
the afternoon and having gone about as far south as we wanted to
this time we started home by the way of Fort Scott, and got far
enough out to find a first rate camping ground without fear of hav-
ing anything stolen from us by the Indians. The next day we
started early and traveled towards home as far as we could; in-
tended to get into Ft Scott and have a good supper and beds to
sleep in but could not possibly do it. Went in before breakfast the
next morning tho not untill breakfast was over at the hotels. After
6. The Osage Catholic Mission, at present St. Paul, Neosho county, was founded in
1847 as a mission and school for the Osage Indians living along the Neosho and Verdigris
rivers.
132 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
breakfast we took a look around town, went to see a new steam
mill same make as ours that was only started the day before. I
have seen five mills besides ours and only one of them is equal to it,
that one is no better only in the management of the saw, which is
done by one of the owners who understands a saw better than any
man we can hire in the territory. The town of Ft. Scott is handsome
the houses being all large and built hotel fashion. It was used by
the U. S. troops as a boarding place when not required to be on
duty. The buildings are arranged in a square with a fine Plaza
inside planted with trees which are of probably eighteen years
growth, the broad steps from the second story varanda of each
house toward the open square or plaza and a fine well under a clump
of trees, with a tasteful structure over it supported by six round
pillars. We were in to much of a hurry to get home or we could
have seen the U. S. troops come in there that day, they having been
sent there again to prevent the freestate men from destroying the
town. If we had been two days later in getting along we might
not have been allowed to go & come without some trouble as the
free state men are collecting in considerable numbers, with canon,
determined to make them give up the theives that are harbored
there or destroy the town. Every house in it would cost $3000, in
Illinois. Much more than that here. We arrived at Sugar Mound
very late at night, having stopped at the Fort some two or three
hours Well I have filled up my paper with an account of my trip,
I see, and as there is no news or anything else of special interest I
will let it go at that. . . . Good bye my dear wife and all the
love to you which I am capable of bestowing on the best of good
women is yours Husband
[Part Two the Letters of 1861, 1862 Will Appear in the
August, 1951, Issue]
The Kansas Senators and the Re-election
of Lincoln
WILLIAM FRANK ZORNOW
IN THE presidential election of 1864 the two Republican senators
from Kansas found themselves supporting rival candidates for
their party's nomination. James H. Lane cast his lot with the in-
cumbent, Abraham Lincoln, who was seeking a second term; while
Samuel Clarke Pomeroy joined the chief executive's opponents who
were attempting to nominate Secretary of the Treasury Salmon
Portland Chase.
The Republican, or Union party as it had been called since 1862,
was sharply divided during most of the war period over the per-
plexing problems of emancipation and reconstruction. Lincoln
represented a moderate wing of the party which believed that the
restoration of the Union was the paramount aim of the war. Re-
garding the institution of slavery, they preferred gradual, com-
pensated emancipation, followed, perhaps, by colonization. They
agreed that slavery was morally wrong, but they steadfastly refused
to tamper with it unless its abolition would directly influence the
salvation of the Union. Toward the erring Southerners they were
inclined to be governed by a policy of moderation and tolerance.
Lincoln had charted the course for this group on December 8, 1863,
in his message to congress, when he reaffirmed his adherence to the
emancipation proclamation, but offered a pardon to nearly all the
persons in the seceding states who would take an oath of loyalty to
the constitution, congressional acts, and the said proclamation.
He further declared that when ten percent of the number of voters
in 1860 in any of the Southern states had taken an oath of loyalty,
they could set up a state government and receive his executive
recognition. 1
These policies, as set forth in the proclamation, and the policies
of reconstruction, as outlined in the congressional message, were
unacceptable to a group within the party known as the "radicals."
This wing was led by Senators Benjamin Wade of Ohio, Charles
Sumner of Massachusetts, Zachariah Chandler of Michigan, and
DR. WILLIAM FRANK ZORNOW is an instructor of history at Washburn Municipal Univer-
sity, Topeka.
1. Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 38 Cong., 1 Sess. (1863-1864), pp. 1-4.
(133)
134 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Rep. Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania. They felt that slavery
was the fundamental cause of the war, and they regarded the
emancipation proclamation in the light of a promise rather than a
fulfillment. Nothing short of immediate emancipation would
satisfy them. (They did not seem to understand that such a step
was impossible until the Confederate armies were broken.) They
also insisted upon the confiscation of so-called "rebel" property, and
the employment of Negro troops. As part of their long-range pro-
gram they favored the enfranchisement and social equalization of
the Negroes in the hope that by these means Republican politicial
and economic control could be saddled upon the South after the
war. Few humanitarian impulses animated these men; their main
inspiration came from a blind, unbending partisanship and a desire
for repression. These unenlightened policies were destined to bear
fruit in the tragic years of reconstruction.
Both Lane and Pomeroy were self-styled members of this radical
faction of the party. Lane, in a speech before the senate in July,
1862, defined what he understood radicalism to be:
If to oppose the using of American volunteers for the protection of rebel
property; if to favor the confiscation of rebel property constitutes radicalism,
then, Mr. President, I am a radical. If opposing the use of American soldiers
for the return of fugitive slaves to rebel masters; if opposition to the policy
of driving from our lines the loyal men of the rebellious States because of
their color renders me an abolitionist, then, Mr. President, I am one. Radical
and abolitionist, Mr. President, I say crush out this rebellion, even if human
slavery should perish in the land. 2
Pomeroy had similar views, but they differed widely on the merits
of the Persident and on his capacity for carrying out such a program.
Lane always maintained that Lincoln was at heart a radical too;
a view with which Pomeroy took a most decided exception. 3 In
Pomeroy's opinion, the man who had the talent and inclination to
administer the radical program was Salmon Chase, and the senator
became chairman of a committee which was organized to advance
the presidential aspirations of the Secretary of the Treasury. The
Lane-Pomeroy feud over the merits of Abraham Lincoln was symp-
tomatic of conditions generally within the Republican-Union party.
Salmon Chase had been working since 1862 for the purpose of
presenting his name for the presidential nomination. In this work
he was ably assisted by a large following within the Treasury De-
partment, for his agents were most active in his behalf, although
2. Congressional Globe, 37 Cong., 2 Sess. (1861-1862), Pt. 4, p. 3151.
3. Wendell H. Stephenson, "The Political Career of General James H. Lane/' in Pub-
lications of the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, v. 3 (1930), p. 143.
KANSAS SENATORS AND RE-ELECTION OF LINCOLN 135
Chase always steadfastly maintained that he never made use of
his treasury patronage to erect a machine for himself. 4 Chase was
on intimate terms with most of the radical leaders in 1863, and he
supported many of them during the state elections of that year in
the hope that they would reciprocate his kindness in 1864. He
worked hard to gain the support of powerful financial leaders
throughout the nation, and once again his position in the Treasury
Department was of great help in winning him the friendship of
this group. Through his agents he sought to gain the assistance
of the most powerful newspaper editors and publishers, such as
Horace Greeley, James G. Bennett, Joseph Medill and John Forney;
and he also tried to win the support of the influential Union League
of America which boasted a membership of 700,000.
The climax to all of Chase's efforts came when a group of his
friends called an organizational meeting on December 9, 1863, in
Washington for the purpose of erecting a national and some state
committees to work for his nomination. 5 This first Chase advisory
committee, which drew most of its membership from the secretary's
own state, Ohio, proved to be a very nebulous affair, but within
a few weeks its membership was expanded and it became a per-
manent organization. It finally became known as the Republican
national executive committee, and Sen. Samuel Pomeroy was made
chairman.
Pomeroy had been reported to be a supporter of President Lincoln
in June, 1863, but during the intervening six months he had changed
his mind. 6 On December 13, a few days after Pomeroy accepted
the chairmanship of the secret Chase committee, Mark Delahay,
whom Lincoln had made a judge in Kansas, reported to the chief
executive that Pomeroy was one of the "head devils" of a Chase
conspiracy. The senator, however, was unwilling to reveal the
work of the committee at that moment and still publicly claimed
that he was supporting Lincoln. 7
It is difficult to explain why Pomeroy deliberately abandoned the
President and secretly led a committee which was working to bring
about his overthrow. John Nicolay and John Hay, Lincoln's two
very enterprising and observant young private secretaries, wrote later
4. Clarence E. MacCartney, Lincoln and His Cabinet (New York, 1931), p. 254.
5. Charles R. Wilson, "The Original Chase Organization Meeting and The Next Presi-
dential Election," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, v. 23
(1936), June, pp. 61-79.
6. James Blunt to Salmon Chase, June 14, 1863. Salmon Chase MSS. (Library of
Congress).
7. Tyler Dennett (ed.), Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John
Hay (New York, 1939), p. 138. Diary entry of December 13, 1863.
136 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
in their biography of the President that Pomeroy had become
estranged from Lincoln because he felt the President showed more
favor and gave more patronage to Lane. 8 Donnal V. Smith in his
study of Chase's bid for the presidential nomination maintained that
Pomeroy's predilection for the secretary may have been prompted
by the fact that Chase had shown some favors to the Hannibal and
St. Joseph railroad in which the senator was a large stockholder. 9
Whatever the motive may have been, there can be no doubt that
Pomeroy was actively engaged in building an organization for
Chase early in 1864. The secretary, who always feigned complete
disinterestedness in the presidency, was aware fully of what was
going on, for he wrote to a friend in Ohio on January 18 that a com-
mittee composed of "prominent Senators and Representatives and
citizens" had been formed for the purpose of making him president.
He also added, "This committee, through a sub-committee, has con-
ferred with me ... and I have consented to their wishes/' 10
Senator Pomeroy's committee undertook its work on behalf of
Chase in earnest, and on January 26 a rumor appeared in the
press that one hundred thousand copies of a pamphlet were about
to be gratuitously circulated. The rumor proved to be true, for
within a few days a document was being distributed throughout
many of the states under the frank of Sen. John Sherman and Rep.
John Ashley of Ohio, as well as that of Rep. Henry T. Blow of
Missouri. 11 Ward Hill Lamon wrote to Lincoln that he had re-
cently received news from Ohio that "a most scurrilous and abusive"
pamphlet was being distributed; Leonard Swett procured a copy
of the document, and according to Lamon, intended giving it to
the President on his next visit to Washington. 12 This document
was a pamphlet known as The Next Presidential Election.
The Next Presidential Election was, indeed, a "most scurrilous
and abusive" document. The pamphlet maintained that Lincoln's
re-election was impossible in view of the opposition being mani-
fested against him. If he were re-elected it would be a calamity,
the writer maintained, for it would destroy American liberties
to concentrate so much power and patronage in the hands of
8. John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln: A History (New York, 1890),
v. 8, pp. 318, 319.
9. Donnal V. Smith, Chase and Civil War Politics (Columbus, Ohio, 1931), pp. 114,
115; Salmon Chase to Samuel Pomeroy, November 17, 1863, in Salmon Chase MSS. (Penn-
sylvania Historical Society).
10. Salmon Chase to James C. Hall, January 18, 1864, quoted in J. W. Schuckers, The
Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase (New York, 1874), p. 497.
11. Philip Speed to Abraham Lincoln, February 22, 1864; J. Gibson to Abraham Lin-
coln, February 22, 1864, in Robert T. Lincoln MSS. (Library of Congress).
12. Ward Lamon to Abraham Lincoln, February 6, 1864. Ibid.
KANSAS SENATORS AND RE-ELECTION OF LINCOLN 137
one man for eight years. The document concluded by stating,
"We want in our coming President an advanced thinker; a states-
man profoundly versed in political and economic science, one
who fully comprehends the spirit of the age in which we live."
Lincoln, in their opinion, fell far short on all three counts.
The unfavorable reaction to the pamphlet was entirely unantici-
pated by Pomeroy's committee. The voters in Ohio poured out
the vials of their wrath on Senator Sherman for franking it out;
and one of his best friends warned him, "If you were to resign
tomorrow you could not get ten votes in the legislature provided
it could be shown that you have been circulating such stuff as
this." 13 The political ground slipped from beneath his feet so
rapidly that Sherman was forced to publicly disavow any con-
nection with the document. 14
Chase's managers, however, misgauged its effect and prepared
a second circular, dated February 8. Since this document bore
the signature of Senator Pomeroy, it has gone down in history
as the "Pomeroy Circular," although he was not its author. 15
As in the case of the first document, it was franked out by several
prominent radical congressmen. The Pomeroy circular was marked
"strictly private," but it soon appeared in the public journals. On
February 20 the Washington Constitutional Union published a
copy of it, and the following day it appeared in the Cincinnati
Daily Enquirer. By Washington's birthday it was released to the
public generally over the wires of the Associated Press. The
Pomeroy circular made essentially the same points as the earlier
pamphlet, and it was only in their conclusions that the two docu-
ments differed at all. Where the pamphlet merely hinted broadly
that a man of other talents was needed in the White House, the
circular left nothing to conjecture but stated candidly that Salmon
Chase had "more of the qualities needed in a President during
the next four years than are to be found in any other candidate."
The Next Presidential Election and the Pomeroy circular intensi-
fied public opinion against Chase and his managers. "The Pomeroy
Circular has helped Lincoln more than all other things together,"
was the opinion of one of Sherman's constituents. 16 The circular
13. G. W. Gordon to John Sherman, February 26, 1864. John Sherman MSS. (Li-
brary of Congress).
14. He published an open letter in the Cincinnati Gazette, March 3, 1864, in which he
stated that he had been tricked into franking the document.
15. According to Chase's biographer, J. W. Schuckers, the document was written by
James M. Winchell, secretary of the Pomeroy committee. See J. W. Schuckers, op. cit., p.
500. Lincoln's Postmaster General, Montgomery Blair, insisted that Chase wrote it himself,
but there is no corroborative evidence for this.
16. Lewis Gunckel to John Sherman, February 29, 1864. John Sherman MSS.
138 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
made enemies for Chase, wrote the Pittsburgh Gazette; the docu-
ment was "not manly not truthful mean." 17 Pomeroy's "yeast
don't make the Chase pudding rise/' was the triumphant observa-
tion of one of Lincoln's partisans. 18 The storm was rising to such
alarming proportions that the radicals soon had to seek means
of disclaiming their connection with the documents. Senator
Sherman, as mentioned, publicly stated that he had been tricked
into franking out the first pamphlet. All along the line the radi-
cals were forced to retreat from the advanced position they had
taken against Lincoln, and even Secretary Chase hastened to
write the President on February 22, explaining his connection
with the document and offering to resign. He gave a brief ac-
count of the solicitation of his friends in compliance with which
he had consented to become a candidate for the presidency. He
assured Lincoln, "I had no knowledge of the existence of this
letter before I saw it in the Union. ... If there is any thing
in my action or position which in your judgment will prejudice
the public interest under my charge, I beg you to say so. I do
not wish to administer the Treasury Department one day with-
out your entire confidence. . . ." 19
Before Lincoln could reply to this letter an incident occurred
which completely suffocated Chase's hope of securing the nomina-
tion. The Ohio state legislature, thanks largely to the undercover
work of a host of Lincoln's friends and officeholders, adopted a
resolution endorsing his renomination. Chase had no hope of
securing the prize when even his own state refused to support
him. Pomeroy's circular had forced a showdown in Ohio. Up
to that time Lincoln's friends had made repeated attempts to
move the legislature to endorse the President for another term,
but each time the Chase men had beaten them. The Pomeroy
circular, however, according to one of Chase's friends in Cleve-
land, "produced a perfect convulsion in the party." 20 The Kansas
senator's ill-advised, hasty action in issuing this maligning pro-
nunciamento actually defeated the presidential aspirations of the
man he was dedicated to serving.
Lincoln replied to Chase's letter on February 29 and assured
17. Pittsburgh Gazette, February 24, 1864. Clipping in ibid.
18. George P. Lincoln to William Doyle, February 26, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln MSS.
19. Salmon Chase to Abraham Lincoln, February 22, 1864, quoted in T. W. Schuckers,
op. cit., pp. 500, 501.
20. Richard Parsons to Salmon Chase, March 2, 1864. Salmon Chase MSS. (Library
of Congress). L. Devin to John Sherman, February 26, 1864. John Sherman MSS.
KANSAS SENATORS AND RE-ELECTION OF LINCOLN 139
him that he perceived no reason why the secretary should resign. 21
Chase continued to serve the administration as a cabinet officer
until June, but his opportunity to secure the party presidential
nomination was blasted. On March 5, the secretary wrote to his
manager, James C. Hall, in Toledo, Ohio, telling him that no
further attention was to be given his name for the nomination.
This letter appeared in the press throughout Ohio on March II. 22
Regardless of the fact that Chase had decided to withdraw
from the presidential race, Pomeroy announced that his committee
would not be disbanded but would continue its work on behalf
of the secretary. On March 10, he rose in the senate and described
how the national executive committee had been organized in
January for the purpose of making Salmon Chase President. He
stated boldly that he alone was responsible for issuing the circular,
and he absolved Chase of any guilt by insisting that the secretary
knew nothing of the circular and that he had only consented
to run when the committee insisted. 23
Pomeroy's indiscreet action had done him irreparable damage
with the President, and the patronage fount was shut tighter
after the circular episode than it had been before. This did not
ease the situation in Kansas, for Lane and Pomeroy, who hated
each other with an unexcelled ferocity, redoubled their feud over
the state's patronage. The situation was aggravated further when
Lane denounced his colleague before the senate because of the
Chase circular. Lincoln tended to rely more closely upon Lane,
who, despite the fact that he often said uncomplimentary things
about the President's ability and policies, was astute enough never
to place himself in a position of open hostility as Pomeroy had done.
The two senators continued to wrangle over patronage, and in
May Pomeroy visited Lincoln in the hope of mending his fences.
The chief executive, who rarely carried a grudge for past political
sins, did so on this occasion, and Pomeroy returned from his visit
empty handed. John Hay noted in his diary on May 14, "Pomeroy
has recently asked an audience of the President for the purpose
of getting some offices. He is getting starved out during the
last few months of dignified hostility and evidently wants to come
21. Abraham Lincoln to Salmon Chase (copy), February 29, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln
MSS.
22. Salmon Chase to James C. Hall, March 5, 1864, quoted in J. W. Schuckers, op. tit.,
pp. 502, 503; Salmon Chase to James C. Hall, March 6, 1864, in Salmon Chase MSS.
(Pennsylvania Historical Society).
23. Congressional Globe, 38 Cong., 1 Sess. (1863-1864), Pt. 2, p. 1025.
140 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
down. He did not get any." 24 Immediately after the interview
Lincoln wrote a note to the senator in which he implored, "I wish
you and Lane would make a sincere effort to get out of the mood
you are in. It does neither of you any good; it gives you the means
of tormenting the life out of me, and nothing else." 25 The rift
between the two senators, however, was not bridged.
Pomeroy's national executive committee continued to function
until June, and he devised a plan for holding what he termed
a "People's Convention" in Baltimore on June 7, the same day
on which the regular Union party convention was to meet. 26 Lin-
coln's officeholders with their power and irresistible organization
easily overcame these plans. The Union convention met in Balti-
more as scheduled and the nomination of Lincoln was obtained
with no difficulty; only Missouri cast her 22 votes against him on
the first ballot, but speedily shifted to him before the roll call
ended so that the selection was made unanimously.
Secretary Chase resigned from the cabinet shortly after the Balti-
more convention, and he retired to the White Mountains for a
long rest. He kept close contact with the political situation,
however, and made frequent trips to New York and Boston, which
were centers of anti-Lincoln activities. Pomeroy and others kept
him abreast of developments at the capital. There was still some
talk that Chase might be nominated at another convention, but
the national executive committee was no longer functioning and
Pomeroy apparently had given up his work. He was still not
reconciled to accepting Lincoln, but intimated that he might go
to Europe for a vacation rather than enter the canvass. 27
While Pomeroy was busily engaged in heading up much of the
opposition to President Lincoln, Senator Lane had climbed aboard
the President's bandwagon and was leading the fight to secure
his renomination. In 1863, when Lincoln incurred the wrath of
the radical Republicans in Missouri by appointing Gen. John Scho-
field to the military command in that state, Lane had indirectly
opposed the President. At the meeting of the Union League of
America in Cleveland on May 20, he presented a series of resolu-
tions demanding Schofield's removal but finally withdrew them
24. Tyler Dennett, op. cit., p. 181.
25. Abraham Lincoln to Samuel C. Pomeroy, May 12, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln MSS.
26. John Wilson to Salmon Chase, May 2, 1864. Salmon Chase MSS. (Library of
Congress).
27. Salmon Chase's MS. diary, entry of July 6, 1864 (Pennsylvania History Society).
William E. Smith, The Francis Preston Blair Family in Politics (New York, 1933), v. 2,
p. 270.
KANSAS SENATORS AND RE-ELECTION OF LINCOLN 141
in the face of the opposition of Lincoln's friends. 28 On several
occasions during that year, Lane had expressed the belief that
Lincoln's re-election might be inadvisable. He had been won
over completely to Lincoln's side, however, when Gov. Thomas
Carney of Kansas made a bold bid to usurp his senatorial seat.
In the struggle which followed, the President had supported Lane
and checked the governor's maneuver. 29
As the canvass for the presidency approached, Lane took the
stump in December, 1863, at Waterbury, Conn., and named
Lincoln for re-election. From there he moved on to New York,
where he addressed a crowd at Cooper Institute and once again
praised Lincoln and favored another term. It was rumored that
Lincoln had personally chosen Lane to begin the canvass for him. 30
Lane continued his peregrinations throughout New England and
never lost an opportunity to endorse Lincoln for re-election.
Early in 1864, various state legislatures and Union party state
conventions began to adopt resolutions endorsing the President
for another term. Among the first was the Kansas legislature.
Lincoln had won the approbation of the radicals in Kansas by
a timely appointment of Gen. Samuel Curtis, an idol of that clique,
to the military command there. A correspondent hastened to
write the chief executive that this wise, happily received appoint-
ment would win him at least 100,000 votes in Kansas. The esti-
mate may have been exaggerated, but it does serve to show the
extreme popularity of Curtis among the Kansas radicals. 31 Late
in January, spurred on by Curtis' appointment, the legislature put
through a resolution, with but one dissenting vote, in favor of
Lincoln's re-election. 32
The mere fact that the legislature had been induced to support
him did not mean that Lincoln was universally in favor among
the Republican leaders in Kansas. As we have seen already,
Pomeroy was busily at work during January and February with
his Chase committee. Governor Carney, probably still smarting
because the President had sided with Lane over the senatorial
seat issue, joined forces with Pomeroy in the anti-Lincoln crusade.
28. Union League of America Proceedings of the National Convention . . . With
Reports (Washington, 1863), pp. 11, 12.
29. Wendell H. Stephenson, loc. cit., pp. 137-141.
30. Ibid., p. 141, 142; Leverett W. Spring, "The Career of a Kansas Politician," The
American Historical Review, New York, v. 4 (1898), October, p. 102.
31. E. N. Clough to Abraham Lincoln, January 27, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln MSS.
32. Ibid., Thomas Carney to Abraham Lincoln, February 3, 1864; N. Chipman to John
Nicolay, January 28, 1864, in ibid.; William B. Hesseltine, Lincoln and the War Governors
(New York, 1948), p. 355; John Nicolay and John Hay, op. cit., v. 9, p. 55.
142 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Early in February, one of Lincoln's friends in Kansas wrote to
Lane that Carney; Pomeroy; James McDowell, United States mar-
shal for Kansas; James F. Legate, United States assessor, and the
three Indian agents, Fielding Johnson, William Ross and H. W.
Martin, were using all their influence and patronage to defeat
Lincoln, even though the legislature had already spoken in his
favor. 33 Another Lincoln man in Kansas wrote the President shortly
after the Pomeroy circular had been made public, acquainting
him with the already apparent fact that Pomeroy was "with the
bought up faction." He promised Lincoln, however, that the people
of Kansas were with Lane and would attest their devotion in Novem-
ber at the polls. 34 As an added precaution against Pomeroy and
Carney, Lane returned to Kansas after his Eastern journey to keep
his eye on the situation.
The Kansas Union state convention assembled at Topeka on
April 21. Prior to this meeting, Lincoln instructed John Speer to
return to the state capital for the purpose of securing the election
of Lane as a delegate-at-large to the Baltimore convention and
also to aid in his selection as a delegate to the meeting of the
Grand Council of the Union League of America, which was
scheduled to meet in the convention city on June 6. 35 At the Topeka
meeting Speer performed his commission; James Lane was selected
as a delegate-at-large along with A. C. Wilder, Thomas Bowen,
W. W. H. Lawrence, M. H. Insley and F. W. Potter. 36 Subsequently
the Kansas Union League held a convention at Leavenworth, and
Lane was selected also to attend the meeting of the grand council.
On the appointed day the grand council held its session in
Baltimore. There were 136 members present at this meeting;
many of these men, such as Jim Lane, were also delegates to the
Union party convention scheduled to meet the following day.
According to William O. Stoddard the Union League meeting
was to be "the place where all the anti-Lincoln steam [would]
... be let off, so that it [would] . . . not scald the work
in the Wigwam." 37
The radical Republicans were prepared to make a last attempt
33. W. H. Lawrence to James Lane, February 15, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln MSS.
34. R. C. Garvey to Abraham Lincoln, February 25, 1864. Ibid.
35. John Speer, Life of General James H. Lane (Garden City, Kan., 1896), p. 279.
36. Wendell H. Stephenson, loc. cit,, p. 143; Kansas Daily Tribune, Lawrence, April 23,
37. William O. Stoddard, Inside the White House in War Times (New York, 1890),
pp. 238, 239; Anna Smith Hardie, "The Influence of the Union League of America on the
Second Election of Lincoln," unpublished A. M. thesis (1937) in the library of the Louisi-
ana State University, p. 43.
KANSAS SENATORS AND RE-ELECTION OF LINCOLN 143
to prevent Lincoln's selection by the national convention. Samuel
Miller of Pennsylvania presented a resolution to the grand council
recommending the renomination of Abraham Lincoln. 38 This
was the signal for the radicals to begin their all-out offensive.
They paraded again the old story of Lincoln's alleged malfeasance,
tyranny, corruption, abuse of power, favoritism, ribald frivolity,
and a host of other crimes and indiscretions of which the President
had been accused. After listening to this torrent of scurrility for
a while, Senator Lane rose to his feet and began to refute the
charges. At first the radicals raged under his stinging verbal
lashes, for according to Stoddard, Lane had a "peculiar faculty for
saying an offensive, insolent thing in the most galling offensive and
insolent manner/' He riddled the radicals' indictment against Lin-
coln, and as he progressed with his speech the delegates began to
lean forward and listen, while they more or less rapidly are swept into the
tide of conviction and are made to believe, with him, that any other nomination
than that of Lincoln to-morrow is equivalent to the nomination of [George
Brinton] McClellan by the Republican Convention and his election by the
Republican party; that it would sunder the Union, make permanent the Con-
federacy, reshackle the slaves, dishonor the dead and disgrace the living.
At length Lane's speech carried the day, and the grand council
endorsed Lincoln with only a few dissenting voices. 39
At the Union national convention on June 7, Governor Stone
of Iowa presented Lincoln's name to the delegates. Some of them
began to grumble and it looked as if the fight would begin afresh.
Above the din the governor later reported that he could hear the
clarion voice of Jim Lane shouting, "Stand your ground, Stone.
Stand your ground! Great God, Stone, Kansas will stand by you!" 40
After a few tense moments the opposition subsided, and Lincoln's
renomination was secured without further difficulty. 41
Three days after the meeting of the national convention, Senator
Lane attended a session of the National Union executive com-
mittee for the purpose of preparing for the canvass. He proposed
the creation of a "National Committee for the West," with head-
quarters at St. Louis, as a subsidiary agency of the national com-
mittee so that the canvass in the states beyond the Mississippi
38. Anna Smith Hardie, op. cit., p. 46.
39. William O. Stoddard, op. cit., pp. 239-242.
40. John Speer, op. cit., pp. 283, 284. Gen. George B. McClellan was nominated on
August 29 by the Democratic convention at Chicago. He was nominated on a peace plat-
form which branded the war a total failure and called for a cessation of hostilities and an
eventual convention of the states to discuss a reunion.
41. Edward McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America During
the Great Rebellion (Washington, 1865), pp. 403-409. This contains an account of the
convention.
144 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
could be more easily conducted. The other delegates saw the
wisdom of such a suggestion and the group was established with
Lane as its chairman. 42
Lane was a most influential speaker during the canvass. He
did much good in the important state election in Indiana where
Gov. Oliver P. Morton was seeking re-election. Indiana, Ohio
and Pennsylvania held their state elections in October, so they
were regarded as key states. It was generally felt that whichever
party carried the elections in the three October states would un-
doubtedly win the national election in November, therefore, Lane's
campaigning in Indiana was of great importance. 43 The senator
spent most of his time campaigning in Missouri and his own state.
According to a Chicago journal, he "stumped southern Kansas,
rode fifty miles a day for eighteen days, and made three speeches
per day never missing an appointment." 44
The senator's work was not confined entirely to speech making.
Late in the canvass it was learned that the rebel general, Sterling
Price, intended to invade Missouri and Kansas. Lane immediately
went to Leavenworth where he offered his services to Gen. Samuel
Curtis to meet this crisis. His senatorial rival, Samuel Pomeroy,
who had been sulking like Achilles in his tent during most of the
canvass, responded too when his beloved state was threatened.
Both senators became aides-de-camp in Curtis' army, and the
general later wrote that he "found both of these men of great
service in giving correct intelligence to the wavering public mind,
and in suppressing false impressions. . . ." 45
Thus throughout the year, Lane and Pomeroy had played lead-
ing roles in the Lincoln-radical feud. Though the two men repre-
sented different ideals and gave much to the causes to which they
subscribed, they co-operated under General Curtis to save their
state and the North from the danger of another Confederate in-
vasion. The force of partisanship was forgotten in this effort which
required their mutual assistance.
42. Wendell H. Stephenson, loc. cit., p. 145.
43. William F. Zomow, "Indiana and the Election of 1864," Indiana Magazine of
History, Bloomington, v. 45 (1949), March, pp. 13-38.
44. Wendell H. Stephenson, loc. cit., p. 146.
45. Ibid., p. 147; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of
the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, 1880-1901), Ser. 1., v. 41, Pt. 1, pp. 471-
473, 484.
Fighting Aguinaldo's Insurgents
in the Philippines
TODD L. WAGONER
I. INTRODUCTION
ONE hundred and forty days of front-line duty on the island of
Luzon, in 1899, are recorded in this account by Todd L.
Wagoner, a private of Company F, 20th Kansas Volunteer infantry.
From Mr. Wagoner's manuscript, covering his year-and-a-half serv-
ice with the regiment, the section describing the fighting he saw
between February 4 and June 24, 1899, has been selected for
publication.
The 20th, of the four Kansas regiments (20th, 21st, 22nd and 23rd)
organized to fight in the Spanish-American war, was the only regi-
ment to be sent to the Philippines, and the only one to experience
actual fighting. At the time of mustering in it numbered 46 officers
and 964 enlisted men. In all, three officers and 30 enlisted men
were killed in action, or died of wounds, on Luzon. Three of the
latter were from Company F. Mr. Wagoner tells of their deaths
in his account, and also describes the killing of 1st Lt. Alfred C.
Alford.
The 20th Kansas was organized at Topeka between May 9 and 13,
1898. Soon afterward the regiment was sent to the San Francisco
bay area where, until June 18, Lt. Col. E. C. Little was in command.
Then Col. Frederick Funston arrived and took over. In late Octo-
ber and early November the United States transports Indiana and
Newport carried the 20th Kansas troops to Manila, where they
arrived on December 1 and 6, respectively.
Mr. Wagoner's account, as published here, begins approximately
two months later ( February 4, 1899 ) with the first engagement be-
tween United States forces and the Filipino insurgents; and ends
with the embarkation of the regiment on the transport Tarter on
September 2, 1899, homeward bound. The 20th Kansas troops dis-
embarked 39 days later at San Francisco, and 17 days thereafter
( October 28 ) , the regiment was mustered out of service.
II. THE NARRATIVE
The air was full of war, the big ball was about to roll. We had
been brought here for what purpose we knew not. We had
TODD L. WAGONER is a resident of Girard.
(145)
106496
146 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
guarded churches, pest houses and graveyards. We had suffered
disease and privation of food. Insult upon insult had been heaped
upon us by these conceited little Filipinos who were armed with
much better muskets that we were. We had been spit at; rifles had
been pointed at our heads with threats to kill; and we had stood
like dummies with orders "Don't shoot!" AND CONGRESS WAS STILL
DELIBERATING.
But on February 4, 1899, about eight o'clock in the evening, the
old eagle, soaring high above all this uncertain state of affairs, let
out one mighty and far-reaching scream. A repeatedly-insulted
Nebraska soldier took matters into his own hands and shot a Filipino.
The sound of that old Springfield echoed and re-echoed. It re-
verberated with the sound of Mausers and Remingtons, the boom
of Catling gun and cannon. It reached the bay, and from end to
end of the 15-mile front, only to be augmented and sent back in
broadside after broadside in the unerring aim of the boys on the
sea who had so neatly made a submarine of the once invincible
Spanish Manila fleet.
In the warm barracks quite a number of us had discarded our
heavy woolen shirts and were unprepared for the hasty order to
buckle on our cartridge belts, fill our haversacks with ammunition
and proceed at double time to the scene of action. After we had
run about three-fourths of a mile, something else besides tinware
began to fly. From every window and alley came rifle and pistol
flashes, and instantly we returned the fire from every quarter in
such a convincing manner that it soon ceased. A few of the boldest
rushed at some of the boys with machetes, thinking to strike a blow
for liberty, and they did. They struck blows from Springfield
bullets that gave them liberty of soul from body.
An hour put these city heroes back to bed, where the quiet sur-
roundings were more productive of health and longevity. Riots
broke out in various parts of the city, but the American soldier was
"Johnny on the spot" and immediately quieted them. Soon the
town was more peaceable than before the outbreak, with the ex-
ception of the continuous crack-crack, pop-pop-pop, boom-boom
from the solid fighting line and the battleships; and the bullets
dropping on the roofs like hail.
After the riot was quelled, guards were located in various quar-
ters. Bally, on guard at the fourth post from where the main body
of the battalion rested for the night, had an interesting little expe-
rience. Orders were to command anyone crossing your beat to
"Halt, halt, halt!" and if said trespasser did not halt, to shoot him.
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 147
Trespasser No. 1 started across Rally's beat and Bally shouted:
"Halt, halt, halt!" Trespasser failed to obey. Crack! trespasser
No. 1 dropped. Trespasser No. 2, following No. 1, started across
the street and Bally shouted: "Halt, halt, halt!" Trespasser failed
to obey. Crack! trespasser No. 2 dropped. Bally shouted: "Offi-
cer of the guard, post No. 4," which Nos. 3, 2, 1 repeated. At
which the officer of the guard formed a squad, myself being one,
and we hastened to the scene.
The street Bally was guarding was only light enough to dis-
tinguish a moving form. On our approach Bally shouted: "Halt!"
But he never got to say the second "halt" for we halted. "Who
comes there?" Reply: "Officer of the guard with squad." "Advance
officer of the guard and be recognized." Which we did. "What's
going on down here Bally?" Bally: "Nothing at all now, it's all
over I guess." Officer: "What was it?" Bally: "A couple of guys
tried to cross over here and I halted them but they refused to stop
till I weighted them down with a .45." Officer: "Where are they?"
Bally: "Down the street there somewhere." We found them a
couple of frightened Chinamen trying to get home, who probably
did not know what Bally meant by "halt" until he emphasized it
with a .45. Bally had obeyed orders to the letter, but he had been
gentle in so doing. He had only winged this pair of chinks. We
used to jolly Bally afterward about fighting the Chinese in Manila.
To which he would reply, "Well they had no business outdoors a
strenuous night like that."
The fighting on the line ceased a short time before the following
day which was Sunday, but began again shortly after daylight.
We stood and watched the old gunboat as she hurled broadside
after broadside into the Filipino ranks.
There was one man among us whom I shall term "Old 56," but
who was, neverthless, a true character true to himself, I mean,
in the commissary department. He is now dead, and in all due
respect for his murdering and villainous nature I shall not speak
ill of him. "Old 56" and my pal were chatting and watching the
gunboat in action, when a native strolled up to them and stood by,
watching the boat also. Well, the story as "Old 56" told it, was
that the native walked around while my pal's attention was attracted
to the boat, got behind him, and slipped his hand down inside a
loose blouse he ( the native ) was wearing. At this moment "Old 56"
looked at him, and without any formality shot and killed him. On
investigation it was found that he died with a big dirk knife in
his hand, but never got it outside his shirt.
148 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
I did not see this incident, do not know the imminent danger
in which my pal was situated, and he never knew just how close the
native was to him. But from the very nature of "Old 56" and an
act he committed later, I have always considered this a cold-blooded
murder. But why speculate over a little matter like this, "Old 56"
had a license from the U. S. to kill! Is it not strange that murder
committed in our country by the hand of the individual is punish-
able by death or life imprisonment and yet a soldier may commit
the same crime in the service of his country, and in the very presence
of the flag of his nation, and be applauded before the world as a
hero?
The fighting on the line ceased within an hour or two, and the
rest of the day till about three o'clock passed quietly. We formed
in line and started to the front, marching in columns of fours. We
passed the old graveyard, crossed a bridge over the little canal,
and advanced up the road without a sound of friend or foe to
be heard in the dense mass of vegetable growth on either side.
The first sound that suggested we were seen was a prolonged
"Wheeeee!" of a Mauser bullet high above us. The boys all ex-
changed smiles which seemed to say: "If they don't shoot any closer
than that, this fighting will not be even interesting." But just as
everyone was meditating what a snap this battle was going to be,
a big .45 brass-covered Remington passed just above our heads and
on back over the entire battalion with a Brrrrrrrr! that changed
the pleasant smile to a sickly grin; and everybody seemed to be
stooping toward the ground in search of something he had recently
lost and it might have been a piece of his nerve.
But no one had time to look long, for at that moment the whole
island before us rattled and thundered with musketry and artillery;
and with the crack of the old Remington sending its deadly brass-
covered bullets and the pop-pop of the Mauser spurting its pene-
trating little steel messengers. This was responded to by volley
after volley from the Springfields of the boys already located in
the fighting line; and the boom-boom-boom of the Catling gun,
which shot an inch-solid ball from various circular barrels set In
revolution and operated by machinery; and the little, rapid Maxim,
working like a mowing machine with a purrrrrr! that lulled many a
Filipino to his eternal rest, often penetrating his body eight or ten
times before he had time to fall. These various sounds were con-
fused and augmented by the terrific explosions of the big eight-
or ten-inch guns of the navy.
We continued our course up the road about 100 yards till we
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 149
reached the three two-inch field pieces of the Utah battery. These
had just been hauled from the brush and set in action to clear the
breastwork of ties, steel and dirt located about half a mile on up
the road just in front of the bridge we were soon to cross. We
received orders to lie down till the battery had removed this obstacle
to our progress, which took perhaps 10 minutes. As we lay stretched
flat upon the ground back of fence posts, bamboo trees and various
objects of mediation between a bullet and our heads, we wondered
if we had been brought all this 8,000 miles to be shot at without
even a show of resistance. But soon the situation changed. The
breastwork ahead being completely cleared for our advancement
we were ordered to our feet and formed in line, thus filling up the
vacancy made for us on our approach.
The whole line was ordered forward with the command to "fire
at will" as we advanced. I can see our little colonel [Frederick
Funston] standing there with arms folded as he gave the order to
go. He remarked as we started: "Boys you've got a nasty fight
ahead of you, but I know you are good for it." My company, F,
started directly up the road. In passing the field pieces with which
those volunteer Utah gunners had just completed such successful
destruction of the obstruction ahead, my attention was called to
various little grooves cut in the wheel tires by little steel Mauser
bullets and I wondered that not one of the gunners had been hit.
The Filipino stronghold lay along, and just beyond, the river;
and still further beyond were tier after tier of them, back of rice
dikes rising at gradual elevations like a big amphitheater. The ele-
vation of this incline was sufficient to allow all of these Filipinos to
shoot at the same time, without danger to the tiers ahead of them.
As soon as we had started the general advance there was certainly
not an idle gun in the hand of the thousands of Filipino soldiers
before us. The road was not wide enough for a company to be
deployed in skirmish order, six feet apart, and being in the first
squad to the right I was forced out into the brush and soon got
mixed up with M company. I knew however that I was still with
the regiment as M company carried the regimental flag. So I fell in
line with them and continued to pump those old ,45's from the old
Long Tom as fast as I could load it.
Having gone about halfway to the river, I felt something strike
the calf of my right leg. I hesitated a moment to ascertain whether
a bullet had hit me or the stub of a weed had run up my trousers
(I not having put on my leggings in our haste the night before).
Making a hasty examination I discovered a small spot on the back
150 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
of my leg bleeding, with the skin just broken but no hole in my
trousers. I looked at the outside of the trousers leg and found a
streak across it the mark of a passing bullet.
In the meantime the company had probably gone three or four
rods, but were out of sight in the brush. Turning my trousers
leg down I straightened up. There before me stood the captain
of M company about six feet from me with sword raised in the
air, looking straight at me. He broke forth in a volly of ejaculations,
questions and orders, privately and personally directed to me. This
is the colloquy which took place: Captain: "What are you doing
back here?" To which I replied: "I was looking to see if a bullet
had struck me." Still waving his sword around through the air
in a menacing fashion, he said: "Get on up there in your company."
To which I responded: "I know where my company is all right and
I don't need any directions from you to find it." That old war hoss
went right up in the air, and I sure thought he intended to perform
some sort of a surgical operation on me right then and there with
that little pointed steel blade. He made a step toward me with his
saber raised. I stepped back a step, meanwhile leveling old Long
Tom, with the pointed bayonet on the end, straight at this old
grouch's commissary department. Yanking the hammer back and
with a finger on the trigger, I looked him fairly in the eye with a
little smile and asked: "What are you doing back here. Aren't
you afraid you'll get lost? Hadn't you better get up there with your
company? I'll find mine all right without any of your assistance."
The air fairly turned blue, as with a few promises he left me.
Well, I let him get entirely out of sight, and knowing I could not
get back into my own company, and not wanting to enter his com-
pany near him, I took a run down to the other end of company M,
fell back into line without the captain's discovering me, and pro-
ceeded to pump lead with the rest of them. We soon entered an
open space and here we had good shooting. We could see the
timber on the banks of the river we were approaching, where the
Filipinos were entrenched. With all the drill we had gotten over
the old sand hills at Frisco, when it came to real fighting all we
had to do was to maintain an unbroken line, advancing and shoot-
ing at everything that jumped up before us. In this we were suc-
ceeding nicely, shooting perhaps eight or ten times a minute, while
the enemy, with the lever-loading-and-unloading attachments on
the Mauser was probably shooting three or more times to our one.
But, as is commonly true in battle, and especially with the powerful
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 151
guns they had, they mostly shot high. So, continuing our advance,
we soon reached the river.
Company F, now holding the bridge, halted a moment at the
river. Looking across we beheld hundreds of Filipinos tearing out
through the brush into another opening, running like a stampeded
herd of Arkansas hogs. We continued to shoot, but were soon
ordered to cease fire as the captain declared we were shooting
into our own men on the opposite side. To my own knowledge
not an American soldier had yet crossed the river; and besides we
could see them as plainly as we could see each other. I presume
the captain's eyes were full of smoke so he was not to blame.
Meanwhile the enemy escaped, getting over across the rail-
road which lay about 200 yards to the right of the wagon road,
and on out behind the dikes in the big amphitheater. We were
all assembled at the bridge, and about 30 or 40 of us thinking that
we were supposed to cross over and catch these fleeing Filipinos,
and then come home, never stopped at the bridge at all. We rushed
across thinking all were coming. About hah of us ran to a small
fortification directly ahead; the other 15 or 20 cut diagonally to
the right, reaching the railroad right-of-way fence before we looked
around.
But, on doing so, we discoyered we were at least 200 yards
ahead of the regiment, with no one else coming, and not even an
officer with us. The Filipinos discovered this about the same time
we did and hiss, hiss, hiss, brrrrrrrr, things were sure coming our
way. The boys out in front had a small breastwork for protection.
We had nothing so far discovered. We all thought the balance of
the regiment would follow, so we remained, shooting at anything
that moved. But the Filipinos' equilibrium having become some-
what restored, they were getting our range. There was a little ditch
alongside of the fence just deep and wide enough to lie in. We
all lined up and lay down in this rut, face toward the enemy,
perfectly quiet, waiting for our comrades to make the grand rush
from the bridge. The grand rush never came from the bridge. But
let me tell you, as soon as we had become comfortably located, the
grand rush did come, from the opposite direction, and in an entirely
different form than from friendly comrades.
I have always believed that those Filipinos, deliberately resting
their rifles on the rails of the track not three rods from us, actually
tried to bury us alive by trimming the edges off that rut and letting
it roll down upon us. We lay here for perhaps five minutes. I am
guessing at this as you will realize it is a little difficult to calculate
152 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
time correctly under such conditions. There being a patch of weeds
and brush between us and the track, the enemy could not see us,
but they were mighty good guessers. I presume some of them had
just left the ditch we were then occupying, for I know my place was
still warm. We did not rise above the weeds to see where the
Filipinos were. We knew. But we did look to see if we had any
officers interested in us, and to our great pleasure we beheld our
doughty and nervy little colonel Fred coming on a full run. He
advanced about 100 yards beyond the bridge, stopped, folded his
arms, took in our situation and paused for perhaps half a minute
in deliberation, with bullets falling around him like the big drops
of an April shower. With a final 10-inch shell exploding directly
above him, he decided. Though his voice could not be heard amid
the noise of musketry, he waved his sword toward the bridge, and
proceeded back on a slow run.
We soon arranged our immediate removal from this being-buried-
alive process which was getting quite interesting. Our plans were
to face about, still lying down, and at a given signal rise to our feet,
run low for a short distance along the ditch, and try to avoid the
direct fire of the enemy so close at hand. In rising above the
weeds at a different point from which we had lain down we would
deceive the enemy until we had a good start back.
This plan was carried out to the letter, and listen you have seen
fast horse races, marathon races, auto races, motorcycle races on
leaving that ditch with only about 150 yards to cover, each one of
us, amid the mighty thundering behind us, fairly shot across that
space like zigzag streaks of lightning, going this way and then that
way, but at the same time traveling exceedingly fast straight ahead.
Tall and short, fat and lean all arrived at practically the same time,
propelled by the hiss, hiss, hiss of the Mauser rifle and the brrrrrrrrr
of the old brass Remington. We shot across the bridge amid the
final farewell of our aerial associates spattering against the steel
rails of what was left of a once-secure and formidable stronghold.
Perceiving a big hole in the ground (the dirt having been removed
in making this fortification), we jumped in and sat down to rest.
But no sooner had we entered till orders were given to fall in,
and forming in column-of-fours we retreated down the road per-
haps 200 yards. During this time two or three shells from the
boats burst above and beyond us. A piece of one struck a comrade
on the shoulder, but being so small and its force expended, it did
him no injury. He picked it up and put it in his pocket.
Company F entered a small church by the roadside to receive
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 153
instructions for the night. With the pop, pop, pop of all the shots
I had heard and was still hearing, and the noise of occasional bullets
shattering windows of the church, I could see the captain's lips
move, but could not hear what he said though he stood directly in
front of me. We went from here in a body and took our position
again in the general line which had advanced into the enemy's
territory all around the city to an average distance of a mile.
I have just told you what I saw and experienced in this first
general movement of the American forces around Manila. Imagine
if you can the magnitude of this advance in all directions by the 15-
mile solid line of American infantry and artillery into the enemy's
territory, fighting every step of the way. At the close of this battle
we were deaf from the noise, our clothing wet with sweat, our
faces dirty almost beyond recognition. Our old Springfields were
almost red-hot the grease frying out of the stock end which held
the barrel like fat meat sizzling in a skillet. With no blankets, and
many of us without even our overshirts, we lay down on the ground
to sleep no, not to sleep, but to dry out and chill in the cool night
air of a tropical clime.
Guards were placed ahead, and the enemy, returning in small
numbers, kept up an incessant fire all night. A lieutenant, officer
of the guard that night, secured a large piece of matting in which
he wrapped himself when not busy looking after the guards. The
rest of us had been unable to secure any covering. Whenever
this lieutenant would take a stroll out to see how the guards were
getting along, my pal and I lying near him would take possession
of this piece of matting and cover up; and warming up, would drop
to sleep. When the lieutenant returned he would remove the cover,
wrap up in it, and soon my pal and I would awaken again thoroughly
chilled. That is the way he and I put in the night, but many were
not as fortunate as we were. We were all dry by morning, but let
me tell you, that bunch of soldiers were mighty glad to see old Sol
peeping over the horizon.
The commissary supplies and more ammunition had been brought
up during the night, but no blankets or clothing. With a few acro-
batic performances as we arose, as a substitute for the missing shirts
and blouses, and a hot cup of black coffee and a few hardtack as
a means of loosening up our partly-congealed blood, we were ready
to go. We filled our haversacks with cartridges, replaced the va-
cancies in our belts, and advanced once more across the bridge.
Then, in single file, we pursued a narrow path through the brush
and weeds in a diagonal direction to our left. We passed several
154 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
honorably-discharged Filipino soldiers lying in various positions
sleeping on their laurels of the previous evening's fight.
Proceeding about a mile we halted just in front of a heavy tim-
ber of mahogany, rosewood and palms, undergrown with brush and
weeds. We met with no interruption. The rest of the line ad-
vanced accordingly. Immediately in front of this dense timber,
perhaps 50 yards, we dug trenches, piling the dirt up in front of us;
and rested here for the day. That afternoon our scouts reported
that the Filipinos were advancing through the timber preparatory
for a night attack. About three o'clock one company was sent
into the timber to reconnoiter and discover the location of the
hidden foe. These boys had not gone over 300 yards until they
found them all right, and they were met intantly with the reports of
a thousand rifles.
Our boys, being well deployed on entering the woods, fought in
the true Indian fashion, dodging from tree to tree, but advancing
steadily, and those old Springfields talking right along. The natives,
outnumbered our boys ten to one, and fighting behind a zigzag line
of breastwork of logs and dirt, shooting through portholes and
armed with the repeating Mauser rifle (whose little steel bullet
penetrated trees two feet in diameter as a sewing machine needle
penetrates a thin piece of cloth), should have been able to hold
10,000 at bay. But not so, not against these determined Americans
who always went where they wanted to go though the going was
often far from good.
The trenches were taken, the enemy routed. At this moment other
enemies were discovered. Reports of rifles from above attracted
the attention of several of the Americans and casting their searching
glances into the treetops they discovered an unusally heavy clump
of leaves in the top of one. By way of investigation they sent a
volley of Springfield bullets through said clump of leaves and shot
a Mauser rifle loose and then they understood.
At this moment a sad incident occurred because of the sympathetic
nature of one of the kindest, noblest and bravest officers of the
regiment. Advancing side by side with a comrade, he noticed a
wounded Filipino soldier sitting on the ground, leaning with head
bent, resting his body on one outstretched arm, the blood pouring
from his breast, his old Remington lying on the ground beside him.
As this sympathetic officer paused to bind up the bleeding hole in
his wounded and dying foe's breast, he remarked: "Poor fellow
isn't it a shame, a few minutes will end it all with you." Passing on
in pursuit of the fleeing enemy, the officer had not gone two rods
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 155
until this bleeding, dying, half-ape-and-half-devil seized his rifle,
took deliberate aim and shot the lieutenant squarely through the
head. As he fell dead, the officer's comrade turned and beheld that
grinning Malay demon sitting erect in a dying effort to reload and
strike one more blow for his cowardly and wealth-aspiring chieftain
( who never got closer to the line of battle than our own large con-
tented chieftain the big shot of the Eighth Army Corps). The
dying wretch never fired the second shot. The old Springfield, in
the hands of the American soldier, snuffed out the Filipino's light.
I shall never forget the cyclonic roar of that dense timber battle
and the hail of bullets around us as we sat in our trenches and
listened. After about an hour the boys returned through the timber
and with the keen sight of squirrel hunters they picked the Filipinos
from the treetops. Some of the tree fighters fell on being shot;
some only dropped their rifles; others remained, retaining their
arms. The first class, not having tied themselves to the limbs on
which they sat, fell. The second class remained on the limbs of the
trees because they had strapped themselves there. The third
class remained in the trees because both they and their guns were
fastened securely. These tree fighters had orders from their officers
to remain quiet until the American soldiers had passed, and then
shoot them from behind. Only under penalty of death could they
return to their respective organizations preceding the attack by
the American force. Then, if it were possible for them to escape
and make their way back through the American line to their own
regiments, good and well. But, in this particular battle the first in
which the Filipinos had resorted to the tree method the main body
of the American line remained at the edge of the timber. And the
Filipinos, knowing that we had not all passed by, remained on their
perches until the boys returned to the trenches over the same route
by which they had advanced. Then the boys relieved these back-
biters from the intense strain of the recent excitement during which
they had had a bird's-eye view, but a squirrel's death. The boys
figured if they were going to play the squirrel act they must expect
to be treated like squirrels. There was no night attack.
The next afternoon there was a general advance. We had no
sooner entered the timber than the enemy, before, and above, opened
up on us. Little squads dropped out to do the squirrel shooting,
while the main line pushed the enemy back. The same trench was
retaken. A large stone church stood beside the wagon road, at
Caloocan, a small town about five miles due north of Manila. We
156 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
were about two miles from Caloocan, but nearing it rapidly. The
hottest fire seemed to come from the direction of this church, and
the bullets were hissing and buzzing past, close and fast. Not
being able to see the church ourselves, on account of the timber,
we were unable to locate this bunch of sharpshooters, but they
seemed to know where we were. However, our old stand-by out
in the bay located our lofty entertainers. With the never-failing
accuracy of the boy behind that old 6-inch gun, one solid shot at
that old house of worship, from a distance of at least five miles,
tore one whole corner off it, bored through a solid stone wall sur-
rounding the church, dug a good-sized cistern and bounded out
into the great beyond. In respect for that gunner's accuracy, the
Filipinos in the belfrey got down, fell down or jumped out. Any-
way the firing from that quarter ceased.
We continued our advance, turned to our right, and approached
the old church directly. The enemy vanished before us. Enter-
ing Caloocan we heard another mighty boom from the bay and
wondered what other obstruction our comrades on the sea were
removing from our progress. As we caught sight of the old church
we understood the sudden cessation of the sharpshooters. Off to
the right, planted squarely on the railroad track and pointed our
way, stood a big muzzle-loading cannon about 10 feet long. On
examination this proved to be loaded half full of grape and canister
consisting of bullets, whole cartridges, bolts, nuts, iron, cocoanuts
and rocks, all held in with dirt. Back of all this junk was an equal
amount of powder, with a fuse attached, ready for ignition. Now
just think of the nerve of those braves, figuring on loading us up
with all that junk! Fifty feet short of the old gun was an excava-
tion that would have held a dozen American-retired Filipinos; and
on a dead line with the cannon, about the same distance beyond,
was a similar hole. But the big round messenger which had so
kindly and convincingly impressed the enemy had bounded on out
into the distance beyond.
As we advanced through the timber and town, an old white-
haired Filipino who had been shooting at us ran out of a little
shack, leaving his gun inside, and dropped to his knees as the
Americans came upon him. He clasped his hands extended upward
in prayer and supplication for mercy. Nobody paid any attention
to him, seeing he had no gun, and never thought of harming him.
But "Old 56," advancing squarely in front of him, ignored his
humble attitude of submission and his prayers to man and God for
mercy, and shot him. Murder No. 2 by "Old 56."
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 157
I shall not comment on this second inhuman crime of "Old 56,"
but wish to call your attention to another one that occurred on this
advance. A big, lank, cadaverous corporal, a fool by birth, and a
smart-aleck by habit, plunged his heel into the face of a helpless,
dying Filipino, with an oath that would have caused any man able
to stand on his feet, to fight. You say: "Why didn't you shoot both
of these dogs?" It wasn't up to us, we had officers to look after
these affairs.
The main line advanced on beyond Caloocan about one half
mile. But the 20th Kansas, being somewhat in advance of the line,
to the right of the railroad, failed to get the order to halt and rushed
on beyond for a mile, through another timber, in hot pursuit of the
fleeing enemy. We finally wound up at the further edge of this
second belt of timber with dark overtaking us. After a few fare-
well shots at the hastily retreating foe, we settled down for the
night. The next morning a bunch of staff officers rode out to find
out where we were going and ordered us back into line. We fell
in and marched back, occupying the position which we should
have held the night before.
This had been a general advance of about three miles. Our solid
line now extended probably 25 miles around Manila, the enemy
having been pushed back from every quarter. This line reached
from bay to bay on the north, east and south. Here we dug
trenches and awaited re-enforcement as our line was becoming
weakened by extension. To our left now was Malabon. In front
of us was the belt of timber we had previously crossed and re-
crossed. About 500 yards distant on our right was the Utah bat-
tery. To their right was the First Montana regiment; and to their
right was the First Nebraska, then the Dakotans, Pennsylvanians,
Tennesseeans, Coloradoans, Oregonians, some other batteries and
cavalry units, on down to the gallant First Californians, the stand-
ing joke of American soldiery. They were the bowery boys of
California, and the only American organization that the Filipinos
ever whipped. In all, some 15,000 soldiers formed this line. The
poor Iowa regiment was still held on board its transport, quaran-
tined, and was finally taken off to another island.
The Filipinos returned to the strip of timber ahead of us the
night of the same day we fell back into line. They built a formid-
able fortification just in the edge of the timber in front of us and
next morning were ready for business. So were we, in our little
holes dug in the ground, with the loose dirt thrown up before us.
The Utah battery held the situation in hand, being located on a
high knoll well fortified with sacks of dirt piled up around.
158 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
While we held this line there was much discussion of our ad-
vance on Caloocan as we related our similar, yet varied, experi-
ences. The long, lean, lank, cadaverous corporal boasted of his
self-considered brave and honorable act in stamping his heel into
the helpless, dying Filipino soldier's eye. A dozen soldiers were
on their feet instantly, and in one voice threw the same epithet
into his teeth that he had so cowardly insulted the helpless native
with. There were suggestions that if he wanted to ram his heel
into any more eyes he might have the pleasure of trying it on any
of the dozen pairs that faced him; and that if any one of them ever
heard another boastful expression out of him concerning that dirty,
cowardly act, he would get his own eyes poked back into the cavity
which should have been occupied by brain. Now do you ask what
a private can do to right the wrongs committed in his presence?
This long, lank, cadaverous corporal never repeated the boast, or
the act. But a little later on, an old Remington tore the calf off one
of his legs. "Old 56" made no comments on his dastardly deed.
He wanted to appear brave in battle, even though nothing was to
be gained by doing so.
A few days later the enemy opened up on us from front and left
flank, a terrible fusillade pouring forth from Malabon. We had
placed little strips of matting, obtained in Caloocan, over our pits
to shield us from the sun. The bullets came ripping through these
coverings fast and furiously. We kept up a continuous fire to pre-
vent an assault. Rising above the pile of dirt in front of us we
would fire, drop down to reload, rise and fire again, and so on.
Not so with "Old 56," he stayed right up on top of the dirt pile,
reloading and shooting from this exposed position all the time.
Some of the boys near him cautioned him of the recklessness of his
actions, which he absolutely disregarded. Pretty soon pop-bang,
and "Old 56" dropped with arms outstretched, head drooping, on
the outside of the dirt pile, feet hanging down in the ditch. He
was dead shot through the head.
Re-enforcements having been placed in the line somewhere, we
were crowded a little farther to the left, the end of our line being
on the extreme left, right up to the bay. The two lines extended at
an angle from the bay out to the right. The Filipinos moved to
the left also, and in closer. The boys at the left found them one
morning strongly fortified just across a wagon road from them.
The lines widening toward the right, this placed F company about
400 yards from the entrenched enemy. Here we lay for seven
weeks waiting for re-enforcements to cross the big pond.
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 159
While located in these trenches we had plenty of fish to eat,
mixed with ducks and chickens. We were right at the bay and
there were various fish traps near, enclosed by high dikes with a
slat gate opening. We would go out in the evening as the tide was
coming in and open the gate. Before the tide went out the follow-
ing morning we would go out and drop the gate, thereby imprison-
ing all fishes large enough to eat. Then, after the water had
dropped, we would go out with sacks, wade out into the mud, and
gather up all the fish we needed. Every catch gave us plenty and
some to spare.
Our company on the left, and the opposing enemy company just
across the road from them, could not get along at all. You have
heard it said that intimacy breeds contempt. I presume this must
have been the real cause of their difficulty because they certainly
were too closely associated for a really warm feeling to exist be-
tween them. Yet each tried to make it as warm as possible for the
other. They usually succeeded, not only as far as they themselves
were concerned, but for everybody else within a mile of them.
Down to the left, the boys did their guard duty from back of their
breastwork, while we, being further from the enemy, placed pickets
out in front. The usual location of our picket was about 75 yards
ahead, through open land, then about 25 yards of timber, and then
out perhaps 25 yards more in the open. The American guard was
placed here only at night, after dark, and taken off at daybreak.
A squad of eight of us being located here one moonlight night took
our position back of a rice dike. Everything remained quiet for
perhaps half an hour, until down on the left the boys got into an
argument with the enemy and there broke forth, from either side
of the road, flashes from musketry that seemed to meet in the
center. We were on the flank of the Filipino company down the
line, so we thought we would surprise them a little with a few
volleys. I presume we did, but let me tell you they were not the
only ones surprised. Out of a little horseshoe entrenchment, not
100 feet ahead of us, came a volley of flashes that almost singed
our whiskers. So we had a little fight on of our own. We gave
our attention to this little horseshoe group, perhaps about equal
in number to us. We lay back of our dike and gave them as much
noise as they did us. But soon, to our discomfiture, the whole
Filipino line beyond, having located us by our gun flashes, centered
their fire on us.
Our orders were to stay out there as long as we could, and we
did. But when they began to trim down that little rice dike (only
160 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
about a foot high to begin with ) , we had completely fulfilled our or-
ders. We had to go in in order that our main line could fire. Mara-
thon race No. 2. Our trenches were a series of pits, each pit being
occupied by two. On reaching the pit which I supposed was mine,
I jumped into it, thinking I would learn after I got in whether or
not it was. I found out all right, without investigation, or even stop-
ping to look at it. I have always felt grateful to my two comrades,
lying there on their backs so comfortably, for letting me down
so easily. I lit fairly and squarely, with a heel in each one's Na-
tional Biscuit-and-Salmon establishment, passed on, and turned
abruptly into my own pit which lay next to theirs. About that
time someone shouted "outpost in," and I got busy preparing to
shoot, and they never knew that it was I who had recently passed
over. But when those boys caught their breath I knew that Web-
ster had deceived the American people on his completeness of the
English language.
Orders immediately followed to fire. After an hour we went
back to the recently-deserted rice dike. The Filipinos had been
there and gathered up a few articles which we had left. Within
a half hour practically the same experience happened again, only
this time I had placed a piece of white cloth in front of my pit.
After fighting for another hour, three of us went out, but this time
only to the timber. We were forced in again. Another hour's
fighting and again we three went out to the timber. The enemy
opened up, but we picked us a good tree each and watched to see
if they were coming, and stayed there until they ceased firing, with-
out a shot returned from us. We stayed our required length of
time, and then were relieved and returned to the trenches about
midnight. This ended the fighting for that night and we slept.
There was not a day passed that shots were not exchanged. It
was simply a matter of picking each other off on sight. I have
witnessed an 8- or 10-inch shell from the gunboats light in a bunch
of Filipinos, separate and scatter them into the air as a wind stacker
scatters the straw which it carries from the thresher, and dig a
grave for them while they were still in the air. I have watched the
Catling guns and battery field pieces trim the limbs off trees as a
sharp razor clips a hair.
They fired on our flag of truce. They placed their women and
children in front of their ranks and attempted an assault, presum-
ing on the tenderheartedness of the American. But they could not
run anything like that over us, for we calculated that if they did
not care any more for their own families than that, we didn't. How-
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 161
ever, they only tried this once. They carried away all their dead
and wounded that they conveniently could. Up to this time we
had sent their wounded back to our hospital for Filipinos in
Manila. Some of the prisoners were retained, and some were
turned loose. It became a matter of getting the guns with us now.
After the death of the lieutenant, whenever we found a gun we
stuck the barrel through the fork of a tree and bent it, then broke
the stock off. The largest Filipino funeral I had seen to date was
60 enemy soldiers buried in one hole.
Sitting in the trenches one day we watched a shadowy form
winding its way towards us. It seemed more ghost than human.
On its arrival how surprised we were to see our old friend and
comrade Bill, all this time in the smallpox pest house, and as we
supposed never to return. Glad indeed we were to see him.
Everybody greeted him warmly, then all jollied him a while. I
said to him, "Bill, why in the world didn't you get someone to
bury you back in town, instead of coming out here to eat up rations
that we need? And, by the way Bill, does it hurt to have smallpox?"
To which he replied, "Never mind old boy I'll get even with you."
The night of the outbreak the Filipinos had escaped with every
train but one. It furnished us transportation for our necessities. By
this time we had our clothing and blankets and although sleeping
on the ground, we were quite comfortable. It was certainly inter-
esting to see a group of natives watching our boys run that train.
No side breaks for them. It looked as if their eyes never would
return to their sockets, nor their mouths ever shut. It made no
difference to those Frisco railroad engineers and firemen whether
the train ran on the track or out in the road. The natives wouldn't
even stay on the right of way when the train passed. These little
brown men were seeing and learning new things as well as we were.
The lizard screamed, the parrot screeched, the monkey chat-
tered; and the enemy at various intervals reminded us with a volley
of musketry that he was still present. Some of the wounded, and
prisoners, informed us that the enemy complained that we did not
fight fairly. They said that when the Spanish were fighting them
the Spanish soldiers would come out of Manila, drive them out of a
trench and then go back to Manila to smoke cigarets and have a
good time, leaving the trench again in possession of the Filipinos;
and also that the Americans did not use an ordinary rifle but car-
ried a little cannon. The old Springfields sure felt like little can-
nons to us at times. Our shoulders were black and blue all the
time from the reaction of them. They were inefficient at a distance
11_6496
162 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
much greater than 500 yards, though they were sighted at 1,000
yards. After 50 or 100 shots the gun became hot and the barrel
expanded, thus causing the bullet to fall short and be inaccurate
even at short range. The Remington was more powerful and
deadly than the Springfield, shooting the same size bullet, but with
a brass covering. If the bullet failed to kill, the brass was likely to
complete the operation, and perchance this brass covering hap-
pened to burst before reaching its intended victim there was no
calculating its destructiveness. This gun was sighted at 1,400 yards.
The Mauser rifle, the most powerful of the three, was sighted at
3,000 yards, and would shoot three miles. It shot a .28 steel bullet
which produced a wound the same size as the bullet after the first
half mile; but up to this distance it made even a larger hole than
the Springfield, as the back end of the bullet rotated. We would
have exchanged our rifles for theirs gladly. But they could not stand
against the roar of the Springfield and the soul-chilling American
yell which always accompanied it on every advance. They soon
learned also that it was expedient to provide some safe means of
escape as well as defense while they remained to fight. From here
on, they always had a nice open getaway ditch leading back about
half a mile; and as we advanced they made our approach exceed-
ingly interesting for us, shooting through portholes with their
repeating Mausers and deadly Remington, until we reached a
distance of perhaps 200 to 300 yards from their trench. Then they
invisibly beat it. But we always found the getaway ditch, and
woe unto those who had stayed too long and failed to get to the
ditch. When they started out in plain view across country, even if
the old Springfields were boiling grease and wouldn't carry up, we
sure saw some classical dodging and running.
Two of the saddest events of the war occurred in these trenches
at Caloocan. One day, while the most of us not on guard were
sleeping, the authorities decided to build our breastwork higher.
It consisted of just a high pile of loose dirt and they decided to add
to it with sacks of dirt. Several of us were awakened to perform
this task. Among the number were my pal and myself. My pal,
being shorter than I, was located down the line a short distance.
He, and a little corporal about his height, arose yawning and
stretching, and took a look over the breastwork to ascertain if there
were any Filipinos in sight. They saw none, but one saw them, and
a sharpshooter at that. With a crack from an old Remington, my
pal got it just above the left eye, the bullet coming out his right ear.
At the time he was shot he was standing close to the breastwork,
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 163
facing the enemy. In a minute I knew it and rushed to him. He
was lying on his back, head still towards the enemy, his arms folded,
and a gallon of blood on the ground beside him. No one had
touched him. Only a 20-year-old boy, he had died in the service
of his country, shall I say? fighting Filipinos 8,000 miles from
home. You answer that question for yourselves please and don't
let politics enter into the decision.
This sharpshooter was soon located in a tree and allowed to de-
scend, not at a rate of speed he might have chosen, but at a speed
determined upon by a volley of Springfield bullets. I obtained
permission to assist in carrying my pal back to the church which
we were using as a temporary hospital.
Fighting began again in earnest. Bullets whizzed past our heads
as we started. We were compelled to seek shelter for a time as
we had to ascend a hill to reach the church. When the firing ceased
somewhat, we resumed our journey. About halfway we saw Don,
Oscar's older brother, approaching as was his custom after every
encounter with the Filipinos. (Don assumed a fatherly interest
over the "Kid," as he always called him, and would always ask:
"How is company F? How is the Kid?" ) As Don met us we could
not face him. We cast our glances to the ground. He asked, "Who
is it, boys?" We could not answer. He knew. As we stood
with heads bowed and hats removed, Don approached that silent
form, raised the little white cloth from Oscar's face, and seeing that
ghastly wound over his eye, sobbed, "My God, the Kid!" Pausing a
minute or two, Don regained self-control, and said, "Boys I must
not detain you longer. Thank you." He walked along with us
until he reached his own company. We left him standing there,
hat in hand, head bowed in grief.
We finally established our guard post about three rods in front
of our line. Here, behind sacks of dirt, we sat alone in the silent
hours of darkness and watched the enemy, while our comrades
slept. One night after I had been sitting quietly for perhaps half
an hour, a huge lizard, as unaware of my presence as I of his, let
out a scream that caused my hair to stand on end and my whole
form to ascend into the air for probably a couple of feet. The
lizard, as much alarmed as I, rushed off into the darkness, rustling
the grass and weeds as he went.
On another occasion, just before daybreak, while we were sleep-
ing back of our fortifications, a comrade lying beside me awakened
me with a bump from his elbow along side my head which caused
me to wonder if we were being engaged in a hand-to-hand encoun-
164 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
ter with the enemy. Rising to ascertain the source of the blow, I
received another punch squarely on the nose. Moving to one side,
a safe distance from my comrade, I beheld the source of my sud-
den awakening. There he lay on his back in all the apparent
agonies of a hideous nightmare. I shouted at him, "Hey, wake up
there! What's the matter with you?" The only response I re-
ceived was a muttering as he desperately clawed at his breast as
if trying to tear his heart out. When at last he withdrew the hand
from his shirt front, he hurled a small but active little three-inch
lizard on the ground with such a vengeance that the poor little fel-
low curled up his claws (which were very like needle points), and
departed forever from his native tropical clime. My comrade sat
up with a silly grin on his face and said, "By George, you'd squirm
too if you had one of those pesky little lizards in your shirt."
A truce was declared one day, as the enemy regiment before us
was contemplating surrender. About noon, a group of the boys
were engaged in a little game of draw when someone called their
attention to a prominent and important-looking Filipino soldier
standing on the very top of his fortification. With the practice we
had had while here most of us could have cut the dust from the
top of this breastwork every shot. Jim one of those engaged in
this little profit-and-loss amusement rose to his feet and stood for
a moment watching the Filipino in his exalted position. Jim smiled,
but said nothing, and returned to the game. He played another
hand, then asked, "Is that Filipino still standing there?" Someone
told him yes, so he got up again, picked up his old Springfield and
leveled it at the stationary form on top of the enemy breastwork.
He looked over the sights for an instant, then lowered his gun and
remarked, "I'd like to take a shot at that guy just for luck, if it wasn't
for this bloomin' truce." The boys suggested he better forget taking
a shot, and come on back to the game if he intended playing any
more. Another hand was played, and I presume Jim thought he
had better change his luck, so he says, "If you fellows will keep
your mouths shut I'll cut the dirt out from under that Filipino's feet.
He's seeing too much for our good." The boys replied that it was
none of their business what he did, as none of us were officers.
"O. K., here goes," Jim said. He got up, picked up his old Long
Tom, took a fleeting squint along the sights, pulled the trigger, and
boom! the Filipino got down.
All the boys had risen and watched this performance, so all knew
who fired the shot. The game proceeded as before, only with more
apparent interest. The rest of us lay down and went to sleep
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 165
immediately. The captain quickly appeared, and in curt tones,
asked, "Who fired that shot." No one answered. Then he pro-
ceeded to question each one of us as follows: "Did you fire that
shot?" "No, sir." "Do you know who did?" "No, sir." And so on,
till he came to Baldy. "Did you fire that shot Baldy?" "No, sir."
"Do you know who did?" "No, sir." But Baldy grinned. That was
evidence enough for the captain, so he says, "All right Baldy, I'll
just hold you responsible until you tell me who did it." Jim spoke
up at once and said, "You don't need to hold Baldy, captain. I
fired the shot." "Report to the colonel at once," ordered the captain.
Jim reported at once, and his trial procedure was as follows: "Is
your name James ?" "Yes sir." "You are a member of
company F?" "Yes sir." "You are charged with disobeying orders
by firing upon the enemy under a truce. Guilty or not guilty?"
"Guilty." "Well, sir, why did you do this?" "Well, I'll tell you
colonel, I just calculated that that guy perched up over there on
top of that mound was exceeding the conditions of the truce, and
seeing more than he had a right to, or was to our interest; and I
decided to make him quit it." "Did you hit him?" "Couldn't miss him
at that distance." The colonel replied very gruffly, "Return to your
company. But don't let it happen again." Jim returned with a
smile and related the conditions on which he was released. He said
they suited him all right, as he did not think that the curiosity of
any of the rest of those Filipinos over there would reach the height
of the recently departed one.
A sufficient number of exciting and interesting incidents had
already occurred in these Caloocan trenches to leave a lasting im-
pression on the minds of all present. But one more event occurred
which was the climax to all preceding ones. One day, sitting under
the matting awning which we had stretched above us to shelter us
from the enervating rays of a tropical sun, Howard and I engaged
ourselves in memories of the past, discussing the whys and where-
fores of our enlistments. Howard was a perfect type of physical
manhood, about six feet tall, straight, square-shouldered, with large,
intelligent gray eyes and brown hair. He was a little reckless at
times in his conduct and speech, but he had a good heart and good
intentions. While we talked, a sharpshooter had been incessantly
pecking away, but no bullets could be heard. Just beyond the end
of our breastwork, to the right, stood a large tree with a brush pile
about three feet high in front of it. At the close of our conversation
Howard rose to his feet, walked up before a group of ten or so of
166 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
the boys, and suggested that we all go out in front of that tree and
fire a few volleys in trees and clumps of bushes and try to dislodge
the sharpshooter. All assented, willing to take a chance for a little
diversion, and forthwith advanced to the position suggested.
Howard, though a private, assumed command and directed the
shooting. We fired several volleys at suspicious-looking places but
failed to locate the sharpshooter, or to interrupt his shots, which
came at intervals of from two to three minutes. Wise old Faber
spoke up, "Say boys 111 tell you, this is a little diversion all right,
but having no orders to expose ourselves in this reckless manner,
it seems to me to be quite a bit of foolishness as well. The enemy
may open up on us any moment with a volley. That Filipino out
there isn't doing anything now but wasting ammunition, but mind
what I tell you, he is going to get our range pretty soon, and it will
be just like shooting into a bunch of quail. So my advice to the
bunch is to cut this nonsense out." To which I replied, "I believe
you are right Faber." So he and I walked back to the breastwork
and sat down.
The rest of the bunch, unheeding his advice, remained and con-
tinued to fire according to Howard's directions. Faber and I had
become interested in some other subject of interest when bang,
crack, a bullet hit the tree just back of the boys. All started on a
run for the breastwork but Howard, who sat back on the brush pile
in front of which he had been standing. He exclaimed, "Where
are you fellows going? Are you going to leave me out here?"
None of them knew then that the shot had been effective, but at his
call they turned back and brought him in. They laid him down
beside me, his head resting upon my knee. The boys circled
around. All were silent. The doctor opened Howard's clothing
and examined the anterior wound, where the big, ugly Remington
bullet had entered. Turning him over we saw the mark of its exit.
He was shot through the groin.
The boys all loved this reckless, goodhearted youth, and the faces
of all in the group clouded in an expression of sympathy and grief
when they saw the wounds caused by the bullet. The wounds
were not bleeding much, but the doctor proceeded to bandage
them securely. As calmly and unaffectedly as I am writing to you,
Howard asked, "What is your opinion of the wound, doctor?" To
which the doctor replied, "I am unable to answer your question
fully, Howard, as I have not yet formed a complete opinion. From
external appearances the wound does not seem so bad, but con-
cerning the internal injury, I do not know. In case the bullet has
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 167
missed the vital parts within, the chances are ten to one in your
favor." But Howard understood too well the deadly effect of a big
.45 brass-covered Remington passing through his body.
Fighting had immediately reopened, and we carried him back
to the old church at the top of the hill, and placed the stretcher on
the floor. Along with numerous others, I tarried for a moment and
knelt down beside him to ask if there was any corresponding he
wished me to do for him while he was laid up. He replied, "No I
think not. I don't think I want to do any writing until I get better/'
He asked me to look after his belongings and bring them to town
as soon as I could get away. I hated to leave him, and I told him
so. He said he was glad I felt that way, but realized that I must
return to the line soon. As I said good-by to him I knew I would
never see the boy alive again.
He was taken back to the hospital at Manila. That night about
10 o'clock he sent word by his nurse that he wished to see the chap-
lain. The chaplain came and talked with him, and then at How-
ard's request knelt by the cot of the young soldier and prayed with
him. Howard thanked him, and as the chaplain passed on to speak
to some of the rest of the boys, he turned over on his side. Return-
ing soon, the chaplain on his way out, said, "Good night, Howard."
Receiving no response he bent over the outstretched form to look
closely into Howard's face, and then he understood. This young
soldier had finished his honorable earthly career. He had fought
his last battle with the same courage and fearlessness that he had
been fighting the foe before us.
Sufficient re-enforcements having arrived by this time, those in
authority decided to make a general advance. The whole line was
divided into three parts: one to go south, one east and one north.
One night our regiment was placed at the extreme right of the
brigade, to continue the northward advance. The Oregon regiment
was stationed in our trenches with orders to remain there until we
had completed the big left turn ( thus keeping our line intact ) , and
had reached the bay again to the north. Each separate division had
its purpose. Our purpose was to surround Aguinaldo, who all this
time had been in Malabon, about two miles to the left of our
trenches. The right end of our line reached beyond a heavy strip
of timber. Under its cover we advanced rapidly ahead of the rest
of the line, since the enemy could not discern our movements.
This plan would have proved successful had it not been for the
ambitious impulse of the colonel of the Oregon regiment and his
disobedience of orders or his ignorance of the position at that
168 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
time of the right end of the big swing. When we had covered
only half the distance, the Oregon colonel ordered a charge, with
fixed bayonets. These Oregon boys were a fine bunch, and at the
word from their colonel over that old breastwork of ours they went.
About a dozen of them never went any further. Several others fell
by the wayside, but the majority of them climbed the Filipino
breastwork and engaged the enemy hand-to-hand. They routed
them through the timber, chased them into the swamps, and had
made a general cleaning of this bunch of Filipinos within half an
hour. Though it was a heroic and complete victory, they caused
us to fail in our final purpose.
Aguinaldo, observing the advance of the Oregon regiment only
two miles to his right, slipped out of Malabon and made his get-
away before the right end of our line had encircled him. Our
brigade lined up again and continued the advance northward.
We routed the Filipinos out of trench after trench, down their get-
away ditches, and chased them over railroad bridges. The men,
women and children fleeing before us burned their towns, or at
least tried to. We occupied the homes that were not destroyed,
during their absence. We took Malolos, their capital; fought some
15 or 20 more battles, finally reaching San Fernando, about 50 miles
due north of Manila.
It would become monotonous to you for me to go into detail con-
cerning all the battles on this advance, for we fought every step of
the way. Bill, who had promised to get even with me for asking
if it hurt to have smallpox, now got even. I received a bullet
through the calf of my leg at Malolos, and as it entered my legging
it cracked like a pistol. Bill, down the line, not knowing the nature
of my wound, true to his promise, and seeing his opportunity,
shouted, "Say Wagoner, did that hurt?" Our jokes were always
to the point. But it all went to keep us optimistic.
In one advance we became short of ammunition before we
reached the enemy in the timber ahead. We only had about a
half-dozen cartridges each, and the ammunition wagon was a con-
siderable distance to the rear. Several of the boys were only going
through the motions of firing, saving those few cartridges for an
emergency. Let me impress upon your minds, as on this particular
occasion it was impressed upon mine, it did look like those Filipinos
knew we were short of cartridges and were coming straight for us.
I always had felt sorry for our poor commissary sergeant. He
seemed to have attacks of nervous headache, and on the present
occasion the attack grabbed him hard. Well, I never heard of the
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 169
sunshine cure for nervous headache, especially in a tropical sun.
But let me tell you just what this honorable defender of his com-
missary privileges did. He went around on the sunny side of a little
haystack just behind our line, while the enemy bullets were pene-
trating the shady side of the same stack. Of course, you will all
understand that the sunshine was preferable treatment. And the big,
fat commissary sergeant remained right there until the enemy ceased
firing while the rest of us lay stretched out upon the ground with
our hats pulled down over our faces to keep the bullets from throw-
ing dirt in our eyes.
Well, we never got orders or ammunition. But I have always
thought the enemy found out the sergeant had a severe attack of
nervous headache and refused to attack us, realizing the confusion
and turmoil they might cause in our ranks in the absence of our
cautious and secretive stomach robber behind the little haystack.
On various occasions our advance was halted after we had routed
the Filipinos from their fortifications and had pursued them to
within a proper distance for securing effective results. Once, when
we had a whole regiment of the enemy lined up on either side of
a railroad bridge and crossing the bridge at the same time, about a
mile ahead, in plain view, with the Utah battery's field pieces
trained to fire on them, orders came to cease fire. Thus the entire
enemy regiment was allowed to escape and secure themselves in
fortifications beyond, so we might have the pleasure of routing
them out again. This was showing humanity to the enemy, and
extending the term of service to the well-paid American army
officials. But what was the private getting? One more opportunity
to walk for a mile or two in the face of the deadly Mauser and
Remington in the hands of the previously unmolested foe. The
private soldier as a rule believed in showing humanity to the enemy
and did so from an individual standpoint. But we never could see
where the justice or the humanity part of it came in when the high
officials, hobnobbing around Manila with the false and robbing
spiritual advisors of our enemy, extended this mercy to the enemy
at the sacrifice of the lives of the American soldiers who were fight-
ing their country's battles. In military circles who cares for the
private? What rights has he that he can secure with honor? High
remunerative positions in the army unmake many men and develop
them into heartless and selfish beasts who push their ambitions for
self-aggrandizement and profits, at the sacrifice of comforts, neces-
sities, honor, and even the lives of their inferiors in rank, over whom
they have unrestricted jurisdiction.
170 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Three or four battles of importance occurred at San Fernando.
The result of one was the almost complete annihilation of a Filipino
regiment, the funeral lasting all the next day. The natives in town
were forced to dig the graves immense holes in the ground; and the
American teamsters, with four big American mules hitched to a
big army wagon with high sideboards, hauled dead Filipinos all day
from the battlefield ( to say nothing about those who had attempted
to escape through the swamps, but failed, being interrupted by
Springfield bullets). These stiffened dead bodies were dumped
from the wagons like so much cord wood. And perchance the
wagon was not close enough to the big hole in the ground for the
bodies to fall into it as they fell to the ground, the master of cere-
monies stuck a spade under the inert human clay and rolled it over
and over until it fell in. They were covered up as they lit: face
down, face up, mouths open, arms and legs at various angles, cross-
wise, lengthwise, clothes on, clothes off. The dirt was heaved in,
and these Filipino warriors were left to disseminate into Old Mother
Earth from which they had originated.
Occasionally a "man" gets a commission. We had one: Lieuten-
ant Colonel Ed [Lt. Col. Edward C. Little]. He met with a mis-
fortune in line of duty, being injured by the accidental discharge of
his own gun. He was laid up most of the time from its results.
Several of the officers insinuated that he had shot himself on purpose.
But the wound was inflicted by his accidentally dropping his six-
shooter on the ground, the hammer striking and discharging the
bullet upward into his leg not a very likely way for a man to shoot
himself. On one occasion Lieutenant Colonel Ed led us in an ad-
vance against a threatened attack. We boys knew the country out
in front for a couple of miles as we had captured many a forsaken
chicken and hog there. One of the boys spoke up to the colonel
informing him that a straight advance was a mistake. He said that
the Filipinos were located in a deep irrigation ditch directly parallel
to our intended approach. The colonel called a brief council of
several of the boys who at once verified the information given by
the spokesman, and then remarked, "If that is the case then boys,
we'll flank them." He then gave the order, "left face, file right
march, double time." Colonel Ed ahead of us not behind us as
the officers usually were erect and cool, led us to one of the most
successful and complete victories of the campaign.
We had no sooner started than that whole irrigation ditch flooded
us with bullets. In a short time we had reached their flarik and
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 171
then the flood returned to the banks from which it had come. The
enemy beat it, and we followed in hot pursuit, Lieutenant Colonel
Ed in our midst. There was another funeral. Those who escaped
did so under the protection of timber with heavy undergrowth and
a dense field of sugar cane. We all sat down to rest. After a short
time I ambled off into a strip of jungle alone, looking for some fruit.
At about 100 yards distance I paused a moment peering on through
the brush, when wham! an old Remington cracked within two rods
of me. Don't think for a minute that I stood still for his second
shot. I entirely forgot what I went into that timber for, but I
have never forgotten what caused me to get out.
One more battle was fought here before we returned to Manila.
As we advanced against the entrenched enemy in columns of fours,
along a narrow path, we were suddenly fired upon. The bullets
came thick and fast. An order was shouted to lie down, and we
did so. Then came a confusion of orders from the various officers in
command. We all knew the position into which they were attempt-
ing to place us, but we lay there for a while till the confusion of
commands should resolve itself into one definite order of movement.
Staff officers shouted one order, majors and captains another, lieu-
tenants still another; and the sergeants and corporals tried to repeat
all of them at once. And there we lay, like a nice strip of green
meadow with the sickle closing in on us at every round of the enemy.
But like the thistle, influenced by the steady and persuasive breezes
blowing overhead, we pulled up and blew away. In a minute we
were deployed back of a rice dike, returning the enemy fire.
I never learned whether that bunch of shoulder straps ever agreed
on a definite order of movement out of our hazardous position. But
they did not follow us according to any military order I ever
heard. We advanced, firing as we went, routing the enemy before
us. Two lieutenants in conversation at the close of this battle asked
as to each other's welfare. One replied that he was feeling all right,
only a trifle stiff in the joints. A private remarked that the lieuten-
ant hadn't shown any indication of stiff joints when he dropped to
the ground under that fusillade of bullets. The lieutenant said that
the private's joints had seemed to be in good working order then,
too. To which the private replied that had he remained where he
was until the officers had reviewed the book of tactics for the proper
move out of the dilemma, neither he nor the lieutenant would then
be anticipating our homeward journey.
The theoretical movements and methods of warfare are as different
172 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
from the actual movements and methods as shooting at a squirrel
is from being the squirrel shot at. Some officers in the army are
a handy nuisance, and a good means of increasing the superfluous
expense of war. War is legalized murder, often encouraged from
a commercial standpoint of profits, but carried on by those who
never receive any benefits worthy of mention. The Filipinos were
fighting to gratify the personal ambitions of Aguinaldo. We were
fighting for our lives. We had now been on the firing line about
five months, had advanced 50 miles, taken the Filipino capital,
fought almost every day. We had defeated every resisting foe in
human form, had impressed the Filipinos with our relentless methods
of warfare, had eaten great quantities of tropical fruits, fishes, chick-
ens, hogs, had drunk some wine, and had planted the old American
flag in the very heart of the Philippine Islands.
On June 24 we were replaced by fresh troops and we returned
to Manila where we went into quarters inside the walled city.
There was a report circulated that General Otis had been shot at
twice in Manila, by American soldiers. We privates all felt sorry
indeed that he was "shot at."
The buildings inside the walls were constructed of better material
than those outside. The rainy season had set in. One night I was
awakened from my sleep by such a sudden downpour of rain on the
tin roof that I imagined the whole top of the barracks was falling in.
I jumped up and was halfway out of a window at the head of my
cot before I discovered that it was only raining. There were at
least two inches of water standing on the level ground.
We remained here about two months performing guard duty in
various parts of the city, as formerly. One institution coming under
our jurisdiction was the penitentiary. (We found the convicts
engaged most of the time in making ornaments from water buffalo
horn and the fine native woods.) Inducements were offered for
our re-enlistments $500 and a promotion. Several of the boys
accepted.
We had established a permanent foothold in the Philippine Is-
lands. Following the devastations of war came the blessings also.
Emerson says "Everything goes in pairs, and evil for every good."
So here they were already the big brewery companies, and the
American Christian missionaries working side by side both offering
the heathen Malay the healing balm. He accepted from both,
realizing now that he was rapidly becoming a full-fledged American
citizen. He must fall into line and do as Americans wanted him to
FIGHTING AGUINALDO'S INSURGENTS 173
do. He must wear American clothes, eat American foods. He must
use his own tobacco after it had visited America and returned. He
must drink American booze. He must do all these things, and
many more, and thus become a living source of revenue for the
coffers of those whose influence had brought about this Filipino
insurrection.
Orders came for us to embark for home. Our friends being few
throughout the city, it did not require much of our time to bid them
be good. We went aboard an English transport capacity 1,000,
with 1,300 on board. We were jammed up some, but what did we
care, weren't we coming home? The boys from our ranks who had
re-enlisted stood on the wharf as we pulled out. The $500 bounty
had grabbed them. They looked mighty lonesome standing back
there as we started to take our $500 out in another trans-Pacific
voyage. Let me say, by the way, the par value of this homeward
trip increased 100 per cent every day, as long as it lasted.
Fellow Americans, can you not see the inconsistency of patriotism
being the prevailing spirit in the heart of the American soldier,
8,000 miles from home, fighting a people in no way responsible
for the cause in which we had enlisted; fighting a people who loved
their own homes as we loved ours? Let me tell you, as a private
soldier, the spirit within the heart of every true American who
soldiered in the Philippines was one of pity and sympathy for this
simple-minded, deluded foe. The prevailing motive that brought
about this conflict was profit. So the simple Filipino and the
American soldier were placed in the same boat forced to engage
in a death struggle with each other that the ambitions of the powers
that were, might be gratified in dollars and cents.
History of the French-Speaking Settlement
in the Cottonwood Valley
ALBERTA PANTLE
PART Two CONCLUDED
MADAME COST: FLORENCE MILLINER
OOMETIME after 1870 Bernard Cost and his wife, Victoria, moved
O to a farm in Doyle township, Marion county. Both were natives
of France but they came to Kansas from Massachusetts where they
had lived for a short time. They did not stay on the farm long,
however, and in January, 1874, Madame Cost started a millinery
store in Florence, featuring the latest Paris fashions. The advertise-
ment announcing the opening of her store listed a great variety of
articles other than hats. She carried practically everything one
would find in the present day ladies' ready-to-wear shops, a stock
of clothing for children, together with socks, gloves, shirts and
scarves for men. For a few weeks Mr. Cost did tailoring in the
shop then we hear no more about him.
In 1876, Madame Cost sold her entire stock of goods to Gustave
Gaze but remained in the store as clerk. In April, 1878, she bought
the store back and we learn that she "is now sole proprietress of the
largest and most complete millinery in this [Marion] county and is
selling goods at prices that are lower than the lowest." She was in
a new building of her own and her "French waiting room" was in
order for all visitors who deigned to call upon her.
From that time until after 1890, Madame Cost was an important
factor in the business life of Florence. In 1882, when she planned
to erect a two-story building on her lots at the corner of Fifth and
Main streets, the local newspaper stated that "Madame has more
business tact and mania for improvements than half a dozen extra
good men." Madame Gost made trips to New York every fall and
spring buying merchandise for the store. Before each trip she in-
serted a notice in the newspapers of Florence and Marion offering to
give special consideration to any special orders that ladies of the
community might wish to give her.
Madame Gost seems to have been a very successful business
woman. When times were bad and money was scarce she often
ALBERTA PANTLE is a member of the Library staff of the Kansas State Historical Society.
(174)
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 175
ran a notice in the paper stating that she would accept corn or other
produce in lieu of cash for merchandise bought from her.
On June 29, 1885, Madame Cost was married to James B. Crouch,
then editor of the Florence Herald, later editor of the Florence
Bulletin. Thereafter Mr. Crouch often referred to himself as a
Frenchman by marriage. During the time he owned the Bulletin,
news items about the French people occupied a prominent place
in his paper. After he left Florence, the French colony activities
were less frequently noted.
In March, 1892, J. B. Crouch sold the Florence Bulletin to Jay E.
House. He worked, for a short time, on a newspaper in El Dorado
then the Crouches moved to West Virginia, his native state. Mr.
Crouch published a newspaper there for seven years then came
back to Kansas. For a few months in 1900 he edited the Chase
County Courant, Cottonwood Falls, but was forced to give it up
because of ill health.
Mr. and Mrs. Crouch again left Kansas. On August 1, 1901,
the Marion County News Bulletin carried a short item to the effect
that J. B. Crouch and his wife had both been seriously injured when
the porch of their home at Rich Hill, Mo., had collapsed. On April
2, 1903, the same newspaper reprinted an article from the South-
west World, Guthrie, Okla., stating that, "J- B. Crouch has just re-
ceived his credentials from the district clerk of Marion county, Kan-
sas. He will soon appear before Judge Burford and enter into the
active practice of law. Mr. Crouch has ripe experience as a lawyer
being recognized among the leading legal lights of central Kansas.
Every case intrusted to his care will receive prompt attention/'
The Bulletin added, "J- B. Crouch was editor and publisher of the
Bulletin up to 11 years ago. Since leaving Florence, Crouch has
traveled over considerable country and has had many ups and
downs of life. He seems to be now on the upgrade/'
In addition to Madame Cost, there were several other French
people in business in Florence at various times. In 1879, there was
a first-class wagon maker in the person of Etienne Bliecq. He had
been sent to this country by the French government in 1876 to dem-
onstrate the art of wagon making at the centennial exposition at
Philadelphia. In February, 1879, E. Bliecq was established in
business at the manufactury of W. F. Aves at Third and Main streets.
Later he equipped a wagon works at another location. Associated
with him was another Frenchman by the name of Ernest Gendarme.
The greater part of their work was resetting tires and other repair
176 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
work but they did find time to make several very elegant buggies and
carriages in the short time they remained at Florence.
Petrus Guillon ran a billiard parlor in Florence for a number of
years. Part of the time he was located in the basement of the opera
house. In 1887, he moved to Arkansas City but later settled at
Osage City. He frequently visited in Florence for many years.
G. E. Baillod and M. A. Cuenod established a jewelry store in
Florence in 1885. Two years later they moved their store to Ar-
kansas City. Baillod was in business there for several years. The
Cuenods left Arkansas City and lived in Colorado for some time.
In 1889 they stopped in Florence to visit the Ginettes and were, at
that time, on their way back to France to live.
THE TAMIET FAMILY
During the years Madame Gost had her millinery store at
Florence, Marion Centre also had a French milliner. In 1874, the
Tamiet family, consisting of F. Tamiet, his wife, Elizabeth and
stepdaughter, Victoria Bataille, came to Marion Centre to live.
Stephen Marcou is given credit in the paper for inducing the family
to settle in Marion Centre.
In a short time the Tamiets had erected a building on Main street
and Madame Tamiet had opened a millinery shop. She, like
Madame Gost, seemed to stock a great variety of articles of wearing
apparel in addition to her hats. M. Tamiet ran a tailor shop in
the same building but he did not stay long. By 1880, Madame
Tamiet had married Peter Toomey, a carpenter from Pennsylvania.
Mrs. Toomey operated her store for a number of years. She
maintained a close relationship with the families in the French
colony east of Florence.
Victoria Bataille grew up to be a very beautiful and talented
young lady. She was an accomplished musician. She taught piano
for several years and always sang in all the concerts given by the
French people at Florence. On October 2, 1889, she was married
to Laurent DeBauge who lived near Reading in Lyon county where
there was a settlement of French people. They had a religious
ceremony at the Catholic church at Florence and a civil ceremony
that evening at the home of Judge Foote, probate judge of Marion
county. Following the latter service an elaborate wedding dinner
and reception was held at the Elgin Hotel at Marion. The guests
included many of the French people from that section of the country
as well as residents of Marion.
We know little of F. Tamiet after he left Marion. He came back
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 177
for a visit once or twice. Shortly after he left he was editing a
French newspaper in California.
FRANCIS SOYEZ: SANTA FE TRAIL FREIGHTER
Francis Soyez moved to a farm in Grant township early in the
1870's. He was born in Paris, France, August 10, 1818. His father
served with the French army during the Napoleonic wars and for
several years afterwards. When Francis was 16 his father advised
him to come to America. Just when he came is not known, but it
was quite early. He landed at New Orleans but eventually went
to Missouri. For several years he worked as a freighter on the
old Santa Fe trail, making many trips between present Kansas
City and Santa Fe, N. M. In 1856 or 1857, he was married in
Mora, N. M., to Frances Schlineger, a young girl from Alsace
Lorraine. She had come to America with her parents in 1854.
They lived in St. Louis for a year then traveled overland by way of
the Santa Fe trail to Mora. After the Soyez's were married they lived
in New Mexico several months then moved to Missouri. About the
close of the Civil War, in which Francis Soyez served for a short time,
they came to Kansas. They lived near Topeka and Mr. Soyez
worked as a mason on the statehouse. In 1872, they moved to
Marion county and took a claim north and east of Florence. Francis
Soyez died July 9, 1906, and his wife on June 17, 1913. They had
a large family. Many of their descendants live in Marion county
today and one of their children, Mrs. Emilie Lehmann, was living
near the town of Marion until her death on February 25, 1951.
THE ARTISTIC GINETTES
Ernest Ginette was born in Paris, France, September 1, 1831. He
was married to Camille Caroline Bouzenot on May 10, 1859. Mr.
Ginette was engaged quite successfully in business in Paris until
the Franco-Prussian war in 1870. At that time he sustained such
heavy losses that he decided to bring his family to America. The
Ginettes, with two of their sons, Gabriel and Ernest, settled on a
160-acre farm five miles northeast of Florence in 1873. The third
son, Maurice, stayed in Paris to take advantage of a scholarship
which had been given him. He came out to Kansas by himself
two years later.
Charles Ginette, a nephew, came from France to make his home
with his uncle's family in 1876. He lived in or near Florence the
remainder of his life but made several quite lengthy visits to France.
He died April 8, 1928.
126496
178 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
City born and bred, the Ginettes did not like farm life. After
a few years on the farm, they moved into Florence. The boys, as
well as the parents, were well educated and began working, when
quite young, as bookkeepers and salesmen. One time Ernest acted
as interpreter in a lawsuit involving two French families which
was tried at Cottonwood Falls. He was highly praised by the pre-
siding judge for his scholarly translation and interpretation during
the trial. 33
Ernest Ginette, Sr., had considerable talent as a painter. Several
times he made sketching tours over the state. In 1888 he made a
very "natural and pleasant view of Mr. Firmin's farm and im-
provements in crayon." 34 The Bulletin commented that he had
been devoting much time and study to painting the past year and his
work exhibited a high degree of artistic ability.
The Ginette family contributed much to the musical life of Flor-
ence. Ernest Ginette, Sr., and Mrs. Ginette were in charge of the
music at the Catholic church for many years.
In November, 1884, a group of the young men of Florence met
at the Ginette home to organize a band which was called the
Florence Brass Band. The elder Mr. Ginette was chosen as leader
of the band and his son, Maurice, was elected president and treas-
urer of the group. This band was quite an active organization in
Florence for a number of years.
Mrs. Camille Ginette was a cousin of M. Casimir-Perier who
became president of France in 1891. She is remembered as a
very charming woman and an accomplished pianist. The entire
family took prominent parts in the musical entertainments which
were customary at all .of the Bastille day and other French cele-
brations.
Ernest Ginette, Sr., died after a short illness February 24, 1893.
His widow survived him many years. She was almost totally blind
for several years before her death December 29, 1914.
Maurice Ginette, the oldest of the sons, married Dora Cox of
Atchison in 1893. They settled in Florence where he was cashier
of the Marion County State Bank. He continued in the employ of
the bank until his death September 24, 1925.
Gabriel and Ernest Ginette left Florence many years ago. Ernest
eventually settled in Kansas City. Gabriel located in St. Louis, 111.,
where he had an interest in a company which manufactured sashes,
doors and blinds. For many years he was the leader of the Sixth
33. Florence Bulletin, May 17, 1889.
34. Ibid., February 9, 1888.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 179
Illinois regiment band which has been described as "one of the
crack musical organizations of the Sucker State." 35
THE MERCETS AND THE LAMBELS
Two of the French families in the colony came to the Cotton-
wood valley after a residence of several years in other states. The
first were the Mercets who came in 1873. August Mercet was born
in northern France on April 8, 1841, the son of Julius and Julia
Mercet. They left France when August was eight years of age
and came to America, settling in Perry county, Missouri. August
was married to Elizabeth Cerkie, a native of Switzerland, in June,
1861. He served with the Missouri troops during the Civil War
and, about 1867, both father and son moved their families to Minne-
sota. They came to Kansas in 1873 and settled on a farm in Doyle
township. After a few years on the farm they removed to Florence.
Mrs. Julia Mercet died before 1880 and her husband on March 28,
1887. He was 81 years of age, a native of the department of Doubs,
France.
August Mercet died July 4, 1884, leaving a family of six chil-
dren. 36 One daughter, Louisa, died the year previously. Mrs.
Mercet was a kindly woman who raised not only her own large fam-
ily but had to assume the care of several of her grandchildren who
were left motherless at an early age. She died January 7, 1918.
Andre Lambel, the father of Mrs. Julius Mercet, was born in the
village of Therondelle, department of Aveyron, France, May 20,
1847. He served through the Franco-Prussian war in 1870 and 1871
and in March, 1872, he went to Winnipeg, Canada. On September
28, 1873, he was married to Marguerite Mager at St. Boniface,
Manitoba. The new Mrs. Lambel was born in Metz, province of
Lorraine, on October 14, 1854, and had come to Canada in 1872.
After their marriage the Lambels took a timber claim at Pembina,
Dakota territory, and lived there until they moved to Kansas in
March, 1879. They homesteaded a farm three or four miles east of
Cedar Point. During the latter part of 1895, Andre Lambel
35. Ibid., August 26, 1892.
36. Three of the Mercet children married into French families. Josephine, the oldest
daughter, married Joseph B. Rossillion, and Julia Mercet married Francis Rossillion. The
Rossillions, Joseph, his wife, Mary Perrier Rossillion, and the two boys mentioned, came from
Savoy, France, to America in 1873. Another son, Alphonse, was born after they came to
Kansas. They settled near Madison, Kan., and lived there until 1877 when they moved to
Rock Creek where the parents died. The Rossillion boys came back to Lyon county and were
frequent visitors at Florence. Francis Rossillion and his family lived east of Florence from
1890 to 1895. Later they moved to California where some of the family still live.
Julius Mercet was married first to Mary Fisher who died within a year of her marriage.
He was married to Caroline Lambel on October 31, 1892. They lived in or near Florence
until his death October 16, 1937. Adeline Mercet married Francis Green. Alma married
William G. King in California in 1887. They both died young as did Mrs. Josephine Rossil-
lion. The younger son, Emil, married Grace Edna Wright. He and his wife died many
years ago.
180 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
decided that a warmer climate would be beneficial to his health
and prepared to move south. 37 At this time certain companies in the
Southern states were sending out quantities of boom literature
accompanied by roseate letters describing the cheap lands and the
abundant crops to be grown thereon. Having no doubt that he
could find a farm to his liking, Mr. Lambel sold his livestock and
farm implements and rented his farm for three years. He went
south to find a place to locate. He took his time and investigated
farms in Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and several other southern
states. There was plenty of cheap land but he found that it was
also low in fertility. Nothing looked so good to him as his farm in
the Cottonwood valley so he came home. He paid his renter $150
to break the contract and, in a short time, was established on his
own farm again. Mr. Lambel estimated that the experience had
cost him over a thousand dollars.
In 1903 the Lambels retired and moved into Florence. In 1907
Mrs. Lambel made a trip to France to visit her parents and other
relatives and in 1909 both she and Mr. Lambel went to France.
Mrs. Lambel died December 13, 1925, and her husband on January
9, 1941, at the age of 93 years. They had four children, Caroline,
who married Julius Mercet; Andrew J., who married Amy Crawford;
Anna May, who married Albert R. Kruse, and Paul. Paul lived in
California for many years but the others lived near Florence and
Cedar Point.
Louis Nicholas Mager, a younger brother of Marguerite Lambel,
also came to America but at a much later date. He lived at Pembina,
N. Dak., the former home of the Lambels, for 18 years then, in 1900,
he moved into Florence where he lived with his sister's family. A
few years after Louis Mager came to the United States, he returned
to France for a visit. While he was there he was impressed into
the army and forced to serve his military duties which he had missed
by coming to America. He died at Emporia December 29, 1911.
THE INGENIOUS MR. PERAULT
With few exceptions the French settlers in the valley were thrifty,
hardworking farmers who, although they were handicapped by a
difference in language and background, got along well with their
neighbors of other nationalities. One of the exceptions was a young
man by the name of Perault. He devised an ingenious scheme for
making an easy living but it didn't work out exactly as he had
planned.
37. The Pointer, Cedar Point, October 19, 1895.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 181
At this time Marion county, being largely crop land, had a herd
law requiring anyone who had cattle to keep them fenced in.
Chase county, stock country, allowed the farmers to let their herds
roam at will. Shortly before 1882, Perault settled on a farm in
eastern Marion county just across the Chase county line. He built
extensive corrals surrounded with stone walls from 18 to 24 inches
thick. The farm consisted of 40 acres of gravel, situated on a high
bluff over the Cottonwood river. On the east line he planted a
few rows of sod corn and pumpkins, as a bait to the cattle on the
Chase county range.
According to the Marion Record for March 22, 1889:
These cattle often tasted of the forbidden fruit and were, in consequence,
taken up by his Lordship, A. Perault. It is claimed that oftentimes they were
driven through this field to the corrals by Perault in order to obtain damages
for destruction of crops. This procedure continued for some time, tribute being
exacted by the Frenchman. The price asked varied according to the extent of
the damage claimed.
As time went on, the Frenchman grew more and more abusive.
In June, 1882, he shot a Mr. Seaman who was seeking to recover
some horses which Perault had taken up. On August 7, one of his
neighbors missed two of his cows and found them in Perault's corral.
Perault demanded $10 for the release of the cattle. He was offered
50 cents a head. Perault became angry and used threatening lan-
guage. Finally arrangements were made with Mrs. Perault for the
release of the cows for one dollar. The neighbor had no money
with him so he had to go home to get it. When he returned he
brought his hired man with him. While the hired man was paying
Mrs. Perault the sum agreed on, the neighbor went out to the corral
for his cows. When he opened the gate Perault, who was standing
by the wall, struck him on the head with a club (some called it a
stick ) from the effects of which he would have fallen to the ground
but for a barrel across which he fell. As Perault was raising the
club to repeat the blow the hired man fired at him, the ball striking
Perault in the hip. A few days afterward, Perault died of blood
poisoning.
Immediately after the shooting the two men surrendered them-
selves to the authorities and, a few weeks later, a preliminary
examination was held and they were discharged, the examination
showing clearly that the killing was self-defense. Normally this
would have been the end of the affair but the case was revived
seven years later and the two men were indicted. The hired man
was tried and acquitted and the other case dismissed.
182 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
The only other Frenchman I have heard of who had any un-
orthodox plans for earning a livelihood was one who came much
later. On the way to America he had an opportunity to buy a
Scotch bagpipe. Thinking that he could stand on the street corners
and play his bagpipe if he couldn't make a living farming, he bought
it. He proved to be a very good farmer so he didn't need the bag-
pipe.
THE COMTE DE PlNGRE
With the possible exception of Louis Ravenet, whose noble birth
is largely a matter of hearsay, the early settlers in the valley were
farmers and tradesmen of the middle classes of France and Belgium.
They came to America because of their 'belief in a democratic form
of government and a desire to better their economic and social con-
dition. In 1877, a Frenchman of another class came. He was Adrien
Thimoleon Victor, Comte de Pingre de Guimicourt. The manner of
his coming and the reason for his traveling to Kansas are best de-
scribed in an article which appeared in the Kansas City (Mo.)
Times for January 13, 1877:
On Thursday morning there arrived in this city on the Missouri Pacific train
a strange looking individual and three dogs. The stranger was a foreigner of
very distinque appearance, and seemed to be at a loss where to go and what
to do with his dogs. He wore a beard, grizzled and grey, falling in luxuriant
profusion upon a massive breast, which gave to the owner a bearing which
stamped him at once with military antecedents. Upon his left breast he wore
several ribbons, all of the tri-color of La Belle France, and in the center of
all was noticed the renowned cross of the "Legion of Honor/ ? While the
stranger was chattering away in his French patois to his dogs, endeavoring to
keep them together, he was noticed by Count Smissen, the agent of the Santa
Fe road, who approached him, and accosted him in German, then in French.
The stranger was at home in a minute, and entered into conversation at once.
He appeared to be delighted to find some one to converse with and who could
assist him in his embarrassing troubles. His troubles were as follows:
His name is Count de Paingrie, and he is Colonel of the famous second regi-
ment of Chasseurs d'Afrique, one of Napoleon's favorite regiments. His only
son is now a resident of Florence, Kansas, and the veteran soldier was on his
way to visit him on a six-months' leave of absence. The dogs he had with him
were full-blooded hounds, raised by himself in Algeria, and are the offspring of
a pet dog which his son (now a Kansas granger) loved very much when a boy
at the garrison at Toulon. The old man thought that he could not bring his pet
boy a better present than these three dogs, which he had cared for and attended
all the way from Marseilles to Southampton, and from thence to New York,
and from there to Kansas City. It was quite refreshing to see the noble French-
man rejoice in the meeting of one man who could speak his language and
could help him with his dogs. He told of his history which dated back to the
coup d'etat of 1851, and the old man puffed out perfect volumes of smoke
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 183
while he talked of the campaign he made with his regiment with Marshals St.
Arnaud and Canrobert in the Crimea. His ideal appeared to be the young man
at Florence, Kansas, who left Paris at the overthrow of the empire in 1870 and
fled to escape the Commune. He says he wants his boy to come back to France,
but cannot induce him to do so. So, finding his boy so decided in his desire to
stay in America, he had concluded to come and see him and bring him a present
of three full-blooded Algerian hounds. The old French Colonel was every inch
of a soldier in appearance. He was a perfect type of the old Imperial Guard,
and seemed to be a fish out of water so to speak and found no consolation
except in his pipe and conversation with his imported dogs. The Count de
Paingrie was escourted to the proper train by Mr. Smissen, and started west
to find his lost boy on the prairies of Kansas.
Count de Pingre was born April 14, 1827, so he was not as old as
this entertaining account would lead one to believe. The family
de Pingre, originating in Picardy, may be traced back to very
ancient times. Through a series of distinguished marriages they
became owners of a large number of lordship-estates. Among these
estates was that of Guimicourt which designated the branch of the
family to which Count Victor de Pingre belonged. Various members
of this distinguished family were noteworthy for their military serv-
ices as well as services in the court and in the church. The name
figures among those of the founders of the abbey of Premy in 1180.
For a long time the nuns of Premy had to pray for the souls of
Florent de Pingre and his wife, Jeanne de Lavin, and for that of
their daughter, Jeanne de Pingre, who had been a nun of that abbey.
In the year 1476 Arnault de Pingre lost his life in the slaughter
of Cambrai while defending this place which belonged to the Duke
of Burgundy against the forces of King Louis XL From this time
on, the family split into two factions, those who were loyal to the
king and those whose sympathies were with the Arnault branch.
Presumably the count belonged to the former because it was to
his father, Adrien Pierre Paul, Comte de Pingre de Guimcourt, that
King Louis XVIII entrusted all his personal papers during the "Hun-
dred Days" in 1815. The count's mother was Louise de Grouches
de Gribeauval. He had only one sister, Adrienne, who married
Philippe d'Entend, attorney-general during the reign of Louis Philip.
Count de Pingre was graduated at an early age from St. Cyr, the
West Point of France. During the insurrection of 1848 he served
as a sub-lieutenant in the national guard. On July 21, 1848, he
received a promotion and was decorated with the Chevalier de la
Legion d'honneur. Count de Pingre received many other decora-
tions during his long military career which included services in
184 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
the Crimean war, the Franco-Prussian war, and the French cam-
paigns in North Africa.
Count de Pingre was married to Marie Clara Victorine Adele de
Lagrene on July 24, 1854, in Any, department de la Somme. They
had four children, two daughters who married and remained in
France, one son who died young, and Louis de Pingre who came to
America. The mother died some time before 1877. 38
No one seems to remember much about Louis de Pingre. Mrs.
Alphonse Bichet used to tell about the day he appeared at their door
a short time after she was married. Until that time no one knew he
was in the country. He always dressed in cowboy attire and his
ambition was to be a ranch owner and stockman. In 1881, he de-
clared his intention to become a citizen but he did not stay in Chase
county long enough to get his final papers. Some years after Louis
left the colony he was living in Lake Charles, La., where he was
running a ferry across the lake. He came back to Florence for a
short time when his father died in 1892 but never came back to
live.
Count de Pingre soon decided to stay in Kansas. He bought a
farm on Martin creek northwest of Cedar Point. He and his son
stayed at the Pike Hotel in Florence while the house was being built.
On November 13, 1877, the father was married to Mdle. Ernestine
Marie de Lobel, a young French woman who had come out to Kansas
shortly before the date of the wedding. They were married at the
home of Mrs. Tamiet in Marion Centre.
Count de Pingre and his wife lived on the farm until 1884 when
they moved into Florence, having purchased the Hiram Pike resi-
dence. Just before they moved they had a public sale. Among the
items listed was a herd of purebred cattle. Despite the fact that he
must have lived a far different life in France, Count de Pingre ap-
parently adjusted himself quite well in his new home. He main-
tained his military bearing and aristocratic manner to the end but he
made many friends in Florence and seemed always ready to help
out in any good cause. One time he donated some of his own handi-
work to sell at a bazaar at one of the Protestant churches in town
although he was a regular communicant at the Catholic church.
There was only one time at which he could not enter whole heartedly
into the social life 'of the French colony. That was on July 14 when
his French Republican friends celebrated the fall of the Bastille.
38. Details of the family background and early life of the Count de Pingre were sup-
plied by a researcher of the office de documentation of the Bibliotheque National, Paris,
France.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 185
The de Pingre home must have been filled to overflowing with
beautiful furniture and family heirlooms. In 1884, an art loan exhi-
bition was held in Florence. The greater part of the exhibit con-
sisted of articles lent by the count and his wife. They included
handmade black -lace 150 years old, handmade white lace 200 years
old, a French fan beautifully painted and inlaid with jewels, a violin
184 years old, two elegantly hand-carved candlesticks, a sabre used
by a French nobleman one hundred years -before, an idol four hun-
dred years old and other articles, both costly and antique. Madame
Cost and the Ginettes also contributed quite a number of interesting
items for the exhibition.
Some of the de Pingre furniture is still in Florence. Mrs. Amelia
Ullman has a chair elaborately carved and upholstered in what was
once very beautiful brocade. Count de Pingre's clock which was
made in France about 1750 is now in the possession of a Florence
family.
The count stored his collection of arms in the loft of his barn.
Some of the little boys in town learned of its existence and "playing
soldier" became a favorite pastime. As soon as a new member was
added to the gang he was taken to the de Pingre barn and outfitted
with swords and pistols. Eventually the count discovered that his
precious collection of firearms was diminishing. The countess inter-
viewed Mrs. Bichet and the mothers of some of the other boys whom
they suspected of "borrowing" the weapons. The arms were
promptly restored and a certain group of small boys "ate off the
mantel" for several days.
The de Pingre's entertained many guests in their home and very
often visited friends in Reading, Emporia or Kansas City. The
Debauges of Reading and the Jean Perriers of Emporia visited them
quite frequently. In September, 1888, Madam de Medou, a cele-
brated Italian pianist, who was on her way to Newton to give a
"Soirie Musicale," stopped to see her old friends, the de Pingres.
Another time, M. Jules Ruleaux, consul-general for Belgium in the
United States, came to Florence to consult \sdth Count de Pingre
concerning the feasibility of sending colonists from overcrowded Bel-
gium to the Cottonwood valley.
Madame de Pingre was an accomplished pianist and very fre-
quently played in public. The only time there is any mention of her
taking part in a Bastille day concert was in 1889. At that /time the
count was president of the Union Francaise and both he and the
countess took a prominent part in the centennial celebration of that
186 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
year. Probably by this time the count had forgotten his loyalist
tendencies to a large extent.
Count de'.Pingre died November 20, 1892, and was buried in Mt.
Calvary cemetery west of Florence. His tombstone bears the simple
inscription, "Victor de Pingre, 1827-1892."
The count bequeathed all his family letters, papers, and [books
from his library to his son, Louis. Louis also received his father's
pistols, swords and other arms. The family portraits were divided
equally among his three children, Louis, Adrienne de St. Victor and
Yolande Chenolt. The remainder of his estate was willed to his wife.
At one time he is reputed to have been quite wealthy but had appar-
ently lost his money before he came to America. 39
Mrs. Marie de Pingre was married to Dr. J. Hammond Lovatt 40 on
September 29, 1893. After his death in November, 1901, she made
a visit, to France. She returned to Florence to dispose of her prop-
erty and went back to France to live in less than a year after the
doctor's death.
THE FAGARD FAMILY
The story of the Fagard family may best be told in the words
of Paul Fagard, of Emporia, who was a boy of 11 when he came
to Kansas.
"Auguste Fagard, his wife Virgina, two children, Virginia 10, Auguste 8
years old, sold their home in Lassigny, France, to emigrate to the United
States in 1848. They sailed from LeHavre en route to some place in Tennes-
see where they intended to purchase a farm to engage in farming. Un-
fortunately cholera broke out on board the vessel a few days after sailing.
Over 100 passengers contracted the disease and died, my grandfather among
them. He was buried at sea.
When they arrived at New Orleans the disease had disappeared. They were
allowed to land without being quarantined so my grandmother decided to go
on to Tennessee. Arriving at Louisville, Ky., where they had to lay over for a
few days grandmother was contacted by some French people residing there and
persuaded to try to make a home. She remained a little more than two years,
her children attended the schools and learned the English language. Then
she decided to return to France.
On the vessel going over she met a business man by the name of Mercier,
a maker of artificial flowers. He persuaded her to apprentice her son to him.
So she and her daughter proceeded to Lassigny, my father was left in Paris
39. Count de Pingre's will is on file in the office of the probate judge of Marion county.
40. Dr. J. Hammond Lovatt was born in Manchester, England, in 1841. He studied
surgery and practiced in England for a number of years. He was a member of the Royal
College of Surgeons and various other British medical societies. After the death of his first
wife in 1879, Dr. Lovatt accepted an appointment as surgeon in the British army and served
in India, Africa and Australia. He retired from the army and came to America in 1885. For
a time he was chief surgeon in the City Hospital in St. Louis, but his health had been so
impaired by his army service that he was forced to give it up. He came to Florence in 1887
and bought the Sherwood drug store. Later he practiced medicine in Florence. He is re-
membered there as a well-educated and well-read man and an accomplished musician.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 187
with this M. Mercier. He remained and worked for this man until 1861 when
he decided to go to Africa. He resided in Algeria somewhat over two years,
contracted the malaria fever and became blind. In 1863 he returned to
France, some months later he regained his sight to a great extent but always
had difficulty guiding himself after dark. He served in the national guard in
the war of 1870. He and his family were besieged in Paris in 1870 and 1871.
Seeing the devastation and horrors of war he decided to move back to the
United States. In 1881, he sold the little home he owned in Bois de Colombes,
a suburb of Paris, and he and his family sailed on the French line S. S. Labra-
dor, December 30, 1881. They were five, the father Auguste Fagard; mother
Pauline Gailliard Fagard, three boys, Auguste aged 14, Paul 11 and Eugene 5
years old. Landed in New York January 14, 1882. After the usual examina-
tion by the immigrant officers we were allowed to proceed to Kansas. We
landed in Florence January 24, 1882. My father had been directed to Kansas
by a Mr. Reverend, a neighbor of ours, who owned land in Marion county.
His oldest son was farming that land.
Soon after we had settled in Florence a Mr. Horner opened up a quarry, hav-
ing secured a contract from the Santa Fe Railroad to ballast the tracks from
Kansas City to the Colorado line. We (my father and me) worked in this
quarry for two years when for some unknown cause the shutting down of this
quarry caused the town to have a depression. There were no other industries
except the Santa Fe which employed a few men.
Mrs. Fagard died in January, 1884. In May of that year, Auguste
Fagard took his three boys and settled on a farm in Chase county.
Andre Lambel had induced him to file on a homestead of upland.
It was necessary for Mr. Fagard to amend his first filing because
part of the tract he desired had been taken by Louis Duehn as a
timber claim. The land office approved his amended filing but it
was discovered, after having the land surveyed, that an Amos Vainer
had built a small cabin on one corner of the land and was justified
in claiming the quarter section of land on which the cabin was
located. Varner later did file suit against Mr. Fagard. The case
was not settled for 12 years. Finally in 1896 the land was awarded
by the court to Auguste Fagard but, in the meantime, the expense
of hiring lawyers and paying the other expenses incidental to the
case had worked a great hardship on the family.
In 1907, Auguste Fagard sold out and he and his son, Eugene,
moved to Whitechurch, Mo. They farmed there until 1920 when
they died within a week of each other during the influenza epidemic.
Auguste Fagard, Jr., never married. He died in 1925 and is
buried in the Cedar Point cemetery. Paul Fagard was married to
Bertha Lalouette, daughter of Joseph and Marie (Marchal) La-
louette, on June 3, 1900. She died June 20, 1909, leaving one
daughter, Mignon. Paul Fagard is now living at Emporia and is
one of the few remaining native Frenchmen of the old colony.
188 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
SETTLERS FROM BELGIUM
The colony was composed almost entirely of French people until
after 1870. The only Belgian to make a permanent settlement before
that time was Alexander Louis. By 1875, several Belgian families
had settled in Doyle township. The census for that year lists the
following: Alfred de Smet, Ivan Balcaen, Theophile and Marius
Philibert and their families, Francis Goffinet and his wife, Victoria,
and a relative of hers, Henry Maillot. Of this group only Ivan Bal-
caen and the Goffinets stayed to make permanent homes. The two
Philibert families left within a few years and settled elsewhere in
Kansas. Alfred de Smet left before 1880. While he was there Ivan
Balcaen worked for him. One time while he was working for de
Smet the two got into an argument over wages. The case was
brought to trial in Marion Centre and the newspaper there reported
that practically the entire French population accompanied them for
the trial. By this time the people of Marion Centre had become
accustomed to hearing German on the streets but a group of French-
men speaking their native language never failed to amuse them.
The newspaper commented on their "peculiar talk."
After Alfred de Smet moved away, Ivan Balcaen worked for one
valley farmer and then another until he finally settled on his own
farm up Bruno creek in Grant township. In 1890, he was married
to Laura Huguenin, the daughter of Henry and Adele Huguenin
who had come from Switzerland a few years before. Ivan Balcaen
died in 1903, and his widow married Henry D. Soper. She lived at
Florence until her death June 19, 1934.
The Goffinets also lived in Grant township. Victoria Goffinet was
a Maillet, probably the daughter of Henry Maillet who was living
with them in 1875. They had several children. Some of the family
still live near Florence.
Francis Goffinet returned to Belgium to live about 1907. At the
time of the first World War Alphonse Bichet received a letter from a
man in a small French village stating that a Francis Goffinet had
escaped from Belgium into France ahead of the German army. He
had, asked the Frenchman to get in touch with Mr. Bichet in the hope
that he could help him get to America. This was not possible and
nothing further was heard about him. Mr. Goffinet was nearly 80
years of age at this time. Mrs. Victoria Goffinet died at the home
of her son, Ellis, in Lubbeck, Tex., in March, 1929.
The Rensen family came to Florence in 1876. The family con-
sisted of Joseph Rensen; his wife, Petronile; his son, Joseph, Jr., and
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT
three daughters, Frances, Josephine and Matilda. They had ar-
rived in the United States at Portland, Maine, February 15, 1871,
and had lived in Chicago before coming to Kansas. When they
came to Florence they bought a farm on Martin creek. Here Joseph
Rensen died May 3, 1885, at the age of 56. Mrs. Rensen lived on the
home farm until her death January 25, 1914.
Joseph Rensen, Jr., was born at Liege, Belgium, December 8, 1859.
He lived on a farm at Florence until his death November 18, 1931.
In January, 1891, he was married to Augusta Gaymay, a French girl
whose family had come to Kansas late in the 1880's. The Gaymays
lived at Florence for a short time but eventually settled in Wichita
county. The Joseph Rensens had two daughters, Alice and Mrs.
Oscar Branson who live near Florence, and a son, Albert, who died
in 1938. Mrs. Augusta Rensen died August 13, 1949.
Frances Rensen, daughter of Joseph Rensen, Sr., married Joseph
Martinot. He was the son of Rosalie Dumartinot who had married
Peter Martin. Frances Martinot lived less than a year after her
marriage. On August 31, 1878, Joseph Martinot married Josephine
Rensen, a sister of his first wife. Mrs. Martinot is still living at Flor-
ence, one of the few remaining members of the French colony born
in Europe. She frequently visits at the home of her daughter, Mrs.
Louise Crawford, near Clements. One day during the summer of
1949, she came to Clements by bus from her home in Florence. She
waited for an hour or so at the post office for some one who was
going by her daughter's house a mile and a half away. When they
did not come she set out to walk there. The writer overtook her
after she had walked over a mile. This 87-year-old woman, her
bundle of clothes in her hand, trudging along the dusty road, seemed
to typify all the strength and stamina of these foreign pioneer women
who settled in the French colony. Theirs was not an easy life. Many
of them helped their husbands in the fields. They did all their own
housework and raised large families. Tied down at home, they had
little opportunity to meet other people or adjust themselves to their
new environment. These women must have been lonely, and yet,
with few exceptions, none of them regretted that they had come to
America to live.
Joseph Martinot was for many years before his death, October 13,
1932, the oldest of the pioneer settlers in Marion county. As early
as 1924 he was presented with a bouquet at the old settlers' picnic in
Marion as the oldest person in point of residence in the county.
Matilda Rensen, the youngest of the Rensen children, married
190 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
H. J. Reverend, making the fourth of this Belgian family to marry
French members of the colony.
Henry Julius Reverend, or Jules as he was usually called, was born
in New York City, October 11, 1859. In 1873 he came with his
father, Henry Reverend, to the French settlement. They took up a
timber claim four miles east of Florence in Doyle township. After
four months in Kansas they left and went to Paris, France, the
father's native city. The family established there, Jules was placed
in school.
In 1879, however, he returned to America and settled on the old
homestead. On December 15, 1884, he was married to Matilda
Rensen. Although the elder Mr. Reverend never returned to Kansas
to live he did make several extended visits with his son and family
and it was through his influence that several of the French families
came to Florence to settle when they decided to come to America.
About 1902 Mr. Reverend moved his family into town. There
were two children, Henry and Amelia Fanny. In 1904 Jules Rev-
erend's father died in Paris leaving quite a large estate. It was nec-
essary for the Reverends to go to Paris. The whole family went and
stayed for several months.
After Amelia was graduated from high school in 1905, her mother
took her to Kansas City, Mo., where she studied violin and piano for
several years. Mr. Reverend stayed in Florence for some time look-
ing after business interests but finally joined his family in residence
there. He taught French in the manual training high school for sev-
eral terms then engaged in the real estate business with John Beymer,
a former Florence resident. He was very active in the Alliance
Francaise of Kansas City, serving as its president for one or two
years.
Jules Reverend was a colorful figure in the business life of Flor-
ence. He was instrumental in organizing the Florence State Bank
and in securing an ice house for the city when it was badly needed.
He bought the Mastin lumber yard in 1907 and ran it for several
years. After the family returned from Kansas City to live in Florence
he invested quite heavily in real estate and, at one time, owned sev-
eral business buildings on Main street. In 1923 he helped organize
the Florence Chamber of Commerce and was elected its first presi-
dent. Mr. Reverend died May 13, 1942, his wife having died several
years previously on December 16, 1931. 41
41. Amelia Fanny Reverend taught music in Kansas City until the fall of 1913 when
she went abroad and studied for a year in Berlin under Alexander Fiedermann.
On August 24, 1914, she was married to Bernard Ullman at Pittsburgh, Pa. Four years
later Mr. Ullman died and she was left with two small children, Gilbert and Robert. A
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 191
The Lalouette brothers, August and Joseph, were born at Geron-
ville, Belgium. When August was 16 years of age he went to Paris,
France, where he worked for 12 years. In 1867, he and his brother,
Joseph, came to the United States. They arrived in New Orleans
and found that city in the throes of a yellow fever epidemic. The
young men worked their way to New York where August served
for eight years as the head waiter in a large hotel.
On March 25, 1873, he was married to Leonie Marchal, a young
French girl. Three years later they came to Kansas and settled
on a farm east of Florence. Joseph Lalouette married Marie Mar-
chal, a sister of Leonie. They came to Florence at the same time.
There is a story in the family that one of the brothers wanted to
settle in Virginia. The other thought they would have more chance
for success in the newer west so both came to Kansas.
A short time after they settled at Florence, August Lalouette and
his wife lost their two small daughters, Augustine, five, and Elvirie,
three years of age. They died within a week of diptheria and are
buried in the cemetery at Cedar Point.
The Lalouettes came to Kansas when times were very hard. They
had never lived on farms before and many times they actually
did not know how to go about their work. Their wives, however,
knew a bit more about farm life so they worked with their husbands
in the fields until the farm chores became a bit easier.
In spite of early hardships, both August and Joseph Lalouette be-
came successful farmers and August, in particular, accumulated
large land holdings in addition to his original homestead. Mrs.
Leonie Lalouette was an invalid for many years before her death
March 17, 1929. August Lalouette died December 4, 1923.
August and Leonie Lalouette had two sons, in addition to the
two girls who died in childhood. Leon, born in 1879, was married
October 6, 1913, to Anna Margaret Carpenter, daughter of Jerome
Carpenter. He lived near Florence until his death July 15, 1945.
The other son, Ernest, lives east of Florence on the home place.
On October 24, 1905, he was married to Cecilia Soyez. Mrs.
Lalouette is the granddaughter of two pioneer settlers of the old
colony. Her father, J. E. Soyez, was French, the son of Francis
daughter, Bernadine, was born February 20, 1919, four months after her father's death. Mrs.
Ullman brought her family to Florence and has since lived there.
Amelia Ullman purchased the Horner building in 1919. At that time it was arranged
for a restaurant on the first floor and office rooms on the second. She and her father re-
modeled it into a hotel and operated it under the name of the Horner Hotel until 1927.
Henry Reverend, Mrs. Ullman's brother, ran it for several years after this date.
After leaving the hotel, Mrs. Ullman established a music studio in which she taught very
successfully for a number of years. An accomplished musician, she contributed much to the
cultural development of Florence.
192 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Soyez, and her mother, Mary Constance Rosiere, was the daughter
of Felix Rosiere who came to Kansas from Belgium about 1880.
The Ernest Lalouette home is a treasure store of relics of pioneer
days. Among the interesting articles is a hand-carved rosary
brought to America by the Rosiere family and prayer books formerly
used by both her father's and mother's people. Mrs. Lalouette
also has costumes and jewelry once worn by the women of her
family and those of Mr. Lalouette's family. One of the dresses dates
back to 1860. It belonged to Mrs. Frances Soyez, her grandmother.
Simply made, the dress is of black material. The most interesting
part of it is the pocket. It is set inside the skirt and is over 12
inches in depth. This pocket would hold the baby's bottle, a change
of clothes for him, and anything else the pioneer mother might
need when she went visiting for the day.
Mrs. Lalouette also has the wedding outfit made and worn by
her husband's aunt, Berthe Marchal, when she was married to
Charles Rassat on January 9, 1887.
Berthe Marchal, the sister of Mrs. August and Mrs. Joseph La-
louette, came to Florence in 1886. She came directly from Paris
where she had been working for several years in various millinery
and dressmaking establishments. Her father, Nicholas Louis Mar-
chal, and his wife came about this time to make a home near their
daughters.
Berthe decided to locate in Florence and bought out the millinery
stock of a Mrs. Bar dwell. She was a dressmaker of unusual skill.
The wedding outfit spoken of before included a two-piece dress of
sheer black wool material. The color is as true today as it must have
been when the dress was made although black very often turns
rusty or green as it ages. The boa which reaches to the hem of the
dress was made of black net with yards and yards of narrow satin
ribbon sewed on it. On the collar of the boa the ribbon was ar-
ranged in such a way that it very closely resembles Persian lamb fur.
It must have taken many hours of work. Berthe Marchal made a
trip or two to New York to buy stock in the short time she remained
in Florence so her shop must have been successful. In November,
1887, she announced her intention of closing out the business, and
early in 1888 she and her husband, Charles Rassat, moved to Trini-
dad, Colo. After she went to Colorado Mrs. Rassat was the dress-
maker in the Bee-Hive, a dry goods store owned by Henry Klein.
Later, after Mr. Rassat's death, she married Mr. Klein and they
MRS. ERNEST GINETTE, SR.
(1840-1914)
THE COUNTESS DE PINGRE
(LATER MRS. J. HAMMOND
LOVATT )
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 193
operated the store successfully for a great many years. Berthe Klein
died April 1, 1943, at the age of 76 years.
Mrs. Klein was an artist of considerable talent. During her 50
years as a business woman she found time to paint a number of pic-
tures. Mrs. Ernest Lalouette has several of these paintings in her
home.
Joseph Lalouette and his wife, Marie Marchal, had four children,
Bertha, married Paul Fagard; Jane, married John Johnson; Helen
died unmarried at the age of 22 years, and Marius. Marius married
Edna Cochran, a niece of Mrs. Alphonse Bichet. He lives at Hart-
ford, Kan., at the present time. Joseph Lalouette died in 1896. His
widow lived at the home of her son-in-law, Paul Fagard, for many
years. After her daughter's untimely death in 1909, Mrs. Lalouette
took over the care of her granddaughter, Mignon Fagard. She died
in Emporia in 1922.
A third Lalouette brother, Christome, came to this country about
1900. He, too, had gone to Paris at an early age and lived there for
many years. He served with the French army in the Franco-Prussian
war and was decorated for valor during the campaign. After he
came to Florence he lived with relatives until his death in September,
1928.
Three Rosiere brothers, Felix, August and Henry, came from the
town of Rosiere, Belgium, between 1876 and 1879 and settled on
farms north and east of Florence. Henry stayed for only a few years
and then moved to Oklahoma where some of his family are still
living.
Felix Rosiere was the oldest of the three brothers. He was mar-
ried about 1860 to Frances Delforge of Luxemburg, Belgium. They
had quite a large family when they came to Kansas and one or two
children were born in this country. Felix Rosiere died February 10,
1901, and his wife on August 25, 1914. Two of his children are still
living, Felix, of Chula Vista, Gal, and August, of Denver, Colo.
Many of the descendants of this couple live near Florence and
Marion.
August Rosiere was much younger than his brother. His wife was
Marie Leotine Degaif, daughter of Hubert and Catherine Degaif
who lived in the French colony. The parents were quite elderly
when they came to Kansas and they died many years ago. Mrs.
August Rosiere died about 1909 and her husband died in October,
1920. They had five children who were living at the time of the
136496
194 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
father's death. They were Elvirie, Leopold, Eugene, Joseph and
Mary.
The Herzets were about the last of the Belgians to settle perma-
nently in the colony. The family, arriving in Florence June 14, 1886,
consisted of Mrs. Theresa Herzet and her four children, Robert and
Charlotte Thomas and Joseph and August Herzet.
Theresa Counet Herzet was born April 5, 1843, at Liege, Belgium.
She was graduated from a normal high school and taught school for
three years before her marriage to Charles Thomas in 1864. They
lived at Aywaille, Belgium, where her husband died five years later.
In 1871 she was married to Peter Herzet. When he died in 1883,
he left a profitable mercantile business. Mrs. Herzet did not feel
that she could carry on the business because of the prejudice against
women in industry and the unstable economic conditions in Belgium.
A relative, Mr. Stillmant, a photographer in Florence, had written
glowing accounts of prosperity in Kansas so she decided to sell out
and bring her family to the state. When they arrived in Florence,
they found that Mr. Stillmant was not so well-off as his letters had
indicated. The first evening after their arrival he had to borrow
money from Mrs. Herzet to buy groceries for supper. They were
soon settled in a house by themselves, however, and two of the
boys found employment at the stone quarry. In 1887, the Herzets
moved to Trinidad, Colo., where the boys could work in the mines.
After a year they came back to Florence and settled on a farm east
of town. Mrs. Herzet died January 14, 1929, at the age of 85 years.
Robert Thomas, the eldest son, was born near Liege, Belgium, on
March 4, 1867. One of his first jobs after he came to Kansas was to
help in the construction of the Horner Hotel at Florence. Within
a few months he began to prove up on a homestead south of Cedar
Point. On June 14, 1893, he was married to Matilda Legere, the
daughter of Elisie Legere, an early-day Belgian farmer of the valley.
Robert Thomas died May 10, 1947. Mrs. Thomas lived near Cedar
Point until her death on March 19, 1951. She was one of the early
"Harvey girls." She worked at the Clifton Hotel, owned and oper-
ated by Fred Harvey as a railroad eating house in Florence in 1880,
and later worked at the Harvey House at Newton.
Charlotte Thomas was born March 31, 1865. A short time after
she came to Kansas she was married to Julian Lespegnard, a young
Belgian whom she had known in the old country. With the excep-
tion of a year at Trinidad, Colo., the Lespegnards lived near Cedar
Point the remainder of their lives. Julian Lespegnard died August
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 195
15, 1922, and his wife on January 6, 1939. They had several children
who live near Cedar Point.
Joseph Herzet left Kansas many years ago and settled in Okla-
homa. He died in December, 1928, just a few weeks before his
mother's death.
August Herzet was born at Aywaille, Belgium, March 7, 1874. He
was only 12 years of age when the family came to Kansas. Mr.
Herzet recalls that he was very lonesome after they came. One day
shortly after he arrived in Florence he overheard Count de Pingre
talking in French to Mr. Ginette. To the lonely, homesick boy, the
sound of his native tongue sounded very comforting. He edged
closer and closer to them so that he would not miss a word. Finally
the count noticed him and remarked that he didn't see why the boy
had to act so curious when he probably couldn't understand a word
they were saying. Mr. Ginette explained who he was and that
French was the only language the lad could speak. The count spoke
kindly to August and never missed an opportunity to be friendly
with him after that.
The Herzets live on their farm north and east of Florence. Mrs.
Herzet, before her marriage on January 27, 1898, was Elvirie Rosiere,
the daughter of August Rosiere.
OTHER FRENCH AND BELGIUM FAMILIES
One could not, in the scope of this story, include all the French
and Belgian people who lived in the valley between 1858 and 1890.
Many names appear in the census, in the records of land transfers,
in applications for citizenship, or in the columns of the local news-
papers but little else is known about them.
The Plumbergs, who came from Leavenworth to work as stone-
masons on the Chase county courthouse, were of French origin.
Julius Remy, a Frenchman, ran a barber shop in Cottonwood Falls
in the early days, L. E. Duman was a jeweler there and Joseph
Bibert a shoemaker. Joseph Beaudreau was a gunsmith at Cotton-
wood Falls as early as 1874, but in 1878 he was living on a farm
in Doyle township, Marion county.
Among those who applied for citizenship in Chase county we
find the names of Theodore Dubs, French, 1872; Gaspard Perret,
French, 1873; C. M. G. Briart, Belgian, 1874; Amiel Pechin, French,
1875; Louis Maillet, French, 1875; Louis Chaban, French, 1877;
Albert Prosper, French, 1884, and Charles Paquat, French, 1885.
So far as can be determined none of this group stayed long enough
to get their final papers.
196 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Nothing further is known of M. Muriet who was chosen president
of the first French society in 1875. Eugene Pettier and his wife,
Mary, lived in Cottonwood township in 1885. His son, C. Pettier,
married a daughter of Elisie Legere, and another son, Julius, married
Lizzie Rosiere, daughter of Henry Rosiere. Julius lived in the
neighborhood for a number of years, proably until he moved to
Emporia in 1909.
Pierre Noel, a young Frenchman, applied for citizenship at Marion
Centre in 1877. He never married, living in or near Florence until
1887 when he was drowned in the Cottonwood river. He must have
been a person of some importance because the French consul from
St. Louis came out to Florence after his death to take charge of his
affairs. Ernest Rose owned land in the valley in the 1880's and was
associated in several business deals with Messrs. Gaze and Firrnin.
There were two Relgian families living in Cottonwood town-
ship in 1880 who apparently stayed only a short time. One of
them was J. A. Rroner, his wife, Anna, and their five children. All
of them were born in Relgium except the youngest child, aged
four years. The wife of their eldest son, Felix, was living with them
and she was also a native of Relgium. The other family was that
of John Francis and his wife, Rudlet. According to the 1880 census,
their two oldest children were born in Relgium, three were born in
Michigan and the youngest, a baby of seven months, was born in
Kansas. Ry 1885, the two families had moved from the township
and no one now remembers anything about them.
The Quiblers were closely allied with the French colony for sev-
eral years. Henry Quibler was a native of Switzerland but his wife,
Salena, was French. They lived east of Florence on a farm but
moved to California many years ago.
The LaCoss family, of French origin, was not first generation
French. Joseph La Coss was born at South Rend, Ind., on November
4, 1851, the son of Charles La Coss. In 1869, he was married to
Josephine Reaudeau, a native of St. Rock, Canada, of French parent-
age. They came to Kansas ten years later and settled on a farm east
of Florence. In 1890, they moved into town. Charles La Coss and
two other sons also came to Kansas and lived near Florence at a
much later date.
Mrs. Josephine La Coss died October 3, 1913, and her husband
on February 17, 1920. They had four children, Victor, Rert, Louise
who married John Louis, and Mayme who married Stearns Rloom.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 197
Mayme still lives in Florence where her husband was in business
for a great many years.
Of the few French families who came out at the time Emile
Firmin was Kansas immigration agent only the Clavels remained
permanently. Celestine Clavel and his son came directly from
the department of Luzerene in June, 1890. In a short time they had
saved enough money to send for the rest of the family. They lived
on a farm in Doyle township for many years. The family was large
but all of the children left Marion county after they grew up.
Several of the boys are railroad men and live in the West. Celestine
Clavel died June 14, 1926, and Mrs. Clavel died in Topeka, March
9, 1935.
The Reverdys lived on H. J. Reverend's farm for a few years, then
moved away. Charles Thuillot came from Paris in August, 1889,
and lived on a farm north and east of Florence. In the same month
A. Dunas, of Mans, France, but more recently from London, Eng-
land, arrived in Florence. He was described as a gentleman of
thorough education and varied experience. He planned, if he was
pleased with the country, to locate there and expected that some of
his relatives would come also. The Bulletin extended him a cordial
welcome and predicted that he would become Americanized soon
because he already knew the English language. In October his
sister joined him and they lived on the farm he had recently pur-
chased near the city. Their father and mother were expected to
follow them to this country in a short time, but, if they came, it was
not reported in the paper and nothing more is known of them.
Thebault Antoine came to live in Doyle township in 1889 or 1890.
It is not known where he had been living just previously but some
20 years before coming to Kansas the family lived in Mexico. In
April, 1890, their 21-year-old son died of consumption and Mrs.
Antoine died on March 8, 1892. A second son, Ernest, married
Josephine Soyez, the daughter of Francis Soyez.
BASTILLE DAY CELEBRATIONS
It seems very likely that the French settlement celebrated Bastille
day from the beginning although we have no records earlier than
1875. Even after this date the affairs were not always reported in
the papers. In addition to the celebration on July 14, it was cus-
tomary for the members of the French colony to have another
reunion in the fall, usually about September 15.
In 1875, the French citizens of the Cottonwood valley celebrated
198 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
the fall of the Bastille at Florence. M. Ginette, lately from Paris,
was the principal speaker of the day. He proposed that they form
a society, the object of which was to help one another continuously.
The society was accordingly organized with the following officers:
M. Muriet, president; M. Ginette, secretary; C. F. Laloge, treas-
urer; Messrs. Sticker, Puhellier and Philibert, executive committee.
It seems characteristic that even at this early date at least one of
the officers, M. Philibert, was Belgian, not French. So far as can
be determined the Belgians and the few Swiss settlers of the valley
always considered themselves a part of the French colony and
always participated in their activities.
We have no further record of the celebrations until 1883 when the
big affair was held at Reading, northeast of Emporia. Many of the
French people from Florence, including the cornet band, attended.
Over five hundred were present. In the evening those of the French
citizens who did not go to Reading gathered at the home of Mr.
Ginette. The house was adorned with the French flag, and the
"Marseillaise" and other French songs were sung.
The celebration in 1884 was held at Barker's grove north of town.
It was quite an elaborate affair. The park was beautifully decorated
with American flags and the French tri-colors. A platform was
erected near the center of the park with room for the speakers and
the band. A large arch spanned the front of the stand with the fol-
lowing inscription written on a large banner: "U. S. France R.
F. Etats Unis."
The program commenced with the "Marseillaise" played by the
Florence cornet band, followed by "Hail Columbia." During the
rendition of these numbers the French tri-colors and the Stars and
Stripes were prominently displayed by Alphonse Bichet.
Emile Firmin was the speaker of the day. At the conclusion of
his remarks, Mr. Stillmant, the photographer, took a number of
pictures. At noon refreshments were served and after that a pro-
gram of music was given. The program was under the direction of
Mr. Ginette. The band played instrumental music and there were
vocal pieces in both French and English. Victoria Bataille, of
Marion, with her "cultivated voice and clear enunciation," won
favor with the audience. Petrus Guillion and Louis Guyot sang,
the former was encored again and again for his presentation of
French comic songs.
At four o'clock the platform was cleared and dancing commenced.
The dancing continued until twilight at which time the French
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 199
chorus formed with flags in hand and marched from the park sing-
ing the "Marseillaise" and "The Red, White, and Blue." After dark
a "grand pyrotechnic display" was given from the eminence east of
the Cottonwood. It was witnessed by practically all of the citizens
of the town.
This concluded the festivities of July 14 but it did not conclude
the celebration. A grand concert was given in the Florence Opera
House the next evening. The French musicians of Florence were
assisted by talent from Emporia, Reading, Osage City and Marion.
Mrs. Ginette presided at the piano. The French chorus sang. There
were solos by Miss Bougere of Osage City, Miss Debauge of Read-
ing and Victoria Bataille of Marion. Messrs. Guillion and Guyot
again sang duets.
During the next few years the celebrations did not receive much
notice from the press. The centennial anniversary of the fall of the
Bastille in 1889 called for a special celebration. The several com-
mittees of the newly organized "Union Francaise" planned an elab-
orate affair. It was attended by the entire French and Belgian
population of Marion and Chase counties and guests from all over
the state as well as some from Missouri. On the evening of the
13th at least 200 people gathered in the opera house, "where a
banquet, such as only our French friends can prepare, was par-
taken of." After the dinner the president welcomed the guests and
made a short speech, then the auditorium was made ready for the
concert which was to follow. A very select program was given.
It consisted of:
PART FIRST
No. 1. Grand Medley of popular and patriotic French airs, arranged by Chas.
Leonard, by complete orchestra.
No. 2. Romance from Giralda (Adam) accompanied by Mrs. Ginette, pianist,
Mr. Louis Guyot.
No. 3. Aria from Domino Noir (Auber) piano accompaniment, by Prof.
Ginette, Mrs. De Pingre.
No. 4. Grand Fantasia for Piano, from Haydee (Auber), Mrs. Ginette.
No. 5. Salut a la France, patriotic air, Mrs. [?] Bataille and Louis Guyot.
No. 6. Air from Noces de Jeannette (Masse), E. Ginette, Sr.
PART SECOND
No. 1. Gloria from Mozart's 12th Mass, Orchestra: Chas. Leonard, A. A.
Beebe, J. H. Lovatt, M. Ginette.
No. 2. Aria from Les Dragons de Villars (Maillan) Miss Victoria Bataille.
No. 3. Selection from II Trovatore ( Verdi ) Louis Guyot.
No. 4. Grand Quatuor, arranged by Leonard: Orchestra Quartette.
No. 5. Duet from Les Noces de Jeannette: Mrs. De Pingre and Mr. Ginette.
200 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
No. 6. Grand Concert Waltz for piano (Hertz) Mrs. Ginette.
No. 7. Duet from Le Mascotte, Miss Bataille and E. Ginette, Jr.
No. 8. Grand Finale Marseillaise, by complete orchestra.
After the concert, the chairs were removed and all joined in danc-
ing until the close of the evening. On the afternoon of the 14th, a
grand picnic was held in Bichet's grove. At the business meeting
Mr. Bernard was chosen president; Frank Laloge, treasurer, and
Alphonse Bichet, secretary of the French society for the ensuing
year.
In 1890, the French society put forth special effort to make the
annual reunion on Bastille day a success. The program for the day
was announced in advance in the Bulletin for July 11 as follows:
English French
1. Recreation 1. Divertissement
2. Dinner 2. Diner pique-nique
3. Speaking 3. Discours
4. Various amusements 4. Jeux divers
5. Games 5. Tombola
6. Grand ball 6. Bal a Grand Orchestre
The Bulletin commented, "A people in distant lands, who remem-
ber with annual celebrations the achievements of liberty in their
native country, can never prove unworthy of the land of their adop-
tion."
On the day of the picnic the exercises began with the address of
welcome by Francis Bernard. He concluded his remarks with this
comment, "The young Republic is already established in France,
like it is in the United States. Let me join the two countries our
two fatherlands in one sentiment of love and recognition. Long
live France and long live the Union/'
Mr. Lang, the French consul in Kansas City, favored the society
with an excellent speech in which he said:
The colony of Marion and Chase is the elite of the French in Kansas. It
numbers among its members the generous philanthropist, Mr. Bernard, the
erudite philosopher, Mr. Firmin, men of mind and heart like Mr. Gaze, the
fearless pioneer like Messrs. Laloge and Bichet, the artistic and versatile like
Mr. Ginette, the representative of our military in the person of Mr. de Pingre,
the best specimens of laborers in the honorable and industrious farmers of
French origin, and chief among them all the charming group of graceful woman-
hood who are known throughout this valley for their pleasing hospitality. I am
happy indeed to be with you, and in the name of the country I have the honor
to represent, permit me to congratulate you upon the flavor you have given to
the French name, and for your achievements in winning the esteem and admira-
tion of representative Americans.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 201
We do not know how much longer the Bastille day celebrations
were held regularly. The last time the paper mentioned one of them
was in 1892. In that year the Bulletin reported that "Many of our
townspeople participated in the festivities which were held in
Bichet's grove east of town." This explains, in part, why the celebra-
tions were discontinued. Bastille day lost its meaning when so many
people attended who did not understand nor appreciate the reason
for its celebration. Then, as a former member of the colony ex-
plained, some of the young men of the county took advantage of the
hospitality of the French and Belgian people by attending and
turning the celebrations into exhibitions of rowdyism.
CULTURAL CONTRIBUTIONS
The French people love music and those who settled in the Cot-
tonwood valley contributed much to the cultural life of the commun-
ity. There were many talented musicians whom we have already
mentioned: the Ginettes, Madame de Pingre, Victoria Bataille and
others. Another family who lived there only a short time is worthy
of mention.
Caesar Moutonnier, his wife and three children, Laura, Mary and
Paul, were all graduates of the Paris Conservatory of Music. Early
in 1875 they were living on a farm near Cedar Point. The Catholic
church at Cottonwood Falls planned a festival for May 27 and asked
the Moutonnier family to give a concert in the evening. M. Ferlet,
of the Union Hotel, was asked to prepare a real French dinner in
honor of the occasion. The affair was attended by practically all of
the residents of the French colony as well as many French people
from other parts of the state. The concert was enjoyed by a large
and appreciative audience. In July, the Moutonnier family moved
to Emporia where they expected to teach music and French. Later
that year they went Lawrence to live. M. Moutonnier held a profes-
sorship in the conservatory of music. We have no further record
of this talented family but it would be interesting to know what
became of them.
Many of the French had excellent voices and they enjoyed singing.
To those who are old enough to remember the reunions in the Bichet
grove, the mighty oaks still seem to reverberate with the stirring
"Marseillaise" and the other French songs they so loved to sing.
Apart from these special occasions, it was customary for the families
to meet in the evenings and spend the hours talking and singing.
Love of companionship, of good music and dancing, more than any
other characteristic, set these people apart from their American
202 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
neighbors who had little time for recreation. Life on the frontier
was serious and rugged but these French pioneers were seldom too
tired after a hard day's work to enjoy a few hours of leisure with their
friends.
French weddings were special occasions. The ceremony itself
was usually held at the county seat, either at Marion or Cottonwood
Falls, or at the Catholic church at Florence. After the service a cele-
bration was held at the bride's home. The festivities often lasted
three days. All the French and Belgian people for miles around at-
tended at least part of the time. If the house had two stories the
lower floor was used for visiting and dancing. A room or two on
the second story was cleared and big tables put up there for food.
There seemed to be a never ending supply of good things to eat.
One wedding in the colony was a bit unusual and caused a great
deal of merriment. The wedding was to be held in the home of the
bride's parents. On the afternoon chosen the guests arrived and
the bridegroom put in his appearance just a short time before the
hour set for the ceremony. He was dressed in his best but his best
was none too good. He had laundered his own shirt and had done
a very poor job of it. When the bride saw him she ordered him to
take off his shirt. Then while the guests and the bridegroom waited
the bride washed and ironed the shirt. As soon as she had it done
up to her own satisfaction the groom put it on and the ceremony
proceeded.
FRENCH COOKERY
The people of the valley were famed for their hospitality and the
women were noted for the wonderful food they set before their
guests. They all had favorite recipes brought from the old country
and there is no doubt that the food they prepared differed consider-
ably from that of their American neighbors. They were handicapped
by a lack of variety in the foods available on the frontier and inability
to buy condiments easily obtainable in France.
The following recipes were among those used by the French and
Belgian housewives:
La Pomme de Terre avec la Viande.
Cut fat meat into inch squares and brown in deep iron kettle. Add flour
and water to make gravy. Salt to taste. Pare potatoes and cut into inch cubes
and add to gravy. Add one large onion, cut fine. Cook slowly on the back
of the stove, stirring frequently.
Rabbit.
Dress and cut rabbit into pieces. Salt and pepper to taste. Cover with
water. Add two tablespoons of vinegar and let stand over night. Wipe
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 203
pieces of rabbit and brown in hot lard in skillet. When rabbit is brown re-
move from skillet and add flour and water to make gravy. Add browned
rabbit to gravy and cook slowly until tender.
Chicken with Sour Cream.
Cut up young chicken. Have skillet hot with plenty of butter. Place
chicken in fat and fry slowly until brown (Do not flour the chicken). When
tender, and just a few minutes before serving, pour a cup of good sour cream
over the chicken. This will thicken up in a good rich sauce. Serve immedi-
ately. Sweet cream will thin out and get watery. Be sure the cream is sour.
Pig's Feet in Brown Gravy.
Make a gravy in a heavy skillet by browning flour in several spoonsful
of meat fryings. When brown add cold water, stirring slowly to make a
smooth gravy. Add salt to taste. Put the scraped and split pig's feet in a
deep kettle and pour the gravy over them. Cook slowly over a low fire for
several hours, until the meat is tender and dropping from the bones. Add a
little hot water as the gravy gets too thick. Stir often as it sticks easily.
Turnip Kraut.
This is made about the same way as cabbage kraut but has a different
flavor and is much better if the turnips are tender and juicy. Pare the
turnips and shred in narrow strips. Pack tightly into jars and add salt to
each layer (about a heaping teaspoon to each quart). Cover with cloth and
weighted lid. Set in cool place and let ripen. When ready to eat the kraut
may be boiled or drained and fried.
Fried Noodles.
To make the noodle dough break an egg into a bowl of flour. Add pinch
of salt and half an egg shell of water. Form into a ball and roll very thin
on a floured bread board. Dry this thin sheet of dough for several hours
(Grandmother used to hang it over the back of a chair). When dry but
not brittle roll like a jelly roll and cut crossways about % inches wide. Shake
apart and drop in boiling water. When tender, place in collander and drain.
Fry in skillet, stirring often like fried potatoes. 42
Prepared yeast was not available in the early days so it had to
be made at home from wild hops, corn meal and water. It was
made into cakes and dried, then used when needed. Sometimes
the bread was not ready to bake by noon. In this event they would
take part of the dough and roll it out about an inch thick. It was
then cut into strips an inch wide and six or seven inches in length
and fried in deep fat. The bread sticks were sprinkled with sugar
and eaten while hot.
About the only salads they had in pioneer days were lettuce and
other greens grown in the garden. Usually the lettuce was wilted.
It was cut into pieces, a few green tops of onions, sugar and seasoning
42. The recipes given were used by the women of the Rosiere, Soyez and Bichet fam-
ilies. They were furnished through the courtesy of Mrs. Ernest Lalouette and Mrs. Fred A.
Bichet of Florence.
204 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
added. Bacon grease and vinegar were poured over it and a tight
lid put on for a few minutes. Wilted lettuce was a standard dish
for spring whether in an American or French home.
Potatoes and wild game, of necessity, had a prominent place in
the menu. The French were very fond of pork. It formed the basis
for the innumerable soups they made and was used in many other
ways. Blood sausage was a favorite. When butchering time came
they made quantities of it. Mrs. Toomey, the French milliner of
Marion, was especially fond of blood sausage and each fall when
the Bichets butchered she always made it a point to be on hand to
get her share.
The French, in particular, liked their wine. Each farmer had his
vineyard and some of them were masters in the art of grape culture.
When the grapes were ripe, they were picked and washed and
turned into the large stone vat provided for that purpose. The
juice was pressed out and bottled or put in a barrel. It was cus-
tomary to add a bit of water and press the juice out a second time.
This wine, which was not as good as the first run, was given to
the hired help or used when company was not present. The count,
according to tradition, never drank plain water. If he couldn't have
wine he insisted on adding vinegar to the water to kill the germs.
Coming from a country where drinking water was traditionally im-
pure and wine was used freely, it was not remarkable for him to
feel about it as he did.
RELIGIOUS LIFE
The settlers in the colony were predominantly Catholic but there
was no church close enough for them to attend until several years
after the Civil War.
It was not until 1866 or 1867 that a priest visited the Cottonwood
valley. At that time Father Louis Dumortier, located at St. Mary's
Mission on the Kansas river, extended his missionary district as far
south as Council Grove, Diamond Springs and Bazaar. He estab-
lished a station for the French people on the Cottonwood. Father
Dumortier tried to cover a very large territory. He had stations
north and east of St. Mary's, up the Republican valley, the Smoky
Hill valley as far as Salina, as well as those settlements south through
Dickinson, Morris and Chase counties. He could not visit each
station more than once every five or six weeks because of the long
distances and difficulties of travel. In the summer of 1867, cholera
broke out among the soldiers at Fort Harker and Father Dumortier
went there to aid in caring for the ill. He contracted the disease
and died on July 25.
HISTORY OF FRENCH-SPEAKING SETTLEMENT 205
The next year Father Paul Mary Ponziglione, working from Osage
Mission in Neosho county, extended his missionary "parish" beyond
the settlements on the Verdigris and Neosho valleys and visited
Father Dumortier's newly established stations on the Cottonwood.
In his "Western Mission Journal" he wrote that on August 17, 1868,
he "went to visit a French settlement on Cedar creek and stopped
at Mr. Bernard's." 43 On August 18, he made this entry, "From Mr.
Bernard's house this morning the Father went in company of Mr.
Bernard himself to visit another French family." They found the
father of the family "a confirmed infidel, who acknowledged that he
used to be a Catholic, but now claims to have no religion of any
kind. Unlike to a Frenchman he received the Father with . . .
contempt so that Mr. Bernard felt very much ashamed for having
brought the Father to such a house." Father Ponziglione would
have been very gratified to know that this same Frenchman who
claimed to have no religion, worked very hard to organize a Catholic
church in Cedar Point a few years later.
Father Philip Colleton, also from Osage Mission, visited the
Catholic settlements in that section in 1869. He reported a "station
put up in favor of the French settlers at Mr. Bernard's house."
There was no Catholic church in Chase county until 1871. It was
made possible through the generosity of Judge Samuel N. Wood
who, although not a Catholic himself, offered Father Ponziglione
some land and a donation of money for the erection of a church at
Cottonwood Falls. The church was built and dedicated to St.
Francis Borgia on March 26, 1871. 44 There were few, if any,
Catholics at Cottonwood Falls but it was planned that this church
would serve the Catholic families at Union, Cedar Point and Bazaar.
In February, 1873, a meeting was held at the school house in Cedar
Point "to provide means for the steady erection of a church building,
and to secure the services of a fit person ( conversant with both the
French and English languages ) to officiate therein, on every Sunday,
according to the rites of the Roman Catholic religion."
On March 1 another meeting was held for the purpose of formally
organizing a Catholic church. A charter was adopted, signed and
ordered to be filed with the secretary of state in Topeka. The incor-
poration was under the name of the Cedar Point Catholic Church.
43. The notebooks containing Father Ponziglione's "Western Mission Journal" are in
the archives of the Missouri province of the Society of Jesus, St. Louis University. Excerpts
from the "Journal" were copied through the courtesy of Father Robert Kraus of St. Louis
University.
44. The church of St. Francis Borgia was in existence only a few years. Later, in 1881,
St. Anthony's church was built at Strong City, a mile north of Cottonwood. It is doubtful
whether any of the French colony attended either of these churches regularly because of the
distance from their homes, although the baptismal records show that some brought their
children there for baptism.
206 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Francis Bernard, Francis Laloge and Stephen Marcou were chosen
trustees for the first year. Apparently the church was never built.
During the next years, church services were held in the homes of
the settlers by visiting priests. The church was moving west quite
rapidly and the location of the priest administering to the French
people at Cedar Point, changed from time to time. Father Joseph
Perrier became resident priest at Emporia in 1874 and he was ex-
pected to take charge of a mission district extending from Carbon-
dale to Cedar Point on the Santa Fe railroad and from Council Grove
to Hartford on the Missouri, Kansas and Texas railway. Father Per-
rier 45 had an assistant, but with such a large territory to cover, it
was not possible to reach each settlement very frequently.
A small stone church was built in Florence in 1878. By this time
there was a large Irish settlement west of town so the church was
built as much for them as for the French and Belgians. They did
not have a resident priest until 1882.
Practically all the Belgian settlers and a large number of the
French became communicants of St. Patrick's parish at Florence.
Occasionally the newspapers announced that services would be
conducted in French. Ernest Ginette was, for many years, the
music director at this church. A new and larger building was
erected in 1883 and the present church was dedicated on December
11, 1923. Many of the descendants of the French and Belgian
pioneers are members of this parish at the present time.
45. Father Joseph Perrier was born March 23, 1839, at Savoy, France, and was ordained
May 30, 1863, at Chambery. He came to Kansas as a missionary priest in June, 1866,
starting his work from Lawrence. After serving the church at Emporia where he went in
1874, he was transferred to Concordia in 1880. He was the first resident priest of this
parish and through his efforts the cause of the Catholic church in this region was advanced
materially. Father Joseph was made Monsignor at St. Joseph's church, Concordia, June 24,
1911. He died December 31, 1917. Sister M. Joseph Perrier, for many years mistress of
novices of the Sisters of St. Joseph in Concordia, was a cousin of Father Perrier as was Jean
Perrier of Emporia. Mrs. Rossillion, the mother of Joseph and Francis Rossillion, was a rela-
tive of Father Perrier.
Along the Line of the Kansas Pacific Railway
in Western Kansas in 1870
I. INTRODUCTION
E following appraisal of the towns and stations on the Kansas
A Pacific (now the Union Pacific) railway between Salina and
Pond City (near the west line of the state), early in 1870, is taken
from A Business Directory . . . Entitled St. Louis to Denver,
for 1870 . . ., published by N. W. Josselyn & Co. of St. Louis
(presumably in 1870), pp. 376-388. The agent of the Directory's
publisher who traveled over the Kansas Pacific's "Great Smoky Hill
Route" and recorded his candid impressions, remains anonymous.
II. EXCERPTS FROM THE DIRECTORY
SALINA, ... is one of the most flourishing and prosperous
towns in Western Kansas. The town site . . . was selected
and the first settlement made here in 1858 ... by a small
party under the leadership of Col. Wm. A. Phillips. . . .
During the war emigration westward was almost entirely sus-
pended, and Salina did not grow much until after its close. In
September, 1866, when the first saw mill successfully operated in
the country began to turn out lumber for building purposes, there
were scarcely more than a dozen buildings in the town, and those
were mostly small. The town as it now stands has nearly all been
built within the last three years.
Until within the last few years Salina was little more than a
way station on the Santa Fe and Overland freight and stage route,
and its business consisted in supplying a few farmers in the valley,
the ranchemen on the Plains, and in trading with the Indians, Mexi-
cans and freighters. Now she has a large and rapidly increasing
trade in the various branches of business, with industrious thrifty
farmers in large numbers. . . .
The market west is caused by the demand for the government
posts along the line of the railroad, and for Sheridan, Hays City
and Ellsworth, as after you get 30 miles west of Salina it is al-
most an impossibility to find an acre of tilled land. In fact, Salina
may very properly be considered as being on the boundary line
of civilization, and one is surprised on coming there from the east
to find so much quiet and order in a town so far west. . . .
(207)
208 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
The K. P. R. W. runs through the town, and a movement is on
foot to build a road from Salina south into Texas, and thus open
an all rail outlet for the cattle trade. Another road is prospected,
which will run diagonally across the lower portion of the state
and through Salina. . . .
Salina contains four hotels, a large number of business houses
in the various branches of trade, a Presbyterian church, a Methodist
church, and an elegant Baptist church, just completed. It is one of
the best churches in Western Kansas, and is a perfect gem. Salina
also contains a good public school building, which cost between
$7,000 and $8,000, two grist mills, one saw mill, a newspaper, &c.
BAVARIA, a flag station, 195 miles from [Kansas-Missouri] State
line. . . . One stock ranche and a store are all the improve-
ments to be seen as yet.
BROOKFIELD. This will be a place of considerable importance, as
the Kansas Pacific Railway Co. are building a fine round-house
here, and contemplate building the principal machine shops of
the road at this point. No other improvements at present. . . .
ROCK SPRING: A flag station on the K. P. R. W., containing only
a water tank and a section house. . . .
FORT HARKER. This is a military post for the protection of the
frontier against Indians. . . .
ELLSWORTH ... is a promising young town located at the
most Southern point of the K. P. R. W. four miles west of Fort
Harker on the Smoky Hill river. . . .
This place and Fort Harker are the points of reshipment of
supplies for Fort Sill, Camp Supply, and the other points in the
Indian territory and Forts Larned and Dodge, in the South-west.
Ellsworth now commands a fine trade from an extensive range
of country. . . . Extensive sales of land are being made to
actual settlers of a class that will make their mark with permanent
improvements. This is also a point of reshipment for Texas cattle
and large numbers will be driven here this coming season as good
grass and water are to be had in abundance.
The town was laid out in lots in July 1867, and in August follow-
ing the Railroad company commenced building their depot. Since
that time notwithstanding the cholera scare and the Indian diffi-
culties it has been steadily improving, and now has a population
of over 500 souls.
The climate is excellent and the atmosphere is pure, dry and
ALONG THE KANSAS PACIFIC IN 1870 209
exhiliarating, with no malarious diseases, incident to most new
countries. Physicians find little employment. . . . Buffalo,
Antelope and other game are found within a few miles of town.
A vein of anthracite coal is being worked near the western bound-
ary line of the county, and is delivered at the railroad for $8 per
ton. . . .
The National Land company . . . have an agency here
designated as the "Ellsworth district" including all the Railroad
lands in Ellsworth, Lincoln, Rice and Barton, under the charge of
that indefatigable Western Kansas man Judge James Miller. . . .
The only public buildings yet in course of construction are a
church and school house which are evidences of an advancing
civilization and a more healthy public sentiment.
What the future of this town is to be can only be a matter of
speculation, but judging from what has already been accomplished
in so short a time we are inclined to the opinion that there will one
day be a large and flourishing town, at this point, which was
once known as a portion of the "Great American Desert." . . .
Cow CREEK STATION. This is simply a wooding station and
like all the stations from here to Sheridan except Hays City,
the largest portion of it is its name. . . . From here to Sheridan,
there is not a foot of ground under cultivation. . . .
WILSONS STATION. A "wood and water" station, 239 miles from
State Line. . . . Coal is found about 5 miles south of here
and is being worked but it is not of a very good quality. . . .
BUNKER HILL, "Wood and water" are all the train stops here for.
Nothing to be seen for miles, except boundless prairies and coarse
buffalo grass. . . .
FOSSILL CREEK. Another "wood and water" station, with a
corporals guard of soldiers on duty as at the other Stations along
here to prevent any indian troubles. . . .
WALKERS STATION. This is the first station east of Fort Hays
and "wood and water" or water and wood for a change, is all
that is wanted here. . .
HAYS CITY ... is the county seat of Ellis County Kansas
and is situated on Big Creek about half a mile from Fort Hays
from which it derives its name. From here, or rather from the Fort
a very large amount of Government supplies are sent south, as
it is from Fort Hays, that Fort Dodge and Camp Supply receive
there [!] supplies as well as a large quantity of Indian goods. Fort
146498
210 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Hays is probably one of the most important Government posts on
or near the Kansas Pacific Railway and is at present, Jan. 1, 1870
under command of Col. Gibson.
Hays City is in the heart of the buffalo and Indian country and
but for its close proximity to the Fort would be completely isolated
as it is the only town within a radius of nearly 75 miles. It was near
here that the principal outrages were committed during the Indian
troubles of 1868 and it was as much a man's life was worth to ven-
ture half a mile from town.
In former times it had a very bad reputation, as being the resort
and abode of a large number of roughs and outlaws, but the law
abiding citizens having taken matters into their own hands and
hung a few of them, have so completely changed the order of
things as to now make Hays City quiet and orderly in comparison
to what it used to be. . . .
ELLIS is 302 miles west of State line. . . . It is another
"wood and water" station, with a few bluecoated fellows on guard.
OGALLAH . . . is in the very center of the buffalo country,
and besides the everlasting "wood and water," the train stops for
dinner, and you are regaled with buffalo in all imaginable styles.
Nevertheless it contains no houses, and is like all the stations along
here. Distance from State Line 318. . . .
PARK'S FORT. There is nothing here but "wood and water," and
very little of that. 329 miles from State Line, 610 miles from St.
Louis, and you know all about Park's Fort any one can tell you.
COYOTE ... is another "city of the plains," and boasts of
one house and a limited supply of "wood and water," with a few
blue-coats to watch it. ...
BUFFALO. A "wood and water" station, 351 miles from State
Line. . . .
GRINNELL. More mud forts, presided over, built and com-
manded by the "boys in blue," here meet the traveler's gaze, as
another stop is made for "wood and water," at a point 364 miles
from State line. . . .
CARLYLE. A mere stopping point for trains, with a side track
and water tanks, 375 miles from State Line. . . .
MONUMENT ... is 386 miles from State Line . . . and
is another stopping point to replenish the fuel and fill the water
tank. ; , ..,. .
GOPHER ... is 7 miles east of Sheridan, and the last station
ALONG THE KANSAS PACIFIC IN 1870 211
on the road before you reach there. "Wood and water" again,
and we are off. Distance from State Line 398 miles. . . .
SHERIDAN . . . was settled during the summer of 1868, and
until within the last few weeks of 1869 was the western terminus
of the Kansas Pacific Railway. Now, however, the road is in opera-
tion to Eagle Tail, Colorado, 25 miles west of Sheridan, and will
soon be opened to Carson City, 83 miles west. For a long time
doubts were entertained as to whether the road would be com-
pleted any further, as the Government subsidy expired here; but
the company have determined to push it forward to Denver, any
how, and a large force of men are now at work on what is called
the Denver Extension, and the road bed is graded about half-way,
with a good prospect of the iron horse bounding into Denver
before the close of the summer.
Sheridan is the farthest west of any town in Kansas except a small
place near Fort Wallace called Pond City, and is only 20 miles
from the Colorado line. While it was the terminus of the road a large
business was done, as it was from here that most of the teams started
with freight for Denver and Santa Fe, and also the Overland Mail
coaches for the same places; but as the road is moving on, the Mexi-
can and Colorado trade will go with it, and it is thought by many
that Carson City will be the next place to which the principal busi-
ness houses of Sheridan will remove, and to which place this trade
will go.
The country around Sheridan is barren and totally unfit for culti-
vation. What life and activity there has been here has resulted en-
tirely from the railroad and the Mexican trade, and not from any
demand for goods or even prospect of any from the surrounding
country, over which the buffalo range and the Indians hold almost
undisputed sway. Sheridan is 405 miles from State Line. . . .
FORT WALLACE. A military post of considerable importance,
419 miles from State Line. . . . It is situated about 2 miles
from the K.P.R.W., and near the western boundary line of Kansas.
POND CITY. This is a small place of perhaps 100 inhabitants,
and is dependent entirely upon the soldiers of Fort Wallace for
support, it is about two miles from the Fort.
There are no business houses here, and the town is composed al-
most entirely of saloons. It is the farthest west of any town in
Kansas. Distance from State Line 421 miles.
Bypaths of Kansas History
ATTORNEY AT LAW AND MAKER OF AXE HANDLES
James A. Troutman, who wrote the preface to Radges' 1905 Direc-
tory of Topeka, had the following about Topeka's first lawyer:
The first lawyer who "flung his shingle to the breeze," according to tradi-
tion, displayed this unique sign: " , Attorney and Counselor
at Law, Solicitor in Chancery, and Land Agent. Axe-Handles made to Order."
There are some members of the bar here now, who might pursue a side line,
such as making axe-handles, without destroying the efficiency or marring the
harmony of our jurisprudence.
A LONELY HEART
From the Kansas National Democrat, Lecompton, January 19,
1860.
WANTED. A WIFE, a domestic, loving one one who would not "cry her
eyes out" should I chance to stay away ten minutes longer than I promised to
return. I don't want a "Butterfly," but a real wife one with ordinary economy.
I do not care for an authoress; neither do I wish for one who is too "soft,"
but one who has an ordinary amount of intelligence; one who can manage
household affairs while I attend to business outside. I want one who is
affectionate, and not too fond of scolding; but still I would wish her to have
sufficient independence to stand up for what is right, nor yet a strong-minded
woman. Riches I do not seek, but wish one with most of the attributes pertain-
ing to a real woman. I do not ask for a perfect beauty, nor must she be a
"fright."
With such an one, I fancy I could live a happy life, and afford her a com-
fortable competency, as well as a tolerable good husband, whose morals are
pretty fair, and also a husband who would stay at home with his wife, and
not indulge too freely in the "intoxicating bowl."
Address communications, through the Post-office, Lecompton, to X. Y. Z.
LAYING BRICK IN 1872
From The Weekly Kansas Chief, Troy, July 11, 1872.
Troy has the champion brick-layer. The other day, B. F. Galloway, in one
day, on Border's new building, laid nine thousand brick, wall measurement,
or eight thousand kiln count. It was a favorable piece of wall to lay brick
on; yet we do not believe it can be beaten by any other man, and let him
pick his wall.
(212)
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 213
BEFORE MACK SENNETT
From The Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, July 18, 1873.
A DISASTROUS RUNAWAY. Yesterday morning a team of horses attached
to a lumber wagon took their bits in their mouths and started to run away
down Tenth avenue. The driver, jerking them up too suddenly, lost his hat.
Grabbing after his hat he fell off of the seat and out of the wagon, alighting
on a nomadic pig; the pig, dreadfully frightened, struck for the sidewalk, running
between a book-peddler's legs, throwing him against and through the show
window of a tailor shop. The crash startled the tailor so that he dropped the
hot goose on his foot, broke a kerosene lamp with his elbow, fell down on
an apprentice, who rammed a two-inch needle through his own thumb and
into his master's spinal column, and upset the stove on a customer with his
feet in agonized contortions. What other damage was done at the tailor
shop we are not prepared to state, as in our eagerness to get hold of all the
consequences we hastened after the runaway team, which by this time had
dashed through Mr. Maxwell's fence, converting the boards into kindling-
wood, and scattering the splinters to the four winds; the next depredation
was committed upon the property of Mr. Clark, where an elaborate chicken-
coop was entirely demolished, and the inmates as completely stripped of
their feathers as if a tornado has just passed over that particular section.
Passing on down the aristocratic thoroughfare the team encountered a lime
cart and upset it with very little ceremony, burying the driver beneath the
lime. About a block below there another catastrophe occurred. A sweet,
laughing boy of fourteen summers, the idol of his mother's heart and frequently
of her (slipper) sole's devotion, had tied a clothes line across the street, in
order to have a joke on the teamsters who pass that way. While the boy was
aloft in the cross-trees of a tree box, tying the last end of the rope, the
runaway team heretofore alluded to careened down that way like a lost comet,
and two hours after he woke up that boy had no more idea how he had got
into that back yard on the other side of the street than he had of how he
would manage to get into old John Robinson's circus. It is seldom indeed that
a runaway is attended with so many touching incidents, and the reader must
pardon us for making so much of this one.
PLOWING ALONG THE SANTA FE
From the Wabaunsee County News, Alma, August 13, 1873.
The A. T. & S. F. railroad is now plowing a forty-inch furrow one hundred
arid twenty-five feet from the center of its track on each side, between Newton
and Sargent [on the Kansas-Colorado border], and which will be burned out
as a fire guard. The teams are now at work, going west at the rate of ten miles
per day.
214 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
DRAMA ON THE BORDER
From The Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, September 14,
1873.
It is not necessary to name the place. Border-towns are all very much alike
after the temporary railway-terminus has gone westward and they are left with
only their natural resources, pervaded still by the ghost of ruffianism, possessed
yet by a mania for rows, and a talent for wickedness.
But there was a theatre there. The curtain rose every night at half-past
seven, and displayed a stage about seven feet by nine, bordered by the most
wonderful green cotton walls, perforated by the reddest and most gigantic of
doors and windows, and altogether overrun by morning-glories as big as your
hat. Sometimes they would shift a scene, and stupefy the audience with the
display of a dizzy battlement as much as four feet high, or run out and prop
up a tree which was phenomenal in the respect of being obviously perfectly
flat, any one of whose half-dozen leaves might have been economically used as
a blind-board for a town cow addicted to lifting gates. They had a cabin or
two, the doors of which occupied an entire end of the tenement, and beside
which the swelling proportions of a tragedian were truly gigantic. They had
a strip of the briny deep as much as a foot and a half wide, which washed the
back of the stage with the wildest of green-and-white waves, regardless of the
state of the weather. There were "exits and entrances" too numerous to men-
tion, and wherever any sort of drapery was required about which it is un-
becoming in an audience to be too particular, it was there in the shape of red
calico.
I was entirely unencumbered as to engagements, and said I would go. It
was offered as an inducement by my frontier friend that it should not cost a
cent. "If not," said he, "there'll be trouble with that doorkeeper." When we
reached the principal entrance to the long, low house which did duty as the
temple of the drama, my friend administered a rousing kick to the door. "Open
this yar," he remarked; "I'm a goin' in, so's this feller," and accordingly, in we
went.
It was not intended for the amusement of a very large audience. One-half
the available space was taken up by a bar and a big stove. There were some
wooden benches and boxes to sit upon, and as the curtain had not risen, the
crowd amused themselves by stealing each other's hats, putting quids of tobacco
in each other's pockets, irrigating themselves at the bar and trying to kick over
the stove. The playful and innocent badinage which went on the while; the
delicate pleasantries would have made a Piute's hair curl.
But presently, with many a hitch and wrinkle, the curtain rose. I don't
remember the name of the play, but it depicted the evils and sorrows of a
drunkard's life to an appreciative audience of drunkards. About the third act
a "supe" came on with a huge armful of prairie hay and strewed the platform
therewith, and thereupon the leading actor proceeded to illustrate the charac-
teristic symptoms of mania a potu. He rolled and tumbled and frothed. It
was the hardest work I have ever seen done on any stage. It was worse than
the rail pen at an Indiana camp-meeting, where the hardest cases retire to
fight it out with the devil. It was done before an audience entirely au fait in
such matters, and they were critical, therefore, and very exacting. They
cheered him sometimes when he was seized with an unusual fit of trembling,
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 215
but finally, while he lay completely exhausted, having torn off both sleeves and
ruptured his pantaloons, a young man in the audience shied half a squeezed
lemon which he had taken from a tumbler, with such nicety that it took the
exhausted tragedian squarely in the left eye. He got up and walked to the
front of the stage, as sober a man as one could wish to see, but awfully mad.
"If I knowed who throwed that," he remarked, "I'll be blanked * if I wouldn't
come out there and lick him so blanked bad that snakes wouldn't be nowhar,
and I'll do it yet; blank me if I can't clean out the whole audience." But after
all, such is professional discipline, he went back and lay down in the broken
hay and finished the part, while the imprudent young man was raked down
from behind and passed, with many a cuff, over the heads of the audience to
the door.
Just then my chaperon sidled up to the stove and pretended to warm his
hands. Then he came back and plucked me by the sleeve; 'let's git," he re-
marked. We went out and stood across the street. We began to hear the
beginning of a coughing epidemic, coupled with considerable profanity. The
doors were flung open and the crowd rushed out, the principal tragedian at
the head, the talented leader of the largest barking-chorus ever organized in
the west. "They never do play the thing out," remarked my friend; "they
allers gets to coughin' rec'n the air is too close." I noticed that he was very
much concerned in enquiring what was the matter, and expressed himself very
bitterly with regard to the sneaking trick of peppering the hot stove.
That was the end of my first and last sitting in front of the foot-lights on the
border. I passed the place an hour after, and the calico drop curtain was down,
the benches and boxes were deserted, the temple of the drama again trans-
formed into a "saloon," and the leading actor, leaning against the bar, was fast
preparing himself for a delineation of the drunkard's woes not down in the bills.
JAMES W. STEELE.
* This convenient and expressive word has an illustrious ancestry. I stole it from Mr.
Brett Harte; he negotiated for it with Mr. Charles Reade, while the latter confesses to have
got it from one Mr. Boyle.
FORERUNNER OF THE AUTOMOBILE TRAILER
From the Netawaka Chief, March 12, 1874.
We noticed a novel mode of traveling, this morning. A shanty built on
wheels, with stove, windows, and all the equipments common to a Pullman's
Palace Car.
PRACTICING FOR THE LIAR'S CLUB
From the Lakin Eagle, May 20, 1879.
DOES IT BLOW IN KANSAS? As a truth and no fabrication, Kansas is
not a windy country.
We have here during twelve months of the year an imperceptible circula-
tion of air from the south, west, north and east, (varied to suit ones taste
and inconvenience) that in other states as in Colorado, Illinois and Nebraska,
might be called high wind, but here it is considered nothing but a gentle
zephyr. In some states they have high winds but NEVER in Kansas.
216 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
A two gallon funnel turned flaring end windward and gimblet end downward
will collect enough of Kansas zephyrs in seven hours to drill a hole in solid
sand rock one hundred and eight feet deep. We never dig wells in Kansas.
Condensed air does the work most successfully.
It is terrible windy just across the line in Colorado but it never or we might
say seldom ever blows in Kansas.
The men here are all pigeon-toed and bow-legged. This is caused from
an unceasing effort to stick the toes into the earth and trying to keep a
strong foothold on terra firma. The gentlemen carry a pound of shot in each
breeches leg to keep them (the gentlemen) right side out.
Why they are afraid of turning wrong side out we never knew, but the
wind has nothing to do with it. We are often compelled to stay down town
late of nights, and when we arrive home it generally strikes up a lively breeze,
especially if our breath smells a little of cloves or coffee, yet strictly speaking
Kansas is not a breezy country.
The fish are very tough in this country because when they walk out to
eat grass the wind blows all of their scales off and makes the meat hard and
sunburnt.
To see a young man out in the moon-light walking with his arm around his
"dulcene del debos" or in a dark corner seated closely by her side means
nothing more or less than that he loves her tenderly, affectionately and de-
votedly, and that he intends to woo, win and wed her; not that he is alarmed
as to the wind.
Our eastern friends will do well by taking our word for it that Kansas is
not a windy country, and take a claim and make for yourselves homes.
From the Garden City Paper, July 24, 1879.
An eastern man writes to know if we have "quick soil" here in Kansas.
Quick! Well rather. A Harrison township man was foolish enough to
fertilize his garden recently, and when he went out to plant some water-
melon seeds the other day, he had to run for his life to keep from being
choked by the vines. Before he got over the fence he found half grown
melons in his pockets.
From the Hill City New Era, June 18, 1908.
STORM STORIES. Some pretty big hail fell during the recent storm. At
Pete Prevaricaters, on Bow Creek the hail stones were unusually large and one
chunk of ice fell which Pete covered with straw, using twenty-eight two
horse loads of straw for the purpose, and will furnish ice to the Lenora meat
shops for the next 90 days at $7.85 per ton.
At Jimmie Jinkles, on Coon Creek, a large hail stone fell with such force
that it imbedded itself in the ground and is slowly melting. Jimmie thinks
the lake made by the melting of the hail stone will afford water for his
stock all summer and also make a fine boating pond.
At Thos. Tunks place, near Morland, large hail fell and were heard to
explode with a loud report almost as soon as they fell. It seems that the
rain fell from clouds very high in the atmosphere and fell so rapidly that the
water, by friction, was made boiling hot, as it passed through the cold streak
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 217
in the air a thick coating of ice was formed around the heated water and
this formed a sort of a bomb which was exploded by the confined steam.
Only the fact that the ice was shattered into minute fragments by the force
of the explosion prevented great damage being done by the flying of ice shells.
Frank Foolix says that with the hail at his place came also a small cyclone
and that the twisting motion of the wind drew all the milk from his large
herd of cows and sprayed it into the air where it became mixed with the
small pellets of hail and made a veritable downfall of ice cream. After the
storm was over he and his wife scooped up a large tub full of this ice cream
and sold it to the confectioner at Togo who retailed it to his customers. If
any one doubts the truth of his story he will gladly show the rub in which the
stuff was gathered.
THIS RECKLESS DRIVING MUST STOP
From The Daily Capital Topeka, June 24, 1880.
Will people ever learn to "go slow" after a game of base ball? Will they
ever learn to not turn their vehicles about and make a break for the exit?
Yesterday a horse in the line of wagons and carriages became unmanageable
and backed into the horses behind him, causing general confusion and resulting
in damage to the boxes of several buggies, driven by high-toned young drivers.
AN OLD CURE FOR A KICKING HORSE
From The Globe Live Stock Journal, Dodge City, June 23, 1885.
At McFarland's stables on Monday we saw a contrivance to cure a horse
from kicking. It was nothing but an old wheat sack filled with hay, and sus-
pended by a rope from the ceiling, so that the sack hung just at the heels
of a vicious horse as he stood in his stall. When the sack was first placed in
position the kicking equine let fly both feet at it as soon as it touched him,
but after ten or twenty minutes of that kind of work he came to the conclusion
that the sack would return as often as he struck it, and he finally gave up
trying to "knock it out." This same horse, which has a reputation as a kicker,
can now be hitched to any vehicle, and he will not kick at anything that
happens to strike his heels. John McEnerny, who prescribed the treatment,
says that any horse can be cured by it. One good feature about it is its
cheapness. Ex.
Kansas History as Published in the Press
A brief history of the Natoma Methodist Church was printed in
the Natoma Independent, October 26, 1950. The church was or-
ganized in 1879, and a sod schoolhouse four miles north of Natoma
was the first meeting place. A homecoming day was observed Oc-
tober 22, 1950, when several former pastors and members returned
for a dinner and a special service.
The part played by Arkansas in the fight between the Proslavery
and Free-State elements over Kansas in the middle 1850's was dis-
cussed by Granville D. Davis in an article entitled "Arkansas and
the Blood of Kansas/' printed in the November, 1950, issue of The
Journal of Southern History, Baton Rouge, La.
Maj. S. H. Long's exploration of the country between the Missis-
sippi river and the Rocky Mountains in 1819 was the subject of Dr.
Robert Taft's editorial in the Transactions of the Kansas Academy
of Science, Lawrence, December, 1950. Also in the December num-
ber was a list of the enrollment figures of the 22 senior colleges and
the 21 junior colleges of Kansas for the autumns of 1949 and 1950.
A total of 32,189 students were enrolled in 1950 in the two groups
of institutions, 3,980 less than the year before.
A short biographical sketch of the Michael Sutton family was
printed in the Dodge City Daily Globe, December 2, 1950. Sutton
was a pioneer Dodge City lawyer. On December 8 and 22 the
Globe published pictures and information about the Beeson Mu-
seum of Dodge City which was recently moved to new quarters.
The Boot Hill Museum, where an expansion program is now being
completed, was featured in the Globe, January 18, 1951.
Recent articles in Heinie Schmidt's column, "It's Worth Repeat-
ing," in the High Plains Journal, Dodge City, included: "The Little
German Band," December 7, 1950; "The Barton [Jones-Plummer]
Trail," December 14; "The Cowboys and Their Songs," December
21; "Our Fighting Mayor Webster," January 4, 1951; "Mayor Kelley s
Gratitude," January 11; "Osage Indian Reservation," January 18;
"They Sang of Kansas," January 25, and "A Gruesome Case of Pio-
neer Justice," February 1.
Among articles of historical interest to Kansans published re-
cently in the Kansas City (Mo.) Star were: "John Cameron Swayze
Rises on the Flood Tide in Television," by E. B. Garaett, December
(218)
KANSAS HISTORY IN THE PRESS 219
10, 1950; "Wild Horse Herds of the West Are Near Extinction by
Unrestrained Slaughter," by Robert M. Hyatt, December 26; "Boss
Builder [Julius Earl Schaefer of Wichita] of Jet Bombers," by John
Alexander, December 31, and "Successful Oneida [New York] Com-
munity Led to Communal Living Venture in Kansas," by Charles
Arthur Hawley, January 29, 1951. Articles in the Kansas City
(Mo.) Times included: "American Express Had the Government
as Business Competitor a Century Ago," a review of Alden Hatch's
American Express: A Century of Service, by James F. King, De-
cember 15, and "Wife of William Allen White Looked Back on a
'Full and Complete Life/" by Ruby Holland Rosenberg, January
10, 1951.
"Legends of the Wheat Country," by Ernest Dewey, appearing
recently in the Hutchinson News-Herald, included: "[Buffalo]
Bones Were Big Business Then [1868-1881]," December 10, 1950;
"Dave Mathers Stayed a Sinner," December 17; " 'Merry Christmas!'
Said Lo [an Indian], and It Was Indeed," December 24; "Aristo-
crats Had Happy Hunting in Early Kansas," January 7, 1951; "Cur-
ley [Marshall] Never Got Over Shock [Stove-Pipe Hat]," January
14; "You Might Find Money Anyplace at His [John O'Loughlin's]
Bank," January 21; "Wherever Bat [Masterson] Went, the Bullets
Always Followed," January 28, and "Sound and Fury Often Ripped
Blindfold From Justice's Eyes," February 4.
A history of the Quinter library by Mrs. Max A. Campbell was
published in The Gove County Advocate, Quinter, December 14,
1950. The library was organized in 1932 by representatives of sev-
eral women's organizations of Quinter. A library building was com-
pleted and opened in 1950.
A short biographical sketch of J. B. Edwards who died recently
at 106 years of age, was published in the Hays Daily News, Decem-
ber 21, 1950. Mr. Edwards came to Abilene before 1869. He was
one of the group that hired James B. "Wild Bill" Hickok to rid the
town of outlaws.
In observance of the 90th anniversary of the admission of Kansas
to the Union, To the Stars, published by the Kansas Industrial De-
velopment Commission, January, 1951, printed biographical
sketches of ten "colorful Kansans." The ten were: John Brown,
Clarinda Irene Nichols, Cyrus K. Holliday, John James Ingalls,
Eugene Fitch Ware, Wyatt Earp, Gen. Frederick Funston, Charles
220 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Curtis, Charles M. Sheldon and William Allen White. The sketches
were reprinted, one each day, in the Coffeyville Daily Journal, be-
ginning February 1, 1951.
An article by Dr. Emory Lindquist, president of Bethany College
of Lindsborg, entitled "The Swedes of Linn County, Missouri," was
published in the Missouri Historical Review, Jefferson City, Mo.,
January, 1951.
A biographical sketch of Mrs. Florence Baker Woody, Salina, by
Dorethea Smith, appeared in the Salina Journal, January 7, 1951.
Mrs. Woody came to Kansas with her parents in 1878, and soon
after arriving, when she was 17, began teaching school in a dugout
near Lincoln.
The history of the community of Dispatch was briefly sketched
by Mrs. James Deters, Cawker City, in the Beloit Daily Call, Janu-
ary 23, 1951.
A short history of the Scandia Journal was published in the issue
of January 25, 1951. The Journal was founded in the early 1870's
as the Belleville Republic by A. B. Wilder.
The Phillips County Review, Phillipsburg, published an eight-
page historical and progress section January 25, 1951. Among ar-
ticles on Phillips county history featured in the section were: "Early
History of Phillips County Starting in 1872," "Organization of Local
Townships," "Stage Battle for County Courthouse," "Irv McDowell
Tells of Many Pioneer Events," "Here the County Records Were
Kept" and "Organization of School System." Additional historical
and progress editions are to be printed in the future.
Some of the history of an old burial plot in the Crawford County
State Park is told in the Pittsburg Headlight, January 26 and 31,
1951. The cemetery is said to have begun in the early days when
a group of travelers camped in the area and one of their number,
a child, died and was buried there. Until recently the cemetery
had been forgotten and had become overgrown with brush.
A brief history of the Indian raids in the Solomon and Republi-
can valleys in 1868, by Leo F. Clark, Westfall, was published in the
Salina Journal, January 28, 1951. During these raids Mrs. James
Morgan and a Miss White were taken prisoner by the Indians.
They were freed early in 1869 by Gen. George A. Custer.
KANSAS HISTORY IN THE PRESS 221
A 46-page "get acquainted" edition was published by the Con-
cordia Blade-Empire, January 29, 1951. Included were articles on
the history of the Concordia schools, churches and other institutions
and organizations.
The part played by Capt. D. S. Elliott, then editor of the Coffey-
ville Journal., in stopping the Dalton raid on the Coffeyville banks
October 5, 1892, was the subject of an article in the Journal, Feb-
ruary 11, 1951. This is the first in a series of historical articles to
be published in the Journal.
Kansas Historical Notes
The old school at Council Grove, erected in 1850 by the federal
government for the education of the Kaw or Kansas Indians, is
the most recent historic site acquired by the state. Sen. W. H. White
introduced a bill in the 1951 Kansas legislature which provided
for the purchase of the building and one-half block of ground.
The Kansas State Historical Society will manage the building as
a museum and as a memorial to the Indians for whom the state
was named.
Frank Haucke, president of the State Historical Society, pre-
sided, and Kirke Mechem, secretary, was the featured speaker
at a dinner meeting held in Council Grove on April 19 at which
plans for the new museum were discussed.
Trustees elected for three-year terms at the annual meeting of
the Shawnee County Historical Society at Topeka, December 12,
1950, were: Paul Adams, Paul A. Lovewell, Mrs. Henry S. Blake,
Dwight Ream, Dr. J. D. Bright, Marco Morrow, Fred Derby,
Mildred Quail, Frank Durein and Earl Ives. J. Clyde Fink was
named to fill a trusteeship vacancy. Euphemia Page gave a paper
on the history of Topeka, and Dr. Bryan S. Stoffer spoke on the
future of Washburn Municipal University. At a meeting of the
trustees on January 23, 1951, Tom Lillard was elected president of
the society. Other officers chosen were: Paul Lovewell, vice-
president; Paul Adams, secretary, and Paul Sweet, treasurer.
The house in Medicine Lodge where Carry Nation lived during
her saloon-smashing days was formally opened to the public as a
memorial and a museum on January 1, 1951. Built in 1882, it was
recently purchased by D. S. Grigsby, Medicine Lodge, for the local
W. C. T. U. Among Mrs. Nation's possessions now on display at
the house, is the hatchet used in her first antisaloon crusades.
The role played by Kansas Negroes in the Civil War was dis-
cussed by Dr. Dudley Cornish, Kansas State Teachers College,
Pittsburg, at a meeting of the Crawford County Historical Society
in Pittsburg, January 26, 1951. According to Dr. Cornish, two all-
Negro Kansas regiments took part in the fighting. Ralph Shideler,
Girard, president of the society, presided at the meeting.
(222)
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 223
Kingsley W. Given of Kansas State College was the principal
speaker at the Kansas Day dinner of the Riley County Historical
Association held January 26, 1951. The life of Col. George S. Park,
one of the founders of Bluemont Central College, forerunner of
Kansas State College, was the subject of Mr. Given's talk. An
article by Jim Swetnam on Frank I. Burt, manager of the associa-
tion's museum for the past ten years, was published in the Man-
hattan Tribune-News, January 18, 1951.
Dr. Gerald O. McCulloh, Northwestern University, was the prin-
cipal speaker at the annual meeting of the Native Sons and Daugh-
ters of Kansas at Topeka, January 28, 1951. Albert Kaine, Wamego,
won the high school essay contest; Lee Banks, Kansas Wesleyan
University student, was the winner of the speech contest, and the
factual story contest was won by Mrs. Benjamin O. Weaver of
Mullinsville. Edwin R. Jones, Topeka, became the new president
of the Native Sons, and Mrs. Thomas H. Norton, Topeka, of the
Native Daughters. Other officers of the Native Sons are: C. W.
Porterfield, Holton, vice-president; Maurice Fager, Topeka, secre-
tary, and Rolla Clymer, El Dorado, treasurer. Other officers of
the Native Daughters are: Mrs. Ray S. Pierson, Burlington, vice-
president; Mrs. David McCreath, secretary, and Mrs. Ethel Godin,
Topeka, treasurer. Mrs. Frank W. Boyd, Mankato, was re-elected
contest chairman. Retiring presidents were Guy D. Josserand,
Dodge City, and Mrs. P. A. Petitt, Paola.
The Woman's Kansas Day Club held its 44th annual meeting
January 29, 1951, with Mrs. Eric Tebow of Manhattan, president,
presiding. Mrs. Ira Burkholder, Topeka, was elected president of
the club at the morning session. Other officers elected were: Mrs.
McDill Boyd, Phillipsburg, first vice-president; Mrs. Tillie Karns-
Newman, Coffeyville, second vice-president; Mrs. Herb Barr, Leoti,
recording secretary; Mrs. Walter Stadel, Topeka, treasurer; Mrs.
Earl Moses, Great Bend, historian; Mrs. Douglas I. McCrum, Fort
Scott, auditor, and Mrs. W. M. Ehrsam, Wichita, registrar. Di-
rectors were chosen as follows: Mrs. George Reinhard, Atchison,
first district; Mrs. R. A. Dunmire, Spring Hill, second district; Mrs.
Howard Killian, Independence, third district; Mrs. W. A. Smiley,
Junction City, fourth district; Mrs. Phyllis Obie, Hutchinson, fifth
district, and Mrs. C. E. Toothaker, Hoxie, sixth district. "The
Human Tapestry of Kansas," a study of the many nationalities
which have contributed to the state's history, was the theme of the
224 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
meeting. District directors and historians made historical reports
in keeping with the "tapestry" theme. One of the most interesting
reports was presented by Mrs. Anna Laura Bitts Fritts, Williams-
burg, who gave personal recollections of Silkville, early French
colony in Franklin county. These reports, a number of museum
articles, some 150 pictures, manuscripts and printed material were
presented to the Kansas State Historical Society.
Eleven directors of the Finney County Historical Society were
re-elected for two-year terms at the society's third annual banquet,
February 13, 1951. They were: Gus Norton, East Garfield town-
ship; J. E. Greathouse, Pleasant Valley township; William Fant,
Garden City township; Albert Drussell, Ivanhoe township; Mrs.
Charles Brown, Sherlock township, and Mrs. Kate Hatcher Smith,
Mrs. Ella Condra, Mrs. R. E. Stotts, Mrs. Jean N. Kampschroeder,
Frederick Finnup and William E. Hutchison, Garden City. Logan
N. Green, Garden City attorney, was the principal speaker. Mrs.
Kate Hatcher Smith, vice-president of the society, presided at the
meeting.
The Fort Harker museum at Kanopolis has been opened to the
public on Sunday afternoons and holidays by the American Legion
Post No. 329 of Kanopolis. The museum is housed in the old guard-
house.
Interesting Facts and Places in Kansas is the title of a recently
published 112-page "fact calendar" by Viola Coyle Bettis. Besides
a calendar with space for notes each day of 1951, the pamphlet
contains brief historical notes and present-day information on
Kansas.
History of Grant County., Kansas, is the title of a new 278-page
book by R. R. Wilson and Ethel M. Sears. The book, attractively
printed and illustrated, covers many phases and periods of Grant
county history.
The first volume of History of Finney County, Kansas, consisting
of 262 pages of printed matter and pictures, was recently published
by the Finney County Historical Society. Included in the volume
were: The history of the historical society, history of Finney county,
portraits of founders and early citizens, history of Garden City,
biographical sketches, military organizations and churches. Ralph
T. Kersey, society historian, was largely responsible for the prepara-
tion of the material.
n
THE
KANSAS HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
August 1951
Published by
Kansas State Historical Society
Topeka
KIRKE MECHEM JAMES C. MALIN NYLE H. MILLER
Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor
CONTENTS
THE PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST: XIII. The End of a
Century Robert Taft, 225
With the following illustrations:
Portraits of Fernand H. Lungren and Maynard Dixon, facing
p. 240; H. W. Hansen, J. H. Smith and H. W. Caylor, be-
tween pp. 240, 241; Bert G. Phillips, Ernest L. Blumenschein,
Charles Schreyvogel and William R. Leigh, facing p. 248;
J. H. Smith's "A Race-Day in a Frontier Town," and "The Recent
Indian Excitement in the Northwest,"
Caylor's "The Trail Herd,"
Sharp's "The Evening Chant,"
Schreyvogel's "My Bunkie,"
Dan Smith's "Freighting Salt in New Mexico,"
Hansen's "Beef Issue," and
Leigh's "The Lookout," between pp. 240, 241;
Blumenschein's "The Advance of Civilization in New Mexico
the Merry-Go-Round Comes To Taos," facing p. 249.
THE SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR Emory Lindquist, 254
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN, 1890-1891: The Journal of
Mrs. Stuart James Hogg Edited by Louise Barry, 269
THE LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864, LINN COUNTY
PIONEER: Part Two, 1861, 1862 Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 287
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 310
KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE PRESS 311
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 318
The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published in February, May, August and
November by the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan., and is dis-
tributed free to members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be
sent to the editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made
by contributors.
Entered as second-class matter October 22, 1931, at the post office at To-
peka, Kan., under the act of August 24, 1912.
THE COVER
J. H. Smith's "The Frontier Trial." Courtesy Fred
T. Darvill, of Bellingham, Wash., who owns the copy-
right (1933).
THE KANSAS
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Volume XIX August, 1951 Number 3
The Pictorial Record of the Old West
XIII. THE END OF A CENTURY
ROBERT TAFT
(Copyright, 1951, by ROBERT TAFT)
BY 1899 the Trans-Mississippi West had established its boundaries
pretty largely as we know them today. Only Oklahoma, Ari-
zona and New Mexico remained as territories and in the course of
a dozen years or so all these became states. The century had thus
seen the transformation of a huge realm, virtually unexplored and
unknown, into an organized and populous section of the Union. 1
During the last two decades of the century the volume of litera-
ture on the West, with accompanying illustrations, became greater
and greater. Indeed, the number of illustrators increased so rap-
idly that it is difficult, if not impossible, to note them all. This
period saw the rise of the best-known names in Western illustra-
tion, those of Remington, Russell and Schreyvogel. Remington
achieved a great popularity as an illustrator between 1885 and
DR. ROBERT TAFT, of Lawrence, is professor of chemistry at the University of Kansas
and editor of the Transactions of the Kansas Academy of Science. He is author of Photog-
raphy and the American Scene (New York, 1938), and Across the Years on Mount Oread
(Lawrence, 1941).
Previous articles in this pictorial series appeared in the issues of The Kansas Historical
Quarterly for February, May, August and November, 1946, May and August, 1948, May,
August and November, 1949, and February, May and August, 1950. The general intro-
duction was in the February, 1946, number.
1. In round numbers the population of the Trans-Mississippi West is given in the brief
table which follows:
1850 2,000,000
I860 4,500,000
1870 7,400,000
188011,300,000
189016,500,000
190020,600,000
These figures have been obtained from Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1900
(Washington, 1901), pp. 6-9, by adding the figures for the 22 Western states or territories
for each of the decades shown above. Strictly speaking, not all these 22 states are in the
Trans-Mississippi West, as there are small portions of Minnesota and Louisiana that lie east
of the Mississippi river. These deviations, however, cannot greatly affect the above figures.
More detailed analysis of the tabulated figures shows that the rate of growth became
progressively greater from 1850 to 1890, with the greatest numerical growth occurring in
the decade 1880-1890.
(225)
226 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
1900, but probably his greatest fame rests on his work done from
1900 until his death in 1909. 2
CHARLES SCHREYVOGEL
Charles Schreyvogel began his career as an artist of the Western
scene in the 1890's, but his greatest fame, too, was achieved after
the turn of the century. However, since there is no single source
of information about him, as there is for both Remington and Rus-
sell, we shall here give a brief review of his work.
Il should be pointed out that all three, Remington, Russell and
Schreyvogel, were artists and sculptors. In addition, Remington
was a most prolific illustrator and writer. Remington and Russell,
although seldom depicting a specific scene, were imaginative artists
portraying the life of the West as they knew it, or as they had
known it. Both made occasional sorties into historical painting.
On the other hand, Schreyvogel was primarily an historical artist,
depicting events of an earlier day but depending upon study of
the written record and of costume. However, he got his back-
ground and atmosphere by actual visits to the West. Many, prob-
ably most, of Schreyvogel's canvases deal with various aspects of
the United States' soldier on the Western frontier, although oc-
casional paintings have solely Indian themes.
Schreyvogel was born on the east side of New York City in Jan-
uary, 1861. As a boy, he showed a talent for drawing and was ap-
prenticed to an engraver. As a boy, too, he dreamed of the West,
dreamed of cowboys, Indians and hard riding soldiers, though his
actual experience was delayed until relatively late in life. In 1887
he went abroad for training at Munich, where for three years he
was a student of Marr and of Kirschbach. He returned in 1890
and for another three years made a precarious living supplying art
work for advertising lithographers. He finally realized his ambi-
tion a trip to the West in 1893 and spent the summer of that
year on the Ute reservation with its post office at Ignacio, in south-
western Colorado, making side excursions to other localities in
Colorado and to Arizona. His summer was spent in sketching,
2. Remington's year of life on the Kansas plains has been described in a previous
number of this series (The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 16 [1948], May, pp. 113-135);
the only attempt at biography is Frederic Remington, Artist of the Old West (Philadelphia
and New York, 1947), Harold McCracken. This book has its greatest value in the ex-
tensive, although not complete bibliographic list of Remington illustrations from 1882 on.
My opinion of this book I have expressed at some length in Nebraska History, Lincoln
v. 29 (1948), September, pp. 278-282.
For collectors of Western prints, colored reproductions of some of Remington's paintings
are still available from the Museum of Fine Arts of Houston, Houston 5, Tex., and from
Artext Prints,. Inc., Westport, Conn.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 227
making models and photographs and in collecting Western fire-
arms, Indian costumes and equipment, all of which he took back
to his studio in Hoboken, N. J. He does not appear to have made
another Western trip until 1900 when he spent the summer in the
Dakotas. 3 His career between 1893 and 1900 seems to have been
a continuation of his early work, but Western scenes were now his
main interest. 4
Schreyvogel's greatest fame was achieved with his painting "My
Bunkie" ( reproduced in the picture supplement ) . Apparently after
his return from Colorado in 1893 he still made his living furnishing
art work for lithographers; that is, in producing copy for calendar
pictures and other advertising. "My Bunkie/' painted in 1899, was
made for this purpose. Schreyvogel tried to dispose of the paint-
ing and was offered a small sum for it. The lithographer who made
the offer, however, upon trying to reduce it to calendar size, found
that the proportions weren't satisfactory. Schreyvogel then se-
cured permission to hang the picture in an east-side restaurant in
the hope that it would attract the eye of a prospective purchaser.
Some of his friends urged him to send it to the annual exhibition
of the National Academy of Design. He had already sent at least
one such painting to a previous academy exhibit and as it had won
no special distinction he feared that any new effort was a waste of
time. 5 It was finally sent and accepted, and Schreyvogel was as-
tounded when it received the Thomas B. Clarke prize of three hun-
3. The information given above on Schreyvogel's career is based largely on two con-
temporary accounts, both apparently the result of direct interviews with Schreyvogel in
1900 and 1901: "A Painter of Western Realism," by Gustav Boehm, The Junior Munsey,
New York, v. 8 ( 1900 ) , June, pp. 432-438, which contains reproductions of five Schreyvogel
paintings; and "A Painter of the Western Frontier," by Gustav Kobb6, The Cosmopolitan,
Irvington, N. Y., v. 31 (1901), October, pp. 563-573, which contains 12 reproductions of
Schreyvogel's work. Kobbe also had an earlier and briefer account of Schreyvogel, "A
Painter of Life on the Frontier," in the New York Herald, December 23, 1900, Sec. 5, p. 8
(six illustrations).
Some additional biographical data with reproductions of many of Schreyvogel's earlier
paintings will be found in Souvenir Album of Paintings of Charles Schreyvogel, published
by Charles F. Kaegebehn, Hoboken, N. J., in 1907. This booklet contains reproductions
of 28 Schreyvogel paintings copyrighted between 1899 and 1906.
4. In a brief account of Schreyvogel given in the National Cyclopaedia of American
Biography (New York, 1906), v. 13, p. 411, there are listed the following Western paintings
(with dates) made before 1900: "Ration Day" (1893), "Standing Them Off" (1894),
"On Enemies' Grounds" (1895), "The Stage Coach" (1896), "The Despatch Bearer"
(1898), "Defending the Stockade" (1898), "The Skirmish Line" (1899), "My Bunkie"
(1899).
5. Harper's Weekly, New York, v. 41 (1897), April 17, p. 380, reproduced one of
Schreyvogel's paintings, "Over a Dangerous Pass," from the academy exhibit of 1897. It
received no prize and the art critic of the New York Tribune (April 4, 1897, p. 7) made
no mention of it. It was simply one of over 400 paintings on exhibit and the only attention
it drew apparently was its selection for inclusion in a number of paintings reproduced in
the above cited issue of Harper's Weekly. Schreyvogel also exhibited at the National
Academy of Design subsequent to 1900. Reproductions of three of his paintings appear
in the exhibition catalogues of the academy for the 77th, the 79th and the 80th annual
exhibits: "Going for Reinforcements" (1902), "Dead Sure" (1904), "Attack at Dawn"
(1905); see Index to Reproductions of American Paintings (New York, 1948), Isabel S.
Monro and Kate M. Monro, p. 563. Schreyvogel may, of course, have appeared in other
annual exhibitions of the academy without reproduction of his exhibits.
228 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
dred dollars, one of the principal awards of the exhibit of 1900. 6
Schreyvogel, the unknown, had become famous overnight, and his
days of comparative poverty were over.
"My Bunkie," according to Schreyvogel, depicted an incident
that had been related to him by a trooper on his Western trip of
1893. A mounted soldier whose horse is in full gallop is shown
swinging another soldier up into the saddle beside him, while other
troopers hold the Indians at bay. 7 The painting is now owned by
the Metropolitan Museum of Art. It undoubtedly was a principal
factor in Schreyvogel's election as an associate of the National
Academy of Design in 1901. 8
Schreyvogel, as has been said, was primarily interested in the life
of a West prior to his day. The difficulties and problems that beset
the historical painter and his critics are well illustrated in the events
following the first exhibition of another of Schreyvogel's paintings,
"Ouster's Demand," in 1902. Here Schreyvogel attempted to de-
pict a parley of Custer and his staff with Plains Indians under Lone
Wolf, Satanta and Kicking Bird in Southwest Kansas during Cus-
ter's campaign in the fall and winter of 1869. 9
6. I have followed Gustav Kobbe, a writer for the New York Herald, in describing the
circumstances of the award; see The Cosmopolitan article listed in Footnote 3. Kobbe's
account is supported by mention of the Clarke award in Brush and Pencil, Chicago, v. 5
(1900), February, p. 218. "The winner of the Clarke prize this year," it reported, "which
is given for the best figure picture by an American, was won by a man utterly unknown.
When the name was announced, all the exhibitors were asking each other where he came
from, with whom he had studied, and what he had shown before. There were no answers
to these queries. It was finally learned that he was Charles Schreyvogel, of Hoboken, N. J.,
that he had studied in Munich, and that he had made a trip out West, where he obtained
the material for this composition, which he called 'My Bunkie,' and which represents some
United States soldiers dashing across the plains, while one of them has caught up a wounded
comrade and draws him on his horse. The work recalls that of Frederic Remington, as all
such themes must; but it is drawn better, painted better, and has some notion of color, a
quality not often claimed for the better known illustrator. It furthermore seems that Mr.
Schreyvogel had been doubtful of sending his picture until the last moment."
7. Not all critics were in agreement with the award committee of the academy, and
with the Brush and Pencil account cited in Footnote 6.
C. H. Caffin writing in Harper's Weekly, v. 44 (1900), January 13, p. 31, stated: "The
Thomas B. Clarke prize has been awarded to 'My Bunkie' by Charles Schreyvogel. Exactly
why, it is a little hard to conjecture. The coloring is bright and attractive, and fairly
permeated with light, and the conception of the subject is stirring, but not very convincing.
This kind of subject has been better treated before by others; for, when you examine this
picture carefully, you will find many defects of drawing and a considerable flabbiness in
details."
8. American Art Annual, New York, v. 10 (1913), p. 80. This account, an obituary,
states that Schreyvogel was awarded a bronze medal at the Paris exhibition of 1900, a
bronze medal at the Pan-American exposition of 1901 and a bronze medal at the St. Louis
exposition of 1904. The Metropolitan Museum of Art wrote me under date of November 9,
1950 that "My Bunkie" was given to the museum in 1912 by a group of friends of the
artist.' The picture, dated "1899," is painted in oil on canvas and is 25" X 34'' in size.
At the time the letter was written the museum had the painting on loan to the Bronx
Veterans' Hospital, Kingsbridge Road, New York City.
I have a reproduction in full color of "My Bunkie" which measures 19% inches (width)
by 14% inches. The only identification of the publisher on the print is the copyright notice
"c 1914 LWS."
9 Information of this painting will be found in the Souvenir Album of Paintings of
Charles Schreyvogel; see Footnote 3. As this booklet was doubtlessly published under the
direction or with the knowledge of Schreyvogel, it seems reasonable to assume that his
intent is correctly given, as is the information concerning the painting. According to this
account the painting was first exhibited at the Corcoran Art Gallery in Washington for
several months where it attracted the attention of President Theodore Roosevelt. Later it
was exhibited at the St. Louis exposition and was finally purchased and presented to the
Pittsfield (Mass.) museum by Fred Love. The date of the incident depicted is December 17,
1869 and the reproduction of the painting in the booklet identifies Custer, Col. Tom Custer,
General Sheridan, Col. J. S. Crosby, Scout Grover, Satanta, Kicking Bird, Lone Wolf and
Little Heart.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 229
The painting is dated 1902 and after its first exhibition at the
Corcoran Art Gallery in Washington it was widely reproduced in
newspapers and magazines. One reproduction was published in
the New York Sunday Herald of April 19, 1903, and drew the at-
tention of no less a person than Frederic Remington. Remington
by 1903 was rapidly becoming "the most famous of all illustrators
in this country" and regarded himself with some right as the illus-
trator of the West. 10 Whether he was jealous of the attention be-
stowed on Schreyvogel or whether egotism destroyed his sense of
values, he took it upon himself to criticize gratuitously and at some
length the Schreyvogel painting. 11
After making the comment that he had studied and ridden "in
the waste places and had made many notes from older men's ob-
servations for twenty-three years" he went out on the limb and
called Schreyvogel's effort "half baked stuff" on the following
grounds :
1. The Indian on the left has a form of pistol holster which was evolved
in Texas in the late 70's and was not generally worn until the 80's. (And his
picture is in 1869.) The cartridge belt was invented by buffalo hunters and
soldiers about that time, and was hand made of canvas and not at all in general
use for ten years afterward.
2. The Sioux war bonnet was almost unknown in the southern plains
though one might have been there through trade. The white campaign hat
was not worn at that period, and not until many years after. The hat was
black. The boot Custer wears was adopted by the United States cavalry,
March 14, 1887, and the officer's boot of 1867 [9] was quite another affair.
The Tapadero stirrup cover was oblong and not triangular as he paints it. The
saddle bags in this picture were not known for years after 1869. . . .
Crosby wears leggings, which were not in general use until after 1890.
The color of Colonel Crosby's pantaloons was not known until adopted in
1875. . . .
The officer's saddle cloth in wrong as to the yellow stripe. Now, the picture
as a whole is very good for a man to do who knows only what Schreyvogel
does know about such matters, but as for history my comments will speak for
themselves.
Two days later the Herald published a letter from Mrs. Elizabeth
B. Custer defending Schreyvogel. 12 Mrs. Custer, in a letter to
Schreyvogel, stated, "I think the likeness excellent, the composition
of the picture and harmony of color admirable." She also pointed
out that on campaigns on the plains of the West great freedom in
selection of uniform was allowed and that the "red necktie, buck-
10. Cosmopolitan Magazine, v. 40 (1905), December, p. 244.
11. New York Herald, April 28, 1903, p. 3.
marked contrast with Schreyvogel's comment
he greatest of us all." Boehm, loc. cit.
12. New York Herald, April 30, 1903, p. 17.
11. New York Herald, April 28, 1903, p. 3. Remington's contempt of Schreyvogel is
in marked contrast with Schreyvogel's comment on Remington, "I think he [Remington]
is the greatest of us all." Boehm, loc. cit.
230 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
skins and wide felt hat were the unvarying outfit of my husband
on a campaign." The boots, she further stated, were made by a
Philadelphia boot maker "who shod so many distinguished feet in
our service." She concluded by stating:
I was impressed with the fidility of the likeness and the costume of the In-
dians, with whom I was familiar especially with war bonnet and shield, for
my husband had both presented to him by chiefs at that time. The whole
picture is so free from sensationalism and yet so spirited, that I want to com-
mend your skill.
Mrs. Custer's letter drew a response from Remington in the
Herald that Schreyvogel's picture and the criticisms "lend them-
selves to interminable controversy" and accused Schreyvogel of
hiding behind Mrs. Custer's skirts. Remington then went on to
say that he was enclosing a check for $100 payable to any charity
the Herald might select if Col. Schuyler Crosby (depicted in the
painting and still living in 1903) would admit "that he ever saw a
pair of trousers of the color depicted in Mr. Schreyvogel's picture
in the year of 1869 in any connection with the regular United States
army/'
It was unfortunate for Remington that he drew Colonel Crosby
into the argument for in a letter to the Herald printed a few days
later, Crosby supported Schreyvogel with considerable vigor al-
though he did admit his trousers "were not the shade of blue de-
picted in the picture; they were blue but not that shade of blue.
Neither Mr. Schreyvogel nor Mr. Remington can enlighten me as to
the exact shade, because they were not there and I have forgotten,
but Mr. Remington is right." 13
Crosby made additional comments on Remington's criticisms,
pointing out that the leggings worn by Crosby were correct as
shown by Schreyvogel and that he (Crosby) had worn them as
early as 1863; that he saw many Indian war bonnets on the day
depicted by Schreyvogel; that the hats worn by Col. Tom Custer
and Crosby were grey or tan color and were purchased in Leaven-
worth, Kan., "a few days before we started on the campaign"; that
the size and shape of stirrup leathers were often changed by the
troop saddler to conform to the size of the officer's foot." He did
admit, however, that Custer's boots as depicted by Schreyvogel
were probably in error.
Of course it must be very annoying to a conscientious artist [he further
wrote] that we were not dressed as we should have been, but in those days
13. Ibid., May 2, 1903, p. 7. The letter is signed "John Schuyler Crosby, Charleston,
W. Va., May 1, 1903."
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 231
our uniforms in the field were not according to regulations and were of the
"catch as catch can" order, and were not changed regularly as Master Frederic
Remington's probably were at that date. . . . Doubtless Mr. Remington
could have made a better picture, but doubtless he never did.
The truth of the matter therefore appears to be that some of
Remington's criticisms were justified but the major share of them
were not, although it must be remembered that both Mrs. Custer
and Colonel Crosby were testifying to events that had taken place
over a third of a century before the discussions of 1903 arose.
All of Schreyvogel's paintings are of interest they all tell a
stirring story but possibly those with greatest appeal show men,
troopers usually, in violent action: the height of combat, the fierce
charge, the strain of intense and deadly effort, are realistically por-
trayed. To get these effects, Schreyvogel made careful and ex-
tensive preparations. His Western trips were made to secure at-
mosphere and detail and on these trips he made many sketches
and photographs, collected firearms and Indian dress and equip-
ment. 14 All of this material was brought back to his studio in
Hoboken, N. J. Here after his preliminary composition was thought
out, he modeled his characters in clay. Painting was then done on
the roof of his studio with the Palisades as a background. "Their
ruggedness," he is reported to have said, "is not unlike that of the
Western mountains," and portions of these rocky cliffs appear in
his paintings. 15
Some of Schreyvogel's clay models were later cast in bronze; Tif-
fany's, for example, carried two of them, "The Last Drop" and
"White Eagle," the bust of an Indian chief, as part of their luxuri-
ous wares for a number of years. 16
Although Schreyvogel did little or no illustrating, reproductions
of his paintings are quite numerous. His work became fairly well
known in the first decade of the century through the medium of
large photographs of his paintings. These photographs, platinum
prints, can still be occasionally found, although a complete set of
48 is now very rare. 17
14. In 1940, I had correspondence with Mrs. Louise F. Feldmann, widow of Charles
Schreyyogel, who subsequently remarried. I am indebted to Mrs. Feldmann for much in-
formation and illustrative material concerning Schreyvogel. Mrs. Feldmann wrote me that
in addition to the trips to southwestern Colorado and Dakota already mentioned in the
text, other summers were spent at Fort Robinson in Nebraska and on a Blackfoot reservation
in Montana.
15. Information from Kobb6, loc. cit.; Boehm, loc. cit., and in Harper's Weekly, v. 46
(1902), November 15, pp. 1668, 1669.
16. Information from Mrs. Feldmann; see Footnote 14.
17. These platinum prints are mentioned in The Mentor, New York, v. 3 (1915).
No. 9, Ser. No. 85, in connection with Arthur Hoeber's review, "Painters of Western Life.
Mrs. Feldmann wrote me that there were 48 photographs in the set. I have seen a dozen
or so of these prints and although they vary in size, they average about 20" by 14".
232 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Probably more important, however, in making Schreyvogel
known to his day were the half-tone reproductions in black and
white of 36 of his paintings published in book form in 1909. The
collection appeared under the title My Bunkie and Others, the in-
dividual illustrations being of generous dimensions ( about 9 x 13
inches ) and the reproductions being excellently executed. 18
If one may judge from the copyright dates of the paintings re-
produced in this book, 1900 and 1901 were Schreyvogel's most pro-
ductive years, as 13 of the 36 paintings were made in those two
years.
After Remington's death in 1909, Schreyvogel came to be re-
garded, in the East at least, as the leading exponent of the West in
picture. Russell's reputation was growing but his fame was later
achieved. In fact, shortly after Remington's death one of the
country's leading magazines referred to Schreyvogel as "America's
greatest living interpreter of the Old West." 19 Schreyvogel, how-
ever, was not destined to retain for long the mantle of Remington.
An accident led to blood poisoning which cost him his life, ancl he
died in Hoboken, on January 27, 1912. 20
J. H. SMITH
Charles Russell, the third member of the triumvirate of Reming-
ton, Russell and Schreyvogel, also belongs to the Western story
after 1900, rather than before, although his earliest illustrations in
Harpers Weekly and Frank Leslie's Weekly Newspaper appeared
in 1889. Russell, however, was not as prolific as Remington and
his fame rests largely on his many canvases done after 1900. They
are still reproduced in color at present. 21
Russell's first illustrations in Leslie's, however, bring us directly
to one of the little-known Western artists about whom we can now
furnish more information than has been previously available.
18. My Bunkie and Others (New York, 1909), by Charles Schreyvogel. The publica-
tion also contained a two-page account of Schreyvogel and his work. The individual paint-
ings with the exception of "My Bunkie" (1899) were all copyrighted between 1900 and
1909; the count of these copyright dates runs, one in 1899, six in 1900, seven in 1901,
two in 1902, three in 1903, four in 1904, three in 1905, two in 1906, five in 1907. one in
1908 and one in 1909.
19. "The Romance of a Famous Painter," by Clarence R. Lidner, Leslie's Illustrated
Weekly, New York, v. Ill (1910), August 4, pp. 111-113 (11 reproductions of Schreyvogel's
paintings).
20. Hudson Observer, Hoboken, N. J., January 29, 1912. I am indebted to the Free
Public Library of Hoboken, N. J., for a transcript of Schreyvogel's obituary which appeared
in the Observer.
21. Biographic and bibliographic accounts of Russell will be found in Charles M. Rus-
sell, the Cowboy Artist, a Biography (Pasadena, 1948), Ramon F. Adams and Homer E.
Britzman, and Charles M. Russell, the Cowboy Artist, a Bibliography (Pasadena, 1948),
Karl Yost. Anyone interested in Russell prints should write the Dick Jones Co., 3127 Walnut
Ave., Huntington Park, Cal., for a list and prices; these publishers have in stock some 111
colored reproductions of Russell's work as well as 19 black and white prints.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 233
These illustrations appeared in Leslies for May 18, 1889, just six
days after Russell's first illustration in Harpers Weekly which was
apparently the first appearance of Russell in print. The Leslie il-
lustrations, seven in number, appear over the title "Ranch Life in,
the North-west Bronco Ponies and Their Uses How They Are
Trained and Broken/' Near the center of the page on which these
illustrations appear are the signatures of C. M. Russell and J. H.
Smith.
J. H. Smith was Jerome H. Smith, although his many illustrations
usually appear under the signature, "J. H. Smith." Smith was born
in Pleasant Valley, 111., in 1861. As a boy he grew up on an Illinois
farm and he there broke Western horses before he ever traveled
beyond the Mississippi. 22 When 18, the lure of the West called
him and he found his way to Leadville, Colo., where the silver-
mining boom was under way. He drifted around the West and
then returned to Chicago in 1884 where he attended a Chicago art
school for a time. His first published illustrations appeared in The
Rambler, a Chicago weekly, and were cartoons, a field in which he
later became very prolific. The Rambler lasted only for a year or
so and Smith went on to New York where he eventually landed a
position on the art staff of Judge, for many years a well-known
humorous weekly. Cartoons with his signature are particularly
numerous in the period 1887-1891, and many of them have a de-
cidedly Western background, particularly those published in 1889
and 1890. In 1889, he appears to have been sent on assignment to
the Northwest by Leslies Weekly, which at that time was also a
Judge publication. The assignment may have arisen from the fact
that these publications had been acquired in part by Russell B.
Harrison, a son of President Benjamin Harrison. 23 Harrison had
been publisher of the Helena (Mont.) Daily Journal but in 1889
he and W. J. Arkell acquired Judge and Leslie's Weekly, and Les-
lie's soon announced that they were to have Montana pictures and
22. Much of my biographical information concerning J. H. Smith has been supplied
by Fred T. Darvill of Bellingham, Wash., who knew Smith well for many years. I am
greatly indebted to Mr. Darvill for his aid. A brief obituary of Smith will be found in the
Vancouver (B. C.) Daily Province, March 10, 1941. The obituary refers to Smith as
"Josiah Howard Smith" but Mr. Darvill wrote me that Smith had told him that his first
name was "Jerome." In all the Smith illustrations that I have seen, his name is signed as
"J. Smith," "J. H. Smith," or "J. S." Mr. Darvill has a group of seven large "letters"
measuring about 18" X 24" which were written by Smith, probably in the 1930's, and
were illustrated with water colors by Smith. These letters are essentially recollections of
Smith's early life much of it, dealing with his Western experiences. In one of these letters
he recalled breaking Western horses on the Illinois farm, a fact which greatly interested
me, as on a trip to northern New York in 1943 I encountered similar references. Several
of the old-timers that I interviewed in Canton, N. Y., the boyhood home of Frederic Rem-
ington, told me that Western ponies in considerable number were imported into northern
New York in the 1880's. Remington during his summer stays in Canton in the late 1880's
used such ponies as models for some of his paintings.
23. For a biographical sketch of Harrison see National Cyclopaedia of American Biog-
raphy, v. 27, p. 365.
234 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
a Montana issue. 24 The Montana issue never appeared but a series
of important Western illustrations, many with a Montana locale,
begin at practically this same time and were the work of J. H.
Smith. The group of illustrations already noted, the joint effort of
Smith and Russell, was the first in the series. There then followed
the illustrations signed only by Smith, listed below:
1. "Phases of Ranch-Life on the Plains Capture of Horse-Thieves by a
Sheriff's Posse" (full page).
2. "Phases of Chinese Camp-Life in Montana, A Quiet Game [Cards]" (full
ge).
3. "On the Western Plains Friend or Foe?" (full page).
4. "Montana Cattlemen Compelling Their Herd to Cross a River" (full
5. "An Indian Trader's Store on the Western Plains" (full page).
6. "The Highwaymen of the Plains Perils of Stage-Coach Travel in the
Far West" (five illustrations on one page).
7. "A Herd of Cattle Threatened by a Blizzard [Montana]" (one-third
page).
8. "A Race-Day in a Frontier Town" (eight illustrations on one page).
9. "The Recent Indian Excitement in the Northwest" (four illustrations on
one page). 25
Many of these sketches are excellently drawn and, strangely
enough, well reproduced. But more important for our purpose
is that they are pictorial history of real worth. Possibly of the en-
tire series, the last two, "A Race-Day in a Frontier Town'* and "The
Recent Indian Excitement in the Northwest" (reproduced in the
picture supplement), are the most important, because both sets are
obviously on-the-spot records, the first depicting life in Montana 60
years ago and the second including a sketch of the celebrated "Ghost
Dance," of which there are few pictorial records.
After 1890, Smith's name gradually disappeared from the pages
of both Judge and Leslies Weekly. He was one of those individ-
uals who had an itching foot, and the life of the West led him from
Texas to British Columbia, from California to the Dakotas. He
was a jack of all trades, for he tried mining, herding cattle, freight-
ing and stage-coach driving. He sketched from time to time and
even made serious attempts to improve his art, for sometime after
1890 he spent two years in Paris. The wanderlust was ever too
24. The announcement of the ownership of Leslie's by Arkell and Harrison appeared
in Leslie's Weekly, May 11, 1889. p. 222; the statement concerning the Montana issue on
June 8, 1889, p. 304.
25. These illustrations will be found in ibid., in the order listed above as follows:
October 5, 1889, p. 148; October 19, p. 193; November 2, p. 225; November 16, p. 260;
January 18, 1890, p. 429; January 25, p. 444; February 8, p. 12; June 28, p. 444; December
13, p. 354. In addition to these Smith illustrations, another group, "Sketches in the Chinese
Quarter, San Francisco," eight illustrations on one page, were published in ibid., July 5,
1890, p. 470.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 235
strong and too many years had passed by for him to profit by his
training and to achieve the reputation he might have made. "You
can't teach an old dog new tricks," he told a friend as a summary
of his art training in Paris. He finally settled down in British
Columbia, after he married a girl who was part Indian. He began
painting in oils. His subjects were for the most part recollections
of his earlier days in the West, although a few non- Western paint-
ings appeared among his work. Occasionally he sold a painting
or illustration, but his work attracted little attention. As late as
1934 an earlier illustration of his was reproduced in the Saturday
Evening Post. 26
In 1935, Fred T. Darvill reproduced 12 of Smith's paintings in
color, including the Western, "The Frontier Trial" (see cover of
this magazine), the remaining 11 being other aspects of legal life.
Smith continued to paint a considerable number of oils for Darvill,
most of which are still in his possession. These oils all depict vari-
ous aspects of early Western life and vary in size from eight by ten
inches to three by four feet. 27
Smith lived until his 81st year, re-creating until the end the life
he recalled in the West of an earlier day. 28
DAN SMITH
An illustrator who was sometimes confused with J. H. Smith was
Dan Smith, although the two, as far as I have been able to deter-
mine, were not related. Dan Smith, of Danish parentage, was born
in Greenland in 1865, but came as a boy to this country. When 14
he went to Copenhagen and studied at the Public Arts Institute.
Upon returning to this country he received further training at the
Philadelphia Academy of Fine Arts and joined the art staff of Les-
lies Weekly about 1890. 29
Dan Smith later in life "was known to millions of readers in the
United States," as for over 20 years he drew the covers of the Sun-
day magazine section of the New York World. At the time of his
death on December 10, 1934, he was an artist for King Features. 30
26. Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia, February 17, 1934, p. 15. The illustration
was reproduced from Leslie's Weekly, January 25, 1890.
27. Information from Mr. Darvill who sent me a list of Smith paintings owned in
1950. Some 140 titles appear in the list of the Darvill collection. For any one interested
in reproductions of "The Frontier Trial" by Smith, address DarvilTs Picture and Gift Shop,
1305 Pacific Highway, Bellingham, Wash.
28. A death notice of Smith wiU be found in the Vancouver (B. C.) Daily Province,
March 8, 1941, where the date of his death is given as March 7, 1941 (in Vancouver).
29. New York Times, December 12, 1934, p. 23 (an obituary). He is listed as a
member of Leslie's art staff in Leslie's Weekly, February 22, 1894, pp. 129-136. As will
appear in the text, Dan Smith's illustrations began appearing in Leslie's Weekly by early
30. New York Times, December 12, 1934.
236 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
His place in this series of articles, however, arises from a number
of Western illustrations appearing in Leslies Weekly from 1891 to
1897. These illustrations are bold and interesting drawings of
Western scenes that were based on at least one and probably sev-
eral Western trips. 31
His first Western illustrations appeared in Leslie's Weekly in the
early part of 1891 and are pictorial records of the Indian troubles
at the Pine Ridge agency (South Dakota) that resulted in the
tragedy of the Wounded Knee "battle." Since one of this group
of illustrations bears the legend, "From Sketches Made on the
Spot," one would infer that Smith was an observer of the incidents
depicted, although another illustration of the same group bears the
credit line "after photo." 32
The next group of Dan Smith illustrations were apparently based
on a trip to New Mexico and the Southwest in 1891, or possibly
they resulted from a continuation of his Western trip begun at the
Pine Ridge agency. Most of them deal with various aspects of the
cattle industry and that never-failing topic of interest "cow-boys."
Included in the group are: "An Impromptu Affair A Bull Fight
on the Plains," "Freighting Salt in New Mexico" (reproduced in the
picture supplement), "Christmas in the Cow Boys' Cabin," "Giving
the Mess Wagon a Lift," "Cattle Herding in New Mexico" and
"Perilous Wagoning in New Mexico." 33
31. In 1940, I had correspondence with William Smith of New York City, a brother
of Dan Smith. Mr. Smith wrote me that Dan Smith's Western illustrations were based on
real life sketches made at the ranch of "Mr. Stevens of Albuquerque." Whether there
were one or a number of such visits to the Stevens ranch, William Smith could not recall.
32. This series of illustrations in Leslie's Weekly in 1891 included: "The Sioux Ghost
Dance," January 10, p. 437 (full page); "The Indian Troubles A Body of Nineteen
Teamsters Repel an Attack on a Wagon-Train Near Wounded Knee Creek, South Dakota,"
January 17, p. 461 (full page); "The Relief Corps Searching for the Dead and Wounded
After the Fight With the Hostile Sioux at Wounded Knee Discovery of a Live Papoose,"
January 31, p. 493 (title page); "The Recent Indian Troubles The Military Guard,
Searching the Field After the Fight at Wounded Knee, Discover the Body of Big Foot's
Chief Medicine-Man," February 7, p. 13 (full page and "after photo"); "Running Down a
Sioux Horse-Thief," March 21, p. 117 (full page). The second of the above illustrations
is credited in the legend to J. H. Smith but is signed "D. Smith 90" which suggests the
possibility that these illustrations were made originally by J. H. Smith, who was in the West
at this time, and then were redrawn by Dan Smith. None of the remaining illustrations
in this group, however, make any reference to J. H. Smith. As J. H. Smith's illustrations
with credit were appearing in Leslie's Weekly at this time, I think that the more likely
explanation of the matter is a confusion of names.
There were many newspaper correspondents and illustrators present for the Indian troubles
of 1890-1891, including Frederic Remington (see Harper's Weekly, v. 34 [1891], January
24, 31, and February 7). Elmo Scott Watson of the department of journalism, University
of Denver, made the reporting of the Wounded Knee troubles a matter of considerable study
and he wrote me that he had found the names of neither J. H. Smith nor Dan Smith listed
in any of the contemporary newspaper accounts with which he was familiar.
33. These and other
Impromptu Affair A
Cattle Industry on the
page
page); "Christmas in the ^Cow "Boys' Cabin," December 5, 1891 (in this issue the pages
were not numbered; a half -page illustration); "Giving the Mess Wagon a Lift," January 2,
1892, p. 383; "The Race on the Plains," January 9, 1892 (title page in color); "Cowboys
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 237
Several sets of illustrations by Dan Smith picturing the opening
of the Oklahoma country will also be found in Leslies Weekly, but
these are redrawn after photographs. 34 The last three Western
illustrations to be mentioned are hunting illustrations drawn by
Dan Smith. The first of these shows a trial between Siberian wolf-
hounds and Scotch deer hounds in the Rockies. It is also redrawn
after a photograph. "Bear Hunting in the Rockies" and "Gen. Nel-
son A. Miles' Recent Bear Hunt in New Mexico" may possibly be
the result of direct observation. 35
After 1897, Dan Smith's activities were directed into other chan-
nels. He was a pictorial reporter of the Spanish- American War
and his subsequent efforts which made him so well known, have
already been mentioned. 36
H. W. HANSEN
Literary critics make much of the fact that James Fenimore
Cooper was a forceful writer on the political and social scene of
his day and that he was novelist of the sea but surely his Leather-
stocking tales have affected more lives than all the remainder of
his work together. The breathless unrelenting chase in the forest
wilderness of The Last of the Mohicans, the life of a frontier settle-
ment depicted in The Pioneers, the sublime scenes of the raging
prairie fire and of the wild and thunderous buffalo stampede in
The Prairie, with the other volumes of the series, not only attracted
a great audience in their day but moved many members of that
audience to new pathways and careers. The Cooper theme of the,
American frontier and the continual movement of that frontier
westward was a major factor in developing an attitude of mind to-
ward the West the West of the 1830's and 1840's not only at
home but abroad. To be sure, this attitude was one concerned
with the romantic aspects of the frontier the idealized Indian, the
idealized pioneer, the idealized backwoodsman. Cooper, together
with Catlin, created frontier and Indian types that were to survive
in the national consciousness for long, long years. They served as
Struggling With a Horse Maddened by the Plant [Mexican Crazy Weed]," January 23, 1892
(title page); "Sheep Herding in New Mexico," March 17, 1892, p. 117 (three illustrations
on one page); "Cattle Herding in New Mexico," September 28, 1893, pp. 204, 205 (double
page); "The Cowboy's Vision," December 14, 1893, p. 23 (one-half page); "Perilous
Wagoning in New Mexico," April 12, 1894, p. 245; "On the Range" (roping), March 22,
1894, p. 191 (one-third page); "A Bull Fight on the Western Plains," November 26, 1896,
p. 352.
34. Ibid., May 19, 1892, p. 263 (four illustrations on one page); September 28, 1893,
p. 208.
35. Ibid., September 29, 1892, p. 229; January 18, 1894, p. 44; December 20, 1894,
p. 413.
36. Smith had several Indian illustrations for a fictional article in ibid., December 12,
1895, p. 6, and in the issue of August 12, 1897, pp. 104, 105, he was credited with a
number of Alaskan pictures. There is no evidence, however, that these illustrations were
the result of his direct observation.
238 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
models for other writers (a whole German school of writers fol-
lowed Cooper), stirred the imagination and spurred the activities
of many individuals. 37
One of this last group was H. W. Hansen. Born in Dithmars-
chen, Germany, on June 22, 1854, he was a reader of Cooper from
early boyhood and to Cooper's influence may be attributed the im-
pulse to wander and to see for himself wild Western scenes. He
came to this country in 1877. His bent toward an artistic career
had led to a thorough training at Hamburg under Simmonsen, a
well-known painter of battle scenes. This training was supple-
mented in 1876 by a year's study in London. Upon arrival in the
United States, Hansen supported himself by commercial art work,
first in New York and later in Chicago. It was in Chicago that a
commission for three paintings led directly to his career as a painter
of Western scenes. Hansen himself, in 1908, recalled his first West-
ern experience:
I painted three pictures for the Chicago and Northwestern railroad in 1879;
I think they used them for advertising purposes, showing the progress of trans-
portation; one showed a canal boat towed by mules, the next a stage coach,
and the last a train. Now the railroad had just penetrated the Dakotas, and
had a fine locomotive, all decked out with silver, at the extreme end of the
line, and the company commissioned me to paint a picture of it.
They asked me if it wouldn't be best for me to go to Dakota to paint the
engine, and I at once said "y es " although the proposition was absurd as they
had plenty of good photographs, but I was young and anxious to see the western
country. Once I got there, I stayed until I had made all the studies of Indians
and buffalo I wanted at the time. 38
Several years were spent in Chicago, where Hansen attended the
37. For Cooper's contributions as the main originator of the frontier hero and the place
of the American West in literature see Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land (Cambridge, 1950),
chs. 6 and 7; for the school of German writers following Cooper, see P. A. Barba, "Cooper
in Germany," German American Annals, N. S. v. 12 (1914), pp. 3-6, and the chapter
"America in German Fiction" in Barba's book, Balduin Mollhausen, the German Cooper
(Philadelphia, 1914); further information bearing on the general subject can be found in
Barba's "The American Indian in German Fiction," German American Annals, N. S. v. 11
(1913), pp. 143-174.
38. Santa Barbara Morning Press, June 30, 1908, p. 5. It seems probable that Hansen's
memory was defective in regard to the railroad that employed him in 1879. The chief
railroad in Dakota in 1879 was the Northern Pacific. The Chicago and Northwestern had
two subsidiary lines in the Dakotas, the Dakota Central of 24.6 miles length and the Winona
and St. Peter R. R., 38.4 miles long. See Henry V. Poor's Manual of the Railroads of the
United States for 1880 (New York, 1880), p. 838. The biographic material upon which
the above discussion is based comes from manuscript notes furnished me by Mrs. H. W.
Hansen in 1939. Mrs. Hansen not only sent me these notes, but also furnished me a number
of newspaper clippings concerning her husband's work and several photographs of Mr.
Hansen and of his paintings. After Mrs. Hansen's death in 1940, further biographic ma-
terial concerning Mr. Hansen was sent me by his daughter, Miss Beatrice Hansen of San
Francisco. I wish to express my sincere thanks to both Mrs. Hansen and Miss Beatrice
Hansen for their very kind co-operation.
Additional biographic sources of information on Mr. Hansen will be found in California
Art Research, San Francisco, First Series, v. 9 (1937), pp. 89-104 (mimeograph). I am
indebted to Miss Caroline Wenzel of the California State Library, Sacramento, for making
a copy of this work available to me. Obituaries of Hansen will be found in the San Fran-
cisco Chronicle, Sunday, April 13, 1924, and in the Oakland (Cal.) Tribune of the same
date. Mr. Hansen's death occurred on April 2, 1924. A biographical sketch of Hansen
also appeared under the title of "Etching in California," by Harry Noyes Pratt, in the
Overland Monthly, San Francisco, v. 82 (1924), May, pp. 220, 237.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 239
Chicago Art Institute but many other side excursions were made.
On one of these trips, with a companion, he made an extensive
walking tour and sketching trip through the length of the Blue
Ridge mountains. In February, 1882, Hansen went to California
to settle the estate of an older brother. He soon made the state
his permanent home, married and with brief absences, lived in and
around San Francisco for the remainder of his life. Hansen was
not an illustrator and doubtless for that reason his work was not
widely known for many years. He achieved some local reputation
with the paintings "A Critical Moment" (1894), "The Round-Up"
(1895), "Indian Gratitude" (1895), "A Surprise Party" (1898),
"Mexican Vaqueros" (1899), but his larger reputation, like Schrey-
vogel's, was achieved after 1900 and he therefore more properly
belongs to a later story than ours. But, like Schreyvogel again, no
account of his work is readily available and we have therefore in-
cluded him here.
It was Hansen's habit to make frequent and extended sketching
tours. These were at first confined to the Southwest, Texas, New
Mexico, Arizona, and to Mexico. He sought not only subjects, but
incidents, stories, equipment of the Western horse and his riders,
for Hansen early devoted many of his canvases to the horse. In
fact, one authority on Hansen's work wrote in 1924:
It was the horse which formed the prime motif of his work. It may be that
he some time painted a canvas which did not hold a horse; if he did I have not
seen the picture. It was the horse that afforded him the real means of telling
his story what a short-coming that is in the minds of today's generation of
painters, to tell a story and it was usually his pleasure to tell a tale of some
sort, dramatic, tragic or of the every day. . . , 39
Hansen's first exhibition was held in San Francisco in 1901, and
this exhibition together with the painting, "The Pony Express,"
completed in 1900, were Hansen's introduction to a wider audience.
"The Pony Express" especially brought him considerable notice,
since it was bought by a Chicago paper and reproduced in the
pages of the newspaper in three colors. That this picture was
widely distributed is shown by a comment of Frank Mayer, editor
of the Western Field. Mayer while riding the cow ranges with a
companion in northern Colorado found the print nailed on the wall
of a dugout. Mayer's companion, a professional cowboy, surveyed
the print and was moved to comment, "The feller who drawed
that savvey's his business." 40
39. Ibid.
40. Western Field., San Francisco, v. 6 (1905), June. Hansen's first exhibition is
described in the San Francisco Call, October 27, 1901. Mrs. Hansen wrote me that "The
Pony Exnress" was reproduced in the Chicago Tribune sometime during 1900 but I have
not found it.
240 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
A careful student, an excellent draughtsman, an exacting task-
master for correct detail, Hansen won his Western audience. He
continued his field work, ranging over an ever-increasing area of
the West. In 1903, he made his first visit to Montana, spending
part of the summer at the Crow agency in the southeastern part of
the state, where he was a guest of S. G. Reynolds, the Indian agent
on the reservation. Reynolds, popular with the Indians, was able
to secure many favors for Hansen, among them an invitation to a
series of Indian dances held to celebrate the Fourth of July. The
Crows were so patriotic that the celebration was held for three days
rather than one. In describing his attendance at some of the
dances, Hansen wrote:
We were given a most hearty reception and conducted to the center of the
teepee where we were requested to be seated. Then some special dances were
performed by the participants, of which there were hundreds, whose nude
bodies were painted in the most varied and original designs of brilliant red,
blue, green and yellow, immense war bonnets on their heads, and otherwise
decorated and ornamented with heavily beaded trimmings and feathers. This
grotesque and weird-in-the-extreme looking lot of beings, bucks and squaws
alike, danced to the accompaniment of the dismal tones of their tom-toms,
until they fairly reeled and were completely exhausted. 41
And then in the intermissions shades of Fenimore Cooper and
George Catlin the guests were served lemonade! Such incongru-
ity, the contrast between the barbaric dances and the hospitable
gesture of a church sociable, did not go unnoted among the guests;
the lemonade, Hansen noted, savored "too much of civilization."
The fine bead and leather work of the Crows also impressed
Hansen, "their designs being so artistic, and their combinations of
colors so harmonious/' he wrote, "that it seems almost incredible
that it is the work of beings still on the lowest rung of the ladder
of civilization."
The continued practice of making these summer field trips with
the wealth of incident and atmosphere gathered and eventually
transformed into pictured reality, finally brought Hansen well de-
served recognition and a competence. Exhibitions of his work
appeared in the East and he began to make sales in considerable
number. Adolphus Busch of St. Louis bought six of Hansen's
paintings in 1906 for $10,000 and European buyers in England,
Germany and Russia left little of Hansen's work available for sale
in California. The great earthquake of 1906 was a severe blow to
Hansen, as a number of his paintings in his studio were destroyed.
41. Hansen described his Montana visit at some length in a letter to the Alameda (Cal. )
Daily Argus, Saturday supplement, September 5, 1903. The quotation above is from this
source as well as the information in the text.
H. W. HANSEN
Courtesy Miss Beatrice Hansen, San Francisco, Gal.
J. H. SMITH
Courtesy Fred T. Darvill,
Bellingharo, Wash.
H. W. CAYLOR
Courtesy Mrs. H. W. Caylor,
Big Spring, Tex.
g 8
g*
| |
<3 =o
5 ^
J. H. SMITH'S "THE RECENT INDIAN EXCITEMENT IN THE NORTHWEST"
1. A Chief Speaks for Peace. 2. Cattle-Owners Bunching Their Cattle for Protection.
3. Exodus of Half-Breeds and Squaw-Men. 4. The Ghost Dance. ( From Frank Leslie's
Illustrated Newspaper, December 13, 1890).
H. W. CAYLOR'S "THE TRAIL HERD" HEADED FOR AEILENE
Courtesy Mrs. H. W. Caylor
JOSEPH HENRY SHARP'S "THE EVENING CHANT"
From Brush and Pencil, March, 1900
CHARLES SCHREYVOGEL'S "My BUNKIE" ( 1899 )
Courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City
' DAN SMITHS "FREIGHTING SALT IN NEW MEXICO"
From Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, November 28, 1891
.a
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 241
The greatest loss was the collection of Indian and Western arms,
dress and equipment, as well as field notes and sketches. 42
Hansen's work at present is chiefly in the hands of private own-
ers. The notable exception is found in the Art Museum of the
Eastman Memorial Foundation of Laurel, Miss., which owns six
paintings. As Hansen was primarily a worker in water color,
though to some extent in oil, reproduction of his work never had
the wide distribution achieved by Remington, with whom his work
has been frequently compared. A critic writing in 1910 pointed
out that the subject matter of Hansen and Remington paintings
were many times identical, but he added the pertinent comment
that Hansen's work "lacks some of the crispness of out-line and the
vividness of coloring seen in Remington's [but] he makes up for it
in greater softness and finish." Neuhaus also comments on his work
with the criticism:
His [Hansen's] concern was more with realistic photographic records of
frontier life than with the beauties of design and color. His medium was
water-color, which he used rather thinly. The artistic value of his work is
limited, and it will be remembered largely for its historical significance, in that
it presents a phase of American life rapidly passing. 43
Remington, Russell and Schreyvogel, all contemporaries of Han-
42. An extensive exhibit of the work of California artists, most of which was Hansen's
work, was held in Denver in the fall of 1905. A newspaper account of the exhibit stated
that Hansen's ". . . Western pictures . . . are just now something of a sensation
in the East." Denver Republican, September 24. 1905, p. 24. The exhibit before its de-
parture for the East was described in the San Francisco Call, September 10, 1905. The
sale of the Hansen paintings to Busch was reported in an unidentified newspaper clipping
supplied by Mrs. Hansen and dated (in pencil) "1906." Mrs. Hansen in 1939 sent me a
list of purchasers of some of Hansen's paintings. Included among these buyers were three
Russians, two Britons and a German.
43. The first quotation above is from an unidentified clipping sent me by Mrs. Hansen
in 1939; the comment of Neuhaus is from his book The History and Ideals of American
Art (Stanford Univ., 1931), p. 324. A brief comparison of Hansen's work with that of
Russell and of Maynard Dixon, by H. N. Pratt, will be found in the San Francisco Chronicle,
Sunday, August 26, 1923.
In 1939, Mrs. Hansen furnished me a list of the 31 paintings that she considered to be
Hansen's most important canvases. The titles of these paintings follow:
1. "Geronimo Returning From a Raid." 16. "A Risky Catch."
2. "Pony Express." 17. "Waiting for the Rush."
3. "A Dash for the Relay Station." 18. 'Calling His Bluff."
4. "Renegade Apaches." 19. 'A Surprise Party."
5. "Custer's Battle Field on the Little 20. 'Indian Gratitude."
Big Horn." 21. 'A Dangerous Party."
6. "Stampede." 22. 'Apache Scouts."
7. "Pony Express Relay." 23. 'In a Tight Place."
8. "At the Water Hole." 24. 'The Return of the Vigilantes."
9. "Out for a Lark." 25. 'A Rocky Trail."
10. "Before the Railroad Came." 26. 'A Narrow Escape."
11. "Winter." 27. 'The Outlaw."
12. "Lonesome." 28. 'A Critical Moment."
13. "The Scalp." 29. 'A Race for Dinner."
14. "His Postoffice." 30. 'Scenting Danger."
15. "Breaking an Outlaw." 31. 'Mexican Horse Thieves."
Even as late as fifteen years ago, the Chicago Tribune (March 8, 1936) reproduced in
color two of Hansen's paintings, "Apache Scouts Trailing" and "Outcasts" (Dog Soldiers).
<-WILLIAM R. LEIGH'S "THE LOOKOUT"
Courtesy Woolaroc Museum, Bartlesville, Okla.
168121
242 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
sen, have left interesting records of their work in bronze. Hansen
never attempted the art of sculpturing but unlike his contempo-
raries, he did enter the field of etching. In 1924, the year of his
death, he took up this new art and several successful works fol-
lowed. 44
CONNECTING LINKS
As the century drew to a close, many artists and illustrators
other than those belonging to the Taos group whom we shall con-
sider shortly were beginning the practice of their profession.
Most of this group achieved their greatest reputation after the turn
of the century but as they serve as a link between the older and
the modern "schools" as do the Taos group the early careers of
four of their number have been selected as illustrative of all. They
are Fernand H. Lungren, Maynard Dixon, W. R. Leigh and H. W.
Caylor.
Lungren, born in 1857, grew to young manhood in the Middle
West. When he was 19 he met Kenyon Cox, only a year older
than Lungren. Cox had already entered on an artistic career and
his example influenced Lungren toward the same profession. After
some art training in Cincinnati, Lungren went to Philadelphia
where he studied with Thomas Eakins. He began a professional
career in New York as an illustrator for Scribners Magazine in
1879. After several years in New York he went abroad for some
years but returned to make his home in Cincinnati in 1892. Cin-
cinnati at this time was an active art center, including among its
artistic personnel Frank Duveneck, J. H. Sharp and Henry F.
Farny. Farny by this time had begun painting imaginative West-
ern scenes and Sharp was already interested in Indian portraiture;
Lungren soon became intimate with both men. When an oppor-
tunity was offered by the Santa Fe railroad to spend the summer
of 1892 sketching in New Mexico for an advertising campaign,
Lungren was eager to make the trip. The following summer he
was in Arizona. From these two visits to the Southwest there soon
appeared a number of magazine illustrations and paintings and
eventually a career as a painter of Western desert scenes. 45
44. See Pratt, loc. cit., for a reproduction of one of Hansen's etchings.
45. My information on Lungren comes from the comprehensive biography, Fernand
Lungren (Santa Barbara, 1936), by John A. Berger; and from correspondence with Mr.
Berger. All information concerning Lungren given in the text is from Mr. Berger's biography
unless other citations are made. I should like to take this opportunity to thank Mr. Berger
for his kind co-operation and aid in supplying information. Apparently resulting from
Lungren's Western trip of 1892 were 38 paintings under the general title "Among the
Pueblos" (Nos. 292-329 inclusive) listed in the Catalogue of the Art Collection of the
St. Louis Exposition, 1893. This same catalogue lists two paintings (Nos. 276 and 277)
by Charles Craig, "A Cold Day for the Indian" and "Indian Lookouts," and three by the
Texas artist, Frank Reaugh (Nos. 338-340 inclusive). For a brief sketch of Reaugh and his
work (1861-1945), see his autobiography Biographical (December, 1936), 6pp., and
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 243
Several illustrations in St. Nicholas Magazine in 1895, and Jan-
uary, 1896, mark Lungren's first appearance as a Western illustra-
tor, but a painting reproduced shortly thereafter in Harpers
Weekly created a sensation. 46 The painting was "Thirst" and is
said to be based on a personal experience of Lungren on a desert
trip. It depicts a dead horse on a desert waste with a man in des-
perate condition in the foreground, his eyes staring and extended.
It was on display first at the 29th annual exhibition of the Ameri-
can Water-Color Society and was soon reproduced in Harpers
Weekly. Owen Wister wrote that the painting was "appallingly
natural to anyone who has ridden over that country" and that it
was "too true for one's sitting room." John Berger, Lungren's
biographer and Stewart Edward White, an intimate friend of Lun-
gren, confirmed Wister's comment many years later. Mr. Berger
wrote me that "so many people were so horror-stricken with the
painting that Lungren finally quit showing it." 47 The present lo-
cation of the picture is unknown.
Other illustrations in Harper's Weekly, Harpers Magazine and
the Century Magazine followed in considerable number. These for
the most part were concerned with life on the mesa and desert of
the Southwest. 48 In fact, it was not long until Lungren decided to
devote his entire time to painting the Southwest desert and his
later reputation is based primarily on his desert pictures. He be-
came a Californian in 1903 and settled permanently at Santa Bar-
Paintings of the Southwest by Frank Reaugh, n. d., 45pp. A number of paintings are
reproduced in this booklet in black and white and Reaugh has made many notes on the
original paintings. The Reaugh collection is now housed in the Barker Texas History Center,
University of Texas, Austin.
46. The illustrations in St. Nicholas, New York, will be found as follows: "The Bronco's
Best Race," by Cromwell Galpin, three illustrations by Lungren, Apache and Southwest
locale, v. 22 (1895), August, pp. 795-803; "The Magic Turquoise," by Lungren himself,
two full-page illustrations, one dated 1894, v. 23 (1896), January, pp. 216-222, and
"Hemmed in With the Chief," by Frank W. Calkins, one full-page illustration by Lungren
(Indian and buffalo), v. 23 (1896), February, pp. 290-293. "Thirst" was reproduced in
Harper's Weekly as a full-page illustration on February 8, 1896, p. 128, with comment on
p. 126 by Owen Wister.
47. Mr. Berger wrote on May 6, 1940, after talking with Stewart Edward White, who
"studioed" with Lungren in Santa Barbara in 1906.
48. Harper's Weekly, v. 40 (1896), August 15, has four Lungren illustrations of the
Magazine, New York, Lungren illustrated "An Elder Brother to the Cliff-Dweller's," by
T. M. Prudden, v. 95 (1897), June, pp. 55-67, the most important of the illustrations being
the full-page "A Sand-Storm on the Mojave Desert"; and Prudden's article "Under the
Spell of the Grand Canyon," v. 97 (1898), August, pp. 377-392, four illustrations by
Lungren, one in color, "On the Painted Desert." In this last article Prudden described a
trip of several weeks in the Grand Canyon country, but it is obvious from the context that
Lungren was not a member of the party. In The Century Magazine, New York, Lungren
illustrated F. W. Hodge's account of the famous "Ascent of the Enchanted Mesa," N. S.
V. 34 (1898), May, pp. 15-25, but again Lungren may not have been a member of the
party that ascended the mesa; that Lungren was a serious student of mesa life, however, is
attested by an article written and illustrated by himself, "Notes on Old Mesa Life," ibid.,
pp. 26-31. For other Lungren illustrations in this period (not Western), see 19th Century
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature, 1890-99 (New York, 1944), v. 2, p. 140.
244 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
bara in 1908, where he devoted the remainder of his life to art in-
struction and to painting Death Valley and the Mojave Desert.
At his death in 1932, many of Lungren's paintings were willed to
Santa Barbara State College. 49
Maynard Dixon was California's notable contribution to Western
illustration and art. Born at Fresno in 1875, he spent his boyhood
on the great interior plain of California, at a time when the gold
rush days were still vivid memories to many a citizen of Fresno
and of California. Dixon, before his untimely death in 1946, wrote
a brief paragraph for this series on the beginning of his career:
Back in the late 80's [he wrote me in 1940] when Harpers, Century and
Scribners were tops, Frederic Remington and Howard Pyle were beginning
their best work. I was living in a West that was real, '49ers were still our
neighbors, even some "mountain men," Miller and Lux were going strong and
the California vaquero was still king of the saddle. When I was 16 ( 1891 ) I
quit school and sent Remington 2 sketchbooks. He wrote me a splendid letter
and I have been on the job ever since. The West of Then and Now is still
my subject, and at 65 I have yet another lap to go.
I did my first paid illustrating in 1895 for old Overland Monthly and S. F.
Call, Jack London's "Men of Forty Mile," "Malemute Kid" and others. I
think "Lo-To-Kah" was my first book. All these drawings were terrible. Look-
ing back through old clippings of newspaper and magazine work it seems I
did not begin to hit the ball until '98 or '99. Made my first "frontier" trip
outside Calif. (Ariz, and New Mex.) in 1900. Did my last magazine illus. in
1922 and a little for Touring Topics (now Westways) 1930-31. 50
Evidently, Dixon did some "free" illustrating for Overland
Monthly before 1895, for the record shows that his first illustration
appeared in that magazine in December, 1893 when he was but
18 years old and many others were to appear before the turn of
the century. 51 The first of his book illustrations appeared in Ver-
ner Reed's Lo-To-Kah, published in 1897, which was illustrated
by both Dixon and Charles Craig. Before his career in illustration
was finished, Dixon pictures were to appear in over 30 books. 52
49. Berger, op. cit.
50. Letter from Mr. Dixon to the writer, October 3, 1940. I carried on an extended
correspondence with Mr. Dixon from 1939 until his death on November 13, 1946, and
although I never met him personally I felt that he was a real friend. He always answered
my inquiries cheerfully and at length, when I am sure he must have marveled at my ig-
norance of art. He even went to the trouble of drawing outline sketches on thin paper to
be placed over photographs of his paintings, to illustrate some elemental principle of art.
51. For a list see 19th Century Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature, 1890-99, p. 739.
Dixon's illustrations did not appear in Eastern periodicals until 1900. Some of the earliest
of this group include (all are full page): Harper's Weekly, v. 46 (1902), March 22 (title
page), "The Trials of a 'Bronco-Buster'," dated "Oregon 1901"; April 19 (title page),
"Stay With Him! Stay With Him!" (bronco buster); May 17, p. 621, "Wild Range-Horses
in the Corral," dated "P Ranch Oregon 1901;" October 11, p. 1449, "Freighting in the
Desert" (California); December 6, p. 15, "Christmas in the Arizona Desert."
52. My friend J. C. Dykes of College Park, Md., has been compiling a lot of Dixon
illustrations, particularly book illustrations, and in a list sent me several years ago, Dykes
included 39 titles of books containing such illustrations. In Lo-To-Kah the earliest Dixon
illustration bears the date 1894; Reed's book, Tales of the Sun-Land, was also published
in 1897 and contained 20 full illustrations by Dixon and other drawings. Jack London's
The Son of the Wolf (1900), is the third book on Mr. Dykes list.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 245
As Dixon's own account infers, a gradual change in his activities
occurred about 1920. Painting from that time on became the cen-
ter of his life. His career thereafter belongs to the modern period
of Western art. 53
William R. Leigh, like many another artist of the West, had cher-
ished the desire since early boyhood to visit that fabulous country,
the Far West. Born on a West Virginia farm in 1866, he early be-
gan to draw animals. At the age of 12 he was given an award of
one hundred dollars by W. W. Corcoran, the great art collector
of Washington, after Corcoran had seen a drawing of a dog made
by the youngster. Three years of training at the Maryland Insti-
tute of Art in Baltimore was followed by extensive training abroad,
especially at Munich. One impression that he brought from Mu-
nich was the appearance of horses seen in many paintings abroad.
To one who had begun his career in boyhood by drawing animals
on his father's farm, realistic draftsmanship was the first criterion
of animal representation. But the horses seen in Munich paintings,
Leigh said a few years later, were "not only unlike any horses that
I ever saw, but unlike any beast I had ever seen." 54 His reaction
to these paintings may have set him on an exhaustive study of the
depiction of the horse and which Leigh eventually published in
book form as The Western Pony. 55 By 1897, Leigh had achieved
a considerable reputation as an illustrator of national magazines
and in the summer of that year he was sent by Scribners Magazine
to North Dakota to make sketches of wheat farming. Sixteen il-
lustrations resulting from this assignment were used that fall by
Scribners in an article by William Allen White, "The Business of
a Wheat Farm." 56 Particularly notable among the illustrations were
"Steam Threshers at Work" and "A Camp," the latter showing har-
vest hands about an evening campfire. These illustrations, Mr.
Leigh wrote me in 1940, "were all made from life," and he con-
tinued:
53. For biographical material on Dixon, consult Who's Who in America (Chicago,
1946), v. 24 (1946-1947), p. 621; U. S. W. P. A., California Art Research, v. 8; Maynard
Dixon (San Francisco, 1937, mimeographed); Arizona Highways, Phoenix, v. 18 (1942),
February, pp. 16-19 this material includes an account by Dixon himself "Arizona in
1900"; Arthur Miller, Maynard Dixon Painter of the West (Tucson, 1945). This beautiful
booklet contains reproductions of many Dixon paintings (a number in color), a list of his
exhibitions, a list of his mural decorations and a list of his works in collections, 1915-1945.
54. James B. Carrington, "W. R. Leigh," Book Buyer, New York, v. 17 (1898), pp.
596-599; and "William R. Leigh," The Mentor, New York, v. 3 (1915), No. 9, Serial No. 85.
55. The Western Pony (New York, 1933), 116pp., with illustrations in black and
white by Leigh. Leigh discusses at some length in this book his feeling toward the West,
his judgment of Remington and of Russell as depictors of horses, and his philosophy of art,
as well as a discussion of the methods employed by the artist in showing movement in
animals.
56. Scribner's Magazine, New York, v. 22 (1897), November, pp. 531-548. For an
index to Leigh's illustrations of the 1890's, see 19th Century Readers' Guide to Periodical
Literature, v. 2, p. 59. Leigh also illustrated a Midwest political story for William Allen
White's "Victory for the People," Scribner's Magazine, v. 25 (1899), pp. 717-728.
246 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
I went to North Dakota in 1897 to do some illustrations for Scribner's Maga-
zine, but while I then had my first taste of the west, and was really inspired
by it, I had no opportunity to do any studies independently for my own use.
From the moment I returned from my studies in Europe, I had wanted to
go to the west, which I had already determined was the really true America,
and what I wanted to paint. I made many efforts to that end, but was always
troubled by lack of funds and misinformation as to the cost and difficulties. 57
These illustrations of wheat farming were followed shortly by a
series of remarkable pictures which undoubtedly played their part
in stirring the slowly awakening social conscience of the American
people around the turn of the century. The illustrations were made
for a series of articles by W. A. Wyckoff, "The Workers The
West/' and show the life of the drifting worker, primarily in Chi-
cago. 58 Included, however, is one illustration belonging to the
farther West, a scene depicting an Indian and two cowboys in camp
on the plains.
By 1906 Leigh decided to devote all his energies to the drawing
and painting of Western scenes. Probably of all artists who have
entered this field exclusively, Leigh's mastery of draftsmanship is
the surest and most skillful. His later career belongs again to the
modern period. 59
H. W. Caylor is representative of a considerable group of men,
who though known locally, never achieved a wide reputation.
Born in 1867, he began as a boy to draw pictures of animals. He,
like many another youngster, wanted to be a cowboy and was ac-
tually employed as such in Kansas for a few months when in his
teens. Self-taught, he made most of his early living as an itinerant
portrait painter. After his marriage in 1889, he acquired two sec-
tions of land near Big Spring, Tex., bought a few of the vanishing
longhorn Texas cattle for models and devoted the rest of his life to
depicting ranch life and cattle and cowboy scenes. He fitted up a
horse-drawn outfit which carried a camping and painting outfit,
and with his wife followed cattle drives and roundups. He be-
came acquainted with a number of cattlemen who were interested
in his work and who became his patrons. "The Trail Herd" (repro-
57. Letter to the writer, August 21, 1940.
58. Scribner's' Magazine, vols. 23, 24; the articles appearing in all nine issues from
March through November, 1898, except August.
59. For Leigh's later career see Who's Who in America, v. 26 (1950-1951), p. 1597,
and The Western Pony, cited in Footnote 55. In 1945 Leigh published (mimeograph)
"Reproductions of William R. Leigh's Paintings in Color and Black and White Appearing
in the Following Publications Since 1910." The list includes some 150 titles, a number
of which are duplicates and also included are a number of African illustrations resulting
from his trips to Africa in 1926 and 1928. Neuhaus, op. cit., p. 324, wrote concerning
Leigh: "His pictures have the sophistication and finesse of the schooled painter, but they
lack the freshness and vigor of Remington's or Russell's work."
A colored reproduction of Leigh's "An Argument With the Sheriff" is available from the
Dick Jones Picture Co., 3127 Walnut St., Huntington Park, Cal.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 247
duced in the picture supplement), "The Stampede/' "The Passing of
the Old West," "Going Up the Old Trail," "The Lucien Wells
Ranch," "Prayer for Rain," "The Chuck Wagon," "Disputing the
Trail," were among his better-known paintings. The titles show the
nature of his work, which was done between 1891 and the time of
his death in 1932. 60
THE BEGINNING OF THE TAGS SCHOOL
The 80 years of Western illustration, beginning with the work
of Samuel Seymour in 1819, had its logical conclusion in the Taos
art colony of the modern day. The landscape of the great open
spaces and of the Shining mountains ( an early and appealing name
given the Rockies ) , the activities of the memorable but past West-
ern scene including its Indian inhabitants, had so firm a hold on
the life of America that it seems inevitable that collectively these
aspects of our land and history would eventually lead to its artistic
expression. That it culminated at Taos may be more or less acci-
dental; that artists not connected with the Taos School have utilized
the same themes is more or less irrelevant. The point of immediate
concern is that there exists a considerable group of artists who
carry on the Western tradition and spirit.
The attitude of the art historian toward this group is varied. In
the recent Art and Life in America which purports to be written
"for students of American civilization who wish to know what part
the visual plastic arts have played in our society" no mention is
made of Taos and modern Western painting and illustration, al-
though the early Western landscape school is given brief com-
ment. 61 Royal Cortissoz, in his addition to Samuel Isham's History
of American Painting at least makes recognition of the Taos group
and its purpose. "In substance," he wrote, "the group has brought
60. Material for the above brief description of Caylor came from his widow, Mrs. H. W.
Caylor of Big Spring, Tex., by correspondence in 1940; from an obituary in the Big Spring
Daily Herald, December 25, 1932, p. 1, kindly supplied by N. A. Cleveland, Jr., librarian,
newspaper collection, University of Texas; and from an article by J. Frank Dobie, "Texas
Art and a Wagon Sheet," in the Dallas Morning News, March 11, 1940, p. 9. More
recently H. C. Duff, Box 292, Bremerton, Wash., has reproduced for sale the Caylor painting
"The Passing of the Old West," the original sketches for which were made by Caylor in
1891 or 1892.
In addition to Caylor, Reaugh (see Footnote 45) has depicted Texas cattle and ranch
scenes. Still another artist made at least one excellent Texas cattle scene, "A Stampede,"
reproduced in color as the frontispiece in Historical and Biographical Record of the Cattle
Industry and the Cattlemen of Texas . . . (St. Louis, 1895). The artist of this illustra-
tion is identified as Gean Smith of New York City. In addition to this illustration, there
will be found the reproduction in black and white of a number of Smith paintings of famous
race horses in Outing, New York, v. 22 (1893), pp. 82, 83, 162, 193, 195, 269, 270,
271, 377-379; v. 26 (1895), pp. 182, 184, 185, 188.
Gean Smith (1851-1928) had a national reputation as a painter of horses, spending
most of his active career in New York City. He retired in 1923 and made his home with
relatives in Galveston, Tex., for the last five years of his life. An obituary will be found
in the Galveston Tribune, December 8, 1928. I am indebted to Miss Llerena Friend of
the Barker Texas History Center for locating the obituary for me.
61. Oliver W. Larkin, Art and Life in America (New York, 1949), p. vii.
248 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
into American painting romantic motives studied against a notably
vivid background." 62 Other art historians have in general ignored
the Taos artists; the most notable exception to this group, as might
be expected from the fact that he himself is a Westerner, has been
Eugen Neuhaus. Neuhaus, writing with commendable under-
standing and judgment stated
". . . the name of Taos has come to mean a definite achievement in
American art, which promises to have a long and honorable career before its
artistic possibilities are exhausted. A peculiar combination of the great open
country relatively easy of access and a long season of painting weather and
clear sunlight, under which the landscape as well as human beings assume
definite contrast of light and shadow, has made Taos a focal point in American
art life. The Indian at Taos, furthermore, has survived without much loss of
his original characteristics, and his genuine qualities are not the least element
in attracting artists to the Southwest." 63
If the later history of Taos artists is primarily part of another
story than ours, its development as a logical extension of the field
which we are here considering warrants the few words which we
have devoted to its present significance.
The origin of Taos as an art colony in 1898, however, does man-
age to come within the more or less arbitrary time limits we have
set for ourselves. A number of artists had visited Taos before
1898. Blanche C. Grant in her history of Taos, When Old Trails
Were New, has listed a number of them, including Henry R. Poore,
whose painting, "Pack Train Leaving Pueblo of Taos, New Mex-
ico," has already been mentioned in this series. 64 This illustration
is probably the first bearing the name of Taos to be reproduced.
Poore was in Taos in 1890 but he had been preceded by one well-
known Western artist in 1881. Charles Craig sketched and painted
62. Samuel Isham, The History of American Painting, new edition (New York, 1927),
p. 575.
63. Neuhaus, op. cit., pp. 322 and 323. The attraction of light and color and of Indian
and Mexican life for the artist, is attested by one member of the Taos group himself; see
ITT TT 1_ i. T"\ 1. T>i_J. T 1 A 1 ** . -f A..* 1 rt / -I r\ n^ \ A
i\eunaus, maices some consideration or laos. in ner aiscussion, "ine laos Artists" (pp.
266-274), she included not only the Taos group as such but Western artists in general,
including Remington and his contemporaries. Art historians who make no mention of the
Taos artists are Homer Saint-Gaudens, The American Artist and His Times (New York,
1941), and Suzanne La Follette, Art in America (New York, 1929). Miss La Follette has
so little understanding of American history that she makes (p. 110) the well-nigh in-
credible statement "on the contrary, it [westward expansion] is one of the most depressing
chapters in American life ... it promoted deterioration in the quality of life." Miss
La Follette is not alone in expressing such an attitude, but such critics have seized on
fraud, land exploitation, corruption in public office and other ills that accompanied the
development of the West, while totally overlooking the facts of similar irregularities of
Eastern life and the more favorable aspects of Western life. Bernard De Voto in Mark
Twain's America (Boston, 1932), is in part an answer to such critics.
64. Blanche C. Grant, When Old Trails Were New (New York, 1934), p. 254. For
the previous mention of Poore in this series, see The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 18
(1950), February, p. 6. Poore visited Taos in the summer of 1890; see Report on Indians
Taxed and Indians Not Taxed . . . Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington, 1894),
p. 424.
ERNEST L. BLUMENSCHEIN
Courtesy Mr. Phillips, Taos, N. M. Courtesy Mr. Blumenschein, Taos, N. M.
CHARLES SCHREYVOGEL
Courtesy Mrs. Louise F. Feldmann,
New York City
WILLIAM R. LEIGH
Courtesy Mr. Leigh, New York City
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 249
at Taos in the summer of that year, but later in the same year
settled in Colorado Springs where he spent the next 50 years of
his life. With Harvey S. Young, he was the first resident artist of
the Springs and his depiction of Western scenes won him not only
a local but an international clientele. 65
For many years Craig had virtually a continuous one-man ex-
hibit in the lobby of the famous Antler's Hotel of Colorado Springs
and many of his buyers were visitors at the hotel. When the Ant-
ler's was destroyed by fire in 1898, many of Craig's canvases were
lost.
Although neither Craig nor Poore were in any way responsible
for the present art colony of Taos, Joseph H. Sharp who visited
Taos in 1893, can be more directly related to its origin.
Sharp, born in Ohio in 1859, began the study of art in Cincinnati
when he was but 14 years of age, and for many years was asso-
ciated with the art life of Cincinnati. He had a studio in the same
building as Henry F. Farny, at the time Farny began his career as
a Western artist, and it was Farny's example that played an im-
portant part in determining Sharp's career. Sharp, in a letter writ-
ten in 1939, pointed out that he was fascinated with the American
Indian long before he met Farny. He wrote:
65. Craig (1846-1931) is another artist who really deserves fuller notice in this chronicle
than we have given him. Examples of his work are so widely scattered that it is difficult
if not impossible to secure photographs of them, as I have been trying to do for the last
ten or dozen years. Craig was one of the illustrators for Verner L. Reed's Lo-To-Kah
(New York, 1897) and others of Reed's publications. Born in Ohio in 1846, he made his
first Western trip in 1865 up the Missouri river. He was a student in the Philadelphia
Academy of Fine Arts in 1872 and 1873 and after he settled in Colorado Springs he took
an active part in the art life of Colorado, both as a productive artist, a teacher of art, and
as manager of a number of early art exhibitions in Denver and Pueblo, as well as Colorado
Springs. Biographic material will be found in obituaries in the Colorado Springs Telegraph,
October 20, 1931, p. 1, and the Denver Post, October 20, 1931. Other materials bearing
on his work include accounts in the Colorado Springs Evening Telegraph, February 4, 1920,
p. 9; the Colorado Springs Sunday Gazette and Telegraph, November 11, 1923, Sec. 1, p. 4;
in Brush and Pencil in Early Colorado Springs by Gilbert McClurg, also in Colorado Springs
Gazette and Telegraph, November 30, 1924, Sec. 2, and in Who's Who in America, v. 13
(1924), p. 832.
Harvey B. Young (1841-1901), a landscape artist, had his first Western experiences in
California in 1859. He received art training abroad and made his home in Manitou, Colo.,
in 1879, and later in Aspen and Denver. He deserted art for a time in the 1880's when
he made and lost a fortune in mining. His reputation as an artist was based on landscape
paintings of the Rockies and of Brittany and Fontainebleau. For biographical information
see Gilbert McClurg, op. cit., Colorado Springs Gazette and Telegraph, November 23, 1924,
Sec. 2, pp. 1, 3, and an obituary in the Denver Republican, May 14, 1901.
Another friend of Craig's was Frank P. Sauerwen, who was also a visitor to Taos in
1898, but who was claimed as a Denver artist. Sauerwen was born in 1871 in New Jersey,
and moved to Denver about 1891. He moved to California in 1905 and died in Stamford,
Conn., on June 13, 1910. He had a large local reputation as an artist but was scarcely
known outside of the mountain West. Fred Harvey was one of his patrons as was Judge
J. D. Hamlin of Farewell, Tex. Judge Hamlin wrote me in 1940 that he owned some 40
canvases done by Sauerwen. I have seen but two reproductions of Sauerwen's work, "First
Santa Fe Train," reproduced in color by the Fred Harvey System in post-card form and
"The Arrow," probably his best-known picture, which was reproduced in black and white
in Brush and Pencil, Chicago, v. 4 (1899), May, p. 83.
I am indebted to Judge Hamlin, to the Denver Public Library, and especially to Alfred
W. Scott, art dealer of Denver, for biographic information concerning Sauerwen. Newspaper
material on Sauerwen will be found in the Denver Republican, November 22, 1898; Rocky
Mountain News, Denver, November 22, 1898; Denver Weekly Church Press, December 10,
1898- Denver Republican, April 9, 1899; Rocky Mountain News, April 9, 1899; Denver
Republican, April 15, 1900, and April 13, 1903.
250 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
I was first interested in Indians before becoming an artist the first group
I ever saw was at the B. & O. depot near Wheeling, W. Va. They would
shoot at dimes and quarters placed in upright forked stick with bow and arrow
even the kids were expert. I was about six years old [then]. Later, living
at Ironton, O., near Cincinnati, the town used to have summer parades and
fiesta simple floats, etc. Once, when I was 12-13 yrs. old, 4 other boys &
myself were Indians on ponies, stripped to G-string & all painted up by local
druggist with ochre. ... we got tired of the slowness [of forming the
parade] and with yells & war whoops we broke loose, stole the show and went
galloping & maurauding all over town. When I went to Cincinnati Art Acad-
emy & learned to draw and paint, I wanted to paint Indians Farny was doing
it then, & dissuaded me by telling of hardships, dangers and made me feel I
didn't exactly have a right to paint Indians after a couple of years or so when
he saw I was determined to go west, he gave me books on Pueblo Indians &
particularly the Penitentes of New Mexico & wanted me to take that up!
It was to the Southwest that Sharp finally went first in Santa
Fe in 1883, and later to Taos in 1893, and to other pueblos of New
Mexico and Arizona in the following years. He retained a posi-
tion on the Cincinnati Art Academy in the winter months, from
1892 until 1902, and then resigned to devote all his time to paint-
ing Indian themes in the Indian country. For a number of years,
beginning in 1901, he had a summer studio on the Crow agency of
Montana which was located at the foot of the Custer battlefield.
He became a permanent resident of Taos in 1912, where he lives
across from the home of the celebrated frontiersman, Kit Carson. 66
After Sharp's sketching trip to Taos in the summer of 1893 he
went abroad. There he met Bert G. Phillips and Ernest L. Blumen-
schein, both interested in painting the American Indian. They
were students at the Academy Julien in Paris, and were particularly
receptive to Sharp's glowing account of the Southwest and of the
village of Taos in particular. Upon their return to this country in
1895, they set up a studio together and then in the winter of 1897
and 1898, Blumenschein, who was also a one-time student of Lun-
gren, spent some time in Colorado and New Mexico. A number
66. I have carried on a correspondence with Mr. Sharp since 1939, the material quoted
above being from a letter dated "April, 1939." For published information on Sharp's
career, see National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 18, p. 188; Who's Who in
America 1950-1951, v. 26 (1950), p. 2483. Sharp illustrations resulting ^rom his visit
id *"_. ; .
with a description by Sharp himself on pp. 982 and 983; ibid., v. 38 (1894), June 9, p.
, . ,
to New Mexico in 1893 may be found in Harper's Weekly, v. 37 (1893), October 14, p.
3"
981, "The Harvest Dance of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico" (full page), dated "9L
with a description by Sharp himself on pp. 982 and 983; ibid., v. 38 (1894), June 9,
549, "The Pueblo Turquoise Driller" (small), with brief description by Sharp on the same
Taos as the locale. A full-page reproduction in color of Sharp's "The Evening Chant"
(Pueblo Indians), appeared in ibid., v. 5 (1900), March, facing p. 241, with a brief com-
ment by Sharp on p. 284 (reproduced in black and white with this article); in the same
periodical, v. 7 (1901), April, p. 61, is a full-page black and white reproduction of his
painting, "Mourning Her Brave," which on p. 64 is credited' "from life." An Exhibition
of Oil Paintings by Joseph Henry Sharp (Tulsa, 1949), lists 204 of his paintings, many of
which are dated; one, "Zuni Pueblo," bears the legend, "Painted 1898"; altogether some
16 were painted before 1900. The Sharp exhibition at Tulsa was opened on his 90th
birthday!
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 251
of illustrations appeared in McClures Magazine as the result of this
trip. In the fall of 1898, Blumenschein, with Phillips as his com-
panion, was back in New Mexico.
On September 4, 1898, they arrived in Taos, and Phillips has
remained there ever since. Blumenschein stayed for a time with
Phillips but he did not make Taos his permanent home until 1919,
so that Phillips is to be regarded as the founder of this modern art
colony in the Southwest. 67 The first of the pictures to be repro-
duced belonging to the modern Taos group, however, is to be cred-
ited to Blumenschein, for there appeared late in 1898, the illustra-
tion, "A Strange Mixture of Barbarism and Christianity The
Celebration of San Geronimo's Day Among the Pueblo Indians,"
and signed by Blumenschein, "Taos N. M. 1898." The next year
there appeared two further illustrations, "The Advance of Civiliza-
tion in New Mexico the Merry-Go-Round Comes To Taos," and
"Wards of the Nation Their First Vacation From School [Na-
vajo]." 68 The original drawing of "The Merry-Go-Round" illus-
tration, according to Mr. Blumenschein, was done in black and
67. In this statement of the founding of the art colony at Taos, I am following the
account of E. L. Blumenschein which appeared in the Santa Fe New Mexican, June 26,
1940, "Artists and Writers Edition," and the biographic sketch of J. H. Sharp which also
appeared in the same issue of the New Mexican. Blanche C. Grant, op. cit., ch. 35, was
another who described the founding of the art colony at Taos and gave biographic sketches
of a number of the artists in the colony at the time of writing (1934). Miss Grant also
included an interesting group photograph of ten of the Taos artists. According to the
Blumenschein account, some 50 artists were making Taos their permanent home in 1940.
Blumenschein's illustrations appeared in McClure's Magazine, New York, as follows: v. 10
(1898), January, p. 252; v. 12 (1899), January, p. 241, February, pp. 298-304: v. 14
(1899), November, pp. 88, 90-93, 95. For Bert G. Phillips (born 1868), see Who's Who
in America, v. 26 (1950-1951), p. 2163.
The story of the actual arrival of Phillips and Blumenschein at Taos in 1898 has been
told by both men; by Blumenschein in the account cited above, and by Phillips in "The
Broken Wagon Wheel or How Art Came To New Mexico," an address made by Phillips in
1948 on the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Taos Art Colony.
The two young artists of 1898 started out from Denver for Mexico after buying a team
and a light wagon for their artistic exploration of the Southwest. Neither of the two had
handled horses before and their training in harnessing and driving was gained the hard way
by the method of trial and error. After a series of vicissitudes, one of the rear wagon wheels
collapsed when they were on a mountain road about thirty miles north of Taos. By drawing
lots, it was decided that Blumenschein should take the wheel to Taos for repairs, Phillips
remaining behind to guard their belongings. After three days, Blumenschein was able to
return with the repaired wheel, and the two traveled on to Taos. So entranced were both
with Taos and its surroundings that they went no farther, both resolving to make the wealth
of beauty and picturesque life around them known to a far wider audience; "a wealth," as
Mr. Phillips remarked, "that will continue to exist as long as this old world shall endure."
It is not surprising with this account before us, that the symbol of the present Taos Colony
is a broken wagon wheel.
Santa Fe itself, as well as Taos, is now a very considerable center of art and has been
for many years. Although no attempt will be made to outline the history of Santa Fe as a
center of art it can be pointed out that the Santa Fe New Mexican has many items bearing
on such a history previous to 1900. For example, the New Mexican for September 9, 1886,
p. 4, described the work of a Mr. and Mrs. Elderkin, art teachers, who were established in
Santa Fe.
The modern art colony in Santa Fe had a much later beginning. Dr. Reginald Fisher
of the Museum of New Mexico wrote me recently as follows concerning the modern period:
"Roughly speaking, the years 1918 and 1919 might be given for the founding of the Santa
Fe art colony. It was during this time that the original group of artists established perma-
nent homes here. Among these were Gustaye Baumann, Randell Davey, Fremont Ellis,
John Sloan, and within a year or two following were Will Sluster, Jozef Bakos, Theodore
Van Soelen (who settled first at Albuquerque in 1916 then at Santa Fe in 1922) and Albert
Schmidt. These are all leading names today among Santa Fe artists."
68. These illustrations appeared in Harper's Weekly, v. 42 (1898), December 10, pp.
1204, 1205; v. 43 (1899), June 17, p. 587, October 28, p. 1100. J. H. Sharp's painting
reproduced in Brush and Pencil, "The Mesa, From Kit Carson's Tomb, Taos, New Mexico,"
cited in Footnote 66, should not be overlooked in considering the early illustrations from
Taos.
252 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
white gouache, and its present whereabouts is unknown. 69 These
illustrations were "very early work in my career," continued Mr.
Blumenschein. "I afterward and until about 1912 was a successful
illustrator at a period when illustration of magazines was in a much
higher plane than today." The long and imposing list of awards
made Blumenschein since that day and his election to the National
Academy in 1927, are sufficient achievements for his inclusion in
any consideration of American art. 70
For many of these artists and illustrators, as has been said, the
Indian and the cowboy of the West were the boyhood magnets that
drew them to their careers. Even mature men, with no previous
acquaintance with the West, were not immune to the power of this
attraction. One artist wrote on his initial trip to the West in 1893:
We Easterners were worked up to a pitch of nervous excitement, until, at
the close of the third day, we could descry from the car window signs of ap-
proaching desolation. Even the seemingly endless plains with bunches of cattle
here and there were interesting to us. ... Our ears tingled with new
names and new expressions." 71
The marvelous range of color, the brilliant sunlight, the early
inhabitants both red and white the contrasts of plain and desert
and mountain, captivated many artists as it has captivated a count-
less number of souls outside the profession. "It is a striking scene
of gorgeous color," wrote one artist in viewing an Indian dance,
"The brilliant sunlight illumines the gaudy trappings of the danc-
ers." Another artist wrote after a trip across the San Juan valley:
Sand, sage, and cactus, a true picture of the Southwest. The mountains in
the distance, with their snowy tops, were beautiful in their softness of tone
and grand proportions. . . . During the ages of erosion, towers of rock
have been left standing in the plain, giving to the scene a weird and wondrous
effect. The color in all is beautiful, the snuff-brown hue of the nearer towers
and slopes losing itself in the blue and misty ones far away.
And still another artist, an ardent lover of solitude and remote
mountain recesses, was to write of New Mexico and the beauty of
. . . the skies of marvelous blue through which pass, in summer, regiments
of stately clouds; the majesty of the mountains, those serrated, rugged peaks to
the East and North, and the gentler tone of the remoter ranges low lying in
the west. . . . Every turn unfolds a new wonderland of beauty. [And
69. Letter of E. L. Blumenschein to the writer, March 16, 1940.
70. For Mr. Blumenschein's career see Who's Who in America, v. 26 (1950-1951),
p. 253. Mr. Blumenschein is still active at the age of 76.
71. Remington W. Lane, "An Artist in the San Juan Country," Harper's Weekly, v. 37
(1893), December 9, p. 1174. Seven of Lane's pictures of southwestern Colorado and
Utah will be found on p. 1168. Lane was a member of Warren K. Moorehead's archaeologi-
cal party that traveled overland from Durango, Colo., to Bluff City, Utah. I have found
no other data concerning Lane.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST 253
in fall] The timbered sides of the mountains capped in snow are now carpeted
in the delicate pattern of the changes, aspens, gold and russet against the green
of the pine. The heat of summer is gone. . . . Everywhere the sage, the
adobes and the cottonwoods melt together in one harmonious symphony of
greys and browns and violets of the choicest quality. 72
All these marvels of Western land and color remain to us today.
All who will may look and see. But the life of an earlier day, por-
trayed against this colorful background of tremendous breadth and
scope, has gone. To that group of artists who recorded the early
life of our West we owe much, for they have left us the nearest
approach to the past that we will ever know.
The passing of the old West was mourned by many, including
these pictorial recorders who lived through its closing hours. One
artist wrote:
When I was last in Tucson there were four gambling houses running full
blast night and day to every block. They were patronized by Indians, cowboys,
sheepherders, niggars and Chinamen. Every man, whatever his color, wore a
gun in sight, and I could walk up and down the main street of Tucson all day
and every day of the week getting material for pictures, local color and new
types. Now the town is killed from my point of view. I met a man here who
had just come up from Arizona and he tells me they have shut down all the
gambling houses tight, and not a gun in sight! Why the place hasn't the
pictorial value of a copper cent any longer. 73
Even the best-known of all the recorders of the life of the West
that was, lamented its passing. Frederic Remington wrote:
I knew the derby hat, the smoking chimneys, the cord-binder, and the
thirty-day note were upon us in a resistless surge. I knew the wild riders and
the vacant land were about to vanish forever, and the more I considered the
subject the bigger the Forever loomed. ... I saw the living, breathing
end of three American centuries of smoke and dust and sweat, and I now see
quite another thing where it all took place, but it does not appeal to me. 74
The wheels of change and progress wait for no man, not even
artists. Doubtless in the comments above, at least two were car-
ried away by their own words. The fact remains that the years
around the turn of the century mark with some finality the end of
an important era in the life of the West and of the nation. What
better recognition could be made of that fact, from the standpoint
of this series at least, than a pictorial one? So we shall let Blumen-
schein's "The Advance of Civilization in New Mexico The Merry-
Go-Round Comes To Taos" (reproduced facing p. 249) be our pic-
torial conclusion.
72. The first quotation given above was written by J. H. Sharp, Harper's Weekly, v. 37
(1893), October 14, p. 982; the second was Remington W. Lane, in ibid., December 9,
p. 1174; the third by W. Herbert Dunton, in American Magazine of Art, v. 13 (1922),
August, p. 247.
73. H. W. Hansen in the Santa Barbara Morning Press, June 30, 1908, p. 5.
74. Collier's Weekly, New York, v. 34 (1905), March 18, p. 16.
The Swedes in Kansas Before the Civil War
EMORY LINDQUIST
census report of 1860 accounts for only 122 Swedes in Kan-
A sas. Thirty years later, in 1890, when 17,096 Swedes were
residents, the highest point in the Swedish-born population was
reached. Kansas then ranked tenth in the nation as to the num-
ber of Swedes, who constituted the third largest national group in
the state. In 1880, the 11,207 Swedes placed Kansas fourth in the
nation as to Swedish-born population, with only Illinois, Minnesota
and Iowa showing greater numbers, and ahead of New York by
forty-three. In 1940, fifty years following the highest point in
Swedish population, there were only 4,540 Swedish-born residents
in Kansas. 1
The exact date of the arrival of the first Swede in Kansas is
unknown. There is considerable evidence to indicate that Lars
Anderson from Vastergottland, C. Johnson-Lindahl from Smaland
and Henrik Olander from Skane settled in Osage county in 1948. 2
George J. Johnson, Peter Paulson and John and Peter Peterson
arrived in the same county in 1854 or 1855. 3 L. A. Lagerquest
came to the future site of Big Springs in Douglas county on July 4,
1854. 4 Considerably more is known about John Rosenquist who
came to Kansas from Knoxville, 111., with the Rev. Thomas J. Addis
of Addington. The journey was made by covered wagon in
March, 1855. Upon arrival at Lawrence, Rosenquist was directed
to the "Upper Neosho" settlement. He selected a claim below the
junction on the Neosho and began building a cabin. 5 In May,
1855, Charles Johnson located on the Cottonwood river in Lyon
county and during the same year L. H. Johnson settled on the
Neosho river, above the present city. 6 Kansas must have been
quite well known to the Swedes, as is indicated by a statement
DR. EMORY LINDQUIST is president of Bethany College, Lindsborg.
1. Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1940, Population, Vol. II, Characteristics of
the Population, Part III (Washington, 1943), p. 31; Carroll D. Clark and Roy L. Roberts,
People of Kansas A Demographic and Sociological Study (Topeka, 1936), p. 51.
2. Bethany College collection, "Misc. SK 26"; A. W. Lindquist, Minnen af Kansas-Kon-
ferensens Femtio-Ars Fest, p. 7.
3. A. T. Andreas and W. G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas (Chicago, 1883),
p. 1531.
4. Ibid., p. 308.
5. Flora Rosenquist Godsey, "The Early Settlement and Raid on the 'Upper Neosho',"
Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, v. 16 (1923-1925), pp. 451-
453; letter of Mrs. Godsey, daughter of John Rosenquist, dated November 2, 1944, to
Kirke Mechem, in the library of Kansas State Historical Society.
6. Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., p. 845.
(254)
SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 255
in the recently founded Swedish newspaper, Hemlandet, det Gamla
och det Nya, on March 31, 1855, when Kansas was described as
"an excellent country." 7
The most important development in the coming of the Swedes
to Kansas before the Civil War occurred when John A. Johnson
came to the Blue valley near Cleburne on June 20, 1855. In May,
1852, two brothers, John A. and N. P. Johnson, together with the
latter's wife Mary, started the long trip to America. The voyage
from Gothenberg to New York on the sailing boat Virginia took
approximately six weeks. The journey westward brought them
to the well-known Swedish settlement, Andover, 111., on July 30,
1852. John Johnson found employment with Wm. Shannon, a
farmer, near Galesburg. In 1855, the prospectus issued by Gov.
Andrew H. Reeder of Kansas territory, outlining the advantages
of the area, became known to Shannon and Johnson. They decided
to go to Kansas and arrived in the Blue valley on June 20. Johnson
was favorably impressed with the land and its possibilities and he
decided to stay there. He built a simple log cabin which became
the first dwelling place in the fine Mariadahl community. 8
John A. Johnson's brother Peter and his wife stayed in Illinois
where they worked for a farmer near Ontario for a short time
until the husband found employment at Galesburg. On April 22,
1856, the Johnsons and their infant daughter started the arduous
trip to Kansas in a covered wagon drawn by oxen. They ap-
proached Kansas via St. Joseph rather than by Lexington, thereby
avoiding the great danger from Proslavery partisans. In the com-
pany of four "American" families they traveled to the Vermillion
river. At that point they went on alone in search of brother John.
Toward dusk one day, Peter, realizing that they were lost in a
strange country, reluctantly left his wife and daughter in a frantic
search on foot for his brother. When in despair and ready to
return to the temporary camp, he saw a small cabin and a man
coming out of it. To his great joy he discovered that the man
was his brother. They hastened to join Mrs. Johnson and the in-
7. Hemlandet, det Gamla och det Nya, March 31, 1855, hereafter referred to as
Hemlandet. It first appeared on January 3, 1855. The editor and publisher was Dr. T. N.
Hasselquist, pastor of the Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church, Galesburg, 111., famous
and influential pastor, editor and educator and the first president of the Augustana Lutheran
Synod. Hemlandet was an influential newspaper and was read widely in America and also
in Sweden. Complete files are available in the Denkman Memorial Library, Augustana
College, Rock Island, 111. A representative collection of letters to the editor of Hemlandet,
including some from Kansas are found in George Stephenson, "Hemlandet Letters," 'Year-
book of the Swedish Historical Society, v. 8 (1922-1923).
8. A. Schon, "De forste svenskarne i Kansas," Prairiebloman, 1912 (Rock Island, 1911),
pp. 171-173; T. W. Anderson, "Swedish Pioneers in Kansas," Year Book of the Swedish
Historical Society of America, v. 10 (1924-1925), pp. 7-18, contains an interesting descrip-
tion of the early Swedish settlements in Kansas.
256 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
fant daughter. There was great rejoicing and deep gratitude to
God on that day, May 22, 1856. 9
The two brothers were anxious that their mother and brothers
and sisters should come to America following the death of their
father on February 27, 1858. The interchange of letters resulted
in the departure of the family from Snararp, Rumskulla, about
June 7, 1859. The itinerary was via Hamburg, which was the port
from which they embarked July 11 or 12 on the sailing vessel
Doanu, arriving in New York on August 24. They came to Kansas
by rail via St. Joseph, then by wagon, pulled by horses and mules,
to the Blue valley on September 30, 1859. In addition to Maria,
the mother (after whom the settlement was named Mariadahl),
David, Gustaf, Victor, Christina, Charlotta, Emma and Clara joined
the two brothers. Upon their arrival in the Blue valley, the following
Scandinavians were there, in addition to John and Peter Johnson:
N. P. Axelson, S. P. Rolander, C. J. Dahlberg, Niels Christensen,
Lewis Persson, Peter Carlson and John Sanderson. 10
The Swedes who came to the Blue valley in the 1850's were
devout and pious people. Informal religious services, which con-
sisted of hymn singing, reading of the Bible and Martin Luther's
sermons and prayer, were held regularly in the various homes.
They gathered for the traditional festive early morning Christmas
service, Jul Otta. Some of the members of the colony had belonged
to Dr. T. N. Hasselquist's Lutheran congregation in Galesburg,
111. Appeals were directed to him for pastoral services from the
Kansas Swedes. Hasselquist was the first president of the Augustana
Lutheran Church, organized in 1860, and in the autumn of 1863,
the Rev. John Johnson of Princeton, 111., was sent to minister to
the Swedes in the Blue valley. He stayed for a period of six weeks,
baptizing, conducting confirmation services, preaching and teach-
ing. The Mariadahl Swedish Lutheran congregation was organ-
ized by Pastor Johnson in the home of N. P. Johnson on October
14, 1863. Thus the first congregation of the Augustana Lutheran
Church was established in Kansas. 11
9. C. J. E. Haterius, Minneskrift ofver Svenska Ev. Luth. Forsamlingen i Mariadahl,
Kansas (Rock Island, 1913), p. 9; Schon, loc. cit., pp. 175, 176.
10. A. Victor Johnson's reminiscences, in J. C. Christensen, The Johnson Family of
Mariadahl, Kansas (Privately printed, 1939), pp. 12-15. This 20-page pamphlet edited by
Mr. Christensen, the historian of the Johnson family, contains the reminiscences of one of
the children from their home in Sweden to early developments in Kansas. Another Swede,
C. J. Dahlberg, arrived in the Blue valley in July, 1857. A fascinating account of the
journey to Kansas and early pioneer life is found in a statement by his son, C. V. Dahlberg,
in Bethany College collection, "Misc. SK 18."
11. Haterius, op. cit., p. 12; O. O. Oleen, Mariadahl Lutheran Church-Historical Sketch
(Randolph and Cleburne, Kan., 1938), p. 37; Schon, loc. cit., p. 177.
SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAB 257
While strife over the slavery issue was undoubtedly an im-
portant factor in keeping many Swedes from coming to Kansas
in the 1850's, individuals in the territory urged their countrymen
to join them. Late in the summer of 1856, an unknown Swede
described in Hemlandet the advantages of Kansas. It was a beau-
tiful and productive land. He realized that the calm in the state's
political life might be of short duration and that the future of the
state depended upon the North. He predicted that if Fremont were
elected President, Kansas would be free, but if Buchanan was the
victor, it would be necessary to fight for freedom. 12 The editorial
policy of the influential Swedish paper Hemlandet encouraged
Swedes to come to Kansas. It was suggested that immigrants
should take the land route through Iowa and southern Nebraska
in order to avoid the difficulties caused by the struggle over
Kansas. 13
Many Swedes turned toward Kansas in 1857 in spite of the un-
certainty of the future. In April, Hemlandet observed that "immi-
gration to Kansas is much stronger than in any other direction."
A correspondent had assured the editor that four-fifths of the
residents were Free-State men. He was certain that his country-
men would never regret coming to Kansas, but he urged them to
do so in large groups, in order that they might maintain their
identity. 14
On April 19, Henry L. Kiisel sent in a rather lengthy report on
developments in Kansas. He had gone there the preceding sum-
mer and was living in Grasshopper Falls (now Valley Falls).
The difficulties of the previous year had been shared by him, and in
order to avoid imprisonment at Lecompton with other Free-State
men, he had left Kansas and visited various places in Iowa. He
hoped now that the Free-State forces had been able to consolidate
their position. The victory in the election of the mayor of Leaven-
worth was a sign of hope. He was uncertain if the decision of
the Free-State men to refrain from voting following the Topeka
convention was a wise one. The future seemed to depend now
upon the action taken by the new governor. He was quite cer-
tain that Kansas would become a free state and in that event he
would be delighted to build his home there, but if Kansas became
12. Hemlandet, August 15, 1856. Hasselquist was actively urging the election of Fre-
mont. The slate of candidates on the Republican ticket was published in Hemlandet so
that the readers would make no mistakes in voting. October 10, 1856.
13. Ibid., August 29, 1856.
14. Ibid., April 21, 1857.
178121
258 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
a slave state, he considered going to Galesburg, 111., where he
could be with his countrymen who were not numerous in Kansas.
The immigration to Kansas was really amazing, according to
Kiisel, and for good reason. Nature was kind and all who wished
to share in the bright prospects of the future should plan to come
to Kansas. Enthusiasm for Kansas continued to run high when it
was declared by another observer that the productivity of the
state could provide for one hundred and fifty million people. 15
The editor of Hemlandet apparently realized that the few
Swedes in Kansas were overly enthusiastic and pointed out that
great praise for their place of settlement was a common response
of pioneers everywhere. 16 The official policy of Hemlandet, how-
ever, was to encourage immigration to Kansas. On July 14, the
editor addressed "Some Words to Recently Arrived Immigrants
and Others Who Are Seeking Their Luck in America." The
statement pointed out that the Eastern states were already crowded
and that times were hard there for newly arrived immigrants.
Land in Illinois and Iowa was already too high in price for poor
people and for those of modest means. The wise thing to do
would be to go to some new territory like Kansas or Nebraska. 17
One of the factors in the encouragement given to settlement in
Kansas by Hemlandet was the interest which the editor, Dr. T. N.
Hasselquist, showed in a colonization project proposed by Dr.
C. H. Gran, a physician in Andover, 111. In the June 3, 1857, issue
of this Swedish newspaper, under the heading, "To Each and
Every One Who Wishes to Improve His Circumstances," the an-
nouncement was made about the proposed Scandinavian colony
in Kansas. 18 The statement indicated that Gran hoped to bring
the colonizers to Kansas in April, 18^8, or earlier. The first intent
was to settle along the route to California, since Gran was certain
that some day there would be a railroad to the West coast. He was
convinced that slavery never would nor could exist in Kansas. There
was nothing to fear from the Indians. Gran had traveled widely in
Kansas, eaten their food and smoked many pipes with them. He
felt as secure in their wigwams as in his own house. These natives
of Kansas had their own schools and churches. He had a grammar
of their language. The chief inducement, however, for choosing
15. Ibid., May 20, 1857.
16. Ibid., June 3, 1857.
17. Ibid., July 14, 1857.
18. Ibid., June 3, 1857. Hasselquist's interest in the Gran plan was based on his
desire to encourage settlement by the Swedes in a manner that would keep them identified
with the Lutheran Church. Oscar Fritiof Ander, T. N. Hasselquist The Career and In-
fluence of a Swedish-American Clergyman, Journalist and Educator (Rock Island, 1931),
pp. 33, 34.
SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 259
Kansas was the rich land and the suitability of the climate and
soil for agriculture. Wood, stone and water were available in
abundance.
This original statement on the proposed Kansas colony invited
inquiries to be addressed to Gran, with the request that each appli-
cant over 21 years of age should place one dollar in the envelope
to cover preliminary expenses. Each name would be entered in a
permanent record book. Gran announced that he planned to visit
Kansas again in the early autumn. He would find the most suit-
able land and secure guarantees that it would be available for
the colony. He urged the Swedes to participate in this enter-
prise. While Gran pointed out that he was nicely situated pro-
fessionally and financially in Illinois, he was willing to spend time
and money on this Kansas project which would mean so much to
the Swedes. Hasselquist endorsed Gran's plan, pointing out that
Kansas was south of Illinois and Iowa, thereby offering mild winters
and that the Swedes already in Kansas were enthusiastic about
the advantages there.
In July, 1857, Gran's plan for a Scandinavian colony in Kansas
was formally announced in a four-page supplement (Bihang) to
Hemlandet. lQ The brochure answered the question "Why Go
To Kansas?" by describing the fine soil, the mild climate, the op-
portunity for settlement, and the cheap land which made it pos-
sible to secure 160 acres in Kansas for the price of 20 acres in any
other state. Twelve reasons were listed for undertaking settle-
ment as a member of a colony rather than individually. Among
the reasons cited were the savings in large scale purchase of supplies
and equipment, the establishment of a trading post within easy
access of all members of the colony, the privilege of being governed
by officials chosen from among themselves, the possibility of hav-
ing the comforts and conveniences of an older settlement within
the least possible time, the certainty of having a church and school
immediately, and a guarantee of prosperity and progress for all
members of the group.
The Gran plan provided that the future Kansans should as-
semble at Illinoistown, 111., opposite St. Louis, on May 1, 1858.
The rules and regulations of the company should be adopted at
that time and necessary equipment purchased. Upon arrival in
Kansas an elected committee should pick the townsite. Land
should be distributed by lot as the most equitable method. A
19. Plan for Dr. C. H. Gran's Skandinaviska Kansas-Koloni, Juli, 1857. Bihang till
Hemlandet, det Gamla och det Nya (Galesburg, 1857), 4 pages.
260 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
vote should be taken on such questions as the following: How
large should the house be on each quarter section? How much
land should be plowed and fenced? Perhaps the members would
vote that the house should be 18 by 12 feet and 8 feet high with
a middle partition, three windows and two doors and that 20 acres
should be plowed on each quarter section. The entire member-
ship would then begin the work in common for which they were
best qualified. Gran stated that he would not be able to do
heavy work, but he would take care of the sick and injured with-
out any cost from the time they met in Illinoistown and as long as the
work proceeded in common.
When the townsite had been established, houses built and a cer-
tain amount of land plowed, the company was to be dissolved.
Each member would then go to the closest government land office
and take out title to the property allocated to him. Each individual
could do as he chose with the certificate of title. If some wished
to trade holdings so that friends and relatives could live in adjoining
tracts, such an arrangement was possible.
Gran pointed out that $200 would be needed if a member was
to secure title to 160 acres at the initial sale price of $1.25 per acre.
Payment could be made within a year. While the building of
houses and breaking of sod was to be done in common at the
outset, food and other household and personal needs were not to
be shared in this manner. The enthusiastic originator of this
Kansas plan emphasized continuously the advantages of joining
in a large company. There would be good roads and bridges,
churches and schools, many conveniences, the fellowship of kin-
dred spirits with a common language and great economic ad-
vantages.
In order to promote the plan, Gran announced again his intention
of traveling to Kansas in early autumn to select the best location
for the colony. He had arranged for some competent Swedes,
who knew the territory well, to assist him. Several factors had
to be considered before the final location was determined. Com-
munications with other settlements, possibilities for factories and
potentialities for growth were important.
A cordial invitation was extended by Gran to join in this coloniza-
tion project. Interested individuals were urged to see or write him
immediately. He wanted to know how much land would be re-
quired by the company before going to Kansas. Information as
to age family, trade and profession should be included with the
SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 261
inquiries. Gran stated that he had spent between $400 and $500
of his own money and that he was ready to leave a successful
medical practice in order to promote the colony. He suggested
that "Kansas Clubs" be formed in various communities in order
to stimulate interest in the project and to make available informa-
tion as to the plans. Individuals and clubs should also send sug-
gestions to Gran as to the best way of carrying out this plan for a
Kansas colony.
Leading citizens endorsed Gran's plan and certified that he was
of "the highest respectability, intelligence and moral worth" and
that "His plans can be accepted with greatest trust." Endorsing
the plan and the reputation of Gran were two of the greatest pioneer
pastors of the Augustana Lutheran Church, the Rev. T. N. Hassel-
quist, pastor of the Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church at Gales-
burg and Knoxville, 111., and the Rev. L. P. Esbjorn, pastor of the
Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church at Princeton, 111. Other
well-known supporters of the projected colony in Kansas were
former Sen. Ben Graham, justice of the peace, and S. Cronsioe,
publisher of Den Svenska Republikanen i Norra Amerika, at
Galva, 111.
Gran's plan was received enthusiastically in many quarters.
Hasselquist discussed the proposal in a three-column front-page
story in Hemlandet. This distinguished leader of the Swedish ele-
ment in America urged the Swedes to go to the West. He ex-
pressed grave concern that if they stayed in the Eastern cities many
of them would become members of "the poorer classes." While
expressing enthusiasm for Gran's plan, he admonished the Andover
physician to provide adequate spiritual care for the colonists. He
reported that this aspect had been discussed with Gran at consider-
able length and that the physician had assured him that the Kansas
colony would make careful provision for the spiritual needs of the
members. 20
Inquiries about the Kansas colony came from a wide area. In
September, Hasselquist reported, following a visit with Gran at
Andover, that 200 individuals had already signified their interest
in the plan. 21 On Monday evening, September 14, a "Kansas Meet-
ing" was held at the Swedish Lutheran Church at Galesburg.
20. Hemlandet, July 28, 1857. At this time Gran was trying to raise money for his
Kansas project. He had compounded and marketed a "Fross Medicin" which was advertised
widely. Great claims were made as to its curative power for the ague and other illnesses.
In Hemlandet for August 4, 1857, Gran urged all who had acquired this medicine through
Dr. Hasselquist to make payment which was due.
21. Hemlandet, September 9, 1857.
262 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
People were in attendance from far and near. Gran spoke to the
group about the advantages of that area and answered many ques-
tions. He announced at the meeting that he was soon leaving
for Kansas to seek the best location for the colony. The following
were to accompany him: John P. Swenson from Richmond, Mo.,
Henry Kiisel who resided at Grasshopper Falls, K. T., and one other
person. 22
Gran went to Kansas in September and on December 3, Hem-
landet reported that he was back at Andover. In a review of his
journey we find that he arrived at Wyandotte City, K. T., on Sep-
tember 27. "When one gets up on a bluff and looks over the fruit-
ful plains and woods, these wonders of God's creation, the soul
is filled with a stirring that words cannot describe/' he wrote. The
beauty of the Smoky Hill, Republican, Big Blue and other rivers
in Kansas appealed to him greatly. There were optimistic descrip-
tions of the products of the area, nuts, plums, potatoes, beans, wheat,
oats, corn, tobacco and a new kind of molasses. The quality of the
products was good and the yield was bountiful, with corn produc-
ing 60 to 70 bushels per acre, wheat 30 to 45 bushels per acre
and potatoes 100 to 300 bushels per acre. 23
Support for the project came also from Henry L. Kiisel in Kansas
who wrote on December 15:
Countrymen in New York and in all other Eastern states. You who work
hard every day for your small daily wage, now is the chance for you to get
your own home where you can live independent of Americans. You will
escape working so hard, and cease to be dependent upon your daily wages.
If God lets me live and gives me health, I want to live among my
countrymen again, who will be interested in founding a good Swedish congre-
gation together with building its own school and church.
This lonesome Swede ended his appeal by urging his countrymen
to join in Gran's project and come to Kansas. 24
The invitation from Kiisel to the Swedes was extended again
in January of 1858, as Gran formulated plans for the journey to
Kansas in the spring. The loyal Kansan reported that the past
winter had been mild and comfortable. He expressed the hope
that the stories in the newspapers about the strife in Kansas would
not be taken too seriously. Conditions were not as bad as reported.
"He who minds his own business," he wrote, "and does not inter-
fere in politics, can go in peace. Countrymen, come next April.
22. Ibid., September 18, 1857.
23. Ibid., December 3, 1857.
24. Ibid., December 15, 1857.
SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 263
You can improve your condition in beautiful Kansas and secure
a fine home for yourselves and your children." 25
Meanwhile, Gran completed his plans, said farewell to his friends
at Andover and with a few companions started for the appointed
meeting place en route to Kansas. When he arrived at St. Louis
on April 5, he experienced a great disappointment. Only a few
people awaited his arrival. However, he learned from them
that a large group of Swedes had left for Kansas earlier. They
had become impatient following reports that good land was getting
scarce. The people who were now with Gran decided nevertheless
to go with him to Kansas immediately and left St. Louis on April 6. 26
The number in Gran's party was too few to carry out the grand
design of the original plan. Only about a dozen people continued
with Gran to a place on the Saline river. Here a townsite was laid
out with the primitive measuring device of a piece of string and
the name Granville was given to it by the Illinois dreamer. On
May 25, Gran wrote a detailed letter to Hemlandet about his un-
fortunate experiences, designating the place of origin with wishful
thinking as Granville, K. T. A. M. Campbell and A. C. Spillman
assisted Gran in measuring off what the doctor thought was a square
mile for a townsite. Campbell and Spillman were promised four
lots each for their services. 27
Gran stayed in his newly founded colony for only a few days.
He stopped briefly at Ft. Riley and then returned to Illinois. How-
ever, he still urged people to consider Kansas as a place for settle-
ment. In a communication to Hemlandet he suggested that pros-
pective residents of Kansas should go to Wyandotte City, Lawrence,
Burlingame, Emporia, and then to Whitewater in Butler county
or to El Dorado in Hunter county. 28 A colony of Swedes located
in 1858 on the Upper Walnut creek and De Racken creek and others
on Cole creek in Butler county. 29
Included in the group of people who came to Kansas with Gran
was L. O. Jaderborg. He was born in Jarbo, Gastrikland, Sweden,
25. Ibid., February 16, 1858.
26. Ibid., May 25, 1858.
27. Ibid.; Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., p. 698. Andreas refers to Dr. Gran of Illinois but
his brief description corresponds in detail with the complete account in Hemlandet. The
statement that Dr. Gran came to Kansas in the early 1860's and that he went to the
Neosho valley has no basis in fact. Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society, v. 4
(1886-1888), p. 287.
28. Hemlandet, May 25, 1858. Dr. C. H. Gran was burned to death in his bed at
the Invalid's Hotel, Alpha, 111., of which he was proprietor, on March 15, 1883. The bed
apparently took fire from the lamp by which he had been reading. The Henry County
News quoted in Henry L. Kener, History of Henry County, Illinois (Chicago, 1910), v. 1,
p. 763.
29. V. P. Mooney, History of Butler County, Kansas (Lawrence, 1916), p. 301.
264 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
January 28, 1829. Influenced by "Amerika feber" (America fever),
he left his native country on the sailing ship Maria, July 22, 1855,
and after a brief stay in England, came to the United States on
October 16. He worked at Andover, 111., where he joined Gran
and the Kansas colonizers. 30 Information is made available by
Jaderborg about the fate of the Gran colony. The leader stayed
only a few days in Kansas, leaving his associates there with food
and provisions for two weeks. Near the end of that time the few
Swedes remaining at Granville became alarmed at their desperate
condition and started for Ft. Riley. Heavy rains and floods caused
great hardship. They were without food for two days before reach-
ing Ft. Riley. Only Jaderborg stayed there. The rest of the party
hurried on to Illinois.
Jaderborg secured employment as a blacksmith with L. B. Perry
who ran the ferry at Ft. Riley. He learned that a Swede, John
Swenson, had settled in Center township in Dickinson county.
At Christmas time and lonesome for contact with a fellow Swede,
he sought the Swenson home. He arrived there on Christmas
eve. The Swensons and their small daughter lived in a small eight
by eight foot cabin but there were no limitations to their hospitality.
The visitor stayed there until the day after Christmas. Jaderborg was
impressed with the land and made arrangements to take out a pre-
emption claim. He returned in the spring of 1859 to work the
land and made occasional trips there. In April, 1861, he joined
the Second Kansas cavalry as the driver of a provision wagon
pulled by six mules. The first action for him was at Pea Ridge
and the last at Prairie Grove. He returned to Kansas and partici-
pated in the action associated with Price's raid. In the atumn
of 1865 he went to his land near Enterprise. Peter Joshua Peter-
son, who had been there in 1859, and Isaac Broman lived with
him that winter in a dugout. Jaderborg became a leading Swedish-
American citizen in Kansas, identifying himself with the Bethlehem
Lutheran Church near Enterprise and giving generous support to
Bethany College at Lindsborg. 31
Several other Swedes who were not associated directly with
Gran's "colony" came to Kansas in 1858. The first Swedish settler
in Marshall county was Peter Froom. He came to the United States
in 1855 and arrived in Kansas from Knox county, 111., in 1858, when
30. Lindsborg Fasten, January 12, 1916.
31. Schon, loc. cit., pp. 182-185; Lindsborg Posten, January 12, 1916. Jaderborg died
at Lindsborg on January 6, 1916.
SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 265
he settled on a homestead in Rock township. 32 P. J. Peterson,
who became a contractor in Lawrence, arrived in that city in 1858
from Chicago where he had learned the carpenter's trade. He
had come to America with his parents in 1855. 33 Several Swedes
settled in Osage county in 1858, including Peter Peterson in Junc-
tion township, and Chris and John Peterson in Fairfax township.
Pal Peterson and six sons came to the county also in 1858. 34
While Dr. C. H. Gran had great plans for Kansas in 1858 and
lived to see them fail, another Swede, Andrew Palm, came to
Kansas that year with dreams and hopes that became a reality to
a considerable extent. He was born in Killerod, Bellinge Socken,
April 30, 1835. His name until he became a naturalized American
citizen was Andrus Person Palmquist. Graduating from the Uni-
versity of Lund in 1855, he arrived at Bloomington, Kan., four
miles from Lawrence, three years later. He was associated with
Hyde, Swain and Palm in the saw and grist mill business. How-
ever, the Missouri bushwhackers burned the mill and Palm's house
was destroyed by fire. He thereupon moved to Lawrence. 35
Andrew Palm possessed an imaginative mind that produced prac-
tical ideas leading to several inventions. In the spring of 1862,
together with John Wilder, the decision was made to construct
a huge windmill in the west part of Lawrence. Palm returned to
Sweden in November and purchased all the equipment for the
project. Accompanied by 12 mechanics, he sailed for America.
En route the ship was stopped and searched by the crew of the
famous Confederate raider, the Alabama, but since Palm's vessel
was of German registry, it was permitted to continue the voyage.
On June 15, 1863, Palm and his associates arrived in Lawrence.
They started work on their unusual project and all was going well
until that morning of August 21 when Quantrill and his band rode
into town. L. Johnson, one of the workers on the windmill pro-
32. Emma E. Forter, History of Marshall County, Kansas (Indianapolis, 1917), p. 228;
Schon, loc. cit., pp. 187, 188. Peter Froom was born in Ockelbo, Sweden, March 21, 1825,
and died in Marshall county, July 9, 1894. He was active in the Salem Lutheran Church
in the Swedish settlement near Axtell. It has been stated that two Swedes lived on a farm
near Marys ville in Marshall county in 1855 but nothing definite is known about them.
33. Lindsborg Fasten, April 4, 1906. Peterson was born at Rodja, Smaland, Sweden,
February 8, 1838. He died in Lawrence in 1906. He was president of the Scandinavian
society in Lawrence and a stockholder in the Lawrence Plow Company.
34. C. R. Greene, Early Days in Kansas Annals of Lyndon, v. 4 of Greene's Historical
Series (Olathe, 1913), p. 223; Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., pp. 1554, 1555; Bethany College
collection, "Misc. SK 26."
35. Bethany College collection, "Misc. SK 24"; Schon, loc. cit., pp. 193-199; bio-
graphical sketch of Andrew Palm, by Mrs. Blenda (Palm) Greenwood, in manuscripts divi-
sion, Kansas State Historical Society. Palm came to America on the sailing boat Unonia.
He lived for a while in Boston where antislavery agitation was high and this fact influenced
his decision to come to Kansas. He died at Lawrence, November 5, 1906.
266 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
ject was shot and made a cripple for life. His son, Gus, was slightly
wounded. The workmen hurried to Wilder's stone residence in
the 700 block on Kentucky street. QuantrnTs men assumed that
the place was well fortified and hence did not attack it. Eighteen
men, including Palm, were unharmed. 36
Work on the mill continued until the early autumn of 1864, when
it was completed at a cost of $9,700. The structure was octagonal,
five stories in height, the basement constructed of stone with four
foot walls. The structure above ground was of native oak. The
huge wheel was 80 feet in diameter, with canvas sails 10 feet in
width, making 13 revolutions a minute. The result was a force
equal to an 80 horsepower engine. It was used for grinding wheat
and corn until 1885. It burned in 1905. Palm and Wilder also
established the Wind Mill Agricultural Works which manufactured
plows to break the virgin soil, cultivators, other farm equipment
and household goods. Palm is said to have cast the first plow in
Kansas. He took out several United States patents. Included in
Palm's inventions were a riding cultivator, a barbwire lifter and
grading scrapers. 37
The few Swedes in Kansas at the time of the gold rush in the
Pikes Peak region became enthusiastic about the possibilities of
achieving great wealth, and others in Illinois and elsewhere con-
tacted their countrymen in the state about the prospects. An un-
known Swede, who apparently represented some of his friends, re-
ported on the prospects when writing from Leavenworth in May,
1859. His letter stated that on the previous Saturday the first ex-
press arrived from the Pikes Peak region with $5,000 worth of gold
dust. Some of the precious mineral could be seen in small bottles
at Russell's bank. Rumors were circulating that additional gold to
the value of $10,000 was en route, although some skeptics doubted
the authenticity of reports of the discoveries. Since there was so
much uncertainty, this Swede stated that he and his friends would
delay their journey to the gold fields. 38 The interest among the
Swedes in the gold strike was so great that Hemlandet warned its
readers not to be misled by the glowing reports. 39 In the spring
of 1860, interest in Kansas as a gathering point for the journey to
Colorado is shown by a feature article and a large map on the
36. Schon, loc. cit., pp. 197, 198; Lawrence Journal-World, June 28, 1941. G. Rodell,
a Swede who was in Lawrence during QuantrnTs raid, described the event for Swedish
readers and reported that among the Swedes only Carl Anderson was killed. Hemlandet,
September 30, 1863.
37. Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., p. 330; Greenwood, loc. cit.
38. Hemlandet, June 8, 1859.
39. Ibid., March 15, 1859.
SWEDES IN KANSAS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAB 267
front page of Hemlandet indicating the routes to "guldlandet,"
the gold country. 40 Gust Johnson, S. P. Rolander and Jonas Magnus
Johnson of the Mariadahl colony were among the Kansas Swedes
who went to the Pikes Peak region in the spring of 1860, returning
that autumn. 41 There is no record of Swedes sharing extensively
in the riches which seemed so promising at a distance.
While the prospects in Kansas had been favorably portrayed to
Swedish people through the influential newspaper Hemlandet, the
strife over Kansas and a series of criticisms of the state were fac-
tors in discouraging immigration. A. Thorson, writing in July,
1858, pointed out that
Kansas is the battle ground and the source of discord between two powerful
political parties, and the end of the struggle is far off. For this reason at
present Kansas can only with difficulty be settled and occupied by peaceable
people who must earn their bread by the sweat of their brows. 42
Hemlandet described a meeting of Swedes in Galesburg on
February 28, 1859, at which a letter from a Swede in Kansas ad-
vising his countrymen not to come to that area was read. Louis
Lybrecker, who had spent several months in Kansas in 1857 with
a surveying party wrote to his countrymen:
My knowledge about Kansas is of such a character that from the bottom
of my heart I never want to think of it. What is home for us people from
the Northern Countries without woods and water? Are we accustomed
to an endless prairie with its eternal monotony? No, we feel at home when
we are surrounded by beautiful nature, by evergreen forests along a lake
or river. That the climate is healthful I deny absolutely. Ague is so preva-
lent throughout the entire state that scarcely a person can be found who has
not suffered from it. ... Let us rather found a colony in Southwestern
Minnesota, or near our countrymen in that state. I have never been in
Minnesota, but it seems to me to be the right place for Swedes. 43
Additional criticism of Kansas appeared in Hemlandet in October,
1860, when an article was reprinted from the Chicago Tribune
describing terrible conditions of conflict, poverty, starvation and
distress. 44
The pattern of settlement, at least temporarily, followed the
advice of Lybecker. Minnesota, unlike Kansas, was not in the
center of the conflict that split the nation into two armed camps.
It was easier to go to Minnesota than to Kansas, many Swedes
were already there, several Swedish churches had been organized,
40. Ibid., April 15, 1860.
41. Christensen, op. cit., p. 15.
42. Hemlandet, July 6, 1858.
43. Ibid., March 15, 1859.
44. Ibid., October 19, 1860.
268 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
and the natural surroundings there seemed closer to those of the
homeland than did the wide prairies of Kansas. Moreover, the
failure of the Gran colony plan undoubtedly discouraged many
Swedes. While Hemlandet published letters for and against
Kansas, the former enthusiasm for the state had disappeared. 45
However, there was a change in the situation within a decade.
The end of the Civil War aroused new interest. In 1869, several
hundred Swedes, under the leadership of two Lutheran pastors,
the Rev. Olof Olsson from Varmland in Sweden and the Rev. A. W.
Dahlsten from Galesburg, 111., settled in the Smoky valley in cen-
tral Kansas. While Gran and his Kansas "colony" became almost a
legend, the idea of the Andover physician that the Swedes should
settle in large groups was kept alive. In the Smoky valley, the
First Swedish Agricultural Company of McPherson county in the
Lindsborg area and the Galesburg Company in the Freemount
community acquired thousands of acres of land upon which hun-
dreds of Swedes settled. Similarly along the Republican river at
approximately the same time, the Scandinavian Land Company
promoted colonization in the Scandia area. Out of the settlements
in the Smoky valley came Bethany College and the "Messiah"
chorus tradition at Lindsborg. From these and other groups, came
the religious and cultural values which have made it possible for the
Swedes of Kansas to make their contribution to the great symphony
of American life.
45. Ibid., March 15, 1859, published a favorable report on Kansas by A. Lars Person
from Riley county and the severe criticism by Louis Lybecker.
A British Bride in Manhattan, 1890-1891:
The Journal of Mrs. Stuart James Hogg
Edited by LOUISE BARRY
I. INTRODUCTION
TN THE summer of 1883, Sir Stuart James Hogg of London, ac-
* companied by his teen age son, Stuart James Hogg, spent a month
in Kansas looking after the interests of the newly-organized British
Land and Mortgage Company of America, Ltd., of which he was
president. The Hoggs arrived in Atchison on July 24, where they
were met by the company's American agent, James S. Warden, of
Frankfort.
Making Atchison his headquarters, Sir Stuart set out to look
over prospective land investments. Among the towns he visited
was Manhattan, and when he was there on August 7 a local news-
paper reported:
On Tuesday, Sir Stuart Hogg, (pronounced Hoge) and his son, a young
man of eighteen years, Chief Justice Horton, and Rev. Philip Krohn, of
Atchison, arrived on the U. P. train from the east. They were met at the
depot by Mr. E. B. Purcell, and were his guests until the next day. Sir Stewart
[sic!] Hogg is the head of an English syndicate that has already made large
investments in Kansas, and expects to continue doing so^and we understand
that he was so much pleased with Manhattan, that he will visit it again soon.
While here, he arranged for his son to take a course at the Agricultural college,
as he says he wants him to learn American ways. Both father and son have
sensible and manly countenances. . . .*
On August 15, several other officials of the English syndicate ar-
rived in Atchison, and a few days later there was some consternation
in local financial circles when an announcement was made by Sir
Stuart, in Atchison newspapers, that James S. Warden's connection
with the company had been "fully revoked and annulled/' (This
abrupt severance of relations resulted in litigation with Warden
which was not settled until April, 1885. )
The next development was reported in an Associated Press dis-
patch from Atchison on August 20:
Sir Stuart Hogg, of London, president of the British Land and Mortgage
Company of America, representing about $5,000,000 has been in this city for
several weeks and just returned to England. He has appointed Hon. E. B.
LOUISE BARRY is in charge of the manuscripts division of the Kansas State Historical
Society.
1. The Nationalist, Manhattan, August 10, 1883.
(269)
270 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Purcell, of Manhattan, Kan., as agent and general manager for the company;
Messrs. Everest and Waggoner, of this city, as general solicitors; and the Ex-
change National bank, of Atchison, as bankers for the company. 2
Thus, in the late summer of 1883, the headquarters of the British
Land and Mortgage Company of America was removed to Man-
hattan, to the office of the widely-known Kansas financier E. B.
Purcell. There it was to remain until January, 1890.
When Sir Stuart departed from Kansas not to return for seven
years he left his son, Stuart James Hogg, in Manhattan to ac-
quaint himself with American life and to take an increasingly active
role in the administration of the British company's affairs.
From late August, 1883, till early June, 1892, young Hogg was a
Manhattan resident. He lived for some time at "Squire" Lee's
home. On September 12, 1883, he was enrolled as a special student
at the Kansas State Agricultural College. He completed the three
terms of 1883-1884 and re-enrolled in the fall of 1884, but was
called to London and excused from classes on December 2.
After he returned from England in February, 1885, he began to
assume some responsibilities in the British Land and Mortgage
Company office. Manhattan newspapers occasionally noted Hogg's
business activities in such items as the following: (June, 1885)
"Gen. McDowell, Maj. Adams and Stuart Hogg are in New Mexico,
buying cattle"; (August, 1885) "E. B. Purcell, accompanied by Mr.
Cattell and Stuart Hogg, left Tuesday for a week's inspecting in
Cloud and adjoining counties"; (February, 1887) "Stuart Hogg, of
the British Land and Mortgage Co., spent the most of last week
at Irving on business"; (April, 1887) "Pasturage for 400 head of
cattle on British Land and Mortgage Co/s ranch, 10 miles south-
east of Manhattan. For particulars inquire of Stuart Hogg at the
office of E. B. Purcell."
In November, 1885, he again went to England this time for the
Christmas holidays. On the return voyage, in January, 1886, he
met his future wife, Margaret Alice Muir. The Muirs Andrew
and daughters Margaret and Eva were en route to Florida on a
business-and-pleasure trip. 8
Of his social life in the Manhattan community the local newspa-
pers give little clue. One item, published in the Manhattan Mer-
2. Ibid., August 24, 1883.
3. Miss Eva Muir, who kept a diary of this journey, made the following entry under
date of "Tues 19th Jan 1886 SS Servia": "In the morning at breakfast spoke to a youth
who sits opposite to us. He is a nice gentlemanly boy about 23-24 years of age, I should
think: a ranch man in Kansas. His name is Stuart Hogg. He is rather quiet and shy
but has constituted himself our cavalier and wraps rugs round our feet etc. etc. We like
him very much. He is tall and very thin good features dark hair, brown eyes, very
short sighted and wears spectacles." This quotation courtesy of Mrs. J. H. Brett of St.
Albans, Herts, England.
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN 271
cury early in January, 1890, noted a party given by Hogg and a
friend: "A merry group of young people had supper at the rooms
of Jas. Taylor and Stuart J. Hogg New Years eve. In addition to
the hosts there were present Misses Minnie Whitford, Anna Green,
Minnie Dow, Allie Long and Walter Taylor and wife."
When he had an accident in late June, 1889, the Nationalist some-
what ambiguously reported: "Stuart Hogg . . . was riding his
horse rapidly ton Sunday, June 30] and in turning the corner near
Stingley & Huntress' store the horse fell, dislocating his ankle and
breaking the small bone of the leg. Dr. Lyman is attending him."
In January, 1890, Stuart J. Hogg took over the agency and man-
agership of the British Land and Mortgage Company of America,
and at once moved its headquarters from PurcelFs office at 305
Poyntz avenue to rooms in a building at 110 North Second street.
It was announced that Purcell had retired from active management
to a position on the board of directors. In an advertisement Hogg
stated that the company would continue lending money on real
and personal property "in the same conservative manner as before,"
and that H. F. Christy, a lawyer, and P. C. Helder would retain
their positions.
On April 8, 1890, the Manhattan Bank a 20-year-old institution,
founded, owned and managed by E. B. Purcell closed its doors
with over $500,000 in liabilities. The news of this financial crash
"almost paralyzed the people of Manhattan," though the Mercury
stated that "It had been whispered for months that the depreciation
in values and a hard money market had so embarrassed E. B. Pur-
cell . . . that he was in close circumstances. . . ." Un-
fortunately, the actual closing of the bank was precipitated by the
British Land and Mortgage Company. As explained in the Man-
hattan Nationalist, the story was this:
In December last [i. e., 1889], Mr. Purcell had borrowed from the
British Land & Mortgage Company, Limited, $20,000, which was due on
Monday last [April 7, 1890]. He gave as security 5200 shares of stock in
the British Company, upon which $30,000 had been paid. The Company,
through its agent, Stuart J. Hogg, demanded payment.
Mr. Purcell offered to pay the obligation in the British stock dollar for
dollar, or, if that was not enough, as much more as was wanted. The company
refused to take its own collateral in payment. When Mr. Purcell was informed
that the 5200 shares he had deposited as collateral were to be advertised for
sale, his attorney notified Mr. Hogg that a suit for damages would result. The
advertisement was made, and the result was that the bank, in order to protect
itself from a run, was forced to close doors.
The sympathy of almost everybody is with Mr. Purcell in this
matter and the British Company is much blamed, whether justly or not. . . .
272 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
The bank was only one of Purcell's many business interests,
which in Manhattan included a mill, a mercantile store and a
lumber-and-coal establishment. Over the state he was widely
known as a landowner, and as a large stockholder and member
of the board of directors of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe rail-
road. Only the bank was involved in the crash, and as it turned
out, no one lost money. A few months later, the appraisers reported
that the bank assets were $830,877, as against liabilities of $562,209.
However, the forced closing of the bank was both financially and
personally embarrassing to Purcell and he immediately brought
a $100,000 damage suit against the British Land and Mortgage
Company. This legal action caused Sir Stuart Hogg to make a
hurried trip to Kansas. He arrived on April 28, and next day the
Manhattan Daily Republic had this to say:
A very pleasant gentleman is Sir Stuart Hogg, Bart., of London, England.
. With a tall, well-knit frame, clad in a tasteful suit of grey tweed,
with shoulders slightly stooping, a benevolent face and kindly eyes, he is a
handsome and striking representative of the aristocracy which is at once the
pride of England and the world. . . . Affable, courtly, knightly, he is
an ideal person for an interview.
The Republic quoted Sir Stuart on the Purcell bank failure at
some length:
About the Purcell matter? Well, that is the principal reason for my coming
to America. ... I was truly sorry when the news was first received
of Mr. PurcelTs suspension. For him I have naught but the kindliest feeling,
and have always thought of him as one of my friends. During my previous
visit to Manhattan Mr. Purcell was my host, and he extended to me every
courtesy which friendship and a hospitable heart could prompt. Aside from
this, he is a man of large business qualifications, and although had not things
transpired in the manner they did, the crisis would probably only have been
delayed for a week, a fortnight or a month, I am pained that the end should
have been precipitated by a company with which I am connected. It gratifies
me to hear such a general expression of good will toward Mr. Purcell, and I
hope that it will not be long ere he will be positioned as he was before the
trouble.
Sir Stuart remained in Kansas only briefly. The furore over the
Purcell matter subsided, and Manhattan settled back to its ordinary
business calm. (The damage suit of E. B. Purcell vs. the British
Land and Mortgage Company of America, Ltd., was dismissed at
plaintiff's cost in the U. S. court at Topeka in December, 1890. 4 )
In the latter part of June, 1890, young Stuart Hogg went again to
England. He returned on October 9, bringing with him his bride-
of-a-month, the former Margaret Alice Muir. For the next 20
4. Manhattan Daily Republic, December 27, 1890.
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN 273
months the couple lived in Manhattan. Mrs. Stuart James Hogg's
journal, published here, begins on her wedding day.
By February, 1891, as Mrs. Hogg recorded in her journal, Sir
Stuart had retired from the London management of the British
Land and Mortgage Company of America. It was anticipated that
the headquarters might soon be moved from Manhattan to Kansas
City or Denver, or to England, but the expected change was slow
in developing. Mrs. Hogg's journal ended abruptly in November,
1891.
In March, 1892, Stuart Hogg advertised a "Great Stock Sale!" at
the ranch on Deep creek near Biasing's springs. On March 6, 1892,
the Nationalist stated: "Mrs. Stuart Hogg started on her return
trip to England yesterday." And on June 9, 1892, the Republic
announced: "Stuart Hogg has gone to London going by way of
Florida, where he will rest a few weeks."
Details of the Hoggs' later life are meager. It is known that two
girls were born to the couple, one of whom is now Mrs. J. H. Brett
of St. Albans, Herts, England. Mrs. Hogg died in England in 1943
and Stuart Hogg died in 1947.
The above may seem a little heavily businesslike as an introduc-
tion to the brief notes of a young bride, written without thought
of publication. But it was felt that a glimpse of the representatives
of a British syndicate operating in Kansas would be of interest, in
addition to providing a background for the activities of the diarist
and her husband.
II. THE JOURNAL
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 9TH, 1890.
We were married at St. George's, Campden Hill by the Rev. Canon
Daniel. The Church was beautifully decorated with palms and
white lilies and the sun shone down upon us. They sang the new
marriage hymn, "He shall give his Angels," ending with "O God
our help in Ages past." It was all very beautiful and solemn. The
church was full of smiling friends as we went out. My bridesmaids
were Eva, Molly, Katie McLaren and Sally Norton, and Terence and
Evelyn Barclay were pages and held my train. There was a large
party at Holland Park afterwards and everybody was most friendly
and sympathetic. Stuart and I went off under showers of rice and
took the 5.45 train to St. Albans. 5 Our driver advised us to go the
Peahen Hotel as it was superior to the George. However it was
not up to much. We spent the evening writing letters home.
5. St. Albans is in Hertford county, England, some 20 miles northwest of London.
188121
274 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER lOra, 1890.
We went to Morning Service at the Abbey and were rather disap-
pointed to find it was not choral. It is a large building, some parts
old and interesting but not beautiful. The day was lovely so we
walked by a pleasant shady path along some fields and through
a wood. We passed bits of ancient Roman wall.
In the afternoon we drove to the old Church of St. Michael,
dating from Saxon times and climbed the tower to get a view of
St. Albans. Then we went on to Gorhambury and saw the ruins
of Lord Bacon's house. It has a large park surrounding it with
beautiful old trees, many of which must have been there in Bacon's
time. We trundled softly over the turf. Coming home Stuart got
out and walked.
In the evening we joined the night express at Bedford. 6 We
managed to get a private compartment in the Pullman so the journey
was luxurious.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER lira, 1890.
We reached Kilmarnock, dismallest of towns, in the early morning
and had to change. All the way from there to Ardrossan 7 Stuart
made fun of the dull flat country. "What a fine country Scotland is
what magnificent mountains? How wild!" When we got in sight
of the sea not a vestige of Arran was to be seen it was all covered
by clouds and my heart sank. 8 I was afraid Stuart would think
it a most over-rated place. On the steamer we got into a sheltered
place with our backs to the wind. When we were half way across
I saw the sky was clearing so we jumped up and ran forward and
there was Arran in its glory, the clouds rising from all the mountains.
Stuart was enthusiastic in admiration of it and we ran forward to the
prow and stood there in the teeth of the wind, holding on so as
not to be blown away. It was very exhilarating the strong fresh
wind, sparkling sea with dashes of spray every now and then and
the sight of Arran coming nearer and nearer.
We put up at the Brodick Hotel and had time before lunch to
stroll along the Strathwhillan road. The sea was the loveliest blue
and all the colours on land very strong in the north-west wind.
It was very strange walking in this familiar place with Stuart. He
was enchanted, and what joy it was to me! We stayed in Arran till
Monday, September 15th and had lovely weather all the time.
6. Bedford is about 30 miles northwest of St. Albans.
7. Kilmarnock is an inland town in southern Scotland; Ardrossan is a west coastal town,
on the Firth of Clyde.
8. Arran is an island, 20 miles long and 10 miles wide, in the Firth of Clyde. The
Hoggs stayed in the town of Brodick while in Arran.
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN 275
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1890.
Stuart and I left home and sailed from Southampton on the "Allen."
Father and Eva said goodbye to us on board.
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 4TH, 1890.
We arrived at New York and on Tuesday started for Manhattan
which we reached on Thursday, October 9th.
It was exciting to me to be arriving at Manhattan the place
that was to be our first home. There were still a good many leaves
on the trees and the country looked green as we drew near and
was not bad to look at, though I laughed at the low brown mounds
that Stuart called "hills." At Manhattan we jumped out with all
our array of small parcels. Stuart's buggy was there, a serious
looking man in shabby clothes holding the horses. This was James
Taylor, Stuart's chum. We drove straight to Stuart's rooms over
his office. How interesting it was to see the place he had described
to me so often and from which he had written to "Miss Muir" that
was. He had made it very comfortable and nice and there was
even some attempt at artistic decoration of the walls. I was very
happy and excited and didn't feel in the least tired. Mills was
there having accomplished the journey across America by herself,
she had already formed rather a poor opinion of the place and I
think if it had not been for the buggy and pair would have felt that
I had come down in the world.
Stuart had been hearing about houses from Christie one of his
clerks and was so anxious to be off to see them that he could
hardly wait for me to have a cup of tea. Off we started again, the
ponies trotting briskly and the buggy trundling lightly over the
dusty ground. Manhattan looked quite pretty all the streets, ex-
cept the main street, were avenues of green with houses peeping
out of the trees and bushes on either side. Suddenly as we turned
a corner I saw one of the wheels roll off and the next moment we
were down in the dust. It was just like Stuart's luck. We weren't
in the least hurt however as the horses stood still. There was no
mending it so after a good laugh we started walking to the stables,
with the horses, to get another buggy. We saw two houses and
decided on one belonging to Mr. Newell in Houston Street the
fashionable street of the town. 9 It was not quite what we wanted,
the upstairs rooms had sloping ceilings and it all looked very tiny
and cramped, but there was nothing better to be had. Then we
trundled off again, this time outside the town, and called on Kitty,
9. E. W. Newell's house at 618 Houston street. It had been built in the spring of 1886.
276 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
the wife of Walter Taylor a young couple whom Stuart had more
or less taken under his wing and helped and in whose home he felt
more at home than anywhere else in Manhattan. 10 She is a good
honest, simple young woman, very cheery and kind hearted and
hard-working but with a terribly strong American accent. Then
we came home again. There was a soft evening glow and as we
drove along together I felt full to overflowing of joy and content-
ment.
While in Stuart's rooms we had to take meals at the hotel very
unsavoury messes and I was sorry to think what poor Stuart had
had to endure for all those years. It made us all the more eager
to get into our own house.
On Friday I made a round of the shops, laid in my stores and got
furniture for the servant's room, so that Mills might go in at once.
It was amusing going round, for Stuart had to introduce me to
everyone or great offence would have been taken and they all
wrung me by the hand and told me they were old friends of
"Stooard's." We sent over all the sitting-room furniture on Friday
and Mills took up her abode in the house. Stuart's room horribly
bare and devastated that night.
SATURDAY, OCTOBER UTH, 1890.
We moved from Stuart's rooms to our new house.
Saturday I had a hard day of it at the house, receiving furniture
cases and heaps of clothes. By the evening the carpets were laid so
that we could get our bedroom into some sort of order. Oh how
glad I was to get to bed that night and rest my tired feet!
SUNDAY, OCTOBER 12TH, 1890.
Of course we had to work very hard putting things in order,
unpacking cases, etc. It was very exciting getting out all our wed-
ding presents, and the nice silver and china.
The first meals at home were very funny for there was nothing
but fine silver and the roughest kitchen ware, our crockery not hav-
ing arrived from Chicago. Mills cooked wonderfully well and it
was a pleasure, after the hideous hotel, to be dining at a nice Eng-
lish table. Stuart simply sat and beamed opposite me he could
not get over the oddness of all this happening in Manhattan.
NOVEMBER, 1890.
We had to live in rather a makeshift manner till our things from
Chicago and Kansas City arrived. After that the house got into
10. "Walter Taylor occupies a position in the drug store of T. E. Williams & Co. He
learned this business in London." The Nationalist, Manhattan, April 8, 1887.
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN 277
some shape and looked very cosy and nice. I worked hard making
short muslin curtains for the bedrooms, hemming dusters, etc. We
left the drawing room unfurnished for a time.
One day Stuart came back from the office early in the forenoon
and said, "I must be off to Denver this afternoon, will you come
too?" I wasn't long in making up my mind, it was such fun to
think of starting off at a minute's notice and not having to ask any-
one's leave. 11 I called for my trunk and packed up Stuart's and my
things and Riley took them down to the Station, leaving us nothing
to do but saunter down leisurely after lunch. We got to Denver
next day and stayed four or five days. Stuart investigating mines,
etc., I buying things for the drawing-room and helping him to look
through mine reports, etc. For Sunday we took the train for Mani-
tou Springs to look up Hubert Paton. We had a fine view of the
Rocky Mountains springing straight up from the plain. A magnifi-
cent range. Hubert appeared at the Hotel and we all squeezed
into a buggy and drove up some of the canons and saw the famous
garden of the gods which did not impress us much. Hubert was
shy and silent at first, but after discovering that Stuart was not an
American he woke up and they made great friends, running down
the whole American people. He stayed the rest of the day with us
and dined at the Hotel and evidently enjoyed a good talk. We saw
his pictures but did not think highly of them. He lives in a sort of
hand-to-mouth way, sometimes painting, sometimes cattle-punch-
ing, and is quite philosophic about it. We were glad to have seen
him. Next morning we came back to Denver and then home
again. 12
After this I was very busy getting my little drawing-room into
order. It is a bright room with windows to south, east and west.
To make it as different as possible from the library I did it up with
light colours, pretty Japanese blue cretonne curtains and covers and
light cane chairs. We got quite nice pale yellow paper in the town,
I hung Burne-Jones photos and Phil's and Fred's sketches on the
walls. On the floor are some Daghestan rugs and I have a piano
and a little table covered with plants. It looks like a sister to the
Furze Hill drawing-room and I fancy that any of our London
friends walking in would say at once, "A Muir lives here." I gen-
erally come in at about five o'clock, put on a tea gown and Mills
brings tea in my pretty little rosebud teaset, but oh! it makes me
11. "Mr. and Mrs. Stuart Hogg left on the afternoon U. P. train for Denver, where Mr.
Hogg will transact business and his wife view a portion of magnificent scenery. . . ."
Manhattan Daily Republic, October 30, 1890.
12. "Stuart J. Hogg and wife returned from their Denver trip to-day." Manhattan
Mercury, November 5, 1890.
278 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
long for some one to come in and share it with me, some of my
own friends and not these dull Manhattanites.
A good many of the people call on me but I have not made
friends with anyone yet. I think most of them come out of curi-
osity. Some are just like servants, sit on the edge of their chairs
very conscious of their best clothes and can only say "Yes'm it is so."
Stuart often has to go on drives into the country to do business
with some farmer and he generally takes me with him. I enjoy
these drives a deux through the quiet country. The weather is
lovely all the time, clear crisp autumn weather and perpetual sun-
shine and there are often beautiful sunsets.
We are early people, breakfasting at 7.30 or at latest 8. I then
have a busy morning dusting, cleaning silver, sewing, mending,
marketing. Stuart comes to lunch at 1 and then rushes back to
the office. In the afternoon I write letters, read, go for a walk, play
piano, etc. Stuart comes home to dinner at 7.30 and then we enjoy
ourselves, sing German duets, read poetry and so forth. I have in-
troduced Stuart to Browning and Shelley and he is quite off his
head with enthusiasm.
Mills manages to get through the housework wonderfully with a
little help in boots and knives from the black boy and a char once
a week. She has turned out a very fair cook. But alas she is begin-
ning to worry about getting home already!
I write a great many letters home and receive a great many,
which is a comfort. When there is an extra large English mail
Stuart comes galumphing home to tea and we enjoy it together.
DECEMBER, 1890.
The days are so like each other that there is no use in writing
them down separately. The fine weather went right on up to
Christmas, only getting a little colder. On Christmas Eve it snowed
all day and in the morning everything was glistening like a Christmas
card. We went to Church but hardly anyone else did and the
service was dismal and depressing, not even the good Christmas
hymns. After lunch we drove over to the Taylors who had just
had a little daughter born to them and took wine and guava jelly. 13
It was lovely driving all wrapt up in furs, over the snow. There was
a red sunset going on as we drove home.
A new inmate has been added to our household, a curly brown
Irish spaniel called "Lon." He is a young dog full of romping spirits
and also very affectionate and is a dear friend of ours already.
13. "Born: Dec. 24th, to Mr. and Mrs. Walter Taylor, of this city, a daughter."
Manhattan Republic, January 1, 1891.
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN 279
On the 28th I went to Kansas City to stay with a young English
couple the Mackenzie's who have lately set up house there. Stuart
followed in time for New Year's Day and we came home on the 2nd.
They are very friendly people and it is nice to be with old-country
folk again but Mrs. Mackenzie is so very silent and without interests
of any kind that it is most difficult to keep up conversation during
long tete a tetes.
JANUARY, 1891.
A month of snow and slush in which nothing much happened.
Stuart took to going trips of two or three days to look after his
business in different parts of the state and I felt very dreary and
forlorn. Once when he went away ten days I couldn't stand it and
went and got an English woman to come and take pity on me. She
has just come to be principal of the high-school and is very English
and rather schoolteacherish. It was something having a creature
to talk to in the evenings and she is pleasant enough, though
cruelly plain. Her name is Miss Gerrans. 14
FEBRUARY, 1891.
The weather goes on being unsettled, half the week quite warm
then hard frost and snow, then thaw and slush. It is rather tiresome.
We have been busy ever since Xmas talking over plans for the
future, for Sir Stuart has retired from the Company and changes are
to be expected. Stuart is sick of this place and longs to get away.
Some new scheme for deliverance turns up every week and then
a letter comes knocking it on the head. One day we are quite
settled to move to Denver, another day it is London another day
Kansas City. Sir Stuart does not seem to exert himself much.
MARCH, 1891.
We still go on making plans and the Company now they have lost
Sir Stuart are in a hopeless muddle and appear unable to come
to any conclusions. Endless correspondence goes on and no result.
It is very disheartening to Stuart.
In the house things go on as cheerfully as ever only that Mills
has developed a bad temper and is still pining for home.
In the end of the month I went to Kansas City to have my teeth
attended to. Dined at the Mackenzies and met a Mr. Vincent
Rowe whom I liked. His brother is about to settle in K. C. with
a branfd] new wife.
Our garden is full of spring flowers and looks lovely.
14. "Miss Amy Gerrans, of Kansas City, has been tendered and accepted the position
of principal in our high school and will assume her position in about two weeks. . . ."
Manhattan Mercury, January 7, 1891.
280 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
APRIL, 1891.
We had Willie Mackenzie and Vincent Rowe down to shoot
ducks with Stuart. 15 The Lotos Glee Club happened fortunately to
be in town that Saturday and gave us an excellent performance. 16
The Sunday was horribly wet and the poor men got drenched and
had very poor sport. Next morning we spent in the garden pruning
rose bushes and they went off in the afternoon. Stuart enjoyed im-
mensely having some Britishers to talk to and I think they felt they
had had a good time in spite of the rain.
Next week Stuart had work to do at the farm so we packed up
some necessaries and drove out over fearfully muddy and jumpy
roads. 17 We found the farm house full. The young woman had
just had a baby and the old mother had her hands full looking
after her and cooking for the men. The only thing to do was to
settle down in Stuart's little hut and wait on ourselves. This con-
sisted of only one small room containing a stove, a bed, a table, two
chairs and a washstand. Here we lived for the inside of a week and
a tight fit it was! I had fortunately brought out some cold meat and
tinned things so there was little cooking to do and we were able to
manage with two spirit lamps and the occasional use of the stove at
the farmhouse. It was hot weather and we couldn't have borne
the heat if we had lighted the stove in our tiny room.
I enjoyed the whole thing immensely. The first thing in the
morning I jumped up and opened the door and there was our quiet
little valley, the trees in all the nooks of the hills a very delicate
green and a lovely group of peach trees in blossom in the fore-
ground; golden morning light over it all. It was as fresh and sweet
as at the beginning of the world. Then I had to bustle round
and make porridge and boil water for the coffee. I generally went
up to the house to do this so as to leave Stuart a little room to
dress in. Our meals were very rough and simple and in the morn-
ings Stuart was always off to his work at once and I had the minute
house to myself to work around in sweep, dust, make beds and
wash up. After the other meals he stayed to smoke his pipe and
then it was a great business getting the things washed and put
away as wherever he sat his long legs stretched across the room and
15. "Messrs. Vincent Rowe and William MacKenzie, of Kansas City, are the guests of
Stuart Hogg." Manhattan Republic, April 23, 1891.
16. The Lotus Glee Club Concert Co. appeared on Saturday night, April 18, 1891, at
Moore's Opera House (Geo. F. Dewey & Co., managers). This male quartet was advertised
as "all artists," "fresh from their successes in London." Manhattan Daily Republic, April
18, 1891; Manhattan Mercury, April 8, 1891.
17. This farm was evidently the one later described in an advertisement listing stock
for sale by Stuart J. Hogg. It was "On Deep Creek, near Biasing's Springs, 10 miles south-
east of Manhattan and in Riley county." Manhattan Nationalist, March 4, 1892.
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN 281
tripped me up. One window sill served for a pantry and the
other for a dressing table and bookshelf and we had two nails on
the door on which to hang all our things.
After I had cleaned up in the morning the little room looked
quite pretty. I put books and papers and my writing materials on
the table, also a pot of peach blossom and a photograph or two
and sat down to do sewing or writing. Now and then I went up
to the house and had a talk in German with the old woman and
the young mother and in the afternoons I wandered about in the
wooded parts along the brook.
One day I went up with Stuart on horseback to the place where
they were working and galloped about on the tops of the hills
while he toiled at fencing. He was dressed just like a workman in
blue jeans and a flannel shirt and large sombrero and worked
harder than any of them. On the Saturday we drove home in the
Spring waggon, he in this costume and I in a common print skirt and
blouse and a large straw hat and all our goods behind us, saddles,
bedding, boxes, and baskets and a dog poised on the top. We were
immensely amused at ourselves in the disguise of farmer and
farmeress and pictured the surprise of our friends supposing we
were to meet them bowling along that road in their neat dog carts
or victorias.
It was a hot drive though and by the time we got to Manhattan
it was a relief to get indoors in a cool house where there was room
to spread about. We also enjoyed the luxury of baths and nice
clothes and dining off shining white linen and pretty glass and
silver. Manhattan looked charming for in those few days the leaves
had burst out and all the roads were avenues of green. Our little
house was in a perfect bower and there was long bushy grass in the
garden. We passed our Sunday in this civilised idleness and then
off to other farms again for a few days on Sunday. And so April
came to an end.
MAY, 1891.
The vegetables Stuart put in last month are all coming up bravely.
My tulips and hyacinths are nearly over and I have sowed some seed
under them but I don't expect them to do well in this poor soil.
But the apple and peach trees are all in blossom and in many
yards there are delicious lilac bushes. The neighbours are kind and
send me round great bunches every now and then. The rose
bushes along our fence have also begun to bloom. It is very warm
and we leave all doors and windows open and a delicious breeze
blowing through the house. Mills was finding the work too much
282 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
so I have got a little English girl, Effie Stewart, who waits very
nicely at table and helps in the house.
About the 10th Stuart and I went with the Rows to their ranch
in Texas. 18 It was a long journey a night in the train and then a
whole day in ordinary car, jumping out for meals at little wayside
eating houses. We had our tea basket with us and made afternoon
tea in the car, much to the delight of the other passengers. One
large cowboy-looking fellow came and leant over the back of the
seat to examine the machine, inquire where we got it and what it
cost, etc. We got to a little tiny place called Miami late at night
and were put up there, rather roughly. 19 Next day there was a forty
mile drive to the ranch. We drove in a large three-seated vehicle
with bad springs and oh how wretched I was! There was a bitter
wind and I had only prepared for hot weather and got chilled to
the bone. We got to the ranch at last and there was Vincent, beam-
ing with good nature and paint pot in one hand and brush in the
other. He had arrived the day before and hastily painted over
the house in honour of our visit. It was a nice little place con-
sisting of a sitting room and four bedrooms opening on to a balcony.
For meals we had to go down to a neighboring cottage, where the
usual cowboy fare was dealt out to us and everything was of the
roughest and simplest. Here we lived for a week and enjoyed it
immensely. Stuart joined in all the ranch work with tremendous
energy. Branding cattle, droving horses from one enclosure to
another, etc. We had some good rides and a picnic on the shores
of a river. A little Irishman who had been an officer in the English
army, came over from a neighbouring ranch and stayed some days.
We found him very cultivated and with a good knowledge of books.
He and Stuart made great friends. The ranch was situated on the
side of a broad low valley at the other end of which were some large
trees. It was the loveliest place I have ever seen.
Stuart and I came home before the Bernard Rows. 20 We found
letters which finally decided Stuart to take a trip to England. In
order to see people before they left town it was necessary to go as
soon as possible, so we fixed upon the 9th of June. The weather
was very hot at this time and I was glad to think of getting away.
We were both in tremendously high spirits at the idea of going home
and could hardly think of anything else.
18. "Mrs. Stuart Hogg left Tuesday for Kansas City, where she will be met by Mr.
Hogg, and will go to Texas for a two weeks' stay." Manhattan Republic, May 14, 1891.
19. Miami is in Roberts county, in the Texas Panhandle.
20. "Mr. and Mrs. Stuart J. Hogg are home again." Manhattan Republic, June 4,
1891.
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN 283
JUNE, 1891.
We had a hot week to endure and then the rain came on, cooling
the air and making packing less of a trial. We set forth in a deluge
of rain, but full of joy. 21 The journey was quite comfortable for
everywhere there had been rain and the dust was laid. We ar-
rived at New York on the 20th and sailed on the same day in the
Aurania. Vincent Row who had travelled from Kansas City with us
was on board and made a cheery companion. The rest of the
passengers were very dull. The weather was fine and calm but
we made a slow passage only arriving on the Monday. We were
burning with impatience and by a tremendous rush through the
custom house just managed to catch the early train. The journey
seemed interminable. At last we got into Euston, and there on the
platform were the dear girls radiant and lovely in light summer
dresses.
When Stuart saw them he gave a shout that resounded through
the station and nearly flung himself out of the window. We had
a happy drive in a fourwheeler, our two pretty girls opposite a
feast for the eyes. Then old 42 and dear Mother looking fresher
and prettier than ever, and Father and Kenneth just lately arrived
from Russia. It felt so queer being in the old house again, every-
thing just the same only that now I inhabited the spare room.
Stuart and Ken struck up a great friendship at once and went about
buying tobacco and pipes together. Father was eager to get down
to Furze Hill so our time in London was brief and hurried.
JULY, 1891.
I went down to Furze Hill with father and was amazed at the
change in the field where the new house was. Father had worked
hard and it was really a most successful garden. Masses of roses,
sweetpeas, and all sorts of lovely flowers in bloom. We came back
for Sunday the 5th and Stuart, Eva and I went a round of calls.
The Groom-Robertsons Burne Joneses 22 and Leslie Stephens.
Stuart was delighted. They were all very kind and pleased to see
us. I forgot to say that the day after our arrival we went to a Dance
at the Winkworths and the next to Marianna Lehmann's wedding.
How odd and delightful it was to be among a crowd of civilized
well-dressed people again!
21. "Mr. and Mrs. Stuart J. Hogg started yesterday for London, where they will spend
the summer. . . ." Ibid., June 18, 1891.
22. Sir Edward Burne-Jones (1833-1898) was one of the most influential English
painters of the Victorian era. His greatest achievements were in the field of decorative
design (stained glass windows, tapestries, etc.), but many of his paintings had popular ap-
peal. Reproductions of "King Cophetua," "The Golden Stairs," "The Wine of Circe," and
others of his works, were in many American homes.
284 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Stuart had to be in London pretty often so we were constantly
running up or down from Furze and the time seemed to go with
terrible rapidity. Stuart was too busy and harassed to enjoy the
country properly, especially as the wet weather stopped most
things.
AUGUST, 1891.
In the beginning of August, Kenneth went back to Russia. Stuart
and I went down to Sandgate from a Saturday to Monday to stay
with Lady Hogg and say good bye to Lucy, who goes to India in
September, and I disgraced myself by being ill in bed most of the
time. A touch of the 'grippe' I think. Stuart sailed on the 12th.
The night before we dined with Sir Stuart at the naval exhibition
and drank lots of champagne to keep our spirits up. On the Wed-
nesday, Eva and I went to see Stuart off at Euston, and at the last
minute decided to go to Liverpool. I was equipped in blue serge
but Eva was in a delicate summer garment, so we had to get her a
shawl when we reached Liverpool. It cheered Stuart to have us
to the last but poor dear, he looked desperately mournful as the
tender went off and leant over the railings of the Teutonic looking
back at us. 23
Soon after that Father and I took a little trip to Scotland. We
went up to Inverness and next day to Beauly and Invercarrick, a
most lovely part of the highlands I had never seen before. To our
surprise we found we had landed at the very doors of Guisadran,
Lord Tweedmouth's place. We saw them in Church on Sunday,
and the Quintin Hoggs were with them and introduced me. Then
we went up to lunch at the house and were shown Lord Ts wonder-
ful model farm. They were all very friendly and nice. Lady T. a
handsome and regal-looking Dame with rather a sharp manner.
Lord T. kindly and jovial. We went on by the Caledonian Canal
to Invergarry and had a wet drive thence to Glenelg. After that a
lovely day on which we steamed from Glenelg to Balmacarras when
we got stuck for want of horses. Drove by moonlight to Strome
ferry and next day in rain again to Glencairn where we had a jolly
time with the McLarens, and home again by Inverness and Edin-
burgh.
At Edinburgh we stayed long enough to see all the Patons who
were in town. Had tea with Lora in her own little house, called on
the old Macnab and dined at 33. Sir Noel was there, Vic, Fred,
23. "Stuart J. Hogg returned from his trip to England Monday." Manhattan Mercury,
Wednesday, August 26, 1891.
A BRITISH BRIDE IN MANHATTAN 285
Ronald, Lora Bob and later on Madge. It did us good to see all
those dear people.
SEPTEMBER.
We just had a quiet Sunday at Furze and then to London on Mon-
day, and tremendous packing and buying of last odds and ends,
etc., and Molly and I were off to Liverpool on Tuesday and sailed
early on Wednesday the 9th.
I forgot to say that Laura and her children had come up from
Eastbourne in the middle of August and taken the Huntingdon's
house on the top of the hill. It was delightful having them so near,
the children were down at Furze nearly every day and were darl-
ings. It was hard for poor Molly to be dragged away so soon, but
I was glad to get a cabin on the "Teutonic" and besides there was
more chance of escaping storms.
We had a wonderfully fine voyage and made friends with several
people. We sat at Table with Johnston Forbes Robertson, who
was excellent company. 24 There was a charming Bostonian couple,
Mr. Watson and his wife, with whom we made special friends.
After landing at New York we all went to the Brunswick Hotel,
and in the evening dined together at Delmonicos. The Watsons
and their friend D. Whittredge, J. F. R., Molly and I. After that
heard Seidls orchestra perform part of the Cavalleria Rusticana, a
beautiful thing.
We had a hot and tiring journey and were immensely cheered
and refreshed by the sight of Stuart at Kansas City. At last we
got here and were able to enjoy the luxury of baths and clean
clothes. 25
Home looked tinier than ever, but very pretty and nice. It was
too hot to do anything but wear the thinnest garments and lie
about in hammocks, and poor Molly had toothache into the bargain
and was quite wretched.
OCTOBER, 1891.
The weather got cooler and then we had good times. Stuart
bought a boat and had a boat house built on the river bank and
24. Johnston Forbes Robertson (1853-1937), the English actor, had not at this time
reached the height of his career. His fame was established in 1895 when he began a series
of Shakespearean revivals in London. His first visit to the United States was in 1885.
Some of his greatest successes were in Shaw's Caesar and Cleopatra, Kipling's The Light
That Failed, and Jerome's The Passing of the Third Floor Back. He married Gertrude El-
liott, American actress, and they played together in many productions. The United States
was included in Forbes Robertson's farewell tour in the season of 1913-1914. He was
knighted in 1914, and retired in 1915.
25. "Mrs. Stuart J. Hogg returned from England Sunday, accompanied by her sister,
Miss Muir." Manhattan Mercury, Wednesday, September 23, 1891.
286 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
after that we used to row a great deal up and down the Blue river
and with an occasional turn up the Kansas. 26 As the [leaves?]
turned the river became more and more lovely. One Sunday we
took our tea with us and went a long way up the Blue and made
tea on the banks, rowing home at sunset it was delicious. Molly
took to rowing with great energy. She seemed very well and was
delightfully happy and contented and pleased with everything that
happened. A little brown pup was sent us from Fort Riley. This
we gave to Molly and she christened it Banshee. It was a great
pet with all of us. Molly also made great friends with Lon and
Fanny and the ponies. She and I went for drives all round the
country when Stuart was not able to get away from the office for a
row. Once or twice we drove out to the farm in two buggies, had
lunch there, and tramped about looking for quail with guns on our
shoulders. It was exciting though we shot nothing.
One day as Molly and I were driving home in the dark Stuart
and Riley behind we heard an engine whistle just before we got
to the crossing. Stuart said it was the Rock Island so we went on.
Riley rushed before us and wildly waved his arms for us to go on,
the horses were stopping on the rails and there was a train coming
steadily on, we whipped them up and tore across just in front of
the engine. It was thrilling.
NOVEMBER, 1891.
This month there came a good many dull days but Molly seemed
just as cheery and contented in the house as out of doors. She sat
in a corner of the library which we called her corner; at the window
by Stuart's writing table. She wrote endless letters and knitted
little white woollen garments. At tea time went into the drawing
room and then she sat down at the piano and played Chopin by
the hour. These were our red letter days when Molly was with
us. 27 When Stuart came in he and she would romp and play like
children and generally combined to make fun of me.
26. "S. J. Hogg has had a boat house built on the bank of Blue river near the bridge."
Ibid., October 21, 1891.
27. "Miss Muir, who has been visiting her sister, Mrs. Hogg, has returned to England."
Ibid., December 2, 1891.
[END OF THE JOURNAL]
The Letters of Joseph H. Trego, 1857-1864,
Linn County Pioneer
Edited by EDGAR LANGSDORF
PART Two, 1861, 1862
INTRODUCTION
QHORTLY after the firing upon Fort Sumter, Joseph H. Trego
**J volunteered for military service. He was chosen second lieuten-
ant of a company commanded by Gapt. Charles R. Jennison, also
a physician and resident of Mound City who later became a colonel,
and commander of the Seventh Kansas cavalry, known as "J enn i~
son's Jayhawkers," and subsequently a brigadier general in com-
mand of all Kansas troops west of the Neosho. This company went
to Lawrence to join the Second Kansas infantry, commanded by
another Linn county pioneer, Col. Robert B. Mitchell, a veteran of
the Mexican war who had been treasurer of Kansas territory and
was the first adjutant general of the state. However, a disagree-
ment between Jennison and Mitchell caused the unit to return to
Mound City and disband.
In July, 1861, under authority of Gen. James H. Lane, James
Montgomery began raising the Third Kansas Volunteers, a regi-
ment, like the Fourth, of mixed arms: infantry, cavalry and artil-
lery. Montgomery had settled near Mound City in 1854 and was
widely known as leader of the local "Self-Protective Company"
which he had organized in 1857 (see Trego's letter of January 24,
1858, Kansas Historical Quarterly, May, 1951, p. 128). Trego vol-
unteered and was mustered in as first lieutenant of Company E, a
cavalry unit composed almost entirely of Mound City men, with
Henry C. Seaman as captain and Orlin E. Morse as second lieuten-
ant. The Third and Fourth regiments, with the Fifth Kansas cav-
alry, constituted Lane's brigade, and served in the campaigns on
the border in the fall of 1861, including the Battle of Dry Wood
on September 2. The Third regiment joined Fremont's army at
Springfield, Mo., in October, but returned to Kansas in December
and camped for the winter on Mine creek, southeast of Pleasanton.
In February, 1862, Trego was placed in temporary command of
Company C. On the 20th of that month an order was issued dis-
EDGAR LANGSDORF is state archivist of the Kansas State Historical Society.
(287)
288 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
banding the Third and Fourth Kansas regiments. The infantry
companies, including Company C, were consolidated to form the
Tenth Kansas infantry. Company E of the Third was assigned to
the Fifth Kansas cavalry with its designating letter changed to D.
Trego went with Company C to Fort Riley, where he remained
until he was relieved in May to rejoin his own unit at Holla, Mo.
In the months following, Company D was used extensively in
scouting and Trego's health failed seriously, the dust and exposure
particularly affecting his eyesight. He offered his resignation,
which was accepted on October 17, and returned home to Mound
City to rest and recuperate.
The following letters were written by Dr. Trego to his wife while
he was serving as an officer in the Union army.
THE LETTERS OF 1861, 1862
CAMP No 1 ENROUTE TO M[OUND]. CITY
DEAR WIFE AUG. ISra 1861
We have been under orders to march South, for several days but
were delayed from day to day by difficulty in getting what was re-
quired. Lane has reported every thing on hand and in readiness
for his brigade but we did not find it so and have not been able to
get a start until yesterday, after dinner 7
I could not go home with the team but sent it down by E R
Smith and H. A. It will require us to wait where we are 5 miles
from Leavenworth until the remaining can be loaded. We have
21 government wagons with us, loaded with provisions, arms, uni-
forms and camp equipage, and when the freighting wagons are all
together each drawn by six pairs of oxen, and numbering seventy
five, we will be ready for another move
We will not, I think, reach Mound City before the middle of
next week. The 75 wagons are loaded with provisions for Lyon's
forces. A company from 111. among them Edgar Trego, Cyrus
Twining, Waugh and some others from Mercer, Henry & Rock
Isld counties arrived here, last Saturday. They are now in camp
between Leavenworth City and the fort, awaiting the arrival of
Lane.
We would be very glad indeed if they could come into our regi-
7. Colonel Montgomery, with the artillery company and the two cavalry companies of
his regiment, had gone to Leavenworth to be outfitted. Their return journey was announced
by the Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 13, 1861: "A train with supplies for
Montgomery's troops started out yesterday morning. A rather singular circumstance about
it is that all the drivers were negroes! The wagon-master, even, was a negro! Nearly all
were 'contraband,' having left their 'comfortable homes' within the past ten days and made
for the Fort and Montgomery. Two or three a day have been coming in to him. A cavalry
company escorted the train.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 289
ment in place of Stewart's company. 8 The weather continued very
sultry until the 8th a light shower the evening before produced a
change which has kept up an agreeable coolness since
We were fortunate enough to draw our tents the day before the
rain commenced, a very pleasant consideration as it has been rather
rainy weather since.
While we were in camp near Fort Leav. two of our horses were
stolen in day time. A guard was placed over horses at night but
none in day light as it had not been considered necessary. The
other horse Company [Company I] also lost one horse. Yesterday
as we came through the eastern suburbs of the city, one of the lost
horses was discovered, hitched to a wagon. It was Bill Bairds horse
and he immediately took possession of it. To-day some of the boys
were off from the camp to water their horses and overhauled a
gentleman in a buggy who had the other horse taken from our
company, and was leading him behind his buggy, having as he
said, just obtained from an Auctioneer in the City. We have all
back again and 3 fine gov. horses beside. . . .
I made a picture this morning representing one of our company
who had been married but a few weeks before starting out, to the
school marm, Miss Kennison, and has had the blues the worst kind
since stopping at the fort. He spent most of his time away from
every body and nothing could begin to put any animation into him.
Being utterly useless in the camp I wrote out a furlough for him to
be signed by the commander of the companies, if he saw proper.
It was signed and the fellow was as springy as whale bone at once.
They are all ready to go so good bye
Your affectionate H.
8. Edgar P. Trego, of Preemption, 111., was a first cousin once removed of Joseph H.
Trego. At this time he was a second lieutenant in the 14th regiment of home guards, a
Missouri unit commanded by R. H. Graham which had been raised for service in New
Mexico. On February 28, 1862, this organization was consolidated with the Eighth Kansas
infantry, and Colonel Graham became the regimental commander. Trego became captain
of Company H, serving with distinction until his death at Chicamauga on September 19,
1863. Trego county, Kansas, is named for him. Report of the Adjutant General of the
State of Kansas, 1861 -'65, reprinted by authority (Topeka, 1896) [hereafter cited Adjutant
General's Report], v. 1, p. 284, and Pt. II, "Military History of Kansas Regiments," pp. 100,
101, 141; Official Army Register of the Volunteer Force of the United States Army, Pt. VII
(Washington, 1867), p. 99; A. Trego Shertzer, A Historical Account of the Trego Family
(Baltimore, 1884), pp. 56-58; Wichita Daily Eagle, June 1, 1886, address by Gov. John A.
Martin, delivered at Wichita on Memorial day, 1886.
Washington Waugh, of Moline, 111., also became a member of Company H, Eighth
Kansas infantry. He was promoted to the grade of sergeant on January 30, 1862, and was
discharged for disability on April 28, 1863, at Nashville, Tenn. Adjutant General's Report,
pp. 284, 287.
Cyrus Twining has not been identified.
Capt. John E. Stewart of Lawrence commanded Company I (cavalry) of the Third
regiment. At the time of the reorganization he was transferred to Company C, Ninth Kansas
cavalry, and served until he was mustered out at Leavenworth October 25, 1864. Thirteenth
Biennial Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Kansas, 1901 -'02 (Topeka, 1902)
[hereafter cited Thirteenth Biennial Report], p. 159; Adjutant General's Report, p. 304.
198121
290 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
FORT SCOTT, SEPT STH 1861
MY DEAR WIFE
Last Sunday I wrote two pages of fools cap and was going on
for at least two pages more, when I was suddenly interrupted by
the bugle call to arms. The wagon master of Col. Weer's regiment 9
had put their mules, 90 in number out on the Missouri side of our
camp about two miles, and had them left with a guard, more than
himself and some of the teamsters might be considered as consti-
tuting a guard. In the afternoon, a body of 100 horsemen sud-
denly made their appearance, surrounded the mules and drove
them and the wagon master off in a hurry. Several companies
started in pursuit as soon as possible and gave chase until dark but
to no advantage. It is generally believed that the wagon master is
a secessionist.
Price has been near us for more than a week and it was believed
that he would attack Fort Scott within twenty four hours at least,
as his forces numbered from 7000 to 8000, and ours was less than
six hundred. Such another time as they had pitching tents, and
loading up company wagons. Citizens fixing up their effects pre-
paratory to leaving, and Government wagons hustling out provi-
sions &c has not been seen before in this country. They, the rebels,
have not been yet and the houses, with all their furniture, are
turned over to the use of the soldiers. Col. Montgomery, Adjt
Zulasky, Chaplain Moore, Capts Jewel & Seaman, Lieuts Trego &
Morse, (I forgot to mention Capt Flint) 10 with four soldiers as
servants and a contraband wench for cook are occupying the house
where Mr Williams was living. The parlor and one bed room are
richly furnished, fine paintings & engravings on the walls, spring
bottom sofa, divan, chairs &c. A good piano which Zoulasky is
now amusing himself with. Preserves & jellies, magazines & book[s]
and everything we want are here, so you see we are living high
at present.
Last night was dull, some rainy and the road excessively muddy
9. Col. William Weer was commanding officer of the Fourth K^nsf>s volunteer regiment.
When the Third and Fourth Kansas were combined to form the Tenth Kansas infantry he
was assigned as commander of that regiment. Adjutant General's Report, p. 347, and Pt.
II, "Military History of Kansas Regiments," pp. 178, 179.
10. Casimio B. Zulasky (or Zularsky or Zulaosky) of Boston, Mass., and Mound City,
enrolled as a private in Company E, Third regiment, on July 24, 1861, and on the same
day was promoted to first lieutenant and regimental adjutant. No official records of his
service have been found, but he was mustered out on the date the regiments were consoli-
dated. He was a nephew of Louis Kossuth. Leavenworth Daily Conservative, July 31, 186J.
H. H. Moore was enrolled on July 24 and served as regimental chaplain until he was
mustered out on February 14, 1862.
Capt. Henry C. Seaman and Lts. Trego and Orlin C. Morse, all of Mound City, were
the officers of Company E.
Captains Jewel and Flint have not been identified. Thirteenth Biennial Report, pp.
125, 144, 148.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 291
and I had the pleasure, by way of contrast, of riding fifteen miles
in the enemies country, reconnoitering, being up and awake the
whole night and did not return to quarters until noon to-day. Done
some hard riding, was plastered all over, face and all with mud
and went with [out] breakfast. This morning Price pulled up stakes
and started for Lexington. To-night about 300 cavalry men will
stir up their camp and retake the mules if possible.
I will go back away and tell you what we have been at since we
arrived here, which was at day light after marching all night, in
the evening following we set out for Spring river to explore. We
went as far as a little place called Medock, nine miles from Car-
thage All the rebels in that village made their escape except one
who was shot in the act of loading his rifle. We (here I made a
long pause to listen to Zulasky sing Annie Laurie) were so near
Carthage at this point, that we did not deem it safe to remain there
with our little party of 140 men.
Capt Williams, 11 Stewart and myself, Capt Seaman being sick in
Mound City, after cooking up a large quantity of mutton, which
was all we had to eat except a scanty supply of sea-biscuit, and
taking a nap of two hours we mounted and were off going ten
miles out on a vacant prairie where a dog would hardly find us,
and then slept until day light without even one sentinel Our de-
parture was accelerated by a great commotion among the dogs
along the road leading toward Carthage. We have since learned
that a force did come up and were in the edge of the timber within
gunshot of us just after our picket was recalled for the march. If
they had had the grit they could have stamped [ed] our horses and
then had their own time to cut us all to pieces as there is nothing
but level prairies between Medock and Fort Scott. The com-
mander ordered the men to form into line of battle ready to make
a charge, but fortunately for us the men concluded it would be
safer for them to disobey orders and fall back farther into the wood
than to charge upon Jay Hawkers.
This was a rough trip having no tents or wagons but laying right
down in the big grass wet with dew and eating when we could find
something to eat. One morning we pulled up some potatoes and
roasted them for breakfast. Some of the boys had broiled chicken.
I tried the hind leg of a hen that was pulled off of about twenty
eggs that were nearly ready to hatch. It didn't eat very well be-
cause it wasn't warmed quite thro' We took possession of La Mar
11. James M. Williams was captain of Company B, Third regiment, and after the con-
solidation was transferred to Company F, Fifth Kansas cavalry. Ibid., p. 131.
292 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
but found no rebels in it. I was greatly in hopes that we would
have kept up by way of the battle ground of Siegel but our trip
was likely to be too hard on some who were so poorly clothed that
they laid shivering in the grass one night, that was pretty cold We
had all the peaches and apples we wanted
We made another trip down the Osage to Ball's Mill, came near
having a fight, the rebels, numbering three hundred to our one hun-
dred and forty, placed themselves in attitude for fight but a few
shots of shell thrown among them to burst, caused them to speedily
decamp. We suffered no damage except that Capt Williams had
his horse shot under him. That old stamping ground of the rebels
Ball's Mill was burned together with a fine covered bridge over the
Little Osage 12
We drove out over 200 head of cattle for Uncle Sam, and between
30 and 40 horses Our enemy that has been growing so fast was
camped on Dry wood 10 miles from this. We had heard a great
many stories about the forces on Dry wood and on Tuesday last all
the cavalry went down to see what they amounted to. The day
was sultry and up to this time we had had no rain for some weeks
consequently the dust was very deep Our company was some
distance from the scene of battle when it commenced as the boys
had that morning, drawn their uniform [s] and were delayed in that
and the fitting of their garments. Jennison had a few men who
came up about half an hour after us. 13 It was not the intention of
the Col. to engage the enemy in a regular fight but having driven
a squad [?] thro' the timber the companies in advance soon found
themselves actively engaged with a powerful enemy who had 7
canon to play upon our side while we had nothing but the how-
itzer and that was of but litle use as it could not be kept near
enough to do execution without greater danger of having it taken.
We had but just arrived on the ground and formed in line of battle
when an order came to retreat. The enemy followed us a short
distance, and about the same time that we met Jennison's regiment
coming to us they stopped. Our company was not on the ground
more than 20 to 30 minutes before we began a backward move-
ment, but all this time and until we got past the range of cannon
balls we had them flying thick and fast overhead and occasionally
12. This second expedition into Missouri, on August 29, was led by Captain Williams,
and consisted of his cavalry company, with those of Stewart and Seaman, and Captain
Moonlight's artillery. Ball's Mill, sometimes called Ball Town, was a "noted secesh rendez-
vous" on the south side of the Little Osage, in Vernon county, Mo. Leavenworth Daily
Conservative, September 5, 1861.
13. Charles R. Jennison had been commissioned a colonel by Maj. Gen. John C. Fremont,
commanding the Western department, and authorized to raise a regiment of cavalry to be
attached to Lane's brigade. He and 500 of his men were reported to be with Lane at this
time. Ibid., August 21 and September 4, 1861.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 293
one would strike the ground near us making the dust fly. Several
horses were shot all up with canon balls and two men were killed.
Three wounded. The enemy did, as we learned by Esq Rad-
field whose residence is close by the battle field, lost in killed and
wounded at least 54, and he thinks many more. Price left their
camping ground today ostensibly to move toward Lexington but
perhaps it is to make a break in some other direction. It is very
likely that we shall have a fight soon All the Mound City folks are
in Fort Lincoln, on the Osage. the cavalry are all in Fort Scott
and the Infantry and artillery are at the fort on the Osage which
Lane is having built. 14 They number in all over 3000 men.
I had another picture taken when in Lawrence which I will for-
ward, as soon as I can get to go up to M[ound]. City May be
sooner as there seems to be but little chance of getting away.
. . . When I sat for the picture I had on Lieut. Morse's coat
mine not being finished. The only difference in them however is
that the epauletts on mine have a small bar in each end of the
square. . . . Capt. Allen 15 and several others in our regiment
had their likeness taken at the time, dressed in their uniform.
Zulavsky is at the piano again getting off some of his Hungarian
songs. It does me good to use the luxuries of these fellows that
have always been the enemies of Anti-slavery men particularly in
Mound City and vicinity. Just think of it, Montgomery is using
every thing for himself and men that belonged to his persecutors,
except what they cou[l]d carry away with them. Well my love I
will say good bye for awhile. . . . Your affectionate Husband
Direct your letters as below and they will be sent to the Regiment
wherever it may be and with additional postage
Lieut J H Trego
3rd Regiment Kansas U. S. C.
Mound City Kansas
CAMP No 3. SEPTEMBER 12-ra 1861
We are on a march from Fort Lincoln to some place north in
Missouri, perhaps to Lexington but I dont know, and it is quite
probable that our destination is dependent upon circumstances that
leaves it uncertain. This is our third day out and we are now en-
camped in the valley northeast of Trading Post.
14. Lane was building fortifications on the Little Osage river ten miles east of Fort
Scott. Ibid., August 31, 1861. The Conservative's informant added that he did not know
the purpose of the earthworks, for he was sure no secessionist would come near them
voluntarily, unless Lane wanted his men "well practised in the use of the spade" so that
they would be able to bury the enemy after they had killed him. Fort Lincoln, in north-
eastern Bourbon county, was on the Little Osage just north of the town of Fulton.
15. William R. Allen, of Jefferson, Ohio, was captain of Company C. He was enrolled
July 30, 1861, and mustered out February 13, 1862. Thirteenth Biennial Report, p. 137.
294 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Gen. Lane is along. There is of Cavalry not many more than six
hundred, of which Col. Montgomery has charge and [sentence not
completed]
I have been well every day until last Tuesday when I had one
of those old spells of dizziness. It happened to be a very rainy
day so that we did not move and yesterday I was straight again
tho not feeling very briskly. Col Montgomery was too unwell to
ride when we left Fort Lincoln but we heard this morning that he
will be with us in a day or two. Col. Jennison is out with 36 men
to-day. The army that has been camped on Dry-wood [creek],
where we had a little brush with them, is now moving northward,
and we will keep somewhere near them until Lane can get his
Artillery. He would have had artillery so as to be able to meet
them with some show of success, but Gov. Robi[n]son has placed
every obstacle possible in his way. . . .
The excitement of Camp life has ceased to be interesting except
when near an enemy; the prospect of an engagement will always
be attended with feelings of the liveliest interest no matter how
used a person may become to scenes of strife and it is only those
who can maintain an approach to an equilibrium in the excitement
of battle that are fit to lead. Col. Johnson 16 was so wrought up
that if he had had command at Dry-wood we would have all been
killed or taken prisoners but Montgomery was sufficiently self pos-
sessed to order a retreat in time to save nearly all, tho' not quite, a
few being cut off and taken prisoners
Since we are not employed as a regular guerilla force but are to
move with the main army I conclude that we shall have no more
fighting to do until a great blow shall be struck which will decide
the fate of one side or the other, that is, of these two armies.
. . . Since writing the foregoing we have received orders to be
in readiness to ride to Butler to-night. The object is mainly, I
suppose, to take in a few secessionists and a good many horses and
cattle, if they can be found, to supply the army
Secessionists have furnished us all the sheep and cattle we have
needed. It is getting so dark that I cannot see to write and I must
send my letter to Mound City [by] Kelsey or I may not have a
chance again soon and maybe something will transpire by another
time for writing that will be interesting
With much love to yourself and our dear little girls I will say
good night and pleasant dreams Your Husband
16. Col. Hampton P. Johnson of Leavenworth was the commanding officer of the Fifth
cavalry. Five days after this letter was written, on September 17, he was killed in action
at Morristown, Mo. Adjutant General's Report, p. 125, and Pt. II, "Military History of
Kansas Regiments," p. 66; Leavenworth Daily Conservative, September 20, 1861.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 295
CAMP MONTGOMERY SEPT 25ra 1861
MY DEAR WIFE
We are now encamped near West Point the Infantry are in the
town. All who were fit for duty, five days ago, went to Osceola.
They returned yesterday, having had a little brush with the enemy,
scattered them, took the town, obtained all the horses, mules,
wagons and niggers; loaded the wagons with valuebles from the
numerous well supplied stores, and then set fire to the infernal
town it was burned to the ground.
I remained in camp this time, the first that the company have
moved without me being with them.
It was a tedious stay here while they were gone, because the
tents, provisions, and all the wagons, except the few they took with
them were left here without a sufficient guard to protect them if the
rebels had known how we were situated. I remained in camp to
meet Simp and Ellwood and deliver to them some contraband
property taken at Morristown and which the Captain and myself
drew after the appraisement. I sent up a better buggy than the
one Lyman got, for which I pay Gov. $35. I send to-day a lot of
Merinos, velvet, barred muslins, calicos, shoes &c most of which is
to be distributed among those who are unable to buy. There are
about a dozen plaid shawls of various sizes.
Cap. made me a present of two pr of first quality white silk
gloves for parade. I bought Ellwoods white horse and rode him
about two weeks, our brush on Drywood cut him down very much
and the subsequent trip to Butler was so hard on him that I was
unwilling to use up so valueble a horse when another less costly
would do as well and have sent him home. I took at Butler an-
other of the same kind which I now ride. He is quiet and dont
wear himself out fretting as Whitey did. I have to keep two
horses, but they come cheap so far.
We start to-day for Kansas City or some other point on the Mis-
souri. Affairs are looking squally there and in the S. W. part of
this state. There being a large secession army on each side If
Gov. would send in troops to take care of the river towns we could
do the rest, but to go now to the river with only a portion of our
forces and leave the other portion behind we will stand a chance
of being beaten north and McCullough will probably come into
S. E. Kansas and just use up the first range of counties. So it seems
to us who only get the rumors. Lane may know much more about
it than what we are able to learn. Cap, Lieut Morse & self have a
camp stove that Simp & Ell brot down a few days ago, which is a
first rate thing . . .
296 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
CAMP MITCHELL, AT KANSAS CITY,
11 O'CLOCK P. M. OCT. 2ND 1861
MY DEAR WIFE
We had been on the march for several days, until Monday last
when we arrived at this place. McGee's Addition is full of soldiers.
Two Regiments from Ohio, one or two from Iowa and Col. Jen-
nisons regiment of Cavalry, numbering about 200 men. They are
on foot yet. Lieut Col. Anthony, editor of Leavenworth Con-
servative is the support of the whole institution and is here in
command. 17 He may make it go and we all hope that he may as
in our present condition we need all the assistance we can get, if
not more. ( Gen Sturgis and Peabody are here with their commands
making in all over 5000) I am ignorant of the moves of the Gen-
erals until after they are made and therefore cannot tell what the
present move is likely to effect. Most of our Brigade left camp
this afternoon and I learn that the camp will all move to-morrow
at 10 a. m. All of the well men in our Company have gone except
the teamsters, camp keepers, Charley, who is Q. Master, 18 and Lieut
Morse and myself who were detailed for Jury men in a court-
martial which has been in opperation since we arrived here and is
not yet through with the business that was brought before it. One
chap is likely to be sentenced the limb of a tree or something worse,
for stealing horses.
There is a matter that is to be attended to tomorrow before court
that interests many of us very much just now. It is to secure the
services of a Brass band for our Regiment. Other regiments are
trying to get them but they prefer Montgomery's and I think we
will succeed. We have heard no music since we have been out,
unless the noisy drums and squeaking fifes make music, until we
came here. Last night, about 10 o'clock a band came to Col.
Montgomery's Markee played several pieces. They were far
enough from us to make the music sound right and we lay in our
tent enjoying the fullest measure of the favor. . . .
17. Daniel R. Anthony, I, of Leavenworth entered military service September 29, 1861,
as a major in the First Kansas cavalry, which shortly thereafter was redesignated the Seventh
cavalry. On October 29 he was promoted to lieutenant colonel. He was appointed provost
marshal of Kansas City on October 7, when General Sturgis placed the city under martial
law. In 1862, while in command of Brig. Gen. Robert B. Mitchell's brigade in Tennessee,
Anthony issued an order prohibiting Southerners from passing through the Union lines in
search of fugitive slaves. When he refused to countermand the order he was placed under
arrest by General Mitchell, but after an investigation was restored to duty by Maj. Gen. H. W.
Halleck. He resigned his commission September 3, 1862. Adjutant General's Report,
p. 214; W. E. Connelley, Standard History of Kansas and Kansans (Chicago, 1918), v. 5,
p. 2385; Leavenworth Daily Conservative, October 9 and 11, 1861.
18. Charles Eaton of Mound City was quartermaster sergeant of Company E. He was
transferred with the rest of the company to the Fifth cavalry and served until his death
from disease, October 16, 1862, at Keokuk, Iowa. See below, letters of September 30 and
October 28, 1862. Adjutant General's Report, p. 135; Thirteenth Biennial Report, pp.
144, 146.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 297
[Several lines missing] Cavalry hats for the company, with the
yellow cords and tassells, eagles for the sides, ostrich feather &c
which makes a splendid uniform. Lane is having his whole Brigade
rigged out in as good style as any soldiers that I have seen since
this war was begun, the Regulars at Fort Leavenworth not ex-
cepted.
Thursday 3rd I left off last night thinking I might get time this
morning to write some more but I have not. Must go to attend the
Band meeting which is to be over before court time. . . .
MONTEVALO, OCT 28TH 1861
MY DEAR WIFE
I have an opportunity to send a line to Fort Scott, perhaps to
Mound City, to be mailed, if I can have it ready in just five min-
utes. This evening, since we encamped, Lane has called upon us
for some men to carry a despatch to Fort Scott. I will just say
enough to let you know where I am and what we are doing or
what we suppose we are doing. I have been well all the time.
The whole Brigade is healthy. The Missourians speak of the
healthy appearance of the men every where we go. The southern
army seems to be very much affected with sickness. We are now
moving south west towards Springfield. Hunter Fremont, Sigel,
Nugent, Lane, Sturgis and others are getting into close proximity
and we are told that we are going South to meet the great army of
Missouri Arkansas and Texas, said to number 50,000 & from that
up to 80,000. We will have 50,000 when we get together, and if
they want a fight they have a good chance now. We want to see
that great army whose trail we have crossed so many times. We
have been stopping in Cedar Co to get some contraband wheat
ground. A few days since our whole company was out in a grub
settlement hunting up wheat that had be [en] secreted we found
100 bus. in one place, entirely surrounded by thicket for miles. We
had native for a guide. We send off niggers by the hundreds. Two
hundred left for Kansas under the care of Capt Baine the day we
left Osceola.
While we stopped in that town what is left of it, the business
part being all destroyed the union men in the surrounding coun-
try were invited to come in and help themselves to salt and stores
of which there was a great abundance. Direct we left, Sturgis
came in with his command and forthwith placed a guard over the
mdze to prevent any being carried away, when he came thro' on
298 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
the road we had traveled, instead of living on the rebels as we had
done, he purchased all his supplies of forage, beef &c from known
rebels when he could have bought of Union men just as well. Such
a course is regarded as traitorous because he is giving aid to the
enemy by so doing. In fact, the neutral men along the way did
not hesitate to say that they would just as leave Sturgis would
march thro the country as not, and neutral men are just about all
of them secessionists in principle.
The two Ohio regiments under his command are desirous of
getting into Lane's command. Col. Nugents regiment of Missouri
home guards who are now in the U. S. service say they will not
remain with Sturgis command. Lane said he meant to make the
secessionists in Missouri feel the difference between being loyal
and disloyal citizens and he is doing it. We have camped where
there was secession farms on one side and Union farms on the
other, when we would leave the secession farms were stripped of
every thing like crops & fencing while the others remained un-
touched. We have plenty of first rate horses and so far we are
getting along finely.
After we have had a fight we may not feel so crank. There are
a great many little incidents in Camp life that I might relate but
must stop now. Will begin to-morrow to write a long letter I
have received but the one letter from you yet. Cant think you
have not written. We want to have a big fight and then, if I am
spared I expect to leave the army for sometime. . . . Do write
to me and tell me all about your self and of the children. What
disposition you are going to make of yourselves this winter
Yours affectionately
Husband
LAMAR, BARTON Co. Mo. Nov. 12ra [1861]
MY DEAR LITTLE WIFE,
This evening, Page came in from Kansas, bringing with him
about a hundred letters, one for me which you sent from Atkinson
[111.] the 21st ult. I received three letters while at Springfield from
you.
Nov. 18th I had written so much and was interrupted, and soon
after we started out towards Fort Scott, where we landed on the
evening of the 14th I came up home on Saturday to see how the
folks were getting along and also my horses. . . .
It would be very agreeable to have you here if we remain some-
where in this vicinity which is probable since the new division has
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 299
been created We may take up winter quarters at Fort Scott.
... If you have a good chance to come and think it best to
do so I shall be very glad to see you, and if the forces now under
Lane are to remain here to protect the Union people in Western
Missouri and at the same time Kansas, as it was at first intended
we think there will be no further trouble here. . . .
We had 250 slaves ready to follow us out of Springfield. Some
of them were white girls. Kansas is about full of niggers now. All
our servants are niggers. The Missourians have been into Kansas
at several points retaking some of the property that was taken from
them by those fellows who would not join the army because they
could do better at Jayhawking on their own hook Several of them
were killed. Three on Mine Cr. one of them was in our company
last summer.
Quite recently a company of 75 went into Missouri and gathered
up a lot of stock and several wagonloads of plunder, a load or two
of salt, and were attacked by 300 men as they said. All ran away
and left the wagons but 15. Among them was Baine Corbins Jim
Manor and some others in this vicinity. Jim has not been seen
since. 5, I think they say, are missing. All that remained with the
wagons had to fight their way through. By Hildreth had a wagon
load of salt which he tossed out on the road to enable him to make
better time. They wont want to go out again in that shape while
there are so many sesesh in the country. Many are getting back
from the Southern army because they cant live down where Price
retreated to. They must come up north to live and they slip along
at night in small squads. When at Lamar our pickets brot in such
squads at several different times during the night. Some of them
had deserted from the Southern Army and had no arms. All such
represented that they were sick of secession and couldn't stand it
any longer.
There is a large force yet in Pineville Ark. which is made up of
Missourians, Arkansans, Texxans, and also from Tennessee, Louisi-
ana Cherokee Country &c. Dont know whether we will yet have
a chance to fight them or not.
Miss McDow, and Miss Baird have lately returned home. Metz
married Emma McDow. Frank Barnes married Liz Allen and there
has been a general time of marrying amongst the lads and lasses.
Squint-eye Veatch has run away with Col. Montgomery's daughter
and the Col. is just boiling about it. ...
WEDNESDAY 20TH I go back to the army this morning. . . .
I shall be very busy this morning before starting and can only write
300 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
a few lines. If you can get me 2 knit under shirts, and two prs of
drawers, and enough good flannel of slate color, or something neat
if of a fancy color, to make three shirts, it will probably save con-
siderable in expense. I dont wear white shirts at all now. French
flannel is generally worn but I dont know the expense of it. I have
material for you and Maria each a white dress. Several yards of
nice velvet for sacks, plenty of black silk thread, over 100 skeins
and you may perforate your ears ready for some cheap ear bobs.
They done all right in advising you to remain on account of the
children but there is no doubt but that the Kansas Brigade will re-
main where it can protect Kansas, now that the new division has
been created, so you can be quite safe here.
My best respects to friends and hoping to see you within a month
at least I am
Your ever loving Husband
MOUND CITY DEC. ISm 1861
MY DEAR WIFE
I wrote to you, when I was here before, that I would be in Leav-
enworth on the 13th. At that time I knew of nothing in the way
of my being there at that time.
The withdrawal of the federal troops from Missouri has given
Price's army full possession of southwestern Missouri and at the
same time the Kansas brigade was divided up until at this time
there is more danger of invasion than ever has been before. On
last Thursday night a party was sent up on Mine Creek who pil-
laged Potosi and several neighboring houses, getting all they could
carry away. They killed one man and took two prisoners. We
were escorting a train from Leavenworth, having gone up towards
Pottawattomie to meet it. Since returning we have been on the go
constantly. The Infantry had gone to Papinsville and Butler to
burn those towns, also to burn every sesesh house, on the way. It
was but a small party and they were away so long, a day over their
time, and no word from them, Montgomery became uneasy and
had the Cavalry go over to meet them and ascertain if Price had
cut off their retreat. We rode 40 miles and found them all right
and on their way home, having done the work they were sent to
do. It was a hard case as families had to be set out of doors, not
however without every thing that belonged to them except their
buildings.
This was done to stop, if possible, the pursecution of Union men
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 301
in Missouri, who have since the federal troops left, been robbed
and driven from their homes, more than at any former time. Just
at this time it is impossible to know what shape affairs will take
here, but if the new Generals will return to the border the forces
that have been ordered away, and add to them enough to be able
to make anything of a show of defence for the country and the
Gov. stores that are now here then there will be no danger of in-
vasion. At this time there is 14 to one against us if Price should
undertake the job.
A few days will develop something that will enable us to decide
how it is going to be here, and if the agents of the government do
as we think they should I will go to Leavenworth, send for you to
come there and await your coming. ... I am hoping that we
may be left to rest here a few days. We are encamped in the woods
below the mill. It is a nice cosy place and with such splendid
weather as we are having it is very comfortable being in camp.
I will write again this week
Goodbye your loving Husband
CAMP DEFIANCE DEC. 28TH 1861
MY DEAR LITTLE WIFE
It is impossible for me to express the disappointment I have felt
in not being able to meet you at Leavenworth at the time I desig-
nated. Just about at that time we were very apprehensive that the
Southern army would invade Kansas, which they could have done
if they had attempted it at the right time. Of course I did not wish
to have you coming here while that danger existed and it was ex-
pected that this condition of things would be of short duration,
which was the case, and after matters were put into better shape
I began to make preparations for going to Leavenworth. We had
never received any pay, but were assured that the pay would be
forth coming as soon after the 6th of this month the time when
muster rolls was made out and sent off as the Pay master could
make it convenient to come down. I had obtained some money of
Col. Blunt 19 for present conveneince and would have had no diffi-
culty in getting more in case we were not paid in time, but for a
new view that the gov. agents took of the matter which precluded
the possibility of getting any pay until the first of next month. I
19. James G. Blunt was lieutenant colonel of the Third regiment. On April 8, 1862,
he was commissioned a brigadier general, and on the following November 29 was promoted
to major general, the only Kansan to win two-star rank during the Civil War. Adjutant
General's Report, p. 6; Thirteenth Biennial Report, p. 125.
302 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
cannot leave now until after next mustering day which will be on
the 31st. as soon as possible after that I will hasten to Leaven-
worth to meet you. You will understand by the above, though I
have not expressed it, that without more "dust" than I was in pos-
session of, I could not make the trip right, or as would comport
with the dignity of an officer in the U. S. Army. We are now lo-
cated, for the winter probably, at the old military crossing, on
Mine Creek, eight miles from Mound City. We have had splendid
weather nearly all the fall. Have had two cold snaps and a few
days since, we had 4 inches of snow, but with stoves in our tents
we live comfortably. It is a great contrast to our constant, and
often very hard marches all the summer and early fall. . . .
29TH Last evening, while I was writing and had progressed so
far, our company returned from a trip, twenty miles into Missouri
whither they had gone to attend a secesh ball. They missed the
road on their way down last night, which made them too late for
the dance, the company having dispersed. They however scoured
the neighborhood and took in some prisoners one of whom is an
officer in the Southern army who had come home to remain awhile.
They brought in several teams loaded with bacon, dried fruit,
apples, lard, butter, honey &c but had no fight. The stir attendant
upon their arrival prevented me from writing any more last evening.
To-day we have been busy, all day, in moving our camp to a point
nearer the stream; only a few rods. We now have our two tents
set together end to end, with the stove in the "back parlor" where
we have a table covered with a splendid red and black centre-
table-cloth, upon which we have our books and writing materials.
We also keep our clothing, arms and musical instruments in this
apartment. In the "front room" we keep saddles, blankets and a
large box in which we have been carrying our bedding and which
now serves as a clothes press and dining table. Lieut. Morse is a
good hand to help keep things in order but Capt. Seaman dont
know how to do one thing toward it, dont so much as know where
his clothes are or if he has any at all. The Capt. is at home so
often that we are getting to not expect to find him in camp only
semioccasionally.
Col. Montgomery has an old Sibley tent, smoky and cheerless,
in which he receives all the yahoos from Missouri who are anxious
to see him, and there is generally a tent full of them, who will lay
around him by the hour, talking about border Ruffian times when
they supposed that Montgomery was an 'awful man* but they had
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 303
gone right, far enough to vote for Lincoln, and for that they were
driven from Missouri. If they had been worth as much as a good
cigar they would have defended themselves at home, instead of
running at the first approach of danger. Why the Col. permits
such men to occupy so much of his time is known only to him-
self. . . .
Your impatient Husband
Have just received a letter from you in which you express disap-
pointment in not hearing from me some where near the time that
was agreed upon. I knew that you would be placed in a very un-
pleasant situation and I have worried a great deal about [it], but
have not had it in my power to shorten the suspense. Heavens!
what a miserable out the officers of this Brigade have made in the
matter of pay. There are lots of men whose families are in a more
destitute condition than were the poor of last winter and they can-
not get a cent for them, or go home to do anything for them, except
in a few cases near us. The men are getting very much discour-
aged but not so much as they might, and those who have been so
neglectful of their duty as to cause so very much of suffering on
the part of soldiers' families should, and may be they are, ashamed
of themselves, to say the least.
CAMP GREENWOOD
JUNE IST 1862
MY DEAR WIFE
I left Fort Scott on Monday afternoon in company with Lt. Col.
Jenkins, Major Hoffman, Chaplain Fisher, Lts. Hedden, and Kelly,
Capt Miller and sixty men. 20 We came together as far as Spring-
field where we stopped half a day. On Friday morning the Col.
and I, with fourteen men started out for this place, the regiment
having moved here some days before. We were two days coming
through, a distance of 88 miles.
Houston near which we are now camped, is the county seat
of Texas County [Mo.], on the road from Rolla to Genl Curtis'
Army and the regt. was ordered here to protect the provision trains
that pass over this road. I did not find our Company here, they
went with a train to Rolla Hope we will all go there or some other
20. Lt. Col. Wilton A. Jenkins of Le Roy, Maj. S. E. Hoffman of Leavenworth, and
Chaplain Hugo D. Fisher of Lawrence were staff officers of the Fifth Kansas cavalry.
James M. Heddens of Burlington, second lieutenant of Company E, was promoted to first
lieutenant of Company K on September 1, 1862. Harrison Kelly of Ottumwa, second lieu-
tenant of Company G, was promoted to captain of Company B on October 11, 1862.
Adoniram J. Miller of Ohio City was captain of Company K. Adjutant General's Report,
pp. 125, 129, 138, 144, 154.
304 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
civilized place soon. We are buried up here in a forest where no-
body lives and where there is nothing but Mountains, covered
every where with trees so thick that we can scarcely see the sun.
The teams have gone out twenty five or thirty miles to a valley for
corn and will not be back for three days. The hills are awful.
There are some things attractive too: the high piles of rock, fine
springs of clear water running over clean white sand and gravel
and the pines. I had my tent pitched this morning fortunately for
me it was left behind with Fairbanks, Minchell 21 and half a dozen
others who could not go with the company Minchell helped me
to gather a lot of pine boughs to spread over the ground for a car-
pet, and I am now fixed up as nice as an old maid. Yes, very like
an old maid, for I would like to be married.
. . . Williams and Seaman have gone to Washington, it is
said, and I think it not unlikely that a change for the better will
be effected in this regiment.
Capt. Clark, a slaveholder in northern Missouri, who has been
in the regt. since its organization was killed at Springfield a short
time before we arrived there. 22 Although on duty as officer of the
day, he became intoxicated and attempted to force a guard and
was shot through the heart, as he should be. A house that had
been occupied by a squad of accommodating girls, changed hands
and a family moved into it. Those who had been in the habit of
visiting the place continued to call without knowing that the for-
mer inmates had been removed. This annoyed the present oc-
cupants and a guard was placed there to prevent intrusion. The
guard did a rightious act. An old nut named Rice was in com-
pany with Clarke and fired a revolver at the guard and killed a
young lady belonging to the family. Her betrothed was present
and he in turn fired upon Rice, hitting him in the shoulder, inflict-
ing a dangerous wound but the old sinner is likely to recover. I
dont know when I can get this to a post office, but I will have it
ready whenever an opportunity does offer. Write me on receipt
of this. A letter may happen to come thro* very soon to Spring-
field and I shall want to hear from you as soon as I can
Your ever loving Husband
21. Elihu Fairbanks served as a private in Company E, Third regiment, and Company
D, Fifth cavalry. Byron L. Minchell was mustered into Company F, Third regiment, on
July 24, 1861, where he was promoted to sergeant, but was transferred on September 1 to
Company E as a private. He, too, was assigned to Company D, Fifth cavalry, at the time
of the consolidation. Both men continued in service until they were mustered out at Leaven-
worth, September 5, 1864. Ibid., pp. 136, 137; Thirteenth Biennial Report, pp. 146, 147,
151.
22. John R. Clark, captain of Company B, died May 21, 1862. Adjutant General's
Report, p. 129.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 305
ROLLA
FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE GTH. I did not have an opportunity to send
my letter, and yesterday I came here myself We came fifty miles
through forest and are all very well pleased to be out of the wilder-
ness. Col. [Powell] Clayton is to take command of this post and
we will probably remain here for some time. We can get anything
we want here, and the whistle of the locomotive sounds quite re-
freshing as a reminder of civilized times.
A regiment of Dutch came up from St Louis last evening. They
are on their way to Springfield. It is reported that a large force is
marching on Springfield and it is likely that a large additional
force will be added to what is already there of our own troops.
There may be a good deal of fighting yet in Mo. The Dutch that
came up on the cars last evening are a part of Sigel's men.
A company of men, part from Ark. and the rest of this state,
under command of one Coleman have been engaged in destroying
Gov. trains for some time past. The regt. was ordered into the
mountains at Houston to disperse or arrest this party but they are
not to be caught in the vicinity of any considerable number of
Federals.
Lt. Morse took 40 men, was gone 3 days and brought in, last
night, several of the party who had returned to their homes since
destroying the last train that started to Genl Curtis. Our company
has been scattered about for two weeks, in five different places but
this morning we are all together again except four that are in Kan-
sas and Charley Perin 23 and one other with him who were left 30
miles west of us hunting their horses, which escaped from them
night before last when they were scouting for Coleman's men.
They have had small-pox in the Regt. but there is now no case of it
in the camp.
We have had rainy weather since Monday night; to-day is dull
but no rain.
I hunted around on the mountains for some new flower to send
you but could find nothing there is not even grass there and if
we had not been ordered away our horses would soon have been
unable to carry us away.
Your affectionate Husband
, 2 3'. Ch r , les H ' Perrin of Mound City joined Company E of the Third regiment on
July 24, 1861, was toansferred to Company D, Fifth cavalry, and died at Pine Bluff, Ark.,
on October 25, 1863, of wounds received in action. Ibid., p. 136; Thirteenth Biennial
Report, p. 147.
208121
306 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
CAMP BEECH GROVE
AUG. GTH 1862.
MY DEAR WIFE
I write you this time to send you some funds. I hope you will
get it all right. I have been thinking for some days how I might
send it with the most safety. Charley Varnum leaves to-day. He
will carry a large amt. for the boys; quite as much as he can do
with safety, travelling as he will have to do on the deck of a boat.
I have finally concluded to send by Q. Master [James] Davis to
Leavenworth where he will drop it in the office. If you get this
take good care of it as it may be all that I shall be able to supply
you with and you may need it before you will find anyone to take
my place if I should be so unfortunate as to get killed.
If I should be made a prisoner with the money about me it would
then all be lost; for these reasons I have concluded to risk sending
it. Now dont think that the probabilities of my being killed or
taken prisoner are so great that you will begin at once to look up
another partner. It is not likely that I shall ever be placed in so
dangerous a position as the one from which we escaped on our way
down. Brother Fisher's letter did the thing up most splendidly
when he represented Lts Morse and Harrington 24 as pursueing the
rebels after they were put to flight as though they had nothing to
do with starting them, when in fact, they did all that was done in
the whole transaction. Again, when he had the old Q. M. Doct
Davis, Morse and myself cooking supper while the train was cross-
ing the river. Lt. Morse was where the fighting was done.
If this comes to you all right you will find enclosed six one
hundred dollar bills, or U. S. treasury notes, one of fifty dols and
two of twenty dollars, making in all $690.00. We are paid now to
June 30th It is costing me more to live this summer than it did
last. We are boarding now at $3.00 per week; cheaper than keep-
ing our own table. The weather is so excessively hot every body
is prostrated in strength and the number of sick is daily in-
creasing.
There are very few bad cases however. It is not likely that we
will do much before cool weather. Horses are improving very
much in appearance on green corn, but they cannot endure any
fatigue. If we could only get out of this dutch arrangement we
24. Stephen R. Harrington of Burlington served as regimental adjutant until he was
promoted to captain and given command of Company K on July 1, 1862. He was promoted
to major October 29, 1864, and mustered out of service January 10, 1865. Adjutant Gen-
eral's Report, pp. 125, 154.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 307
would all "rejoice exceeding much" Our company would rejoice
still more if we could be reinstated in the old 3rd Regt.
Charley Varnum has started I dont know when Q. M Davis will
leave but I will have this ready. . . .
Good bye love and dont forget. Will send the check by bearer
of this, C Varnum
Your Husband
P. S. . . . Our Regt has been changed and may be again so
direct 5th Kansas, Genl Curtis Army
AUG. 7xH The Q. M. was not willing to carry the money and I
have bot a check which you can keep with more safety than the
money itself. Let me know at once when you get it.
J. H. T.
HELENA SEPT. 7-ra 1862
MY DEAR WIFE
We are having a very little rain this afternoon, the first we have
had for about six weeks. I dont feel in good frame of mind at all.
I am sick. Lt. Mforse] is sick, lots of the men are yet sick, the
regiment is badly managed. Major Walker 25 improves backward
as he goes up, showing that he is much better as a Captain than
acting the part of a Col. as he has been trying to do since Lt. Col.
Jenkins went home to see his family. We have always been in bad
odor in this army. The Missouri Repub hates all Kansas troops and
the bulk of this army read and admire the Repub Walker is likely
to increase this distaste at Head Quarters. We are not now sur-
prised that Robi[n]son should send Walker here. He was our only
hope for the salvation of the Regiment. That hope is gone and we
are gloomy. I cant make up my mind to leave the boys and yet I
believe that to remain in this regiment and in this army so much
dissatisfied, and the debilitating effects of this climate operating
upon me I shall never get well. . . .
I dont regard the news we get of our army in Virginia retreating,
as alarming. The rebels will likely take Washington yet. It will
probably have to come to that before the men in power and the
25. Samuel Walker of Lawrence had been an active Free-State partisan since 1855,
when he settled in Douglas county. In that year a local militia company called the Bloom-
ington Guards was organized, with Walker as first sergeant. In 1856 he was elected colonel
of the Fourth Kansas cavalry, participating in the siege of Lawrence and the capture of
Fort Titus, and in the same year was a member of the house of representatives under the
Topeka constitution. In June, 1861, he was mustered as captain of Company F, First Kansas
Volunteer infantry, and received his promotion to major, Fifth Kansas cavalry, on May 24,
1862. On October 29, 1864, he was again promoted to lieutenant colonel of the Sixteenth
Kansas cavalry, and was mustered out with that regiment on December 6, 1865. He was
brevetted brigadier general of volunteers in the campaign against the Sioux Indians in 1866.
Ibid., pp. 41, 125, 534; W. E. Connelley, op. cit., v. 3, p. 1223.
308 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
pro-slavery men in the north who put them there, will understand
and be willing that the war on our part must be carried on as the
south is carrying on their war, and if we get whipped that we will
all have to bid goodbye to freedom. The south understand that if
they can effectually destroy the government they can rule us after-
wards. There is no better evidence, perhaps, of the weakness of
our government than the great number of northern journals that are
faulting the President, and the constant changes that are being
made in the Military commands or departments. England and
France too seem to be very successful in their efforts to keep up
the war to the end that the country may be ruined.
It is now too dark for me to write more this evening. I cannot
see to write by candle light so will defer the matter until the 8th.
It is cloudy this morning and not near so sultry as it has been
for some days past. Lt. Morse went this morning to see if he can
get a leave of absence for a few weeks, to enable him to regain his
health. When we were on our way down here he had a serious
fall, horse and all, in giving chase to one of the parties of guerillas
we met near Salem, the effects of which, he has felt ever since and
for a month past he has been growing much worse, not able to be
up but very little during the day. . . .
I shall not now see home again before frost has destroyed every-
thing, perhaps not before another Spring opens them out again,
because much fighting must necessarily be done this coming winter
and we are likely to be called upon to do our full share. The prob-
abilities are that we will have to leave this point soon or be sur-
rounded in which case we will have to fight our way out if we can.
The gun boats have ben canonading heavy between 12 and 1
o'clock today; dont know what it was for. . . . Day before
yesterday one gun boat and four transports went down, on their
way to Vicksburg. the transports had on board four thousand five
hundred rebel prisoners from Camp Douglass 111.
With much love to you and children I am your H
HELEANA ARK. SEPT. 30ra 62
MY DEAR WIFE
To-day our regiment left the river bank and moved eight miles
into the country. It was expected that the move would be much
farther, the common talk and the preparations together would seem
to indicate an extensive move.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864 309
Under the impression that a long and tedious march northward
was about to be made I came here with others on the sick list to
take boat for it, but the probabilities are that we will remain here-
about for some weeks to come.
I shall stop in this city a few days and then go out to the regi-
ment I expect. A week ago last Saturday I was taken with a very
severe attack of a bilious character. Not much fever but vomiting
enormous quantities of bile from 9 a. m. until after dark. Had
been troubled more than a week with dizziness and that day nearly
used me up. Am just able to move about again at a very slow rate.
Charley Eaton began to be sick several days before I did. He
is Jaundiced terribly, looks fairly green and is so far gone that he
is not likely to recover. We kept him with us until this morning
when he was brought to the hospital. There are three lying in the
hospital now awaiting coffins We will all be thankful if we ever
get out of this place. Lt. Morse has so far recovered his health
as to report for duty again a few days since. . . .
The way they are enlisting in Kansas I think the ladies are likely
to be left quite alone, not even enough old wilted men left to pro-
vide for their numerous wants. We are rejoiced to learn that
Abraham has, at last, begun at the bottom of the difficulty to solve
it. We now look anxiously forward to see what kind of reception
it will receive and how many true union men there are in the north
and especially among the higher officers in the U. S. service.
There is nothing transpiring here in this army that would be of
much interest to you or any body else. . . .
Kiss the children once around for me and put an additional lump
of sugar in Harrietts coffee
Your devoted Husband
[Part Three the Letters of 1863, 1864 Will Appear in the
November, 1951, Issue]
Bypaths of Kansas History
MUSTERED Our
From the Western Volunteer, Fort Scott, April 26, 1862.
In our last we mentioned that Geo. Misener and Ben. Huffman had en-
listed in the Wisconsin 9th. We are since informed, that they have been
mustered out, on a certificate of disability from the Brigade Surgeon. They
stood all the tests except one; Geo, went down on the twenty-fifth and Ben.
on the twenty-ninth glass of lager. The regulations require a capacity for
sixty-two. They were in the service just ten days, and but for the above un-
fortunate failure would undoubtedly have made excellent soldiers. During
their short term they patrolled the State Line to Kansas City and back twice,
performing the entire march on foot.
A BUFFALO STAMPEDE
From the Wichita Eagle, August 7, 1873.
J. A. Grayson and brother were hunting last week in the Southwest. One
night while sleeping in camp they were awakened by the dogs barking and
the horses snorting. Rousing up they heard in a certain direction a thunder-
ing noise as if an avalanche was rolling toward them. Presently they dis-
covered a tremendous herd of stampeded buffalo coming toward them. The
boys were terribly frightened, but had presence of mind enough to open with
their Spencers upon the approaching mass which at length they succeeded in
frightening to either side of them. Grayson says he does not desire a repeti-
tion of the adventure. Hutchinson News.
No SOAP FOR THE WATER WORKS
From the Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, November 14,
1873.
The proposition to vote bonds for water works in Topeka meets with very
little favor. There are so few of our people who use water that it is im-
possible to create any enthusiasm on the subject.
GRASS IN KANSAS
From the Garden City Paper, July 31, 1879.
C. J. Jones has in his possession a spear of grass that is sixty-eight feet
long, which grew on the bottom near the river. The above story sounds in-
credible, but anyone doubting it can come and see for themselves, and if it
is not the length stated, we will pay all expenses of the trip.
(310)
Kansas History as Published in the Press
Articles of a series, by various authors, concerning Coffeyville his-
tory and legends, have appeared weekly under the title "Coffeyville
Lore" in the Coffeyville Daily Journal during the winter and spring
months of 1951.
The history of the Missouri, Kansas, Texas railway better known
as the Katy was sketched in the Emporia Daily Gazette, January
24, 1951. The railroad came into being at a meeting in Emporia
on September 20, 1865, and the charter was filed with the secretary
of state five days later. Construction started in 1869, from Junction
City to Emporia. Some of the history surrounding Phillips Inn,
near the Reading state lake, appeared in the Gazette, May 1. The
building was constructed in 1856 or 1857 by Oliver Phillips, said
to be Lyon county's second settler. A short history of Lyon county
cemeteries was published in the Gazette, May 29. Probably the
first area recognized in the county as a public burying ground was
the Mount Hope cemetery near Neosho Rapids. Lucina Jones,
Emporia, historian of the Lyon County Historical Society, has com-
piled a nine- volume manuscript on 21 of the county's 38 cemeteries.
Short sketches of early-day Emporia, by O. W. Mosher, curator of
the Lyon county historical museum, under the title "When Emporia
Was Young," began appearing weekly in the Gazette, March 6,
1951, in the "Museum Notes" column.
An article on the history of Crawford county entitled "Father
Came West," by the late Mrs. Oello Ingraham Martin, began ap-
pearing in installments in the Girard Press, February 1, 1951. Mrs.
Martin came to Crawford county in 1870.
Some of the history of Merriam, Johnson county, as recalled by
C. V. McLeod, appeared in an article by Mabel M. Henderson in
the Johnson County Herald, Overland Park, February 15, 1951.
A history of Caney entitled "Caney in Retrospect," was presented
at a meeting of the Sigourneyan club of Caney, February 15, 1951,
by Mrs. J. F. Blackledge, a summary of which was printed in the
Caney Daily Chronicle, February 16.
The research of Dr. Dudley Cornish, Kansas State Teachers Col-
lege, Pittsburg, on the use of Negro troops in the Civil War was the
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312 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
subject of a two-column article by Harold O. Taylor in the Pitts-
burg Headlight, February 19, 1951.
A history of the Arnold cemetery at Caldwell, by E. A. Detrick,
was printed in the Caldwell Messenger, February 19, 1951. All
burials in the cemetery were made before 1881, but the city did
not purchase the plot until 1884.
A brief history of the public library of Russell appeared in the
Russell Daily News, February 22, 1951. The institution was
founded March 1, 1901, with Grace Stephens as the first librarian.
Historical and progress editions were published by the Phillips
County Revieiv, Phillipsburg, February 22, and March 22, 1951.
Subjects in February included: the Indian battle on Prairie Dog
creek, by George B. Jenness; the Lutheran church of Stuttgart, by
Mrs. Leonard Preuss; first public road in the county; Phillipsburg
men in the Spanish- American War, and Kirwin's schools. A de-
scription of Phillips county in the early 1870's, quoted from W. M.
Wells' "The Desert's Hidden Wealth," and Phillips county post
offices and postmasters were among the subjects in the March issue.
A short history of Cherokee was printed in the Cherokee Sentinel,
February 23, 1951, in connection with the 77th anniversary of the
city's incorporation. In the three following issues the Sentinel
printed small items of information about the early residents.
Articles on the early history of Marshall county, by Lillian K.
Farrar, Maxwell, Iowa, begun in the Axtell Standard on February
28, 1946, have continued to appear regularly.
A history of the Salina fire department was published in the Mis-
souri Valley Fire Chiefs Journal, Topeka, February-March, 1951.
The first Salina fire department was a volunteer organization begun
in 1879, which served until 1909 when Fred Brodbeck was ap-
pointed fire chief and the paid department was organized. A bio-
graphical sketch of J. E. Travis, present fire chief, also appeared in
the Journal.
"Politics in the Midwest," by Walter Johnson, University of Chi-
cago, was published in Nebraska History, Lincoln, March, 1951.
The "Military Career of Robert W. Furnas," by Robert C. Farb,
Simpson College, Indianola, Iowa, was also included in the March
issue. Furnas was mustered into the service as a colonel in 1862
and immediately began recruiting and organizing the First Indian
regiment in Kansas.
KANSAS HISTORY IN THE PRESS 313
Among articles in the Bulletin of the Shawnee County Historical
Society, Topeka, March, 1951, were: Ft. IV of Russell K. Hickman's
"The First Congregational Church of Topeka"; "Reminiscences of
Mrs. E. F. Ritchie"; "Topeka in 1877," including a drawing of a
bird's-eye view; "Felitz' Island [in the Kaw river]"; "The Generous
Ichabod [Washburn]," by John Daniel Bright; the llth and last in-
stallment of W. W. Cone's Shawnee county history; "Topeka Fetes
Royalty," the visit of Grand Duke Alexis of Russia, to Topeka, by
William Frank Zornow, and an installment of George A. Root's
"Chronology of Shawnee County."
"Kansas Weather 1950," by R. A. Garrett, was published in the
Transactions of the Kansas Academy of Science, Lawrence, March,
1951. Robert Taft's editorial, which was reprinted in pamphlet
form, concerned Asa Gray's ascent of Gray's Peak in 1872.
The Sedan Times-Star, March 1, 1951, printed an article on the
M. V. Floyd family, who came to Kansas in 1870. In 1872 the
family settled in Howard (now Chautauqua) county where they
built a log cabin which, until it was torn down recently, was one
of the oldest and best known landmarks of the county.
Among recent articles of a historical nature in the Hays Daily
News were: "Catherine Parishioners Carry Original Colony Cross
Today," some of the religious history of the Russian colony of Cath-
arinenstadt, March 4, 1951, and "Names of Signers of Petition for
College at Hays Uncovered," April 22.
A history of the Russell county 4-H program, now 24 years old,
by Gale Mullen, county 4-H agent, was published in the Russell
Record, March 5 and 8, 1951. On April 9 the Record printed a his-
torical sketch of Russell county. The Russell Daily News, May 23,
published a special 60-page edition, and the Record, May 24, one
of 34 pages, in celebration of Russell's 80th anniversary. Included
in the editions were histories of Russell county and city, other towns
in Russell county, and industries and institutions of the county.
Russell was founded in May, 1871, by a group from Wisconsin, and
incorporated the following year.
The Cowley county militia of 1874 and the James and Dalton
gangs were the subjects of Walter Hutchison's column, "Folks Here-
abouts," in the Arkansas City Daily Traveler, March 12 and April
6, 1951, respectively.
314 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Reminiscences of Harry Johnson, Woodland Park, Colo. ? concern-
ing the Central City church, Anderson county, were printed in the
Garnett Review, March 15, 1951. The church building, recently
sold, was constructed in 1870.
The Belle Plaine News, March 15, 1951, published a history by
Mrs. O. F. Kilmer of the Belle Plaine Presbyterian Church which
has reached its 75th anniversary. The church was formed March
11, 1876, under the leadership of the Rev. A. M. Mann, who be-
came its first pastor.
A survey of the foreign-language groups in Kansas entitled "Babel
in Kansas," by J. Neale Carman, was published in Yowr Govern-
ment, Bulletin of the Bureau of Government Research, University
of Kansas, Lawrence, March 15, 1951. The article was reprinted in
the Junction City Union, April 16.
Two articles, by James L. Robinson, in the Topeka Daily Cap-
ital, March 18, 1951, reviewed the "Messiah" chorus and the art
colony at Lindsborg and Bethany College. The 70th annual "Mes-
siah" festival was observed in Lindsborg in March.
Early Pawnee county history was recalled by Ed Christian in
The Tiller and Toiler, Larned, March 22 and 29, 1951. Christian
came to Kansas from Indiana about 1880 when he was 13 years old.
The pioneer experiences of G. J. Peebles, as written by him in
1889, were printed in the Cawker City Ledger, March 22 and 29,
1951. Peebles first settled in Brown county in 1857, but in 1870
moved west to near Cawker City.
Articles of historical interest to Kansans appearing in recent is-
sues of the Kansas City (Mo.) Star included: "Funston Captured
Aguinaldo by Ruse 50 Years Ago, Ending Island Revolt," by J. M.
Dow, March 23, 1951; "Pithy Wisdom of William Allen White in
Autographs for a Boy's Collection," by Ruby Holland Rosenberg,
April 3; "Hope, Kas., a Town of 538, Boasts of Its Native Sons/'
among whom are Arthur and Edgar Eisenhower, John Cameron
Swayze and Oscar Stauffer, by Howard Turtle, April 29; "Glory of
a Civilization Nourished by Grass Was Sung by Great Kansas Ora-
tor [John J. Ingalls]," May 16; "Famous Old School at Council
Grove Becomes Museum of the Storied Past," by Margaret Whitte-
more, May 19, and "Towns of the Prairie Dogs Stretched Like
Ocean Waves in the Early West," by E. B. Dykes Beachy, May 29.
KANSAS HISTORY IN THE PRESS 315
Articles appearing in the Kansas City (Mo.) Times were: "The
Early Texans Found a Word [Maverick] for Unbranded Cattle of
Western Plains," by Lewis Nordyke, April 23; "Many Reminders of
the Shawnee Indians Seen in Kansas Area Where They Lived," by
E. B. Dykes Beachy, April 27, and "Eisenhower's Strength Is Cred-
ited to His Ability to Speak 'Kansas Language/ " by Everett Rich,
April 28.
An article by Wayne A. O'Connell on the history of the old Hope-
field Mission was published by the Oswego Independent, March
30, 1951, and the Oswego Democrat, March 30, April 6 and 13. The
mission was established in present Oklahoma in the early 1820's by
a group sponsored by the Presbyterian church and under the leader-
ship of Dr. William C. Requa. About 1836 the mission was moved
to present Labette county where it operated only until 1837 when
forced to close because of a severe drought and trouble with the
Indians.
A brief biographical sketch of the Hugh Francis Reid family was
printed in the Bonner Springs Chieftain, April 5, 1951. Reid
brought his family to Kansas about 1860, settling near Muncie,
Wyandotte county. Mrs. Perle Mesta, U. S. minister to Luxem-
bourg, is a granddaughter of Reid.
The early history of Rosedale school, district 68, Jewell county,
by Mrs. Pearl Gifford, was printed in The Jewell County Republi-
can, Jewell, April 5, 1951, and in The Kansas Optimist, Jamestown,
May 3. The district was organized in 1878 and Flora Dayton was
the first teacher.
The reminiscences of R. W. Akin of Hewins, were published in
the Cedar Vale Messenger, April 5, 12, 19, 26, and May 3, 1951.
Akin came to Kansas from Illinois in 1872 with his father's family,
settling near Cedar Vale.
A 24-page 75th anniversary edition of the Erie Record was pub-
lished April 6, 1951. The Record was founded in 1876 by George
W. McMillen at Thayer. Histories of the Record and of Erie are
included in the edition.
An article on the historic Elkhorn mill at Minneapolis appeared
in the Salina Journal, April 8, 1951. The mill, operated by water
power, was first built in 1865 by Israel Markley who had discovered
the site while on a buffalo hunt in 1860. Destroyed and rebuilt in
1893, the mill is now to be razed.
316 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
A brief biographical sketch of the Rev. Isaac Mooney, by Mrs.
Corah Mooney Bullock, appeared in the Butler Free-Lance, El
Dorado, April 12 and 19, 1951. Mooney was the founder of the
Towanda Congregational-Christian Church which celebrated its
75th anniversary in April. Notes from Mooney's journal were
printed in the Free-Lance, April 26.
The school history of Cuba, in Republic county, was traced
briefly by Robert Benyshek in the Belleville Telescope, April 19,
1951. The first school building was erected in 1869.
Brief biographical sketches of Theodore Rand and D. R. Jay,
pony express riders, were printed in the Atchison Daily Globe,
April 22, 1951.
A brief biographical sketch of Dick Rogers, Minneola, by J. C.
Denious, Jr., was printed in the Dodge City Daily Globe, April 25,
1951. The Rogers family came to the Minneola area in 1885 and
built a sod house which still stands.
A sketch of the Baptist church of Downs appeared in the Downs
News, April 26, 1951. Organized in 1876, the church installed an
elder, Z. Thomas, as the first pastor. The Rev. S. Renfrew was
called in 1877.
The front page of the Frankfort Index, April 26, 1951, was de-
voted to historical articles on Frankfort, Frankfort newspapers, the
Wyandotte constitution and the Kansas State Historical Society.
Frankfort's earliest newspaper was the Record, first published in
1876.
A short, early history of Winfield, reprinted from the Winfield
Daily Telegram, May 9, 1879, was included in the historical sec-
tion of the 1951 achievement edition of the Winfield Daily Courier,
published February 26, 1951.
The history of St. Paul's Lutheran Church, near Albert, was
briefly sketched in the Great Bend Herald, May 10, 1951. The
church was organized in 1876 under the leadership of a Reverend
Hengist.
A brief history of the Hopewell United Presbyterian Church, near
Beloit, which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, was published
in the Beloit Daily Call, May 15, 1951. The church was organized
March 13, 1876, with 38 members. The Rev. J. P. Finney was the
first full-time pastor. On June 1 the Call printed the Mitchell
county reminiscences of Frank Douglass, now of Garden City.
KANSAS HISTORY IN THE PRESS 317
The Pittsburg Headlight and Sun, May 16, 1951, published 74-
page diamond jubilee editions in conjunction with the 75th an-
niversary of the founding of Pittsburg. Included were biographical
sketches of early-day community leaders, and historical articles on
Pittsburg industries, businesses, schools, churches and other organi-
zations and institutions.
The Rush County News, La Crosse, May 17, 1951, printed a brief
historical article on the community of Liebenthal, which was
founded February 22, 1876.
The reminiscences of Andrew G. Nelson, Chanute, concerning
his family's early years in Neosho county, written by H. G. Curl,
were printed in the Chanute Tribune, May 25, 1951. Nelson came
to Kansas from Sweden in the late 1860's. The article, in shorter
form, was reprinted in the Coffeyville Daily Journal, May 27, 1951.
The beginning and growth of the Leavenworth Catholic Church
was traced in The Eastern Kansas Register, Kansas City, May 25,
1951. The first building was constructed in 1855 under the leader-
ship of Bishop Miege.
A brief history of Kinsley, by Mrs. Nell Lewis Woods, appeared
in the Kinsley Mercury, May 31, 1951. The town was founded in
1873 and incorporated in 1878.
A two-column story of Old Cherokee, by Wayne A. O'Connell,
was published in the Chetopa Advance, May 31, 1951; the Oswego
Democrat, June 1, and the Baxter Springs Citizen, June 4. Old
Cherokee was a settlement near present Oswego which was de-
stroyed by federal troops in 1860 because the area was not yet open
for settlement.
The "colorful past and sizable achievements" of Kansas are re-
viewed by Debs Myers in "The Exciting Story of Kansas/' pub-
lished in Holiday magazine in June, 1951. Abolition, prohibition,
Populism, weather, agriculture and industries are some of the
phases of Kansas history discussed by Myers, along with sketches
of such Kansans as John Brown, William Allen White, Carry Na-
tion, Sockless Jerry Simpson and others.
"Helton's Colorful History," assembled by Will T. Beck, has con-
tinued to appear regularly in recent issues of the Holton Recorder.
Kansas Historical Notes
The 76th annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society
will be held in the rooms of the Society in the Memorial building
at Topeka on October 16, 1951.
Luther D. Landon was elected president of the Russell County
Historical Society at its annual meeting in Russell February 7,
1951. J. C. Ruppenthal was elected to succeed Landon as second
vice-president. Re-elected were: John G. Deines, first vice-presi-
dent; Merlin Morphy, secretary; A. J. Olson, treasurer, and Mrs.
H. A. Opdycke, chairman of the board of directors. Clarence Peck
was the retiring president. The Kennebec Landon Valley Histori-
cal Association has been made a chapter of the Russell county
society. May 28 was homecoming and pioneer day, sponsored by
the society, of the eight-day "Prairiesta" held at Russell, beginning
May 23. Mrs. Emma Woelk, who came to Russell in 1872, was
chosen the city's pioneer mother. A pageant entitled "Pioneers of
Progress," was presented in the evenings of May 28, 29 and 30.
Mrs. W. W. Austin was chosen chief historian of the Chase
County Historical Society at a meeting of the society's executive
committee at Cotton wood Falls, March 3, 1951. Plans were made
for publishing the third volume of the history of Chase county.
Mrs. Ida Vinson is chairman of the committee.
Officers elected or re-elected by the Ford Historical Society at a
luncheon March 9, 1951, included: Mrs. Guy Wooten, president;
Mrs. F. M. Coffman, vice-president; Mrs. I. L. Plattner, secretary-
treasurer, and Mrs. Lyman Emrie and Mrs. E. H. Patterson, his-
torians.
H. D. Lester was elected president of the Wichita Historical
Museum Association at a meeting March 29, 1951. Other officers
chosen were: H. M. Quinius, first vice-president; Mrs. Wallis
Haines, second vice-president; Carl Bitting, secretary, and Dr. H. C.
Holmes, treasurer.
The board of directors of the Finney County Historical Society
met at Garden City April 10, 1951, and re-elected all officers of the
society. They are: Gus Norton, president; Mrs. A. F. Smith, first
vice-president; Frederick Finnup, second vice-president; Mrs. Jose-
(318)
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 319
phine Cowgill, third vice-president; Mrs. Ella Condra, secretary;
Mrs. Eva B. Sharer, treasurer; Ralph T. Kersey, historian; Mrs.
Emma Weeks White, custodian of relics, and P. A. Burtis, business
manager. C. L. Reeve is a new member of the board. Mr. Finnup
presided at the meeting.
The Kansas Association of Teachers of History and Related Fields
held its annual meeting at the Memorial Building, Topeka, April 27
and 28, 1951. Speakers and their subjects were: "Greece Under
Nazi Occupation and the Greek Underground/' G. Georgiades Ar-
nakis, University of Kansas City; "The Effect of Witchcraft on
European Royalty During the Seventeenth Century," Floyd W.
Snyder, Sterling College; "Carlyle as a British Historian," F. R.
Flournoy, College of Emporia; "Petain: Traitor or Scapegoat?" Les-
lie Anders, University of Missouri; "The Kansas Raid of Sterling
Price," Albert Castel, Wichita University; "Kansas Negro Regiments
in the Civil War," Dudley T. Cornish, Kansas State Teachers Col-
lege, Pittsburg; "Father Dumortier, Itinerant Missionary in Kansas
in the 1850's and 1860's," Sister M. Evangeline Thomas, Marymount
College, and "The Unwanted Mr. Lincoln," William F. Zornow,
Washburn University. At the luncheon session John Rydjord,
Wichita University, addressed the group on "Nationalism: Notions
and Nonsense." Flournoy was elected president of the association
for the coming year. Other officers elected were: Elizabeth Coch-
ran, Kansas State Teachers College, Pittsburg, vice-president; Er-
nest Baders, Washburn University, secretary-treasurer. Other mem-
bers of the executive committee are: Alvin H. Proctor, Kansas State
Teachers College, Pittsburg; Deane Postlewaite, Baker University;
the Rev. Peter Beckman, St. Benedict's Abbey, Atchison, and
George L. Anderson, University of Kansas. Anderson was the re-
tiring president.
An antique melodian, which was a gift from John Brown to his
oldest daughter, Ruth Brown Thompson, and which was played at
Brown's funeral, was presented to the board of the John Brown
Memorial Park in Osawatomie at ceremonies held at the Osawato-
mie high school May 9, 1951. This instrument, since 1925 the
property of Mr. and Mrs. Edward Simmons, Altadena, Cal., has
been permanently placed in the John Brown cabin in the park.
Fred W. Brinkerhoff, Pittsburg publisher, principal speaker for the
occasion, discussed Brown's antislavery activities in Kansas and his
attempt to seize the government arsenal at Harper's Ferry. Others
320 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
participating in the program included: the Rev. William I. Hastie,
Osawatomie; State Senator Ben F. Bowers, Ottawa; James A. Day,
Osawatomie, who played the melodian, and Ada Remington and
Rosalie Ward, members of the Brown family.
Organization of the Edwards County Historical Society was com-
pleted at a meeting in Kinsley May 25, 1951. Mrs. E. G. Peterson
was elected president. Other officers elected were: Lavina Trotter,
Harry Offerle and Ruth Roenbaugh, vice-presidents; Henry J.
Draut, secretary; John Newlin, treasurer; Mrs. Myrtle Richardson,
historian, and Beulah Moletor, custodian of relics. Mrs. Richard-
son presided at the meeting and H. F. Schmidt, of Ford county,
was the principal speaker.
The Price of the Prairie Grass, is the title of a recently-published
18-page pamphlet by Cecil Calvert, Hays. The article begins with
the arrival of Calvert's father in western Kansas in 1884, describes
pioneer life, and traces the agricultural practices which led to wind
and water erosion of the soil and the disappearance of the prairie
grass.
A 75-page pamphlet entitled A History of the First 30 Years of
the Kansas Division of the American Association of University
Women, by Teresa Marie Ryan, was published recently. The first
local organization of the AAUW, known then as the Association of
Collegiate Alumnae, in Kansas was formed at Lawrence in 1906.
The state unit was organized in 1919 and Alice Winston, Lawrence,
was elected the first president.
Agricultural Discontent in the Middle West (Madison, Wis.,
c!951), by Theodore Saloutos and John D. Hicks, is the title of a
581-page historical treatment of the agrarian unrest and the result-
ing farm movements and farm legislation from 1900 to 1939.
Willie Whitewater, the 309-page story of W. R. Honnell's life and
adventures among the Indians as he grew up with the state of
Kansas, as told by him to Caroline Cain Durkee, has been published
by the Burton Publishing Company, Kansas City, Mo. Honnell,
known among the Indians as Willie Whitewater, was born in
November, 1860. In 1899 he was appointed Indian agent for
Kansas. Later he had a part in the preservation of the Huron
cemetery which was laid out by the Wyandot Indians in 1844.
Mr. Honnell died in 1946.
THE
KANSAS HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
November 1951
Published by
Kansas State Historical Society
Topeka
KIRKE MECHEM JAMES C. MALIN NYLE H. MILLER
Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor
CONTENTS
PAGE
THE MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS IN THE ORGANIZATION OF
NEBRASKA TERRITORY: A Letter Dated December 17, 1853,
James C. Malin, 321
THE PICTORIAL RECORD OF THE OLD WEST: XIV. Illustrators of
the Pacific Railroad Reports Robert Taft, 354
With the following illustrations:
Charles Koppel's "Los Angeles," November 1, 1853,
A. H. Campbell's "Valley of the Gila & Sierra de las Estrellas
From the Maricopa Wells" (Arizona), 1855,
J. C. Tidball's "Valley of Williams River" (Arizona), 1854,
William P. Blake's "Mirage on the Colorado Desert" (California),
1853, between pp. 368, 369.
THE LETTERS OF JOSEPH H. TREGO, 1857-1864, LINN COUNTY
PIONEER: Part Three, 1863, 1864 Concluded,
Edited by Edgar Langsdorf, 381
With the following illustrations:
Dr. and Mrs. Joseph H. Trego and six of their nine daughters;
the Mound City band, from a photograph taken in 1878,
between pp. 384, 385.
BYPATHS OF KANSAS HISTORY 401
KANSAS HISTORY AS PUBLISHED IN THE PRESS 402
KANSAS HISTORICAL NOTES 407
ERRATA AND ADDENDA, VOLUME XIX 410
INDEX To VOLUME XIX 411
The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published in February, May, August and
November by the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan., and is dis-
tributed free to members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be
sent to the editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made
by contributors.
Entered as second-class matter October 22, 1931, at the post office at To-
peka, Kan., under the act of August 24, 1912.
THE COVER
R. H. Kern's sketch of "Fort Massachusetts At the Foot of
the Sierra Blanca; Valley of San Luis" (1853). The fort was
established in 1852 in what was once Kansas territory, and is
reported to have been the first United States settlement in the
San Luis valley. The buildings and stockade of pine logs ac-
commodated 150 men, infantry and cavalry. In 1858 the post
was moved a few miles and the name was changed to Fort
Garland. The site of old Fort Massachusetts is in the south
central part of present Colorado. (See p. 366.)
THE KANSAS
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Volume XIX November, 1951 November 4
The Motives of Stephen A. Douglas in the
Organization of Nebraska Territory: A
Letter Dated December 17, 1853
JAMES C. MALIN
THE scope of this paper is limited. The prime object is to
make available a single letter of Stephen A. Douglas, dated
December 17, 1853, dealing with his purpose and motives for the
organization of the Indian country as of that date. The letter is
momentous because it placed upon the record Douglas* own state-
ment of his position after the introduction of the Dodge bill into
the senate on December 14, notice having been given December 5,
the very first day of the session, and during the interval when the
senate committee on territories, of which Douglas was chairman,
was deliberating on that bill, which, through substitution and
amendment, was to become the Kansas-Nebraska Act of May 30,
1854. This, then, is the nearest contemporaneous statement by
Douglas, just prior to the opening of the historic debates, relative
to the organization of the Indian country, the Pacific railroad, the
Indian barrier and the slavery issue.
The motives of Douglas have been the subject of dispute, and
historical literature presents several major interpretations. These
are reviewed here under three main heads: (1) slavery, (2) pro-
visional government of Nebraska, (3) Pacific railroad.
The slavery interpretation includes both anti and proslavery ver-
sions. The dominant one is represented in many variant antislavery-
abolition accounts, all of which, however, agreed upon hostility to-
ward Douglas as the prime author and proponent of the Kansas-
Nebraska Act, with its repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820
by which slavery had been excluded from the Louisiana Purchase
territory north of the line of 36 30' north latitude. Implied or ex-
DR. JAMES C. MALIN, associate editor of The Kansas Historical Quarterly, is professor of
history at the University of Kansas, Lawrence.
(321)
322 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
pressly, they ascribed to Douglas lack of moral principles, ambi-
tion for the Presidency, subservience to the slavocracy as a means of
promoting his personal ambition and unscrupulous political meth-
ods of accomplishing his ends. This literature may be classified
for convenience into three types : 1 ) immediate attacks upon Doug-
las in connection with the debates on the Kansas-Nebraska bill,
and the subsequent Kansas troubles, the most dramatic single doc-
ument being the "Appeal of the Independent Democrats . . .,"
published January 24, 1854; 2) the formal historical works of con-
temporaries such as Horace Greeley (1856, 1866), Henry Wilson
(1874), and John A. Logan (1886); 3) the formal work of histori-
ans of the post-Civil War generation, who were supposedly com-
mitted to the scientific method, especially Hermann Eduard von
Hoist (1885), and James Ford Rhodes (1892). In the name of
human freedom, morality and religion, these set the pattern of one
of the most flagrant instances of character assassination in history.
The vicious character of the contemporary attacks upon Douglas
are best illustrated by the "Appeal of the Independent Democrats
. . .," l as it may be said to have set the model for so many others.
The body of the "Appeal" was directed at the Douglas drafts of the
Nebraska bill as they appeared January 4 and 10. Among other
things Senators Chase and Sumner and associates declared that
We arraign the bill as a gross violation of a sacred pledge; as a criminal be-
trayal of precious rights; as part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from
a vast unoccupied region immigrants from the Old World, and free laborers
from our own States, and convert it into a dreary region of despotism, inhab-
ited by Masters and slaves.
They expressly related the bill to the Pacific railroad, charging
that slavery along such a road would retard settlement, enhance
costs of construction, endanger profits, and would render worthless
there a homestead law if enacted;
We earnestly request the enlightened conductors of newspapers printed in
the German and other foreign languages, to direct the attention of their readers
to this important matter. . . .
We implore Christians and Christian ministers to interpose. Their divine
religion requires them to behold in every man a brother, and to labor for the
advancement and regeneration of the human race.
1. Congressional Globe, 33 Cong., 1 Sess., January 30, 1854, pp. 281, 282. The docu-
ment as printed in the Globe was given the date January 19, 1854, and contained a note
at the end commenting on the new draft of the Douglas bill presented January 23, 1854,
which divided the territory into Kansas and Nebraska. The New York Tribune printed the
"Appeal" January 25, 1854, giving it the date January 19, without the note, and attributed
it to the Ohio senators and a majority of the Ohio members of the house of representatives.
The original publication was in the National Era, Washington, D. C., January 24, 1854,
with the date January 22, 1854. Milton, Eve of Conflict, p. 120, note is inaccurate on the
Tribune handling of the document.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 323
Then the note, appended to the "Appeal," written the day Doug-
las reported the new draft of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, January 23,
1854, closed with this sentence: "Will the people permit their dear-
est interests to be thus made the mere hazards of a presidential
game, and destroyed by false facts and false inferences?"
Such was the state of mind among the antislavery-abolitionists
that all that seemed necessary was for the recognized leaders, like
Chase, and Sumner, to make an accusation, and it was accepted as
true without investigation. Historians have largely been held cap-
tives by this formula of liberalism, morality and religion. Douglas
replied in hardhitting speeches, especially on January 30 and on
March 3, but few newspapers, North or South, certainly not the
New York Tribune, reported them adequately for readers to learn
the facts.
The essential portion of the Missouri Compromise read that, ex-
cept for Missouri, in all of the Louisiana Purchase north of 36 30'
north latitude, slavery "shall be and is hereby forever prohibited."
It should be noted that the word "forever" is used. When, on Jan-
uary 30, Douglas took Chase to task for the accusations made in
the "Appeal," Chase replied:
Sir, our offense is, that we deny the nationality of slavery. No man can
show that we have ever sought to interfere with the legislation of any State
of the Union upon that subject. All we have ever insisted upon is, that the
Territories of this Union shall be preserved from slavery; and that where the
General Government exercises jurisdiction, its legislation shall be on the side
of liberty. It is because we defend these positions that the Senator from Ill-
inois attacks us. . . . 2
If Chase knew what he was saying, he had himself repealed the
Missouri Compromise, except during the territorial period when
he insisted the policy of the General government must be slanted
in favor of liberty. Douglas had stated explicitly that there was
no intention of legislating slavery into or out of a territory. Only
during the territorial status did Chase's position, as stated upon
cross-examination in the debate, differ from that of the Douglas
bills in any of their several versions. Participation in government
was open to any citizen or immigrant who had declared his inten-
tion of becoming a citizen of the United States. The Clayton
amendment, proposing to disqualify declarants from political priv-
ileges, was not offered until later and should not confuse the issue.
What did the antislavery-abolition group intend; what sincerity
was there in their professions; what was the meaning of this
"tempest-in-a-teapot" in which words had no relation to reality?
2. Cong. Globe, 33 Cong., 1 Sess., p. 280.
324 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
The excesses of the heat of battle are usually treated by histori-
ans with a great deal of tolerance, and that may be applicable to
the controversies over the Kansas-Nebraska bill and the later Kan-
sas troubles. But the problem does not end there. The books of
Greeley, Wilson and Logan were written after the Civil War, when
time and perspective should have, but did not, mellow judgments.
Greeley called his two-volume book The American Conflict: A His-
tory of the Great Rebellion . . . ( Hartford, Chicago, 1866-1867 ) .
Henry Wilson called his three-volume work The Rise and Fall of
the Slave Power in America (Boston, 1872-1877). John A. Logan
wrote of The Great Conspiracy (New York, 1886). But least ex-
cusable on any basis of measurement is the work of scholars of the
generation later, those who had not been participants. Hermann
von Hoist, a German scholar, might have been expected to bring
to the history of the United States an objective view of a foreigner,
but in many respects, he outdid the antislavery partisans in his
interpretations :
Both [Pierce and Douglas] labored for the slavocracy for the reward of the
presidency and earned perhaps only the contempt of the people of the north,
. . . but then the contempt visited on Douglas had its roots in hate while
Pierce seemed so contemptible that to hate him was to do him too much
honor. 3
The case of James Ford Rhodes is quite different and more com-
plex. He had grown up under the antislavery environment of the
Western Reserve district of Ohio, but his father, Daniel P. Rhodes,
had been a friend of Douglas, and there was a marriage connection
linking the two families, and Douglas had named Daniel P. Rhodes
as executor of his estate. Upon the death of his father, James Ford
Rhodes succeeded to that post. When the two Douglas sons be-
came of age the estate had been dissipated, and suit was brought
against James Ford Rhodes. This litigation was finally compro-
mised out of court, by Rhodes settling with the Douglas sons for
the equivalent of about $30,000. There would seem to be little
room for argument that by that time relations between the two
families were not exactly amicable. What bearing did these Mmily
difficulties exert on Rhodes as historian? When F. H. Hodder pub-
lished the facts in 1922, Albert Bushnell Hart undertook to dispute
them on authority of a denial by Rhodes. Only when faced with a
photostat of the original agreement of settlement, with signatures,
did they decide to withdraw their charges. 4
3. The Constitutional and Political History of the United States, 8 volumes translated
from the German by John J. Lalor (Chicago, 1881-1892), v. 4 (1885), p. 317.
4. "F. H. Hodder Papers," library of the University of Kansas.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 325
Whatever the influence of these family difficulties, Rhodes' treat-
ment of Douglas in his History of the United States From the Com-
promise of 1850 was venomous. 5
Rhodes said that of the five rivals for the Presidency in the Dem-
ocratic party, as of January 1, 1854, "Douglas was the boldest of all"
and "the least popular with the South." In the nominating conven-
tion of 1852, he had received the smallest number of votes from
that section, which would have 117 votes in the nominating con-
vention of 1856: "The result of the previous convention, however,
had taught Douglas that he could not be nominated without the
aid of Southern votes." On the basis of this reasoning, Rhodes at-
tributed to Douglas the following: "Thoughts and calculations like
these must have passed through Douglas' mind . . .," and as
chairman of the committee on territories, he could win the support
of the South by organizing territories agreeable to these wishes.
He attributed to Douglas a desire to emulate Clay, assuming for
himself a leadership in the Democratic party similar to Clay's lead-
ership in the old Whig party. On this particular point, the com-
parison with Clay, the great compromiser, Rhodes may have guessed
better than he knew, but he spoiled it by venting his personal
spleen: "But Clay had profound moral convictions which, although
sometimes set at naught in the heat of partisan conflict, were of
powerful influence in his political career; in the view of Douglas,
moral ideas had no place in politics." 6
On the proslavery side of this slavery interpretation of Douglas
are the versions of Sen. Archibald Dixon, Rep. Philip Phillips and
Sen. David R. Atchison, contemporaries; and their subsequent more
formal presentations of later years. Each of these men claimed at
the time to have been the prime mover or author, or both, of the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and to have forced the hand
of Douglas in this matter. Mrs. Archibald Dixon elaborated her
husband's story in a book, The True History of the Missouri Com-
promise and Its Repeal (Cincinnati, 1899). Perley Orman Ray,
published an elaborately documented monograph, The Repeal of
the Missouri Compromise (Cleveland, 1909), in which he explained
the repeal as arising out of the political rivalry of Atchison and
Thomas Hart Benton in Missouri, and Atchison's forcing of Doug-
las' hand. H. B. Learned, without becoming a partisan, has pre-
5. This work was planned in several volumes, the original block covering the period
1850-1877 in seven volumes. Later, two other volumes were added. Volume 1, in which
the enactment of the Kansas-Nebraska Act was treated, was published in 1893, copyright
1892.
6. James Ford Rhodes, History of the United States . ., v. 1 (New York, 1893),
PP. 424, 425, 430, 431.
326 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
sented the evidence on "The Relation of Philip Phillips to the Re-
peal of the Missouri Compromise. . . ." 7
The provisional government of Nebraska interpretation of the
Kansas-Nebraska Act has two aspects and complications which defy
neat labels. Persons in the Indian country, or near it, conceived the
idea of anticipating the official organization of the country into a
territory and sending a delegate to represent the so-called Nebraska
territory in congress. Hadley Johnson, allied with Iowa interests,
was "elected" and appeared in Washington in December, 1853,
with the idea of dividing the Indian country into two territories as
a means of advancing Pacific railroad interests, and he claimed that
Douglas accepted his plan, which appeared in the revised bill of
January 23, 1854. 8
The more comprehensive claims growing out of the situation in
the Indian country, were associated with the so-called provisional
government of Nebraska territory, which was set up primarily by
the Emigrant tribes of Indians, particularly the Wyandot tribe in
1852, with William Walker as provisional governor, and Abelard
Guthrie as delegate to congress, both members of the Wyandot
tribe. The protagonist of the claims of these men to having in-
stigated the organization of Kansas and Nebraska, was William
Elsey Connelley. 9 He maintained that Hadley Johnson's activities
and the division of the territory blocked the recognition by the
house of representatives of the provisional government, 10 and that
Abelard Guthrie's activities during the winter of 1852-1853 forced
the action upon congress at the next session, which did pass the
Kansas-Nebraska Act. 11
The Pacific railroad interpretation of the Kansas-Nebraska Act
was presented to a hostile and skeptical public, after Douglas'
death, by two political friends, James Washington Sheahan (1861),
and James Madison Cutts (1866). In view of the contents of the
Douglas letter which serves as the occasion for this paper, a re-
7. Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, v. 8 (1922), March
pp. 303-317.
8. Hadley Johnson, "How the Kansas-Nebraska Boundary Line Was Established,"
Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, series 1, v. 2 (1887),
pp. 80-92.
9. W. E. Connelley (editor), "The Provisional Government of Nebraska Territory, and
the Journals of William Walker, Provisional Governor of Nebraska Territory," Proceedings
and Collections of the Nebraska State Historical Society, Lincoln, series 2, v. 3 (1899).
A brief restatement of the argument is in Connelley, A Standard History of Kansas and
Kansans (5 volumes, Chicago, 1918), v. 1, ch. 14, and in Connelley, History of Kansas,
State and People (5 volumes, Chicago and New York, 1928), v. 1, ch. 15.
10. Connelley, Kansas and Kansans, v. 1, p. 315. A part of Johnson's own story was
reprinted in ibid., pp. 312-315.
11. Ibid., pp. 304-315.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 327
printing of both these versions seems desirable as neither is gen-
erally available for reference. 12
TEXT OF THE SHEAHAN ACCOUNT
. . . The great act of legislation upon which his opponents have as-
sailed him most fiercely, and which, even after death, has been quoted as "the
great mistake, not to say crime" of his life, was the one in which he took the
most pride, and which he felt to be the wisest and the best. It was the Ne-
braska Act. A defence of that act is not needed here, but as it served for
years as a battery from which he was assailed, it is but proper that in a few
sentences it be stated why he proposed it, why he pressed it, and why it
failed.
Mr. Douglas was one of those who saw that the agitation of the slavery
question in Congress could accomplish nothing, save to widen the social and
political breach that has always existed between the slaveholding and non-
slaveholding States. Seven years experience in Congress confirmed him in
the opinion that it was necessary to remove that question from the halls of
the national legislature. In 1850, the compromise bills of that year, of which
he wrote every word, were passed. California had been acquired, and a road
to the Pacific was indispensable. In 1854, the immense tract of territory, now
known as Nebraska and Kansas, was closed, by law, to emigration and to
travel. Like a huge block, it barred the natural pathway to the Pacific. The
South was pressing a railroad from Memphis, and southwesterly across the
continent. Mr. Douglas wanted a fair chance to have that railroad lead from
the north, where it could find communication through Chicago to the Atlantic.
Our railroads had already reached the Mississippi, and others were projected,
extending to the Missouri. He wanted Nebraska and Kansas opened, and the
country made free to the enterprise of the north. In case of a dissolution of
the Union, it was essential to have the Pacific connected by some other route
than one through a hostile section. That was the motive for organizing these
territories a motive having its origin in the desire to benefit the whole nation,
and especially to give to the northwest a fair opportunity to compete for the
commerce of the great east.
But that curse of all things, the question of African slavery, lay at the
threshold. He could not open Kansas and Nebraska without waking the sleep-
ing Demon. He therefore determined to make one grand struggle, to seize
the monster, to invite both North and South to unite in chaining it; and, hav-
ing it in chains, to remove it forever beyond the limits of national legislation.
For that purpose he framed the Nebraska Act, by which he asked the North
and the South forever to bind themselves to leave the question of the existence
or non-existence of slavery to the exclusive adjudication and determination of
the people of the respective territories. The bill passed, and became a law.
12. James W. Sheahan, Eulogy on Stephen A. Douglas (Chicago, 1861), reprinted,
with slight omissions, as Stephen A. Douglas an Eulogy, in the Fergus Historical Series,
No. 15 (Chicago, 1881), pp. 15-18 in the original printing, and pp. 204-207 in the re-
print. The present author has seen only the reprint, but the late Frank Heywood Hodder
collated the two printings and marked his copy of the reprint accordingly, and that copy
is now in the library of the University of Kansas. This eulogy was delivered at the Uni-
versity of Chicago, of which Douglas was a founder, July 3, 1861.
James Madison Cutts, A Brief Treatise Upon Constitutional and Party Questions, and
the History of Political Parties, as I Received It Orally From the Late Senator Stephen A.
Douglas, of Illinois (New York, 1866), pp. 84-97.
328 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Its design and intent plainly stamped upon its face, and its friends all com-
mitted to abide its results. He had accomplished all his purposes, so far as
they could be done by legislation. The rest he left to time and to the intelli-
gence of the people; and throughout the eventful years that followed he was
not an indifferent but a confident spectator, waiting for results which every
day seemed more inevitably certain. For two years he fought rebellion in
Kansas, and to Pierce he offered just what he offered to Lincoln his aid in
suppressing rebellion, and resistance to the laws and Constitution. In 1856,
the Cincinnati convention met. He was but little troubled as to who should
be the nominee, but he was greatly agitated lest some portion of the South
would not ratify and approve the great act of 1854. But that convention,
without a dissenting voice, did ratify that act, and then from the very bottom
of his heart he rejoiced. The chain which bound fanaticism forever had been
riveted, and the territories were no longer to be divided by a black line, but
freedom was as free to go to the lowest confines of the continent as it was to
tread the ocean-washed shores of Oregon. Never, except by something ap-
poaching a miracle, would there be another slave-State formed by the free
will of the people, and no State, except formed by the free will of the people,
could ever be admitted without a violation of the contract. In the fullness of
his joy, and in the tumult of his gratitude, he sent that dispatch which, while
it withdrew his name, unfortunately made Mr. Buchanan President.
Despite the civil war and rebellion which had reigned in Kansas, the great
measure worked its own way successfully toward the contemplated result;
when lo, there came a blow so sudden and unexpected, that no human sagacity
could have been prepared to meet it. The Lecompton fraud was taken to the
executive bosom, nursed into life; a message was sent to Congress, requesting
that, after the manner of royal infants in other lands, this only child of the
bachelor President, should be portioned, pensioned, and provided for at the
national charge. Had Mr. Buchanan been true to his trust, true to his plighted
honor, and true to the solemn oath of office, the issue of disunion would have
been tried on the Lecompton question, and rebellion would have been com-
pelled to take up arms in defence of that horrid fraud a fraud covered with
blood, and reeking with the stenches of the most shocking corruptions. Had
he been true, Mr. Douglas* original design and expectations would have been
verified, and the ultraists of the South, and not of the North, would have
heaped contumely upon the Nebraska bill and its author.
As the corner-stone of the University [of Chicago] was laid under a male-
diction upon the Nebraska bill and its living author, I have thought it not in-
appropriate, that in burying the illustrious dead beneath its monumental towers,
a record of the motive should be placed where posterity may find that and the
malediction together.
Mr. Douglas was an independent statesman. Looking at all questions from
an immovable stand-point of principle, he could neither be coaxed nor driven
into an approval of what he deemed to be wrong. . . .
TEXT OF THE CuTTS ACCOUNT
At the next meeting of Congress after the election of General Pierce, Mr.
Douglas as chairman of the Committee on Territories, reported the Kansas-
Nebraska Bill, accompanied by a special report, in which he said, "that the
object of the committee was to organize all Territories in the future upon the
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 329
principles of the compromise measures of 1850. That these measures were in-
tended to have a much broader and more enduring effect, than to merely ad-
just the disputed questions growing out of the acquisition of Mexican territory,
by prescribing certain great fundamental principles, which, while they ad-
justed the existing difficulties, would prescribe rules of action in all future
time, when new Territories were to be organized or new States to be admitted
into the Union." The report then proceeded to show that the principle upon
which the Territories of 1850 were organized was, that the slavery question
should be banished from the halls of Congress and the political arena, and re-
ferred to the Territories and States who were immediately interested in the
question, and alone responsible for its existence; and concluded, by saying
"that the bill reported by the committee proposed to carry into effect these
principles in the precise language of the compromise measures of 1850."
By reference to those sections of the Kansas-Nebraska Act which define the
powers of the Territorial Legislature, it will be perceived that they are in the
precise language of the acts of 1850, and confer upon the Territorial Legisla-
ture power over all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with the Consti-
tution, without excepting African slavery.
During the discussion of this measure it was suggested that the 8th section
of the act of March 6, 1820, commonly called the Missouri Compromise, would
deprive the people of the Territory, while they remained in a Territorial condi-
tion of the right to decide the slavery question, unless said 8th section should
be repealed. In order to obviate this objection, and to allow the people the
privilege of controlling this question, while they remained in a Territorial con-
dition, the said restriction was declared inoperative and void, by an amendment
which was incorporated into the bill, on the motion of Mr. Douglas, with
these words in explanation of the object of the repeal: "it being the true intent
and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State,
nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to
form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to
the Constitution of the United States." In this form, and with this intent, the
Kansas-Nebraska Act became a law, by the approval of the President, on the
30th of May, 1854.
This bill and its author were principally assailed upon two points. First,
that it was not necessary to renew slavery agitation, by the introduction of the
measure; and secondly, that there was no necessity for the repeal of the Mis-
souri restriction.
To the first objection it was replied, that there was a necessity for the organ-
ization of the Territory, which could no longer be denied or resisted. That
Mr. Douglas, as early as the session of 1843, had introduced a bill to organize
the Territory of Nebraska, for the purpose of opening the line of communica-
tion between the Mississippi Valley and our possessions on the Pacific Ocean,
known as the Oregon country, and which was then under the operation of the
treaty of joint occupation, or rather non-occupation, with England, and was
rapidly passing into the exclusive possession of British Hudson's Bay Fur Com-
pany, who were establishing posts at every prominent and commanding point
in the country. That the Oregon Territory was, therefore practically open to
English emigrants, by ships, while it was closed to all emigration from our
Western States by our Indian intercourse laws, which imposed a thousand dol-
330 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
lars penalty, and six months' imprisonment, upon every American citizen who
should be found within the Indian country which separated our settlements in
the Mississippi or Missouri Valley from the Oregon Territory. That the desire
for emigration in that direction was so great, that petitions were poured into
Congress at every session for the organization of the Territory. Mr. Douglas
renewed the introduction of his bill for the organization of Nebraska Territory,
each session of Congress, from 1844 to 1854, a period of ten years, and while
he had failed to secure the passage of the act, in consequence of the Mexican
war intervening, and the slavery agitation which ensued, no one had objected
to it upon the ground that there was no necessity for the organization of the
Territory. During the discussions upon our Territorial questions during this
period, Mr. Douglas often called attention to the fact that a line of policy had
been adopted many years ago, and was being executed each year, which was
entirely incompatible with the growth and development of our country. It had
originated as early as the administration of Mr. Monroe, and had been con-
tinued by Mr. Adams, General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren, Harrison, and Tyler,
by which treaties had been made with the Indians to the east of the Mississippi
River, for their removal to the country bordering upon the States west of the
Mississippi or Missouri Rivers, with guaranties that the country within which
these Indians were located should never be embraced within any Territory or
State or subjected to the jurisdiction of either, so long as grass should grow
and water should run. These Indian settlements, thus secured by treaty, com-
menced upon the northern borders of Texas, or Red River, and were continued
from year to year westward, until, when in 1844, Mr. Douglas introduced his
first Nebraska Bill, they had reached the Nebraska or Platte River, and the
Secretary of War was then engaged in the very act of removing Indians from
Iowa, and settling them in the valley of the Platte River, with similar guaranties
of perpetuity, by which the road to Oregon was forever to be closed. It was
the avowed object of this Indian policy to form an Indian barrier on the west-
ern borders of Arkansas, Missouri, and Iowa, by Indian settlements, secured in
perpetuity by a compact, that the white settlement should never extend west-
ward of that line. This policy originated in the jealousy, on the part of the
Atlantic States, of the growth and expansion of the Mississippi Valley, which
threatened in a few years to become the controlling power of the nation. Even
Colonel Benton, of Missouri, who always claimed to be the champion of the
West, made a speech, in which he erected the god Terminus upon the summit
of the Rocky Mountains, facing eastward, and with uplifted hand, saying to
Civilization and Christianity, "Thus far mayst thou go, and no farther!" and
General Cass, while Secretary of War, was zealous in the execution of this
policy. This restrictive system received its first check in 1844, by the intro-
duction of the Nebraska Bill, which was served on the Secretary of War, by
its author, on the day of its introduction, with a notice that Congress was
about to organize the Territory, and therefore he must not locate any more
Indians there. In consequence of this notice, the Secretary (by courtesy) sus-
pended his operations until Congress should have an opportunity of acting upon
the bill; and inasmuch as Congress failed to act that session, Mr. Douglas re-
newed his bill and notice to the Secretary each year, and thus prevented action
for ten years, and until he could procure action on the bill. In the mean time
the passion of the Western people for emigration had become so aroused, that
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 331
they could be no longer restrained; and Colonel Benton, who was a candidate
in Missouri for reelection to the Senate in 1852 and 1853, so far yielded to the
popular clamor, as to advise the emigrants, who had assembled, in a force of
fifteen or twenty thousand, on the western border of Missouri, carrying their
tents and wagons, to invade the Territory and take possession, in defiance of
the Indian intercourse laws, and of the authority of the Federal Government,
which, if executed, must inevitably have precipitated an Indian war with all
those tribes.
When this movement on the part of Colonel Benton became known at
Washington, the President of the United States dispatched the Commissioner
of Indian Aifairs to the scene of excitement, with orders to the commanding
officer at Fort Leavenworth to use the United States army in resisting the in-
vasion, if he could not succeed in restraining the emigrants by persuasion and
remonstrances. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs succeeded in procuring the
agreement of the emigrants that they would encamp on the western borders of
Missouri, until the end of the next session of Congress, in order to see if Con-
gress would not in the meantime, by law, open the country to emigration.
When Congress assembled at the session of 1853-'54, in view of this state of
facts, Mr. Douglas renewed his Nebraska Act, which was modified, pending
discussion, by dividing into two Territories, and became the Kansas-Nebraska
Act. From these facts you can draw your own conclusions, whether there was
any necessity for the organization of the Territory and of Congressional action
at that time.
In regard to the second objection, it is proper to remark, that if the neces-
sity for the organization of the Territories did in fact exist, it was right that
they should be organized upon sound constitutional principles; and if the com-
promise measures of 1850 were a safe rule of action upon that subject, as the
country in the Presidential election, and both of the political parties in their
national conventions in 1852 had affirmed, then it was the duty of those to
whom the power had been intrusted to frame the bills in accordance with those
principles. There was another reason which had its due weight in the repeal
of the Missouri restriction. The jealousies of the two great sections of the
Union, North and South, had been fiercely excited by the slavery agitation.
The Southern States would never consent to the opening of those Territories
to settlement, so long as they were excluded by act of Congress from moving
there and holding their slaves; and they had the power to prevent the opening
of the country forever, inasmuch as it had been forever excluded by treaties
with the Indians, which would not be changed or repealed except by a two-
third vote in the Senate. But the South were willing to consent to remove the
Indian restrictions, provided the North would at the same time remove the
Missouri restriction, and thus throw the country open to settlement on equal
terms by the people of the North and South, and leave the settlers at liberty to
introduce or exclude slavery as they should think proper. This was true, but
this power to defeat the Kansas-Nebraska Act by refusing to make new treaties,
that is, repealing the old by consent of both parties, the Indians and the United
States, was overlooked by both parties, or the Kansas-Nebraska Act might have
been defeated. I saw this objection, and was often on the point of letting it
slip, in debate, but as often checked myself. In the meantime commissioners
were sent out, pending the Nebraska Act, to make new treaties. A clause in
332 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
the act made it prospective, so as to await this result. The treaties were made
and ratified by the Senate. Bell, of Tennessee, saw the objection, and alluded
to it; but he did not portray or grasp it fully. I pretended not to be listening
to his speech, but was terribly frightened, when, on the last night of the Kansas-
Nebraska Bill he made his speech against it (having been previously pledged
to vote for it), but at a time when the whole South was pledged to it, and
would hardly even listen to what he was saying. In that speech, Bell, in sub-
stance, said that he did not blame the Senator from Illinois for the part he
was acting on this occasion that Senator understood what he was about. He
had a grand scheme for the building up of a great Northwestern empire, which
would in a few years be strong enough to govern the whole country. His
scheme contemplated the extinction of the Indian title to a country large enough
for ten or twelve new States, which under his guidance would soon be brought
into the Union, to swell the power of his own section. "I repeat that I do not
blame the Senator for the part he is acting; I only blame the South for allow-
ing themselves to be used as his instruments, to carry out his grand scheme for
his own section. It is said that the Romans were in the habit of conferring a
civic crown upon every Roman consul who added a new province to the em-
pire. If his section of the country shall prove as grateful as the Romans, he
will be entitled to ten civic crowns in gratitude for his services."
Immediately after the Nebraska Bill was introduced, and before the clause
was inserted in the bill repealing the Missouri Compromise, an appeal to the
people was prepared and published by Messrs. Chase of Ohio, Sumner of
Massachusetts, Seward of New York, Wade, Giddings, and other leading Free-
soilers, in which they denounced the measure as an attempt to open the whole
Northern country to slavery, and, in fact, to introduce slavery into a country
large enough for fourteen States by act of Congress, and denouncing the au-
thor of it as a traitor to the cause of freedom, to the North, and to the whole
country; and appealing to the friends of freedom, and to all who were opposed
to the extension of slavery, to forget all former party distinctions, hold public
meetings, denounce the measure and its author, send up petitions and remon-
strances from every town and hamlet in the country, urge the Legislature to
send up instructions, and requesting the preachers of the gospel to denounce it
in their pulpits, and all religious men to assemble in prayer-meetings and invoke
the interposition of divine vengeance against those who should consummate
such a damnable crime. This appeal to the passions of the people was pre-
pared by its authors secretly, and after being agreed to in caucus on the Sabbath
day, as appears from its date, was printed and sent to every portion of the
country the day before the bill was to be taken up for discussion in the Senate.
On the next morning, a few minutes before Mr. Douglas was to make his
opening speech in favor of the bill, Mr. Chase and Mr. Sumner came to his
desk and appealed to his courtesy to postpone the discussion for one week,
and assigned as a reason that they had not had time to read the bill and under-
stand its provisions, acknowledging that it was their own fault and neglect that
they had not done so, and therefore that they had no other claim to ask the
postponement than the courtesy of the author of the measure. Mr. Douglas
yielded to their appeal, and granted the postponement. Three or four days
afterwards, he received by mail from Ohio a printed copy of this appeal, signed
by Chase and Sumner, and bearing date several days before he had granted
the postponement, which conduct he immediately denounced in open Senate..
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 333
They had thus lied had got first before the country, seeking thus by fraud to
forestall public opinion. Mr. Douglas' friends had reproved him for granting
the postponement. He replied to them that it was a fair measure, and that he
intended to act fairly and honestly, and to let friends and opponents all equally
have an opportunity to use their abilities, for and against the measure, under-
standingly.
In response to this appeal the wildest passions were aroused. Meetings were
held, violent resolutions of denunciation were passed, sermons preached, vio-
lence urged to any extent necessary to defeat the measure. As a specimen of
the tone of the anti-Nebraska press, the New York 'Tribune* threatened, and
justified the execution of the threat, that if the measure could not be defeated
in any other mode, the capital should have been burned over the heads of the
members, or blown up with powder. Mr. Douglas was burned and hung in
effigy in every portion of the free States, sometimes in a hundred different
places in the same night, and nearly every pulpit of the Protestant churches
poured forth its denunciations and imprecations upon every man who should
vote for the measure. A memorial was presented in the Senate, among others
of the same character, containing the signatures of three thousand and fifty
clergymen protesting against the measure in the name of Almighty God, and
imploring His vengeance upon the author.
The twentieth century vindication of Stephen A. Douglas must be
credited primarily to two men; Allan Johnson, whose biography was
published in 1908, and Frank Heywood Hodder, in a series of pa-
pers, 1912-1925, but to the latter must be credited the most funda-
mental research in establishing the factual basis for a comprehen-
sive reinterpretation of this "Middle Period" of American history. 13
The interest of Douglas in a Pacific railroad by a northcentral
route, preferably from Chicago, and the organization of the Indian
country spanned nearly a decade, 1845-1853, prior to the fateful
congressional session of 1853-1854. He successfully countered ef-
forts to make commitments for rival routes for railroads north or
south of the Chicago-South Pass route, or for canal routes at some
point across the Isthmus. 14 The Indian country was divided into
two territories, Nebraska and Kansas, to facilitate railroad plans,
either through Kansas or through Nebraska. Douglas hoped to
avoid any reopening of the slavery agitation.
13. F. H. Hodder, "Genesis of the Kansas-Nebraska Act," Proceedings, Wisconsin His-
torical Society, 1912 (Madison, 1913), pp. 69-86; "Propaganda as a Source of American
History," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, v. 9 (1922), June, pp. 3-18; "The Railroad
Background of the Kansas-Nebraska Act," ibid., v. 12 (1925), June, pp. 3-22.
A brief review of Hodder's historical career was presented by the present author, "Frank
Heywood Hodder," Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 5 (1936), May, pp. 115-121- "Hod-
der's 'Stephen A. Douglas,'" ibid., v. 8 (1939), August, pp. 227-237.
The most comprehensive biography of Douglas that has come out of this reinterpreta-
tion is that of George Fort Milton, The Eve of Conflict: Stephen A. Douglas and a Needless
War (Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1934). The Milton book has many good points, but the
fact remains that a satisfactory biography of Douglas is still to be written.
14. Robert R. Russel, Improvement of Communication With the Pacific Coast as an
Issue in American Politics, 1783-1864 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1948).
This study of the whole range of railroad and canal rivalries was begun under Hodder's
direction at the University of Kansas. It is the pioneer monograph and is unique in the
field.
334 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
To this summary of the revision of the historical view of Douglas,
an additional point should be added. Douglas and the West have
been emphasized, but that is inaccurate to the extent that it used
the word West with two meanings; west meaning everything to the
Pacific ocean, and west meaning the Mississippi Valley with em-
phasis upon the western portion of it. The area in which Douglas
was engrossed primarily was the Mississippi Valley; certainly not
in a third use of the term west as employed by the followers of
Frederick Jackson Turner and the frontier hypothesis, nor in a
fourth sense suggested by the phrase: "Westward the course of
Empire takes its way," which applied to the idea of the circum-
navigation of the globe by European culture. Douglas was thinking
about the continent of North America as a land mass, the interior
of which was made accessible by steam on waterways and espe-
cially on railroads. The Great Lakes and the Mississippi Valley
were the geographical pivot of its history. This is in the tradition
of Halford J. Mackinder's thinking about land power as superior
to sea power under certain conditions, especially under the influ-
ence of mechanically-powered land communications. 15 Under such
a regime, interior sites became more important than coastal sites,
the continent pivoting upon the area where the Mississippi Valley
and the Great Lakes meet. To be sure, Douglas had not given these
ideas a formal theoretical statement, or constructed from them a
system of thought, or embodied them in a comprehensively docu-
mented philosophy of history, but his ideas were in accord with a
substantial body of opinion trending in that direction. Mackinder
did not give this land-mass theory its classical statement until 1904,
elaborated in 1919, just as Alfred T. Mahan had not stated his sea-
power theory of history until 1890 in his book, The Influence of Sea-
Power in History. The best statement of Douglas on the subject
was extempore, March 13, 1850, but it was so clearly done as to sug-
gest that the ideas were not new to him. He was taking Webster
to task for saying that the Northern Democracy had supported the
annexation of Texas, the Mexican War, and the annexation of the
Southwest "under pledges to the slave interest." Webster inter-
posed to differentiate the Northwest, and it was then that Douglas
launched his eulogy:
I am gratified to find that there are those who appreciate the important
truth, that there is a power in this nation greater than either the North or the
15. Halford J. Mackinder, Democratic Ideals and Reality (New York, 1919, 1942);
James C. Malin, "Space and History: Reflections on the Closed-Space Doctrines of Turner
and Mackinder and the Challenge of Those Ideas by the Air Age," Agricultural History,
v. 18 (1944), pp. 65-74, 107-126; Essays on Historiography (Lawrence, Kan., 1946),
chs. 1 and 2.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 335
South a growing, increasing, swelling power, that will be able to speak the
law to this nation, and to execute the law as spoken. That power is the country
known as the great West the Valley of the Mississippi, one and indivisible
from the Gulf to the Great Lakes, and stretching, on the one side and the
other, to the extreme sources of the Ohio and Missouri from the Alleghanies
to the Rocky Mountains. There, Sir, is the hope of this nation the resting
place of the power that is not only to control, but to save, the Union. We
furnish the water that makes the Mississippi, and we intend to follow, navi-
gate, and use it until it loses itself in the briny Ocean. So with the St. Law-
rence. We intend to keep open and enjoy both of these great outlets to the
ocean, and all between them we intend to take under our especial protection,
and keep and preserve as one free, happy, and united people. This is the
mission of the great Mississippi Valley, the heart and soul of the nation and
the continent. We know the responsibilities that devolve upon us, and our
people will show themselves equal to them. We indulge in no ultraisms no
sectional strifes no crusades against the North or the South. Our aim will
be to do justice to all, to all men, to every section. We are prepared to fulfill
all our obligations under the Constitution as it is, and determined to maintain
and preserve it inviolate in its letter and spirit. Such is the position, the des-
tiny, and the purpose of the great Northwest. 16
Douglas had written confidentially to Charles H. Lanphier, No-
vember 11, 1853, that three issues would challenge the Pierce ad-
ministration: public finance which meant adjustment of the tariff
to eliminate the surplus before a panic occurred; a rivers and har-
bors policy toward which he proposed improvements financed by
local tonnage dues, and the Pacific railroad, which he would aid
with land grants. 17 This letter is the nearest in time to the St.
Joseph convention letter which reflects the views of Douglas on
what he thought would be the leading issues of the coming session
of congress. Historians and biographers of Douglas have either
omitted all reference to the rivers and harbors program of Douglas
or have barely mentioned it, only to miss its significance.
At an earlier time, Douglas had discussed the matter in congress,
but on January 2, 1854, he addressed a letter to Gov. Joel A. Matte-
son, of Illinois, in exposition of the plan for state action. 18 As the
constitution provided that states might levy tonnage dues in har-
bors with the consent of congress, Douglas advocated a federal act
to that effect, providing a uniform rule and authorizing state com-
pacts among states bordering particular rivers, the administration
16. Congressional Globe, 31 Cong., 1 Sess., App, p. 365.
17. Quoted in part in Allan Johnson's Stephen A. Douglas, pp. 226-228.
18. The full text is in James W. Sheahan, Stephen A. Douglas, pp. 358-366 the cam-
paign biography published in the interest of the Douglas candidacy in 1860. Johnson's
Douglas (1908) bungled the whole subject. Milton's Douglas is silent.
Among the contemporary publications, the full text of the Douglas letter to Matteson
was printed in the National Intelligencer, January 26, 1854, along with a commentary upon
it by Archibald Williams. The National Intelligencer gave much more space to the rivers
and harbors issue during January, 1854, than to the Nebraska question.
336 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
of each river being placed in the hands of a board of commissioners
named by the compact states. Thus the Delaware river would be
governed by a three-state compact and a three-man board; the Ohio
river by a six-state compact, and the Mississippi river by a nine-
state compact. These regional state compacts and boards were
Douglas' alternative to federal involvement, to which, as a States'
rights man, he was opposed. The New York Tribune took him
seriously enough to publish, January 30, 1854, an editorial diatribe
on his Matteson letter of nearly two columns on the crucial day of
his opening of the debate on the redrafted Kansas-Nebraska bill
and of his first opportunity to reply to the "Appeal of the Independ-
ent Democrats."
The conclusion to be formulated here for the first time is that
the focus of Douglas' interest was the continental interior of North
America, and his program of 1853-1854 comprehended both water
and land communications combined with a view to the development
of the pivot area where the Great Lakes and the Mississippi river
meet, "the heart and soul of the nation and the continent."
In view of the existing status of the Douglas problem, the anti-
slavery interpretation would seem to have been completely dis-
credited. The proslavery interpretations and the provisional gov-
ernment interpretations must be recognized as contributing, but
not as controlling, factors. The preponderance of evidence has
long since been all but conclusive that Douglas' ruling passion was
the development of what was generally referred to as the west,
more accurately, the Mississippi Valley, as the dominant issue of
national politics in the mid-nineteenth century. He sincerely be-
lieved that the slavery question was subordinate, and that its agi-
tation could only be a menace to the Union. He hoped that any
revival of it after the Compromise of 1850 could be avoided.
The revision of the Douglas role in history has not been accepted
altogether, and in some quarters there has been a tendency to chal-
lenge its adequacy. Allan Nevins, The Ordeal of the Union ( 1947 ) ,
took the ground that the Western interpretation of Douglas' career
had not been proven. 19 To some extent the reinterpretation of
Douglas has been caught in the cross currents of another disagree-
ment, the whole issue of the American Civil War, its causes,
whether war was necessary, and its consequences. The so-called
revisionist school had been interpreting it as a needless war that
might have been avoided. Milton's biography partook of both re-
19. The Pulitzer prize winner in American history for 1947, in two volumes, v. 2 (New
York, 1947), pp. 104, 105.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 337
vision movements. 20 Still more recently, a new current of inter-
pretation of the American Civil War is in the making, arising out
of the mid-twentieth century preoccupation with racism. These re-
visionists propose to revise the revisionists, and insist that the major
cause of the Civil War was the moral issue of slavery, that slavery
could be eradicated only by the shedding of blood, and that it was
a veritable "irrepressible conflict," a moral crusade. They are mak-
ing of it a virtual "holy war," and inevitably hark back to a revival
of the old antislavery-abolitionism views of the Civil War genera-
tion, with only some twentieth century refinements of argument. 21
During the summer of 1853, issues in the West were moving
rapidly to a climax. The Atchison-Benton feud was intensifying
with the approaching election of a legislature which would select
the next senator. Natural recrimination was the order of the day
between them on the subjects of the organization of the Indian
country and the Pacific railroad. Benton and friends sponsored
the Edward F. Beale expedition, as a rival to the government sur-
veys, to survey the gaps in the Colorado mountains for a railroad
and Benton spoke at the City of Kansas on the occasion of Beale's
departure. Also, Benton announced that unassigned lands in the
Indian country were already open to immediate white settlement
and had a map printed and circulated showing these lands. The
map was captioned "Official," but the Commissioner of Indian Af-
fairs, George W. Manypenny, repudiated the claim. The provi-
sional government of Nebraska held elections, from which three
candidates claimed the seat of delegate to congress: Abelard Guth-
rie, Thomas Johnson and Hadley Johnson. Benton was supposedly
identified with the provisional government movement, but it had
gotten out of hand. Atchison took ground opposite to Benton on
white settlement in Indian country, and demanded the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise as a condition of organization of the ter-
ritory of Nebraska.
In response to this excitement centering on the Indian country,
20. Avery Craven, The Repressible Conflict, 1830-1861 (Baton Rouge, 1939); The
Coming of the Civil War (New York, 1942); James G. Randall, Lincoln, the President, 2
volumes (New York, 1945); Lincoln and the South (Baton Rouge, 1946); Lincoln, the
Liberal Statesman (New York, 1947); George Fort Milton, The Eve of Conflict: Stephen
A. Douglas and a Needless War (New York, 1934).
For a comprehensive discussion of the problem of the causes of the Civil War, see
Howard K. Beale, "What Historians Have Said About the Causes of the Civil War," Social
Science Research Council Bulletin 54, Theory and Practice in Historical Study: A Report
of the Committee on Historiography (New York, 1946), pp. 53-102.
21. Bernard DeVoto, "The Easy Chair" department, Harpers Magazine, v. 192 (1946),
February, March, pp. 123-126, 234-237; Harry Carman, review of Randall's Lincoln, the
President, American Historical Review, v. 51 (1946), July, p. 726; Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.,
"The Causes of the Civil War: A Note on Historical Sentimentalism," Partisan Review,
New York, v. 16 (1949), October, pp. 969-981.
22807
338 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
a mass meeting was held at St. Joseph, August 27, 1853. At this
meeting resolutions were adopted endorsing the immediate organ-
ization and settlement of Nebraska, the congressional action to fol-
low the lines of the Willard P. Hall bill of the preceding session,
which had been passed by the house of representatives by an over-
whelming vote and was defeated in the senate by six votes. Hall
addressed the meeting. On November 9, 1853, the St. Joseph Ga-
zette 22 proposed a delegate convention, which was called to meet
January 8, 1854. On December 3, 1853, a mass meeting was held
in Buchanan county to choose delegates and pass resolutions. Other
counties in northwestern Missouri and western Iowa did likewise
during December, even "Nebraska Territory" sent delegates. The
Buchanan county mass meeting appointed a committee of corre-
spondents to invite notable men to attend and others to address the
convention. Responses came in the form of letters from two sena-
tors, Douglas of Illinois, and Augustus C. Dodge of Iowa, Missouri
Congressmen Mordecai Oliver and John G. Miller, Ex-Representa-
tive Willard P. Hall, and four Missourians in state politics.
The letter of Sen. Stephen A. Douglas is the major concern of
this article; the subject of the Nebraska convention at St. Joseph,
together with the other documents, being reserved for a separate
paper. Douglas had been invited to address the convention, but,
of course, declined on account of his duties in the senate at Wash-
ington. As suggested by the invitation, however, he expressed his
views to the convention. His remarks were organized under four
heads: 1) the history of Douglas' interest in the organization of
the Indian country 1844 to 1853; 2) prevention of the completion of
the Indian barrier, linked with the organization bills; 3) the Pacific
railroad paralleling in time the first two questions; 4) and finally the
slavery issue. Douglas showed how he had advocated continuously
the three policies hand in hand over a decade.
Douglas related how the Indian policy had been shaping in the
direction of a permanent Indian barrier from the Red river north-
ward, emigrant Indian tribes from the east being settled there in
perpetuity, and with the pledge that they would "never be incorpo-
rated within the limits of territory or state of the Union." Upon in-
troducing his first Nebraska bill, in 1844, he had notified the Sec-
retary of War to suspend the settling of Indians there during the
22. The files of the St. Joseph Gazette, incomplete, are held by the St. Joseph Public Li-
brary, where they were consulted originally by the present author. More recently, they were
microfilmed by the Missouri State Historical Society and a copy of that film has greatly facili-
tated the work on this study which includes another paper on the Nebraska convention at
St. Joseph.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 339
time the bill was pending. Afterwards, Douglas continued the tac-
tics and claimed to have succeeded in preventing the completion
of the relocation policy. In order to settle the 1,500 miles of Indian
country intervening between the Missouri-Iowa boundary and the
Pacific coast, the Indians must be removed: "Continuous lines of
settlement, with civil, political and religious institutions all under
the protection of law, are imperiously demanded by the highest
national considerations."
Besides organization and settlements, there must be telegraph
and railroads, "not one railroad only, but many lines, for the valley
of the Mississippi will require as many Rail Roads to the Pacific
coast as to the Atlantic and [I] will not venture to limit the num-
ber." He then reviewed his pamphlet of December, 1845, in which
he had discussed these issues at length. That was prior to the ac-
quisition of California, but he had expressed a preference for the
railroad to reach San Francisco rather than Oregon, "in event Cali-
fornia should be annexed in time." The Mexican War and the
slavery agitation operated adversely upon these projects, and in the
last congress, 1852-1853, the organization bill was defeated, but
he was confident that it would pass at this session: "It is to be
hoped that the necessity and importance of the measure are mani-
fest to the whole country, and that so far as the slavery question is
concerned, all will be willing to sanction and affirm the principle
established by the Compromise Measures of 1850."
With the gist of the Douglas letter before the reader and the full
text available at the end of this article, the time has come for some
evaluations. The first item is to invite comparison of the Cutts ver-
sion printed earlier in this article with the Douglas letter. Cutts
professed to have received the information for his book orally from
Douglas. That may have been true, but the exact quotations incor-
porated at various points is proof that Cutts has consulted the doc-
uments rather carefully. Did Cutts have before him a copy of this
Douglas letter or some similar statement of the facts about the or-
ganization of the Indian country and the Indian barrier? The point
Cutts did omit was the development of the theme of the Pacific
railroad, although he did refer to the original Douglas Nebraska
bill as introduced for "the purpose of opening a line of communica-
tions between the Mississippi Valley and our possessions on the Pa-
cific Ocean. . . ." The legislative history of the Kansas-Nebraska
bill was general knowledge available from the Congressional Globe,
for the most part, but possibly punctuated by personal comments
340 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
from Douglas; certainly the Chase "appear episode is in that cate-
gory.
Historians have been disposed to ignore the Cutts book. Ray
pronounced it "of almost no value." In preparing a monograph,
published in 1921, on Indian Policy and Westward Expansion,
1830-1854, 23 the present author became convinced of the substan-
tial reliability of the Cutts account of the relationship of the Doug-
las organization bills and the Indian barrier question. It did fit the
major facts. The Douglas letter of December 17, 1853, seems to
vindicate that judgment. Possibly the Cutts book as a whole is en-
titled to a revaluation, because the bitter and vindictive antislavery-
abolition prejudice against Douglas extended to all who defended
him.
Similarly, the Sheahan Eulogy invites comparison with the Doug-
las letter of December 17, 1853. Sheahan's major contention that
the Pacific railroad was the motive behind the Kansas-Nebraska Act
is confirmed explicitly by Douglas. His statement of the slavery
question was correct so far as it went. Sheahan made one error,
when he admitted that the Kansas-Nebraska Act failed on account
of the action of Buchanan. What is meant by failure? It did not
fail, because the question of freedom in Kansas was settled regard-
less of the action of Buchanan. The Free-State party held control
of both legislatures, territorial and Lecompton state, so that in event
of either admission or rejection under the Lecompton constitution,
Kansas was free. 24 The Lecompton controversy was again "a tem-
pest in a teapot" which had no practical bearing on the fate of Kan-
sas, and served only the purposes of those intent upon inflaming
the sectional conflict on a national scale. But, on the main issue,
Sheahan was sound, and the Douglas letter vindicates the Eulogy.
This Douglas letter of December 17, 1853, has nothing on the
matter of the Presidency, either directly or indirectly. It would
seem to fit into the framework of his confidential letter to Charles
H. Lanphier, editor of the Illinois State Register, Springfield, No-
vember 11, 1853, when he commented that "I think such a state of
things will exist that I shall not desire the nomination. . . . Let
us leave the Presidency out of view for at least two years." 25 The
item that he did have in view for the coming session was the Pacific
railroad which he predicted would be "a disturbing element." He
did not mention the organization of Nebraska in that letter, but too
23. University of Kansas, Humanistic Studies, v. 2 (1921), No. 3, November.
24. James C. Malin, John Brown and the Legend of Fifty-six (Philadelphia,
30, "The Victory of Conservatism."
25. Printed in part in Allan Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas (1908), pp. 226-228.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 341
much should not be made of that, because the December letter was
most explicit in making the organization of Nebraska and a contin-
uous line of settlements the necessary antecedents of the Pacific
railroad. There is nothing contradictory between the two letters,
and certainly there is nothing in the December letter that could
possibly be interpreted as a changed intention to bid for the Presi-
dency.
In St. Joseph, Mo., Lucien J. Eastin, editor of the Gazette of that
place, responded enthusiastically, December 14, 1853, to the news
of the Dodge Nebraska bill and railroad bill. The headline ran:
BILL TO ORGANIZE NEBRASKA
Introduced First Moment of the
Session, by Dodge of Iowa.
NEBRASKA AHEAD OF ALL.
Go IT FOR NEBRASKA.
and the text elaborated:
The very moment a quorum was announced to be present in the Senate,
Mr. Dodge of Iowa, introduced a bill to organize Nebraska Territory; also a
bill granting lands to Iowa for Rail Road purposes.
The resolutions adopted at the St. Joseph delegate convention of
January 9, 10, 1854, representing northwestern Missouri and west-
ern Iowa, spoke of the organization and settlement of Nebraska as
"adding many new stars to our political constellation, and we are
therefore in favor of such legislation as will cover the whole extent
of that wilderness with a people and a free government" 26 It was
fortunate for Douglas and the success of his bill that these resolu-
tions did not enjoy publicity in Washington. Dodge and Douglas,
and for that matter all who advocated the organization of Nebraska,
were careful not to refer to it in terms of more than one potential
state. The division into two territories by the rewritten bill of Jan-
uary 23, 1854, was carefully explained in terms of facilitating rail-
roads. There is no documentation for the antislavery-abolition
charge that it was done to give Kansas to the South as a slave state
in compensation for Nebraska as a Free State. All the evidence is
on the other side. There was a rather general consensus in the South
that Kansas was not adapted to the slave system. In Missouri,
26. St. Joseph Gazette, January 18, 1854. The use of the word free in conjunction
with government in this sentence did not refer to slavery, but to free white democracy.
The Nebraska bill, as reported by Douglas, January 4, 1854, contained in section 1, a
definition of the boundary which differed from the later version of January 23. To clarify
geography, these should be compared with the final limits as enacted May 30. But, provisos
attached to the boundary section require more attention than has been given them. One
proviso authorized the division of the territory, or the admission of one or more states
carved from it, no limit being set to the number. The same proviso had been in the Hall
bill of December 14, 1853, but occasioned no comment. Therefore, the division of the
Indian country into two territories, Nebraska and Kansas, on January 23, should have oc-
casioned no particular surprise, or recriminations.
342 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
where slavery had been established from the beginning, it was on
the defensive and was declining independently of any influence of
antislavery-abolition agitation. 27 The logic of these facts has not
been applied to the situation, even by those defending Douglas.
Cutts mentioned Douglas* consternation at Bell's reference to
Douglas' Nothwestern empire, which, with the ten or twelve states
that would be added from Nebraska, could govern the Union. Every
subdivision of the Indian country, under whatever name, meant
that many more Free States, and a strengthening of the non-slavery
North. The division of the Indian country into two territories,
Nebraska and Kansas, was clearly to the advantage of the North.
There was no real danger of Kansas ever becoming a slave state,
and the whole Kansas crusade of antislavery-abolitionism was a
trumped-up affair in which the country was victimized by propa-
ganda, and history has been dominated ever since by that falsehood.
The North should have welcomed two territories as a victory. Why
didn't they insist on three or five? Naturally, the South was not en-
thusiastic about the Kansas-Nebraska Act and its popular sov-
ereignty, and many denounced it from the beginning. In any case,
the moderate elements in the South accepted it only as an unwel-
come compromise, and some attempted to make the best of it for
their section.
The argument has been made by the defenders of Douglas, that
the organization of the Indian country was essential to prevent the
South from getting the Pacific railroad. It is long since time that
this assumption was re-examined. The Douglas letter of December
17, 1853, was explicit in specifying that there would be many lines;
as many west as east of the Mississippi river. The element of ri-
valry was in getting the advantage that might accrue from the first
railroad. But there is another aspect of the problem that needs
clarification. Should the South have secured the first railroad, with
the Indian barrier legally intact against the middle and northern
routes, illegal settlement, Indian troubles, and organization could
have been made formidable handicaps that might have delayed in-
definitely the second road by middle routes. Cutts' reference to
Douglas' fears had substance, that the South could embarrass him
by merely refusing to permit the extinguishment of Indian titles in
the Indian country. Organization of the Indian country prior to a
southern railroad authorization was essential to that time only to
27. E. L. Craik, "Southern Interest in Territorial Kansas," Kansas Historical Collec-
tions, v. 15 (1919-1922), pp. 334-450; G. F. Milton, The Eve of Conflict, p. 149, as-
sembled evidence that the South recognized that Kansas was not suited to slavery.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 343
the extent of equalization of opportunity in the rivalry among the
sections to be first to settle and to build railroads westward that
would reach the coast.
So far as the private speculation of Douglas was concerned, he
had placed most of his investments in the Chicago vicinity. But
he had invested also in the Superior City enterprise on Lake Supe-
rior, with a view to making it the terminus of a Pacific railroad by
the northern route. 28 He had hedged also against the southern
route, by joining with southern interests in railroad bills that would,
if successful, connect across Arkansas to Cairo and the Illinois Cen-
tral with a Pacific railroad by any southern route. 29 There is one un-
answered question that is entered into the record for the sake of
completing the picture: Had Douglas hedged also against the vic-
tory of St. Louis and Benton's central route?
The aspect of the Douglas letter that is most in need of clarifica-
tion is that relating to the slavery issue. The sentence on that theme
from the Douglas letter bears repeating as the text for the discus-
sion which follows: "It is to be hoped that the necessity and im-
portance of the measure are manifest to the whole country, and
that so far as the slavery question is concerned, all will be willing
to sanction and affirm the principle established by the Compromise
measures of 1850." Of course, in this sentence and in the bill which
he reported January 4, 1854, Douglas was proposing to repeal the
Missouri Compromise of 1820. Why deny it, or quibble about it?
More accurately, he was recognizing an accomplished fact, that, in
effect, the Missouri Compromise had been repealed already by the
course of events. His proviso was only a straightforward recogni-
tion of reality; a technicality of removing the obsolete material from
the statute books.
The successive changes of form, in other words the changes in
wording, January 10, and 23, February 6, and 7, 1854, were changes
in form only. Nothing of substance was either added to or sub-
tracted from the original report of January 4, 1854, or the sentence
quoted above from the letter of December 17, 1853. He yielded
nothing of substance in those amendments to David R. Atchison, to
Philip Phillips, or to Archibald Dixon. His subsequent assertion
that he consulted no one, but wrote the bill himself seems more
clearly substantiated than formerly, if it needed any further cor-
roboration.
The "Appeal of the Independent Democrats," which was men-
28. Milton, op. cit., p. 105.
29. Hodder, "Railroad Background of the Kansas-Nebraska Act," loc. cit., p. 13.
344 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
tioned by Cutts, was published January 24, 1854, by Sen. Salmon
P. Chase of Ohio, Sen. Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, and others,
and was undoubtedly a major invention in propaganda technique
and strategy. It was as outstandingly successful as it was contempt-
ible. In spite of the fact that the episode has been recounted in-
numerable times there is no satisfactory version extant; and Milton,
in his biography of Douglas, missed his opportunity by writing a
distorted pro-Douglas narrative. This article is not the place to
retell the story, but this much may be said. Neither party to the
Kansas-Nebraska debates in congress, during that session, can stand
successfully the test of candid examination, and the idealist must
wish that popular government in action might have risen to the
challenge of the heroic possibilities of the occasion and might have
presented to the world a high level of performance in keeping with
the gravity of the crisis. In retrospect, the historian can see so many
ways in which Douglas could have made a more statesmanlike de-
fense and one more worthy of the principle for which he stood.
The point must not be missed, that Douglas was standing for an
important principle.
Douglas did not raise the slavery issue in the Nebraska organiza-
tion question in congress or outside. That had been done already
in the country, and by others. Avoidance of it in congress would
have been nothing less than miraculous. The only elements of un-
certainty in the matter that can be considered are when, how, and
by whom a mere technicality, but of tremendous strategic advan-
tage in controversy where it is important to place the opponent on
the defensive for conducting propaganda on an emotional level.
The choice before Douglas was not between right and wrong, a
clear cut moral issue, but a choice from among courses, none of
which was ideal.
To attempt to ignore the Nebraska question would only have
been to precipitate it in another and possibly more dangerous form.
Even assuming that the issue was not forced by someone else in
that session of congress, following Benton's advice, his deceptive
map and false interpretations of law, the population would have
moved into the Indian country in force during the summer of 1854,
and with unpredictable consequences, possibly civil war on the
border. Atchison and Benton were men of more than local influ-
ence and they were determined to destroy each other. Both appear
equally unscrupulous and both were guilty. Regardless of law,
slavery would have been carried into the unorganized Indian coun-
try. In fact, slavery had been practiced there for some time at the
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 345
Methodist mission to the Shawnees, as well as by Indians them-
selves, all without the issue of legality under the Missouri Compro-
mise having been raised. Contrary to the accusations of Chase and
associates in the "Appeal," Douglas was not introducing slavery
into the Indian country by any version of his bills.
Hall's bill had contained a proviso: "That nothing shall be con-
strued to impair the rights of person or property now pertaining to
the Indians in said Territory. . . ." This caused no comment.
Douglas had used it in his Utah bill of 1850, and inserted it in his
Nebraska bill, as reported January, 1854. In this context, it caused
an explosion. The New York Tribune, January 10, 1854, stated that
the Indians who held slaves were protected, and on January 19,
applied the proviso generally. The National Era, Washington
(weekly ed. ), January 19, 1854, insisted that the reason for this pro-
viso was the fact that slavery already existed in Nebraska territory.
To attempt to organize Nebraska territory under Dodge's bill, as
he prepared it (the Hall bill of the preceding session), without
change in the Missouri Compromise status, would have precipitated
the slavery controversy on the floor of congress in a manner similar
to what did happen, only the three senate sponsors of repeal, Phil-
lips, Atchison and Dixon, would have been engaged in making
amendments that really meant change of substance. The situation
faced in the winter of 1853-1854 was different from that of the win-
ter of 1852-1853. The slavery agitation had reached such a point
of emotional tension and semantic confusion that no statement what-
soever on that subject could be framed that would mean the same
thing to those concerned. Two of the several resolutions of the
St. Joseph convention on Nebraska illustrate the point:
7. Resolved, That, we are utterly opposed to any reagitation of that vexed
question, now happily at rest and we will resist all attempts at renewing in
Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatsoever
shape or color the attempts may be made.
9. Resolved, That in organizing Nebraska Territory, all who are now or
who may hereafter settle there should be protected in all their rights, leaving
questions of local policy to be settled by the citizens of the Territory, when
they form a State Government.
These two resolutions were quoted without comment, by the Na-
tional Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., February 2, 1854, appar-
ently as completely without consciousness as the convention that
adopted them, of the absolute paradox they contained. The New
York Tribune, January 30, 1854, reprinted from the pro-Benton St.
Louis Democrat an editorial which contained two of the resolutions
from the same convention; on immediate organization of Nebraska,
346 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
and on opposition to reagitation of "that vexed question," but passed
over the one demanding the protection of the settlers in all their
rights, which meant that the slave property of any settler was to be
legalized in Nebraska contrary to the Missouri Compromise. Was
that superseding or repealing the Missouri Compromise; or was it
organizing the territory without repealing the Missouri Compro-
mise or reagitating "that vexed question?" The reader should be
reminded that one of the five points in the Compromise of 1850 had
been the prohibition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia,
an area under federal jurisdiction, but not the abolition of slavery
there. The view was that certain attributes of the institution were
separable. In other words, specified attributes could be practiced,
without making a commitment for or against the institution as a
whole. That is substantially what the St. Joseph convention was
asking for Nebraska territory, the application of the Compromise
of 1850. That is exactly what Douglas proposed to do if the Eng-
lish language can be claimed to serve the function of communica-
tion. The charge was made repeatedly that the proposal to organ-
ize without repeal was intended to defeat organization; also that
the proposal to organize only with repeal had the same purpose.
In other words, total frustration threatened regardless of what
course was followed. To fail to organize Nebraska at that session
would have left all parties to the controversy disgruntled and in-
flamed.
To organize Nebraska as Douglas proposed to do was only to
recognize the fact that the slavery issue had been raised already,
and to attempt the disposal of it again by the same formula he had
used with apparent success in the Compromise of 1850. Possibly
therein lies the major weakness of the Douglas position captive
of his own success in 1850, he thought that the same formula could
be employed in a different situation. His hand was not forced to
repeal the Missouri Compromise unless one argues mere technical-
ities to the point of complete semantic frustration. The argument
may be made that there was no great crisis to compromise as in
1820-1821, 1833 and 1850, and superficially that may appear to be
true, but misses the point. The pro-Benton St. Louis Democrat had
made the charge against Cass and Douglas:
The glory gained by serving the Union by the Compromise of 1850, has
begun to tarnish, and they want another opportunity of displaying their talents
in that line, and therefore as nobody else will agitate Slavery and thus endanger
the Union, Cass and Douglas have determined to bring about a crises them-
selves and thus give themselves an* opportunity of displaying their patriotism.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 347
It was in this connection that the Democrat had quoted two se-
lected resolutions from the St. Joseph convention group, omitting
the one relative to protection of property in Nebraska, and de-
nounced agitation of the slavery question as a means of defeating
organization of Nebraska. Reprinted in the New York Tribune,
January 30, 1854, this editorial was given a wide audience.
As intended, this St. Louis Democrat editorial diverted attention
from the real issue. A potential crisis was brewing, even more por-
tentous than that of 1850, and an explosion was imminent. Doug-
las' experiences in the crisis were fresh in his mind, and they were
to be recalled to him in part by Senator Smith, on February 10,
1854. 30 In the session of congress, 1850-1851, a resolution had been
presented declaring the Compromise measures of 1850 to be a de-
finitive settlement of all the questions growing out of the subject
of domestic slavery. Douglas opposed the resolution in a speech,
December 23, 1851:
At the close of the long session which adopted those measures, I resolved
never to make another speech upon the slavery question in the halls of Con-
gress. I regard all discussion of that question here as unwise, mischievous,
and out of place. 31
Later in the same speech he repeated:
I wish to state that I have determined never to make another speech upon
the slavery question; and I may now add the hope that the necessity for it will
never exist. I am heartily tired of the controversy and I know the country is
disgusted with it.
The resolution before the senate, therefore, he thought inexpedi-
ent, because the country generally acquiesced in the settlement,
and the opponents were silent. To pass the resolution would add
nothing to the law, and the opponents would charge that the agita-
tion still continued; "Are not the friends of the compromise becom-
ing the agitators?" Furthermore, he added:
If the compromise is to be made the test of faith, the two parties will, of
course, be composed of friends and opponents of that measure in battle array
against each other, and the slavery question must of necessity continue the
sole topic of discussion and controversy. That is the very thing which we
wish to avoid, and which it was the object of the compromise to prevent
drop the subject.
In 1852, both political parties had adopted finality planks, but as
Douglas had pointed out, the repetition of finality pledges was it-
self continuance of agitation: A controversial situation is not re-
solved until the participants have stopped talking about it. There
30. Congressional Globe, 33 Cong. 1 Sess., App. p. 174.
31. Ibid., 32 Cong., 1 Sess., App. pp. 65-68.
348 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
is no legitimate purpose to be served in the mid-twentieth century
for historians to pretend either, that Douglas raised the issue, or
that the issue was not already before the session of congress which
opened in December, 1853. His compromise proviso, or formula,
was to quench the new fire before it spread. Douglas was a prac-
tical man with more courage and integrity than his opponents to
face the facts and to try to find an effective adjustment in conform-
ity with reality. His opponents of the opposite extremes, inspired
by doctrinaire approaches were determined to impose their abstrac-
tions, without respect to facts, upon all who disagreed, and to penal-
ize by destruction all who refused to comply. Douglas was not a
hypocrite in the same sense as his opponents. He found himself in
the role of a neutral between the aggressive slavocracy and an
equally aggressive antislavery-abolitionism. His appeal was to the
nonfanatical, to the practical middle-ground majority. In securing
the enactment of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, Douglas did succeed
in his compromise of 1854.
But that conclusion will be challenged by all traditionalists, and
raises the question as to what is meant by success in compromise.
The success of the great compromises of 1820-1821, 1833 and 1850
was tested by the measuring stick of whether they prevented or
postponed the crisis from leading into dissolution of the Union, or
resort to force to prevent it. The Douglas compromise of 1854 met
that test. To blame Douglas with conspiring against freedom was
like blaming fire fighters for starting the fire, because they built a
backfire or demolished buildings in the path of the flames as a
means of stopping them.
Having won the compromise, did Douglas' followers betray him
and themselves? The answer must be a qualified yes. In the long
run they did, possibly because they did not possess a sufficiently
positive consciousness of and convictions about the principles un-
derlying their true interests. Time and all of the facts were on
their side, if only they were not stampeded into destruction, and
persisted in the faith to see the thing through. So far as the ex-
tension of slavery into the territories was concerned, railroads and
the right of occupation, legalized by territorial organization, would
settle the issue of freedom in both the territories and the new states
irrespective of the legal status of slavery. Willard P. Hall's letter
to the St. Joseph convention on Nebraska had made that point, 32
but he received no hearing nationally. Douglas' Freeport doctrine
32. St. Joseph Gazette, March 29, 1854.
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 349
of 1858 was correct also. Of course a compromise does not settle
anything, but when successful, it does buy Time during which
reality may work itself out, released from the tensions of the emo-
tional crisis. That had been true of each of the three preceding
great compromises, but the fact should be faced candidly, that with
the intensification of the slavery controversy, each compromise
bought less and less time.
The "Appeal of the Independent Democrats" was successful in
creating a false issue, and by repetition it was fixed in the public
mind. Douglas was made to appear a villain of the piece instead
of the Great Compromiser in the tradition of Henry Clay. Not
only did the appeal and the subsequent course of antislavery-aboli-
tion propaganda create a false issue and confuse contemporaries,
these factors have kept historians confused to the present day. In
the South, as the pot boiled, a corresponding fanatical scum rose
to the top, so that by 1860 the Democratic party was split at least
four ways.
One thing that emerges clearly from a study of the 1850's is the
power of fanatical propaganda unending repetition of unscrupu-
lous falsehoods syllogizing in semantic confusion intolerance
masked under moral and religious symbolism all leading the pub-
lic to frustration and defeatism, which at long last found escape
from stalemate in Civil War.
The United States has been conspicuously addicted to the delu-
sion that the passing of a law, based upon some doctrinaire prin-
ciple, can work miracles; as though a mere statute could solve any-
thing. Such procedure must fail outright, either through nullifica-
tion of such legislation by general disregard of it, or through resort
to force. To be effective, law must follow public opinion, and
register popular will. The first alternative contains the seeds of
the police state. The latter is the foundation for responsible popu-
lar government. The role of Douglas in 1854 was to carry through
a compromise in keeping with the course of events and the convic-
tions of the effective majority. Kansas was in no danger of being
lost to slavery. That bogey was all a trumped-up issue of extrem-
ists. The compromise of 1854 postponed again the final appeal to
disunion, or to arms, until facts had more nearly overtaken the
ideal.
The major "if question of the Middle Period of American history
is whether still another postponement in 1860-1861 might possibly
have eliminated the institution of slavery and set the stage for a
350 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
satisfactory solution of the race question without resort to force
Civil War and the breakdown of popular government. There
should be no mistake about this last point. It is speculation, not
history, but by stating the matter in this form, possibly the reader
may be aided in liberating himself from captivity to the legend
about Douglas, the villain of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and in re-
orienting himself to the idea of Douglas, the successful compro-
miser of the crisis of 1854.
In conclusion then, this Douglas letter to the St. Joseph conven-
tion committee does not provide an answer to all the questions
pending about Douglas. Some questions are answered conclu-
sively, but the letter may be said to raise more new questions than
it settles. The historian can have no legitimate objection on that
score, however, because new facts and points of view give zest and
vitality to the study of history. When there are no unsettled ques-
tions to answer, then indeed, not only history, but all historians
will be dead.
Stephen A. Douglas: Text of a letter to the St. Joseph Convention
of January 9, 1854, Dated, Washington, De-
cember 17, 1853, and Published in the St.
Joseph Gazette, March 15, 1854.
Your letter of the 15 inst, inviting me, on behalf of the citizens of Buchanan
County, friendly to the immediate organization and settlement of the Terri-
tory of Nebraska, to address a Convention favorable to that important object
on the 9th of January, next, is this moment received.
Believing that I will be able to promote the objects of the Convention more
efficiently by remaining at my post and, as chairman of the Territorial com-
mittee, reporting and pushing forward, the Bill for the organization of Ne-
braska, I will avail myself of the alternative presented in your land letter of
invitation, and furnish a brief "statement of my views, to be laid before the
convention."
It is unnecessary for me to inform you, who have so long, and so anxiously
watched the slow development and progress of this important measure, that
I am, and have been, at all times since I had the honor to hold a seat in either
House of Congress, the warm and zealous advocate of the immediate organi-
zation and settlement of that Territory. Ten years ago, during the first session
I was a member of the House of Representatives, I wrote and introduced a
bill for the establishment of the Territory of Nebraska, which so far as I am
advised was the first proposition ever made in either House of Congress to
create a territory on the West bank of the Missouri river. That bill gave a
beautiful and euphonious name to a great river and the country drained by it,
by reversing the aboriginal word "Nebraska" and substituting it for the modern
and insignificant word Platte by which the river and adjacent country were at
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 351
that time generally known. 33 From that day I have never ceased my efforts
on any occasion, when there was the least hope of success, for the organization
of the Territory, and have scarcely allowed a Congress to pass without bring-
ing forward the Bill in one House or the other. Indeed I am not aware that
prior to the last Congress, any other member of the Senate ever felt interest
enough in it to bring forward a Bill, or even to speak in its favor when intro-
duced by myself.
I am induced to call your attention to these facts in consequence of having
been furnished with a copy of a newspaper published in your State, in which
I am charged with hostility to the measure. My reasons for originating the
measure, and bringing it forward during my first session in Congress, and re-
newed it so often since even when the indications of support furnished very
light hopes of success, may be briefly stated. It seemed to have been the
settled policy of the government for many years, to collect the various Indian
tribes in the different States and organized Territories, and to plant them per-
manently on the western borders of Arkansas, Missouri and Iowa under treaties
guaranteeing to them perpetual occupancy, with an express condition that they
should never be incorporated within the limits of territory or state of the Union.
This policy evidently contemplated the creation of a perpetual and savage bar-
rier to the further progress of emigration, settlement and civilization in that
direction. Texas not having been annexed, and being, at that time a foreign
country, this barbarian wall against the extension of our institutions, and the
admission of new states, could not start from the Gulf of Mexico, and conse-
quently the work was commenced at Red river, and carried northward with
the obvious purpose of continuing it to the British Possessions. It had al-
ready penetrated into the Nebraska country, and the war department in pur-
suance of what was then considered a settled policy, was making its arrange-
ments to locate immediately several other Indian Tribes on the Western borders
of Missouri and Iowa with similar guarantees of perpetuity. It was obvious
to the plainest understanding that if this policy should be carried out and the
treaty stipulations observed in good faith it was worse than folly to wrangle
with Great Britain about our right to the whole or any part of Oregon much
less to cherish the vain hope of ever making this an Ocean-bound Republic.
This Indian Barrier was to have been a colossal monument to the God terminus
saying to Christianity, civilization and Democracy "thus far mayest thou go,
and no farther." It was under these circumstances, and with a direct view of
arresting the further progress of this savage barrier to the extension of our
institutions, and to authorize and encourage a continuous line of settlements
to the Pacific Ocean, that I introduced the first Bill to create the Territory of
Nebraska at the session of 1853-4 [1843-4?]. The mere introduction of the
Bill with a request of the Secretary of War to suspend further steps for the
location of Indians within the limits of the proposed Territory until Congress
should act upon the measure had the desired effect, so far as to prevent the
33. There were obvious typographical errors in the printing of this Douglas letter.
The opening sentence gives the wrong date for the letter of invitation. It could not have
been December 15, answered December 17. The other letters of invitation apparently
have the date December 3, which was the date of the mass meeting authorizing the invi-
tations. Other corrections of wrong dates are indicated in brackets in the body of the letter.
The sentence about the origin of the name Nebraska is somewhat confused. The au-
thorities on Nebraska nomenclature assign the origin to an Otoe word meaning "broad
water." The reverse of Nebraska is Aksarben, a word for which the present author has
not found any authority. Looking at it from another angle, maybe Douglas' original letter
meant to say "reviving" instead of "reversing" and it was misread by the St. Joe printer.
352 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
permanent location of any more Indians on the frontier during the pendancy of
the Bill before Congress, and from that day to this I have taken care always
to have a Bill pending when Indians were about to be located in that quarter.
Thus the policy of a perpetual Indian barrier has been suspended, if not en-
tirely abandoned, for the last ten years, and since the acquisition of California,
and the establishment of Territorial governments for Oregon and Washington
the Idea of arresting our progress in that direction, has become so ludicrous
that we are amazed, that wise and patriotic statesmen ever cherished the
thought.
But, while the mischief has been prevented by prescribing limits to the on-
ward march of an unwise policy, yet there are great national interests involved
in the question which demand prompt patience, and affirmative action. To
the States of Missouri and Iowa, the organization of the Territory of Nebraska
is an important and desirable local measure; to the interests of the Republic
it is a national necessity. How are we to develope, cherish and protect our
immense interests and possessions on the Pacific, with a vast wilderness fifteen
hundred miles in breadth, filled with hostile savages, and cutting off all direct
communication. The Indian barrier must be removed. The tide of emigration
and civilization must be permitted to roll onward until it rushes through the
passes of the mountains, and spreads over the plains, and mingles with the
waters of the Pacific. Continuous lines of settlements with civil, political and
religious institutions all under the protection of law, are imperiously demanded
by the highest national considerations. These are essential, but they are not
sufficient. No man can keep up with the spirit of this age who travels on
anything slower than the locomotive, and fails to receive intelligence by light-
ning [telegraph]. We must therefore have Rail Roads and Telegraphs from
the Atlantic to the Pacific, through our own territory. Not one line only, but
many lines, for the valley of the Mississippi will require as many Rail Roads
to the Pacific as to the Atlantic, and will not venture to limit the number. The
removal of the Indian barrier and the extension of the laws of the United
States in the form of Territorial governments are the first steps toward the ac-
complishment of each and all of those objects. When I proposed ten years
ago to organize the territory of Nebraska, I did not intend to stop at that point.
I proposed immediately to establish a line of military posts to protect the settler
and the emigrant and to provide for the construction of bridges and making
roads by granting a portion of the public lands for that purpose. In 1854
[1845], I published a pamphlet in which I proposed, so soon as the territory
should be established to make out the line of a rail road to the mouth of the
Columbia River, "or to the Bay of San Francisco in the event California should
be annexed in time," and then to have the public lands, on each side of the line
surveyed into quarter sections, and to set apart the alternate tracts to the
actual settler. The object of all these measures was to form a line of continu-
ous settlements from the Mississippi to the Pacific, with a view of securing and
enlarging our interests on that coast. The Mexican war operated adversely
to the success of these measures, all the revenues in the Treasury were needed
for military operations and there was an unwillingness to make any liberal and
extensive disposition of the public domain, while we were making loans predi-
cated, in part, upon that fund. The slavery agitation which followed the ac-
quisition of California and New Mexico, also had an injurious effect by divert-
ing public attention from the importance of our old territory and concentrating
MOTIVES OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 353
the hopes and anxieties of all upon our new possessions. Last session the Bill
passed the House of Representatives, but was lost in the Senate for want of
time, it being a short session. I have a firm confidence that none of these
causes can defeat the organization of the Territory this session. It is to be
hoped that the necessity and importance of the measure are manifest to the
whole country, and that so far as the slavery question is concerned, all will be
willing to sanction and affirm the principle established by the Compromise
measures of 1850.
You will do me the favor, Gentlemen to communicate this hasty sketch of
my views to the convention, and assure the Delegates of my zealous efforts,
and hearty cooperation in the great work which brings them together.
I have the honor to be, with respect your obedient servant.
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS.
[Men to whom directed]
Messrs. J. H. Crane,
D. M. Johnson,
L. J. Eastin;
Committee, St. Joseph, Mo.
23 SOT
The Pictorial Record of the Old West
XIV. ILLUSTRATORS OF THE PACIFIC RAILROAD REPORTS
ROBERT TAFT
(Copyright, 1951, by ROBERT TAFT)
JANUARY 1, 1850, opened the new year auspiciously in New York
J City. The day was clear and mild, New Year's parties were nu-
merous and gay as the socially minded hurried from one hostess to
the next, getting mellower as the afternoon advanced. For those
not socially inclined Barnum's American Museum could be visited;
or one could attend a special afternoon performance of Christy's
Minstrels, "The first to harmonize Negro melodies"; or moving pano-
ramas, huge painted canvases that slowly passed before the seated
audience, enabled the New Year's day visitor to pass away an hour or
so as he viewed the noble Hudson or the ancient Nile, or the Astor
House riot of the previous year.
On that same day, Horace Greeley, one of the leading editors of
his time, was to write in the Tribune "1850 will complete the most
eventful half century recorded in history. The coming year is preg-
nant with good for all Humanity, and so must be a happy one."
As the year commenced in Washington, however, there were
signs that all was not happiness and light. The two houses of con-
gress convened for the first time in the new year on January 3. The
house immediately got into a wrangle over the election of its offi-
cers. It took 20 ballots to elect a clerk of the house and earlier, 63
ballots had been required to elect a speaker. 1 Sectional differences
between Northern and Southern members governed every action
and the seeds of discord were being lavishly sown.
In the senate, on its opening day of the year, Senator Henry S.
Foote of Mississippi notified his colleagues that "on Monday next"
he would ask their consideration of a resolution asserting the ex-
pediency of establishing a territorial government for California,
Deseret and New Mexico. Foote began the discussion of his reso-
DR. ROBERT TAFT, of Lawrence, is professor of chemistry at the University of Kansas
and editor of the Transactions of the Kansas Academy of Science. He is author of Photog-
raphy and the American Scene (New York, 1938), and Across the fears on Mount Oread
(Lawrence, 1941).
Previous articles in this pictorial series appeared in the issues of The Kansas Historical
Quarterly for February, May, August and November, 1946, May and August, 1948, May,
August and November, 1949, February, May and August, 1950, and August, 1951. The
general introduction was in the February, 1946, number.
1. The Congressional Globe, 31 Cong., 1 Sess. (1849-1850), pt. 2, pp. 94-138. The
election of the speaker was completed on December 22, see p. 66 of above reference.
(354)
PICTORIAL RECORD OF OLD WEST 355
lution on January 16. It provided not only for the organization of
territorial government in California, Deseret (Utah) and New Mex-
ico but it also included a clause which would have established,
with the consent of Texas, a new state, Jacinto, to be formed from
the eastern third of Texas. 2
Senator Foote's proposal was, of course, based on the competing
claims of free and slave states but failed to muster sufficient sup-
port. President Zachary Taylor, however, in a message to the
house on January 21, reported that he had recommended to both
California and New Mexico that they prepare state constitutions
and submit them to congress together with "a prayer for admission
into the Union as state [s]." 3
The final action taken by congress as a result of all this agitation
was to admit California as a state on September 9, 1850, and to or-
ganize New Mexico and Utah as territories on the same day.
As this discussion suggests, the American West of 1850 was a
vastly different country from the West of today. True, in many re-
spects, it is physically the same, but socially and geographically,
and from the standpoint of numbers and material development, it
has greatly changed. In fact, if we take the first of the year 1850
as our point of measurement, the entire West at that time was
scarcely more than embryo, an outline only faintly suggestive of
the changes to come. West of the Mississippi there were but five
states when the year began: Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri
and Iowa. In these five states, according to the census of 1850,
lived over 90% of all the inhabitants of the West. But all the in-
habitants of the West in 1850 made up a population that numbered
some two million souls, not many more than the population of pres-
ent day Kansas. Even in California, which as we have pointed out,
was admitted as a state during 1850, the population recorded was
a scant 93,000. Fifty-eight thousand of this number claimed they
were miners and only 7,000 "females" could be found within its
border by the takers of the census!
With the exception of Texas, there were, in 1850, no Plains states.
For the spread of plain and prairie, of hill and upland which now
makes up many of our states was included in a huge realm that
stretched from the northern border of Texas to the southern border
of Canada. It had no name save "unorganized territory"; but in
speech and writing it was usually called "The Indian Country."
2. Ibid., pt. 1, p. 97, and pp. 166-171 where the boundaries of the state of Jacinto are
defined.
3. Ibid., p. 195.
356 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
A century ago there were, perhaps, a dozen or so struggling col-
leges in the states beyond the Mississippi with students numbering
less than a thousand. But most surprising of all to many of us, in
comparing the West of a century ago with the West of the present,
is the fact that in 1850 there was not one mile of railroad beyond
the Mississippi, although there were some eight thousand miles of
track in the states east of the Mississippi. 4
Not that railroads were unthought of for the region beyond the
Mississippi! As a matter of fact one student, after an extensive con-
sideration of the problem, concluded that by 1850 the idea of a
transcontinental railway was firmly established and that "both in
Congress and out, it is clear that the construction of a railway to
some point on the Pacific coast was generally accepted as a work
of the near future by the close of the first half of the nineteenth
century." 5
The rapid growth of California, of the Oregon country, the estab-
lishment of the "New Mormon settlement by the Great Salt Lake,
beyond the Rocky Mountains" had convinced many that the Far
West of the 1850's was "now on the golden shores of the Pacific." 6
Communication to and defense of the Western shores and inter-
mediate points were matters forming the basis for arguments in
favor of railroad construction. War with England or France would
cause loss of California and Oregon, one interested group pointed
out in a memorial to congress. 7 As for more rapid communication
4. Admittedly the census figures of 1850 are none too reliable but they are, in fact, all
the data that are available to us. The figures on population above were secured by adding
those of the trans-Mississippi states and territories as reported in The Seventh Census of the
United States: 1850 (J. D. B. De Bow, Washington, 1853), p. xxxiii as follows: Arkansas,
209,897; California, 92,597; Iowa, 192,214; Louisiana, 517,762; Minnesota Territory, 6,077;
Missouri, 682,044; New Mexico territory, 61,547; Oregon territory, 13,294; Texas, 212,592;
Utah territory, 11,380; total, 1,999,404. The California population was undoubtedly shift-
ing and changing too rapidly to enable anything approaching an accurate count. The Na-
tional Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., January 14, 1851, p. 3, points out that California
claimed a population of 200,000, but there were "actually only about 117,000 reported."
In Henry V. Poor, Manual of the Railroads of the United States for 1868-69 (New
York, 1868) there is a table, "Progress of Railroads in the United States" (pp. 20, 21),
which indicates that the only state west of the Mississippi that had any railroads in 1849-
1850 was Louisiana, which is credited with 80 miles of track in both 1849 and in 1850.
Although I have not determined with certainty the company which owned this trackage, it
was probably the New Orleans, Jackson and Great Northern railroad, a company which re-
sulted from the consolidation of two roads, one of which was incorporated in 1841 and the
other in 1848 (see Edward Vernon, American Railroad Manual for the United States and
the Dominion [New York, 1873], v. 1, p. 367). Further, however, this road ran west and
north from New Orleans on the east side of the Mississippi and was therefore not in the
trans-Mississippi West (see map in Vernon, cited above, "Railroad Map of the States of
Arkansas, Louisiana and Mississippi").
Poor, cited above, pp. 20, 21, gives the total railroad mileage in the United States and
therefore east of the Mississippi, as 7,365 miles in 1849 and 9,021 miles in 1850.
5. A Congressional History of Railways in the United States to 1850, Lewis Henry
Haney (Madison, Wis., 1908), p. 406 (Bull. Univ. Wis. No. 211).
6. The quotations in the order given above are from the North American Review,
Boston, v. 70 (1850), January, p. 167, and Senate Misc. Doc. No. 5, p. 2, 32 Cong., 2 Sess.
(1852-1853).
7. Memorial of a committee appointed at a railroad convention held at Little Rock,
Ark., on July 4, 1852. Ibid.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF OLD WEST 357
with the country beyond the Mississippi, the need can best be shown
by quotation of two contemporary accounts. A Panama newspaper
article, reprinted on January 1, 1850, in a Washington paper, stated:
The mails which are now going up to San Francisco have been brought
here by the indomitable preseverance of Capt. McLean from New York in
sixteen days, will reach San Francisco in Forty Days the shortest trip ever
made. Glory enough for one day. 8
A dispatch from St. Louis (dated December 28, 1849) indicates
the slowness and difficulty of travel on the Plains:
Mr. J. H. Kirkhead arrived in this city yesterday from a journey across the
Plains. He left the city of Salt Lake, in company with thirty-five others, on
the 19th of October. The party were not molested by the Indians on the route,
nor did they meet with any accident. The snow on the Plains was very deep,
or the party would have reached here several days sooner. 9
Small wonder, then, with communication to and from the West
a matter of months, that there was a loud and insistent demand,
backed by many in the East, for a better method of transportation.
The question was not, shall a railroad be constructed to meet this
demand, but how and where? Which raised problems in turn that
were complicated by inflamed sectional feeling, and by personal
and commercial antagonisms. 10
How violent these antagonisms actually were, can be seen from
the fact that when congress convened in 1853, practically the entire
session was devoted to heated debate on legislation that would
make possible the construction of a railroad to the Pacific. At least
four bills were considered, all of which were amended or substi-
tuted, but none could secure sufficient support to insure its passage.
As a result of the extended and partisan debates in congress, inter-
est in a Pacific railway throughout the country reached a fever heat
and congress, no doubt painfully aware that some progress on the
question must be made, finally approved a measure that appropri-
ated $150,000 for a survey of possible routes that a railroad could
successfully follow to the Pacific. 11
8. National Intelligencer, January 1, 1850, p. 1. Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, New
York, v. 24 (1851), p. 784, reported that the Clipper Ship Surprise made the trip from New
York to the Golden Gate (around the Horn) in 96 days, "The quickest trip between New
York and San Francisco."
9. National Intelligencer, January 1, 1850, p. 3.
10. Haney, op. cit., pp. 415, 416, 420; and Robert R. Russel, Improvement of Com-
munication With the Pacific Coast as an Issue in American Politics, 1783-1864 (Cedar Rap-
ids, 1948), chs. 1-3.
11. Ibid., ch. 7, discusses the work of this session of congress (the 32 Congress, 2
Session) on the Pacific railroad problem in some detail.
Probably there were few topics in congress that were discussed in more detail and at
greater length during the 19th century than that of a railroad to the Pacific. Beginning in
the 1840's and extending up to 1864 when Federal legislation was finally enacted that made
possible the beginning of Pacific railway construction, there are literally hundreds upon hun-
dreds of references in the indexes of The Congressional Globe to discussions in the halls of
congress upon this subject. When one realizes that each such reference may reveal a speech
358 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
In this measure, congress instructed army engineers to carry out
the work involved in such surveys and it fell to Jefferson Davis,
secretary of war in the cabinet of President Franklin Pierce, to draw
up the general plans for the surveys. Four general routes to the
Pacific had been under consideration from time to time in public
and congressional discussions:
(1) A southern route beginning at a point on the Red river of
eastern Texas and extending westward somewhere near the Texas-
Mexico border; frequently called the 32nd parallel route.
(2) A route beginning at Fort Smith, Arkansas, and extending
westward through present Oklahoma, New Mexico and Arizona to
California; frequently called the 35th parallel route.
(3) A central route beginning either at Kansas City, Missouri, or
Council Bluffs, Iowa, and extending westward to California through
the Central West.
(4) A northern route beginning at St. Paul, in the newly organ-
ized territory of Minnesota and extending north and west and ter-
minating at Seattle in Washington territory.
Actually some six surveys were at work on parts of these and
alternate routes in the period 1853-1854. The plan for the surveys
was comprehensive in scope. Not only were the individual surveys
instructed to examine carefully the country through which each
passed with a view of establishing feasible routes for railroads but
the nature of the country as revealed by its climate, by its geology,
by its plants and animals and by the character and degree of de-
velopment of its native inhabitants were to be observed and re-
corded. All such facts would be of value in making an estimate of
the ability of the country through which a railroad might pass to
support a population which would naturally be expected to come
with the railroad.
To further these ends, each survey party included among its
group, in addition to surveyors and civil engineers, geologists, bot-
anists, zoologists, naturalists, astronomers, meteorologists, artists,
physicians and topographers. In order to reduce the size of the
personnel, a number of the members of each party served in dual
capacities. Even so, since in addition to the scientific personnel,
cooks, teamsters and assistants had to be provided as well as a mili-
tary escort a very necessary addition as we shall see the individ-
of considerable length, these references mean hundreds of pages of actual discussion. For
example, Sen. Jeff Davis of Mississippi has a speech running to ten pages (appendix to The
Congressional Globe, 35 Cong., 2 Sess., pp. 277-287, January 20, 1859) on the subject.
As each page of the Globe contains in the neighborhood of 3,000 words, the total volume
of words upon the Pacific railroad in the Globe would constitute an extensive encyclopedia in
itself.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF OLD WEST 359
ual parties at times assumed very considerable proportions. One
could with difficulty imagine how more extensive the personnel of
the surveys could have been made, but a congressman, after the
surveys had been completed, complained that no practical railroad
men and he should have added capitalists had been included
among the individual parties. 12
Preliminary reports of all surveys were published from time to
time, but the complete reports, with revisions and additions of the
work of subsequent surveys, were published in a magnificent and
comprehensive 12-volume work, Reports of Explorations and Sur-
veys to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economic Route for a
Railroad From the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. These
volumes, published by the federal government between 1855 and
1861, constitute probably the most important single contemporary
source of knowledge on Western geography and history, and their
value is greatly enhanced by the inclusion of many beautiful plates
in color of scenery, native inhabitants, fauna and flora of the West-
ern country. Ironically enough the publication of this monumental
work cost the government over $1,000,000; the surveys themselves,
$455,000. 13
These reports, invaluable first-hand sources for the historian of
today, created tremendous interest at the time they were published.
They were discussed in the newspapers, talked about in congress,
in homes, on the street, and were reviewed at length in the con-
temporary magazines. The North American Review, for example,
one of the leading magazines for intellectuals of the 1850's, devoted
over 25 pages to a review of these reports. The impression they
produced can best be realized by quoting the editors of the Review:
Before the accession of California, the western possessions of the United
States were looked upon as a sort of fairy land basking under the influences of
a most delightful climate, and enriched by the choicest gifts of nature. Gi-
gantic herds of buffaloes, and troops of wild horses of comely proportions and
unsurpassed fleetness, roaming at large over pastures whose verdure never
paled, were said to meet the eye of the traveler at every turn. Plains of im-
mense extent and unparalleled fatness lay at his feet, while ever and anon rich
clumps of woodland, gentle flowing rivulets, invited him to shelter and repose.
Farther on these become interspersed with hills and ravines, highly picturesque
12. Appendix to Congressional Globe, 35 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 288, January 11, 1859; the
speaker was Sen. Henry Wilson of Massachusetts.
13. For a detailed bibliography of these reports see the appendix at the end of this
article. Hereafter they will be cited simply as Reports.
Russel, op. cit., ch. 11, gives a brief review of the surveys, and it is his estimate of
the cost of surveys that I have used. The estimate of the cost of publication is based on
a comment of Senator Harlan (see Footnote 16) who stated that the first nine volumes
cost nearly $900,000. It seems reasonable to assume that the last three volumes would
average at least $100,000 each (considering the large number of volumes 11 and 12
printed) which would bring the cost of printing up to $1,200,000 approximately.
360 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
in effect, terminated in the remote distance by the snow-clad elevations of the
Rocky Mountains, which were again succeeded by gentle slopes of arable land,
whose western limits were washed by the waves of the Pacific.
The report of the surveys tended to dispel these illusions, based
as they were on a more accurate knowledge of the country than
had before been available. In fact, the Review went so far as to
state after studying the reports:
We may as well admit that Kansas and Nebraska, with the exception of the
small strip of land upon their eastern borders, are perfect deserts, with a soil
whose constituents are of such nature as for ever to unfit them for the purposes
of agriculture, and are not worth an expenditure of angry feeling as to who
shall or who shall not inhabit them. We may as well admit that Washington
Territory, and Oregon, and Utah, and New Mexico, are with the exception of
a few limited areas, composed of mountain chains and unfruitful plains; and
that, whatever route is selected for a railroad to the Pacific, it must wind the
greater part of its length through a country destined to remain for ever an un-
inhabited and dreary waste. 14
Despite all the information available in these reports and all
the discussion brought on by the 12 publications mounting sec-
tional antagonism was destined to prevent immediate decision on
"the best" route to the Pacific. Not until the Civil War was well
advanced was the actual work of construction undertaken and not
until 1869 was the first of the Pacific railroads, that following the
central route, completed. 15
We are here concerned, however, with the illustrations of these
reports rather than the developments that led eventually to the con-
struction of the road. Their value was early pointed out. Sen.
James Harlan of Iowa, even before the entire set was issued, for
example, called the attention of his fellow senators to these views.
Speaking in the senate on January 6, 1859, he said:
But lest some Senators and members of Congress might not be able to read
and comprehend them [the reports of the Pacific railroad surveys], they have
been illustrated. Every unusual swell of land, every unexpected or unantici-
pated gorge in the mountains has been displayed in a beautiful picture. Every
bird that flies in the air over that immense region, and every beast that traverses
the plains and the mountains, every fish that swims in its lakes and rivers,
every reptile that crawls, every insect that buzzes in the summer breeze, has
been displayed in the highest style of art, and in the most brilliant colors. 1 **
Although the senator spoke with more eloquence than truth in
describing the illustrations, they were and are truly wonderful.
14. The complete article from which the two quotations above are taken may be found
in the North American Review, v. 82 (1856), January, pp. 211-236. It is based not on
the final report, but the preliminary one, i. e., Serial Nos. 505 and 517.
15. For incidents on the completion of the railroad see No. 11 of this series, The Kan-
sas Historical Quarterly, v. 18 (1950), May, pp. 113-139.
16. The Congressional Globe, 35 Cong., 2 Sess. (1858-1859), pt. 1, p. 240.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF OLD WEST 361
Large in size, pleasing in color and plentiful in number they have
excited admiration for nearly a century; and as the senator sug-
gested they conveyed a wealth of information about an unknown
country in a language even the simplest mind could understand.
The illustrations, in the Reports which we shall consider, are the
so-called "views"; these are of greatest general interest but it must
be kept in mind, as indicated by Senator Harlan, that many scien-
tific (geological, zoological, botanical) illustrations were also in-
cluded. Many of the illustrations for the geological reports are
woodcuts reproduced in the text and a few of these are of suffi-
cient general interest to mention specifically as has been done later.
The "views" are for the most part full-page lithographs and are
printed in two or three colors on heavy paper, much heavier than
the paper containing the text. Many are printed in brown and
black, some in green and black and in still others, a third color,
blue, has been added. The lithography was either a two-plate or
three-plate printing process, as can be readily seen where the vari-
ous color plates failed to register exactly in the successive printings.
The lithography was done by A. Hoen Co. (Baltimore), J. Bien
(New York), Sarony and Co. (New York) and T. Sinclair, Phila-
delphia.
The illustrators for the volumes, all of whom were members of
the various survey parties, were 11 in number and included: John
C. Tidball, Albert H. Campbell, Richard H. Kern, James G. Cooper,
John M. Stanley, John Young, Gustav Sohon, F. W. Egloff stein, H.
B. Mollhausen, W. P. Blake and Charles Koppel. Mollhausen's
part in the survey has already been considered in this series as has
some of the work of Egloff stein. 17
17. See No. 6 in this series. The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 16 (1948), August,
pp. 225-244.
Evidently because of the large number of plates required, the same illustration was oc-
casionally lithographed by different firms. As a result, slight differences in views occur, as
the lithography was all hand work. Impressions from the same stone vary also, depending
upon the number of impressions made and the amount of ink present at a given impression.
The crediting of illustrations to the original artist occasionally differs, too, in the different
printings. Some of these differences, especially where there are regularities in differences,
will be discussed in connection with special illustrations. Although most of the views are
lithographs, an important exception occurs in connection with a group of 13 illustrations,
by F. W. Egloffstein, in volume 11. This group is made up entirely of steel engravings
and will be described in connection with the work of the artist.
Nearly all volumes that contain illustrations (views) have a "List of Illustrations" at
the beginning of the section containing each group of views. These lists sometimes specify
the artists and give the page numbers where the plates may be found. The plates, however,
are not always inserted as indicated and some even may be lacking from a given volume.
In one volume examined, only seven of 14 illustrations listed were present and there was no
indication that the plates had been removed, as no breaks in the back strip or torn stubs
were apparent. Printed as they were on a large scale for their day, errors in assembling and
binding produced variations in the pagination of the plates. It is true that occasionally one
will come across a volume of these reports at the present day from which the plates have
been removed but such a removal can usually be detected by a careful examination of the
back strip and the specified page of insertion of an individual plate.
One further variation in connection with the plates may be noted. The titles of plates
both in the lists of illustrations and the legends on individual plates will be found at times
362 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Tidball, Cooper and Blake are represented by relatively few il-
lustrations and their work needs only brief comment. 18
Tidball is clearly credited with three illustrations in the third
volume of the official Reports and may be the original artist of two
more. Lieutenant Tidball was a member of Lieutenant Whipple's
survey along the 35th parallel and Tidball's illustrations depict a
camp of the party on January 28, 1854, in present Arizona; the
"Valley of Bill William's Fork" also in Arizona, the most interesting
of the Tidball drawings, and the "Valley of the Mojave" in Cali-
fornia. The last of these illustrations is a woodcut in the text of the
report; the remainder are full-page lithographs. A fourth illustra-
tion depicting still another camp site of the party is credited in some
printings of the report to Tidball and in others to Mollhausen. 19
Dr. Cooper is represented by not more than two views, both
sketched in the Northwest on the Stevens survey. "Puget Sound
and Mt. Rainier From Whitby's Island," is credited to Cooper in
one printing of the report but in a second printing it is credited to
J. M. Stanley. "Mount Rainier Viewed From Near Steilacoom" is
credited in all printings that I have seen to Stanley "From sketch by
Dr. Cooper." 2
William P. Blake was the geologist on Lieutenant Williamson's
survey of two routes in southern California. Operations were be-
gun in July, 1853, at Benicia, about 25 miles above San Francisco
to differ in spelling, especially if the legend contains an unusual word. As a result of these
variations one becomes cautious about making too definite statements concerning the illus-
trations in general; such observations are therefore of necessity confined to specific illustra-
tions examined in a real copy.
18. Tidball (1825-1906) was an army officer who, like many of the profession of his
day, had some training in sketching. As far as I know he is represented by no other illus-
trations save those included in the Reports. He later achieved a considerable reputation
during the Civil War, see Dictionary of American Biography, v. 18, pp. 529, 530. Cooper
(1830-1902), too, has no other illustrations save the two credited to him in the Report.
Although a practicing physician he achieved his reputation as an amateur naturalist, see
Dictionary of American Biography, v. 4, pp. 406, 407. Blake (1825-1910) achieved his
reputation, too, as a naturalist and at one time was professor of mineralogy and geology in
the College of California (later the University of California), and still later he became di-
rector of the School of Mines of the University of Arizona. He has no other illustrations,
as far as I know, save these published in the Reports. For his career, see Dictionary of
American Biography, v. 2, pp. 345, 346.
19. In the copies I have examined, "Bivouac, Jan. 28" will be found in v. 3 of the
Reports, facing page 97. In some printings, the lithography is credited to Sarony, Major
and Knapp (of New York) and in others is uncredited; the "Valley of Bill William's Fork"
was found facing p. 102 in all copies of v. 3 examined, the lithography credited to either
Sarony, Major and Knapp or to Sarony and Co.; the "Valley of the Mojave" was found in
all copies on p. 53 of the "Report on the Geology of the Route"; the lithograph sometimes
credited to Tidball and sometimes to Mollhausen "Bivouac, Jan. 26" was found facing p. 95
in all copies. The lithography in all cases was by T. Sinclair (Philadelphia); see, also, No.
6 of this series, p. 235. Four of Tidball's original sketches on sheets 9" x 6&" made on the
Whipple survey have recently come to light. See The Chronicles of Oklahoma, Oklahoma
City, v. 28 (1950), p. 233.
20. In the Stevens report issued as "Supplement to Volume I" (Serial No. 992, 1859)
the lithography of all plates was by J. Bien and in this volume (facing p. 263) is found the
first illustration mentioned above and credited to "Dr. Cooper del." In the 1860 printing
(v. 12, Book 1, Serial No. 1054) it is credited to Stanley, facing p. 289, the lithography by
Sarony, Major and Knapp. The second illustration described above will be found facing p.
265 in the 1859 printing and facing p. 290 in the 1860 printing.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF OLD WEST 363
and the northernmost point of the survey. Much of the work of
the survey was spent in the deserts of California and in the Sierra
Nevada mountains. Charles Koppel was the official artist of the
expedition and a number of his illustrations appear in Lieutenant
Williamson's report (volume 5 of the official Reports). Blake, how-
ever, had an extensive report in this volume on the geology of the
country explored and his report is as extensively illustrated as is
Williamson's and included 13 full-page lithographs (views) and
over 80 woodcut engravings in the text of the report. 21 All illustra-
tions, of course, were meant to have special geologic significance
but a number of both lithographs and woodcuts are of general in-
terest as views. Of the full-page plates, three were drawn by Blake,
and one was redrawn by Koppel from an original sketch by Blake.
The most interesting of the Blake sketches reproduced as litho-
graphs are "Sierra Nevada, From the Four Creeks" (Plate IV) and
especially "Mirage on the Colorado Desert" (Plate XII). [The
latter sketch is here produced facing p. 369.]
A number of the woodcuts, too, are of interest and over 70 of
them were drawn by Blake. The better-drawn ones, however,
were done by Koppel. Most of the woodcut illustrations, of course,
are geological sections and the few of general interest drawn by
Blake were outline sketches. Possibly of these Blake sketches the
most interesting are "Mission of San Gabriel" (p. 78) and "San
Diego From the Bay" (p. 129 ). 22
That the surveys were made with real hazards, in addition to
those of travel in a mapless territory, is best illustrated by the tragic
fate of one of its artists, Richard H. Kern. Kern, Captain Gunnison,
in charge of the survey on the central route, J. Creutzfeldt, the
botanist of the expedition, and five other members of the survey
while detached from the main party were surprised and slain by
Paiute Indians on October 26, 1853. Of this party of 12 which was
ambushed, only four soldiers escaped. 23
Kern was one of three brothers from Philadelphia who were ac-
tive in explorations in the West in the middle 1800's, all of whom
had sketching ability. Two were killed by Indians and the third
21. In the index of "Illustrations" (pp. XIV-XVI of the official Reports, v. 5) 14 full-
page plates are listed, three credited to Blake, one credited to Koppel after Blake, and the
rest by Koppel. In all the volume fives I have examined, however, Plate XIII of the list is
missing and^the plate that is numbered XIV in the list appears on the illustration itself as
22. Blake also redrew a number of geological cross sections from original sketches by
Jules Marcou in v. 3 of the official Reports.
23. Reports, v. 2, pt. 1, pp. 9, 10, 72-74. News of the massacre was received in the
East with more than usual dispatch. It was first reported in the National Intelligencer,
Washington, on December 3, 1853, p. 1, and in more detail on December 10, 1853, p. 3;
see, also, the issue of February 21, 1854, p. 3.
364 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
died at an early age, possibly as the result of extreme hardships
suffered on at least one Western expedition. Dr. Benjamin Jordan
Kern was the eldest of the brothers (born August 3, 1818). He was
a member of Fremont's ill-fated fourth expedition that left West-
port on the Missouri river Westport is now part of modern Kansas
City in the fall of 1848. The expedition attempted the crossing
of the Colorado Rockies in the dead of winter, encountered such toil
and starvation that 11 of 32 members of the expedition perished
and the rest were barely able to make their way back to Taos in
northeastern New Mexico. All three Kerns were members of the
expedition and after returning to Taos, Dr. Kern and the celebrated
Bill Williams, Fremont's guide, returned to the mountains to secure
notes, collections and equipment cached after their tragic retreat.
They reached their cache but were treacherously slain on March
14, 1849, as they conversed with a party of Utes who had been de-
feated a few days earlier by U. S. troops. 24
Edward Kern (bora October 26, 1823), another member of the
family, had been the artist on Fremont's third expedition that left
St. Louis in the summer of 1845, crossed the Plains and Rockies to
Salt Lake City and then went on to California. Here he served
as lieutenant in the U. S. army from July, 1846, to April, 1847, under
Lieutenant Colonel Fremont. In addition to the Fremont fourth
expedition, both Richard and Edward were members of a military
expedition that left Santa Fe for the Navajo country in the summer
of 1849. In the reports of this expedition, 72 lithographed plates
(a number were colored) of Indians and scenery appear, and are
credited to R. H. and E. M. Kern. 25
24. Alpheus H. Favour, Old Bill Williams Mountain Man (Chapel Hill, N. C., 1936)
chs. 14-16.
25. The report, generally referred to as the Simpson report, was published in 31 Cong
1 Sess. (1849-1850), Sen. Ex. Doc. 64 (Serial No. 562). Most of the illustrations are
credited to R. H. Kern, the lithography was by P. S. Duval, Philadelphia, and Ackerman,
New York. Simpson (p. 56) expressed appreciation to the Kerns for their efforts on the il-
lustrations and specifically pointed out that most of the views were made by R. H. Kern.
The last plate of the set is numbered 74 but Plates 2, 21 and 39 are lacking from the sev-
eral copies of this report I have examined. Further, of the 71 plates thus actually present,
a number are illustrations of designs on fragments of Indian pottery, Indian hieroglyphics
and ground plans of several pueblos, invaluable for the archeologist and the ethnologist, but
not of immediate concern in the present study. About forty of the total are "views" of
Indians and Indian activities. A number are in color which in addition to the fact itself, is
of interest as they were "printed in colour" a fact recorded on some of the individual plates.
Although I have not made the matter a point of special study, these colored plates must be
among the earliest in government reports reproduced by multiple impressions, see Footnote
32 in No. 6 of this series, The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 16 (1948), August, p. 235.
The report was also published privately as James H. Simpson, Journal of a Military Recon-
naissance, From Santa Fe, New Mexico, to the Navajo Country in 1849 (Philadelphia, 1852).
The plates here are credited to R. H. Kern but some are recorded as being after sketches by
E. M. Kern. All plates are not identical with those in the 1850 government report and 34
are colored; the lithography in the 1852 printing was also by Duval.
Edward M. Kern was also a member of Commander C. Ringgold's North Pacific ex-
ploring expedition of 1854. The Huntington Library of San Marino, Cal., has a number of
Western diaries and letters of the Kern brothers as well as some biographical material and
photographs supplied by Helen Wolfe. It is from this source that I have secured the birth
dates of the three Kerns given in the text above. An obituary of E. M. Kern appeared in
the Philadelphia Public Ledger, November 28, 1863. Kern county and Kern river of Cali-
PICTORIAL RECORD OF OLD WEST 365
Richard Kern was also the artist of Captain Sitgreaves' expedition
in the Southwest in the summer and fall of 1851. In the report of
the expedition he is represented by 23 plates of scenery and In-
dians. 26
Richard Kern, then, had extensive experience in Western travel
and field sketching before he joined Capt. J. W. Gunnison's com-
mand in St. Louis in early June, 1853, for the survey of the central
route. The engineering and scientific party arrived at Westport on
June 15, where Kern was left to select a fitting-out camp, while
Captain Gunnison and Lieutenant Beckwith, the second in com-
mand, went on to Fort Leavenworth to select the military escort.
They returned in a few days, and Lieutenant Beckwith reported:
Our encampment was some five miles from Westport and the western line
of the State of Missouri, selected by Mr. Kern in a fine grove near a spring,
and surrounded by fine grass and an open prairie, and in the midst of the
various Shawnee missions, which appeared well. 27
Some days were spent in buying and breaking mules and employ-
ing teamsters and camp helpers, but by June 23 the party made
"its first marching essay" and despite soft roads caused by heavy
rains, made eight miles on their first day of travel. The route fol-
lowed was in general that of the Santa Fe trail (through modern
Kansas) although side excursions of small parties were made from
time to time in search of possible alternate railroad routes. Captain
Gunnison and Kern, for example, with an escort, left the main party
on the trail near present Lawrence, Kan., and traveled northwest
along the Kansas river ( while the main command went southwest ) .
Gunnison and Kern passed the frontier town of Uniontown, which
had "a street of a dozen houses," and on up the Kansas river valley
until they came to a "new" fort, Fort Riley. 28
After some observations on the Smoky Hill and the Republican
rivers, the party turned southward and again joined the main com-
fornia are named after him (H. A. Spindt, Kern County Historical Society, Fifth Annual
Publication, November, 1939).
The Huntington Library also has a diary of Edward M. Kern containing entries from
August 6, to September 6, 1851, that indicate that Kern accompanied a military reconnais-
sance under Lt. John Pope. Included in the diary are a few field sketches by Kern. Con-
siderable biographic material on the Kern brothers written by "a friend" appeared in the
National Intelligencer, January 24, 1854, p. 2.
26. 32 Cong., 2 Sess. (1852-1853), Sen. Ex. Doc. 59 (Serial No. 668). The expedi-
tion left Zuni (New Mexico) September 24, 1851, and arrived at Fort Yuma (Arizona),
November 30, 1851. The plates were lithographed by Ackerman and are numbered but all
after No. 13 apparently should be decreased by one in number. Kern also drew a number
of zoological plates for this report.
27. Reports, v. 2, p. 11 (Beckwith's first report). Beckwith reported Kern's official
title as "topographer and artist."
28. Notice that June of 1853 would be a year before Kansas territory was organized
and open to settlement. Fort Riley at the junction of the Republican and Smoky Hill rivers
(forming the Kansas river) was established as Camp Center in 1852. It was renamed Fort
Riley the same year that it was visited by Gunnison and Kern. See Elvid Hunt, History of
Fort Leavenworth (Leavenworth, 1951), p. 78; W. F. Pride, The History of Fort Riley
(1926), p. 61.
366 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
mand on the trail. The Arkansas river was crossed on July 20, "old"
Fort Bent reached on July 29 and the mountains on August 5. Al-
though observations and records were made on the crossing of the
plains, the route was already so well-known that all felt the real
work of survey would commence when the Rockies were reached.
Although the diary of the expedition from Westport to the moun-
tains is intensely interesting, the general attitude of the report is it-
self reflected in Kern's illustrations, for the first to appear is a view
of the Spanish Peaks ( in present southeastern Colorado ) where the
mountains were reached. Probably Kern made sketches, which
would be priceless at present, of some if not all of the points sug-
gested in the above brief review of the crossing of the Plains. They
seem to be no longer extant. 29
The route of the party from the mountains westward is clearly
indicated by the remaining Kern illustrations which include:
1. "Sangre de Cristo Pass Looking Toward San Luis Valley/'
The first crossing of the mountains was made through this pass
( about four miles north of modern La Veta Pass ) and the westward
descent led into the San Luis valley of southern Colorado.
2. "Fort Massachusetts, At the Foot of the Sierra Blanca, Valley
of San Luis." [Reproduced on the cover of this magazine.] This
post was near the present site of Fort Garland (Colorado) which
was at one time commanded by Kit Carson.
3. "Coo-Che-To-Pa Pass, View Looking Up Sahwatch Creek,
Sept. 1st." This pass (modern spelling Cochetopa) is on the west-
ern side of the San Luis valley (northwestern Saguach county, Col-
orado). 30
4. "Summit of the Nearest Ridge South of Grand River Traversed
in Passing Around Lateral Canones, 12 O'clock, Sept. 12."
The illustration shows that the country through which the pro-
posed railroad was to pass was becoming exceedingly rugged, for
the party now was not far from the present Black Canon of the
29. All of Kern's illustrations in v. 2 of the Reports, were redrawn by John M. Stanley,
a fact made necessary by Kern's death. Stanley redrew them from Kern's field sketchbooks
but what has happened to these original sketchbooks, and most of those of other illustrators
of the Reports, I have been unable to ascertain. In 1950, the Oklahoma Historical Society
acquired an extensive collection of original materials bearing on the Whipple survey of 1853-
1854. Included were several botanical drawings, eight paintings, 24 original drawings all
by Mollhausen, plus the four drawings of Tidball mentioned in Footnote 19. See The
Chronicles of Oklahoma, Oklahoma City, v. 28 (1950), pp. 232, 233. The National Ar-
chives now has many of the original manuscript reports and letters of the surveys, but the
sketchbooks of the artists on the surveys are not among them as I have ascertained by cor-
respondence with the Archives and by a personal visit in the summer of 1949. I shall have
occasion to refer to this point at one or two places in the subsequent discussion in the text.
30. Beckwith's first report, p. 47, Reports, v. 2. Gunnison's party determined the ele-
vation at the summit of the pass to be 10,032 feet. It appears on modern maps with exactly
the same figure. Kern's view of the pass has been made the basis of an interesting color
illustration "Old Bill Williams at Cochetopa Pass" painted by Marjorie Thomas in Favour's
book cited in Footnote 24.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF OLD WEST 367
Gunnison; for the Grand river of the Beckwith-Gunnison report is
now appropriately called the Gunnison river. An excerpt from
Beckwith's journal, a few days before this illustration was sketched,
gives a vivid glimpse of the difficulties encountered by the survey.
This morning [Sept. 9th, wrote Beckwith] . . . large working parties
of soldiers and employes started forward, under their respective commanders,
to prepare the crossing of the creek [a tributary of the Gunnison]; and at 2
o'clock p. m. we received orders to move on with the train. Ascending from
the ravine on which we had encamped, we were forced high up on the mesas,
to avoid numerous deep ravines, which we succeeded in turning successfully,
when a short, steep ascent around the rocky wall of the table to our left, brought
us, four miles from our morning camp, to the top of the difficult passage a
rapid descent of 4,055 feet in length, and 935 in perpendicular height above
the stream, covered with stones of all sizes, from pebbles to tons in weight,
with small ledges of rocks cropping out at various points. Some of the stones
had been removed in the proposed road; but the wagons, with locked wheels,
thumped, jarred, and grated over the greater portion, especially those too large
and deeply imbedded in the soil to be removed, until their noise quite equalled
that of the foaming torrent creek below. At one point, as they passed obliquely
over a ridge, it was necessary to attach ropes to the wagons, and employ a
number of men to prevent their overturning. Two hours were thus employed
in descending our eighteen wagons, and in twice crossing the creek, in the bed
of which we had to descend for a quarter of a mile, before we could gain a
permanent footing on the west side. The creek is sixty feet wide by from one
to two deep, with an impetuous current falling with a loud noise over a bed of
rocks and large stones. Just above its mouth two fine streams half a mile apart,
enter Grand [Gunnison] river from the Elk mountains. Day's march five miles,
through a heavy growth of sage. 31
5. "View of the Roan or Book Mountains At the Spanish Trail
Ford of Green River, Oct. 1st."
The survey was near the present Colorado-Utah border when
Kern made the sketch upon which this illustration is based, and two
days before had come upon the well-known Spanish trail that led
from Santa Fe to the Pacific Coast at Los Angeles. The trail at this
point was almost in constant use by the Green River Utahs, whom
Beckwith characterized as ". . . The merriest of their race I
have ever seen, except the Yumas constantly laughing and talking,
and appearing grateful for the trifling presents they receive." 32
For the next two weeks the survey continued north and westward
(they were now well within present Utah) and eventually reached
the great Seavier valley of central Utah. Their arrival here marked,
31. Beckwith's first report, p. 52, Reports, v. 2. George Leslie Albright, Official
Explorations for Pacific Railroads (Berkeley, Cal., 1921), p. 91, discusses the modern
geographical nomenclature of the Gunnison and other streams as they appear in the Beck-
with report.
32. Beckwith, first report, p. 62, Reports, v. 2.
368 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
in more ways than one, the end of a definite stage of the survey.
Gunnison himself remarked that
. . . a stage is attained which I have so long desired to accomplish:
the great mountains have been passed and a new wagon road open across the
continent a work which was almost unanimously pronounced impossible, by
the men who know the mountains and this route over them. . . . That a
road for nearly seven hundred miles should have been made over an untrodden
track, through a wilderness all the way, and across five mountain ranges, (the
Sierra Blanca, San Juan, Uncompahgra, Sandstone, and Wahsatch) and a dry
desert of seventy miles between Grand [Gunnison] and Green rivers, without
deserting one of our nineteen wagons, and leaving but one animal from sickness
and one from straying, and this in two and a half months, must be my excuse
for speaking highly of all the assistants on this survey. 33
On October 25, Captain Gunnison, Richard Kern, Creutzfeldt, the
botanist, Potter the guide, and an escort of eight men left the main
party to explore the vicinity of Sevier Lake ( in west central Utah ) .
At noon the next day a survivor of Gunnison's party, weak and ex-
hausted, reeled into the main camp, with the tragic news that Gun-
nison's party had been ambushed. Four of the soldiers escaped
but the remaining eight of the party were killed. Beckwith wrote
of the tragedy:
The sun had not yet risen, most of the party being at breakfast, when the
surrounding quietness and silence of this vast plain was broken by the discharge
of a volley of rifles and a shower of arrows through that devoted camp, mingled
with the savage yells of a large band of Pah-Utah Indians almost in the midst
of the camp; for, under cover of the thick bushes, they had approached undis-
covered to within twenty-five yards of the camp-fires. The surprise was com-
plete. At the first discharge, the call to "seize your arms" had little effect.
All was confusion. Captain Gunnison, stepping from his tent, called to his
savage murderers that he was their friend; but this had no effect. 34
Gunnison's cry did have the effect of drawing the attention of the
Indians, for he fell, his body pierced with 15 arrows.
As soon as the news was received by the main camp, relief was
dispatched in the hope that other survivors could be rescued but
only the eight bodies mutilated by Indians and wolves were found.
The command of the survey now devolved on Lieutenant Beck-
with, who continued the survey northward toward Salt Lake City
until November 8. Efforts to regain instruments, field notes and
Kern's sketch book, which had been taken by the Indians, were
urged upon the Mormon settlements, and eventually "all the notes,
most of the instruments, and several of the arms lost" were delivered
33. Gunnison was quoted by Beckwith, ibid., p. 70.
34. Ibid., p. 74. An interesting account by one of the Indian participants in this mas-
sacre (as told in 1894) is given by J. F. Gibbs in the Utah Historical Quarterly, Salt Lake
City, v. 1 (1928), pp. 67-75.
PICTORIAL RECORD OF OLD WEST 369
to Beckwith in Salt Lake City, where the survivors of the survey
spent the winter of 1853-1854. 35
The officers spent their time through the winter working up re-
ports and in attempts to replace some of the personnel who had
fallen victim to the Indians. On March 1, two travel-worn men
reached Salt Lake City, one of whom made almost immediate con-
tact with Lieutenant Beckwith. Beckwith invited the two men, S.
N. Carvalho and F. W. Egloff stein, to join his mess at "E. T. Ben-
son's, one of the Mormon apostles." Carvalho and Egloffstein had
been members of another and the last of Colonel Fremont's ex-
peditions across the Rockies. Fremont and his father-in-law, Sen-
ator Benton of Missouri, were intensely interested in proving that
the central route to the Pacific was the most feasible. To prove
this point, Fremont, despite his terrible experiences in the Rockies
of 1848-1849, set out to show that the central route could be fol-
lowed to the Pacific coast in winter. To carry out his project, he
organized an expedition at his own expense which assembled at
Westport, Gunnison's starting point, late in September, 1853. Car-
valho was officially the "artist and daguerreotypist" of the expedi-
tion and Egloffstein, the "topographical engineer." 3B
Fremont's party, which included ten Delawares, was under way
westward on September 24. Their route in general followed that
of Gunnison, who had started from Westport three months earlier.
In fact, when Fremont and his party got into the mountains, they
actually followed the trail left by Gunnison's wagons. 37
As the party crossed successive ranges of the Rockies in the dead
of winter, the rigors of travel increased alarmingly, food gave out
even after their horses were eaten, one man died from exhaustion
and the remainder were in a perilous state when they arrived at the
35. Beckwith's first narrative, p. 75, Reports, v. 2. In addition to the six Kern illustra-
tions described in the text above, there were six other illustrations: "View of Sangre de
Cristo Pass Looking Northeast From Camp North of Summit, Aug. 11"; "Sangre de Cristo
Pass" (looking down Gunnison creek); "Peaks of the Sierra Blanca"; "Head of First Canon
of Grand River"; "View of Ordinary Lateral Ravines on Grand River," and "Rock Hills
Between Green and White Rivers." Crediting and page insertion of these plates are very
irregular and there is no "List of Illustrations." In some copies, as many as three of the
plates are credited to Kern alone; in others all are credited "J. M. Stanley from sketch by
R. H. Kern." In addition to the 12 Kern sketches there is a 13th plate "View Showing the
Formation of the Canon of the Grand River." In some copies this is credited to F. W.
Egloffstein; in others to "J. M. Stanley from sketch by F. W. Egloffstein."
36. Most of our knowledge of this expedition comes from S. N. Carvalho, Incidents of
Travel and Adventure in the Far West (New York, 1859; there are several printings and
editions of this book). Fremont's account has never been published, although there are
three contemporary letters (the first two to Senator Benton) available; one dated "Big
Timber on Upper Arkansas, Nov. 26" in National Intelligencer, Washington, March 18,
1854, p. 3; a second dated "Parawan, Iron County, Utah Territory, February 9, 1854," in
ibid., April 13, 1854, p. 1; and a third to the editors of the National Intelligencer describing
the general results of the expedition, June 15, 1854, p. 4 (later reprinted as 33 Cong.,
1 Sess., Senate Misc. Doc. 67). Carvalho's experiences as a daguerreotypist I have reviewed
in Photography and the American Scene (New York, 1938), pp. 262-266.
37. Carvalho, op. cit., pp. 81, 82.
24807
370 KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Mormon settlement of Parawan (southern Utah) on February 8,
1854. Fremont's brief comment, an obvious understatement when
compared to Carvalho's account of the party's sufferings, gives some
idea of the state of affairs: The Delawares all came in sound but
the whites of my party were all exhausted and broken up and more
or less frostbitten. I lost one [man]. . . ," 38
Both Carvalho and Egloff stein were so exhausted upon their ar-
rival at Parawan that they could go no farther. Fremont and the
rest of the party, after resting
