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Full text of "The Katyn Forest Massacre : hearings before the Select Committee to Conduct an Investigation of the Facts, Evidence and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre, Eighty-second Congress, first[-second] session, on investigation of the murder of thousands of Polish officers in the Katyn Forest near Smolensk, Russia .."

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APRIL 16, 17, 18, AND 19, 1952 

Printed for the use of the Select Committee To Conduct an Investigation 
of the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre 
















APRIL 16, 17, 18, AND 19, 1952 

Printed for the use of the Select Committee To Conduct an Investigation 
of the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre 

«3744 WASHINGTON : 1952 


BAY J. MADDEN, Indiana, Chairman 
DANIEL J. FLOOD, Pennsylvania GEORGE A. DOKDERO, Michigan 

FOSTER FURCOLO, Massachusetts ALVIN E. O'KONSKI, Wisconsin 


John J. Mitchell, Chief Counsel 






Letter of invitation to Polit^h Government in Warsaw 503 

Reply of Polish Government through United States State Department 504 

Letter of invitation to Gen. Wladyslaw Anders 505 

Testimony of — 

A, Mr., London, England 524, 552, 571 

Anders, Gen. Wladyslaw, of Waverton Street, W. I; Shaftsbury 

Avenue, Kenton, Middlesex; London, England 931 

B, Mr 60S- 

Bohusz-Szyszko, Lt. Gen. Zygmunt Peter, 44 Lower Bridge Street, 

Chester, England 656 

Bor-Komorowski, Lt.^Gen. Tadeusz, 3 Bowrons Avenue, Wembley, 

Middlesex, England .. 708 

C, Mr 700 

Felsztyn, Tadeusz 624 

Furtek, Wladvslaw Jan, 69 Parkview Court, SW. 6, London, England. 506 

Garlinski, Josef, No. 104 Holland Road, London W. 14, England 779 

Goetel, Ferdinand, No. 14, Empress Place, London, S. W. 6, England ^ 760 

Kaczkowski, Maj. Jan, 43 Bromley Road, London, E. 17 628, 866 

Knopp, Mrs. Janina, 54 Solent Road, London, N. W. 6 618 

Kot, Stanislaw, Paris, France 881 

Kukiel, Lt. Gen. Marian 738 

Lewszecki, Jerzy, 2 Queensborough Terrace W. 2, London, England-- 775 

Lubodziecki, Col. Stanislaw, 54, Solent Road, London, N. W. 6 611 

Lubomirski, Capt Eugeniusz 632 

Lunkiewicz, Jerzy 551, 556, 799, 842 

Luszczynski, Zygmunt, 43, Angel Road, London, N. W. 3 614 

Mackiewicz, Joseph, 44, Marlborough Place, London, N. W. 8, 

England 867 

Moszynski, Adam, Penhros Camp, near Pwllelli, North Wales 648 

Pucinski, Roman, investigator for the committee 839 

Raczynski, Edward, 7 Armitage Road, London, N. W. 11 665 

Rowinski, Zbigniew, London, England 680 

Sawczynski, Adam, 20 Princes Gate S. W. 7, London, England 771 

Szlaski, Janus Prawdzic, 22 Buer Road, London S. W. 6 785 

Voit, Roman 636 

W, Mr - 517 

Wolkowicki, Gen. Jerzy, Penross Camp, Pwllelli, Wales 638 

Zamoyski, Stefan, 20 St. Stephens Close, London, N. W. 8 756 


1 . Photo of prisoner of war camp at Kozielsk 507 

2. List of prisoners at Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostashkov 526-548 

3. Returned to witness. 

4. Returned to witness. 

5. Statement of Witness A (original and translation) 557-565 

6. Record of the hearing of Witness A (original and translation) 566—571 

7. 8, 9, 10, and 11. Letters to Witness A from members of his family.- 572-602 

12. Postcard received bv Mrs. Knopp from her husband 620 

13. Transcription of e.xliibit 12 621 

14. Postcard to Tadensz Knopp from Eugenia Zenerman (original and 

translation) 623, 624 

15. Deposition of Captain Lubomirski (original and translation) 634 

16. Letter written by General Wolkowicki (original and translation)- 643-645 

17. Certificate of an inoculation against typhus submitted by General 

Wolkowicki (original and translation) 646, 647 

18. Note of January 28, 1942, from Mr. Raczynski, Polish Minister of 

Foreign Afl'airs, to Ambassador Bogomolov 668 



Exhibits— Continued Pae» 

19. Polish-Soviet relations, 1918-43 969 

19A. Note of March 13, 1942, from Ambassador Bogomolov to Mr. 

Raczynski, Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs 670 

20. Note of April 20, 1943, from Mr. Raczynski, Polish Minister of 

Foreign Affairs, to Mr. Bogomolov, Ambassador of the 

U. S. S. R - 674 

21. Statement of Polish Government, April 17, 1943, concerning dis- 

covery of graves of Polish officers near Smolensk 678 

22. Photo of cord identified as a piece which was removed from the 

body of one of the victims found dead in Katyn 685 

23 23A, 24, 24A, and 24B. Notes written by Mr. Rowinski after visit 

to Katyn 694-705 

25. Translation of radiograms 712-714 

26. Translation of radiograms 715, 716 

27. Translation of radiograms 716, 717 

28. Diary (original and translation) 721-731 

28A. Diary (original and translation) 732-734 

29. Returned to witness. 

30. Conversation of Lieutenant General Kukiel, Polish Minister of 

War, with Soviet Ambassador Bogomolov (original and trans- 
lation) 742-746 

30 A. Communique issued by Polish Minister of National Defense 748 

30B 30C, 30D, 30E. Correspondence from International Red 

Cross 750-753 

31. Copy of order found on body of Russian officer (translated into 

Polish) 787, 788 

32. Published in a separate volume, part 6. 

33. Published in a separate volume, part 6. 

34. Returned to witness. 

35. Translation of Komarnicki report 801 

35 A. Translation of Lopianowski report 807 

36. Returned to witness. 

37. Map of Katyn and report of Polish Red Cross 824-826 

38. Returned to witness. 

39. 39A, 39B, and 40. Documents with reference to the Kriwoserczew 

case (originals and translations) 828-838, 840-842 

41. Report by Ferdynand Goetel on visit to Katyn 843 

42. Report of Mrs. Janina DowIi6r-Mugnicka 848 

43. Documents showing instructions by the NKVD concerning Baltic 

prisoners (originals and translations) 849-863 

44. Returned to witness. 

45. Proclamation to Polish soldiers by Marshal Timoshenko, Soviet 

commander (original and translation) 864, 865 

46 and 47. List of missing officers at Katyn. (Too voluminous to be 
printed in record and has been placed in the permanent files of 

48. Minutes of conference between Dr. Kot Polish Ambassador to 

Moscow, and Mr. Vishinsky, Deputy People's Commissar for 
Foreign Affairs, September 20, 1941 885 

49. Conversations between Dr. Kot and Mr. Vishinsky, October 6, 

1941 894 

49 A. Note of October 13, 1941, from Ambassador Kot to Mr. 

Vishinsky 895 

49B. Minutes of conversation of Ambassador Kot with J. Stalin, 

November 14, 1941 905 

49C. Minutes of conversation between Gen. Wladyslaw Sikorski and 

Joseph Stalin, December 3, 1941 914 

49D. Note of October 15, 1941, from General Sikorski to Ambassador 

Bogomolov . 923 

50. Returned to witness. 

50A. Memorandum concerning Polish prisoners of war (original and 

translation) . 944-950 

51. Returned to witness. 

51 A. Telegram from J. Stalin to General Anders (original and transla- 
tion) 953-955 

52. Minutes of conversation between General Anders and J. Stalin — 957 

53. Russian agreement to permit evacuation of Poles to Middle East 

(original and translation) _ 964, 965 



House of Representatives, 

THE Select Committee on the Katyn Forest Massacre, 

London, England. 

The select committee met at 10 a. m., pursuant to call, in room 111, 
Kensington Palace Hotel, De Vere Gardens, W. 8, Hon. Ray J. 
Madden (chairman) presiding. 

Present: Messrs. Madden, Flood, Machrowicz, Dondero, and 

Also present: Roman Pucinski, investigator foe the committee. 

Chairman Madden. The committee will come to order. 

This is the fourth of a series of meetmgs of the special committee 
created by Congress m September 1951, to investigate the Katyn 
Forest massacres. In October the committee to take testimony 
in Washington. Again, in February, the committee held a series of 
hearings in the city of Washington. In March the committee held^a 
series of hearmgs in the city of Chicago. 

The meetings here in London, England, will be for the purposeof 
recording essential testimony pertaming to the Katyn Forest mas- 
sacres, which were committed m the Katyn Forest, near the city of 
Smolensk, in Russia, during the early part of World War II. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Mr. Chairman, I hope the record will show aU 
members who came abroad are present. 

Chairman Madden. I was going to mention that. 

Present this morning are Congressman Flood, of Pennsylvania; 
Congressman Machrowicz, of Michigan; Congressman Dondero, of 
Michigan, and Congressman O'Konski, of Wisconsin. Congressman 
Furcolo of Massachusetts, and Congressman Sheehan, of Illinois, 
were unable to attend these meetings in London. 

Mr. Pucinski. Mr. Chairman, it is my understanding that you 
instructed Committee Counsel John Mitchell to introduce the follow- 
ing documents into the record. With your permission, I will read 
them into the record at this time. They are the invitation this 
committee extended to the Polish Government in Warsaw and that 
Government's reply. 

Mr. Madden. Proceed. 

Mr. Pucinski. The fii-st document is the letter of invitation ex- 
tended by this committee to the Polish Government in Warsaw, It 
is dated March 18, 1952, and is as follows: 

HotrsE OF Representatives, 
Select Committee To Investigate the Katyn Forest Massacre, 

Washington, D. C, March 18, 1952. 
His Excellency the Ambassador of Poland. 

My Dear Mr. Ambassador: The House of Representatives of the United 
States of America on September 18, 1951, unanimously passed House Resolution 
390. A copy of this resolution is attached for your information. 



This resolution authorizes and directs a committee of Congress to conduct a full 
and complete investigation and study of the facts, evidence, and extenuating cir- 
cumstances both before and after the massacre of thousands of Polish officers 
buried in a mass grave in the Katyn Forest on the banks of the Dnieper in the 
vicinity of Smolensk, U. S. S. R. 

This official committee of the United States Congress respectfully invites the 
Government of Poland to submit any evidence, documents, and witnesses it may 
desire on or before May 1, 1952, pertaining to the Katyn Forest massacre. The 
committee will be in Europe during the month of April to hear and consider any 
testimon}^ which may be available. 

These hearings and the taking of testimony from witnesses are being conducted 
in accordance with the rules and regulations of the House of Representatives of 
the United States of America. 
Sincerely yours, 

Ray J. Madden, 
Chairman, Select Committee To Conduct an Investigation and Study of the 
Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances oj the Katyn, Forest Massacre. 

Mr. Madden. That now becomes part of the record of this com- 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Mr. Chairman, the second document is the reply 
which this committee received from the PoHsh Government in Warsaw 
through the United States State Department. 
Mr. Madden. Proceed. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. This letter was dated March 31, 1952 and is as 

Department op State, 
Washington, March 31, 1952. 
My Dear Mr. Chairman : The American Embassy in War.-aw has received a 
note from the Government of Poland, a translation of which is as follows: 

"On March 24, 1952, the Embassy of the Republic of Poland in "Washington 
received a note from the Department of State transmitting a communication from 
Mr. Madden, Member of the House of Representatives of the United States 
Congress, to the Polish Ambassador, in which as chairman of the Committee of 
the House of Represeiitatives for Katyn Affairs he invites the Polish Government 
to present documents and witnesses in this matter. 

"The transmission of the above invitation of the chairman of the congressional 
committee of the United States who, contrarj^ to binding international customs, 
usurps to himself the right to extend invitations to sovereign governments has no 
precedent in the historj^ of international relations. 

"The attitude of the Polish Government re the activities of this committee 
was expressed in a declaration of the Polish Government published on March 1, 
1952, and the Polish Government does not intend to return to this matter again." 
Sincerely yours, 

Jack K. MoFall, 

Assistant Secretarii, 
(For the Secretary of State). 
Hon. Ray J. Madden, 

Chairman, Select Committee to Investigate the Katyn Forest Massacre, 
House of Representatives. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Mr. Chairman, the third document is a letter of 
invitation extended to Gen. Wladyslaw Anders, who was Commander 
in Chief of the Polish armed forces during World War II and personally 
directed the extensive search for the missing Polish officers. 

Mr. Madden. Proceed. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. This letter was dated March 20, 1952, and is as 


HorsE OF Representatives, 
Select Committee To Investigate 

THE Katyn Forest Massacre, 
Washington, D. C, March 20, 1952. 
I'oi-isH Govern MENT-iN-ExiLE, 
7 Waverton Street, 

London W. I, England. 

Dear General Anders: The special committee created by the United States 
House of Representatives to investigate the Katyn massacre will hold hearings 
in London during the month of April. Congressman Alvin E. O'Konski, a 
member of this committee, and Roman Pucinski, the investigator, are sailing 
this evening on the ^.veen Elizabeth and will contact you when they arrive in 

Our committee is aware that the Polish Government-in-exile began inquiry 
in 1941 about the fate of the Polish prisoners of war in the Soviet Union, and 
l)egan accumulating pertinent evidence with respect thereto. In 1943, at the 
time of the disclosure of the Katyn Forest massacre, the Polish Government-in- 
exile sought an independent, impartial investigation, but such an investigation 
was not permitted. 

Our committee invites the Polish Government-in-exile to cooperate with us in 
every way and submit whatever testimony, evidence, documents, and witnesses 
they desire while we are holding hearings in London and on the Continent. 

These hearings and the taking of testimony from witnesses are being conducted 
in accordance with the rules and regulations of the House of Representatives. 
Sincerely yours, 

Ray J. IMadden, 
Chairman, Select Committee To Conduct an Investigation and Study of the 
Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre. 

Mr. O'Konski. Mr. Chaii'man, upon my arrival here in London I 
conducted a series of conferences with General Anders, members of 
his staff, and officers of the Polish Combatants Association in an effort 
to arrange these hearings in London. I want to report to this com- 
mittee that the whole-hearted and sincere cooperation which we re- 
ceived both from General Anders and his associates was beyond all 
my expectations. 

Chairman Madden. Tlie first witness will be W. J. Furtek. 

Mr. Furtek, will you give your address? 

Mr. Furtek. SLxty-nine Parkview Court, SW. 6. 

Chairman Madden. Mr. Furtek, before you make your statement, 
it is our wish that you be advised that in giving this testimony you 
would be open to a possible risk of action m the courts if any mdividual 
or set of mdividuals might suffer injury by reason of your testimony. 
At the same time, I wish to make i^ clear that the Government of the 
LTnited States and the House of Representatives do not assume any 
responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceed- 
ings which may arise as the result of your testimony. 

Are you prepared to be sworn? 

Mr. Furtek. Yes, sir. 

Chairman Madden. Raise your hand. 

Do you swear, by the God Almighty and Omniscient, that you will, 
according to your best knowledge, tell the pure truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth; so help you God? 

Mr. Furtek. I do. 

Chairman Madden. I might say, for the record, that Mr. Roman 
Pucinski, of Chicago, 111., will act as special interrogator in the absence 
of Counsel John Mitchell, who has just left London for Germany 
where he is preparing our next set of hearings which will begin in 
Frankfurt on April 21. 



Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you want to give us your full name? 

Mr. FuRTEK. I do. Wladyslaw Jan Furtek. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. We have your address. 

Where were you born, Mr. Furtek? 

Mr. Furtek. I was born in Poland; Cieszanow, Poland; county 
of Lwow. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When were vou born, sir? 

Mr. Furtek. 1921. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did you serve in the Polish Army subsequent to 
September 1, 1939? 

Mr. Furtek. Yes, I did. I joined the Polish Army on the 30th of 
September, 1938. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Were you ever taken prisoner by any enemy forces 
while a member of the Polish armed forces? 

Mr. Furtek. Yes, I was. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Would you like to tell us when and where? 

Mr. Furtek. Yes. I was a cadet officer in the Polish Cadet 
Officers' School at Komorowo, regular army officers' school. 

I took part in the September campaign in Poland and I was captured 
by the Russian forces in Tarnopol on the 18th of September 1939. 
From there I was sent to a transient camp, which was called Tiotkino. 
I stayed there for about 3 weeks, and afterward, as my parents lived 
in a part of Poland which was occupied by the Russian forces, I was 
promised to be sent home. A transport was formed, in which I was 
included, and we were sent home. 

Well, we were told we were being sent home, but instead of being 
sent home we were sent to Kriwoj Rog, which is in the iron basin of the 
Ukraine, and I was forced to work as a miner in the mines. I refused 
to do it and, as a punishment, I was sent to several prisons in that 
locality. I was interrogated by several political commissars and 
finally I was sent to Kharkov. That is in "Russia, the Ukraine. 

After several days of interrogations, I was sent to Kursk. From 
there I went to Orzel, from that place further on to Smolensk. 
Finally, from Smolensk, I was sent to Kozielsk, where I arrived — 
I don't remember the date, but it Avas somewhere in the middle of 
January 1940. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. How long did vou stav at Kozielsk? 

Mr. Furtek. Till the 26th of April 1940. For the first few days 
I was kept in solitary confinement. 

I don't want to go mto much detail, but there was one part of the 
compound which was surromided by barbed wire, and it was actually 
a sort of tower in which they kept prisoners in solitary confinement. 
But after 6 or 7 days I was released and was given freedom. I could 
move, go and see my friejids, and I could live the ordmary life of a 
prisoner of war in that camp. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Could you tell us what Kozielsk was? 
Mr. Furtek. As a matter of fact, I have an original picture of 
part of the Kozielsk camp with me, which I smuggled out of Kozielsk. 
Would you like to see it? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Would the committee like to see that picture? 
Chairman Madden. Have you the picture with you? 



Mr. FuRTEK. Yes: I have it on me, 

Chaii-man Madden. You might submit it to the committee if 
you have it with you. 

(The witness produced a photograph.) 

Chairman Madden. I will hand this to the reporter to mark 
''Exhibit 1," which the witness says is a picture of the prison camp at 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

(The picture referred to was marked "Exhibit 1" and is shown 

Photo of prisoner-of-Ts.i 


Air. FuRTEK. Kozielsk itself was an old monastery, a very old 
monastery. I don't know the history of the monastery, but the 
buildings and the churches and chapels told us it was a monastery. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Wiiile you were there, was Kozielsk a camp for 
prisoners of war? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. 

Air. PuciNSKi. "Wliat prisoners of war; what country? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Polish officers. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Would you say how many there were in that camp? 

Mr. FuRTEK. About five thousand. I can't swear, can't remember 
the exact number, but between 4,500 to 5,000. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. On April 26, when you were evacuated from that 
camp, approximately how many were there? 

Mr. FuRTEK. About 800. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Wliat happened to the others that were there? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Well, the others disappeared and some of them were 
found in Katyn, but a few of them joined us in Pawlizczew Bor. 


That was the camp we were sent to from Kozielsk. There was a 
very insignificant number; you could count them on your hands. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you have any information, based on your stay 
or experience at Kozielsk, wliich may be helpful to this committee 
in determining what may have happened to those of your friends who 
were evacuated prior to your own departure on April 26? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Well, they completely disappeared and we never 
heard anythmg about them. Well, the story is this: Before April, 
we knew something was coming but we didn't know what it was. 
The news was spread that we were going to be sent to Germany and, 
of course, everybody was rather excited because we thought we would 
leave Russia. 

Nobody liked Russia at that time because the conditions were 
pretty grim and, of course, we wanted a change after stagnation and 
a stagnated life in the camp. 

The political commissars were tellmg us, "Well, you are going 
home. You will be exchanged at the border." And the town of 
Bzescz was mentioned, and I believe it was the 3d of April. The 
first were called out and the first from my block was the 
commanding officer of my block No. 1. I was accommodated in 
block No. 1. His name was Captain Bychowiec. They called out 
about 150 to 180 or 200 men altogether. 

There was a search in a club of the camp — that was a club that we 
had for entertainment — and after that they were taken not through 
the main gate but through the cellar of one of the blocks. There was 
another search there, a very strict one. They were deprived of all 
personal effects and belongmgs, and that is all we saw of the first 

Chairman Madden. Who did the searching? 

Mr. FuRTEK. The Russian staff; well, the guards. 

Chairman Madden. Russian guards? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Russian guards. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When you say personal belongings, what do you 

Mr. FuRTEK. Pen knives, pens, combs, spoons; everything. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you mean also correspondence, letters, and 

Mr. FuRTEK. Well, no. For instance, I had a few private photo- 
graphs of my family, and when they searched me they left it on me. 
I had some notes scribbled, some poems that I used to write in camp, 
and they left that. 

Of course, I tried to hide the things. For instance, I was not very 
cautious and some of m.y papers, playing cards, that wore made in the 
camp were taken away from me. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. But they did permit you to keep your letters, pic- 
tures, diaries? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes, they did; they didn't take that off me. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Proceed. 

Mr. FuRTEK. And I believe 2 days afterward, another group was 
formed and again taken away. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Another group of about 200? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. I can't really rememiber the exact number, but 
the groups were in 100 to 300; maybe 120 to 150. 

Chairman Madden. Did tliis happen each day? 


Mr. FuRTEK. It didn't happen each day. There was always a 
break of 1 day, sometimes 2 days. I remember even one time there 
was a break lasting; 4 days. We didn't know what was going on. 

Mr. Flood. Just a minute. I do not want to interrupt you, but 
the record is not clear. 

You, of course, were not present at any of the examinations given 
to any of the other groups, were you? 

Mr. FuRTEK. No. 

Mr. Flood. You were only present as one of the group of which 
you were a member; is that right? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. When you described what was taken from you and 
what was left with you and the men in your group, that is all you 
know about it as a fact, is it not? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You take for granted that the same kind of investiga- 
tion was conducted on the other groups? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Let the witness proceed, Mr. Chairman, with what 
happened after he was searched. 

Just tell your own story; that is what we want to know. 

Mr. FuRTEK. There was a small incident during the search of the 
group that I was in, namely, Colonel Grobicki. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Is his first name Jerzy? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

He had a fountain pen. It was taken from him and he objected 
strongly and demanded from the commanding officer of the guards 
for that pen to be returned. And that officer said, "Well, of course, 
they wouldn't take a pen from you; it's a harmless thing." 

"But they have taken it from me." 

So he turned around to the guard and said, "Well, give it back. 
Don't do any more stealing — when they see it." 

There is one, to my mind, very important aspect. Before I was 
taken away from the compound, there was that group waiting to 
enter that cellar where the search was being made, and before we 
entered, the political commissar of the camp, Dymidowicz, looked 
at our group and said, "Well — " 

(The witness made a statement in his native tongue.) 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Mr. Chairman, the witness at this point would like 
to say something in Polish and would like to have it translated. 

Chairman Madden. All right, Mr. Pucinski, will you be sworn? 

Do you solemnly swear the interpretation you will give of the testi- 
mony of the witness, as interpreter, will be a true interpretation? 

Mr. Pucinski. I do. 

The witness repeated a statement made to him by a Kussian guard, 
in the Russian language, which he then translated into Polish. He 
said that the Russian guard told him that, "For you people, you got 
away with it." 

Mr. Furtek. One correctioii: He didn't tell it to me, and it wasn't 
a guard; it was a political commissar of the camp, Dymidowicz, and 
it was just said to almost everybody. He looked at us and said, 
"Well, you got away with it." 

Mr. Pucinski. When was this? 


Mr. FuRTEK. It was on tho 26th of April; an hour before we loft 

Mr. PuciNSKi. At Koziolsk? 

Mr. FuRTEK. At Kozielsk; witliin the compound. 

Mr. P'lood. What was that date? 

Mr. FuRTEK. 26th of April. 

Mr. Flood. What j^ear? 

Mr. FuRTEK. 1940. 

Mr. Flood. By that time, I take for granted that several groups 
of your fellow prisoners had been removed from time to time? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. To where, you do not know? 

Mr. FuRTEK. No. 

Mr. Flood. Under the circumstances and in the manner that you 
have just described? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Pracisely. 

Mr. Flood. Finally, or ultimately, they came to another group and 
you were included in that group; is that right? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. And you wore in that group that you are discussing 
now, were you? 

Air. FuRTEK. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You wero lined up in the compound? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. Had you been examined at that point and investigated 
and searched? 

Mr. Furtek. Yes; I was searched in that cellar that I described. 

Mr. Flood. Everything was all over, you were being lined up in 
the compound ready to be transported some place? 

Mr. Furtek. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. While you were lined up there, the Russian political 
commissar whose name you have given was standing in front of you; 
is that right? 

Mr. Furtek. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. He turned to your group and repeated the words that 
you have just stated? 

Mr. Furtek. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. Did he say anything else that you remember? 

Mr. Furtek. We were within the compound when he addressed us. 

Mr. Flood. You were in the compound. 

Mr. Furtek. Before entering the searching cellar, the cellar in 
which we were searched. 

Mr. Flood. You were lined up in the compound, and before you 
were searched, the Russian commissar turned and made the statement 
to your group, which you have just repeated? 

Mr. Furtek. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You said, before you made that statement, that you 
had an incident of considerable importa-nce to state to the committee. 

Mr. Furtek. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Was that the incident? 

Mr. Furtek. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. Why do you think it was of any importance? 

Mr. Furtek. To begin with, we didn't know what he meant. But 
I thought there was some significanco attached to it. 


Mr. Flood. I iindcisland that. What do you irean by "signifi- 

Mr. FuRTEK. Because it came back to me in 1943, when the dis- 
covery of Katyn was made, that he addressed us in that way. 

Mr. Flood. In 1943, after the (Hscovery of Katyn was made, then 
your mind went l)ack to the statement made by this commissar? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Precisely. 

}^lr. Flood. As of 1943, what particular significance did you attach 
to that statement made to you and your group in 1940? Why was it 
significant to you in 1943 and wdiy is it significant to you today? 

Air. FuRTEK. Because in 1943, when the discovery was made, I 
personally was convinced that the massacre was done by the Russians. 

Mr. Flood. What massacre? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Katyn. 

Mr. Flood. Had you heard about it ])efore 1943? 

Mr. FuRTEK. No. But 1 am talking about 1943. And that state- 
ment that he made to our group brought back to mc the circumstances 
in which we w^ere evaciuited from Kozielsk, and I had the conviction 
that he knew what was going to happen to us. 

Mr. Flood. 1 am sure I understand what you mean and I know 
you know" wiiat you mean, but probably, because of the language 
difficulty, you are not c{uite able to make it clear to the committee. 
Let me see if I can help you. During the time that you were in 
Kozielsk, as you have described, certain groups of your fellow prisoners 
were being removed periodically, after a search and exammalion, to 
some place. 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You did not know wliere they went? 

Mr. FuRTEK. No. 

Mr. Flood. You heard rumors they were going to Germany? 

Mr. FvRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You heard rumors they were going to some place else; 
you did not know. After 1940 to 1943 you never heard from any of 
those men, is that correct? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right; 1940 to 1943. 

Mr. Flood. You never heard of them after? 

Mr. FuRTEK. No. 

Mr. Flood. Your group was removed from Kozielsk? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Your group survived Pawlizczew Bor and ultimately 
you were with General Anders? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is riglit. 

Mr. Flood. In 1943, when you heard of Katyn and the names of 
the men who died at Katyn, then your mind went back to this incident 
in the compound and the words of the Russian commissar wdien he 
said — what? 

Mr. PuciNSKi [translating]. "You have succeeded." 

Mr. Flood. "You have succeeded?" 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Then you understood that to mean, "You are lucky; 
your group are not going to Katyn, your group are not going to be 
liquidated; you are going to survive"; is that what you mean? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is precisely what I mean. 


Mr. DoNDERO. I might say, Mr. Chairman, that the memorandum 
handed to us says, "You sure are lucky." 

Is that what you mean? 

Mr. FuRTEK. It is very difficult to give an exact translation, even 
from Russian into Polish. 

Mr. DoNDERO. That is what he meant? 

Mr. Machrowicz. Would you put the expression you made as a 
sort of colloquial Pohsh expression, something hke the EngUsh "You 
got away with it; you are lucky"? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right; a very idiomatic expression. 

Mr. Flood. In my interpretation of your phrasing, I was not 
putting any words into your mouth, was I? 

Mr. FuRTEK. No. 

Mr. Flood. It is precisely what you mean? 

Mr. FuRTEK. It is perfectly correct. 

Mr. Flood. In 1943 and as of today? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Mr. Furtek, what was your ranlc? 

Mr. Furtek. Cadet officer. 

Mr. Flood. When you went to Pawhzczew Bor with this group, 
what was the next camp? 

Mr. Furtek. Griazowiec. 

Mr. Flood. When did you leave Griazowiec, about? 

Mr. Furtek. 2d or 3d of September, 1941. 

Mr. Flood. Were you advised at Griazowiec that you were going 
to be permitted to join General Anders' Polish Army? 

Mr. Furtek. I joined the Army in Griazowiec. 

Mr. Flood. You ultimately joined General Anders, served through 
the war and came to England? 

Mr. Furtek. I came to England in 1942. 

Mr. Flood. Are you testifying voluntarily? 

Mr. Furtek. Yes. 

Mr. G'Konski. May I ask a question, Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman Madden. Congressman G'Konski. 

Mr. G'Konski. These people at the camp were mostly cadet 
officers ; they were the heart of the military in Poland, were they not? 

Mr. Furtek. Do j^ou mean in Kozielsk? 

Mr. G'Konski. Yes. 

Mr. Furtek. No. 

Mr. G'Konski. What were they? 

Mr. Furtek. Mostly officers. It was only a small group of cadet 
officers because all noncommissioned officers and privates and cadet 
officers were removed from Kozielsk prior to the officers' arrival, of 
the officers from various camps. 

Mr. G'Konski. You have since seen the names of the Polish people 
who were found in the graves at Katyn; have you not? 

Mr. Furtek. Yes. 

Mr. G'Konski. As you read over that list of names, did you recog- 
nize any names that were in the Kozielsk camp at the time that j'ou 
were there? 

Mr. Furtek. I did. 

Mr. G'Konski. From the names that you saw, were those names 
among those groups of 100 to 300 that they took out periodically and 
said the}^ were going some place? 


Mr. FuRTEK. That is correct. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Ill other words, those hsts of names of the people 
that were found buried in the Kat;y7i graves were names that you 
recognized, who were in tliat camp, who were taken out in those 
groups periodically during the month of April of 1940? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is correct, sh'. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Mr. Chamnan, might I ask if this witness knows 
anything further about this, personally? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. After being searched, we were taken by lorries 
to the — well, it wasn't the marshaling yard, it was a siding of the 
Kozielsk station. There we saw a train waiting for us; about — well, 
I don't remember how man}^ cariiages, but carriages of the prison type; 
the ordinary carriage — well, it wasn't ordinary; specially built, with a 
corridor along, and small compartments. 

Chairman Madden. Railroad car? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. It had a grated door first, a steel grated door, 
and then a steel ordinary door with a small hole or opening for the 
guard to look inside. 

We were very crammed in those carriages because there was usually 
private place for 8 and in my compartment there were 24 of us. We 
were almost packed like sardines. All we got was very little bread 
and a few herrings; and, of course, we always refused to take the 
herrings because we knew of the Russian practice not to give you 
water afterward. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you see any inscriptions on these cars? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is what I am coming to. 

I was lying on the upper shelf. There Avere three shelves. You 
can unfold them and they form a platform, the fii'st platform, second 
platform; but there is no platform on the third shelf. I was lying 
on a shelf with Commander Dzienisiewicz, and then I noticed on the 
board an inscription. It might have been made — I don't Icnow if it 
was a pencil or match, or an}^ other object that could leave a black 
or grayish mark on a white-painted board. It read, as far as I 
remember now: "Two stations past" — or behind — "Smolensk, dis- 
embarking, bemg loaded on lorries"; or something of that kind. I 
remember "bemg loaded" or "entering lorries" or "being taken by 
lorries." Anyway, "Two stations behind"— or past — "Smolensk, dis- 
embarking and being taken" — or "bemg loaded — on lorries." 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of course, that was in the Polish language, is 
that right? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes; and the date might have been the 12th or 13th 
of April. 

Mr. Flood. By the date, do you mean the date was marked on there 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. 1940? 

Mr. FuRTEK. 1940, that is right. 

In our compartment was Colonel Prokop 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are you still continuing about the inscription? 

Mr. FuRTEK. I am still continuing with the inscription — ^who was 
very interested in the inscription. He said, "Well, I believe this is 
a mark left by mj^ friend with whom I arranged to leave some sign, 
if possible." 

Well, of course, I don't know whether it is true, or not. 


And he mentioned the name of Colonel Kutyba. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was there a signature to it? 

Mr. FuRTEK. No; there was no signature to it; there was only his 
assumption. It was only an assumption; it might have been him or 
it migiit have been somebody else. 

Mr. Machrowicz. At any rate, it was a Polish inscription? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. It was written in Polish, and I say it was cither 
a pencil or piece of match, or any other object that could leave a dirty 
gray mark on white paintwork. 

Chairman Madden. "Two stations behind Smolensk" would be 
where, if you know? 

Mr. Flood. You do not know that, do you? 

Mr. FuRTBK. I don't know that. 

Mr. Flood. T want to be sure about the date. What figures did 
you see on the inscription; what numbers? 

Mr. Furtek. I would say "12" or it might have been "13/4/40." 
But I am not certain whether it was "12," or "13." 

Mr. Flood. Would you mark down in writing and show to the 
chairman what you saw indicating the date? 

Mr. Furtek. Certainly [writing]. 

Air. Machrowicz. Before you go any further; in explanation of 
that, so there will not be any midunderstanding on the part of the 
committee, let me say that in the Polish language, the day of the 
month is stated first and then tbe month and then the year. 

Mr. Furtek. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. The witness has shown to the chairman the numbers, 
wi'itten in his own handwriting on a piece of paper, in the presence of 
the committee. 

Mr. Furtek. It might have been "12" or "13." 

Mr. Flood. "12" or "13"? 

Mr. Furtek. It was blurred. 

Mr. Flood. The next number is "4" and the final number is "40"; 
is that right? 

Mr. Furtek. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. The first number means which date; the "12" or "13"? 

Mr. Furtek. 12th or 13th. 

Mr. Flood. "4" means what month? 

Mr. Furtek. April. 

Mr. Flood. And "40" moans what? 

Mr. Furtek. Yi ar. 

Mi-. Flood. What vear? 

Mr. FiuiTEK. 1940." 

Ml-. O'Konski. May I ask you: Keferrhig to this arrangemtMit that 
this officer made, for someone to leave a sign or something, did you 
find the person who supposedly wrote that sign that you saw? Did 
you find his name among those bodies that were found at Katyn? 

Mr. FiHTEK. Well, I really don't rememlxM- whetl\(>r the name of 
Colonel Kutyba is on the list. 

Mr. Do.NDERO. Kuty])a was not killed, because he went out with 

Mr. FiHTEK. \o;Pr()k()]). He nuuh> the arrangement with Kutyba. 
He might have Ixmmi the man who made the sigti. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What was Kutyl)a's (irst name? 

Mr. FruTEK. 1 couldn't tell you, sir. 


Mr. Flood. I now show the witness a document, wliieh is the list 
of names of the Pohsh officers discovered at Katyn. The document 
has already been placed in evidence in the hearings thus far conducted 
in the United States. I direct the attention of the witness to page 94 
of said document, and especially to that part of page 94 where is 
found, third from the bottom, the name of Jozef Kutyba and ask the 
witness if that is the spelling or the pronunciation of the name Kutyba 
that he mentioned in his previous testimony thi mornin ? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did Colonel Prokop tell vou what rank Kutvba 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat was his rank? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Colonel. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What rank appears in that list? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Lieutenant colonel. 

Mr. Machrowicz. So it is the same rank. 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes; because we don't distinguish in Polish whether 
it is colonel or lieutenant colonel. 

Mr. Flood. It is the practice in the Polish Army, as in all armies, 
to refer to a lieutenant colonel, by courtesy, as colonel? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Do you know anything more about this, personally? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. The train that we entrained in Kozielsk con- 
sisted of several carriages— there might have been up to five — and 
after we entrained, another group was brought into the station, and 
they were put in the remaining carriages. But we lost those car- 
riages somewhere on the way; where, I don't know. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you see any other inscriptions besides the 
one that you described? 

Mr. FuRTEK. I personall}^ didn't. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was there anyone in your group who reported 
to you any other inscriptions that they saw? 

Air. FuRTEK. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What were they? Just tell us briefly: Were 
there any other inscriptions that were found by others in the group, 
in 3^our group? 

Air. FuRTEK. Yes. Before we entrained, everybody was called 
out by name. We all had to kneel down. Then we were called out, 
our were called out. We answered "Yes" and then we were 
taken and put in a compartm.ent. And while we were waiting, in 
front of carriages, one of our men, whose name was Lieutenant Abram- 
ski, had noticed an inscription on the outside wall of the carriage, 
"Gniezdowo." And he pointed it to Dr. Skotlewski, the dental 
surgeon, and said something to this efTect: "Look, we are going to 
Gniezdowo." And that was heard by the Russian guard — we were 
surrounded by the guards — and he said — ■ — 

(The witness made a statement in his native tongue.) 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness, Mr. Chairman, has quoted in Polish, 
the guard, who spoke in Russian, as saying "they found out." 

Air. FuRTEK. Yes. And then he said, "How did you find it out?" 
And he was cross with said, "Well, it's simple. Look." And he pointed to the 
inscription on the carriage. That was the end of the incident. 

93744— 52— pt. 4 2 


Afr. Machrowicz. Where is Gniezdowo? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Well, I am not very good at geography, but 
Gniezdowo is the station for Katyn, as far as I remember. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. The last station before Katyn, actually. 

Mr. DoNDERO. When you speak of the carriage you mean a railroad 
car, do you? 

Mr, FuRTEK. Yes, railroad car. 

Mr. Flood. Were you present, waiting to get aboard yourself? 
Did you hear the conversation? 

Mr. FuRTEK. I didn't hear the conversation. 

Mr. Flood. Was it subsequently reported by one of your group? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes; by a friend of mine. Madden. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Do you know the man who told you that? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes, I do. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Is he here in London? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes, he is in London. I can give you his telephone 
number and address. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I have just one other question. Did you see 
any of your com.rades of those groups that preceded you on these 
trips in the cars, after they left your cam.p? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Never. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know of any in your group that ever 
saw any of them? 

Mr. FuRTEK. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In other words, that was the last time? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes, that was the last; that is right. I received two 
post cards while I was in the army, from the families of men who were 
missing, asking me to help them in tracing them. 

Mr. PucKiNSKi. Mr. Furtek, what is that man's name? 

Mr. Furtek. Skotlewski. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you know his first name? 

Mr. Furtek. Czeslaw. 

Mr. Flood. I think the record should show that during the course 
of the hearings in Washington and Chicago, a member of this com- 
mittee, the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Furcolo, repeatedly 
directed interrogations to other witnesses who were in Kozielsk as 
to whether or not they knew of the witness who is now testifying, by 
name and in person. 

Chairman Madden. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Dondero. No questions. 

Chairman Madden. Mr. Furtek, from your experiences in the 
prison camp at Kozielsk and from the further testimony that you have 
outlined here, of your experiences and the statements which you heard 
made by your comrades and by Russian guards, would you be in a 
position to state your opinion as to who was responsible for the 
murders at Katyn? You can answer that yes or no. 

Mr. Furtek. Yes, of course, I can answer that. 

Chairman Madden. Wlio, would you say, was responsible and com- 
mitted the massacres at Katyn? 

Mr. Furtek. Well, my personal and private opinion is that the 
murder was done by the Russians. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. May I ask one more question, Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman Madden. Proceed. 


Mr. O'KoNSKi. You have since seen descriptions of these bodies 
and the clothing that they wore when they were dug out of the graves 
at Katyn, have you not? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is right. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. To your recollection, is that the way those people 
left the camp, dressed as they were found in the graves, with over- 
coats on, boots? 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is precisely the case. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, the way they were found in the 
gi-aves is exactly the way you saw them leaving the camp; is that 

Mr. FuRTEK. That is correct. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In April of 1940? 

Mr. FuRTEK. Yes. Because you must remember the climate 
should be taken into consideration. April in that part of Russia is 
quite a chilly and cold month. 

Chairman Madden. Mr. Furtek, we wish to thank you for coming 
here and offering your testimony. 

Let me ask you this: You have not been promised any remuneration 
in any way, have you? 

Mr. Furtek. I never expected it, sir. 

Chairman Madden. The witness is excused. 


Just state your name for the record. 

Mr. W. I will state my name but not for publication, because I 
have relatives in Poland. 

(The witness stated his name for the information of the committee.) 

Chairman Madden. I might state, for the record, that this witness, 
for the reason that he has relatives in Poland, wishes that his name 
be not recorded. However, for the record, I can state that the 
members of the committee have the name and address of the witness 
about to testif}^, and he will be referred to in the record as Mr. W., 
in accordance with his suggestion. 

Let me state, sir, that before you make your statement, it is our 
wish to advise you that any testhnony that you may make that 
possibly might be interpreted by somebody as libel or slander will be 
your responsibility; that you will be responsible for any statements 
of that kind that might develop into legal action against yourself, 
and, further, that the Government of the United States and the 
House of Representatives does not assume any responsibility in your 
behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings that may arise as 
a result of your testimony. 

Mr. W. I am aware of that. 

Chairman Madden. Now, will you be sworn? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you give in the hearing 
now in trial will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help vou God? 

Mr. W. I do. 

Chairman ]Maddex. I will say this, Mr. Witness: I would suggest 
that, if you can, you just narrate j^our statement very briefly and 
confine it to what you know regarding the Katyn massacre. It will 
aid the committee in conducting this hearing and help to dispose, in 


better time, of the testimony of the great number of witnesses we 
expect to liear, 

Mr. W. Yes, sir. 

I had been brought to the Koziolsk camp in the first davs of Novem- 
ber 1989. Later, I worked in the kitchen as a stoker, and I saw quite 
often, in the course of my duties, tlie Russian staff of the camp, both 
the administration of the camp and the civihans. When the dis- 
charging of the camp commenced on the 3d of April, and even before 

Mr. DoNDERO. Wliat year? 

Mr. W. 1940. 

There were plenty of rumors about our future. It was obvious 
that because of congestion and the lack of sanitary amenities, we 
couldn't stay longer than just the first months in the spring, otherwise 
we would have been killed by epidemics and other things. One 
rumor had it that we would go to Germany. The second was that 
we would go to Poland, and the third rumor was that we would be 
simply transferred to another camp, in Russia. 

These rumors, of course, were the result of the talks of the prisoners 
themselves, but those talks were made quite often in the front of the 
Soviet administration of the camp. 

The direction of the Soviet administration, I may mention here an 
Urbanowicz, who was the head of our economic department, I would 

Mr. Machrowicz. What do you mean by "our economic depart- 

Mr. W. I mean the camp's department. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He was a prisoner, though, was he? 

Mr. W. No. Urbanowicz was a member of the Soviet staff, and 
he just was responsible for our feeding, for our food. Wlien we 
mentioned to him, we were seeking repudiation of those rumors, or 
his approval. They were various; they varied from time to time. 
He never denied anything, but he never confirmed anything, either. 

But I can remember that there was a talk that, ''Oh, you will be 
welcomed by bands and you will go home." That is definitely what 
I remember of those Soviet staffs saying about our future. 

When those batches of officers and other ranks and civilians were 
moving, they were given food for their journey. The instructions 
were to the effect — as I was in the kitcheji, stoker — we noticed that 
the instructions were various. Some batclu>s got Ix'tter food or more 
plentiful, some not. And we simply could not make any idea where 
those ])]"isoners were goine:. When we were l()()kiu<i' from the iiiside of 
the camp, thei'e was a hill in the camp. \Ve coulchrt see more, only 
that the pi'isoners, when taken out of the wall of the camp, wer(> taken 
l)y lorry and that was all. No news whatsoever returned back from 

Once we understood that there was a careful search of all of them 
leaving the camp, but we had no idea whatsoever whether we were 
going to Turkey or to Germany or to another cami). 

On the 26th of April my name was called, and I took my things. 

Chairman Maddkn. 1940? 

Afr. W. 1940, of com-se. 

On the 20111 of April 1940 I took my things. T joined the party. 
We were 107. The senior officer, I could see, was (Jeneral Wolkowicki. 


We were given food and then we were taken out to tlie little hut which 
was at the entrance of the wall. A search of all of us was made. I 
mean we had to take off our shoes. We were to give up all sharp 
weapons. But still I managed to hide my knife in the tooth powder. 
I had a box of tooth powder and I managed to put m.y knife into the 
powder, and it went like that, the search did not notice it. 

After the search we were taken to a lorry in a very bad congestion, 
and under the threats of the guards, who pointed to us their guns, we 
had to kneel or sit in the lorry whether w^e could or not. We were 
taken to a railway siding, and when we were approaching that siding, 
I remarked I noticed two railroad carriages, but prison carriages. 

This was the first time that we were carried in those carriages having 
the bars on their ^^^ndows; before, we used to travel in cattle trucks, 
which was maich n^ore comfortable. 

I was put in a com.partment with some other officers. We were 
15 or 16 in a compartm.ent which usually is used for 8 persons. Being 
one of the youngest, I was put on the shelf. There were two levels 
of the shelves, one being, in this case, three seats to one shelf, and the 
second shelf, which was quite on the top of the carriage. And I 
couldn't sit there even; I had to crouch or to lay. 

^Vlien I was laying there I noticed that there were various inscrip- 
tions on the roof of the coach — some in pencil, some definitely with 
the nail. I could read some Christian names; but I don't remember 

Mr. Machrowicz. When j^ou say nail, you mean fingernail do you? 

Mr. W. Yes; because the nails were supposed to be taken away. 

I remember very well that there was an inscription saying- "Dis- 
embarking at Gniezdowo." It was in Polish, "Disembarking at rail- 
way station, Gniezdowo." It was written in pencil and it was — I still 
can see — in a corner of the right-hand shelf, where I was lying. 

Mr. DoNDERO. How old are you now? 

Mr. W. I am now 89. 

The voyage was not very pleasant because we had in our compart- 
ment at least two men who were known for their Communist activities 
in the camps. One of them, by the way, was my colleague from the 
Army, a cadet officer, as I was, Kukulienski. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Pardon me, Mr. Witness; you have not told us 
what your rank was when you were taken prisoner. 

Mr. W. I was a cadet officer. 

And practically the whole time we were discussing and nearly 
worrying about our futiu-e and about oiu' attitude toward the politics, 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do a^ou know what happened to Kukulienski 

Mr. W. He w^s taken to Moscow with Berling. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you mean Colonel Berling, who later became 
a part of the puppet government in Poland? 

Mr. W. That is right. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And he is still there, as far as you know? 

Mr. W, Yes. 

Kukulienski went with him. Because I was in the same regiment 
with Berling before 1939, and Kukulienski kept company with 
Berling, and they went together to that villa. 

We traveled for about 2 days, I remember that we had passed a 
railroad station, Sukennice, and I remember that in the morning we 


stopped at a station. We were tired and we didn't pay too much 
attention. I remember it was a nice day, and suddenly Colonel 
Maramaja exclaimed that the station was Babenino and that a camp 
was nearby called Pawlizczew Bor. 

After several hours we were taken out of the railway carriages. We 
were put on the lorries. We traveled in the countryside for 2 hours 
also and were put in the camp called Pawlizczew Bor. Several days 
later we were joined by a group of 63 officers, candidate officers, and 
civilians, I thinlv, who came from Starobielsk. 

I remember those figures very well because I was still in the kitchen 
and I had to make the appropriate number of meals. 

Then after, we were joined by a smaller group from Ostashkov and 
other groups, making up to nearly 400 people. We still believed then 
that all our colleagues were sent to another camp as we were, and as 
the accommodation was better, we thought that it was done in view 
of the difficulties at Kozielsk. And I must say that we were rather 
hopeful, as far as the near future was concerned. 

After several weeks we were told that we would move out of that 
camp, and I remember a Mr. Lacinski, with whom we became friendly, 
and who was from Kozielsk, as myself. This Mr. Lacinski, having told 
me that our Politruk, Alexandrovitch, assured him that we were going 
to another camp, bigger in size, more comfortable, as far as accommo- 
dation was concerned, and having a river. 

Air. Flood. By Politruk do you mean the Russian political com- 

Mr. W. Alexandrovitch; who was at Kozielsk and then also, after, 
came to Griazowiec. 

And we were indeed once again put in the railway coaches, the 
same prison wagons, and this time the trouble was rather uneventful 
because we felt sure we had — the first time we had confidence that 
at last the Bolsheviks told us the truth and were sm-e that we were 
going to another camp. And this became truth; in June we were 
transferred to Griazowiec. 

Mr. DoNDERO. In June 1940? 

Mr. W. June 1940. I remember that it was about the 18th because 
the news of the collapse of France caught us when we were on truck. 

Mr. Flood. After you left Griazowiec, you later on were permitted 
to join the Polish Ai'my, and you did and you joined General Anders 
some place, and ultimately, after the war, you came here; is that 

Mr. W. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. You mentioned in your testimony that when you were 
in this prison car, you saw written on the roof of the car, or some place 
on the car, somehow or other, certain words. Will you write down 
what those words were that you saw, in Polish? 

Mr. W. Yes, sir. 

(The witness wrote on a blank sheet of paper.) 

Mr. Flood. The witness has wi-itten certain words on a blank 
piece of paper, and wo will ask the interpreter to read into the record 
the Polish wording and translate it. 

Chairman Madden. Read the Polish. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. "Wysiadamy na stacji Gniezdowo." 

The translation is: "We are getthig off at the station in Gniezdowo." 

Mr. Flood. Is that correct, Mr. Witness? 


Mr. W. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Did you see any dates, that you remember? 

Mr. W. I don't remember any dates, but the whole roof — there 
were so many inscriptions. And, as a matter of fact, we did not 
realize then, as there was nothing which would give us some guidance 
or any specific news 

Mr. Flood. But you remember this language in particular? 

Mr. W. This language I remember very clearly. 

Mr. Flood. Do you remember any other words or plirases just as 

Mr. W. No, sir. I remember they were Christian names, but I 
wouldn't remember whether it was a Janek or whatever it was. 

Mr. Flood. You saw dates but are not sure? 

Mr. W. No; I didn't. 

Mr. Flood. The reason it had significance at the time and you were 
interested in this was because you were interested in the station your- 
self; is that about right, is that it? 

Mr. W. As a matter of fact, we were even expecting, when we were 
put on the railway, that we would join at least some of our previous 
transport at the place of destination. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever see any of the prisoners who were with 
you at Kozielsk, who left Kozielsk with you; to this date, have you 
seen them since? 

Mr. W. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Do you know of anybody who ever did? 

Mr. W. No; I don't know of anybody who did. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. When was the first time you heard about them 

Mr. "W. Only after the Germans had broadcast the news of the 
Kattyn Forest in 1943. 

Mr. Flood. And when you saw the list? 

Mr. W. When I saw some of the names. I remember very well the 
name of General Smorawinski, which was one of the first to be given, 
because I remember very well the moment how General Smorawinski 
was leaving Kozielsk. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, you knew the people who left the 

Mr. W. Yes, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. And when you saw the list of people who were 
found in the Katyn graves, you recognized them as being the same 
people who left at that time? 

Mr. W. Yes, sir; I did. 

Mr. Flood. You were there the early part of November of 1939? 

Mr. W. 1939. 

Mr. Flood. What part of the month, about? 

Mr. W. The 1st or the 2d of November it was. 

Mr. Flood. You were there in the very early days of the establish- 
ment of the Kozielsk camp? 

Mr. W. Yes, su". 

Mr. Flood. Were you working in the kitchen all the time? 

Mr. W. Not all the tune 

Mr. Flood. Most of the time until you left in April? 

Mr. W. Yes. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Mr. Witness, in the light of what you now know 
as to the fate of some of your comrades at Kozielsk, do you have any 
explanation in your owti mind as to why you were spared their fate? 

Mr. W. No, sir. That is what always puzzled me when the fate 
of those other colleagues had become known. I can't remember of any 
specific moment during my interrogations in the camp. I remember 
only that my last interrogation at Kozielsk camp was carried out by 
a woman, and I had just a conventional conversation with her. The 
interrogation made an impression on me that it was just a routine 
one, that they didn't try to find out something new out of me. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You were one of the j^ounger ofhcers, were you? 

Mr. W. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was there anything particular about the people 
that were with you; were they all younger officers? 

Mr. W. There was no rule in accordance with which we could make 
a guidance that, for instance, there Vv^^ere just people coming from one 
part of Poland or one regiment, one service, or whatever it might be, 
whether they were blond or brunette. It was absolutely impossible 
to find any principle in accordance of which this choice of 107 people 
was made. 

Air. O'KoxsKi. Did you see these boys leave the camp? As these 
groups left the camp, did you see them as they were dressed? 

Mr. W. Yes, sir. They were dressed in the dress we usually had. 
Nobody had — ^I don't think there were lucky people who had more 
than one dress, which they were wearing on them. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. There is no disagreement between the Germans 
and the Polish people as to how these soldiers were dressed when 
they were found in the graves. You have read the descriptions, 
have you not, about how these bodies were dressed that were found 
in the graves? 

Mr. W. Yes, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Is that the way you saw them leave the camp? 

Mr. W. It is perfectly clear. And I may say that during Kozielsk, 
our stay in Kozielsk, all badges of rank were very carefully preserved. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Were they dressed in their uniforms of Polish 

Mr. W. Yes; because I say when we were later in Griazowiec, 
we didn't care so much for the badges. I mean oin- dress was being 
worn out and, obviously, we couldn't replace the badges or something 
like that; so it was the custom not to wear badges if one could have 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did they wear shoes, or boots? 

Mr. W. It depended. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You are speaking now about Griazowiec; but 
what was the state of yoiu' uniform at Kozielsk? 

Mr. W. It was in a fairly good condition I mean that some of the 
officers who had received the new uniforms, they were still wearing 
them and they were hi a fairly good condition, because we were very 
careful about preservuig our dress. I remenil)er how we used to 
conserve and preserve our shoes, for instance, that we shined, to get 
some fat and to preserve, to put the fat on the shoes so that they would 
last longer, because we were well aware that we may not easily get 
new shoes. 

Chairman Madden. Any further questions? 


Mr. W. I have something more to add then. After we have been 
in Griazowiec, and when we were allowed to write to our families in 
Poland, which I did sometime in August 1940, among other replies 
to my letters I received one from one of my sisters, and one of the 
paragraphs of that letter read like this: "When you were in Kozielsk 
there was a cadet officer of the name" so-and-so — the name was given 
but I cannot remember now what the name was. "This cadet officer 
is the fiancee of a good friend of mine. Could you ask him to write 
to his fiancee because she is much worried about the lack of news 
from him." I wrote back saying: "Unfortunately this cadet officer 
is not with me, but I am convmced that he must be in one of the 
camps like ours, and I am sure he will write soon to his fiancee." 

Chairman Madden. Is there anything further now? 

Mr. W. I should like to emphasize the difference between when 
we were leaving Kozielsk and when we were leaving Pawlizczew Bor. 
As I said before, there were many rumors as far as our near future 
was concerned; and the Bolsheviks, who never told us the truth 
were keeping us in an atmosphere of uncertainty, and of never know- 
ing the truth. They kept the destination of Kozielsk perfectly in 
that atmosphere. They let us have our explanation, and they were 
sometimes only stirring up our imagination; whereas when we were 
leaving Pawlizczew Bor, through this Lacinski^ — who was, I would 
say, on speaking terms with this Alexandrovicz — we got the assur- 
ance and we got clear-cut information: "You are going to another 
camp, and you will be much better oft' there." That is the only time 
I can remember that the Bolsheviks told us the truth. 

Chairman Madden. Is there anything further regarding the mas- 

Mr. W. Maybe jou have some questions? 

Chairman AIadden. That is all. Now considering your experience 
as a prisoner in these camps and all the extenuating circumstances, 
would you be in a position to state your personal opinion as to who 
committed the massacres at Katvn? 

Mr. W. In my owai mind, and from the best of my knowledge of all 
the facts which were accompanying my 2% years in Russia, and all 
the circmnstances, for me there was no doubt that those people dis- 
appeared in April and May 1940 directly after they had been taken 
out of Kozielsk, and that the first time when we realized it was 
October in 1941. 

Chairman Madden. Who did it? 

Mr. W. The Russians. 

Chairman Madden. That is all. We wish to thank you for coming 
here to testify toda3^ There has been nobody make any promises to 
you regarding any recompense or emoluments for coming here to 
testify, is there? 

Air, W. No, sh. I would say that against many difficulties when 
I have been trying to point to this aft'air in 1943, when I was in the 
Middle East, it was rather unpleasant to speak about this. 

Chairman Madden. That is all. We wish to thank you. 

I might state for the record that the witness now to be heard has 
relatives behind the iron curtain and prefers that his name be con- 
cealed from publicity ; but the committee has his name and address and 
are familiar with his authenticity. For the pm-pose of the record this 
witness will be identified as witness Mr. A. Proceed, 



Mr. PuciNSKi. This witness has indicated that because of liis 
language difficulties he would like to have a translator. He also 
desires liis identity be concealed because of relatives in Poland. 

Mr. Flood. May I say for the record, in order that all witnesses 
have very clear understanding of the warnings that are being presented 
to them by the chairman of this committee, I think that in all cases 
the identical language should be read to each witness either by the 
chairman or by a representative of the committee, so that in all cases 
of witnesses the identical warning is the same on the record. Mr. 
Pucinski, will you read to the witness in Polish the translation of the 
warning that we give? Mr. Stenographer, take this on the record. 
This is the admonition to the witness. Before you make a statement, 
it is our wish that you ba advised that you would run the risk of 
action in the courts by anyone who considered he had suffered injury. 
At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the Government 
of the United States and the House of Representatives do not assume 
any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander 
proceedings which may arise as the result of the testimony. 

Mr. Pucinski. The witness states that he understands that clearly. 

Chairman Madden. Have him sworn. You solemnly swear by 
Almighty God that you will, according to your best knowledge, tell 
the pure truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, and will not 
conceal anytliing? 

Mr. A. Yes, sir. 

Chairman Madden. Now j^ou might state to the witness that he 
can proceed and tell just what he knows regarding the Katyn mas- 
sacres in liis own words. Since the witness indicated he doesn't want 
his name revealed, we will refer to him as Witness A even though 
his full identity is known to the committee. 

Mr. A. I arrived at the camp at Starobielsk on October 11 with a 
group of other Poles consisting of a few thousand. 

Chairman IVIadden. In what year? 

Mr. A. 1939 — from Woloczyska. These were primarily Polish 
officers who had capitulated in Lwow according to an agreement 
reached between General Langner, of the Polish Army, and the 
Russian Marshal Timoshenko. I was merely attached to this trans- 

Mr. Flood. In what capacity, in what rank? 

Mr. A. I was wounded and became a Russian prisoner on October 1. 

Mr. Flood. What was yoiu* rank? 

Mr. A. I was a major. I remained at Starobielsk from October 
11, 1939, until April 25, 1940. During that time there was a con- 
stant procedure of segregating the officers at the camp through long 
examinations by NKVD officers from Moscow. They were selecting 
officers from the military police, officers from the border guard, officers 
from the vSecond Division, also chaplains of all faiths, judges and 
prosecutors. The interrogations and selectivity of these men lasted 
until December 1939. 

These specially selected officers were removed from the camp to an 
imknown destination, but the interrogations continued without end 


until the end of January. In February we began to hear rumors 
that we would be removed from this camp to Germany according to 
a Russian-German agreement. In March we heard another rumor 
which was started by the Russian authorities that we will be taken 
into a neutral country, and on April 5 large-scale evacuation of the 
camp began. The first transport left on April 5. The evacuation 
proceeded in a very systematic manner in groups ranging from 250 
to 360 officers, who wei-e loaded into specially prepared prison rail 
cars consisting in man}' instances of 37 cars. There were 75 men to 
a car. (The witness corrected the translation to indicate that there 
were two or three prison rail cars to each train and there were up to 
75 prisoners in each car.) Before our departure there was a very 
rigid inspection of the men. We were given bread and herring for 
the road. So our fi'iends concealed various personal items including 
notes and knives — particularly knives, because knives were always 
very important- — in between the bread and the herrings. At the 
gates before we left^I noticed personally how the prison guards took 
away the bread and the herring from these men and gave them another 
piece of bread and herring. On April 25 I was summoned to a 
transport along with 65 others. From this group one other member 
had left by a previous transport, and another one was very seriously 
ilL So that day there were 63 of us who actually went to the railroad 
station. They were three-tier rail cars and I sat on the third tier. 
I noticed an inscription: "We are being removed or unloaded in 
Kharkov." The inscriptions were written in pencil on the ceilings 
of the cars and on the walls. We, however, passed Kharkov and, 
by way of Orzel and the city of Zuchenice, we were brought to the 
railroad station at Babanino on May 1. From there, in two trucks 
we were taken to a camp at Pavlishchev Bor. There we met our 
comrades from Kozielsk and Ostashkov. W^e were very much sur- 
prised. I say particularly surprised, because this was a very small 
camp, in comparison, for instance, to Starobielsk, where there were 
4,000 of us. During the period of just a few days there arrived at 
this camp approximately 400 of us from these three camps. I pre- 
pared a list of those who survived from those three camps. I am 
presenting this list to the committee. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. By "the camps," he means that tJhose people came 
from Starobielsk, from Kozielsk, and from Ostashkov? 

Mr. A. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. The witness has presented to the committee a docu- 
ment and I will ask to have this marked as "Exhibit 2" by the stenog- 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit 2"). 

I now show the witness exhibit 2 and ask him, is it true, as he 
stated, that this exhibit 2 is a list of the names of the fellow prisoners 
of the witness from the tliree camps of Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and 
Ostashkov, at Pavlishchev Bor with him, and he made the list of these 
names at Pavlishchev Bor? 

Mr. A. This list I had prepared at Cairo, but it does represent the 
400 men who did come from the three camps that you named. 

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Mr. Flood. The exhibit wOl speak for itself. The first page of 
the exliibit indicates that what the witness has said is correct; but the 
point 1 want to make is that exhibit 2, which we are about to introduce 
on the record is a hst of names of the survivors who were at Pavhshchev 
Bor and Griazowiec with this witness and who came from tlie tliree 
camps we have mentioned; is that correct? 

Mr. A. That is correct. Notations on that hst were made by 
General Wolkowicki. 

Mr. Flood. You prepared this list yourself and were associated in 
its preparation and notation by others; is that correct? 

Mr. A. No; I prepared this list personally, but I took advantage of 
the notes that had been made by General Wolkowicki. 

Air. Flood. A translation of the first page of exhibit 2, which is 
written in Polish, confirms the statement the witness has just made. 
Now, in order to save time, I want to get this information from this 
witness thi'ough the interpreter. Ask the witness: he has heard of the 
Katyn massacre? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. He knew that there were some 4,000 Polish officers at 

Mr. A. There were more than 4,000. 

Mr. Flood. He knows that there were some 4,000 bodies discovered 
at Katyn? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. For the purpose of this discussion we will not use 
exact and precise figures, which the record already has. 

Mr. A. Yes, sir. 

Air. Flood. Has the witness heard or read at any time — and you 
can tell him that we have evidence which supports these statements — 
that the prisoners in batches being taken from Kozielsk were taken 
in the same kind of cars that his batch were taken from at Starobielsk? 

Mr. A. The same kind of cars were used at Starobielsk. 

Mr. Flood. Has the witness heard or read in any accounts or con- 
versations he has had in connection with Katyn that the same kind of 
writings that he told us lie saw on the prison cars which took him from 
Starobielsk, only using dift"erent destinations, were found on the roofs 
of the prison cars transporting the prisoners from Kozielsk? 

Mr. A. TMien we arrived from these three camps at Pavlishchev 
Bor we began to discuss our respective trips and exchange our obser- 
vations on those trips. 

Mr. Flood. As the result of the conversations had at Pavlishchev 
Bor and Woloczysko with prisoners from Kozielsk and Ostashkov, 
this witness found out that similar writings were on other prison cars 
from the other camps? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Air. Flood. I am interested now only in the wi-itings on the cars 
that the witness saw from Starobielsk. Will j^ou ask the witness to 
write down on a piece of paper what he saw on the car leaving Staro- 
bielsk. The witness, in the presence of the committee, wrote the fol- 
lowing on a piece of paper, and we will ask the interpreter to read the 
Polish on to the record and then translate it into the record. 

The Interpreter. The Polish is as follows: "Wysadzono nas w 
charkowie". The translation is: "We are being unloaded at Ivharkov." 
Mr. Flood, I think I want to point out here that the wording of the 


English translation is almost identical and similar to the translation 
of the previous witness. 

Mr. Flood. That does not make any difference. I am only in- 
terested in what the words were. The words will speak for them- 
selves. Mr. Chairman, I have pursued this last line of questioning 
for this purpose: in the entire investigations that have been made by 
this committee nnd other committees heretofore with reference to the- 
fate of Polish ^nilitary and civilian prisoners of various categories at 
the Russian pri on camps at Kozielsk and so on, there is considerable 
evidence as to the fate of the prisoners at Kozielsk. There is little^ 
if any, evidence as to the fate of the prisoners who have not yet been 
discovered alive from the camps at Starobielsk or Ostashkov. I 
would like the attention of the committee to the following analogy: 
we have quite a good deal of testimony describing certain writings- 
found upon the prison cars taking the Polish prisoners from the camp 
at Kozielsk. Those writings indicate that those prison cars were 
stopped at and the prisoners unloaded from the cars at the railroad 
station for the town of Katyn, and it was the practice of prisoners in 
these cases and in many others to leave those writings as information 
for their friends who might follow. It is clear from the testimony 
that the prisoners taken from Kozielsk on these prison care were later 
disposed of at Katyn. Since so far we have no evidence of what 
happened to the missing prisoners from Starobielsk, it is interesting to 
observe that the prisoners from the camp of Starobielsk were taken 
from the same in about the same number of batches with about the 
same number of prisoners to a batch; were inspected in the same way 
that they were at Kozielsk; were placed in the same kind of cars that 
the prisoners in Kozielsk were placed in and were transported follow- 
ing the same series of rumors as to destinations that were experienced 
by the prisoners at Kozielsk. This witness describes the marking on a 
car which says that the prisoners taken from Starobielsk were being 
disembarked at the station of Kharkov. I suggest that it is a perfect 
analogy to indicate that the prisoners from Starobielsk were disposed 
of in the vicinity of Kharkov in the same manner that the prisoners 
from Kozielsk were disposed of in the vicinity of the railroad stations 
mentioned by witnesses from the Kozielsk camp, namely. Gniezdovo. 
If it is so, that the guilty party of this case was Soviet Russia, this per- 
mits the theory that special execution depots were set up for various 
geographic areas for the disposal of prisoners from camps within that 
area, and that at sometime or other, if the circumstances would ever 
permit an investigation of the area geographically suiTOunding 
Kharkov as took place surrounding Katyn, it could conceivably pro- 
duce the answer as to the fate of the missing officers from Starobielsk. 

Do I understand you to say you have some other comments to make 
in connection with Kharkov? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you tell us what that is? 

Mr. A. After we arrived at Kharkov, our train car was not dis- 
connected from the train, but a porter came by and he began cleaning 
out our car. I began a discussion with him and asked him, "Are we 
going to proceed further?" He replied in Russian, "Your people 
previously had been unloaded here." 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Chairman, I have been advised by the interpreter 
that this witness has some additional testimony having to do with his- 


l)eing taken subsequently by the Russians to Moscow to a place 
known as Villa of Bliss. I am advised and have been presented with 
certain documents purporting to be statements heretofore made by 
the witness to authorized representatives of the so-called London 
Polish Government. These are in Polish and should later be trans- 
lated. I am advised that there is present the custodian of these 
documents of the so-called Polish London Government who is prepared 
to identify them. Will you mark for identification these two docu- 
ments Nos. 3 and 4. 

(The documents referred to were marked by the stenographer 
'"Exliibit 3" and "Exhibit 4".) 

I now show the witness exliibits 3 and 4 and ask him whether or 
not these are statements which he gave to authorized representatives 
of the so-called London Polish Government. 

(The witness examined exhibits 3 and 4.) 

Mr. Machrowicz. He does not have to read it all; just identify it. 

The Interpreter. The witness says exliibit 4 is a proper document 
and a report made by him. 

Mr. Flood. The answer is "Yes"? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Yes, the exhibit 3 is his own personal document. 

Mr. Machrowicz. The witness states that it is his own personal 
account of what happened to him when he was in Russian hands? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you ask the witness to step down for a minute, 
and ask the other man to take the chair. 

(NoTE.^ — ^Exhibits 3 and 4 later were withdrawn from the record 
^vhen exhibits 5 and 6, photostatic copies of exhibits 3 and 4 were 
introduced at the conclusion of this witness's testimony.) 


Mr. Flood. Air. Chau-man, this witness is being called solely, I 
think, to identify the custody of the documents which we have been 

Mr. LuNKiEwicz. I am not a witness; I am rather an expert. 

Chairman Madden. You soiemnlj^ swear by Almighty God that you 
will, according to your best knowledge, tell the pure truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth and will not conceal anything? 

Mr. LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Have you been and are you identified with the so-called 
XiOndon Polish Government in any way? 

Mr. LuNKiEwicz. Yes; I am in the service of the Polish London 
Government in London. 

Mr. Flood. I now show you exhibits Nos. 3 and 4 which you have 
just heard identified and discussed by the witness who has just 
stepped from the stand. Is that correct? 

Mr. LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you identify these as having been handed by you 
to me? 

Mr. LuNKiEwicz. Yes; I do. These exhibits are in my custody for 
many years. 

Mr. Flood. As a representative of the Polish Government, exhibits 
H and 4 have been in yoiu- custody until such time as you presented 
them to me this morning; is that correct? 


Mr. LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. That is all; thank you; step down. Now will Mr. A. 
step back into the chair. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Now, Witness, sometime in October^l940 were 
you taken from Griazowiec to Moscow? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How large a group was there with you? Were 
there seven of you? 

Mr. A. Just 1 second and I will give you the answer. [The witness 
looked at documents.] There were seven. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were those all high-ranking officers? 

Mr. A. One colonel, four lieutenant colonels, one major. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were not there two colonels? 

Mr. A. And one more colonel. 

Mr. IVIachrowicz. Two colonels, four lieutenant colonels, and 
j^ourself, the major — the lowest ranking officer? 

Mr. A. Yes; I was. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And, without going into detail as to the others 
who were there, one of those in that group was the Colonel Z^^gmunt 
Berlmg of whom we have heard testimony; am I right? 

Mr. A. That is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. From what you later learned, is it true that this 
group of officers of which you were a member was to be made the 
nucleus of the officers of the new Polish Army; is that correct? 

Mr. A. It is. That was true; that was the purpose of this group; 
but shortly thereafter some of the members of this group began to 
drop out. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But the purpose, as you later understood, of 
having transported this group of seven to Moscow was to create the 
nucleus of a new Polish Army? 

Air. A. That is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. After you arrived in Moscow, did you per- 
sonally participate in any discussions with any high ranking Russian 
officers, and, if so, with whom? 

Air. A. The first discussion I had was at Butelka, which was a gaol, 
and there I spoke to a high Russian NKVD officer. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you remember his name? 

Mr. A. His name was Jegorow. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What was your conversation with him? 

Mr. A. He merely took a deposition as to my background. 

Air. AIachrowicz. In the course of the discussion did he attempt 
to find out whether or not you had any political affiliations? 

Mr. A. No; they did not talk to me on that subject. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Subsequent to that did you have any conver- 
sations M^ith any other high ranking Russian officers? 

Mr. A. After we were transferred from the prison at Butelka to 
the prison called Lubianka 

Air. AIachrowicz What happened at Lubianka? 

Mr. A. First they interrogated the oldest officers. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Before we go into that, do you speak Russian? 

Mr. A. Yes. 


Mr. AIachrowicz. And when you refer to conversations, either to 
those to which you have ah'cady referred or those which you will 
discuss in the future, in what language were those discussions? 

Air. A. They talked to us only in Russian. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You were talking about the conversations 
between the high-ranking officers and NKVD officers; is that correct? 

Mr. A. I talked with only two of them — Jegorow and Mirkulow. 

Mr. Machrowicz. \\lien did you talk to \Iirkulow? 

Mr. A. I talked to Mirkulow during the latter part of October. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Who was Mirkulow? 

Mr. A. He introduced himself to me as the Minister of the Security 
of the Interior — State Security. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In this discussion this committee is particularly 
interested in what had been said in relation to the officers who were 
killed at Katyn. 

Mr. A. Yes; I understand that. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you tell us whether, in the course of your 
discussion with Mirkulow, anything was said about the fate of the 
lost ofP.cers? 

Mr. A. First I must tell you the discussion with Beria. 

Mr. Machrowicz. There was a discussion with Beria in which you 
did not participate; is that correct? 

Mr. A. No, I did not, but I was told immediately about it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. We will get to that later; t will get to that 
point of the discussions with Beria, but I want first to find out what 
your personal discussions with Mirkulow were. 

Mr. A. At these discussions with Mirkulow there was present 
another Russian officer, who did not introduce himself to me, but who 
I believe vvas named Raichman. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat was your discussion with these last 

Mr. A. He asked m.e if I could com.m.and an artillery brigade. I 
told him "Yes." I told liim that the number of cannon in a brigade 
like that of artillery would not make too much difference to me; but 
I asked liim "From where will we get other officers, since there are 
no artillery officers in Griazowiec." I asked him. if we could not get 
any Polish officers from either Starobielsk or Kosielsk. To tliis I 
received a reply from. Mhkulow: "We have committed an error." 

Air. Machrowicz. I want to get the whole statement: What else 
did he say? 

Mr. A. "We have com.mitted an error. These men are not avail- 
able. We will give you others." 

Mr. jVIachrowicz. That was the conversation in which you per- 
sonally participated with Mirkulow? 

Air. A. Yes. 

Air. AIachrowicz. When was that, approximately? 

Air. A. This was in the latter part of October. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. 1940? 

Air. A. 1940. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Did you inquire from Alirkulow why these 
officers were not available? 

Air. A. No; I did not ask him any further questions. 

Air. Machrowicz. Did he say anything else with relation to these 
officers in Starobielsk? 


Mr. A. No; that I do not recall at this time. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you have any other conversations personal- 
ly with any other high ranlving Russian officers regarding these lost 
comrades of yours from Storobielsk and Kozielsk? 

Mr. A. No; I did not. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now, I think you mentioned also the fact that 
some of this group of seven which went with you to Moscow had con- 
versations with Beria; is that correct? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. First of all, identify who Beria is; who is Beria? 

Mr. A. Beria is a Minister of the Home Police. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He was a Minister of the NKVD; is that cor- 
rect — at that time? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is the Interior Police? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He is now Vice Premier of Russia? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You were not present during that conversation, 
were you? 

Mr. A. No; I was not. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know when it took place? 

Mr. A. These were before my discussions by a few days. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Sometime in October 1940? 

Mr. A. Yes; after the 10th of October 1940. 

Air. Machrowicz. Do you know who were those who participated 
in that discussion other than Beria? 

Mr. A. Yes, I do. 

Air. Machrowicz. Wlio were they? 

Air. A. Lieutenant Colonel Berling; Colonel Gorczynski; Lieutenant 
Colonel Bukojenski; and Lieutenant Colonel Tyszynski. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. How did you learn of these discussions and 

Mr. A. Beria first invited them to his office and then he invited 
them for dinner. 

Air. Machrowicz. How did you find out about this discussion, and 

Mr. A. Lieutenant Colonel Gorczynski told me of these discussions 
when he returned that night. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That same night? 

Mr. A. Yes. He suggested to me that we go to the wash room, 
because he wants to tell me somethmg very important. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he then tell you? 

Mr. A. Wo knocked on the door and were released from our cells 
to go to the washroom. We sat down on the stools m the washroom, 
and he proceeded to teU me of his conversations earlier that evening 
with Beria. 

Air. AIachrowicz. In other words, that was the same evening as 
the conversations took place? 

Mr. A. They returned after midnight; so this was early in the 

Mr. Machrowicz. A few hours after the conversations? 

Air. A. Yes. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Will you tell us exactly what he related to you 
as to the conversations with Beria? 

Mr. A. He said that there was a discussion proposing the formation 
of a Panzer division. Beria said that he wants to form or organize a 
Panzer fist. To this Berling asked or inquired: "And where will we 
get officers? I would want to have my officers from Starobielsk and 
from Kozielsk." Ostashkov did not enter into the conversation 
because Ostashkov had primarily border police and guards. To this 
Beria replied — in Russian, of course — ^that "We have committed a 
great blunder"; and he repeated that twice: "We have made a great 
mistake; we have made a great mistake." 

Mr. Machrowicz. What else was said there? 

Mr. A. The conversation was extremely interesting and among 
other things he gave this detail : he took them to large map — a military 
map. He pointed to this large map and he pointed to the Ukraine 
and he said: "We will retreat in the Ulvraine and we will attack from 
the north." 

Mr. Machrowicz. When Beria said "We have made a mistake: we 
have made a great mistake," did he indicate to these Polish officers 
to whom he was talking what he was referring to? 

Mr. A. The mistake was made with the Polish officers. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And Colonel Gorczynski, in his conversation 
wdth you, indicated that that was the way he understood that? 

Mr. A. Yes; that is the way he understood it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And, so far as you know, that is the way the 
others who participated in that conversation understood it also? 

Mr. A. Yes; the same way. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you ever discuss that conversation with any 
of the other three Polish officers wiio participated in it? 

Mr. A. In this prison you had to be extremely careful and cautious. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Then joii did not discuss it with Berling or 

Air. A. And until som.e additional officers arrived at this camp from 
Kozielsk No. 2, I related my discussions with Berling to Captain^ — — 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you have discussions with Berling? 

Mr. A. No — with Beria. I related my discussions with Gorczynski 
to Captain Lopianowski, whom I trusted unequivocally. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you discuss this conversation with Colonel 

Mr. A. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you discuss it with Lieutenant Colonel 

Mr. A. No; because he was to me the most suspected of the group. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Suspected of Communist affiliation? 

AJr. A. Yes. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Did j^ou discuss it with Tyszymski? 

Air. A. No, I did not. It was extrem.ely difficult to discuss these 
things with liim, because he was for close collaboration with the 

Air. AIachrowicz. Did you ever have any other discussions with 
any other high ranl^ing Russian officers regarding the fate of these 

Mr. A. I did discuss this with General Przezdziecki when we were 
brought to the Ukraine. 


Mr. Machrowicz. In other words, you related to him the conversa- 
tion which you reported to us a few minutes ago? 

Mr. A. Yes, but that was after, of course, we were removed from 
the villa. We did not want to cooperate with the Russians. Gor- 
czjmski and myself did not want to participate in these cooperations, 
when we learned that they are starting to send us Communists into 
this unit that was to be form.ed and when they demanded of us that we 
cooperate and work with Wanda Wasileska. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wanda Wasileska was one of the Polish coopera- 
tors with the Russians? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. So far as the officers in Katyn are concerned 
or any of the Polish lost officers, you had no other discussions with 
any other high ranking officers; am I right? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I now ask the stenographer to make as exhibits 5 and 
6 these two documents. I show the witness exhibits Nos. 5 and 6 
and I ask him if exhibit No. 5, which is a photostatic copy of exhibit 
No. 3, is a proper reproduction of No. 3? 

Mr. A. Yes; it is. 

Mr. Flood. I show the witness exhibit No. 6, and ask him whether 
or not exhibit No. 6, which is a photostatic copy, is an exact repro- 
duction of exhibit No. 4? 

Mr. A. Yes; they are, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Will you ask the witness to step down from the chair 
for a minute? I am now recalling to the witness stand the witness 
Jerzy Lunkiewicz. 


Mr. Flood. I show the witness exhibits Nos. 5 and 6, and ask him 
if they are photostatic copies of exhibits Nos. 3 and 4, which he 
presented to me this morning. 

Mr. Lunkiewicz. Yes, they are. 

Mr. Flood. We now return to this witness exhibits Nos. 3 and 4, 
and offer for the record exhibits Nos. 5 and 6. 

(Exhibits 5 and 6 follow:) 


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[Translation copy] 

Lt. Col. Artillery Corp, (Blank) 


Born: 5 Sept. 1897, in LUKANOWICE, county BRZESKO, wojew. KRAKOW, 
certificate of completed secondary education issued in 1919 in DEBICA, of Roman 
Catholic religion, married, two children with wife in Poland. Completed British 
Staff College in Haifa, Palestine in 1946 with a British diploma P. S. C. 

6. VIII. 1914 — Volunteered to the Polish Legions and assigned to 2-nd Infantry 

Reg. of Legionaires, 
28. X 1914 — dangerously wounded, 

1918 — Austrian Army — Artillery, 
1. XI. 1918 — 1-st Artillery Legionaires Regiment, 

24. XII. 1918 — Commissioned as 2/Lieut., 
31. VII 1920— wounded, 

12. IX. 1939— wounded, 

1939 — I went to war as commanding officer of the 3-rd hovitzer battery 
attached to the 41-st Infantry Division /General PIEKARSKI/— 
» I remained with this division throughout the campaign until 
the capitulation which took place on the 27-th of Sept. 1939 in the 
vicinity of KRASNOBROD. In an endeavour to break through 
enemj^ occupied country towards Hungary with a part of my 
battery I covered the distance from TYSZOWIEC to MOS- 

25. VIII. 1941— Jointed the Polish Army in the U. S. S. R., 

1. I. 1942 — appointed commanding officer of the 6-th Field Artillery Regi- 

ment in the U. S. S. R. within the 6-th Infantry Division, 
In June and August 1944 wounded in Italy. 

October 1944 appointed 1-st Artillery Staff Officer of the 3-rd Corps, 
1. III. 1946 to 15. VIII. 1947 Director of Independant Dept. in the Higher 
Institxite of Military Studies /I.W.S.W./, 

3. XII. 1947 — commissioned with the P.R.C. /Polish Resettlement Corps/ Ref. 
No. 13751 /P.R.C. and appointed Director of Archives No. 3. 

On the 1-st of October 1939 I was taken prisoner by the Russians together with 
the staff of my battery, in the vicinitv of the village PODLISKI in the county 
MOSCISKA. I was taken via LWCW to WOLOCZYSKA from where on the 
11-th of October 1939, I was deported with a transport of a few thousand Polish 
officers to the Starobielsk camp. On the 25-th of April 1940, with a group of 
other officers I was transferred to PAWLISZCZEW BOR near JUCHNOW and, 
from there, on the 13-th of June 1940 to the N. K. V. D. camp in GRIAZOWIEC. 
On the 8-th of October 1940 I was sent together with a group of 6 staff officers, 
to the BUTYRKI prison in MOSCOW. 

Our gro\ip consisted of: 

1/Col. GORCZYNSKI, /Engineer Corps./, 

2/P. S. C. Col. KtJNSTLER STANISLAW,/Artillery Corps./, 

3/P. S. C. Lt./Col. BERLING ZYGMUNT./Infantry Corps./, 

4/Lt./Col. BUKOJEMSKI LEON,/Artillery Corps./, 

5/P. S. C. Lt./Col. MORAWSKI MARJAN,/Artillery Corps./, 

6/P. S. C. Lt./Col. TYSZYNSKI LEON,/Engineer Corps./, 

7/Mjr. LIS J0ZEF,/Artillery Corps./. 

We were taken to Moscow in a 3-rd class compartment of a passenger train and 
on the 9-th October 1940, we were sent from the station in a prison van to the 
BUTYRKI prison where, without being searched, we were placed together in a 
large cell. Food and treatment were good although strictly in accordance with 
prison regulations. 

INTERROGATIONS AND TALKS: with certain from among our group of 
officers were carried on by NARKOM MIERKULOW and by N. K. V. D. 
Lt./Col. JEGOROW. I had only a short talk with JEGOROW during which he 
told me that I had an opinion of a talented artillery officer and asked me whether 
I want to fight against the Germans. Our conversation ended upon my giving a 
positive answer to this question. Two days later we were transferred in a pas- 
sanger car to the LUBIANKA prison. Col. KtJNSTLER remained alone in the 
cell in BUTYRKI. 

LUBIANKA: Several conversations took place with BERJA to which were 
BERJA entertained them with a supper at which congac was served; there was 

93744— 52— pt. 4- 


talk about the organisation of a Polish armoured brigade and about a not far off 
war with Hitler; that in the UKRAINE the Russians will retreat till the Volga 
whence a decisive offensive will l^e launched. To BERLING'S question of where 
to find so many officers and whether our comrades from STAROBIELSK and 
KOZIELSK were not available BERJA uttered the words: "WE COMMIXED 
peated to me these words the same evening or maybe it was on the morning after 
when I was with him in the toilet room. 

MY CONVERSATION WITH MIERKULOW: After 14 days I was led and 
shoved through a cupboard into MERKULOW'S office. He watched me in 
silence until the coming of General RAJCHMAN. The latter asked me unex- 
pectedly: "Are you a member of the Intelligence Service?" /"Wy nie robotnik 
wtorawa otdielenia?"/- I denied — although in the years 1925-1930 and 1934- 
1935 I worked in fact as an officer in the Intelligence Service in its branch directed 
against Germany. After which MERKULOW asked me whether I was capable 
of commanding a regiment and larger units. I answered in the affirmative and 
then I asked the question: "Will the officers from STAROBIELSK be available 
because in the GRIAZOWIEC camp there were only few left. To which I got 
the foUov/ing answer from MIERKULOW: "No, don't count on these. A certain 
mistake had taken place. We shall find others". /"Etych nie patyczytie-wyszta 
kakaja to oshibka, drugich najdom"/. At the time, in October 1940, I presumed 
that these officers had been sent back to territories occupied by the Reich. It 
was only in February 1941 when I received several enquiries in letters from 
Poland asking what had happened with the inmates of STAROBIELSK that 
I began to feel strong suspicions about the whole case. 

THE JOURNEY TO MALACHOWKA: On the 1-st of November 1940 we 
were transfered from LUBIANKA to a villa in MALACHOWKA where we were 
placed in rooms in twos. The food was of a type served in best boarding houses 
in Zakopane. We had our own kitchen, own bathroom, luxurious cutlery and 
crockery, a separate cook and a maid. We were given a few Polish books and a 
lot of Russian Hterature to read. A few days later Col. MORAWSKI was sent 
back to BUTYRKI prison on account of a memorandum he wrote in the matter 
of the organisation of the Polish Army, the creation of the Polish Committee and 
the future Russian-Polish frontier. 

group of officers from GRIAZOWIEC arrived whose members had obvious 
procommunist inclinations. To this group belonged Col. DUDZINSKI KAZI- 
TADEUSZ, Lieut, of the reserve IMACH, and SZCZYPIORSKI and ensign 
KUKULINSKI. Towards the end of December 1940 arrived a few more officers 
formerly interned in LITHUANIA, namely Cpt. LOPIANOWSKI NARCYZ, 
Liut. SIEWIERSKI, Lieut. TOMALA, and Lieut. X. 

With the arrival of the new groups the entire atmosphere changed immediately 
and took on a pro-communist aspect. Studies of regulations were introduced 
which had to be translated from Russian. N. K. V. D. Lt./Col. JEGOROW'S 
visits became frequent during which he held long conferences with col. BERLING. 
One day, in answer to a question put to him by Cpt. LOPIANOWSKI, JEGOROW 
said that in all 15% of the Poles from Polish territories had been deported to 

POLITICAL SCISSIONS: Following a suggestion put forward by the com- 
ZKI — who requested that the portraits of LENIN and STALIN be hung in the 
dining room — a general voting took place at which LOPIANOWSKI and I voted 
against this proposal while ensign KUKULINSKI threw in a blank card. 

During a discussion on the problem of the U. S. S. R. in the presence of all of 
us I pointed to a map of Europe and said that the attitude of the U. S. S. R. 
towards Poland is best expressed by this map on which half of Poland had been 
already included for good within the boundaries of the U. S. S. R. a thing which 
had not been printed even in respect of Abissinia which was occupied by the 
Italians. — Hearing this BERLING wanted to beat me up, called me a swine and 
a fascist. Some time later Lt./Col. DUDZINSKI suggested that we write a decla- 
ration of collaboration with the «"ditorial office of the "NOWE WIDNOKREGI" 
/"New Ilorisons"/ and a lively discussion ensued during which Cpt. LOPIANOW- 
SKI declared that h(; wished to be taken back to prison. Once again a voting 
was held at which Col. GORCZYNSKI, and Cpt. LOPIANOWSKI and I voted 
against the idea. 


On the 25-th of March 1941, I was transferee! together with Cpt. LOPIANOW- 
SKI back to the BUTYRKI prison. On the way there in LUBIANKA, 
N. K. V. D. Lt./Col. JEGOROV beat me up and kicked me. In April 1941 we 
were taken together with 21 other officers to a camp in GLINSKIJ AIONASTYR 
near PUTYWL ni the UKRAINE. On June the 22-nd 1941 we were sent back 
to GRIAZOWIEC where we were kept however in isolated quarters and allowed 
to join the other group of officers only towards the end of August 1941. 

I request that everything that I have stated above to be treated as court 
evidence and I wish to draw the attention to my former statements made in the 
Near East in BAGDAD and * * * /illegible/ * * *. 

Everything I have said above is true to the best of my conscience and of my 

(Blank) Lt./Col. of the Art. 
15-th of April 1948. 


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[Translation copy] 
The 13-th Field Court Martial, 
of the J. W. S. W. Command, 

Record op the Hearing of Witness 

In the field, 23-rd December, 1945, started at 11 a. m. 
In the case against: 

In the presence of: Cpr. Auditor LUCZYWEK JAN, 
Recorded by: Sergeant ROZMARYNOWSKI JAN. 

After having been cautioned in accordance with Para. 81 of the Military Penal 
Code about the responsabilitv for giving false evidence the witness stated: 
Surname and Christian name: Lieut. Col. 

Date and place of birth: 5.IX.1897, LUKANOWICE, county of BRZESKO, 
Religion: Roman Catholic, 
Civil status: married. 
Profession: regular officer. 
Rank: Lieut. Col. Artillery Corps, 
Unit and allotment: Staff College, Haifa M. E. F., 
Residence in Poland: Ostr6w Mazowiecka, 
Present residence: Haifa, Staff College, 
Relationship to defendant and/or other persons concerned with the case: 

Advised about his right to withhold answers pertaining to circumstances re- 
ferred to in Para. 80 of the Mil. Penal Code declares that he will not avail himself 
of this right. 

The witness then testified as follows: 

In peace time I held, in the rank of a major, the post of Commander of the 2-nd 
Battery in the 18 Light Artillery Reg. in Ostr6w Mazowiecka. I went to war on 
the 11-th Sept. 1939, as Commander of a Battery of the 51-st L. A. Reg. attached 
to the 41-st Infantry Division under the command, of General Piekarski. On the 
12-th Sept. 1939, I was wounded in a battle near Zelech6w. However I retained 
the command of the battery of howitzers attached to our division until the day of 
capitulation which took place on the 27-th Sept. 1939 in the district of Krasnobr6d. 
From the 27-th Sept. till the 1-st of Oct. I tried to break through with part of my 
battery to Southern Poland. On the 1-st of Oct. 1939 I found myself surrounded 
in the neighborhood of Sambor and I was taken prisoner by the Bolsheviks. 

I was transported first to Lw6w and then to Wotoczyska where I was joined to a 
transport of a few thousand Polish officers / from the capitulation of Gen. 
Langner /. On the 11-th of Oct. 1939 I found myself in the Starobielsk camp / 
about 3.800 officers /. At the time of the disbandment of the camp I was trans- 
fered on the 25-th of April 1940 to a camp in Pawliszczew Bor from where again, 
after six weeks, I was sent to the Griazowiec camp in the Wologda district. On 
the 10-th of October 1940 I was transferred to the Butvrki Prison in Moscow 
together with: P. S. C. Col. Kurtstler, Col Gorczy6ski, P. S. C. Lieut. Col. Berling, 
P. S. C. Lieut. Col. TyszyAski, P. S. C. Lieut. Col. Morawski and Col. of the 
Artillery Corps Bukojemski. In the Butyrki prison we were interrogated each of 
us separately. My questioner was Lieut. Col. of the N. K. V. D. Jegorov who 
asked me about my experiences as a battery commander in the fight against the 
Germans. He also asked me whether I was willing to fight on against the Germans 
to which I answered that I cannot imagine a Pole who would not be willing to 
fight them. After which I was sent back to my cell. After another few days we 
were transfered in a passenger car to the Lubianka prison. We were taken there 
by the commander of the Lubianka prison, N. K. V. D. Col. Mironov. In the 
Lubianka I was once asked whether I had at any time served in the Il-nd Section 
/Intelligence/. I denied it and stated that I had always served as an officer of the 
Artillery Corps although, in truth, from 1925 to 1930 and from 1934 to 1935 I had 
been posted as an officer of the Il-nd Section in Poznart, Katowice and Bydgoszcz. 

I would like to mention that before my departure to Moscow I was instructed 
by Gen. Wolkowicki and P. S. C. Lieut. Col. Domofi to observe closely everything 
I was going to see and not to put my signature to any documents. 

Towards the end of October 1940, Narkom. Berja invited Col. Gorczyrtski and 
Lieut. Cols. Berling, Tyszyrtski and Bukojemski to a party. After coming back 
from it they told us that they had been treated with food and brandy. Moreover 
they stated that: 

1/ Berja spoke about war with Germany in the near future, and pointed to a 
map of Southern Russia saying: — "We shall retreat till the Volga and we shall 
strike at the Germans from the direction of the North Caucasus. 

2/ That Russia was going to form a Polish armoured army and when one of the 
present officers remarked that for this purpose the officers of the camps of Kozielsk, 


Starobielsk and Ostaszk6w will be needed Berja replied: "We made a mistake, 
yes, we made a mistake". /"My zdielali oshibkou, da zdielali oshibkou"/. 

On the 1-st of November 1940 we were transfered to an isolated villa in the 
neighborhood of Moscow. There we were supplied with a number of Polish and 
Russian books and some Russian service regulations. 

In December a group of Polish communist officers joined us /Cpt. Zawadzki, 
2/Lieut. Imach, 2/Lieut. Szczypi6rkowski, Flight Lieut. Wicherkiewicz and ensign 
Kukuliriski/ and later on a few officers from the Kozielsk camp formerly interned 
in Lithuania. Various discussions ensued. During one of them, pointing to a 
map, I said to Berhng that the lack of Poland on that map should give to us, 
Poles, sufficient indication of Russia's attitude towards Poland. There was also 
the question of hanging Stalin's portraits on the walls to which I objected. 
Further to that we were coaxed to signing a declaration of collaboration with 
Wanda Wasilewska. I refused to sign this declaration as did Cpt. Lopianowski 
Narcyz. After which I was removed to Lubianka where N. K. V. D. Lieut. Col. 
Jegorov threatened me in various ways. Later I found myself back in the 
Butyrki prison in the cell of Col. Kiinstler. There, N. K. V. D. Cpt. Ivanov 
tried to persuade me once again to cooperate with them stressing that they were 
in need of Polish nationalists and good patriots. I answered that I was quite 
satisfied with the prison and that I did not want to return there. 

On the 7-th of April 1941 we were transfered together with a group of 21 
officers headed by Gen. Prze^dziecki from Butyrki to Putywl camp on the river 
Sejm. On the 16-th of June 1941, we were sent back to Griazowiec. 

i reported the story described above to Gen. Prze^dziecki and to Gen. 
Wolkowicki and on the 25-th of August 1941 to Gen. Anders. In November 
1942, when serving in the Intelligence service in Baghdad I wrote a report in 
this matter about 30 pages long. It would be difficult for me today, after so 
long a time, to recall from memory all the details described therein, but I beg 
to take into consideration as evidence the above mentioned report which I here- 
with confirm in full to be true and valid. 

I wish to add — I have just remembered it — that in 1940 in a place of which 
I cannot recollect the name, when handing to me a letter from my brothers in 
America an N. K. V. D. officer suggested to me and asked whether I would not 
consider working for them as an agent in America. He told me that I had plenty 
of time to think it over and that having done so I should contact him about it. 
I did not avail myself of this offer. 

Having read this whole statement over I have signed it — 

/ signatures / (Blank) Lieut. Col. Art. 
Recorder: Military judge: 

Rozmarynowski, Serg. /illegible signature/ 

Luczywek Jan, Capt. Auditor. 

Mr. DoNDERo. The record does not show what position the witness 
holds with the Polish Government in exile. 

Mr. Flood. That has already been stated. 

Mr. Dondero. I did not hear it, and I would like to know what 
position he holds. 

Mr. LuNKiEwicz. I am a representative of the Polish Government 
in exile here. 


Mr, Flood. I ask the stenographer to identify exhibits Nos. 7, 8, 9, 
9A, 10, 11, and llA. The witness has handed to him committee 
documents now marked "Exhibits Nos. 7, 8, 9, 9 A, 10, 11, and llA 
and we ask the witness, what are these documents? 

Mr. A. These are letters that I received in Moscow from my wife 
in which the various families of officers who were interned at Staro- 
bielsk with me were inquiring of her as to their whereabouts ; they are 
seeking information as to whether I know where they may be. Since 
I knew these officers very well, I replied that I had no idea where these 
men were — that they were removed from Starobielsk earlier that year. 

(Exhibits 7, 8, 9, 9A, 10, 11, llA and their translations into English 
follow :) 






[Translation from Polish] 

March 6, 1941. 
Dear (censored word follows) : A few days ago I sent you a letter. Now I have 
a few problems to settle. First, Stefan wrote that they have heard from you and 
that made them very happy that you are alive. As regards their assistance for me, 
it is as I have already written you, it is not worth the trouble. It would cause them 
considerable expense, and I would gain but little. When you write them, tell 
them that the house brings us an equivalent of a hundredweight's worth of grain, 
and as for the rest, that which is indispensable for human life is not to be had in 
any case. I repair clothes as best I can, and we manage somehow with the rest. 
The other problem is that Mrs. Halszka Jedrz. wrote to me. Her Marian is 
somewhere near you. Perhaps you shall manage to communicate with him; it is 
always nice to meet a friend. The address is Moscow, Post OfRce, Post Office Box 
No. ll/c-41. Is Matyja with you? Gina is dying of fright, because Pomruki 
makes her life difficult. Obviously she fears experiences which we have already 
suffered together. Is she right? Majek [a nickname] has lost so much weight that 
only skin and bones are left. The Zielonkis have changed their place of residence 
and moved into the town, and Mrs. Tosia does not like it. Big Klara married a 
young doctor and now riducules all those did not want her. Michalowa Klepacka 
has a new finace. Fondest kisses. 


Daddy, did you get my letter, after that one for Christmas? I shall write 
shortly again. I kiss you, Daddy. 


From: Irena , Grybow, Cracov District, German Mail East. 

Address: U. S. S. R., Russia, Moscow, Post Office Box 686, 

Joseph, son of Stanislaw [in Russian] 

Major, son of Stanislaw . [in Polish] 


Main Post Office, Post Office Box No. 686. 









Letter Enclosed in Exhibit 8 

wCDidjw) uxQM V ma /m .vUBem . 01(0, AVn. (jOt^i^ iwiouawii fif^ «Jnox^ wutmyliimil 

lW) loJWnoujuek 6|iod*iiyi ieidJie, per SoiivvLvue , waiajiicxmMe mwk 'mv^^ 
(3JSI "^JiMn. uh^immm durvii mt ummw pne^l ^^m hlo'u ifi^i^&ynu 

■jt?]wi dujid ■mm, TfKWiumv Ikld'i^ lO vvaVwdn^ w^oili u) 0iM^e^T;?^viAe7u3\iuitA(9- 

^6 md^^ ^^ \mfdjmv\^ vi\t buvMsi&)!)di)wAx»,,paaj^V V^ fcuM -ic^^, 
da mom xmujii mooDt u vmmi ^hojmL iwum^ lendnit dfi X^o^c^yL ,b6^^«>. 

- W«rik^- 


Second Part of Letter in Exhibit 8 
^W^uf'Vu-]/ IcOjWJ'W'. " "^^ JA «^>u^ Uj)^ f XjV^ -tAu- -C^M.' - 

/ 1 . , . II . ti " • . • ^ r 1 ■ 

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TOejLM/ ^ "ivy VC/Wuw^t i)D \jJsA |yiT>JEn (;, ''/M/W Av.(ArtAw InitO ^wIm, tv^ 


[Translation from Polish] 

January 14, 1941. 

Dearest Daddy: We have just received your third letter from Moscow. I 
shall not even try to tell you how glad we are. From your letter it would seem 
that you imagine us such as we were when you left us for the war. But it is two 
years since we have seen each other, and we have changed both physically and 
mentally. Wiesio has grown up. He is 1 meter 40 centimeters, and I am 1 meter 
60 centimeters tall (we have just measured ourselves). Wiesio will be 12 shortly 
and is a big boy. He is in the fifth grade, has taken after you, and likes philately. 
He "steals" stamps secretly from "Meteuszek" to put them in his album, the 
stamps which "Meteuszek" studiouslj^ collects for you. My aunts mock me that 
"the good father will try to keep a straight face * * *" the rest you know. 
There is nobody now to read a bedtime story to Wiesio, so he reads it himself, 
but he prefers to look at the atlas. I suffer often from a sore throat. Otherwise 
we are all well. I borrowed skis (our skis and skiing clothes were lost) and in your 
trousers I ski in Sosnina, where I have discovered a number of good runs, but I 
shall always re'ii ember the winter vacations which the three of us spent together. 

I have finished the third class, but in general we have difficulties with learning. 
I think you know ■Rhy. In math I am doing well. I am not so good in French 
and there is nobody to assist me there. I think, however, that in time everything 
will be well. I have not time for the other language of which you wrote — and I 
think that it will not be necessary. Mama, however, decided to learn the language 
of Uncle Stefan and is making progress. We all live for the moment when we shall 
meet again and be together in our own home. We have learned to appreciate 
many things which escaped our appreciation in normal times. They say that 
there is nothing bad which will not eventually turn into good, and even war can 
be useful. And so, for instance, I have learned to hang up my coat after coming 
home (which I never did before) . Wiesio polished his shoes so that they may last 
and look new for a long time. Meteuszek "robs" our dolls of their woolen dresses 
and turns them into socks and gloves, etc., and the aunts are doing the same. 
From morning till evening repairs and refashioning — there will be shortly more 
repairs on our stockings than original material. These are only small examples. 
I have troubl^ with my teeth and I have to go to the dentist in N. Sacz, because 
there is none locally, and as this costs an enormous amount of money we are selling 
the rest of our possessions. But in spite of all that, we keep our spirits up and look 
with hope into the future. I have written enough and now "Meteuszek" wants to 
write a fe'w words. With fondest kisses, my Daddy. 


My Dearest Joseph: 

This is already the second letter in 1941. T have replied several times to your 
two letters written in November — your last letter is dated December 10. I 
thought you had been moved, but I see now that you are still in the same place. 
I am glad you are full of hope — we also are not discouraged. We are sure that 
one da>- our happiness will be restored, and we manage as we can. What we are 
afraid of is that worse may come to us. Olenka will go into the fourth class, 
perhaps she will manage to finish it before the new school year comes. That 
way she would not lose much. If only all this would end soon, but that, as you 
write, is not very probable. But we do not despair. I felt that in October you 
were unwell, and I was down and out. In addition, I did not know what was 
going to happen to us, and you did not know what was happening to us. But 
I am quite sure that now you feel better, and we do too. I always console rngsdj 
that you write to us, while others who were in the same place with you give no sign of 
life. If you happen to know something about Cierniak, Hainian, or others let us 
know — I have already written about it to you, but am not certain whether the 
previous letters have reached you, and here there is great anxiety for that reason. 
Wiesio constantly talks of Tolus, makes good progress in the school, and grows 
like debts. The income from the house decreased and expenses have gone up. 
Olenka costs me some 60 zl. per month. Now I am trying to get some 300 zl. 
for the dentist, because her teeth are deteriorating in front. Wolter's assistance 
would amoimt to nothing practical but would be purdy nominal, because one 
unit of their currency is worth 5 zl. In a few days I shall write again. We all 
kiss you, and may God protect j'ou, not Allah. 

irena , grybow. 

January 14, 1941. Near Nowy Szacz, German Rail East. 

93744— 52— pt. 4 6 





^^lafiy^ ^ * vi^y^jyf^ 






Letter Enclosed in Exhibit 9 




S'UC^ '{vuc>WJl AjOTAyt.- Iwttj^vujt '-i^hJU'h m,AxA. h^VJi))\H. pGMW) 
oJ.-^eJiAyO, -iXr^.tM Ve,T»ju2. S Um-xW^'^.-xJAA/U'IAam ' jrt^ljtV - W^A/iS^hA-toL 


[Translation from Polish] 

Translation of envelope, addressed both in Polish and in Russian: 

RUSSIA— MOSCOW— Main Post Office, Box Office No. 686, Major 


In left corner of envelope, registration label R — Grybow 075. 

At the bottom of the envelope, two postal stamps issued bj^ the German Gen- 
eral Government, one to the value of 60, the other 50 (no monetary unit indicated). 
The stamps bear cancellation postal marks Grybow 

At the back of the envelope, sender's name and address: 

I. Grybow, 

Krakowskie Genera^ Gouvernemant, Polen. 

Over the name of the sender, a postal cancellation stamp in Russian, bearing 
the date 22.12.40, Moscow Main Post Office. 

Under sender's address, a German cancellation stamp which reads: The High 
Command of the German Army, Postal Service's examination. 

Below in red pencil, the names M. Golebiowski, Cierniak, Badecki, names 
mentioned in the letter, where the writer inquires about their whereabouts at the 
Kozielsk camp. 

March 20, 1940. 

Dear Joseph: There is again happiness In our hearts and at home because your 
third letter has arrived. The second one was lost somewhere. I am terribly 
happy that you are able to write to us because writing as before, somewhere into 
the great unknown, never being sure whether it will reach you. was hopeless. 
Your letter dated the 13th of November left Moscow the 2Sth of November, and 
today is the 12th of December. It therefore took a month; the previous letter 
took only three weeks. But the most important thing is that it arrived, because other 
ladies whose husbands are where you are don't receive any letters. They have 
written me from America that they have sent a parcel but that it was returned. 
So write if you can to Geneva that in case they receive any parcels for you they 
should be forwarded to your present address, because parcels are usually forwarded 
through the International Red Cross. Stefan wrote that they will send you 
another parcel. He doesn't seem to be doing too well but Wladek is doing very 
well. If I could send you something, I would send you some of your linen, because 
I managed to save one pair, and some socks, so that you wouldn't have to mend. 
I have about three pairs. However, I cannot send them because they will not 
accept parcels. Have you written to Lisowski? He is still in the same place and 
perhaps ivill be in a better position to send something to you from, his old supplies. 
I would in exchan<>e send something to his foster son who is a prisoner of war over 
here and whom I try to help as much as I can, although I have not very much 
myself. We ourselves don't eat any butter. We are well off when we have milk 
or coffee with bread. I try to get some from time to time for the children, but 
the adults have forgotten about this produce, which costs about 6 times as much as 
before. Don't think, however, that we are starving. It isn't that bad because 
we put together any money that we have and somehow manage to live. Of course 
there are no luxuries, but we have enough for bread and a modest meal, the more 
so because we don't buy any clothing, first of all because we do not have any 
money for it and secondly because there is none to be had, except what is most 
essential. We keep our spirits and courage, and believe that our star will once 
again shine for us. 

And now I would like to tell you what was saved in the turmoil. Well then, 
your stamps, the dining room and study, the piano, the easy chairs and settee, 
the clothes-stand from the entrance hall, the washroom, and a little bit of crockery. 
I am calling it crockery because they are only the remnants of what has not been 
broken. From among your personal belongings, only a pair of shirts, your uni- 
form, shoes, 3 pairs of socks and 6 collars, one suit which was in Gr. [Grybow], 
your skiing shoos, one pair of shoes, the pair of old patent leather shoes, and the 
old brown pigskin pair, remain. I think I will sell the suit and the two pairs 
of shoes — not just now, but perhaps later I shall have to. Oh yes! Three 
carpets also survived. The rugs, the silver, glass, and china, a whole basketful 
of linens and bedding, your suits, coats, shoos, the children's winter coats, etc., 
everything was lost. From among the linens, I still have the quilts, the eider- 
down, and 3 pillows, because I carried them with me; also my own and the child- 
dren's clothing, which wo also had with us. Whether what was loft will survive 
I caimot say, but it is still there. I paid Nowacka 150 zl. for it. Our belongings 


are being used by tenants, so everything is being ruined. The most important 
thing, however, is that the war should end happily; then the rest will be all right. 
I3ecause Christmas is near, I want you to know that we think of you and long 
for you, and on Christmas Eve our hearts and thoughts will be with you, with 
the hope that we may celebrate the next one together. I kiss you with love; so 
do the children. 


I enclose a Christmas wafer. 

Irena Grybowa, 

Krakowskie — General Gouvernemant, Polen. 

Along the edge of the letter: on one side — Please write whether you have any news 
about Cierniak, Feliks Badecki. It is important. Also about Mieczyslaw Gole- 

On the other side, continued: Camp Kozielsk, Smolensk Province, Box Office 
Ao. 12, from ISiowy Sacz 1 P. S. P. reseves. Please try to write to Kozielsk. 


Exhibit 9A 



[Translation from Polish] 

My beloved ones: Days, weeks, and years pass, yet it is only the beginning 
of the chaos of the old world; the destruction of war is now added to the sufferings 
of the world, and the flames of war begin slowly to envelop both hemispheres. 
War, destruction, hunger, and misery among nations are already old phenomena 
in the small sector of the globe on which we live. We must, however, persevere 
and await our fate, mindful of our national posts and of the inexhaustible values 
of the spirit of our nation. Mohammed said, "Nobody can escape fate, because 
Allah is great!" 

I cannot describe to you how I yearn for you all; great poets, like our Adam 
Mickiewicz, have expressed it in words. Often in my dreams I am together 
with you all. I remember Wiesio as a small boy to whom I vv'as telling so many 
fairy stories; how is he developing? And Olenka without school, for this so- 
called study is really no education at all. No, there is none anywhere; I suppose 
she does not want to know what Filachowska has written about marriage. Educa- 
tion gives contentment, self-assurance, and assures a permanent basis for one's 
existence. Despite my 43 years I am still learning, because as Socrates, the 
greatest of all philosophers, said: "I know that I do not know anything." Let 
Olenka pay special attention to mathematics and foreign languages; of course, 
in order to learn one has to have health, peace, and something in one's stomach, 
and also good intentions. 

Irena, I am awaiting a reply from you to my two letters of October and Novem- 
ber. I hope you have received them and that you will not worry about me. 
Winter here is somewhat late; since the first snow in October, which has now disap- 
peared, none has fallen so far. I have rubbers so that I don't think I shall have 
wet feet. I also have my own socks and foot-clouts for wrapping up my feet, 
I live under hygienic conditions, am able to have a bath, to walk, and to read a 
lot of good books. Many things of which I have been ignorant I now under- 
stand, and I have benefited a lot. T would like for our children to learn a few 
foreign languages; I only now appreciate how one benefits from it, since I am 
able to read with ease books in a foreign language when none in our language are 

Irena, darling, you need not worry about me at all. The worst has already 
passed, in particular the beginning of the road, when I was so weak that I was 
unable to enter the railway carriage, and later v/hen anemia and finally apathy 
set in. All this has luckily passed, however; you all manage somehow and 
I have regained my health, strength, and faith in the future. I am keeping in- 
informed of the (international) situation better than you are able to, for I read 
communiques of both sides, as well as commentaries in the press. 

I still have no letter from Stefan, but I shall try again to write to him. As to 
the severe winter, please do not worry. It is not so bad; the polar circle is still 
quite far from here, and I do have warm shelter and sufficient food. I have not 
as yet seen any bears, not even brown ones, [nothing] except crows and other 
birds. During the summer I was sunbathing and swimming in the river. Be of 
good cheer, for as the proverb goes: "He who is to hang will not drown." After 
all, I can't lose what I no longer possess, and moreover, the naked do not fear 














Letteb Enclosed in Exhibit 10 

/\le. Xo Wild A)U/7te;ie^,'t[}^ iXipiC/^L cl?«> Wn,^va«^lA€A mieiTioJCv' 

l^jif.O ^i<p/ru, l/; y?e>'^^ .t^Ae, Ui'l^J 6t:«i5^n^'-eJM5cU 
UAO^lD^^oe. ^"^JlAX^ Tij^U. ' ^^^, MJLV&h ^ JO^.yijjAM, ^vvucnStf, 
/^vu,o • V, ^K,'<Xr^jAj^ ^tnmjel' Silw^/Civ X!,i\?t^ Xw-Uv j-iWcJxi^vsvai, 
l(\X.19L XuAii'^-r <^^.^>u. MAM 'U''ua>x ri%.^ci\ -inC/'Jvu/^ Ji<!,i^f ^^^ /J 5 


VyJ-mj-o - v\>0VuutL yk;t(9iLo VtocUM/ Vi, /Ketvc - oJlit ^flW.>ft,- 

T.-iAu. i-scwstK-v^ ^W 


j(>iCotelo- ITinwJlL-n., <>a•^AA^^ ^ ^H>a.".JiU..-iW, 


[Translation from Polish] 

December 1, 1940. 

Dear Joseph: The letter which I am writing now will perhaps reach you by 
Christmas. What [kind of] of Christmas will it be? We shall be very sad as you 
will not be here with us. Surely we shall even weep somewhat as we usually do 
on such occasions. It is well that I at least know what has been happening to you 
and that you are managing for yourself, because it was not going very well last 
year. »-■ :-.j| 

After those terrible 3 months of ordeal, a relaxation has come and we .live at last 
under a roof and sleep on beds, not on the floor with my own coat serving as a 
straw sack and a blanket. Happily it has passed away as a nightmare. The 
future and the morrow are ahead of us. "i-j 

With reference to Christmas — our thoughts and hearts will be with you, although 
we are far away from each other for the time being. 

I often think about our home and the quiet happy d^ys we lived through there. 
When shall we have a home in this world? A modest [home] hut of our own! Is 
this dream remote or near? Perhaps you want to know how we are living? The 
children are learning now. Stadia and I are cook and chambermaid by turns. 
This means that one week she cooks and I do housework and the next week our 
turns are reversed. We do not have a maid for reasons of frugalit3\ I hope, 
however, that things will improve in the not too distant future, because I am 
seeking a commission-shop. If I am granted permission for a shop I will open it 
where Konfteil had a store, at the back of the house, below in this first room. 
And then together Stacha and we will carry on trade [selling] whatever [it is] 
possible [to sell], in order to survive this most difficult time. Mother also has a 
shop, for distributing textiles. 

Apropos of Mother, do write positively whether Cterniak was with you at Staro- 
bielsk, because she received only one post card of [dated] November 29. She is 
enormously grieved over what is happening to him. Describe everything you know 
about him, as well as about Szafran Jaroslaw, the colonel from Vilna who also was 
at Starobielsk, and about Felek [Felix] Badecki. We do not knoio anything about 
Tolek {Anthony). He has discontinued writing. Romek {Roman) is still living as 
he did before, but at any time we are expecting him to arrive here with his family. 
Our ladies are living as [best] they can. Those whose husbands are in German 
captivity are much the happier, because they receive news [from them] every week and 
money from time to time. Although they live modestly, still they are able to live. 

Tola (Antoine) G. works at the station of Ostr. as a cashier and Jedrychowska 
works at the municipal library. Mrs. Nowak lives by lecturing, Mrs. Sztark 
has a tobacco shop at W. They sold a lot at W. for a few tens of thousands 
(of zlotys), so they will not suffer want. Gina is at Ostr. because Moyek sends 
her money, and she also is seeking to open [a shop,] a liquor shop. Everyone 
shifts for himself as best he can. What do you think about my undertakings? 
The children are doing well and have appetites as never before. 

On the occasion of Christmas and, in general, I kiss you and embrace you 


P. S. — To beloved father, kisses and Christmas wishes — may we live happily 
and see and celebrate next Christmas together already in our own home, 

From Olenka and Wiesiu. 

[Envelope addressed to:] Russia, Moscow, Joseph , Central Post 

Office, P. O. Box No. 686 
[From:] Irena , Grybow, Krakow, German Eastern Post. 



«>;svt> Is 




i .%' ^<. 

': P 

•X_ ih}S'~ \ ' 

93744— 52— pt. 4 7 


Letter Exct^osed in Exhibit 11 






[Translation from Polish] 

October 31, 1940. 

Dear Irene and Children: At the beginning of October I received at last 
two postcards from you, from Ramek, and from Tolek. Since they were the 
first postcards since April, you may imagine how very pleased I was at having 
them. Often [two words illegible], but the reality is different, and distant as a 
dream. On the day of my departure, I received the photographs of the children, 
at Starobielsk. This gave me great joy, as I may look upon them often with 
tears in my eyes. How differently everything is developing, and all the forecasts 
deny the stubborn reality. In spite of all, I am optimistic, and I believe that 
after this long storm the sun will shine for us, too. 

You are eager to know what I am doing and how I look. All summer long I 
was taking sun-baths in the polar sun and swimming. I play chess and read 
newspapers, magazines, many books by Soviet writers, and [two words illegible]. 
I now have a moustache, a beard, and some grey hair. I was in the ranks until 
October 1, 1939. I am well; I recovered long ago from the wounds I received on 
September 12. I suffered much, but it is getting better and better. I feed myself 
well- — sometimes I even have butter, and there is no lack of tobacco, even though 
I smoke so much. The uniform and linen I wear are military, Polish, because 
mine was torn by bomb fragments and stained with blood. My boots are patched, 
but suitable enough for wear. I try to get galoshes for winter. From my entire 
equipment [one word illegible], only a blanket, a cap, a pair of old boots, and a 
watch were left. I survived the winter in the south — at —35°^ — well, although I 
had no warm clothing but an overcoat without a lining. In spite of this, I have 
been well. Don't worry about me. I know the language well and I am still 
improving in it. Generally, I feel better and better, and I have slept outside all 
the time. Now I would like to know how you shift for yourselves, because I know, 
more or less, what the situation there is. Unfortunately, I am not able to help 
you for the time being. I have not even been able to send you my greetings 
on your name-day [birthday] unless things change. 

I have received only two letters from America. They were both dated April 
and I have not received the parcel sent from there. I wrote to Tolek; do write 
yourself to Romek. I am pleased that at least the stamps are saved. Olenka is 
perhaps a big girl already, and Wiesio a big boy. I have not seen you all for such 
a long time, although only 14 months have passed, and how many months will 
yet pass * * *_ Every beginning must have an end and an epilogue. After 
a storm, nice rainbow weather comes. 

There were ynany acquainiances from Ostrow, Bydgoszcz, and so forth at Starobielsk, 
but I do not know where they are now. Give me the address of Bronia Sz. and 
[one word illegible] Kalinkowa; perhaps I shall be able to write to them. This is 
about all. As I finish I kiss all of you heartily. 

Russia, Moscow, Central Post Office, P. O. Box No. 686, Major __ Joseph 


Exhibit llA 

;"j X] M1H0, 

ATrt-'-VA. i^^Uw^ - 'JOtUjAW wCj^i^A)^, 4Un.-njs, %^»-jioWt »^ ^60i. 
X^ eUtutW.,** ^U XmIIw 'vtsl^JJo, ^M&uB^_i l^Jtcvt^peulo-^l i «tt- 

-^.mUiMyus^c. ^ JJ^^ "^ QmAS^^vmM,. - 1<-i\shAx^ •*«,«- JU.^ U«X* 

JUvw/ ^iMipt/ AoUt ^iJ^Vuue.- - JtlPi^o^luL^, it. ir -xi/wc* •<,uirU- 

ifoytjje, tAAtt(e> to^/€4juc ^Lfl 'w-i^eU/Cw. x pLuw-; lw>, ©UutM/,- 


jiv^lW^& 'jAADi^^/n U/Pv;pvri. I?U ^(L 1>'S} _UX€. ^^^_ WcJ b-^^v^UD 







[Translation from Polish] 

November 25, 1940. 

Dear Joseph: You can't imagine how immensely happy you have made us 
with your letter. It is the first extensive news we have had from you. Only the 
'postcard of November 29, 1939, and a telegram of March 20, from Starobielsk reached 
us, and afterwards there was only a confused report that you were at Graizowiec. I 
wrote so at random, I wonder that my postcards ever reached you. We read 
your letter out loud at home, everyone studied it personally several times after 
that, and we read it to our friends as well. 

I am pleased that you shift for yourself, and that you are full of good thoughts 
and cheerful. "Take it easy" should be your principle, and the rest will come 
by itself. We shall not escape our destination. When there is an end to this 
homelessness, you should be strong enough to establish a new home for yourself. 

Ail our belongings have been lost in this storm, of course, e.xcept for some 
furniture and your stamps, and no one can know what will happen to them. 
Our crystal, plates, pictures, and all the baskets with linen, bedding, my suits 
and yours — everything has been lost. Only things which I had in suitcases and 
which could be carried easily have been saved. 

Our present life is day-to-day vegetation. To survive is the question. Other 
people live in even worse conditions, and we do not suffer so far from the lack of 
the necessaries of life, although we live economically. The children go to school. 
Wiesio goes to the third class. Olenka also learns. I hope she will finish the 
fourth class before vacation. They grow like Jewish usury, and outgrow their 
clothes. But I alter this, and make that longer, and in this way I keep them 
dressed. Olenka has an overcoat cut down from my old navy-blue one. Just 
after our arrival in December last year, I bought Wieslaw a sheepskin coat. So 
the children are well dressed. You saw them in the photograph. We were 
very pleased that you received it and that having it, you will be able to look at it 

I received a letter from America saying that they had sent you a parcel contain- 
ing the articles you wanted, but that this parcel, which weighed 11 kilograms, had 
returned smaller by half. But they are going to send you another one. Write 
them if you can, because they do not know your present address and you may not 
receive it again. Wieslaw continues his father's hobby, collecting stamps for 
daddy. He woke up the morning after your departure and did not know that 
you had tried to wake him; he started to cry because his father had left. We 
have been touched many times, remembering this. 

The address to Bronia is attached. Write her that the eflforts to help her are 
being made here. Kazachstan-Aktiubinska, Oblast Andrejewsko post region, 
Lewnocki-Selo settlement, Krasnojarsk. Write her that Tad goes to a commer- 
cial college. I do not know the address of Mrs. Kaiinkowa. Was Cierniak with 
you at Starobielsk, and what has happened to hi?n? Mala asks you for news. Do 
you know anything about Felix Badecki? If you have any news, do write. 

Imagine that on October 2, 1939, Rowne left for Bialystok. Do not worry 
about us. We shift for ourselves. Take care of yourself and keep well, because 
we are waiting for your return. There is so much left to write about, and the 
page has ended. I kiss you ardently, ardently. 

Ira, Wiesio. 

I saw mother at Lukanowice. She is doing well. As they have enough to 
eat, they will not suffer. 

Print your address, as it is difficult to read it. 

P. S, We are mad with joy at having received a letter from daddy, and we 
read it 100 times. In the next letter Wiesio and I shall write, because this letter 
would be too long. 


Addressee: Russia, Moscow, The Central Post OflSce, P. O. Box No. 686, Major 

Jo.seph . 

Sender: Irena , Grybow, Kracow, German East Post. 


Chairman Madden. From your experience as a prisoner, and during 
the intervening period, have you decided in your own mind who com- 
mitted the massacres at Katyn? 

Mr. A. There is no doubt in my mind that this was the act of the 

Chairman Madden. The Russian NKVD? 

Mr. A. Yes. 

Chairman IVIadden. All right. We want to thank you for your 
testimony here. Have 3'ou received any promises of emoluments or 
recompense from anybody for your testimony here? 

Mr. A. No; I have not received any such promises or offers. 


Chairman Madden. I might state for the record that this witness 
is testifying under an assumed name, and his original name, which is 
identified with his experiences in the Polish Army, is known in the 
record with the committee. 

Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, it is our wish that you 
be advised that j'^ou would run the risk of action in the courts by 
anyone who considered he had suffered injury. At the same time, I 
wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United States 
and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsibility 
in your behalf in respect to libel or slander proceedings which may 
arise as the result of the testimony. That statement was just read 
to you by the interpreter in Polish. . 

Chairman Madden. Do you agree to that statement which has 
been read to you? 

Mr. B. Yes; I agree. 

Chairman Madden. Let the witness be sworn. Do you swear by 
the God Almighty that you will, according to your best knov/ledge, 
tell the pure truth, and that you will not conceal anything? 

Mr. B. Yes; I swear. 

Chairman Madden. Proceed. I might state that if you can just 
confine your statement to what j^ou know regarding Katyn without 
going into any long historical review of your experiences, it wiU help 
the committee a great deal. 

Mr. Flood. You were taken prisoner by the Russians? 

Mr. B. Yes; I was taken prisoner on September 28 together with 
my unit in Poland. 

Mr. Flood. And you were taken to the camp at Kozielsk? 

Mr. B. I was taken before 

Mr. Flood. Well, you ultimately got to the camp at Kozielsk? 

Mr. B. Yes, but before I was in the camp 

Mr. Flood. I thinlc it will help us reach the pertinent part of your 
testimony if you just answer my questions. You were at Kozielsk? 

Mr. B. Yes; I was. 

Mr. Flood. When did you get to Kozielsk, in what month, if 
you remember? 

Mr. B. On November 2, 1939. 

Mr. Flood. On November 2, 1939, the Russians finally got you 
to Kozielsk after taking you to other places, is that right? 

Mr. B. Yes. 


Mr. Flood. And when you were there, there were other Pohsh 
officers there with you? 

Mr. B. Yes; there were. 

Mr. Flood. 4,000 or 5,000 in round numbers? 

Mr. B. I cannot tell the number because many officers were coming 
and going at that time. Just at the beginning of November was the 
time the transports were coming to Kozielsk from various directions. 

Mr. Flood. While you were at Kozielsk, and during the time 
you were there, we understand that the Russians were taking groups 
of Polish officers, fellow prisoners, out of Kozielsk, taking them away — 
is that correct? 

Mr. B. I heard only that there were some Polish military prisoners 
before us. 

Mr. Flood. No, I mean at the time vou were there? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Were they taking any away while you were there? 

Mr. B. Not in November, but afterward. 

Mr. Flood. After November? 

Mr. B. .Yes. 

Mr. Flood. When did you leave there? 

Mr. B. I left Kozielsk on April 29, 1940. 

Mr. Flood. And you got there in November 1939? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Now between the time that you got there in November 
of 1939 and the time you left in April of 1940, there were a number of 
Polish brother prisoners taken out of Kozielsk, is that correct? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Then in April of 1940, your turn came, and you were 
also called up to be taken out, is that correct? 

Mr. B. Yes, this is correct, but the general liquidation of the camp 
started on April 3, 1940. Before April 3, 1940, there were only some 
particular cases of some prisoners being taken away from the camp. 

Mr. Flood. But you were taken away — do you remember the day 
in April? 

Mr. B. Yes, I remember the beginning of the general liquidation 
of the camp. 

Mt. Flood. But what was the day when you were taken? 

Mr. B. On April 29. 

Mr. Flood. And about how many men went with you when you 
were taken? 

Mr. B. About 300. 

Mr. Flood. And were you taken down and given an investigation, 
an inspection? Did they take things from you? 

Mr. B. Yes, before they transferred us to the other guard at the 
gate of the camp, and then we were examined and all sharp objects 
were taken from us. 

Mr. Flood. And then you were placed in a prison car? 

Mr. B. No, just an ordinary car. 

Mr. Flood. You were not placed in prison cars? 

Mr. B. Not at Kozielsk gates. 

Mr. Flood. But I mean after you got on the railroad train? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Regular prison cars? 

Mr. B. Prison wagons. 


Air. Flood. And your whole group was placed on the tram? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. In different prison wagons? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And where was the first place you stopped after you 
left Kozielsk? 

Mr. B. Smolensk. 

Mr. Flood. Did you stop any place after Smolensk? 

Mr. B. Yes; it was the place where the unloading of the transport 
took place. 

Mr. Flood. What was the name of that place? 

Mr. B. I do not know; I gather from what I know now that it was 

Mr. Flood. Now we have you on the prison train with all your 
brother prisoners, and you are now at the first stop at Smolensk? i 

Mr. B. Yes. ' 

Mr. Flood. Will you tell us now in your own words what happened, 
what you say the mmute the train left Smolensk from then on? Take 
it from there on in your own words. 

Mr. B. Yes. We stayed at Smolensk for only a few minutes. We 
come to Smolensk at dawn, and the general impression which struck 
me during this transfer was that we were going very fast, comparatively 
fast, because usually the prison transports were very slow because other 
trains had priority before them, but we were traveling very fast. 
From Smolensk we traveled for a few minutes — it may be half an 
hour — in a northwestern direction, and after we traveled about 10 
miles the train stopped, and unloading started. 

Mr. Flood. The train stopped for the unloading of the prisoners? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Air. Flood. Now what time of day, if you remember, did you make 
the first stop after you left Smolensk, do you remember? 

Air. B. It was very early. 

Air. Flood. Early in the morning? 

Air. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Was it daylight? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Air. Flood. Could you see well? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Air. Flood. The sun was up? 

Air. B. Yes. 

lyir. Flood. The weather was good? 

Mr. B. Yes, it was a very nice day, 

Mr. Flood. What happened; they unloaded the prisoners? 

Mr. B. Yes. After some time — maybe after three-quarters of an 
hour or an hour— a column of NKVD entered our car and called my 
name and told me that I should be separated and brought me to 
another prison wagon. 

Air. Flood. Was that on the same train or a dift'erent train? 

Air. B. On the same train; it was a neighboring wagon because the 
prisoners had left the wagon before; it was an empty wagon. They 
put me in a separate compartment in that wagon; the compartment 
was locked up, and a special guard was placed in the corridor. 

Mr. Flood. Was there anybody else in the entire wagon with you? 


Mr. B. My feeling was that there were only two people locked up 
in the compartment, myself and the guard. 

Mr. Flood. You are certain there was nobody else in your com- 

Mr. B. I am certain there was nobody else; no. 

Mr. Flood. And so far as you know, there was nobody else in the 
compartment but you and the guard? 

Mr. B. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. All right. 

Mr. B. The construction of the wagon is such that there is no 
window in the compartment, only a very small slit or opening just 
under the ceiling. So I got on the upper bunk in the compartment, 
and I was trying to show that I was going to sleep, but in the meantime 
the guard was looking in the other du'ection, and I tried to see what 
was outside. 

Mr. Flood. Could you see out through that crack or opening? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did you try to see out? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did you see anything? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What did you see? 

Mr. B. The wagon was standing not at the station, but somewhere 
behind the station, and there was some kind of square before the 
wagon; it was a square covered by grass, so it was a kind of lawn 
maybe, or square surrounded by small trees and very heavily guarded 
by the guards of the NKVD with fixed bayonets. There were two 
cars on the square, one autobus and another car of prison type without 
any windows. 

Mr. Flood. Both were motor vehicles? 

Mr. B. Yes, both were motor vehicles, both motor cars, and 
besides the guards of NKVD there were two NKVD officers, two 
Russian officers, standing there, one of them a colonel. I was very 
impressed by this fact because he was a very high ranking officer in 
the NKVD, and usually officers of such a high rank do not travel in 
the transports. The other officer was a captain of the NKVD. 
This autobus was approaching to the wagon. 

Mr. Flood. To the railroad car? 

Mr. B. Yes, to the railroad car, and the entrance to the autobus was 
from the back doors. The prisoners were asked to go into the auto- 
bus, and not stopping on the gromid, but just to go from the railroad 
wagon immediately into the back door of the autobus. The autobus 
was of quite an ordinary type. The windows were painted, or rather 
smeared, with some white color — -I imagine it was just smeared with 
lime — and the autobus took about 30 people. Then it went away, 
and returned after more or less half an hour — I cannot tell exactly, 
because I had no watch with me, but about half an hour — to take the 
next party, and it was proceeding for some hours. Then when the 
unloading liad been finished, I was transferred by this colonel into 
the hands of the captain who was standing there, and I learned after- 
ward that the captain was the head of the prison in Smolensk. He 
took me into that second prison car with a very heavy guard, because 
there were, I think, about five people with rifles besides the captain 
of the NKVD, and he brought me to the prison in Smolensk, not the 


general prison, but to a special prison of the NKVD called an internal 
prison of the NKVD, in the basement, as I understand, of the main 
building of the NKVD, and I was put there into the basement into a 
separate cell. My impression was that I was the only prisoner in 
that basement, and I stayed there for about a week. I was not badly 
treated. The head of the prison came every day to see me and 
brought me some books. I got permission to buy various things from 
the prison shop, and the head of the prison, who used to come every 
day to see me, sometimes remained in my cell for about half an hour 
or three quarters of an hour. 

Mr. Flood. At any time that you were in the NKVD prison in 
Smolensk, did you have any conversations with anybody, with fellow 
prisoners or Russian soldiers or NKVD, the superintendent or any- 
body about what you saw at the station? 

Mr. B. Yes, I asked the captain of the NKVD, who was the head 
of the prison, what was the reason for my being separated from my 
comrades, and he did not give me any definite answer. He told me 
that he does not know why, because he is only the head of the prison, 
and he had an order to keep me for some time until a new order would 

Mr. Flood. What is your opinion today? Why do you think you 
were separated, if you have any idea? 

Mr. B. Yes. I was brought to Moscow from Smolensk after a 
week into the Lubianka prison, and I was incarcerated there for 
10 months. As far as I understand, there were two reasons for taking 
me to Moscow. The first reason was that I was a professor of eco- 
nomics at a university in Poland, and I was at the head of the group 
which was doing research on the Russian economy, and I was con- 
nected with the research work of the German research institutes which 
were interested in eastern economic problems, so they considered me 
a very interesting person; in Moscow they knew my publications and 
my books, and they considered me a very interesting prisoner who 
could tell them very many things about the organization of anti- 
Soviet intelligence. I did not know anything about the organization 
of anti-Soviet intelligence, but they thought I knew. 

Mr. Flood. Then the only reason why you think they kept you 
and separated you from the prisoners at the station and that you 
survived is because they thought that you could be of some further 
use to them? 

Mr. B. Yes, that was the first reason. The second reason is because 
I was given the mdictment; I was accused. They started legal 
proceedings against me. The second reason was that in one of the 
Soviet proceedings before the court in 1937, when there were various 
deviations in the Communist Party, my name was mentioned, and so 
the documents which I saw in connection with that legal proceeding 
were from 1937; and there was one Russian, who was apparently shot 
(because on that document it was told only that he was sentenced) 
who mentioned my name as a Polish economist who was connected 
with the Polish General Staff m making various investigations. 

Mr. Flood. Professor, I want to establish a very clear fact again; 
although I think you have already made it very clear, I want it re- 
peated for the record. Will you repeat for us the day that you left 
Kozielsk, the date, April the what? 

Mr. B. April 29, 1940. 


Mr. Flood. You left on April 29, 1940? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. FtooD. And you left with how many other Polish officers? 

Mr. B. About 300. 

Mr. Flood. And you left Kozielsk on a wagon or a prison train, a 
train made up of prison wagons? 

Mr. B. I do not know. 

Mr. Flood. At least, yours was? 

Mr. B. I know only about my wagon. 

Mr. Flood. Yours was? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Now do you Imow the time of day when you left 

Mr. B. Just after dark. 

Mr. Flood. Do you know or remember how long you traveled, 
how many hours before you made the first stop, or can you guess? 

Mr. B. I do not remember any stop before Smolensk. There 
might have been stops, but I do not remember; if there were stops, 
they were very short. 

Mr. Flood. But the first stop that you do remember was Smolensk? 

Mr. B. Smolensk at the time of sunrise. 

Mr. Flood. Very well. At sunrise you got to Smolensk? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. How long were you at Smolensk before you moved on, 

Mr. B. A quarter of an hour. 

Mr. Flood. You stopped at Smolensk a quarter of an hour? You 
were at Smolensk for about 15 minutes? 

Mr. B. Yes, or maybe a little more, maybe between 15 minutes 
and half an hour. 

Mr. Flood. But no more than half an hour? 

Mr. B. No more than half an hour. 

Mr. Flood. Then you left Smolensk? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. How many stops did you make after leaving Smolensk 
before these officers were taken out? 

Mr. B. There were no stops. 

Mr. Flood. Only one? 

Mr. B. Only one. 

Mr. Flood. About how far in miles, if you know, or about how long 
in time, if you know, was there between Smolensk and that first stop? 

Mr. B. My comrades and I tried to estimate, and our estimation 
was about 12, 13, or 15 kilometers. 

Mr. Flood. And you checked that with other officers in your com- 
partment, talking back and forward? 

Mr. B. Yes, really it was the estimate of several officers. 

Mr. Flood. But that was the consensus? 

Mr. B. Yes, the general consensus. 

Mr. Flood. And you remember that distinctly? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. All right. 

Mr. Machrowicz. About these 300 men that you left the camp 
with, did you know any of those 300 personally? 

Mr. B. Yes, some of them I remember. 


Mr. Machrowicz. You have seen lately, or later you have seen, the 
list of these bodies that were uncovered at Katyn? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you recognize in that list which was published 
the names of any men that left the camp with you as some of the 300? 
Mr. B. I have known tlu-ee names. There are only three names 
that I remember, because these people were usually mixed up; they 
took people from different barracks and different parts of the camp, 
but I remember three names. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And the last time you saw them was at this 
railroad station where you were separated from them? 

Mr. B. Yes, and other names I have known on the list. I can say 
those names. The first was Mr. Tucholski. He was a lecturer at 
the Teclmical Institute in Warsaw. The second was Mr. Roro- 
wajczyk, and the third one Lieutenant Zoltowski. 

Air. Machrowicz. What was his first name; was it Marceli? 

Mr. B. I think so; yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. So you definitely identify thi-ee names of those 
from whom 3'ou were separated on that last journey? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Now j^ou have seen descriptions which the Germans 
and Russians both agree on as to what the bodies were wearing that 
were buried at Katyn. Now the last time you saw these men, were 
the}' wearing the clothes in which they were buried in the graves at 
KatA-n, overcoats, boots and so on? 

Mr. B. Yes, because we were all wearing overcoats and boots; it 
was at a time when the snow was lying. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, the waj' you have learned now and 
lately in the reports that are coming out, the way the bodies were 
found in the graves at Katyn, those are the clothes they were wearing 
when you last saw them? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Just one or two questions. Were you taken to 

Mr. B. I was taken to Moscow from Smolensk. I w^as about 2 
weeks in prison at Smolensk, and from there I was transferred under 
special guard to Moscow. 

Mr. DoNDERo. You were put in prison at Moscow? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did you talk with some Russian officers? 

Mr. B. In Moscow?"^ 

Mr. DoNDERO. Yes. 

Mr. B. I talked to many prisoners there. 

Mr. DoNDERO. No. Did you talk with Russian officers? 
. Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat Congressman Dondero wants to know is 
did you talk with any high-ranking Russian officers regarding the fate 
of your comrade officers? 

Mr. B. I was asking my interrogation judge and some higher officer 
of NKVD, whose name I do not know, to whom I was brought by my 
mterrogation judge 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he tell j^ou anything about the fate of your 
comrade officers? 


Mr. B. They told me: "The fate of your comrades is very nice. 
They are being sent home to their famihes"; but they told me that 
because I conducted anti-Soviet spying, I have to stay in prison; that 
is what they answered me. 

Mr. Machrowicz. One other question. When you were at this 
station Gniezdovo, did you hear any shouts or any other strange 

Mr. B. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. There was nothing unusual that you heard? 

Mr. B. I heard nothing unusual. 

Mr. Flood. Now I show you a list of names of the bodies that were 
discovered at Katyn which is already in evidence in the hearings in 
America, it was exhibit 5A in Chicago, and direct your attention to 
page 83 thereof and ask you if you recognize this name of Leonard 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I now direct your attention also to page 176 of the 
same exhibit, and ask you whether or not you recognize the name of 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. The first name is Tadeusz. I also direct your attention 
to page 198 of the same document exhibit and ask j^ou if you recognize 
the name of Zoltowski. There are several Zoltowski's mentioned. 
Just see if you can identify from any additional information in this 
document the particular Zoltowski that you knew and mentioned in 
your testimony? 

Mr. B. As far as I remember his name it was Marceli Zoltowski. 

Mr. Flood. You identify Marcoli Zoltowski as the man you knew? 

Mr. B. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And I believe you said as far as you knew, he was a 
cavalry officer? 

Mr. B. Yes, he was a cavalry officer. 

Chairman Madden. That is all. Now let me say this: From your 
exp?riences as a prisoner and from the testimony related here, have 
you in your own mind decided who was responsible for the murders 
and massacre at Katyn — in your own mind? 

Mr. B. Certainly when I was in Russia 

Chairman Madden. Just answer briefly. 

Mr. B. There is no evidence as far as I know of the actual miu'der, 
but there are very many corroborating circumstances which show 
that this was done by the Russians. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is that your personal opinion? 

Mr. B. That is my personal opinion. 

Chairman Madden. That is all. Now nobody has promised any 
recompense or emoluments to you for coming here to testify today, 
or any day? Nobody has promised you anj-thing to testify here, 
have they? 

Mr. B. Certainly not. 

Chairman Madden. That is all. We want to thank you for your 
testimony. The committee will now adjourn and will reconvene at 2. 

(Whereupon, at 1:30 p. m., the select committee recessed, to 
reconvene at 2 p. m.) 

Chairman Madden. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The next witness is Col. Stanislaw Lubodziecki. 


Mr. Flood. Colonel, before you make a statement, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts 
by anyone who considered he had suffered injury. At the same time, 
I wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United States 
and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsibility 
in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceeding:s which may 
arise as the result of the testimony. Mr. Interpreter, will you interpret 
that m Polish to the witness? 

(The admonition was interpreted to the witness.) 

Mr. Flood. Ask him if he clearly understands the admonition. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness says he is a former judge and that he 
understands the admonition very clearly. 

Chairman Madden. You will be sworn. You solemnly swear by 
the God Almighty that you will, accordmg to the best of your knowl- 
edge, tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, and 
not conceal anything, so help you God. 

Colonel LuBODziECKi. Yes. 

LONDON, N. W. 6. 

Mr. Flood. What is your full name, Colonel? 

Colonel LuBODziECKi. Stanislaw Lubodziecki. 

Mr. Flood. You are a former colonel in what Army? 

Colonel LtJBODZiECKi. In the Polish Army. 

Mr. Flood. Were you a colonel in the Polish Army m 1939? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. From 1919. 

Mr. Flood. Were you on active duty in 1939? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. In 1931 I went into retirement. 

Mr. Flood. Were you recalled up as a reservist in 1939? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. No. 

Air. Flood. How did you appear in a Russian prison camp? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. .A.s a retired officer of the Polish Army, I was 
entitled to wear the Polish Army uniform. 

Mr. Flood. How did you become a Russian prisoner? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. While I was near the village of Zbaraza on 
September 17, 1939, a Russian unit had taken me prisoner. 
• Mr. Flood. Wliat were you doing in uniform? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. I left Warsaw in uniform because I was 
anticipating that I would be recalled for active duty. I had notified 
the Polish Army that I was available and ready for recall to active 

Mr. Flood. To what camp did the Russians take you? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. First I was taken to a camp at Putivl 
District, Sumy County. 

Mr. Flood. On what date, if you remember, were you taken to 
either of the three camps connected with this investigation? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. I was removed from the camp that I just 
named on November 2 and I arrived at Kozielsk on November 3, 1939. 

Mr. Flood. You arrived at Kozielsk on Novem.ber 3, 1939. How 
long did you rem.ain at Kozielsk? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. To the 8th March 1940. 

93744— 52— pt. 4 8 


Mr. Flood. About how many of the original group of officers at 
Kozielsk during the time you were there were in Kozielsk when you 
left there on March 8, 1940? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Tlie question was how many remained? 

Mr. Flood. Yes, how many remained. 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. In excess of 4,000. 

Mr. Flood. When you left on March 8, 1940? 

Colonel LuBODziECKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Now where were you taken? 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. A^yself and 14 others, consisting of Polish 
Army ofhcers and civilians, were taken by rail car from Kozielsk to the 
city of Smolensk. I am able to give you some of the names of those 
14 that were with me. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat happened to the 14? 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. After remaining at the Smolensk camp for 1 
day, I and another Polish officer, Capt. Leopold Liclmowski, were 
taken to Kharkov and we remained there 1 day and then we were 
transferred to Kiev. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat information do you have in connection wdth the 
Katyn matter? 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. First, when we were still at Kozielsk, we 
were told that we would be taken out of there. They told us that 
they would take us to the German occupation zone, and later we were 
told that we would be taken to western Sibeiia, to the town of Bar- 
naeul. My friends told me that they were told by a Russian NKVD 
officer, who was a Pole, a Major UrbanoA\dcz, that they are going to 
evacuate these prisoners from tliis camp. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat camp? 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. Kozielsk, but that if they Iviiew where they 
would be evacuated to, their eyes would virtually pop out. Wlien I 
arrived at Kiev, an NKVD officer, a lieutenant, told me that hereafter 
this train will be used primarily for transferring prisoners from 

Mr. Flood. To where? 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. He did not tell me where. 

Mr. Flood. How long were you a prisoner at any of the camps in 
Russia? When did you leave Russia? 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. When I arrived at Kiev, the NKVD officer 
reported to his superiors that he had brought two officers from the 
camp numbered 13, and at that time I learned that our camp Kozielsk 
was known as camp 13. 

Mr. Flood. Did you, to this day, ever meet or see or hear from 
any of your brother officers who were in Kozielsk at the time you were 
there, between November 3, 1939, and today? 

Colonel IjUBODziecki. After I had remained at Kozielsk a few 
days, a group of 100 officers and civilians arrived there, and shortly 
thereafter they were again removed from the camp. In that grouj) 
were included Colonel Widacki, who was the mayor of Tarnopol, and 
Lieutenant Colonel Kornilowicz, wliose wife was the (hiughtrr of the 
fiimous Polish author, Henry Sienkiewicz. From this group I had 
met one of tlie officers, an artill(M-y lieutenant named BoIxm-, who was 
in the oi-iginal gi'oup of 100, mid I met him in the ])iison in Kiev in 
October of 1940. He sul)sequently joined the second division of the 
Polish Army and fought in Italy and is still today alive. 


Mr. Flood. Did that officer ever tell you that he had been taken 
from Kozielsk to Pavilishchev Bor at any time? 

Colonel LuBODziECKi. No. 

Mr. Flood. Is there anything else you have to say m connection 
with Katvn? Did you discuss it with anybody? Did any Russians 
or any Poles ever discuss Katyn or Smolensk with you? 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. I have always been very much interested in 
this matter. I have done considerable research and I have lectured 
on the subject and I have prepared a little brochure of my OM^n. 

Mr. Flood. What I want to know is: What direct information 
can A^ou give us from your own experience, not from your research? 

Colonel LuBODZiECKi. A Polish officer had told me while I was at 
Kiev — he was being tried there also — that somewhere in the middle 
of 1940 he had observed in Kharkov, and in other villages where the 
NKVD was interrogating various Polish prisoners, large posters in 
color on which was a picture of a "Russian bayonet and pierced through 
this bayonet on these posters were the caps of Polish officers, and there 
was some writing on these posters which said in effect: "This is the 
end of the bourgeoise arm}'.'' 

Mr. PuciNSKi. I would like to ask this witness, Mr. Chairman, if 
he can identify from the official list of the corpses that were found at 
Katyn any of the names of those 14 that were taken with him to 
Smolensk and he had lost track of. 

Mr. Flood. Suppose you let him take this list and go out in the 
other room and look at it. Meantime, we can take another witness. 
There is nothing further with this witness, is there? The witness is 
now being shown the official copy of the list of those who were dis- 
covered at Katyn and is being requested by the committee to examine 
that list to determine whether or not from that list he can find the 
names of any of the 14 brother officers who were taken by the Russians 
from Kozielsk with him to Smolensk. If he does so, he can notify the 
committee and we will immediately recall him for identification. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The next witness is Mr. Zygmunt Luszczynski. 

Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, it is our wish that you 
be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts by any- 
one who considered he had suffered injury. At the same time, I 
wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United States 
and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsibility 
in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings which may 
arise as the result of the testimony. Now, Mr. Interpreter, will you 
translate that for the witness? 

(The admonition was interpreted to the witness.) 

Mr. Flood. Do you understand the provisions of the admonition? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness says that he does understand. 

Chairman Madden. Do you swear by the God Almighty that you 
will, to your best knowledge, tell the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, and not conceal anything, so help you God? 

Mr. Luszczynski. Yes. 


N. W. 3 

Mr, Flood. What is your full name? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Zygmunt Luszczynski. 

Mr. Flood. Were you ever a member of the Armed Forces of 

Mr. Luszczynski. Yes, I was. 

Mr. Flood. When and where? 

Mr. Luszczynski. I was a captain in the Polish Army, and just 
before the outbreak of hostilities in 1939 I was the chief of the police 
in the province of Polosia, Brzosc. 

Mr. Flood. When and where did the Russians take you prisoner? 

Mr. Luszczynski. I was taken prisoner on the 24th Septem.bcr 
wliile I was in civilian clothes, and I had been informing General 
Kloberk of the strength and disposition of Russian troops in Brzcsc. 

Mr. Flood. To which of the three connected wdth this 
investigation were you taken by the Russians? 

Mr. Luszczynski. I was arrested in Brzesc. I stayed there for 
3 dn,ys and then I was transferred to Ostashkov. 

Mr. Flood. Wlien did you arrive in Ostashkov. 

Mr. Luszczynski. The trip lasted 2 weeks, and I arrived at Ostash- 
kov in the middle of October 1939. 

Mr. Flood. How long did you stay at Ostashkov. 

Mr. Luszczynski. Until April 24, 1940. 

Mr. Flood. Wliore were you taken on April 24, 1940? 

Mr. Luszczynski. We were loaded into a train at Ostashkov. 
There wore 7 cars and approximately 300 people in this particular 
train load. 

Mr. Flood. To whore were they taken? 

Mr. Luszczynski. We were severely beaten as we were loaded into 
these prison cars. We were taken from. Ostashkov to Wiasm.a, where 
we remained at the siding for 3 days ; then six of the seven cars were 
disconnected and they went in some other direction, and the car in 
which I was present was taken to Babynino. 

Mr. Flood. You finally were taken then to the camp at Pavlishchev 

Mr. Luszczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And at that camp at Pavlishchev Bor did you meet 
any other Polish officers from any other Russian camps? 

Mr. Luszczynski. Yes. At that time I met approximately 200 
officers from other camps. 

Mr. Flood. Did you meet any officers from Starobielsk? 

Mr. Luszczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did you meet any officers from Kozielsk? 

Afr. Luszczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You were from Ostashkov? 

Mr. Luszczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And you were at Pavlishchev Bor with Polish officers 
who had come from Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Pavlishchev Bor? 

Mr. Luszczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. How many went with you in that one car that was 
detached from the train from the Ostashkov camp to Pavlislichev Bor? 


Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Approximately 50. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever hear from anybody — military, civilian, 
or anybody else — that was in those other six cars that left on the seven- 
car train with you from Ostashkov, to this day? Have you ever heard 
of them since? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Never. I have never heard of those people 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever talk to anybody who, in an3^ way, directly 
or indirectly, had ever heard one word from any of the people that were 
in those other six cars that left that train? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. I have never; but, prior to our departure from 
Ostashkov, there were regular departures of trains ever}^ day consist- 
ing of some 200 prisoners that were removed from Ostashkov. They 
were going to the trains. 

Mr. Flood. When you got to Ostashlcov on October 15, 1939, you 
miust have been one of the fu"st prisoners that got to Ostashkov, were 
you not? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. Ostashkov was quite a big camp? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes; it was a large camp on an island. 

Mr. Flood. If you guess, or know, or ever heard, about how many 
pi'isoners at the most were ever at Ostashkov dming this period of 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. There were first of all the Polish police, approxi- 
mately^ 2,000; then there was the border guard, approximately 300; 
Polish jail guards, or prison guards from Poland, approximately 200; 
the military police and officers and noncommissioned officers. 

Mr. Flood. And civilians? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Civilians and clergy. 

Mr. Flood. Judges? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. District attorneys? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Lawyers? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Priests? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Approximately 100 clergymen, priests. 

Mr. Flood. Priests, Rabbis, and Protestant ministers? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Prominent businessmen? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes; and landowTiers. 

Mr. Flood. Professors? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Intelligentsia? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Public officers. 

Mr. Flood. Government bureaucratic officials? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes; members of the courts too. 

Mr. Flood. About how many, in a round number? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Approximately 5,500. 

Mr. Flood. From the time that you arrived at Ostashkov, October 
15, 1939, what was done, if anything, by the Russians with any of 
the inmates? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. We were all interrogated during the time. 


Mr. Flood. I mean, were any of the people who were in Ostashkov 
during the time you were there ever taken out of the camp? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. No. 

Mr. Flood. Were they ever removed from time to time in transports 
by train, taken some place else? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Individuals were removed. 

Mr. Flood. Did they ever take any trainloads of 300 or 400 like 
your trainload out of Ostashkov at any time between October 15, 1939, 
and April 24, 1940, when you left? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Up to the 1st of April the evacuation consisted 
of individuals. After the 1st of April there was a steady evacuation, 
almost daily, of trainloads consisting of from 200 to 300. 

Mr. Flood. Of all the people that you saw, met, and talked to, 
Poles, who were in the camp at Ostashkov between October 15, 1939, 
and April 24, 1940, with the exception of the one carload who went to 
Pavlishechev Bor with you, have you ever seen or heard of any of those 
people since? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. No. The witness wants to explain here that after 
he had arrived with his group at Pavlishchev Bor, about 2 weeks later 
another trainload of approximated 100 Poles arrived at Pavlishchev 

Mr. Flood. From Ostashkov? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. From Ostashkov. We were told at Ostashkov 
that we were being taken into the forests to cut timber when we left 

Mr. Flood. Ask him if he has anything further in connection with 
the camp or the people? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness points out that after the amnesty in 
1941 he was a Polish intelligence officer, and that he and others par- 
ticipated in an extensive search, being given complete freedom in 
Russia, in an effort to find the missing officers from that camp, without 
any success. 

Mr. Flood. Were you one of the investigators named by General 
Anders to cooperate with Czapski? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes; I supplied information. I was one of those 
named, and I supplied information to Czapski. 

Mr. Flood. Were you a member of one of the sev^eral commissions 
that was set up by General Anders, with the permission of the Russians, 
that operated in several different districts in Russia, looking for the 
Polish missing officers? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. I was not a member of one of those commissiotis, 
but I was the man who compiled and evaluated tlie information 
coming in from those commissions. 

Mr. Flood. Wliere were you located? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. I was in Tockoie. 

Mr. Flood. Did you stay in that one place? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. I was the chief of the intelligence division of the 
sixth division. 

Mr. Flood. Did you have .i7iv conversations with any NKVD 
officers or with any Russian officials, civilian or military, at any time 
during the course of your search for the Polish officers with reference 
to the missiii": officers? 


Mr. LuszczYNSKi. I was in constant communication and discussion 
with the NKVD officers, because that was the most frequently dis- 
cussed topic. 

Mr. Flood. Do I understand you were chief of intehigence of the 
sixth army group? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes; I was. 

Mr. Flood. Sixth Division of the Pohsh Army? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What was a sample conversation that you had of all 
these conversations you had with the NKVD officers with reference 
to the missing Polish officers? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. I shall give you the name of Colonel Gulake- 
wicz, who was an NKVD officer, who was assigned as liaison officer 
to oiu" division. 

Mr. Flood. What happened? Wliat did he talk about? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. He had given me repeated assurances that the 
search for these missing Polish officers was continuing without end 
at the central headquarters of the NKVD. 

Mr. Flood. Is that the only kind of answer you got? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. That is the only kind of answer we got. 

Mr. Flood. Is that the kind of answer j^ou got all the time? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. More or less these were the same kind of answers, 
evasive answers, which had apparently for their purpose a delaying 

Mr. Flood. And, as far as you are concerned, your search as 
intelligence officer for one or any of the Polish missing officers was 
without success. 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. We had tirelessly questioned everybody, every 
Pole, that came from all parts of Russia, from the northernmost 
parts of Russia, in an effort to find at least one name of those who 
were interned in any of those camps, and we were without success. 
There were at first indications that these officers may have been 
taken to the vSt. Francis Islands way up in the northern part of 
Russia, but our subsequent investigation proved that this was not so. 

Air. Flood. Did you ever get any hint, did you ever get any rumors, 
did you ever get any lead of any kind, from any Russians of any 
category, civilian, military or police, having to do with the missing 
Polish officers? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. We always thought that we were on the right 
track and that we would very shortly find them, but it all developed 
that our ideas and our beliefs were misleading. 

Mr. Flood. That is not the answer to my question. 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. No; we did not. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Mr. Chairman, I want to ask a few questions. 
Wliat do you know personally, if anything, regarding the Katyn 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. I was convinced during my search in Russia 
that these people were dead. 

Mr. DoNDERO. The question is: Wliat do you know personally, if 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. I have never been in Katyn, either before or 
during the actual investigation or search for these officers. 

Mr. DoNDERo. And you never talked with anyone who had been 


Mr. LuszczYNSKi. No; I never talked to those people, because 
they are not alive now. All our investigations kept pointing toward 
Katyn, and we used to send our own officers into that general area to 
talk to the inhabitants of the area, hoping that they might come back 
with some information or what-have-you. 

Mr. DoNDERO. You answered Mr. Flood that you had been in 
touch with many NKVD officers and what I want to know is: Did 
you talk with any of them who had any connection with Katyn? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. No. 

Mr. DoNDERO. And all the investigations made in search of these 
Polish officers were made in Russian territory? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Yes. We had complete freedom of movement. 
We had a free hand. 

Chairman Madden. Let me ask you this: With all your experiences 
m the camp and then the work you did within Russian territory after 
you were out of prison, have you come to any conclusion as to who 
committed the murders, massacre, at Katyn? 

Mr. LuszczYNSKi. Unquestionably Russia. There is no question 
about it. I have observed the tactics of the NKVD from the border- 
lands of Poland for the past 20 years, and I am well familiar with their 

Chairman Madden. That is all, and we want to thank you for 
coming here and testifying today. 

Col. Stanislaw Lubodziecki, recalled. 

Mr. Flood. Colonel, you previously had testffied, and at the end 
of your testimony the committee submitted to you a list of the officers 
who were found at Katyn, and we asked you whether or not you would 
find on that list any of the names of the 14 fellow officer prisoners who 
were taken by the Russians with you to Smolensk. Have you 
examined that list? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. Yes; I have. 

Mr. Flood. Do you find on that list any of the names of the 14? 

Colonel Lubodziecki. Yes. I have found all five of the names 
that I had previously submitted. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Interpreter, will you read into the record, and 
give the page from the exhibit, and see that the record shows the 
names that the colonel identified from the list. 

Mr. Pucinski. The first name that the witness points out is that 
of Capt. Josef Graniczny, whose name appears on page 58. The 
next name is that of Lt. Col. August Starzenski, whose name appears 
on page 160. The next name is that of a civilian, Julian Wasowski, 
whose name appears on page 180. The next name is Captain 
Liclmowski, no first name given, and the name appears on page 371. 

Chah-man Madden. We want to thank j^ou for testifying, Mr. 


Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, it is our wish that you 
be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts by 
anyone who considered he had sulTered hijury. At the same time, 
I wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United 
States and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsi- 
bility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings which 


may arise as the result of the testimony. Mr. Interpreter, will you 
translate that for the witness? 

(The admonition was interpreted to the witness.) 

Air. Flood. Will j-ou ask the witness if she clearly understands the 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness understands the admonition. 

Chairman Madden. Do you swear by God the Almighty that you 
will, according to your best'knowledge, tell the truth, the whole truth 
and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes; I do. 

Mr. Flood. How long have you been in London? 

Mrs. Knopp. From September 1947. 

Mr. Flood. Were you born in Poland? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Were you married to a Pole? 

Mrs. Knopp. My husband was a lieutenant colonel in the Polish 

Mr. Flood. Was he in the Polish Army in 1939? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes; he was on active duty in 1939. 

Mr. Flood. Were you married to him at that time? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Was he taken prisoner by the Russians? 

Mrs. Knopp. As the commanding officer of his regiment he was 
retreating when the Russian invasion took place and he was taken 

Mr. Flood. To which of the three camps that we have been dis- 
cussing in this investigation was your husband taken? 

Mrs. Knopp. He was taken to Starobielsk on the 1st October 1939. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever write to him when he was at Starobielsk? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes; I wrote to him. 

Mr. Flood. How frequently would you write to him — once a week? 

Mrs. Knopp. I wTote more frequently. I wrote at least every one 
week after he was there. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever send him any pictures of yourself or of 
your family or your friends, or newspapers, or anything? 

Mrs. Knopp. No. He had written me requesting that I send him 
a picture of myself and our little daughter, which I did, but he never 
received it. 

Mr. Flood. Did he write to you frequently? Did he answer your 

Mrs. Knopp. They were permitted to write only once every month, 
but for some reason or other I received letters from him about once 
every 3 weeks. 

Mr. Flood. How did you first find out or learn that he was a 
prisoner of the Russians and at Starobielsk.? 

Mi's. Knopp. In the 1st or 2d October I received a card from him 
in which he gave me his address as Camp 15, Starobielsk. 

Mr. Flood. When did you first write to him — right away? 

Mrs. Knopp. Almost immediately. 

Mr. Flood. Do you remember or recall, the date of the last letter 
that you had from your husband? 

Mrs. Knopp. This which I hold here is the last card that I received 
from him, dated the 6th of April 1940. 

Mr. Flood. The witness shows the committee a post card which we 
will ask the stenographer to mark as exhibit 12. 



Mr. Machrowicz. May I state for the record that the date in 
PoHsh appears in the reverse of what it does in the United States. 
The day is first and then the month. "6/4" is the 6th day of April. 

(Post card referred to was marked as "Exhibit 12," and is shown 

ExiiiniT 12 


. HOM 


XJ<< ■'' 

. ■**«-y.;-*;-^**pV7->% — ^■^V*'^?<«»>»«4*-») 

T tA- 





..W^^un , . ,. 

(NoTK. — A translation of this card appears on following page immediately 
Eafter xhibit 13.) 


Mr. Flood. The witness is shown for identification exhibit 12 ; and I 
ask her: Is this the card that you tell us was the last word you received 
from your husband at the camp at Starobielsk? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes, this is the last card I received from my husband, 
and I received this card in mid-June. I had been taken to Russia 
around the middle of April and this card had gone to Lwow and it was 
then forwarded to me in Russia, where I was put to work in a factory 
making bricks. 

Mr. Flood. By the Russians? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes. 

Air. Flood. But the card was addressed to your home address by 
your husband? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And was received at the home address? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And forwarded to you in Russia; is that correct? 

Mrs. Knopp. My husband addressed this card to Lwow, where I 
was staying with his parents. I was a fugitive. I was captured and 
I was taken to Russia, and the card was then forwarded to me. 

Mr. Flood. I direct the attention of the witness to that part of 
exhibit 12 whereon is to be found the date, and ask her to read from 
the card what was the date of the card. 

Mrs. Knopp. 6th April 1940. 

Mr. Flood. And was that date put on there in your husband's 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes, of course. 

Mr. Flood. Do you identify that card and the writing of that date 
and that handwriting as that of your husband? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes, I do. There is on the card, in a different hand- 
wTiting and a different pencil used, the notation that he has left 
Starobielsk in April and this notation was made on tliis card by a friend 
of his, apparently. I presume he was evacuated from Starobielsk 
and he probably left this card with a friend to have it posted and 
forwarded to me from Starobielsk, and the additional writing on 
here was apparently put on by that friend, I have the text of the 
card in which he says he is being evacuated from Starobielsk and 
that he will forward me the address. Tie saj^'s: "Do not WTite to me 
imtil I give you my new address." 

Mr. Flood. The witness shows the committee a copy of the 
"\\T:'itten matter by the husband on exhibit 12, which I will ask the 
stenographer to mark "Exhibit 13." 

(Transcription of the material written on exhibit 12 was marked 
as "Exhibit 13," and is shown below:) 

Exhibit 13 

Karta pocztowa adresowana: "Lwow, iiL Sobieskiego 32, Janina Knoppowa". 

Adres nadawcy: "C. C. C. P. Starobielsk, skrzynka pocztowa Nr. 15, Tadeusz 

Stanislawowicz Knopp". Stempel pocztowy "Starobielsk" "12.4.40". Adres 

do Lwowa przekreslony i napisane: K. C. C. P. miasto Semipalatynsk, Cegiel- 

nia Nr. 2. Stempel pocztowy C. C. C. P. Zana Semei Wsch. Kazachstan 21.6. 


Na odwrocie: 

z Starobielska wyjechal w kwietniu 
Najdrozsza moja i najukochansza Janko i Ty moje kochanie Inus. Depesze 
otrzynialem 1 ciesze sie, zescie zdrowe. Bardzo sie ciesze, ze masz zamiar wyjechac 
do INIamy i chcialbym bardzo, bys jaknajpredzej to uskutecznila, zawsze bedziesz 
z Mama i bedzie Ci razniej — ^bardzo bym chcial, bys pojechala. Do mnie obecnie 
nie pisz, az ja do Ciebie napisze. Ja jestem zdrow i trzymam sie. Do Michala 


jesli bedzie Ciocia pisac, niech go serdccznie ode mnie ucaluje. Caluje Was obi& 
moje najdrozsze jaknajserdeczniej. Twoj Tadzik. Dla Cioci ucalowanie raczek. 
Od Halskiego Stefana i Genka ucalowanie raczek. O ile wiem, to jakies rzeczy 
maja bye u p. Nowachowiczowej. 6.4.940. 
Ex. 13 

Mr. Flood. The witness is now shown exhibit 13, and I ask her 
if that is an exact transcription of the material written on the card 
by her husband that she told us about. 

Mrs. Knopp. It is. 

Mr. Flood. Will you have that translated for the record? Read 
it to the committee now, 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The card is addressed to Lwow, Sobieski Street, 32, 
and it is addressed to Janiana Knoppwa. The address of the sender 
is given as "C. C. C. P. Starobielsk." The stamp mark is number 
15, and the name Tadeusz Stanislawowicz Knopp. The mailing 
stamp shows ''Starobielsk, 12th April, 1940." The message on the 
postcard is: 

My Dearest and my lovely Janko and you — my dear Inus. I received your 
telegram and am very happy that you are healthy. I am very happy that you 
are planning to go to mother, and I would like very much for you to do this as 
soon as possible. It will always be easier for you with mother. I would want 
very much for you to go there. Do not write to me at this time until I write to 
you. I am healthy and holding together. If our aunt writes to Michael, let 
her hug him for me. I send both of you my most sincere hugs and kisses. Your 
Tadzik. Also for aunt best wishes. Also best wishes from Halski, Stefan and 
Eugene. As far as I know there should be some things with Mrs. Nowochowicz — 

and the date is given as the 6th of April 1940. 

Mr. Flood. Have you ever seen a list of the names of any of the 
officers that were found at Katyn? 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes, I did in the book entitled "The Massacre of 

Mr. Flood. We now show you the list that has been placed in 
evidence at hearings in the United States of the men who were found 
at Katyn and direct your attention to page 264 thereof and ask you 
if you can identify the name as marked. 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes, I do, except that the age is incorrect. The age is 
shown as 10 years too much. It is a mistake. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Have you ever heard from your husband since that 
card was received? 

Mrs. Knopp. Not a single word. 

Chairman Madden. Nobody offered you any recompense or 
emolument for coming here today to testify, did they — any pay? 

Mrs. Knopp. No; of course not. 

Mr. Flood. The witness is shown exhibit 14 and asked where she 
received that card, where did she get it. 

Mrs. Knopp. My mother was in the German zone. In 1942 she 
died and when she died some of her personal belongings were sent to 
me and amongst those was this card. 

Mr. Flood. To whom is the card addressed? 

Mrs. Knopp. This card is addressed to my husband, my mother's 
son-in-law, at Starobielsk. 

Mr. Flood. At the camp at Starobielsk. 

Mrs. Knopp. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. There is a stamp on the face of the card niarked 
"Ret ur parti" and there is also a postmark from Moscow. Will you 



read into the record tlie date of the cancellation stamp, postmark from 
Moscow, on the face of the card ? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The date of the postmark is the 5th of June 1940. 

Mr. Flood. That indicates with a stamp that the card was returned 
as stamped, as I have just read, to the sender, in this case the witness's 
mother, and the date was from Moscow; is that correct? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Yes, that is correct. 

(Post card referred to was marked as "Exhibit 14," and is shown 
below :) 

Exhibit 14 

Pl < ^-J^ p<~^0\f A i^ AT' 




/^twA'. , >.ytr7/.>;a-^^-^ 

^^JT'v.,^^^^^^ j ^-^^^^-4^^££;^'^>7vl?, /S 



'^r //>- 

1Z U\'t\ ://- 

4 ^ /.' 

f^-g' / i-^ 

iCH If t. 

/ . 


[Translation from Polish] 
[Post card] 
[Addressed to:] 

Tadeusz Knopp 
Post Office Box 15 
[From :] 

Eugenia Zenermaii 
Rzeszow Gerinckstrasse 6 

Dear Tadziu! I have not written to you, because Janka wrote, gave the address, 
and counseled not to write. Today, however, I have decided to write, because 
through Janka I get news only once every two months. Lately she informed 
[me] that she tried to get here, but although transports are coming to an end, 
she and [illegible] have not arrived. I am expecting them and wish they were 
already here. How is your health? My eyes are failing me. I kiss you fondly, 
[and] also Ludwik M. 'Perhaps Ludwik knows where his brother Staszek AI. is? 
Eugenia Z. May 24, 1940. 

Chairman Madden. We wish to thank you for your testimony. 

Mr. Felsztyn. I speak Enghsh. 

Chairman Madden. Will you give your name? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Tadeusz Felsztyn. 

Chairman Madden. Before you make your statement, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you will run the risk of actions in the courts 
by anyone who considers he has suffered injury. At the same time, 
I wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United 
States and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsi- 
sibility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings 
which may arise as a result of your testimony. 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes, I understand that. 

Mr. Dondero. Do you agree to that? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes. Thank you very much. 

Chairman Madden. Do you swear by the Almighty God that you 
will according to the best of your knowledge tell the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I do. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Where do you reside, Mr. Felsztyn? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I reside in Spink Hill near Sheffield, in England. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you an officer of the Polish Army? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I was, yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Since 1914 of the Polish Legion. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Where were you in 1939? 

Mr. Felsztyn. In 1939 I was in the Institute of Armament Re- 

Mr. Machrowicz. In what capacity? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I was head of the general department; it was investi- 
gation of new discoveries. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you taken prisoner by the Russians? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes, I was taken prisoner on the 17th of September 

Mr. Machrowicz. Where were you taken to? 


Mr. Felsztyn. I was taken as prisoner near Mizocz. I was a 
Commander of the Military Transport and the Institute of Research 
of Ai-mament. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliere were you taken from there? 

Mr. Felsztyn. From there I was taken to Szepeitowka and from 
Szepeitowka to a camp in the Uki-aine near Sumy, and from there to 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wlien did you arrive at Kozielsk? 

Mr. Felsztyn. It was the 1st day of November 1939. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How long did you remain in Kozielsk? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I remained until the end of April — the 26tli of April. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What happened on the 26th of April 1940? 

Air. Felsztyn. We were taken to a military transport. There was 
a personal search. I was one of the last and it was rather a very super- 
ficial one, so that I could keep many of the papers which I had with 
me without any difficulty. The fu-st were searched very exactly. 

Chairman Madden. Talk a little more slowly. 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes. The first were searched very exactly, but as 
I was one of the last, I was searched very lightly. I could keep many 
papers with me without any difficulty. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Where were you taken from Kozielsk? 

Mr. Felsztyn. From Kozielsk our train went to Sukienniczc. It 
is a Russian name. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you released there? 

Mr. Felsztyn. No; we saw an inscription in our train. We were 
waiting to go west to Smolensk. There was an inscription that we 
were alighting "west of Smolensk. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What do you mean by "inscriptions" — -where 
were they? 

Mr. Felsztyn. You see, the Russian cars are done in such a way 
that at the end there is a hinge, and on a hinge is a bench, so that 
you can put it this way or horizontally. 

Chairman Madden. The witness indicates the moving of a bench 
up and down. 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes. There was an inscription below the bench. 
The bench was horizontal; and in the corner of the bench — in a dark 
corner — there was a Polish inscription. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know how that got there? 

Mr, Felsztyn. Yes. The inscription was: "We were unloaded 
two stations west of Smolensk"; and there were some signatures. I 
did not know any of the signatures. I do not remember the names. 
There were three or four people who signed their names. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What happened to you after that? 

Mr. Felsztyn. After that the train stopped there. We were 
stopped some hours, and after I was moving, instead of west, to east, 
and were taken to Pavlishchev Bor. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How long did you remain at Pavlishchev Bor? 

Mr. Felsztyn. At Pavlishchev Bor Camp I think we remained a 

Mr. Machrowicz. Then where did you go to? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Then we came to — what is the name?- — Griazowiec. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat happened at Griazowiec? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I was in Griazowiec till General Anders came to us. 


Mr. Machrowicz. And then you became a part of General Anders' 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are you an expert in ammunition matters? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I was Head of the Infantry Research Conmiission 
for 4 years. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is 4 years prior to 1939? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes; it was 1926 to 1930. Later I was in the 
Military Institute of Research, and I was always very interested in 
ammimition, from my personal point of view, as from the point of 
view of sport, shooting sport, in which I was connected very strongly. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you ever have any opportunity to examine 
bullets allegedly used at Katyn? 

Mr. Felsztyn. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What experience have you had in ballistics? 
You understand the word "ballistics"? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes; I understand. I was lieutenant of ballistics, 
at Warsaw University during 10 years. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are you also an expert in small arms? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes; I was an expert on a Polish-German incident in 
1930 or 1931. I was a Polish expert in this frontier incident. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Also on munitions and small arms? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you ever seen any bullets allegedly used 
at Katyn? 

Mr. Felsztyn. No. The question that was put to me by the 
Polish command when the Katyn report came was: How could Rus- 
sians use the 7.65 German ammunition? 

Mr. Machrowicz. You have not seen the bullets? 

Mr. Felsztyn. No, I have not. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But you were given an account of the fact that 
7.65 bullets were used? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Not bullets, but cases. Ammunition cases were 
found in the graves. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Shells? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Shells. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you made any report on that? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes, I have made a report. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you give us the report of your findings? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes; the report is the following: We had in Poland 
plenty of German Geco ammunition. The 7.65 caliber was very 
frequently found in Poland. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What is Geco ammunition? 

Mr. Felsztyn. It is of German manufacture. It was also of the 
best German ammunition, and, as we did not produce much ammu- 
nition of 7.65 caliber in Poland, we imported plenty of German am- 
munition, mainly for private purposes, for shooting purposes, for 
sporting purposes. Many officers had 7.65 revolvers with them. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know what type of revolvers were used 
by Russians? 

Mr. Felsztyn. The Russians had a Nagan gun. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What caliber is that? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I cannot tell you exactly. I have not much practice 
with them. I think it was 7.62. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Can you use 7.65 ammunition in 7.62 guns? 

Mr. Felsztyn. No; but thej' have another revolver, a pistol, the 
Tokarew pistol. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What kind of gun is that? 

Mr. Felsztyn. It is a pistol which uses 7.65 ammunition. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And is that a type of gun used by the Russians? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I have seen this gun in Russia myself. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you seen it in substantial amounts? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I cannot tell you. We had two or three of them to 
teach our soldiers all different kinds of ammunition. I remember very 
well we had two or three of them as models. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was that a standard issue for NKVD officers? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I do not know that it is a standard issue, but I 
have seen it personally, and cavalry officers carrying these pistols, 
and I have seen them carry Polish pistols. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Could you tell us whether that type of gun 
could use 7.65 ammunition? 

Mr. Felsztyn. 7.65 — it is just their caliber. 

Mr. Machrowicz. It is their caliber? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. 7.65? 

Mr. Felsztyn. 7.65. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Then do I understand you to state that German 
ammunition could be used in that type of gun used by Russian officers? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Certain!}' it would. Certainly when you have to 
shoot much, it is far easier to shoot witti the 7.65 pistol than with a 
Nagan, which has a very hard trigger; it is a very good revolver, but 
it is rather a tiring one if you have to shoot much. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is there anything further that you msh to add 
in relation to this matter to which you have just testified? 

Mr. Felsztyn. About ammunition, no; but I have two things per- 
haps to add from the Kozielsk camp. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat is there that you want to add? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I Vv^as living in the same building at the same time 
with General Minkiemcz, and he reported the talks he had with 
Comrade Zarubin. I remember two talks which are I think character- 
istic. One was the following one: It could be about February 1940, 
as this was a psychological seesaw in our camp and plenty of rumours, 
and General Minkiewicz came to the camp and asked him: "Do not 
make us nervous, as all the rumours are spreading, but tell us what 
do you want to do ^dth us." Comrade Zaiiibin told him: "I do not 
think it would be right. Let us suppose we have decided to keep 3-ou 
to the end of the war. It could last 5 or 6 years. You would get 
mad if I told you. I assure you it would be inliuman. I assure you, 
general, it is better for you not to know what we want to do with you." 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you a personal witness of this conversa- 
tion, or was that conversation reported to you by the general? 

Mr. Felsztyn. The conversation was repeated to me by the general 
immediately after he came back. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know anything else having any bearing 
on Katyn? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Wlien the transport started, Captain Alexandro- 
wicz was asked by General Minkewicz: "Wliere are the transports 
going?" The answer was: "You are going to the transit camps where 

93744— 52— pt. 4 9 


you will have to decide: Do you want to be given back to the Germans 
or do you ask to remain in Russia? Those of you who will hav^e a very 
strong will can perhaps go to a new country." This is what Alex- 
androwicz said the moment the transports were ready to leave. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you personally ever seen Zarubin? 

Mr. Felsztyn. Yes, I have seen him many times. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you seen Zarulnn who was the Ambassa- 
dor in London? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I have seen only his photograph. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you find any resemblance in the two? 

Mr. Felsztyn. It looks to me to be the same person. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Your best judgment is that the Zarubin who 
was at that time at Kozielsk — — ■ 

Mr. Felsztyn. It is my best impression — only from a photograph. 
I have never seen the man since. I recognized, when I was shown the 
photograph, very well the face and especially the hands of the man, 
as he used to speak keeping his hands on the table. I have a vivid 
impression of his hands, and when I saw the hands on the photograph, 
I had no doubt they are the same ones. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is there am'thing further that 3'ou wish to add 
to the testimony? 

Mr. Felsztyn. I do not think so. 

Chairman Madden. Well, we wish to thank you for your testimon}'. 



Mr. PuciNSKi. Major Kaczkowski. 

Chairman Madden. What is your name and address? 

Major Kaczkowski. Maj. Jan Kaczkowski, 43 Bromley Koad, 
London, E. 17. 

Chairman AIadden. Before you make your statements. I wish that 
you be advised that you would run the risk of action in courts by 
anyone who considered he had suffered injury. At the same time I 
wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United States 
and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsibility 
in your behalf in respect of libel or slander proceedings which may 
arise as the result of your testimony. You understand that? 

Major Kaczkowski. I understand that and I agree. 

Cliairman Madden. Now you are to be sworn: Do you swear by the 
Almighty God that you will, according to the best of your knowledge, 
state the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so helj) 
you God? 

Alajor Kaczkowski. I swear. 

Mr. Flood. You are a major in the J\)lish Army? 

Major Kaczkowski. A reservist. 

Mr. Flood. A reserve major in the Polish Army? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You were a reserve major on active duty? 

Major Kaczkowskl I was ther(> in Russia as reservist captain. 

Mr. Flood. You are aware of the probli>m arising out of the Katvii 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 


Mr. Flood. You know of the thousands of officers whose bodies 
were discovered there? 

Major Kaczowski. Yes. 

]Mr. Flood. You have heard and read, as we have been advised 
by other witnesses, of the frantic efforts made by the friends and the 
famihes and relatives of the missing officers to find out wliere they 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes, I do. 

.Mr. Flood. As a result of that I am advised that the Polish Govern- 
ment of General Sikorski, with the cooperation of General Anders, 
took some steps to try and be of assistance to the families and the 
friends of the missing officers; is that correct? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Were you identified with such a project? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. May I speak Polish? 

Mr. Flood. At this point the witness wishes to talk in Polish. Mr. 
Pucinski will translate. You were identified with that Polish Govern- 
ment project? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes (through interpreter). 

Mr. Flood. Will you tell us in your own words what you did in 
your capacity and how this was set up? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. In November of 1941 a special Bureau 
which would deal with the families of the officers who had been in 
these three camps was set up in General Anders' staff and I became 
the chief of that bureau. The purpose of this bureau was to try and 
locate ail the soldiers who had been evacuated or transferred into 
Russia, to bring them back into the Polish Army, and then to give 
material assistance to their families. At the beginning Mr. Czapski 
was especially assigned to prepare a special project with our bureau 
of those Poles who had been taken prisoner and sent to the three camps, 
Kozielsk, Ostashkov, and Starobielsk. Later, however, that duty 
was assigned exclusively to myself and Mr. Czapski was assigned to 
go into Russia; that is, to go all over Russia in an effort to locate 
these men. 

W"e had received hundreds and thousands of letters — thousands of 
letters every day from families both in Poland and in Russia seeking 
out help in establishing contact with their relatives and for material 
help. Included in these letters were hundreds of postcards written 
in these three camps, Ostashkov, Starobielsk, and Kozielsk, written 
to the women who subsequently were writing to us asking us to locate 
their husbands or their sons. The cards were attached to the letters 
as evidence that these people had been in these three camps. I 
retained about 150 of these postcards as evidence that these people 
were in those camps, but I had returned all the others because the 
return of these cards had been in most cases requested by the families ; 
they wanted to keep the cards as mementoes. Most of the postcards 
that I had seen had the last dates either in February, March, or the 
first few days of April. Now, most of the families that had been 
writing to us from Russia had been evacuated from Poland during the 
early days of AprU 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did a'ou say most or all of those cards? 

Mr. Pucinski. The witness says that none of these cards that 
came into his hands and which he examined were dated later than 
about the 10th or 15th April, 1940. 


Major Kaczkowski. In all the correspondence that was sent to us 
the families stated that they had lost contact with their husbands or 
sons no later than about the middle of April, 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In all these many thousands of letters which you 
received, have you received one from any person inquiring about his 
loved one in any of these three camps which indicated that they had 
heard from them after April 1940? 

Major Kaczkowski. No; none. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Not one? 

Major Kaczkowski. Not one card or brief — not one. In every 
instance where these letters came to us they assured us that following 
or subsequent to about the middle of April these families had endeav- 
ored to get some information about their husbands or sons by either 
writing direct to the NKVD in Moscow or writing direct to the com- 
manders of their respective camps. In all of these cards that I have 
seen wliich were returned from the camps or from Moscow there was a 
notation that the card had been censored in Moscow and that the 
prisoner who was being sought had either left or his whereabouts were 
unknown. Up to July or August of 1942 these families kept writing 
and inquiring about these men and they kept getting these answers. 
There is not much more that I can add to my testunony. 

Mr. Flood. All of this testimony you are giving now, all of this 
reference to letters from the families, deals particularly w^itli the camps 
of Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostashkov; is that correct? 

Major Kaczkowski. Not all. 

Mr. Flood. Others? 

Major Kaczkowski. There were some cards, some briefs, letters, 
written about persons who were not in these camps. 

Mr. Flood. But most of them? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes, most of them. 

Mr. Flood. Most of them were about men who were in those three 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes, they were about men who were in those 
three camps. 

Mr. Flood. You had 150 cards that you had not returned? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. AVliat did you do with those 150 cards? 

Major Kaczkowski. I left all the papers at my office in August of 
1942 in Russia for Lieutenant Rudnicki, who was military attach 6 in 
Kuybishev — all papers. 

Mr. Flood. All the records of your bureau? 

Major Kaczkowski. All the records, money, and so on. Only one 
officer of my bureau, that is Mr. Voit, was left in Russia, and was 
sent to Kuybishev together with Lieutenant Rudnicki. 

Mr. Flood. At the time when you left Russia, you were then chief 
of this bin-eau that we are talldng about? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And when you left charge of the bin-eau, a^ou left all 
of your records and money, including these 150 cards, with the military 
a,ttach6 you have just named? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes; Rudnicki. 

Mr. Flood. During the time that you were chief of this bin-can, 
did you youi'sclf engage in anv conversations or anv connnunica- 


tions mth Moscow, Russian attaches in Kuybishev or any place else 
in connection with the search for the missing Pohsh officers? 

Major Kaczkowski. I was in Kuybishev at the Pohsh Embassy; 
I was sent there b}^ General Anders. I had been asked to seek these 
Polish officers also, but we accepted the answer we received from 
the Polish Embassy that Moscow answered there are none. 

Mr. Flood. Did you yourself ever engage in any conversations 
with any of the Russians? 

Major Kaczkowski. Never. The wife of a lieutenant veterinary^ 
Dr. Drapalski, told me that she was in Kolhus in Siberia, and she has 
written many letters and every day had gone to the chief of the 
NKDV asking where is her husband who was in Kolhus. After some 
time this Russian officer became very interested in this wife; she was 
very young; and he told her: "You will not see him in Europe alive. 
You seek another husband, because it is not possible that you can find 
your husband in your life." That was the orAy thing that showed 
that something was wi'ong with him. 

Mr. Flood. Do you know the name of that woman you talked to? 

Alajor Kaczkowski. Yes; she is now in London, but the address is 
unknown to me. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever see a list of the names of the officers 
whose bodies were found at Katyn? 

Major Kaczkowski. We have grouped these names. 

Mr. Flood. "VVliat was the name? 

Major Kaczkowski. Drapalski. 

Mr. Flood. What was the first name? 

Major Kaczkowski. I cannot tell jou. 

Mr. Flood. Was it Erazem? 

Major Kaczkowski. Veterinary doctor, lieutenant. 

Mr. Flood. Now I direct the attention of the witness to the list of 
the names of the Polish officers who disappeared from these three 
camps and specifically to page 41 thereof and ask him whether or not 
the Drapalski now found there with the description of his ranlc in the 
army and duty in the army is the name of the officer whose wife he 
was talking to. 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes, that is the same. I have known this man, 
this lieutenant, and his wife. 

Mr. Flood. Will you read from the document you are now holding 
the man's name and spell it correctly, and the information thereon 
describing him. 

Major Kaczkowski. Drapalski. Now comes the Christian name: 
Erazm ; second lieutenant, veterinary doctor. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness is reading from page 41. 

Chairman Madden. Is there anything further? 

Mr. Flood. I would like you to give us the names of any associates 
who were mth your Bureau during this work that you were carrying 
on, as you describe it, who might be available to testify here. 

Major Kaczkowski. Here is a lieutenant or captain named Voit; 
then Captain Lubomirski. These two men are here. 

Mr. Flood. Are these two men whose names you have just given 
us here now? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And they were identified with you and the work you 
described in Poland and Russia? 


Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Chairman Madden. Thank you for testifying today. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You heard the last witness describe who the next 
witness is. 

Captain Lubomirski. My name is Eugeniusz Lubomirski, captain 
of the Pohsh Army. 

Chairman Madden. Captain, before you make a statement, it is our 
wish that you be advised that you would run the risk of action in the 
courts by anyone who considered that he had suffered an injury. 
At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the Government 
of the United States and the House of Representatives do not assume 
any responsibility in yom* behalf with respect to libel or slander 
proceedings which may arise as a result of your testimony. You 
understand that? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes, I understand. 

Chairman Madden. Now you are to be sworn. Do you swear by 
Almighty God that you will, according to your best knowledge, testify 
to the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help you 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What is your rank and name? 


Captain Lubomirski. My name is Eugeniusz Lubomirski; my rank 
is captain. 

Mr. Flood. You have been and I believe still are identified with 
the London Polish Government? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. In what official capacity are you identified with 
that organization today? 

Captain Lubomirski. I was A. D. C. to General Anders during the 
whole war and during the whole campaign in Italy and since than I am 
his personal secretary here in London. 

Mr. Flood. I believe it has been brought to the attention of the 
committee that you act as interpreter for the general? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. So that you understand English and Polish quite weU? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You heard the previous witness, the Major, who has 
just testified? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You were in a position here where you could hear that 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Every word as he gave it? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Do you subscribe and corroborate the testimony given 
by the Major? 

Captain Lubomirski. I can completely confirm. I heard what he 
said and I confirm completely 100 percent what he said, because I 
worked with him and he was my superior in that office for military 
families in Gangi Gul in Russia. 

Mr. DoNDERO. You have not anything to add to that report? 


Captain Lubomirski. I have here the written statement which I 
made in 1949 and left it in the archives of the organization of former 
PoUsh prisoners in Russia. It saj^s practically the same about those 
letters which, while doing my work, I read. In most of those letters 
the thing which struck me was that all of the families seeking informa- 
tion about their husbands, brothers, sons, and so on, repeatedly 
stated: "The last news I had about him was March, April, 1940." 
That was striking, and I usually put a red mark about it. 

Mr. Flood. The purpose of the question was to find out whether 
or not you had anything that you could add to what the other witness 
before you said? 

Captain Lubomirski. I do not think I can add anytliing. 

Mr. Flood. A\liile this is being read in Polish by my colleague 
Mr. Alaclu'owicz, may I ask you this: You heard the former witness 
recollect a conversation that he just happened to remember that he 
had with a certain lady? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Beyond what the major testified to, wdll you tax your 
memory for a minute and see if you can recall any such particular 
incident wliich was peculiar and personal to your experience in this 
job wliich either the major or your other associates might not have 
known about — any conversations, any personal experience, any tele- 
phone talks, any particular letter or incident during the entire job of 
this nature that ,you tliink would be helpful to the committee. Can 
you tliink of any such thing? 

Captain Lubomirski. No ; during the tim.e of my work in that office 
I could not add anything beyond that which is said in the written 
statement. Only I remember that during the whole time also when 
I was with General Anders and acting as interpreter, always the 
question of those officers came up. 

Mr. Flood. Did you have any conversations or communications of 
any nature whatsoever with any Russians of any standing — military, 
civilian, or N. K. V. D. — during the course of this search for the missing 
Polish officers? 

Captain Lubomirski. No, nothing. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Subsequent to the time that you were working 
wuth Major Kaczkowski, you became adjutant of the commander of 
the Second Corps in Italy? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you continue in that capacity to receive 
letters of the type that you had been receiving when you were working 
with Alajor Kaczkowski? 

Captain Lubomirski. There again in Italy while working as adju- 
tant to General Anders at our office, we received, of course, a great 
number of letters, including several letters from France, Switzerland 
and other countries in Europe. They were all from families who 
had WTitten of having received letters from Kozielsk and Starobielsk, 
in 1940 and never again since 1940. 

Mr. Flood. Did any of those letters indicate a date subsequent to 
April 1940? 

Captain Lubomirski. Again the same phrase was repeated there: 
"March or April." 

Mr. Flood. And nothing beyond? 

Captain Lubomirski. There were perhaps five or six letters. 


Mr. Flood. The witness has shown the committee a document 
which I will ask to have marked as ''Exhibit No. 15." I now show 
the captain exhibit 15 and ask him if that is the statement that he 
gave in 1949 in connection with this same matter? 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Flood. Will you submit that now as an exhibit for the com- 

Captain Lubomirski. Yes. 

(The report was marked "Exhibit 15" and entered in the record.) 

Ex. 15 
Eu?. LUBOMIRSKI, kpt. 
6, Fairholt Street, 
London, S. W. 7. 

Dnia 15 czerwca 1949. 

Polskie Stowarzyszenie b. Wiezni6w Sowieckich, Londyn. 


Stwierdzam, ze w czasie mojej pracy w Biurze Rodzin Wojsk. i Poszukiwan 
Armii Polskiej w ZSRR na czele ktorego stal kpt. Kaczkowski, w czasie od kwietnia 
1942 do lipca 1942 w Jangi Jul, przez moje rece przeszlo bardzo duzo list6w i 
kartek, kt6re pisane byiy przez osoby poszukuj^ce swoich krewnych oficer6w 
i szeregowych, co do kt6rych z korespondencji od nich otrzymywanej wiedzieli, 
zeznajdowalisiewkoncuroku 19391 wzimieinawiosne 1940r. wobozach Kozielsk, 
Starobielsk lub Ostaszkowie. Znamiennym w tych listach by}o, zo prawie we 
wszystkich podkre^lano, iz nie moga zrozumiec dlaczego poprzednio, to znaczy 
do marca i kwietnia 1940r. (i te daty stale sie powtarzaiy) , raczej regularnie od 
nich otrzymywali wiadomo^ci i odpowiedzi na listy do nich kierowane, a od 
powyzej podanego czasu wszelka korespondencja sie urwala. Takich hst6w mam 
wrazenie by}o az kilkaset. Podkre^lalem w tych hstach te daty czerwonym 
ol6wkiem, gdyz w6wczas kiedy wlagciwie nic konkretnego o losie tych jenc6w nie 
byto wiadome, te daty najbardziej rzucaly sie w oczy jako stale powtarzaj^ce sie. 
Listy te bj'ly adresowane do Biura Poszukiwan Armii 1 pochodzlly oczywl^cie od 
krewnych wywiezlonych do Rosji, kt6rzy zar6wno przed wy wiezieniem, a nastepnie 
i na terenie Rosji od ]enc6w otrzymywali korespondencje. Listy te bj-ly zbierane 
i winny sig znajdowad w archiwach Biura Poszukiwan, ktore o lie mi wiadomo 
zostaly przekazane przez kpt. Kaczkowskiego przed jego opuszczeniem Rosji, 
attache wojskowemu przy ambasadzie R. P. w Kujbyszewie, plk. Rudnickiemu. 
Sam takich listow czy tez kartek nie posiadam. 

P6zniej w czasie mojej prac}^ w adiutanturze D-cy 2 Korpusu we Wloszech 
moge stwierdzid, ze wptynela tak samo pewna ilo^c list6w od os6b przebywaj^cych 
na terenie Szwajcarii, Francji i inn3-ch, kt6rzy nawet przebywajqc w 1940r. na 
zachodzie, otrzymali kartki z tych obozow w Rosji i w kt6rych to listach znowu 
sie te same daty powtarzaiy. Z datq pdzniejszq, od kwietnia 1940r. nikt od nich 
korespondencji nie otrzymal. Te listy oddawatem do Oddzialu Kul tury i Prasy, 
zwracaj^c uwage ze nalezaloby je pieczolowicie przechowywad. Powinny one 
zatym znajdowad si§ w archiwach Oddz. Kult. i Prasy 2 Korpusu. 

Eugene Lubomirski, Kpt, 
EuG. Lubomirski, Kpt. 

[Translation from Polish] 

Captain Eugene Lubomorski 
6 Fairholt Street 
London, S. W. 7. 

June 15, 1949 
To the Polish Union of Former Soviet Prisoners, London: 


I certify that during my work with the Bureau of Families of Men in the Service 
in search of the Polish Army in the U. S. S. R., headed by Captain Kaczkowski, a 
large number of letters and postcards went through my hands from May 1942 to 
June 1942 in Jangi Jul; these letters were written by persons in search of their 


relatives, officers and enlisted men. These persons knew from correspondence 
with their relatives in the service that the latter were placed by the end of 1939 
and in the winter and spring of 1940 in the camps in Kozielsk, Starobielsk, or 
Ostaszkowo. It is noteworthy that all of these letters [to the Bureau of Famihes] 
emphasized, I do not know for what reason, that before March and May of 1940 
(these dates are continuously repeated) they received information rather regularly 
[about their relatives] and replies to letters sent to them, but that from the above- 
mentioned date all correspondence ceased. I have the impression that there were 
several hundred such letters. In them the above-mentioned dates were under- 
scored by red pencil, although at that time nothing was known definitely con- 
cerning the fate of these prisoners of war. And these dates hit the eye, since they 
were constantly repeated. The letters were addressed to the Bureau for Search 
of the Army, and evidently were sent by the relatives of those who were deported 
to Russia. Both before and after the deportation, the relatives received corre- 
spondence from the prisoners in the territory of Russia. These letters were 
collected and must be kept in the archives of the Bureau for Search which, so far 
as I know, were handed over by Captain Kaczkowski before he left Russia to the 
military attache of the Polish Embassy in Kuybj'shev, Colonel Rudnicki. I do 
not possess any such letters or postcards. 

Later, at the time when I worked at the adjutant's office of the commander of 
the second corps in Italy^I may certify that similarly a certain number of letters 
was received from persons who resided in the territory of Switzerland, France, and 
other countries. While these people remained in the West in 1940, they received 
postcards from the camps in Ptussia, in which letters the same data were repeated. 
None of these persons has received any correspondence with a date later than 
May 1940. These letters I gave to the section of Culture and tha Press, drawing 
their attention to the fact that they should be carefully preserved. They must be 
available in the archives of the Section for Press and Cultural Affairs of the Second 


Eugene Lubomirski, 


Mr. Machrowicz. Do you have any of those letters which you 
received or do you know where they are at present? 

Captain LuBioMiRSKi. No; the unfortunate thing is that those 
letters, as Major Kaczkowski said, were sent to Kuybishev to the 
military attache and I think they never left Russia. It was difficult 
to get things out. So that there are none. There are some of those 
letters which were collected from different people here in England 
which Dr. Stahl had. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What about those you received in Italy? 

Captain Lubiomirski. They may be in some of the archives but 
difficult to find because when it was moved to England at very short 
notice, all those things were packed together, and it is possible that in 
some of a great number of boxes some of those cards are stUl there, but 
it is very hard to find because a great number of boxes were stored all 
over England for the better times when we can arrange a better 
storage for them. 

Chairman Madden, Captain, we want to thank you for coming 
here. Now wdl the next witness state his name and address? 

Mr. VoiT. Roman Voit, 48 Holland Road, London, W. 14. 

Chairman Madden. Before you make your statement, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts 
by anyone who considered he had suffered injury. At the same time I 
wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United States 
and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsibility 
in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings which may 
arise as the result of your testunony. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness does not understand English too weU, 
Mr. Chairman. 


Chairman Madden. We want the record to show that the admoni- 
tion read in Enghsh now is being translated for the witness into Polish. 

Mr. Flood. Do you understand the provisions in the admonition? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness says that he does understand. 

Chairman Madden. Do you swear by God Almighty that you will 
according to your best knowledge tell the truth, the pure truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Roman Voit. I do. 



Mr. Flood. What is your name? 

Mr. Voit. Roman Voit. 

Mr. Flood. You were at one time, I understand, identified with 
the Polish Government of General Sikorski and of General Anders? 

Mr. Voit. Yes, that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. You were identified with that part of the Government 
which was a bureau set up for the purpose of rendering aid and 
information to the relatives and the families and the friends of the 
missing Polish officers? 

Mr. Voit. Yes, that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. You were present here in the room, I believe, and you 
heard the evidence of the last two witnesses? 

Mr. Voit. Not too well; I do not hear too well. 

Mr. Flood. You can hear me? 

Mr. Voit. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You were identified with a bureau set up by General 
Sikorski and General Anders under the command of Major Kacz- 

Mr. Voit. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You were also working with Major Kaczkowski, and 
with you was Captain Felsztyn, who just left the stand? 

Mr. Voit. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. They told us that they received in this bureau thou- 
sands of letters from relatives and friends and the families of the 
missing officers; is that correct? 

Mr. Voit. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Were you employed at that bureau during the same 
period of time with the other two officers whose names I have just 

Mr. Voit. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. The other officers testified that these communications 
came in all during that period of time by the thousands; is that right? 

Mr. Voit. Maybe not in thousands, but as far as I know from my 
own contact there were hundreds of those letters. 

Mr. Flood. Many of these communications were post cards? 

Mr. Voit. Most of them were post cards. 

Mr. Flood. That had l)een received by the relatives and friends 
and families from the men who were in Kozielsk and Starobielsk? 

Mr. Voit. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. And those were the cards that these people sent to 
your office to see if you could help locate those officers? 

Mr. Voit. That is correct. 


Mr. Flood. Did you yourself ever have any conversations or com- 
mimications with any Russians, mihtary, civiHan or NKVD, of any 
category in connection with the missing Pohsh officers? 

Mr. VoiT. No ; only with the Polish families ui the Russian territory. 

Mr. Flood. What was the date that was stressed in your mind as 
the last date or dates that any of these families or friends had received 
any word or information from the missing officers in the three camps? 

Mr. VoTT. As far as I can remember, the dates were January, 
February, March, and possibly some in April of 1940. 

Mr. Flood. Did you have any personal reminiscence, any personal 
incident, by telephone, in writing or in conversation with any of the 
relatives, families or friends or anybody else, Polish, Russian, or 
anything any time any place anywhere, which would be of help to 
this committee? 

Mr. VoiT. There was constant fear and theory that these men had 
disappeared, that these men had been killed, and chis bureau tried 
to console these families with the hope that they would be found. 

Mr. Flood. Now after the major, the chief of this section, left 
Russia, did you remain? 

Mr. VoiT. Yes, I did; I went to Kuybyshev wid\ Colonel Rudnicki. 

Mr. Flood. Wlien the major, who just left here, who was chief of 
the section, turned over the files and records to Colonel Rudnicki, 
who went to Kuybyshev, did you go with Colonel Rudnicki to 

Mr. VoiT. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did you take the records and documents with you? 

Mr. VoiT. Yes, and I personally packed them. 

Mr. Flood. When was the last that you saw the documents in 

!Mr. VoiT. I took them with me. 

Mr. Flood. From where? What I want to know is what happened 
to the documents after they got to Kuybyshev. Did they leave 

Mr. VoiT. The Russian authorities objected to my staying at 
Kuybyshev, so then I left for Iraq, but the documents remained there 
with Colonel Rudnicki. 

Mr. Flood. And was he the Polish military attache at Kuj^byshev? 

Mr. VoiT. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. So the last that you know of the documents and records 
is that when you left Kuybyshev to go to Iraq, the documents and 
records were at Kuybyshev in the possession of the Polish military 
attache. Colonel Rudnicki? 

Mr. VoiT. That is correct. 
> Mr. Flood. That is all. 

Chairman Madden. Any further questions? 

Mr. VoiT. May I make a further statement? I know as a matter 
of fact that when Russia broke off diplomatic relations with Poland 
in 1943, the Polish officials in these various locations were burning and 
destroying their records and documents; but we continued our search 
for these officers and kept contact with these families after the whole 
operation was transferred to Iraq, to Palestine, and to Egypt. 

Mr. Flood. After you left Kuybyshev, did you ever get word any 
place or ever hear anything in that bureau from any of the officers at 
Kozielsk, Starobielsk, or Pavlishchev Bor about these missing officers? 


Mr. VOIT. No. 

Chairman Madden. We want to thank you for coming here this 
afternoon and testifying. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. This gentleman coming up now is the only surviving 
Polish general who was interned in either of these camps. 

Chairman Madden. General, \^dll you give the reporter your full 
name and address? 

General Wolkowicki. My name is Jerzy Wolkowicki, and my 
address is Penross Camp, PwUelli, Wales. 

Chairman Madden. Before you make a statement. General, it is 
our wish that you be advised that you v/ould run the risk of actions 
in the courts by anyone who considered he had suffered an injury. 
At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the Government 
of the United States and the House of Representatives do not assume 
any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander 
proceedings which may arise as the result of your testimony. 

Mr. Flood. The witness will now have interpreted for him in 
Polish the admonition just rendered by the chairman. Does he 
understand the provisions of the admonition? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness says that he does understand the 
provisions of the admonition. 

Chairman Madden. General, do you solemnly swear by God 
Almighty that you will according to your best Icnowledge to tell the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

General Wolkowicki. I do. 



Mr. Machrowicz. Your name is Jerzy Wolkowicki? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you a general of the Polish Army in 1939? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes, I was a general from 1927. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In what branch of the service were you in 1939? 

General Wolkowicki. I was a commander in the reserve army of 
Gen. Dom-Biernacki, and then I was the commanding officer of the 
combined division entitled or named "W". 

Mr. Machrowicz. And while in such command, were you taken 
prisoner by the Russians? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When? 

General Wolkowicki. September 26, 1939. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And were you subsequently interned at Kozielsk? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; I arrived at Kozielsk at the beginning 
of November. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of 1939? 

General Wolkowicki. 1939. 

Mr. MxcHROwicz. How many Polish generals were there at the 
Kozielsk camp at that time? 

General Wolkowicki. Five. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And how long did you remain at Kozielsk? 

General Wolkowicki. Until April 26, 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What happened to you on April 26, 1940? 


General Wolkowicki. On that date I, and a group of approximately 
96, were taken from this camp after undergoing a very intensive 
search at the camp. 

Air. Machrowicz. Were the other four generals in that group, too? 

General Wolkowicki. No; three of them were removed before I 
was, and one after. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know what became of those three who- 
were removed before you? 

General Wolkowicki. No; I do not. I do know that they were 
subsequently found among those in Katyn. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know their names? 

General Wolkowicki. General Minkiewicz, General Smorawinski, 
General Bohaterewicz, and Admiral Czernicki. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I hand you this exhibit 5A of the Chicago 
hearings, which shows the list of the officers found in Kat>ai and 
direct your specific attention to page 114, and ask you to find the 
name of General Minkiewicz there? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; Henryk Minkiewicz. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He was among those who were found dead at 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; that is correct. 

Air. AIachrowicz. I ask \^ou to look under the letter "S" and see 
if you find the name of General Smorawinski? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; Alieczyslaw Smorawinski. 

Air. AIachrowicz. And you find it at what page of the exhibit? 

General Wolkowicki. Page 157. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Now I direct your attention again to the same 
exhibit, and ask you whether you find under the letter "B" the name 
of General Bohaterewicz? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; Bronislaw Bohaterewicz. 

Air. AIachrowicz. On what page? 

General Wolkowicki. On page 24. 

Air. AIachrowicz. I direct your attention again to the same 
exhibit and ask j'ou whether you find therein the name of Admiral 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; Ksawery Czernicki. 

Air. Machrowicz. And you find it on what page? 

General Wolkowicki. On page 36. 

Air. AIachrowicz. So that all four of your colleagues, the three 
generals and the admiral, are in the list of those who were found dead 
at Katyn, is that right? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; that is correct. 

Air. Machrowicz. Do you know when they left Kozielsk? If you 
do not know the exact date, can you give us the approximate date? 

General Wolkowicki. No; I do not recall the exact date. 

Air. AIachrowicz. When did you leave? 

General Wolkowicki. April 26. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. April 26 of 1940? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And did they leave before you? 

General Wolkowicki. Three of them departed before I did, and 
those are General Alinldewicz, General Smorawinski, and General 


Mr. Machrowicz. How long before you did they depart? 

General Wolkowicki. About 10 days. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Then I understand that Admiral Czernicki 
was still at Kozielsk when you left? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you have any knowledge as to how long after 
you Admiral Czernicki left Kozielsk? 

General Wolkowicki. I had learned from a subsequent group which 
had arrived at Pavlishchev Bor after our arrival there that Admiral 
Czernicki was evacuated from Kozielsk about 3 days after my de- 

]VIr. Machrowicz. During the time that you were at Kozielsk did 
you at any time have any opportunity or occasion to talk to any of the 
Russian officers regarding the fate of your fellow officers who left 
before 3'^ou? 

General Wolkowicki. I frequently asked them where these men 
were taken. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And what answers did you get? 

General Wolkowicki. That they do not know. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you ever get any answers when you had any 
other occasion to inquire about their whereabouts? 

General Wolkowicki. I do not recall who this officer was, but I 
did talk to one Wliite Russian officer at the camp who told me that 
these men would be turned over and surrendered to the Germans. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now from Kozielsk you were taken to Pav- 
lishchev Bor, is that right? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How long did you stay there? 

General Wolkowicki. We remained there 1 month. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And during the time you were at Pavlishchev 
Bor, did you have any opportunity or occasion to inquire of an}^ of the 
Russian officers there as to the fate of the other Polish officers? 
( General Wolkowicki. Yes. We were not permitted to carry on 
any correspondence. I, however, on September 9, 1940, wrote the 
following communication to the NKVD. 

Mr. Machrowicz. The NKVD at Pavlishchev Bor? 

General Wolkowicki. In Griazowiec. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And is this paper which you now hand. to the 
committee a copy of the letter which you sent? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; that is a copy of the letter which I 
wrote. I always made a separate copy for myself of any letter to them. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And in that letter you complained about the 
lack of knowledge as to the fate of these officers who left the camp 
before you did, is that right? 

General Wolkowicki. As the result of this letter which I had 
written to the NKVD headquarters in Griazowiec, we were permitted 
thereafter to correspond with relatives and friends. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Prior to this letter, 3^ou were not given the right 
to correspond with your relatives? 

General Wolkowicki. No, prior to this they permitted us to write 
only two letters, and we had never received any answer to those 

Mr. Machrowicz. And as the result of this letter, was that changed? 


General Wolkowicki. In October of 1940 they permitted us to 
forrespond with the outside world, and then we started getting letters 
from Poland. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And did these letters indicate that the families 
and relatives of these officers were unable to hear from them, is that 

General Wolkowicki. My wife had ^\Titten me a letter inquiring 
about three people in particular. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you make any inquiry of any Russian 
authorities as to the whereabouts of any of those people? 

General Wolkowicki. I then went to the Russian officials and 
inquired of them why they are permitting us to write letters and not 
permitting those others to write letters to their loved ones. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Who did you go to? 

General Wolkowicki. I went to captain of the NKVD Wasilewsky. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When you say those others, you mean those 
which your wife had written to you about, is that right? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What answer did you get from this captain? 

General Wolkowicki. His reply was that he did not know in which 
camp these men were, but that most probabl}^ they did not want to 
write to their families. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Other than that did you have any other conver- 
sations with any Russian authorities about these officers, or any other 
missing officers? 

General Wolkowicki. I received another subsequent letter from 
the wife of a colonel whose name I would rather not reveal at this 
time, and she was inquiring about her brother. Later more of the 
people in the camp began coming to me and telling me that they also 
are receiving letters from families in Poland inquiring why their 
relatives are not writing to them. 

Mr. Machrowicz. As a result of these complaints which had come 
to you from these various relatives, did you make any other attempts 
with the Russian authorities to find out the whereabouts of these - 
missing officers? 

General Wolkowicki. In January of 1941 I agam went to Captam 
Wasilewsky of the Russian NKVD and had a conversation with him. 

Mr. Machrowicz. ^Miat did he tell you? * 

General Wolkowicki. I told him that many others are receiving 
letters similar to those that I am receiving, and I threatened at that 
time to write a letter to the headquarters of the NKVD. 

Air. Machrowicz. Wliat did the captain tell you? 

General Wolkowicki. He told me the same thing: "They most 
probably do not want to wTite to their families." 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you do anything further about it? 

General Wolkowicki. I told him that I could understand if one or 
two or thi'ee were reluctant to write to their families, but when we 
are gettmg hundreds of letters, that I cannot understand. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you do anything further about learning of 
their whereabouts? 

General Wolkowicki. He assured me that he personally would 
WTite to the NKVD, and that the NKVD would contact these various 
prisoners that the families were mquirmg about and instruct them to 


write to their families. He asked me to prepare for him a Ust of 
names of those who were making the inquiries and said that he would 
forward that list to the NKVD and have those men instructed to 
write home to their families. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you give him. such a list? 

General Wolkowicki. I informed all the others about this assur- 
ance, and I was brought 130 names, and these names I took and gave 
to Captain Wasilewsky. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you hear further from him about it? 

General Wolkowicki. This discussion was in February. In 
March, again I went to Captain Wasilewski and I asked him what 
results he had obtained, because I was continuing to get these letters. 
He told me that he had written a letter to the NKVD and that I most 
probably would have an answer. 

In April, at the end of April 1941, I again inquired on this subject. 
Captain Wasilewski told me he doesn't know why I am not getting a 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you hear anything further from him after 

General Wolkowicki. After that, the Germans declared war on 
the Russians. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And you had no other contacts with any Russian 
authorities regarding the whereabouts of these, lost Polish officers? 

General Wolkowicki. No; I did not. But I did report to General 
Anders in Moscow. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You reported to General Anders the things that 
you just told us; is that right? 

General Wolkowicki. That is correct. 

Mr, Machrowicz. Is there anything further that you can tell us 
regarding the whereabouts of these lost Polish officers? 

General Wolkowicki. I can leave this letter with you. 

(The witness produced a document.) 

Mr. Machrowicz. I think that is a letter you received asking your 
assistance to locate certain lost officers; is that right? 

General Wolkowicki. That is correct. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Is that going to be made a part of the record? 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you have any objection to a copj^ of this 
letter which you sent to' the NKVD being made a part of the record? 

General Wolkowicki. No objections. I will leave that for you. 

Mr. Flood. Have this marked as ''No. 16." 

(The document referred to was marked as "Exhibit 16.") 

Mr. Flood. The witness is shown exhibit No. 16, which is a copy 
of a letter that he testified he wrote on the date mentioned, to the 
NKVD, in connection with these matters. 

Will you look at the exhibit, and I will ask you if that is such a 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; that is. 

Mr. Flood. That will be offered in evidence. 

Chairman Madden. It is accepted. 

(The document marked as "Exhibit 16" was received in evidence 
and is shown below:) 


Exhibit 16 

J*«f •^-fjJa^^ f-Uio^'e4^ .CJ^U^^,^ j^. . 

93744— 52— pt. 4 10 


^i^fja^c/4L^ij)^ Vf^ZM^'Tx^m^ ^jf&^^^jnmsy-pt^'-t^ t* ^ ; 


'i^.,.'. '■€; ?^^ ?*-«-««„..^w -t. a7 



[Translation from Polish] 

Prisoners of War Camp "Grjazowiec" 

September 6, 1940 
People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs (N. K. V. D.) 
Office for P. O. W. Affairs 

As senior officer of the Polish Army in the Grjazowiec POW camp, I take the 
liberty to address myself to the NKVD with the following declaration: Over 
four months have passed since our departure from Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and 
Ostaszkow and our arrival at the present camp. Since that time practically 
nobody has received any communications from his family. 

During that time we were permitted to write to our families twice, but we 
have received no replv to our letters. 

I must state with distress that the prisoners have become extremely despondent; 
the only topic of conversation is the lack of correspondence and their anxiety about 
their families. I fear that suicides may take place. Nobody believes the explana- 
tions of the camp authorities: that our relatives do not write, and that explains 
why there are no letters. 

I therefore request the NKVD that the matter of correspondence should be 
reviewed and arrant>:ements made as they were in the winter camps. If long 
letters are impossible to arrange, proper typical correspondence cards could be 
introduced. Even the slighest information is better than the depressing lack of 
information about nearest relatives. 

It is suggested that perhaps the NKVD could make the proper arrangements 
through the Soviet Red Cross as regards correspondence with families on the 
territories occupied by the USSR, and for the territories occupied b}' the Germans, 
through the Polish Red Cross in Warsaw. This last method has been practiced 
in the past. 

It is known from the correspondence which we have been receiving that in the 
German POW camps it is permitted for [the prisoners] to write once a week, and 
the reception of letters is unlimited. 

Major General, Polish Army 

General Wolkowicki. This is the original, and I had written the 
Russian version of this letter to the NKVD. 

Mr. Machrowicz. The letter you sent to the NKVD was in 
Russian, but this is a copy of that same letter written in the Polish 
language; is that correct? 

General Wolkowicki, Yes; that is correct. • 

IS^T. Flood. General, why is it that of all the general officers at 
Kozielsk — and general officers are very important people — why would 
it be that of all the general officers there, as well as the admiral who 
was there, that you were the only one that survived? You do not 
know the reason, but what guess do you have? 

General Wolkowicki. I am a former Russian naval officer. Before 
World War I, I was a Russian 

ATr. IMachrowicz. General, that was before Poland was formed in 
1919; is that right? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. There was no Poland at that time, and you were 
then a Russian naval officer? 

General Wolkowicki. I was a Russian naval officer before World 
War I. 

Chairman Madden. And you attribute that fact to the reason that 
you were spared death? 

General Wolkowicki. I was also in the battle of Tsushima. I 
was on the ship which was surrendered by a Russian admiral to the 
Japanese. I was the only officer who opposed the surrender of this 
ship, and that is why their attitude toward me was one of considerable 


Claairman Madden. How old are you? 

General Wolkowicki. Sixty-nine. 

Mr. Flood. Were you offered anj^ command with the Polish. 
Armies under the Russian command? 

General Wolkowicki. No. 

Mr. Flood. After August of 1941? 

General Wolkowicki. No; because I already was a deputy com- 
mander of the SLxth Division under General Anders, and then my 
attitude toward them was such that they wouldn't dare make me such 
an offer. 

Chairman Madden. Is that all? 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is aU. 

General Wolkowicki. I have with me here a certificate of an 
inoculation against typhus, which all of these men received. I wish 
to point out that it was these certificates that were found in great 
numbers on the Polish soldiers whose bodies were discovered at 

Chairman Madden. May we see that? 

(The document referred to was handed to the committee.) 

General Wolkowicki. This is the only document that the Russians 
permitted me to keep. They had taken all of my other documents, 
including my letters, away from me. 

Mr. Flood. Will the reporter mark this as "Exhibit 17"? 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit 17" and is shown 
below :) 

Exhibit IT 


[Translation from Russian] 

Wolkowicki Jerzy S. [son of] Tadeusz 
(Written in Polish:] Wolkowicki Jerzy S. [son of] Tadeusz 

Wolkowicki has undergone injections against typhoid fever and paratyphoid 
twice: December 6, 1939. The physician of the camp of the NKVD [Peoples' 
Commissariat for the Interior] in Kozielsk. 

[Signature illegible] 

General Wolkowicki. All my other documents were taken away 
at the time I left Kozielsk. 

Mr. Flood. The witness is shown the document marked for identifi- 
cation "Exhibit 17" and I ask him whether or not this is the typhus- 
innoculation certificate to which he referred? 

General Wolkowicki. Yes; it is. 

Mr. Flood. Were all of the officers and prisoners at Kozielsk 
innoculated against typhus and given one of these certificates, as 
far as you know? 

>, General Wolkowicki. I believe that all of them were. 
^ Mr, Flood. And of all the things they were permitted to keep with 
them, as far as you know, when they left Kozielsk, as in your case, 
this certificate was one of those thmgs? 

General Wolkowicki. I had mine in my pocket, and when the 
soldier that was searchmg me looked at it he gave it back to me. 

Mr. Flood. You have seen certificates subsequently, that were 
found on the bodies of the soldiers at Katyn, that were similar to the 
certificates of innoculation at Kozielsk? 

General Wolkowicki. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. This is offered in evidence as well. 

Chairman Madden. That exhibit is received in evidence. 

Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Machrowicz. I might say, for the record, that I am now look- 
ing through the exhibit which is the list of the names of the ofiicers 
found at Katyn. I have found quite a number of notes that such 
innoculation cards have been found on the bodies. 

Chairman Madden. General, from your broad experience as a 
former Russian officer, naval officer, and from your experience in 
contact with the Russian people over these long years, and also from 
your experience in the prison camp at Kozielsk, and also from the 
experience and the information you have received since you were 
released from the prison camp, can you state, in your opinion, who 
you think committed the massacres and murders at Katyn? 

General Wolkowicki. On the basis of my own personal observa- 
tions, it is my belief that the massacre at Katyn was perpetrated by 
the Russians. 

Chairman Madden. That is all. General. We want to thank you 
for your testimony here today: it is very valuable. 

General, did anybody promise you any pay or consideration or 
emolument or any reward to come here to testify today? 

General Wolkowicki. Nobody. 

Mr. Pucinski. Gentlemen, this is Mr. Moszynski. 

Chahman Madden. Mr. Moszynski, would you spell your full name 
for the record? 

Mr. Moszynski. M-o-s-z-y-n-s-k-i ; Adam. 

Chairman Madden. And yom' address? 


Mr. MoszYNSKi. Penhros Camp, near Pwllheli, in north Wales. 

Chau-man Madden. Before you make your statement, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts 
by anyone who considered he had suffered injury as a result of your 
testimony. At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the 
Government of the United States and the House of Representatives 
do not assume any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel 
or slander proceedings which may arise as a result of your testimony. 
Do you understand that? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Chairman Madden. Now, will you be sworn? 

Do you solemnly swear, by God the Almighty, that you will, accord- 
ing to your best knowledge, testify the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. I suggest he make a brief statement on how he 
prepared the book and then we can interrogate him. 


Chairman Madden. Will you proceed and make a statement in 
your own words regarding what information you would like to convey 
to the committee? 

Mr. Moszynski. I will report in Polish because I understand 
English, but it is easier for me to speak in Polish. 

Mr. Flood. Before you begin: This committee has had before it 
at its hearings in the United States of America and here in London 
today a document to which it has been referring and to which it has 
asked certain of the witnesses to refer for the purpose of identifying 
the names of the Polish officers whose bodies were found at Katyn. 
We now show you that document and ask you if you were identified 
with its preparation in any way? [It is exhibit 5-A, introduced in 

Mr. Moszynski. Yes, of course. I have a copy. Yes; this is 
the same. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat is it? 

Mr. Moszynski. This is the list of all prisoners of war who were 
in three camps: in Kozielsk, in Ostashkov, and in Starobielsk. 

Mr. Flood. Have you been identified in any way with the particular 
document to which you refer? Have you prepared it or been con- 
nected with its production? 

Mr. Moszynski. I prepared this document on the ground of the 
German official book Amtliches Material ziim Massenmord von 

Mr. Flood. Are you referring to the so-called German white book? 

Mr. Moszynski. Yes; entitled "Amtliches Material zum Massen- 
mord von Katyn; ausgegebcn in 1943, in Berlin." 

Here is the list of some 2,000, with some hundred, prisoners of war 
who were exhumed in Katyn in 1943. It was the first set. 

The second set was the list which was prepared by the Polish Red 
Cross in Katyn during exhumation in 1943. Then the third set was 


the list which was prepared in the PoKsh Army in Russian through 
Dr. Kaczkowski. 

Then I have identified the names with official yearbooks of officers. 
I have received these books from the general staff. In addition to 
that, I had compared the annual officers' yearbooks that are in the 
possession of the Polish Army General Staff here in London, in exile. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Where did you get those names? Where did they 
come from originally, the names that made up that book by the 
Germans and then copied by you into your book? 

What I want to know and what the committee wants to know is : 
Where did that list of names come from that made up that book by 
the Germans? 

Mr. Machrowicz. I want to ask a question on that. Do you know 
how the Germans assembled their list, the Amtliches Material zum 
Massenmord von Katyn? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. The Germans had prepared this list on the ground 
of documents found in the graves. 

Mr. DoNDERO. That is what we want to know. 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. But there were many mistakes because there were 
the names ^nritten in Russian letters, in Polish letters, and they were 
read by the Germans; and, therefore, I must identify the names if it 
was possible for me. 

Mr. DoNDERo. Kanst du Deutsch lesen? [Enghsh translation: 
Can you read German?] 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Just one question, Mr. Moszynski. 

There has been some talk about the German list not being a com- 
pletely reliable list. Can you make any comment as to that? 

Mr. Moszynski. I can verify the fact now, on the basis of my own 
investigation, that the bullN; of those names included in the German 
book agree with the list prepared independently by the Polish Red 
Cross at Katyn and also with the list prepared by the bureau which 
was headed by Mr. Kaczkowski, the Family Service Bureau. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Mr. Moszynski, as I tried to explain, the 
Germans prepared their list — that is in answer to Mr. Dondero's 
question— on the basis of the documents which they found on the 

Mr. Moszynski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But such a list could be in error because there 
could be some occasions when one person might have a document 
bearing someone else's name? 

Mr. Moszynski. Of course; of course. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And such mstances were found; were they not? 

Mr. Moszynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. As, for instance, the case of Franciszek Biernacki, 
which has been mentioned by some. 

Mr. Moszynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You are familiar with that instance? 

Mr. Moszynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Can you explain the error in that case? 

Mr. Moszynski. It is conceivable that one of the corpses found at 
Katyn may have had in his possession a letter or something which had 


been written by Biernacki. As far as I recollect the details on that, 
Biernacki had left behind, when he was evacuated from Poland, his 
bankbook, and one of his friends, who was close by, had taken the 
book and then subsequently the friend had fallen in Kat3^n, and it was 
Biernacki's book that was found on another body. 

Mr. Machrowicz. So that the natural conclusion of the Germans 
was that this man, other than Biernacki, who had Biernacki's book, 
was Biernacki? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Other than such occasional errors, you found 
the German list in substance to be correct; did you? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. It might be interesting to observe for the record at this 
point that when this committee goes to Frankfurt, where it will sit 
next week to conduct hearings, there will be present and testifying the 
various former German Government officials who, under the direction 
of Von Ribbentrop and Goebbels, prepared the white book and in 
other ways conducted the investigation at Katyn. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Mr. Chairman, I want the record to show that I 
had asked the witness in the German language whether or not he 
could read German, and he answered "Yes." 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. I personally had translated from German into 
Polish the various notes that are included, notations that are included 
in the German text of items that were found on the bodies of these men. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Were you at Katyn personally? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. No. I am a prisoner of war at Starobielsk camp 
and I am alive; so is the General Wolkowicki from Kozielsk, so I am 
from Starobielsk. I had been interned at Starobielsk, and we met 
together in Pavlischev Bor and then in Griazowiec. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you also used the list of a group of Poles 
who were examining the bodies at Katyn under German supervision? 
You used, in preparation of this document, a list prepared by a group 
of Poles who were in Katyn during the German occupation? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. German occupation, yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And you have made several revisions of this 
book; have you? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. I had to rectify some names on the ground of the 
official yearbooks of officers, 

Mr. Machrowicz. How much time have you spent on the prepara- 
tion of this book? 

Mr, Moszynski, Eleven months. 

Mr, Machrowicz. And, to the best of your knowledge and belief, 
that is as complete a record of the lost officers at the three camps as 
is at the present time available? 

Mr. Moszynski. Yes. This list was in the beginning published 
in the weekly Wliite Eagle, a newspaper. This list was also further 
corrected when the list was reprinted in the Polish newspaper White 
Eagle, and on the basis of the publication of these names in this 
newspaper I had had some correspondence, including a letter from 
one Pole whose name had been listed as dead, and he, in fact, is alive. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But none of the officers who were in Kozielsk, 
m Starobielsk, or in Ostashkov, later proved to be alive; is that not 


Mr. MoszYNSKi. This list does not include any names of those 
who are known to be alive. 

Mr. DoNDERO. The Russians claim that the Germans shot these 
men. Did the Russians make a list of the dead? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. I have no knowledge of such alist. 

Mr. Machrowicz. If there were such a list, you would probably 
have heard of it; is that right? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes; I would have most probably heard about it. 
I was in that type of service in the Polish Army that I had access 
to various secret documents, which probably would have borne that 

Mr. DoNDERO. The Germans were the first to make a list of these 
men who had been shot; were they not? 

Mr. MoszYNSKT. Yes; that is correct. 

Chairman Madden. Did you have any knowledge as to the number 
of clergymen — ministers, priests, rabbis — that were in these camps, 
these prison camps? 

Mr. MoszYxsKi. How many? 

Chairman Madden. Do you know of any that were there at all — 
clergymen, priests, ministers? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes; of course. 

Chairman Madden. About how many would you sa^^, just roughly? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. For instance, there were about 440 doctors in 
Kozielsk; in Starobielsk, where I was, were also about 400 doctors. 
Then there was in Starobielsk a group of judges; they were brought to 
Starobielsk from Lwow. Then there were about 10 priests. In 
Starobielsk also was a rabbi. 

Chairman Madden. Any ministers? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. In Starobielsk, no ministers, but in Kozielsk there 

Mr. Machrowicz, Have you the total number of names found, in 
this book of yours? 

Mr. DoNDERo. Wieviel? [How many?] 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. There are 3,794 names from Camp Kozielsk. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of those who were lost from Camp Kozielsk? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That represents what percentage of the total 
lost from that camp? 

Mr. Moszynski. 73 percent. 

Mr. Machrowicz. So that you have assembled the names of 73 
percent of those who were lost at Kozielsk; have you? 

Mr. Moszynski. Actually, it is a little more than 73 percent. I 
have here a letter from one of the Polish policemen who was interned 
in Kozielsk No. 2. That camp was established in the period following 
the liquidation of Kozielsk No. 1. This policeman had read on the 
wall in the kitchen in Kozielsk camp an inscription written with a knife 
which carried the following message, in Polish: "There were five thou- 
sand of us Polish officers here." 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you teU us how many yom- list contains 
of those from Ostashkov? 

Mr. Moszynski. It is very little; it is only 1,231. It is about 
20 percent. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Twenty percent of those who were knowTi to 
have disappeared from Ostashkov? 


Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. I arrived at the total number of Polish 
prisoners at Ostashkov on the basis of information fm-nished by those 
gentlemen who survived the Ostashkov liquidation. 

And from Starobielsk it is better. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How many do you have? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. 3,343 names. It is 87 percent. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Besides that, what other names do you have? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Besides that, there were 2,703 without names and 
also 145 without names, only the items found on their bodies in Katyn 
are described. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. In Katyn? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. In Katyn. 

Mr. Machrowicz. All in all, a^ou have 9,515 names; do 3'OU? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowciz. And that represents what percentage of the 
total number of lost officers at Kozielsk, Ostashkov, and Starobielsk? 

Mr. MoszYXSKi. The total number I count about 15,400 persons. 
They are not only of officers, but other persons, because we know that 
the graves also contained bodies of civilians and clergy. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You account for 15,000 lost persons in those 
three camps? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes; 15,400. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And you have assembled, of those 15,000, 
9,515 names, or about 53 percent of the total. Is that correct? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Of the remainder, about whom all the rumors liave 
been going around as to what may have happened to the officers 
that have never been found or whose bodies have never been found, 
you are aware, as is the committee, that there had been a lot of rumors 
as to what may have happened to them or where they went. From 
your experience in this matter, do you care to offer 3'Our opinion or 
your guess as to what happened to the remainder of the prisoners from 
Ostashkov and from Starobielsk? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. I am sure there are three Katyns in the world. 
One Katyn is in the Katyn Forest, near Gniezdovo (Smolensk) ; the 
second Katyn, of Starozlsk, could be near Kharkov, and the prisoners 
of Ostashkov, near the White Sea. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is your best opinion; is that correct? 

Air. MoszYNSKi. Yes. 

Chairman Madden. Wlien you mention the White Sea, are you 
referring to those thousands that were allegedly drowned on the barges. 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. To the best of my knowledge, based on con- 
siderable research on the subject, the prisoners in Ostashkov were 
placed on two very old barges, and when the barges were towed out 
to sea they were destroyed by Russian artillery fire. 

Mr. Flood. About how man}', would you say, drowned on the 
barges in the White Sea at that time? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. More than 5,000. It is the whole remainder to 
the total number of Ostashkov prisoners. There are alive only 120 
from Ostashkov. 

Mr. Flood. You feel that somewhere in the vicinity of Kharkov 
there must be graves similar to those found at Katyn, which contain 
the bodies of those not yet discovered from Starobielsk? 


Mr. MoszYNSKi. Yes. When I left Starobielsk on May 12th with 
19 others in my group, there remained in that camp 11 PoKsh officers 
from a total of 3,920. Another officer and myself sitting in the rail 
car on our wa}^ away from Starobielsk had observed an inscription 
carved with a pen knife. The inscription was: "We arrived at the 
station at Kharkov. Most probably we mil be unloaded or removed 
from the train." 

Chairman Madden. Is that all, Mr. Machrowicz? 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is all. 

Chaii-man Madden. Would you have any opinion as to why you 
were saved and not murdered? 

Mr. MoszYNSKi. Those of us who have survived have thought 
about that a great deal. Looking over this group of the 400 survivors, 
we have come to the conclusion, if the Russians had any particular 
reason for selecting us, that reason was that they wanted a complete 
cross section of all the Polish prisoners that were ever detained so 
that they could subsequently say, "Why, you have these prisoners 

Chairman Madden. From all your experience in research in the 
prison camp and outside, since the beginning of the war, have you 
formed an opinion as to who committed the massacres at Katyn? 

Mr. Moszynski. No other; only the Bolsheviks. 

Mr. Dondero. Do you mean by that the Russians? 

Mr. Moszynski. The Russians. 

Chairman Madden. We wish to thanlc you for your testimony; it 
is very valuable. 

The committee will meet at 10 o'clock in the morning. 

(Whereupon, at 6:20 p. m., the comnlittee recessed, to reconvene 
at 10 a. m. Thursday, April 17, 1952.) 



House of Representatives, 
The Select Committee on the Katyn Forest Massacre, 

London, England. 

The Select Committee met at 10 a. m., pm"suant to recess, in room 
111, Kensington Palace Hotel, De Vere Gardens, W. 8, Hon. Ray J. 
Madden (chairman) presiding. 

Present: Messrs. Madden, Flood, Machrowicz, Dondero, and 

Also present: Roman Pucinski, committee investigator and inter- 

Chairman Madden. The committee will come to order. 

The record will show that present at the hearing today are the 
Chanman, Congressman Flood, Congressman Machrowicz, Congress- 
man Dondero, and Congressman O'Konski. 

We will now proceed. 

Mr. Pucinski. Gentlemen, this is General Bohusz-Szyszko, who 
was the first military attache of the Polish Government in Moscow 
after Poland and Russia reestablished diplomatic relations in 1941. 

Chairman Madden. Just state your name to the reporter. 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Lieutenant General Bohusz-Szyszko. 
The fu'st name is Zygmunt Peter. The address is Chester; 44 Lower 
Bridge Street. 

Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, it is our wish that you 
be advised that yoa would run the risk of action in the courts by 
anyone who had considered he had suffered injury as a result of your 
testimony. At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the 
Government of the United States and the House of Representatives 
do not assume any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel 
or slander proceedings which may arise as a result of your testimony. 

Mr. Interpreter, will you translate that admonition for the witness? 

(The interpreter translated the admonition.) 

Does the witness clearly understand the provisions of that admoni- 

Mr. Pucinski. The witness says he does understand the provisions 
of that admonition. 

Mr. Flood. Will the witness rise and be sworn? 

Do you swear, by God the Almighty and Omniscient, that you will, 
according to your best knowledge, tell the pure truth and you will 
not conceal anything; so help you God? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. I do. 




Mr. Flood. What is your name? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. My name is Bohusz-Szyszko. 

Mr. Flood. Were you at any time identified with the Pohsh Army? 

General Boe^csz-Szyszko. Yes, I was in the Polish Army before 
the war and during the war in the present Polish Army. 

Mr. Flood. What was your ranlc? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Lieutenant general. 

Mr. Flood. Were you a lieutenant general in the Polish Army in 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. No, in 1939 I was major general. 

Mr. Flood. I understand that at one time you were a military 
attache for the Polish Government. 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Not attache; I was first chief of the 
Polish Military Mission in Moscow. 

Mr. Flood. When was that? What year was that? 

General Bohusz-Szuszko. From the 1st of August 1941 to the last 
of December 1941. 

Mr. Pucinski. December 31? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. December 31. 

Mr. Flood. Who appointed you to that position; who named you? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. General Sikorski. 

Mr. Flood. General Sikorski at that time was the chief of the 
Polish Government; was he not? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes; he was Prime Minister. 

Mr. Flood. Who went with you? I am not interested in the names 
especially, but what was the make-up of the Polish Military Mission? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Tw^o persons. One is a liigh Polish 
officer and the second, secretary of the Polish Embassy m Moscow. 

Mr. Flood. If those are all there were, will you give me the names, 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes, sir. It was a Major Bortnowsld, 
and the secretary was Mr. Arlet. 

Mr. Flood. Did you go from Kuibishev to Moscow? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. No; I went from London, from London 
by airplane to our hangars in Moscow. 

Mr. Flood. Were you put up by the Russians or by the Polish 
Ambassador? Where did you stay? How were you put up there in 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. First in a hotel and later in the Polish 

Mr. Flood. Who was the Ambassador for the Poles at that time? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Mr. Kot. 

A'Ir. Flood. What is his full name? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Stanislaw Kot. 

Mr. Flood. And Stanislaw Kot was the Polish Ambassador in 
Moscow on August 1, 1941, when you arrived there as chief of the 
Polish Military ]\Tission? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. But Ambassador — Professor Kot 
ari'ived later, a month later, the 1st day of September. 


Mr. Flood. But during your term as chief of the Mihtary Mission, 
Ambassador Kot, starting in September, was the ambassador to 
Moscow, was he? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. The answer to 3'our original question is 

Mr. DoNDERO. What year? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. 1941. 

Mr. Flood. So that, from August 1, 1941, until that day in Septem- 
ber when Ambassador Kot arrived in Moscow, you were the chief 
representative of the Polish Government in Moscow? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Of course, one of your chief missions, I suppose, was 
to inquire as to the whereabouts of certain missing Polish officers; 
was it not? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes; because I was this officer who was 
designated to make a military agreement with the Russian Gov- 

]Mr. Flood. You were the militarj- officer who participated in the 
protocol with the Russian military? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you just go on in 3-our own words and describe 
for us the thing m which we are chiefly interested at this time, which 
is: Any conversations, any communications, that you, as the ranking 
Polish representative, as chief of the official Polish Military Mission 
in Moscow, conducted with any Russians? Tell us who they were, 
their names, rank, and the tenor and the nature of the entire conversa- 
tion until Ambassador Kot got there. 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. After the military agreement between 
Poland and Russia was established or reached, several conversations 
followed with representatives of both the Russian Government and 
the Russian Armj^. Among those authorized by the Russians to 
carry on these conversations was Major Zhukov, who was the chief of 
the security division of the Russian Army. That particular position 
is comparable to a general in the Army. He had the title of Pleni- 
potentiar}' of the Soviet Government. 

Representing the staff of the Russian Army was Major General 
Panfilow. The Polish Government was represented by General 
Anders and myself in these discussions. At that time. General 
Anders already had been nominated by General Sikorski as the Chief 
of Staff ot the Polish Army being formed in Russia. 

Mr. Flood. At that point, I want to make the record clear. 

Although General Anders was with you in the conversations, the 

fact remains that you were the chief of the Military Mission and 

General Anders was Chief of Staff of the Polish Army; is that right? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. No; General Anders was not chief of 

staff; he was commander in chief of the Polish Army. 

Mr. Flood. But you were chief of the Military Mission? 
General Bohusz-Szyszko. Military Mission, yes. 
. Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness was asked whether General Anders 
had already been on the scene there at the time the witness arrived in 
Moscow. He said that General Anders was in Lubianka prison at 
that time. 


General Bohusz-Szyszko. At the first conference, which was con- 
ducted during the middle of August 1941, one of our first demands 

Mr. Flood. The first conference took place in the middle of August 

in Moscow, did it not? And by that time General Anders already 

was released from Lubianka prison and joined you in this conference. 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes; in Moscow. General Anders was 


Mr. Flood. Will you tell us, as you best-recall, who appeared for 
the Russians? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. General Panfilow and General Zhukov, 
these two. 

Mr. Flood. And for the Poles? 
General Bohusz-Szyszko. General Anders and I. 
Mr. Flood. Very well. 

General Bohttsz-Szyszko. Our first request was that we be supplied 
with a list of all the Polish officers who were at that time being held 
in Russia, because neither could the London Government nor the 
English mission, which was there at the time, give us this information. 
And we had no definite details as to the names or the number of Polish 
officers being held in Russia. The only basis of information that we 
had as to the numbers was a speech made by Molotov in 1939, who at 
that time had announced that the Russians had taken prisoner in 
excess of 250,000 Polish soldiers and an excess of 10,000 Polish Army 

Mr. Flood. "What was the occasion of the Molotov statement? 
General Bohusz-Sztszko. He made that announcement after the 
cessation of hostilities in Poland. 

Both Zhukov and Panfilow assured us that tliej" would provide us 
with such a list of names; and at a subsequent conference, not the next 
one but the one immediately following the next one, or the third 
conference that we held, they did give us a list of Polish officers from 

The list was composed of a pad of names which were type\^Titten, 
and we received a carbon copy and it contained 1,100 names of Polish 
officers and about 300 names of noncommissioned officers and police 
officers, and a few civilians. The names were all Poles. 

We immediately began to study this list in the presence of the two 
Russian delegates at this conference. General Anders and I began 
studying the names contained in that list because we wanted to 
determine immediately who was on this list and which of those men 
on the list could be utilized in the proposed Polish Ai-my, which of 
them could be commanding officers of divisions and various other 
Army units. We immediately registered our surprise after examining 
this list, that there were virtually no names of high-ranking Polish 
officers. There were only three generals on this list. 

There appeared on this list the names of only three generals, who 
were Generals Walkowicki, Przezdziecki, and Jni-iuiskiowicz; and just 
a few colonels and lieutenant colonels. We realized immediately that 
there should have been many higher-ranking Polish officers on this 
list. We asked them at that time in which camps and, "Where are 
the rest of the Polish officers and when will their nnnies be furnished 


To this, General Zhukov, the NKVD head, repHed that those names 
would be furnished us later because at that time they could not locate 
and assemble the names. 

We did not pursue our demand for these names any further at this 
particular conference, but we did single out at this conference the 
names of three particular Polish officers that we were seeking. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did General Anders speak Russian, or was it done 
through an interpreter? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. General Anders understood Russian. 

Mr. DoNDEED. Did you understand what they said? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Myself, again, I speak Russian fluently. 

The three that we named in particular were Lt. Col. Adam Soltan, 
who was formerly the Chief of Staff for General Anders; Colonel 
Janiszewski, who was a very good friend of mine and my own aide, 
and Dr. Major Delawau. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Mr. Chairman, I want the record to show that I 
asked the question whether this witness understood Russian, and he 
answered that he did and that General Anders understands Russian 
and speaks Russian. 

The purpose of that question is to be sure there was no misunder- 
standing between the Polish representatives and the Russians. 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. You are completely correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. All right, now, will you proceed with your 
statement. General? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. These three particular officers we wanted 
very badly because we knew of their experience and we needed them 
to help in the organization of the Polish Army in Russia. We re- 
ceived no adequate information on these men either at this particular 
converence or at any other subsequent conference that we held when 
we repeated the demand for additional information as to their where- 

I later learned that two of these men definitely were on the list of 
the Katyn victims. Soltan and Delawau were definitely on the 
Katyn list, and I am not certain of the third one, Janiszewski. At 
no time during the six conferences that we held with them regarding 
the formation of Polish armies were we successful in obtaining any 
details of information as to the whereabouts of the Polish officers 
that we were seeking. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You have now mentioned six conferences. You 
have already related three. Would you be able to state within what 
period of time these six conferences took place: Were they within a 
short period of time? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. About 6 weeks — one conference each 

Mr. Machrowicz. At this point would you state what the general 
attitude was of the Russians at the first, second, and third conferences: 
Was it of hostility, or was it an amiable attitude; what was it? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Their attitude in general was a very 
pleasant one, except whenever we raised the question of the where- 
abouts of the Polish officers; then they appeared to become very 
much disturbed and rattled, and they always managed to evade the 
particular subject. 

93744— 52— pt. 4 11 


Mr. Machrowicz. Did that attitude continue during all sLx con- 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now proceed with the rest of your stoiy. 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. At that time we had no idea what was 
the fate of these Polish officers. We suspected that the}' might be 
somewhere in the far northern prison camps of Russia and that they 
cannot be immediately delivered to us, and bacause of that our 
demands for their return at these particular conferences ended. 
At the end of our particular conferences our Ambassador Kot had 
arrived in Moscow, and we thereafter assigned the whole effort to 
locate these soldiers to the diplomatic staff, namely, Mr. Kot, who 
was now in Moscow. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are we correct in assuming, then, that from 
that moment on, all further negotiations with regard to these lost 
officers were carried on by Ambassador Kot; is that correct? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you subsequent to that, as chief of the 
Polish military mission in Moscow, have any other conferences or 
discussions with any Russian officers or officials? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. As to the fate of these Polish officers? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes, the whole time, because I was in 
the Embassy. 

Mr. Machrowicz. "iou then became a member of the staff in 
the Embassy? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In what capacity — as military attache? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. As chief of military mission. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In the Embassy? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you tell us what your subsequent conver- 
sations or discussions were with regard to these lost officers? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. What I have now just related was the 
first phase of our efforts to locate the Polish officers. 

Mr. Flood. May I interrupt. I am sorry, General, that I had to 
leave the room when I was questioning you. We had a telephone 
call m from the chief of the .A.merican mission at Berne, Switzerland, 
in connection with Professor Naville, whom you will remember. 
Before you go into the second phase, I would lilve to ask you this: 
I understand that up to this point in all your conversations Mdth your 
Russian opposite numbers j^ou had complete cooperation for the 
purpose of your military mission? 

Mr. Machrowicz. In everything except whatever had to do with 
talks about missing Polish officers? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes, you are right, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Up until tliis time did you have any conversa- 
tions with Stalin, Yishinsky or Molotov? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Or Beria? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. No, only with Field Alarshal Shaposin- 
hov, who was Chief of wStaff of the Red .Vrmy, but not about the 

Mr. Machrowicz. Not a])ou1 tl;e ofHcers? 


General Bohusz-Szyszko. No. 

Mr. Flood. Can you detail for us, if there is any such, any incident 
of particular interest, any really important incident which you think 
the committee should know about; with any of the Russians, military, 
civilian or otherwise, in the conferences or outside the conferences, 
socially or officially, before you g-o to the second phase — regarding the 
Polish officers only now? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. We discussed this matter with 
them very frequently, and, just like in all our conversations, they 
were very amiable and discussed thmgs very freely with us; but the 
moment that we raised the point of the Polish officers our conversa- 
tion ceased and there v^as a war between us. 

Mr. Flood. Even socially, having a drink at some place? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Even sociall3^ I can give you one 
concrete example of my own personal conversation with General 
Zhukov, who, whenever we learned definitely the name of a Polish 
officer and his whereai)0Uts and we asked General Zhukov to help us 
get this man released, he was very agreeable and did that almost 
immediately; but when I asked him for the third time in one of our 
private discussions for the release of Colonel Janiszewski and Dr. 
Major Delawau, he told me very bluntl}^: "Please do not ask me 
about these men, because in this particular case I cannot help you." 

Mr. Flood. Was there any mention at any time made by you to 
emy of the Russians in connection with camps at Kozielsk, Starobielsk, 
and Ostaslikov? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What was said about any of those three camps? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. They never gave us any concrete answer 
as to the whereabouts of the officers from these three particular camps. 
Subsequently at Pavlishchev Bor and Starobielsk there were Polish 
soldiers and our own people went there to mobilize these Polish 
soldiers, but they found no officers. 

Mr. Flood. We are interested in just your particular job at this 

Mr. Machrowicz. General, now will j^ou relate to us an account of 
this so-called second phase or your discussions in Moscow, when they 
were, and so forth? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes; our second phase of the conversa- 
tions consisted mostly of our discussions with them giving the informa- 
tion that we had available as to the names of officers who we believed 
should be in Russia, and we provided them with such a list. A 
strange circumstance arose in that we received absolutely no assistance 
from the Russians in compiling a list of the Polish officers that we 
were seeking, and whenever that subject was brought up, they would 
then ask us: "Well, who specffically are you looking for: who do you 
believe should be in Russia?" It was then that we began preparing 
the list of Polish names which we gathered from other Poles who had 
reported to us and who had had conversations with Polish officers 
in Russia at some time or other. Every Polish soldier who reported 
to the Polish Army in Russia was very carefully interrogated and was 
directed to search his memory for the names of any Polish officers that 
he may have seen at any camp in Russia where he himself may have 
been interned. This list was necessary so that we would have a basis 
for official diplomatic intervention through our own Ambassador in 


Russia. The preparation of this Ust and gathering this information 
lasted approximately another 6 weeks. It was obvious that tlie hsts 
that were prepared at first were incomplete. But our first list, even 
thought it was incomplete, already contained approximately 3,500 
names of Polish officers, names which we were able to get from other 
Poles reporting to us. It was this list that formed the basis for our 
official diplomatic intervention thi"ough Ambassador Kot with the 
Russians, and then subsequently through General Sikorski personally, 
who conducted the conversations with Stalin in November of 1941. 
Neither the official intervention by Ambassador Kot nor the personal 
conversations of General Sikorsld with Stalin resulted in any particular 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat personal part, if any, did you play in the 
interventions of Ambassador Kot in this matter: did you participate 
in the conferences he had, or what part did you play? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes; I prepared the material and the 
list, but I did not personally participate in those conversations which 
were conducted by Ambassador Kot. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And I imagine the same is true — you did not 
personally participate in any of the conferences held directly by 
General Sikorski with Stalin? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes, that is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you anything further to add in that 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes; the last phase of my particular 
investigation was that since we had no success in our official negotia- 
tions with the Russians, we returned again to an effort through the 
military to locate these officers. This, of course, was done in two 
ways: Tlii'ough official channels and through unofficial channels. 
Officially Major Czapski was nominated by General Anders to deal 
with the military in an official way. He had the proper letters of 
authorization for him to do this particular work. His assignment 
was to contact the top command of the NKDV, and through them 
it was his assignment to try and learn as to the whereabouts or fate 
of the Polish officers. Our unofficial efforts consisted in sending our 
own people to the various locations and camps that had been sug- 
gested from time to time where these Polish officers might be still 
held captive. Particularly did we send people to the far north. 
Those are the points from which there were no Polish officers report- 
ing to us when the Army was being formed. From among those that 
we had sent unofficially and secretly into these northern sections of 
Russia to get some information on the Polish officers, very few 
returned, and those who did manage to return could not give us any 
additional information. At this time I already had been named as 
Chief of Staff of the Polish Forces in Russia; and since I was the 
Chief of Staff then I was directly in command of sending Major 
Czapski into the official channels and these various other people 
through the unofficial channels into northern Russia. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Just to make the record clear, when you speak 
of the Polish Army in Russia, you are referring to General Anders' 
army; is that right? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. This all happened during the 
summer of 1942. This for the most part consists of the highlights of 


the knowledge that I have of our efforts to locate these Polish soldiers. 
If you have any particular questions, I shall be happy to answer them. 

Mr. Machrowicz. There were no further direct contacts made with 
any Russian officials other than those about which you have told us, 
so far as it relates to the missing Polish officers? 

General Bohusz-Szsyzko. We had m.ade constant efforts not only 
when I first arrived there but also when I became the Chief of Staff" to 
locate or get some information as to the whereabouts of these Polish 
officers, and all through 1942 our efforts were completely without 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did all of this happen before Germany attacked 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. All of this was after Germany had 
attacked Russia and the Poles established diplomatic relations with 
the Russians. 

Mr. DoxDERO. What was the date of the German attack? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. The 22d of June 1941, and I arrived in 
Russia on the 4th of August 1941. 

Chairman Madden. Let me ask the general this: In the conferences 
that you had with the Russian officials regarding the missing officers, 
their statements to you, as I understand it, were that they did not 
know anything about these missing officers; is that right? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Chairman Madden. You are familiar wdth the time when the 
Germans, the Nazis, made the broadcast announcing the finding of the 
graves at Katjm, are you not? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Chairman Madden. How soon after this Berlin broadcast an- 
nouncing the finding of the thousands of bodies at Katyn did the 
Russians come out in a broadcast and state that the Germans killed 
these Polish officers? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. This broadcast was in 1943 and the 
Polish Army was in the Middle East at this time. We left Russia 
in 1943. 

Chairman Madden. I understand it was mthin 24 or 48 hours that 
Moscow came out and stated that the Germans killed these people? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. We at that time, of course, no longer 
were in Russia; the entire Polish Army had been moved out of Russia 
and we were in the Middle East. 

Chairman Madden. But do you know how long after the Berlin 
broadcast announcing the finding of the graves was it that Russia 
broadcast and accused the Germans of killing them? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. I do not recall exacth^; it is difficult for 
me to fix the exact time; but it was very shortly after that. 

Mr. Pucinski. The witness points out that thej^ were shocked and 
taken by complete surprise when the Russians announced then ver- 
sion, particularly after the German announcement, and they were 
extremely disturbed over the question; "WTiy did not the Russians 
tell us where these men were if they had known that they were there 
during our entire negotiations?" They had claimed all along that 
these Polish officers had been sent to labor camps somewhere in the 
Smolensk area. Wliy could not they have told us at that time that 
"We had sent them to these labor details in Smolensk," and that tho 


Germans had taken them prisoner. Instead we received 'the reply 
from StaHn that maybe these men had fled or escaped to Manchuria. 
if Mr. Machrowicz. General, I want to hand you now the official 
exhibit which was identified yesterday by Mr. Moszynski as the so- 
called Katyn list of the missing officers of the Koziclsk, Starobielsk, and 
Ostashkov camps. You have mentioned three persons in whom you 
were particularly^ interested in finding. Lieutenant Colonel Soltan, 
Colonel Janiszewski, and Dr. Major Delawau. 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I hand you the exhibit I have just described and 
call your attention to page 291, and ask you whether you find there 
the name of IMaj. Adam Soltan, whom, you were trying to locate at 
that tim.e? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you find there his name as one of those who 
were found missing in Katyn? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now I will call your specific attention to page 
259 and ask whether you find there the nam.e of Colonel Janiszewski 
whom you have also mentioned? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes, the sam.e. 

Mr. IMachrowicz. That is the same person? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I have been unable to find in that exhibit the 
name of Dr. Major Delawau. Do you find it there? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Delawau is not there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I want to correct myself, when I say that the of Lieutenant Colonel Soltan and of Colonel Janiszewski are on 
the list of Katyn, I want or correct that as being on the list of those 
who have never been heard of. 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. It is m.y understanding that Colonel 
Soltan was among those found in Katyn. 

^iMr. Machrowicz. At any rate, General, he has not been seen since 
April 1940; is that correct; he has never been seen alive? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. General, I have just three final questions to tie your 
testimony altogether here, with particular reference now to the 
so-called second phase of your investigation after Ambassador Kot 
reached Moscow. In all of your conversations with the Russians from 
that point on, regardless of who they were publicly, officially, or 
privately, did you still find the same attitude any time you mentioned 
missing Polish Officers? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Otherwise, there was an atmosphere and an attitude of 
cooperation in everything but the question of missing Polish Officers; 
is that true? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. • 

Mr. Flood. You mentioned that during this period of time after 
the Ambassador arrived, the second phase, you were getting lists of 
names of officers from different Polish prisoners that were released 
and were coming in to Polish camps from all over Russia; you were 
getting names from them as best you could? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 


Mr. Flood. But at no time from no one, Pole or otherwise, did 
you get any names of any officers who were at Koziesk, vStarobielsk 
or Ostashkov except those who had been taken to Palvhshchev Bor? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Finally, as the Chief of the Polish MiHtary Mission 
and as a ranking Polish general and as subsequent Chief of the 
General Staff of the Polish Forces under General Anders, you, of 
course, at that time were fully aware of that provision in the protocol 
of rapproachement between the Soviet and the Poles which provided 
that the Russians were to release all Polish prisoners of all categories, 
military and civilian; is that not correct? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. And yet, despite that protocol, in all conversations 
you had at any time with any Russians, military, civilian or NKVD, 
about missing Polish officers, the Russians insisted that the Poles 
produce lists of names; is that not right? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And at no time did they assume the burden that they 
had agreed to under the protocol of releasing everybody? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Several times, in reply to our demands 
that there are still many Poles being interned, and that they should be 
released, we received official answers. One of those answers came 
directly from Mr. Stalin, who said: "If all of these Poles are not 
released, it is the fault of the lower echelons within the NKVD." 

Mr. Flood. But the fact remains that they were not released? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. That is all. 

Mr. Dondero. Have you been promised any reward or pay for 
coming to testify or did you come here voluntarily? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. I came here voluntarily, without any 
compulsion. I have been offered no remunerations for my testimony. 

Mr. Dondero. As a result of your experience and contact with 
the Russians and the position you held, what is yom- opinion now or 
then as to who committed this crime of killing the officers ia Katyn? 

General Bohusz-Szyszko. There is no doubt or misunderstanding 
in my mind. I am certain that this could have been done only by 
the Russians. 

Mr. Flood. May I say for the committee, General, that we are 
very grateful that 3^011 would take your time to come here. We know 
that you welcome the opportunity of stating the truth, but, evea so, 
we appreciate it very much. 



Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, it is our wish that you 
be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts by 
anvone who considered that he had suffered injury. At the same 
time, I wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United 
States and the House of Representatives do not assume any respon- 
sibility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings 
which may arise as the result of the testimony. You understand that 
admonition clearly? 


Mr. Raczynski. Yes, I do. 

Mr. Flood. Will you rise and be sworn, please. Do you swear by 
Almighty God that you will, according to the best of youi- knowledge, 
tell the pure truth and you will not conceal anything, so help 3''ou God? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, will you tell us your connection with 
the Government of General Sikorski, the Polish Government in 
London, during the years that you were here in that connection? 

Mr. Raczynski. I was appointed Polish Ambassador. 

Mr. Flood. By whom? 

Mr. Raczynski. In London, by the former Polish Government. 
The Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time was Colonel Beck in 
1934 — that is in prewar days — and I was Ambassador in London 
since November 1934. 

Mr. Flood. You continued to be Ambassador in 1939? 

Mr. Raczynski. I continued to be Ambassador throughout until 
recognition from the Polish Government was withdrawn in July 1945. 
So I remained Ambassador in London for 11 years. 

Mr. Flood. For 11 years from 1934? 

Mr. Raczynski. From 1934, November, until July 1945. I have 
to add that during General Sikorski's prime ministership, after the 
signature of the Polish-Soviet agreement of July 30, 1941, there was 
a change in the Polish Government. The Polish Minister of the day, 
the Honorable A. Zaleski, withdrew and presented his resignation 
and in August 1941 I was entrusted with foreign affairs of Poland 
first as Acting Foreign Minister of Poland and a few months later as 
Minister of State in Charge of Polish Foreign Affairs. 

Mr. Flood. But during that period of time that you have just 
described, when you took over your new position in the Polish London 
Government, you were still in residence in London? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What capacity do you now hold with the so-called 
London Free Polish Government? 

Mr. Raczynski. I am holding no official position at all. I have for 
some days been chief Polish adviser to the British Minister of Labor 
and National Service. 

Mr. Flood. Do you recall who was Ambassador from the Soviet to 
London ui 1943? 

Mr. Raczynski. The Ambassador of the Soviet Government to 
the British Government in London was Mr. Myski. 

Mr. Flood. Can you tell us in what capacity the Soviet repre- 
sentative, Bogomolow, served in London? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. Bogomolow was the Soviet Ambassador 
to the Polish Government. 

Mr. Flood. In London? 

Mr. Raczynski. In London. 

Mr. Flood. During what period of time? 

Mr. Raczynski. I could not tell you the exact date of his appoint- 
ment, but he was appointed, in any case, the first and the onh' Soviet 
Ambassador accredited with the Polish Government in 1941, and re- 
mained as the Soviet Ambassador to the Polish Government up to the 
day of the breaking of the Polish-Soviet relations. 


Mr. Flood. For our purposes, Mr. Bogomolow was the Russian 
Ambassador to the Pohsh Government in London during the time of 
conversations and communications deahng with the Katyn incident. 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you, in your own words, and paying as particular 
attention as you can to the Katyn matter only, describe for the com- 
mittee your conversations, if any, and your communications, if any, 
with Mr. Bogomolow, or with any other governments or any other 
persons on the Katjm matter. 

Mr. Raczynski. The question of Katyn, as you know, I think, 
from other sources, has caused very serious concern to the Polish 
Government immediately after it was realized that at the moment of 
the release of the civilians and of military persons in Russia, a very 
large number of Polish officers did not turn up. This had become 
clear already before the end of the year 1941, and had been, as you 
will remember, discussed by General Anders and by other officers and 
by General Sikorski during his visit to Moscow in his conversations 
with Marshal Stalin at the beginning of December 1941. The same 
information came, naturally, our way here in London and we were 
trying to check every piece of news in order to find some clues pointing 
to the whereabouts of the missing Polish officers. After so many 
years, one's recollections cannot be located with absolute precision to 
1 day or 1 hour, but I do remember that on several occasions in these 
days at that time we received contradictory and curious information 
regarding the presence of some of the missing Polish officers in very 
far away regions in Russia. According to one information which is 
present to my memory, the Polish officers apparently had been sent 
to the Kolyma district, wliich is situated far north on the Arctic 
Ocean and it is not accessible except in certain weeks. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When you speak of these representations made 
to you, would you be specific and state on the record who gave you 
the information and when, rather than a general allegation. 

Mr. Raczynski. It was not information communicated to us in 
any way officially. It was hearsay news coming from fellow Poles 
from Russia. A certain large nmiiber of Poles had been released. 
These were flocking in large numbers to certain points, like the Polish 
Embassy in Moscow and later in Kuybyshev, and other points. 
Polish agents were established under a welfare organization under the 
Polish-Soviet Treaty and these refugees were flocldng to these centers 
and they were anxiously questioned as to whether they had any 
information to supply regarding missing Polish officers. 

Mr. Flood. As a result of all of this information, as a result of 
these rumors, as a result of all these communications and personal 
writing that was coming to you as the Polish Ambassador here in 
London, did you communicate with the Soviet Ambassador to the 
Polish Government, Air. Bogomolow? 

Mr. Raczynski. I did. 

Mr. Flood. Will you tell us the first time you made such a com- 
munication in writing any person? 

Mr. Raczynski. The first communication in writing which I made 
was on the 28th January, 1942. I have the text here. 

Mr. Flood. May I see the document, please? 

Mr. Raczynski. I even had a copy made. 

Mr. Flood. May I have it? 


Mr. Raczynski. This document is published in this volume, the 
Polish-Soviet Relations 1918-43, Official Documents, which was 
issued by the Polish Embassy in Washington by authority of the 
Government of the Republic of Poland. These documents are 
absolutely authentic. 

Mr. Flood. The witness shows the committee a copy of a letter just 
mentioned, and will the Stenographer mark this as "exhibit 18." 

(The letter referred to was marked as ''exhibit 18," and is shown 

Exhibit 18 

[Translation copy] 

Note of January 28, 1942, From Mr. Raczynski, Polish Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, to Ambassador Bogomolov, Concerning the Failure To Set 
Free a Number of Polish Citizens, and Specifically a Number of Polish 

No. 49/Sow/42 

London, January 2S, 1942. 

Mr. Ambassador: The Polish Government regrets to have to bring to Your 
Excellency's notice that, according to information just received, the liberation 
of Polish citizens detained on the territory of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics in labour camps and other places of detention has not been completely 
carried out. In a number of cases the local administrative authorities of the 
Union do not apply in full the provisions of the Soviet Decree dated August 12, 

In this respect I have the honour to mention in particular the painful fact, that 
of all the officers and soldiers registered in the prisoner of war camps of Kozielsk, 
Starobielsk and Ostashkov, 12 generals, 94 colonels, 293 majors and about 7,800 
officers of lesser rank have so far not yet been set free. It must be emphasized 
that investigations carried out in Poland and in the Reich, have made it possible 
to establish definitely that these soldiers are not at present in occupied Poland, 
nor in prisoner-of-war camps in Germany. 

According to fragmentary information that has reached us, a certain number 
of these prisoners find themselves in extremely hard circumstances on Franz 
Joseph Land, Nova Zem.bla and on the territory of the Yakut Repubhc on the 
banks of the Kolyma River. 

I must add that the question of the fate of Polish citizens, civilians and military, 
has been the subject of several consecutive interventions by the Polish Embassy 
at Kuybyshev, which will soon be in a position to submit a new list of names of 
all these persons to the Government of the Union. The same question was also 
the subject of a conversation in Moscow on December 4, 1941, between the 
Polish Prime Minister and the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. 
During the course of this conversation General Sikorski was relieved to receive 
an assurance that the necessary instructions would be issued to the competent 
Soviet authorities and that all the prisoners would be set free. 

Referring to the letter and spirit of this conversation and of the understandings 
reached by our two Governments, I have no doubt that Your Excellency will 
share my conviction that the efficient and speedy execution of the provisions of the 
supplementary Protocol to the Polish-Soviet Agreement signed in London on 
July 30, 1941, concerning the liberation of Polish citizens, imprisoned or detained 
in prisoner of war camps or labour camps, rests on imperative motivs of humanity 
and justice. Your Excellency will no doubt also share the Polish Government's 
opinion that special importance should be attached to the favoural)le development 
of our mutual relations, as desired by the political leaders of both our countries 
united in the common struggle against the invader. 

In requesting Your Excellency to be so good as to bring the contents of this 
Note to the attention of Your Government, I take this occasion to assure Your 
Excellency of my highest consideration. 

I have the honour to be, etc. 

His Excellency 

Ambassador Alexander Bogomolov 
Ambassador of the U. S. S. R. to the Polish Government. 


Mr. Flood. I show the witness for his attention exliibit 18 marked 
for identification and ask him whether or not exhibit 18 is a copy of 
the letter sent by him to Mr. Bogomolow on January 28, 1942. Just 
answer yes or no. 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you tell us the substance of that communication? 
Wliat was that letter? 

Mr. Raczynski. This letter was the first official note wliich I 
addressed to Bogomolow to tell him of the information available at 
the time regarding the number of the missing officers in Russia and 
asking him to give us information on the subject. 

Mr. Flood. By the way, exhibit 18 is an English translation of the 
letter of wliich you speak, is it not? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; it is. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat was in the letter in substance? 

Mr. Raczynski. As you will note, in tliis note I am m.entioiiing the 
fact that we had received some information, or alleged information, 
regarding the presence of some of these men in the Franz Joseph Land, 
Nova Tem.bla, and the territory of the Yakut Republic and the Kolyma 
River, wliich I m.entioned before. 

Mr. Flood. That is the gist of the letter, wliich will speak for itself 
and will be in the record. Did the Russian Ambassador Bogomolow 
reply in ^\Titing? 

Mr. Raczynski. The Russian Ambassador Bogomolow did give me 
a reply in Avriting. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of that reply, or the original? 

Mr. Raczynski. No, I have not the original. I have a copy of 
that reply. I have not a copy made, but it is in this collection of 

Mr. Flood. Will you tell me on what page of the document Bogo- 
molow's reply is to be found? 

Mr. Raczynski. It is to be found at page 118 under No. 38. 

Mr. Flood. At this time the committee shows the stenographer a 
document to be marked as "exhibit 19." 

(Document headed "Polish-Soviet Relations 1918-43" was marked 
as "exhibit 19" and appears m the appendix of the record of the 
London hearings.) 

Mr. Flood. For identification, exhibit 19 is referred to as "Polish- 
Soviet Relations 1918-43, Official Documents, issued by the Polish 
Embassy in Washington by authority of the Government of the 
Republic of Poland," marked "Confidential," and I show exhibit 19 
to the witness and ask him if he can identify, as an official representa- 
tive of that said Polish Government, that document. 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You tell me that on page 118 of exhibit 19 is to be 
found the reply of Bogomolow to your communication ; is that correct? 

Mr. Raczynski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. What is the date of Bogomolow's reply to your first 

Mr. Raczynski. March 13, 1942. 

Mr. Flood. At this time we offer in evidence that part of exhibit 
19 only which is called No. 38 and is to be found at pages 118 and 
119 of exhibit 19. It will be marked "exhibit 19A" and entered 


at this point in the record. Will you tell us the gist of Bogomolow's 

Exhibit 19A . 

No. 38 

Note of March 13, 1942, From Ambassador Bogomolov to Mr. Raczynski, 
Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, in Reply to His Note of January 28, 

The Embassy of the U. S. S. R. to the Polish Government. 

No. 57. 

London, March IS, 1942. 

Mr. Minister: In reply to your Note of January 28, 1942, I have the honour, 
by order of the Soviet Government, to bring the following to your notice: 

The Soviet Government cannot agree to the statements contained in Your 
Excellency's Note. According to these statements the liberation of Polish citizens, 
including officers and soldiers, detained on the territory of the U. S. S. R. in labour 
camps and other places of detention, has not been completed, because, it is alleged 
in the Note, the local Soviet authorities have not applied to their full extent the 
provisions of the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the U. S. S. R. 
of August 12, 1941, concerning the amnesty of Polish citizens. 

In the reply by M. V. M. Molotov's Note of November 8, 1941, addressed to 
Mr. Kot, and in the Aide-M6moire of the People's Commissariat for Foreign 
Affairs of November 19, it had already been announced that the amnesty of 
Polish citizens had been strictly carried out. An appropriate investigation con- 
ducted by competent Soviet authorities after the conversation held on December 
4, 1941, between the Pohsh Prime Minister, General Sikorski, and the Chairman 
of the People's Commissars of the U. S. S. R., J. V. Stalin, completely confirmed 
the above statement; besides the People's Commissar in the spirit of his Note 
No. 6 of January 9, 1942, addressed to the Embassy of the Republic of Poland, 
gave additional detailed explanations on the carrying out of the amnesty in favour 
of Polish citizens. 

As the Polish officers and soldiers were liberated on the same basis as other 
Pohsh citizens under the Decree of August 12, 1941, all that has been said above 
applies equally to the Polish officers and soldiers. 

As regards the statements contained in Your Excellency's Note, alleging that 
there are still Polish officers who have not yet been set free, and that some of them 
are on the Franz Joseph and Nova Zembla islands, and the banks of the river 
Kolyma, it must be stated that these assertions are without foundation and 
obviously based on inaccurate information. In any case, whenever it is learned 
that there are certain isolated instances of delay in setting free Polish citizens, 
the competent Soviet authorities immediately take measures necessary for their 

The Soviet Government takes this opportunity to declare that it has put into 
full effect the measures concerning the liberation of Polish citizens in accordance 
with the Supplementary Protocol to the Soviet-Polish Agreement of July 30, 1941, 
and that thus the Soviet Government is doing in this respect all that is necessary 
for the future favorable development of the Soviet-Polish relations. 

I have the honour to be, etc. 


Mr. Raczynski, Bogomolow's reply was of a very formal character. 
It just kept maintaining that the so-called law of amnesty had been 
implemented, and that all persons, whether civilian or military, who 
under that law should have been released were actually released. 

Mr. Flood. Did you communicate subsequently with Bogomolow 
or anybody else on this same subject? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Flood. Wlien? 

Mr. Raczynski. I cannot give you the dates, but on several 
occasions during our many conversations at regular intervals with 
Bogomolow in reviewing different Polish-Soviet questions, wc often 
reverted to that point, but always with the same negative result. 


Mr. Machrowicz. So that we have the proper contmuity, Mr. 
Ambassador, have you had any official communication from Ambas- 
sador Bogomolow prior to the one dated March 13, which you 
identified in this book? 

Mr. Raczynski. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I refer you particularly to one of November 14, 
1941. Do you remember one of that date? 

Mr. Raczynski. T cannot recollect offhand. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you have your records? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you find a note which Ambassador 
Bogomolow is alleged to have delivered to you on November 14, 
1941? Incidentally, to refresh your memory, it is the note in which 
I understand he was to have informed you that all the Polish officers 
who were on Soviet territory had already been released. 

Mr. Raczynski (having referred to exhibit 19). This note of 
November 14- — - — ■ 

Mr. Machrowicz. What year? 

Mr. Raczynski. November 14, 1941. It is a note from Ambassador 
Bogomolow addressed not to me but to General Sikorski. It is on 
page ] 15 of your exhibit 19. 

Air. Machrowicz. But it was delivered to you? 

Mr. Raczynski. That is a difficult question for me. I believed 
that it must have been delivered to General Sikorski directly. 

Chairman Madden. You do not recall that? 

Mr. Raczynski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Is it entirely possible that any communications ad- 
dressed to the head of your Government by Bogomolow in London 
would have been transmitted officially through the channels of your 
office and would have been probably a procedural matter only; is 
that correct? 

Mr. Raczynski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. In the conversations you had with Bogomolow after 
his reply to your first letter, were they personal or telephone conversa- 

Mr. Raczynski. Personal. 

Mr. Flood. And in London? 

Mr. Raczynski. In London. 

Mr. Flood. They were conversations which had to do with the 
general matters between Ambassadors of the two countries? 

Air. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. During the course of those conversations, you would 
repeatedly refer to the missing Polish officers? 

Air. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What in every instance would be the reply and the 
attitude of Bogomolow on that question? 

Mr. Raczynski. The reply of Bogomolow in every case was purely 
and entirely formal. He repeated, like Soviet representatives often 
do, obviously an instruction which was given him, and as he seemed 
to be anxious to avoid any mistake or to make any slip, he kept to 
more or less the same wording, repeating it foi^mally. 

Mr. Flood. Of all the conversations that you had with Bogomolow 
on this subject during that period of time, that particular part we are 
concerned with, Katyn, will you give us a sample of what you said to 


him and what he said to you, not exact, but as you best recall, an 

Mr. Raczynski. By way of illustration, I can say that I was trying 
to induce Bogomolow to speak freely and to give his reasons, and I 
appealed to his reason and to his understanding in quoting arguments 
and in saying: "It is impossible that you should not be able to trace 
at least one of these missing men. We have had information to the 
effect that some had been seen here or there. It is not possible that 
such a large number of people should have vanished into thin air." 
Those are the kind of arguments which I was trying to put to him. 
His answer was always entirely formal. He said to me: "My dear 
Minister, the Soviet govermnent executes to the letter its obligations. 
It has undertaken to release these people. It has released everybody." 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever communicate with Bogomolow in writing 
jafter this fii'st letter which you told us about on this subject? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes, but only after the crime at Katyn was known, 
when I wrote him another note. 

Mr. Flood. That was in 1943? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Is this correct: Before the crime at Katyn was dis- 
covered, you wrote to Bogomolow only once? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You talked to him on four occasions, and the gist of the 
conversation on those occasions on both sides was as you have just 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. All of these conversations, Mr. Ambassador, took 
place here in London? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, will you now take us down to that 
time in 194o when the Germans announced their discovery of the 
crime at Katyn, and tell us how the matter first came to your atten- 
tion unofficially, and then officially? 

Mr. Raczynski. The news of the discovery of Katyn came to my 
knowledge, as to everybody's knowledge, thi'ough the publication of 
the German Government which was released to the press. 

Mr. Flood. Wlien was that date? Do you recall the exact date? 

Mr. Raczynski. April 15, I think; we had no other information 

Mr. Flood. Just a moment. Will you give me the exact date that 
you first heard of the German announcement about Katyn, the day, 
the month and the year? 

Mr. Raczynski. April 13, 1943. 

Mr. Flood. And at that time you were still Ambassador for the 
Polish Government in London? 

Mr. Raczynski. I was still Minister of State in charge of foreign 
affairs of the Polish Government. 

Mr. Flood. You were then Minister of Foreign Affairs? 

Mr. Raczynski. Minister of State in charge of foreign affairs. 

Mr. Flood. As soon as this German announcement was brought to 
your knowledge and attention, what was the first thing that you did 
either in reference to the German Government or the Soviet Govern- 
ment, or anybody else? 

Mr. Raczynski. We did nothing with regard to the German Gov- 


Mr. Flood. Very well. Wlien was the first day that you heard of 
the Russian reply to the German announcement? Do you remember 
the day that the Russians made their first announcement m reply to 
the German announcement? 

Mr. Raczynski. On April 15. 

Mr. Flood. April 15. As soon as you heard of the Russian reply 
to the German charge about the massacre of Polish officers at Katyn 
then what did you do in your unofficial capacity? 

Mr. Raczynski. The Polish Government discussed the matter, 

Mr. Flood. With whom? 

Mr. Raczynski. Amongst ourselves — that means General Sikorski, 
the Prime Minister; the Polish Minister of Defense; the former Polish 
Ambassador in Russia, and also the Minister of Information. 

Mr. Flood. Do you recall if at that time, and as the basis for the 
discussions of the Polish Government that you are now describing, 
having received any communication from the Polish General Anders 
on April 15, which was the day of the Russian announcement? Do 
you recall any such incident? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; a telegram was received on April 15, 1943, 
from General Anders pointing out to the Russians the painful impres- 
sion created by this discovery in the minds of the Polish forces. 

Mr. Flood. Will you now tell us what transpired at the meeting 
on April 15, 1943, of the Polish Government? 

Mr. Raczynski. At this meeting we realized that this information, 
first of all, had the appearance of authenticity, and also we did feel 
that it could not remain without a strong reaction on our part. We 
felt that it was above all essential that the information should be 
impartially verified 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I interrupt one second, Mr. Ambassador? 
Did you participate yoiu'self in the meetings of the Council of Minis- 
ters as they were held around that time? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes, I did — and it occurred to us that the best 
authority for verifying the information, and for stating officially the 
best view on the authenticity of this discovery would be the Inter- 
national Red Cross at Geneva. We therefore 

Mr. Machrowicz. Mr. Ambassador, do you remember participat- 
ing in the meeting of the Council of Ministers which was held on 
April 17. 1943, as the result of this announcement by the Germans? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You participated in that meeting? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you remember then, as the result of that 
meeting, it was decided to make one final attempt to appeal to the 
Soviet Government, and a note was accordingly issued and sent and 
delivered to the Soviet Ambassador on April 20, 1943? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes, that is my note of April 20. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That was before the appeal was made to the 
International Red Cross? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes, but the note was actually sent after. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Well, it was delivered to the Soviet ambas- 
sador, Mr. Bogomolow, on April 20? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of the note of April 20 that was 
dispatched to Bogomolow? 


Mr. E.ACZYNSKI. Yes, I have a copy here. 

Mr. Flood. May I have that, please? 

Mr. Raczynski. Certainly. 

(Mr. Raczynski handed the copy of the note of April 20, 1943. 
The copy of the note referred to was marked as "Exhibit No. 20 for 
identification," and follows:) 

Exhibit 20 

[Translation copy] 

Note of April 20, 1943, From Mr. E. Raczynski, Polish Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, to Mr. A. Bogomolov, Ambassador of the U. S. S. R., 
Demanding an Explanation of the Fate of Polish Prisoners Missing 
in the U. S. S. R. 


London, April 20, 1943. 
Mr. Ambassador, 

Foreign telegraph agencies publish a report of the German military authorities 
concerning the discovery at Kozia G6ra near Katyn in the vicinity of Smolensk 
of a mass-grave containing the bodies of the Polish officers allegedly killed in the 
spring of 1940. During the first few days 155 bodies were identified among which 
the body of Major General Mieczyslaw Smorawihski is supposed to have been 

This report, although emanating from enemy sources, has produced profound 
anxiety not only in Polish public opinion but also throughout the world. 

In a public statement on April 17, 1943, the Polish Government categorically 
condemned Germany's attempt to exploit the tragedy of Polish prisoners of war 
in the U. S. S. R. for her own political ends. But more than ever the Polish 
Government unalterably maintains its attitude that the truth about this case so 
cynically exploited by Hitlerite propaganda must be fully elucidated. 

You are no doubt aware, Mr. Ambassador, that after the conclusion of the 
Polish-Soviet Agreement of July 30, 1941, the Polish Government repeatedly 
approached the civil and military authorities of the U. S. S. R. with requests for 
information concerning the prisoners of war and civilians who were in the camps 
of Koziolsk /East of Smolensk/, Starobielsk /near Kharkov/ and Ostashkov 
/near Kalinin/. 

According to information of the Polish Government there were in all at the 
beginning of 1940, 15,490 Polish citizens, including 8,700 officers, in the three 
above mentioned camps. From April 5, 1940, until the middle of May 1940, 
the Soviet authorities proceeded to break up these camps, deporting the inmates 
in batches every few days. Prisoners of the Kozielsk camp were deported in 
the direction of Smolensk, and from all the three camps only 400 men were 
transferred in the la-st batches, first to the Yukhnovski camp — railway station 
Babvnino — and subsequently in June 1940, to Griazovetz in the Vologda district. 

When after the signing of the Polish-Soviet military agreement on August 14, 
1941, the Polish Government proceeded with the organization of the Polish 
Army in the U. S. S. R., the camp of Griazovetz, to which in the meantime 
military and civilian prisoners from other camps had arrived, was also broken 
up and from the above mentioned group of 400 prisoners more than 200 officers 
reported for service in the Polish Army before the end of August 1941. All the 
other officers however, who were deported to an unknown destination from the 
camps of Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostashkov have neither been found nor have 
they given any sign of life. So it became apparent that more than 8,000 officers 
were missing who might have supplied the cadres of senior and junior officers of 
the army in formation and who would have been of inestimable value m the 
military operations against Germany. 

From October 1941, both Ambassador Ko^ and General Anders, Commander- 
in-Chief of the Polisli .\rmy in the U. S. S. P., constantly intervened, both orally 
and in writing, in tl)e matter of the missing officers. Ambassador Kot discussed 
tins subject with Premier Stalin, with Mr. Molotov, IVople's Commissar for 
Foreign Affairs, and with Mr. Vishinsky, Deputv People's Commissar for For- 
eign Affairs, demanding a list of the prisoners detained in the three camps men- 
tioned above and an explanation as to their fate. During the visit to Moscow 
in December 1941, General Sikorski also intervened in the above matter in a 


conversation with Mr. Stalin and on that occasion handed him a hst containing 
the names of 3,845 Polish officers. On March 18, 1942, General Anders gave 
Mr. Stalin, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, a supplementary- 
list of 800 officers. On January 28, 1942, I had the honour to send you, Mr. 
Ambassador, a Note in which I emphasized the anxietv of the Polish Govern- 
ment at the failure to find many thousands of Polish officers. Lastly, on May 
19, 1942, Ambassador Kot sent the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs a 
Memorandum in which, reverting again to the question of the missing officers, 
he expressed his rea;ret at the refusal to supply him with the list of prisoners, and 
his concern as to their fate. 

I regret the necessity of calling your attention, Mr. Ambassador, to the fact 
that the Polish Government in spite ot reiterated requests, has never received 
either a list of the prisoners or definite information as to the whereabouts of the 
missing officers and of other prisoners deported from the three camps mentioned 
above. Official, verbal and written statements of the representatives of the 
U. S. S. R. have been confined to mere assurances that, in accordance with a 
Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the U. S. S. R., dated August 12, 
1941, the amnesty was of a general and universal character as it included both 
military and civilian prisoners, and that the Government of the U. S. S. R. had 
released all the Polish offi^cers from prisoner of war camps. 

I should like to emphasize that the Polish Government, as can be seen from 
their many representations quoted above, entirely independentlv of recent German 
revelations, has never regarded the question of the missing officers as closed. If, 
however, as shown by the communique of the Soviet Information Bureau of 
April 15, 19^3, the Govenment of the U. S. S. R. would seem to be in possession of 
more ample information on this matter than was commimicated to the repre- 
sentatives of the Polish Government sometime ago, I beg once more to request you, 
Mr. Ambassador, to communicate to the Polish Government detailed and precise 
information as to the fate of the prisoners of war and civilians previously detained 
in the camps of Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostasbkov. 

Public opinion in Pola.nd, and throughout the world has rightly been so deeply 
shocked that only irrefutable facts can outweigh the numerous and detailed 
German statements concerning the discovery of the bodies of many thousand 
Polish officers murdered near Smolensk in the spring of 1940. 
His Excellency, Alexander Bogomolov 

Ambassador Extraordinary of the U. S. S. R. to the Government of the Polish 
Repvblic in London. 

Mr. Flood. I show the witness marked for identification exhibit 
No. 20, and ask him whether or not this is the communication ad- 
dressed by the Pohsh Government by him dated April 20, 1943, as 
the result of the meeting of the Polish Council of Ministers on April 17 
to Bogomolow? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; it is. 

Mr. Flood. Will you state for the record, without reading the letter 
(wliich speaks for itself) the gist of your note of April 20 to Bogomolow? 

Mr. Raczynski. The gist of my note of April 20 is to remind the 
Soviet Government of the whole story, first of all of the promised 
so-called amnesty to the Polish civilians and to the Polish military, 
and to remind him also of all the former occasions on which we had 
demanded information, requested information, on the missing officers 
without ever receiving a satisfactory repl}^. 

Mr. Flood. The tenor of j^our note of April 20 to Bogomolow em- 
phasized that there was no desire on the part of the Polish Government 
to break relations with the Soviet Government? 

Mr. Raczynski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood, The letter indicates that there was no such intention? 

Mr. Raczynski. There was never such an intention. 

Mr. Flood. We offer that document in evidence. Now did you 
ever receive a reply from Bogomolow or from any other Soviet repre- 
sentative to the Polish note we are just discussing of April 20, exhibit 
No. 20? 

93744— 52— pt. 4 12 


Mr. Raczynski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Now you told us that, for the reasons you stated, it 
was the determination of the PoUsh Council of Ministers to com- 
municate with the International Red Cross as an impartial tribunal? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Was such a communication ever directed by the Polish 
Government in London to the International Red Cross in Geneva? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; through the Polish representative in Switzer- 
land we requested the International Red Cross to take action. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of such a communication in your 

Mr. Raczynski. I have not got it handy here at the moment, but 
it is available. 

Mr. Flood. I am advised that Ambassador General Kukiel will 
appear and testify to the committee and will have these documents, 
and that certain representatives of the Polish Government, who also 
have in their custody documents of this nature, will also appear here 
and testify and produce such documents. Then for the purpose of 
this morning, Mr. Ambassador, will you give us the gist of the com- 
munication that the Polish representative in Geneva made to the 
International Red Cross in this matter? 

Mr. Raczynski. The Polish Government requested the Interna- 
tional Red Cross as an impartial institution to investigate the crime 
at Katj^n, to investigate all the facts connected with the crime which 
was disclosed at Katyn, in order to establish the truth. 

Mr. Flood. Did the International Red Cross reply to that request? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; the International Red Cross replied, pointing 
out certain difficulties in carrying out this request. 

Mr. Flood. What was the nature of the reply of the International 
Red Cross? Wliat was the gist of it? 

Mr. Raczynski. As far as I remember, the difficulty to which the 
International Red Cross pointed was that it was a one-sided request 
on our part. The answer of the International Red Cross was that it 
would be prepared to take action if requested by all interested parties. 

Mr. Flood. And "by all interested parties," we understand you to 
mean the Russian Government and the German Government? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Now do you know whether or not the German Gov- 
ernment also made a request to the International Red Cross for the 
same purpose? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; it did. 

Mr. Flood. At or about the same tune? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; it did. 

Mr. Flood. Are you aware from your memory of the general 
nature of the German recjuest to the International Red Cross? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. As far as I remember, and as far as my 
memory goes, the German request was to the effect that the Interna- 
tional Red Cross should investigate, and was promising every 

Mr. DoNDERO. Which request came first, Mr. Ambassador, the 
Polish request or the German request, to the International Red Cross? 

Mr. Flood. Will you give me the date of the Polish request and the 
date of the German request to the Red Cross? 

Mr. Raczynski. The German request was on A])ril 16. 


Mr. Flood. April 16 of what year? 

Mr. Raczynski. 1943. 

Mr. Flood, And the date of the PoHsh request? 

Mr. Raczynski. The PoKsh Government decision was taken on 
April 15 

Mr. Flood. Yes, I know. 

Mr. Raczynski. But its execution took place on April 17. 

Mr. Flood. Thank you. Now do you have any information from 
Bogomolow as to any communications that were made by the Russians 
to the International Red Cross? Were you advised by Bogomolow of 
the Russian reply? Wliat did the Russians say to the international 
Red Cross, if you know? 

Mr. Raczynski. No, I was not advised by Bogomolow about it; 
Bogomolow kept absolutely silent. 

Mr. Flood. So none of the communications between the Inter- 
national Red Cross and the Soviet Government with reference to 
either the Polish note or the German note requesting Red Cross 
intercession was handled tlu'ough London? 

Mr. Raczynski. No. 

Mr. Flood. So far as you know, it may have been handled thi-ough 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Lid you communicate tlirough your office in London 
with any other governments in connection with the Katyn matter, 
or any other Sovereigns? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; we were in contract with the British Govern- 
ment at the time, keeping them informed. 

Mr. Flood. Was your communication with the British merely to 
keep them informed of what you were doing? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. That was the entire nature of your association with 
the British on this mater? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Lid you ever at any time communicate with the Vati- 
can officially on this matter? 

Mr. Raczynski. I will give you the best of my memory. 

Mr. Flood. Yes; the best of your recollection. 

Mr. Raczynski. We kept all Polish representatives abroad, of 
course, fully informed of what we were doing, and it was natural for 
them to keep the governments to which they were accredited informed 
of events. 

Mr. Flood. But as far as you remember, you, as the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs here in London, did not communicate directly with the 
Vatican on this subject at that time? 

Mr. Raczynski. I do not remember it. 

Mr. Flood. Do you know whether or not, to the best of your 
recollection as Minister of Foreign Affairs — did it ever come to your 
attention that the Vatican communicated with the Soviet Ambassador 
at Istanbul, if you recall, at that time on this subject? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; I seem to recall that, but I had no special 

Mr. Flood. You recall some such matter? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes; I do. 


Mr. Flood. Now, Mr. Ambassador, was that the extent of your 
official connection with the Katyn matter, and either the German, 
the Russian, and the International Red Cross groups on the Katj^n 
matter — is that all of j^our official connection with it? 

Mr. Raczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you hav^e any other official reports in your 
possession which you had in j^our capacity at that time made available 
to the Polish Gov'ernment in exile? 

Mr. Raczynski. I would like to call your attention to the statement 
of policy adopted by the Polish Gov^ernment on April 17 through its 
Council of Ministers which was publicly issued that day regarding the 
discovery of the graves at Katyn. I have it here, if you \\4sh to see it. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, if you will give me the statement we 
will enter it in the record at this point as exhibit 21. 

(The document was handed to Mr. Flood and was marked "Exhibit 
21," which follows:) 

Exhibit 21 

Statement of the Polish Government of April 17, 1943, Published in 
London, April 18, 1943, Concerning the Discovery of Graves of Polish 
Officers Near Smolensk 

The Council of Polish Ministers at a meeting held in London on the 17th of 
April 1943, after acquainting itself with all information received in the matter of 
Polish officers whose bodies had been recently discovered near Smolensk and 
having taken notice of a report in this matter received from Poland, issued the 
following statement: 

"No Pole can help but be deeply shocked by the news, now given the widest 
publicity by the Germans, of the discovery of the bodies of the Polish officers 
missing in the IT. S. S. R. in a common grave near Smolensk, and of the mass 
execution of which they were victims. 

"The Polish Government has instructed their representative in Switzerland to 
request the International Red Cross in Geneva to send a delegation to investigate 
the true state of affairs on the spot. It is to be desired that the findings of this 
protective institution, which is to be entrusted with the task of clarifjing the 
matter and of establishing responsibility, should be issued without delay. 

"At the same time, however, the Polish Government, on behalf of the Polish 
nation, denies to the Germans any right to base on a crime they ascribe to others, 
arguments in their own defense. The profoundly hypocritical indignation of 
German propaganda will not succeed in concealing from th3 world the many cruel 
and reiterated cri-nes still being perpstrated against the Polish people. 

"The Polish Government recalls such facts as the removal of Polish officers 
from prisoner-of-war camps in the Reich and the subsequent shooting of them for 
political offenses alleged to have been committed before the war, mass arrests of 
reserve officers subsequently deported to concentration camps, to die a slow 
death—from Cracow and the neighboring district alone 6,000 were deported in 
June 1942; the compulsory enlistment in the German Army of Polish prisoners 
of war from territories illegally incorporated in the Reich; the forcible conscription 
of about 200,000 Poles from the same territories, and the execution ot the families 
of those who managed to escape; the massacre of 1% million people by executions 
or in concentration camps; the recent imprisonment of 80,000 people of military 
age, officers and men, and their torture and murder in the camps of Maydanek 
and Tremblinka. 

"It is not to enable the Germans to make impudent claims and pose as the 
defenders of Christianity and European civilization, that Poland is making im- 
mense sacrifices, fighting and enduring suffering. The blood of Polish soldiers 
and Polish citizens, wherever it is shed, cries for atonement before the conscience 
of the free peoples ot the world. The Polish Government condemns all the crimes 
committed against Polish citizens and refuse the right to make political capital 
of such sacrifices, to all who are themselves guilty of such crimes." 

Mr. Flood. Thank you very much, Mr. Ambassador. 
Mr. Raczynski. May I make one short general remark on tliis 


Mr. Flood. Yes. 

Mr. Raczynski. Because I think this is the proper place for me to 
do it. It has occurred to me that one important element pointing to 
the responsibility of the Soviet Government, and the authorship of 
the Soviet of the crime, has not been sufficiently underlined so far, 
and that is this: Although the Soviet Government has not signed the 
Geneva Convention relating to war prisoners, it has nonetheless 
generally pretended to have observed that convention. In this case 
the Soviet Government, caught in its own mesh of fiction, has declared 
to the world that it had actually emplo5'ed thousands of Polish officers, 
including more than a hundred generals, admkals, and colonels 
advanced in age, in breaking stones on the roads near Smolensk. 
I think that this kind of employment, this kind of occupation, for 
senior officers is scandalous in itself, and I may go one step further 
and say that so far as I am aware from all available evidence, this 
has not been done by the Soviet Government. They have been cruel 
to the prisoners; they have for a time kept them in very primitive 
conditions; they have deprived them, for instance, of noncommissioned 
officers as aides at certain stages of their detention, but the Soviet 
Government has certainly not sent senior officers of the rank of general 
and admu'al to break stones. This has not been done b}^ any bellig- 
erent anywhere during the great war, and would be, as I say, scandal- 
ous in itself; but to my mind it is additional evidence showing that, 
having been caught in their own tissue of stories, they did not know 
how to explain this fact away, and I think that this should be under- 
lined as an additional point of chcumstantial evidence showing the 
responsibility for the crime. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, the committee appreciates very 
much your interest in these proceedings, and the fact that you would 
come here today and testify before us. Now have you been offered 
any emoluments or any promises of any sort by anybody to appear 
here and give this testimony today? 

Mr. Raczynski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Thank you very much for coming. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Gentlemen, the next witness is Mr. Rowinski, an 
officer in the Polish Air Force, and he is an attorney. 

Mr. Flood. Will you just state your name, and give the correct 
spelling of jour name and your present address to the reporter? 

Mr. Rowinski. Zbigniew Rowinski, and my addi^ess is No. 11, 
Hereford Square, London, S. W. 7, England. 

Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, it is our wish that you 
be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts by any- 
one who considered he had suffered injury as the result of your testi- 
mony. At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the 
Government of the United States and the House of Representatives 
do not assume any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel or 
slander proceedings which may arise as the result of your testimony. 
Do you understand? 

Mr. Rowinski. Yes, I do. 

Mr. Flood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn? Do you 
swear by God Almighty that you will, according to your best knowl- 
edge, tell the pure truth and that you will not conceal anything, so 
help you God? 

Mr. Rowinski. I do. 



Mr. Flood. Were you a member of the Polish armed forces at any 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I was a reserve officer in the Polish Ai-my, in the 
air force. 

Mr. Flood. During the year 1939? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And were you called up to active duty by the Polish 
armed forces in 1939? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Wlien? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. On September 25, 2 months before the war started. 

Mr. Flood. Were you subsequently taken prisoner? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. By whom? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. By the Germans. 

Mr. Flood. And where were you taken to — what German prison 
were you taken to? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. First I was taken to Brunswick in Germany. 

Mr. Flood. And where were you in 1943, in what prison? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I was at Woldenberg. 

Mr. Flood. Wlien was the Katyn Forest massacre first brought to 
your attention? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. So far as I remember, and according to my notes, I 
heard of it first on April 14; it was in the German press which we got 
from Stettin. 

Mr. Flood. You were then a prisoner in the prison camp 
at Stettin? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And you read this information in a German newspaper? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What action (if any) was ever taken by you in relation 
to the Katyn Forest massacre? In what connection were you ever 
identified in connection with the Katyn Forest massacre? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I was called in, I think, by accident. 

Mr. Flood. Was that by the German authorities at your camp? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. So far as I remember, the German authorities 
there asked the Polish authorities to provide somebody. 

Mr. Flood. They asked the Polish authorities at your camp? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And did the Polish authorities at your camp designate 
you as one of the Poles? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You were one of those designated? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes — because the German authorities refused at 
first to accept some of the officers designated by the Polish authorities. 

Mr. Flood. But anyway, you were designated by the Poles and 
accepted by the Germans? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. For what purpose? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. We were told by the Germans that we have to go 
to Stettin to identify a list of names of Polish officers. 

Mr, Flood. Did you go? 


Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, we did. 

Mr. Flood. And you went with whom? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. With another Pole, Major Nowosielski, and Captain 

Mr. Flood. Now, you went to Stettin for the purpose, so the 
Germans said, of checking or examining a Hst of what? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Of the names of Pohsh soldiers or officers found 
in the grave at Katyn. 

Mr. Flood. Did you go to Stettin? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; we did. 

Mr. Flood. With the Germans? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And did you see such a list? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No. We were brought to the German general in 
charge of this area, and he told us that we will go somewhere (he did 
not tell us where) which will be a very interesting journey for us, 
and he asked us to note all we will see there. Then he asked us if 
we can give him our word that we will not try to escape. Colonel 
Mossor, who was in charge of our group — I have forgotten to mention 
that they brought also other Polish officers from different camps 
to Stettin. 

Air. Flood. When you got to Stettin, in addition to the Polish 
officers from your camp, there were similarly other Polish officer 
prisoners who had been collected at Stettm by the Germans from 
other German prison camps for the same purpose? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, under German escort. 

Mr. Flood. Do you remember how many were at Stettin? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Eight as far as I remember. 

Mr. Flood. What happened then; where did you go? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Then we were sent to Berlin. 

Mr. Flood. All of you? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. All of us. 

Mr. Flood. What happened at Berlin? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Excuse me. T\Tien Colonel Mosser told him that 
we cannot give him our word we will not try to escape, we were again 
escorted by German military escort to Berlin. 

Air. Flood. Then the Polish officer in command of this group of 
eight Polish officers refused to give parole not to escape? 

Air. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Air. DoNDERO. Just a moment. I do not think the witness said 
that the eight were Polish officers. 

Air. RowiNSKi. Yes; all Poles from different Polish camps. 

Mr. Flood. So, you went to Berlin? 

Air. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And what happened there? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. From there we \>^ere taken by plane to Smolensk. 

Mr. Flood. Did you talk to anybody in Berlm at the Propaganda 

Air. RowiNSKi. Yes; but not myself; it was Colonel Alossor, and 
he gave us a report of all his speeches. 

Air. Flood. When you arrived at Berlin, Colonel Alossor was taken 
to tlie German Propaganda Alinistry? 

Air. RowiNSKi. That is right. 


Mr. Flood. After he came back from the Propaganda Ministry, 
did Colonel Mossor telll his brother officers what happened there? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; he told us all about it. 

Mr. Flood. What did he say? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. He said he was asked to go to Katyn with us, and 
then to give a report about all he saw, and the Germans said they 
would organize radio communication and have reporters there and 
they also wanted Colonel Mossor to give reports to representatives of 
the Polish papers in Cracow; I do not remember the title of the 
newspapers at the moment. 

Mr. Flood. Did Colonel Mossor tell you to whom he spoke at the 
Propaganda Ministry in Berlin? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No; he did not. 

Mr. Flood. Very well. Did you then go to Katyn? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Tell us What happened there. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. We went to Smolensk and first of all we met the 
ofiicer in charge of the excavations. 

Mr. Flood. You v/ent to Smolensk? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. That is, the eight Polish officers under German 
escort by air? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. When you got to Smolensk, you were taken where? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. To some "digs" prepared for us. 

Mr. Flood. Quarters? 

Mr. Row^iNSKi. Quarters; and after a while we saw the officer in 
charge of the excavations. So far as I remember, it was a man named 

Mr. Flood. Was he Polish or Russian? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No; he was German — an Austrian as far as 
I remember. 

Mr. Flood. He was an Austrian in the German Army? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; an Austrian in the German Army. 

Mr. Flood. Now, as you best remember, can j^ou tell us the date, 
the day, the month, and the year that you arrived in Smolensk? 

Mr, RowiNSKi. Yes, if you allow me to look at some notes that I 

Mr. Flood. Yes, of course; you may refresh your memory. 

Mr. RowiNSKi (after referring to notes). It was April 15 when 
he left. 

Mr. DoNDERO. April 15 of what year? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. In 1943, when we left Stettin for Berlin, and we 
started for Smolensk on April 16. 

Mr. Flood. And you got to Smolensk when? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Late on the same day. 

Mr. Flood. Will you tell us what the German officer told you? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. The German officer brought us photographs of 
documents which were alread}'^ recovered from the grave, and also 
photographs of statements of witnesses taken by the German authori- 
ties; especially there were translations of statements of Russian 
witnesses, Russian railway employees. 

Mr. Flood. Are these statements of the Russian railway employees 
the statements of witnesses who had been at the grave? 


Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Air. Flood. Documents allegedly to have been taken from the 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Were presented to you by this German officer? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, and photographs; they were left with us, 
and we were asked to study them, and we were told the following 
day we would be taken to the grave. 

Mr. Flood. Did you study them that night? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What comments, if any, were made by you and your 
brother officers? What was the consensus, if any, that night after 
you looked at these things? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. We had doubts about the number of bodies which 
the Germans expected to be found in the graves. 

Mr. Flood. How manv bodies did the Germans tell vou? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. 12,000'. 

Mr. Flood. And you had doubts about that number? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. All right. Go ahead. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. More specifically we found out that the statements 
of the Russian witnesses are not very clear regarding the transport 
and the number of Polish officers brought to the small station 
Gniezdovo. So, Colonel Mossor, who spoke Russian, decided to put 
some questions to the Russian witnesses. 

Mr. Flood. Just a moment; we have not got that far yet; we are 
still in the "digs" at Smolensk. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And all that you have in front of you now are state- 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You examined those statements, and were not satisfied 
with them? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No. 

Mr. Flood. What other opinions were expressed that night in 
Smolensk by the eight Polish officers who were together regarding 
this matter, if any? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. The opinion in om' group was that this was prob- 
ably another German trick. 

Mr. Flood. Propaganda? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. We all believed that most probably the 
Germans constructed this mass grave, put into the grave the bodies 
perhaps not even of Poles, but other bodies, then put the Polish uni- 
forms on the bodies and that they just filled it in. This was the 
general opinion of the camp. Therefore, we decided to try and find 
out the truth and to get om* own impression about this. So, first of 
all, when we had all the documents and all the photographs of 
the documents found in the grave, we started to examine them and 
tried to find out if they could be forged. The general impression was 
that they were genuine, especially because there were a lot of Polish 
savings-bank books, a lot of them. They were quite distinct; you 
could see the stamps of the different places where the money was 


Mr. Flood. So, that first night you took a look at these exliibits, 
and you had the general impression that, while they were only photo- 
graphs, they were photogi'aphs of authentic original documents? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; but, as we had some doubts about the state- 
ments of the Russian witnesses. Colonel Mossor decided to put some 
questions to these witnesses, because we were told by the Germans 
that we would be able to meet the witnesses the following day and put 
some questions to them if we wanted to. 

Mr. Flood. Did you decide anything other than what you have 
told us regarding your decisions that night? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. We agreed to put some questions to the 
witnesses the following day, and Colonel Mossor prepared some 
questions after studying their statements. 

Mr. Flood. Now, what happened the next day? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Next day we were taken to the place where the 
graves were found. 

Mr. Flood. Where was that? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. It is not far from the railway station at Gniezdovo. 

Mr. Flood. About how far is Gniezdovo from Smolensk? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I think it is the second railway station from 

Mr. DoNDERO. About how far in miles? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. It took us about 20 minutes by car. 

Mr. Flood. And about how far were the Katyn graves from the 
station at Gniezdovo? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. About a kilometer or a kilometer and a half. 

Mr. Flood. You were taken to Katyn in motorcars imder German 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat happened when you arrived at the graves, as you 
best remember? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. When we arrived at the graves we were introduced 
to Professor Buhtz. He was in charge of the excavations, and when 
we were introduced to him I though tT I would try some way to get a 
better understanding with him, because, as I told you, we left the 
camp with the general feeling that this is a German trick; and, as a 
lawyer, as a prosecutor, I personally wanted to find out what the 
facts were, to have my own personal opinion about it. Therefore, I 
approached him in this way : I asked him if he is the author of a book 
which I knew he wrote 

Mr. Flood. About what? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. About traffic accidents, which I used when acting 
as a prosecutor in Poland. 

Mr. Flood. Was Professor Buhtz an authority on forensic Inw at 
the time? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; in Breslau, as far as I remember, before the 
war. Well, he was rather surprised to hear that I knew his work, and 
he asked me "How is it" that I knew of it. So, then I had the oppor- 
tunity of explaining to him that I am a laAvyer as well; that I am a 
prosecutor in Poland, and he was then very helpful, and he treated 
me like a fellow lawyer, like a younger one. Anyhow, he gave me great 

Mr. Flood. The atmosphere and attitude of the German officers 
at this time was one of full cooperation? 


Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Tell us what happened then. What did you see; what 
did you do and so on? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. We were shown roundabout the graves. There 
were at the time about five places where the big grave was excavated. 
I have a sketch of it here. In one of the graves we found bodies with 
hands bound with cord. I have a piece of the cord here. 

Mr. Flood. Did you say that you have a piece of the cord with you? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Do you say that the piece of the cord that you have 
with you is a piece of the cord that you yourself took from one of the 
graves at Katyn on the day that you visited it? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Not myself. Professor Buhtz in my presence took 
it off the hands and gave it to me. 

Mr. Flood. You say Professor Buhtz, who was in charge of the 
German investigation, removed this particular piece of cord which 
you now have here from the hands of the body of a dead Polish officer? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. In one of the graves at Katyn? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you let me see that? 

(Mr. Rowinski handed the piece of cord, referred to, to Mr. Flood.) 

Air. Flood. The witness has shown the committee a piece of what 
looks like sash cord, in American parlance, very strong, about 6 inches 
long; and we will ask the stenographer to mark this as "Exhibit 22" 

(The cord referred to was marked "Exhibit 22," a photograph of 
which is shown below.) 

Exhibit 22 

Photo of cord identified as a piece which was removed from the body of one of the victims 

found dead in Katyn. 

Mr. Flood. The witness is shown now, marked "Exhibit 22," the 
piece of cord spoken of. Do you identify this as the piece of cord or 
rope that we have just discussed? 

I Mr. RowiNSKi. Definitely. It was in my possession the whole 

Mr. Flood. This exhibit has been in your custody since the time you 
received it from the hands of Professor Buhtz at the graves in Katyn 
until the moment you have just presented it to this committee this 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. That is offered in evidence. Wliat else after this 
incident took place did you see or do? We have a great deal of evi- 
dence already in the record describing the scenes and circumstances of 
the grave, and we will have a great deal more from German witnesses, 
but we would like a paragraph or so from you as to what you saw. 


Mr. RowiNSKi. I put it all in detail in the book there, but it is in 

Mr. Machrowicz. One of the first things I presume that occui-red 
to you as a Polish officer, and because of the suspicions that you had 
that this might be German propaganda was whether or not these were 
actually Polish officers; am I right? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you make any attempt to convince yourself 
whether or not these were actually bodies of Polish officers? 

Mr, RowiNSKi. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How did you determine that they were Polish 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I found one of my acquaintances, the body of 
Captain Sidor. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did 3^ou then direct your attention in any way 
to the matter of uniforms? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What did you do and what did you find with 
regard to the uniforms on the bodies that were found in the grave? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I checked the uniforms so far as I could. I saw 
that they were Polish — there was no doubt — and I saw also Polish 
stamps of different manufacturers on the shirts and underwear. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did it occur to you that these uniforms might 
have been planted on bodies which were not those of Pohsh officers? 
Did that thought come to you? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; certainly. It was one of the principal things 
that I wanted to find out. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I understand you, with your background as a 
prosecutor, wanted to check for yourself whether or not the Germans 
had planted this incident, 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr, Machrowicz. As you just said, one of the questions that 
occurred to you was that they might have planted Pofish uniforms 
on bodies of non-Poles? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What did you do? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. First of all, I found the original Polish uniforms. 
So there was the consequent question whether those Polish uniforms 
could be planted on different bodies which were not Polish. So far as 
I could see, and judging after my short experience, I came to the con- 
clusion that the uniforms were on the bodies at least from the time 
when they were put into the grave. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What led joii to that conclusion? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. On some of the bodies the uniforms were completely 
pasted to the skin, stuck together, showing that they were very long 
in the grave; and, besides, there were some folds in the uniforms 
which rather showed that the bod}?^, when it was put into the grave, 
must have been still warm, because it is rather impossible that the 
uniforms could have all these folds. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Generall}^ speaking, the fact that these uniforms 
were so closely molded into the body, led you to the conclusion that 
they could not have been planted on the bodies? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr, Machrowicz, How many graves did you find? 


Mr. RowiNSKi. We were told there was one big grave, but four 
holes were dug into the place and we saw four big graves. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did it occur to you also that possibly these 
bodies might have been moved, or touched, before you got there? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. Those are the questions wliich I wanted to 
investigate as well. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you do anything to investigate that? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. Professor Buhtz allowed us to go down into 
one of the graves, especially the graves where the bodies were with 
their hands bound. He allowed us to choose any body in the grave 
and excavate it; so we did. We chose a body which, in our opinion, 
had not been touched before. We took it out and it looked just like 
a date out of a box. The body wliich we found lying on the stomach 
had a hole here in the stomach where the head of another body lying 
under this body was completely stuck in. 

Mr. !Machrowicz. In other words, the body on top had its head 
indented into the stomach of the body just below it? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No; it is the contrary. It is the other way, 

Mr. AIachrowicz. The head into the stomach? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. We could see it was not touched before 
because it was completely pressed in. It was lying in tliis way 
probably about 2 3''ears. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That indicated to you that these bodies were 
not removed or planted? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Air. Machroavicz. Did the question of the caliber of the bullets 
interest you? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you make any investigation in that respect? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. I looked for some bullets, but I could not 
find an}', of course, so I asked one of the German gendarmes. He 
could not give me any reasonable answer. He just told me that most 
probably the cartridges were somewhere here m the dump, and later 
on we would probably find them, but he could not tell me what hap- 
pened to the cartridges; so we presumed that the shots were fired 
from the Russian type of revolver where there is only a drum and 
the cartridges are not shaken out automatically. This was my pre- 
sumption, but, later on, it turned out that it was false, because the 
cartridges were of German origin. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did 3^ou find any grave there which had bodies 
which gave you indications of having been there longer than those 
bodies you have been describing now? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Not myself. Colonel Mossor went across the road 
to another grave which was also discovered by the Germans, where 
he told us he found bodies of civilians, so far as he thought, in long 
boots and civilian clothes, which, as to his opinion, must have been 
in there much longer, about 6 to 8 years. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You were there in 1943? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. The other grave contained bodies which, to 
Colonel Mossor, appeared to have been there 6 to 8 years? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Which would bring it to about 1937? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Were the hands of these bodies tied in the same 
way as the others? 

^Ir. RowTNSKi. The same way, and, according to the statement of 
the Russian witnesses, they were bodies of different Russians which 
were shot there in the same place. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you, because of your legal background, 
interested in trying to determine the length of time these bodies were 
there by the documents found on the bodies? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat did a^ou do m that respect? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I found different letters addressed to the officers. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How did you find these letters? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Wlien we visited the graves, we were then taken to 
a small house not far from the graves, where the Germans had collected 
all the documents. They were at our disposal. We could touch 
them and we could examine them. Among others, I found some letters 
addressed from Chorzow. On the envelopes of the letters there were 
marks done probably by the officer who received the letters when he 
received the letters. I examined about three or four such envelopes, 
and the dates on the envelopes never exceeded the end of March, so 
far as I remember now. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What year? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I have it here [the witness perused some documents] ; 
1940, of course. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You have just been looking at certain notes. 
What are they? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. They are notes I took down just after visiting the 
graves in Smolensk. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Immediately after visiting the graves? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Those notes bear the last date of these letters as 

Mr. RowiNSKi. The end of March and the beginning of April. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What year? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You are positive? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, I am quite positive. T checked them among 
others. I found a letter addressed to an officer, sent from his wife 
who was at this time living in the house of a friend in Chorzow. 

Mr. Flood. Are those notes to which you are referring for the 
purpose of refreshing your memory made in your own writing? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And made unmediatel}^ after vour visit to 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you find in those notes any reference to 
any diaries that you may have found? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. I remember that we found a diary in which 
the officer put a note at the moment when he was brought to Gniezdovo, 
this small station near Katyn. 

Air. Machrowicz. May I direct your particular attention and ask 
you whether or not you have any recollection now of having found a 
diary of a Second Lt. Jaji Bartys? Would you refresh 3^our memory 
by looking at your notes? 


Mr. RowiNSKi. I cannot find it here. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Does this help you at all [showing document to 

Air. RowiNSKi. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you tell me what you found with regard 
to the diary of Second Lt. Jan Bartys? 

Air. RowiNTSKi. In this memo — it was only a small calendar — he 
puts the notec "We have just arrived at the Gniezdovo station," 
because he could see the inscription, probably, "and I see NKVD 
people standing from the raihvay station up to the woods," which 
were not far from the railway station. This he saw, apparently, 
from the window of the rail car. 

Mr. AIachroavicz. Do you know the date of the last notation on 
that calendar? 

Air. RowiNSKi. Alarch 15, 1940. 

Air. A'Iachrowicz. Were the remaining pages of that calendar still 

Air. RowiNSKi. Yes; they were. I examined the calendar, so far 
as I remember now, because some people said it was all prepared by 
the Germans, and they have probably torn out the unnecessary pages 
and left only those which were suitable for them. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Tell me if there was anytliLng significant about 
that particular calendar which attracted your attention? 

Air. RowiNSKi. Only the fact that he stated in his note that he is 
seeing the NKVD people standing along the road leading from the 
station to the woods. 

Air. AIachrowicz. The remaining portion of the calendar after 
March 15 

Air. RowiNSKi. There was no note at all; the pages were intact — 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Did you, in checking these various papers, let- 
ters, calendars, diaries, and notes that you found, find any one which 
had a date later than Alarch 1940? 

Air. RowiNSKi. No. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Did you yourself remove any papers or docu- 
ments from any of the bodies? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. From the bodies, no. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Did you ask Professor Buhtz for permission to 
select for yourself any body which had not yet been removed from 
the grave? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; that is correct. 

Air. AIachrowicz. What did Professor Buhtz say? 

Air. RowiNSKi. Professor Buhtz agreed, and he let us go down to 
one of the graves, choose one of the bodies which we found there and 
just take it out. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you remember what layer it was? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. It was in the grave where all the bodies were lying 
with their hands tied. 

Air. AIachrowicz. What layer from the top? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. The fourth, because the fii-st were already removed. 
We had to go down. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Were there any other significant matters or any 
other significant details you have not mentioned yet which you 


found with regard to these hodies which led you to any conclusions 
as to the guilt of either the Russians or the Germans? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. We found two letters amongst the documents 
which were addressed to Poland by officers in the same camp in 
Kozielsk camp. We found them amongst the documents. We 
thought perhaps those letters were given to the officers who were told 
by the Russians that they are going back to Poland. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was there any attempt made, during the time 
you were at Katyn, by any German to either compel you to do any- 
thing against your will or to force you to announce any conclusion 
which was not based upon your own findings? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you have a free hand there? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. ^es; a completely free hand. 

Mr. DoNDERO. I have some questions I want to ask. Was there 
anybody at the grave when you got there besides you Polish prisoners 
of war; I mean other prisoners of other nationalities? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I saw there Russians who were helping to excavate 

Mr. DoNDERO. No other nationality? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Will you describe to the committee how that area 
looked where the graves were found; what kind of country is what I 

Mr. RowiNSKi. It was in a wood, but it was rather a part of the 
wood where there were only a few big trees, big fir trees, so far as I 
remember. But amongst those trees there were small fir trees, not 
very high. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Were there any trees on the graves? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No, I have not seen any on the graves. 

Mr. DoNDERo. What did the ground look like — what color? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. It was rather sandy. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Kind of yellowish? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yellowish like sand. There was only one grave 
where we found already some ground water. Because the ground 
was going slowly down, in one place was rather wet. 

Mr. DoNDERO. How many layers deep were these men buried? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. In one of the graves I saw something like a special 
pit. The Germans make a pit in order to check the layers. 

Mr. DoNDERO. How many bodies did you see? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Already excavated? 

Mr. DoNDERO. Or in the graves. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I could not tell you because I saw only about 160 
which were already excavated and they were lying in rows. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Could you see how long or deep the graves were? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, I could see the one grave. There were, so far 
as I remember, about 13 layers of bodies. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Thirteen deep from top to bottom? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; completely pressed together. 

Mr. Donde'ro. Have you any judgment or any estimate you want 
to give the committee as to the number of Polish officers who were 
buried in those graves that vou saw? 


Mr. RowiNSKi. I remember we just took over this number because, 
from the begiiuimg, we doubted that there could be 12,000. We 
came to the conclusion there could not be more than about 8,000. 

Mr. DoNnERO. On the bodies that you saw, were the uniforms those 
of Polish officers? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did they have their overcoats on? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Not all of them. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did some of them? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did they have their boots on? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; nearly all of them had their boots on. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did you examine the boots? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Wliat condition were they in? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. In a very good condition indeed. Some of them 
had even something like a wooden sole in order to protect the leather. 
The officers probably did them in the camps. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Were they worn much or did they look fairly new? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. They looked very good indeed. I thought it 
would be an excellent advertisement for the fu"m who manufactured 
them if it was not so sad a moment. 

Mr. DoNDERO. These Russians who were there at the graves with 
you, were they soldiers or civilians? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Civilians. 

Mr. DoNDERO. How many? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I saw about 12. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did you talk with any of them? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No. I do not speak Russian. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Were you permitted to talk to them? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I do not think so, but we were not told that it is 
forbidden to speak. 

Mr. DoNDERO. When you went to the graves at the suggestion of 
the Germans, you were naturally prejudiced and bitter towards the 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did your brother officers feel the same way you 
did and express themselves? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Exactly. They even despised me because those 
officers agreed to go — — - 

Mr. DoNDERO. After you had been to the graves, what conclusion 
or opinion did you arrive at with your brother officers who went 

Mr. RowiNSKi. In my private opmion I was completely convinced 
it was done by the Russians. 

Mr. DoNDERO. What did your other officers think? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. All other officers as well. 

Mr. DoNDERO. They came to the same conclusions? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. The same conclusions, only we did not express it 
properly because the Germans wanted to use this report of ours for 
propaganda purposes. So we agreed only to say what we saw, draw- 
ing no conclusions— only what we have seen there. 

Mr. DoNDERO. And you expressed no opinion? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No opinion at all. 

93744— 52— pt. 4 13 


Mr. DoNDERO. But 3^ou were satisfied then that the Russians did 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did you examine any of the clothes of these men? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, I did. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did you find any bullet holes? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Where? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. We always found here [indicating] a smaller bullet 
hole and a bigger one here [indicating]. 

Mr. DoNDERO. For the record, you mean at the base of the skull? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, somewhere here [indicating] — always nearly 
in the same position. 

Mr. Flood. The witness is now indicating entry of bullet at the 
base of the skull and indicating exit of the bullet on the far side of the 

Mr. DoNDERO. Were they all shot the same way? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. It appeared to be done in the same way. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Their hands were tied behind them? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Not all of them, only some of them. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Wliat can you say of the others who were not tied 
that way? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I suppose only those people who tried to defend 
themselves were bound, because I saw some bodies with sawdust in 
their mouth and some of them had even their heads covered with their 
overcoats, then a string round the neck connected with string at the 
hands. So when they started to struggle to free the hands, they must 
have choked themselves. 

Mr. DoNDERO. You saw several that way? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, I saw several and I saw also bullets tlu'ough 
the overcoat here [indicating] — I mean the hole. 

Mr. DoNDERO. As you looked at the bodies in the grave, were they 
buried face up or face down? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. They were in dift'erent positions. They looked to 
me like they were tin-own into the grave in dift"erent positions. 

Mr. DoNDERO. They were not in layers? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No; they were just mixed. 

Mr. DoNDERo. Thrown in? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. In any position? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. They were in a state of decomposition? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. Some of the faces of the bodies were like 
they were caught in the last moment of a cry. 

Mr. DoNDERo. How long, how wide and how tleep were the 
graves you saw? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Would you allow me to look at something? 

Mr. DoNDKHO. Refresh your memory. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I see the graves, but I could not tell you tiie size 
of the graves. 1 know that there were two big graves and two smaller 

Mr. DoNDERO. Clin yon describe to the connniltee and for the 
record about how big they were? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. 1 think it is in the report. 


^Ir. DoNDERO. If ,you cannot find it, during the lunch hour refer to 
yoiH" notes and give it to the stenographer afterwards. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I will find it, because I have it down somewhere. 

Mr. DoNDERO. How old a man are yoii? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. I am now 46. 

Mr. DoNDERO. How long were you a prisoner of the Germans? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Five years. 

Mr. DoNDERo. That is all. 

Chan-man Madden. Mr. Witness, I might say for the record that 
in our former hearings in Washington, a couple of different witnesses 
testified regarding the sawdust that was placed in the mouths of some 
of these bodies previous; that is, they did not have their hands tied 
behind them, but some of them had sawdust in their mouths, which 
confirms the testimony that you just related. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I would like to amplify that by sajdng that that is 
particularh' true of a-certain Avitness in Washington who testified with 
a mask over his head, and that witness testified that some of these 
bodies found with sawdust did have their hands tied behind their 
back as well. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I ask you whether or not you would be 
willing to leave those notes of yours as an exhibit in this case? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, certainly. They are in Polish. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Those are in Polish? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But they Avere made immediately after you 
were there? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Immediately after. It is rather the rough sketch 
of the report we prepared for the Germans. 

Mr. Machrowicz. It was immediately after your visit to Katyn. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Tho}' are joxiv impressions as of that time 
immediately after you were in the graves? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, and the text of the same report is in the book. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will 3'ou let me have those notes, please? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Did you find any bodies with wire? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No. 

Mr. Flood. I now ask the stenographer to mark for identification 
a series of documents or notes of this witness consisting of five pages — 
to mark them as exhibits 23, 23 A, 24, 24 A, and 24B, being a sketch 
or a map. I now show the AAatness the exhibits as I have just indi- 
cated and ask him whether or not those are the original notes in his 
own handAATiting made by him immediately after his visit to Katyn 
for the purpose of being the basis for the report to the Germans? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And are those the notes with which he has been re- 
freshing his testimony thus far before the committee this morning? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Those are offered in evidence as exhibits 23, 23A, 24, 
24A, and 24B and follow. 



Exhibit 23 

i i *i' 



<o k 



[Translation from Polish] 

April 14, 1943: Movement order (Wednesday) 0G.43 houi-s from Waldenburg. 

April 1.5, 1943: Szczecin, 10:30 hours. 19.00 hours to BerUn 21.25. 

April 16, 1943: Start to Warsaw [by plane] from Staak aerodrome to Warsaw. 
Officers from the nearest camps were selected to speed up the departure. General 
Chmurowicz, 8 officers: 2 2nd lieutenants, 3 captains, Lt. Col. (G. S.) all from 
WK II, camps IIC, II D, HE. 

General Chmurowicz, unable to fly owing to his heart ailment, was left in Berlin. 

On the aerodrome a captain informs us that we have to fly to Smolensk. The 
colonel requests that [either he or the group] be released from that duty and 
another delegation selected. 

April 16: Arrival in Warsaw at 10.40 hours, Okecie. Major Nowosielski 
released; left in Warsaw. 11.30 hours — start for Smolensk. Arrival 15.30 
hours. Military police interested. In the evening, detailed explanation of the 
purpose of our arrival. Copies of the depositions of witnesses and the list of 
casualties, 300 bodies. The Colonel made his standpoint clear. We are detailed 
by order, and were not niformed of the purpose of the journey. We do not 
consider ourselves official representatives, and still less a delegation of prisoner-of- 
war officers. And therefore we are unaljle to make any declarations or statements. 
We request that we not be photographed, filmed, or asked to hold press con- 
ferences. We can, however (1) observe whatever we shall see on the spot; 
(2) transmit our observations exclusively for the information of prisoner-of-war 
officers, not through the medium of the public press; (3) all other statements of 
fact belong to the International Red Cross, the international press, etc. After 
some time, the Colonel received a reply that no conferences, declarations, or 
filming or radio broadcasting would be required, and that photographs taken by 
the noncommissioned officers would be kept at the O. K. W. for documentation. 
They will be satisfied with preparation of a report for the use of the prisoners of 
war, as bringing delegations from all POW camps is not technically possible. 

April 17, 1943: 08.30 hours. Departure to Katyn Forest, the area of exhumation 
-in the vicinity of the railway station Gniasdowa, 20 kilometers West. 

Basic points: 

(1) Condition of bodies, partly mummified in the dry. sand, features not 
recognizable, documents, badges of rank, color of hair, service colors, buttons, the 
quality of cloth, all distinguishable. Documents and photographs in a good 
state of preservation. It is difficult to determine the length of interment by the 
condition of the bodies. 

(2) Bodies are dressed in uniforms, with badges of rank, other marks; officers' 
boots undoubtedly Polish. Polish paper money is scattered around. (Colonel 
Dr. Bulitz present on the spot determined the period of interment as two years.) 
The state of decomposition of the uniforms corresponds to this period and to the 
condition of the bodies. A small nmnber in civilian clothes. 

(3) All exhumed bodies (one body exhumed personally) show pistol shot holes. 
Entry of the bullets was in the back of the head; exit in the occiput or temples. 
Some of the bodies have the hands bound at the back (one body personally 
«xhumed). Similarly bound bodies were exhumed on the other side of the road, 
where, according to the depositions of the witnesses and (illegible) the bodies of 
Bolsheviks were buried 5 to 8 years ago. 


Exhibit 23A 

i.'^'-'Jj^ >>■■<> 


I- ■ • ■ 


[Translation from Polish] 

(4) At the presumed area of the burials 4 excavations were made, in which a 
mass 01 many layers of bodies was found, some 1 to 2 metres deep. The top layer 
of bodies was removed and arranged on the surface for identification (some 300). 
Of these, some 160 were identified on the basis of documents, cigarette cases, (il- 
legible), correspondence, identification tags, etc. The rest impossible to identify, 
including civilians, because badges of rank and documents are absent. The lower 
layers are still not removed. There are presumably some 12 layers of bodies to 
the ground water level. In the corner of each excavation shafts were sunk. The 
bottom of the shaft was covered with loose earth. The thickness of the mass from 
the second layer is \% metres. 

(5) The total number according to the German estimate is 10,000 to 12,000, and 
they quote the follovv'ing bases [for their estimation]: 

The surface of the general mass grave, and the thickness of the layer of bodies. 
Partly ascertained thickness of the layer visible in the shaft: 1% metres. From 
all sides of the excavations heads or limbs are sticking out, which indicates that 
between four opened graves bodies are also present — it is not known how many. 
Depositions of witnesses regarding the number of railway transports to Gniasdowa 
station and from the station to the place of execution in GPU trucks. In our 
presence the witnesses confirmed their depositions as regards the number of trans- 
ports in reply to our direct questions. 

It is beyond doubt that this is a mass grave and that the number of bodies 
involves thousands. The exact number can be ascertained only after exhuma- 
tions are completed. According to the witnesses, during April and (illegible) 
1940 they saw 3 to 4 rail transports composed of 3 to 4 prisoner cars. Truck could 
carry 16 persons each (daily; 480 during 28 days) (three covered trucks plus one 
light truck for luggage). 

(6) Exhumation work is under the direction of an officer of the Germany mili- 
tary police, who is assisted by the professor of medicine of Wroclaw University 
^ith the rank of Hauptarzt (?). On the spot there are three delegates of the 
Polish Red Cross from Warsav/, who will remain until the work is finished. They 
assist with the identification of the bodies and the arrangement of a common 
grave. Each body, after exhumation and eventual identification, receives a 
metal tag about the neck with a number which is identical with that on the list 
of exhumed bodies and with that on the envelope with the documents. 

(7) The documents found are kept, after being dried, in a neighboring forester's 
house in improvised showcases, with their numbers and envelopes. They are 
deciphered, translated, partly photographed, etc. Some of them (diaries) wiU 
be subject to chemical treatment in order to make illegible spots readable. The 
state of documents satisfactory, some photographs and correspondence in a good 
state of preservation, easy to read or to recognize. 

(8) General Smorawinski's documents, paticularly army identity card and the 
Postal Savings Banks of Lublin book, well preserved. Trousers on the body 
with general's stripes. 



Exhibit 24 

k<-«>Htj. ^Xi^.^^j, jVj.^^W-A.-. ft^Af^r^-^yw; A.vojj^ ,^^^ t^<^ ^ 

'^^K^it ''^ '^^a1 


/ .- 

•JO--^*' j-^--*' M'V.-^f ■£ < fl-'sN'*'- 

^kl-Mr M^ \iiA^t^'^^x^^^^J%(:^ . '^'h/< 

>;>>< -.^.i ♦•^-■•w^ «r 

, *JCj<. A/iw "fT!* -{-^'«^ ( 

•-wWV d-f *i <*vv^ 




[Translation from Polish] 

badges of rank of major general distinct, the face unrecognizable. A silver 
cigarette case with illegible gold inscriptions was found on General Smorawinski. 

(11) Correspondence addressed from Poland found, almost exclusively post- 
cards addressed to Camp Kozielsk. Latest dates of dispatch — January and Feb- 
ruary 1940 (replies). 

(12) On two bodies short diaries were found in calendars, one brought to Janu- 
ary 1, 1940, the other to March 15, 1940 (2nd Lt. Jan Burkys, Cracov). 

These particulars agreed on by all officers present. 

13.40 hrs., flown out from Smolensk, 17.45 in Warsaw. Medical examination 
of the crew (the escort and ourselves). Major Nowosielski rejoined the party. 
18.39 hrs. departure, arrival in Poznan 20.40, night in Poznan. April 18, start 
for Berlin 7.25 hrs., arrival in Berlin 9.00 hrs. Staaken airport. 
Lt. Col. Stefan Mosor. 
Capt. Stanislaw Cylkowski. 
Cajjt. KoNST. Adamski. 
Capt. Bentman. 
Pol. [illegible] Slawiczek. 
Maj. Aleksander Nowosielski. 
Capt. Eugeniusz Kleban. 
2nd Lt. Stanislaw Gostkowski. 




Exhibit 24A 


[Translation from Polish] 

Deszczka, Wladyslaw, cartographer, born March 2, 1892 in Ostrozeii, address — ■ 
Warsaw, Aleje Ujazdowskie, Major of the 27th Railway Battalion, army book well 
preserved, with a photograph. 

Zbroja, Dr. Franciszek. 

Szymankiewicz, Captain, born May 26, 1896, address — Warsaw. 

Freidenreich, Ya. Second Lieutenant. 

I'Vyssberji, dr. Adam. Captain. 

Halacinski (Halasinski?), Andrzej, Lt. Colonel. 

Smorawinski lillegible], address — Lublin, Litewski Sq. 3, Postal Savings bank- 
book, certificate of the Army Cross, born December 25, 1892 [illegible] identity- 
document [illegible]. 

Bohatyrowicz, Bronislaw [illegible] Rejtan Str. 3-28., letter written by him, 
two photographs, a rather large sum of money. 

Lopusko, Edward, a card from Witold Lopusko, Vilna, Antokolska 4, firm, 
Lopusko, Vilna. 

Kuzmiski, Arkady, student, January 29, 1907, Warsaw, Akademicka 5. 

Wirszillo, Tadeusz. 

Wiasienko, Wlodzimierz, civilian, Maria Wlasienko, Wilna, Sosnowa 40. 






\ \ 


[Translation from PolisJi 

Kailway Station 

[Arrow] to Minsk and Vitebsk. 

[Arrow] to Minsk. 

[Arrow] to Smolensk. 


[In Russian:] Katyn Forest. 

[In Polish:] (Katyn Forest). 

Legend: 1 centimeter equals 10-15 meters for the middle of the drawing; on the 
outer parts of the drawing marks were placed for the purpose of orientation. 

Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4, Polish mass graves; excavations with Russian bodies; 
5, excavation to receive exhumed bodies; 6, the guardhouse; 7, elevation for photo- 
graphing and the Red Cross flag. 

GPU House [In Russian:] katia mountain. 

So-called "Zofiowka" [In Polish:] (Katia Mountain). 

[Arrow] Dnieper River. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know where Colonel Mosser is now? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, in Poland in prison. He was sentenced, I 
think, to life imprisonment. He became a general, and I think he 
became a director of a military school in Kharkov; but later on he 
was tried and he is now in prison. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is the colonel who was in charge of this 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I may ask you just one cj[uestion about that colonel. 
You told us that the first night that you got together in Smolensk, 
amongst other tilings you decided to do was to have the colonel 
interview certain Russian workers? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; right. 

Mr. Flood. Who had made certain statements shown to you by the 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Right. 

Mr. Flood. Do you know if the colonel did interview those 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; he did. 

Mr. Flood. When — the next day? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; when we visited the gi*aves. 

Mr. Flood. Did you see him talking to them? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Flood. Can you give us the gist of the colonel's converse tions 
with the Russians? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes; he told us that his impression is that they are 
telling the truth, only they are slightly exaggerating, he thought, 
regarding the amount of the people who wore brought to the camp. 

Mr. Flood. The colonel reported back about Polish officers? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. That he had the conversation? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You know that he did in fact have one? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. The gist of his conversation with the Russians was 
that he was satisfied that the statements he made which were shown 
to you by the Germans were honest statem.ents, except that there was 
an error here and there about the numbers of bodies; is that correct? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. There is one paragraph in Colonel Mosser's 
report which I would like to read to you and ask you whether you 
remember that paragraph. [Reading:] 

In May 1943 the known propaganda was started with regard to Katyn. I 
found myself in a group of officers who were taken to the locale for the purpose 
of showing the empty graves and the bodies. The very fact that these thousands 
of Polish officers were killed in the spring of 1940 in those woods is not subject to 
any doubt. 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz (reading): 

They tried to use us for radio, press, and fihn propaganda, to which I categori- 
cally effectively was in opposition. I did, however, atiree only for the statement 
of our actual findings given for the infornialton of Polish officer prisoners. 


Do you remember that section of tliis report? 

Air. RowiNSKi. Yes; I even remember that he was com.pletely 
convinced, and when I heard about him going back to Poland, I w*as 
rather shocked to hear it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I am reading now from the book: The Katyn 
Murders in the Light of Documents in which that paragraph of Colonel 
Mosser is included. I am. reading from page 261 of that book. So 
that Colonel Mosser, who was major and subsequently colonel, did 
agree with you that there was no question in his mind but that these 
people were killed in the spring of 1940? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. Yes, there was no question about it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. This group of yours made a report. Is that 
report available? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. It is in the same book you are reading. 

Mr. Machrowicz. The report of this particular witness appears 
in the book which I have read, but it appears without his name. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Mr. Flood, I believe we should state for the record 
that while the book Mr. Machrowicz is referring to has not been placed 
in the record because it is so voluminous, it is part of the committee's 
file and is always available. 

Mr. Flood. The committee will take note of that. Mr. Rowinski, 
you have not been paid or promised any benefits of any kind, have you, 
for appearing here today, by anybody? 

Mr. RowiNSKi. No. 

Mr. Flood. The committee wish to thank 3'ou for giving your time 
and your attention to the matter we are trying to investigate, and we 
appreciate your testimony this morning very much indeed. 

Mr. Rowinski. Thank you very much. 

(At 1:30 p. m. the committee recessed, to reconvene at 2:30 p. m.) 


(The committee reconvened at 2:45 p. m.) 

Chaii-man Madden. The committee will come to order. 

You may proceed, Mr. Flood. 

Mr. Flood. Will you just give your name and your British address 
to the stenographer, please? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Lt. Gen. Tadeusz Bor Komorowski, 3 Bowrons Avenue, Wembley, 

You can take the rest of it from this statement. 

(A document containing the following statement was handed to 
the reporter:) 

Born in l.VI. 1895 in Chorobrow, Southeaatern Poland, Galicja. Took part 
in First World War as Cavalry officer in the Austrian Army. From 1918 joined 
the newly formed Polish Army. From 1918 till to 1920 took part in the Riisso- 
Polish \\''ar. In 1920 decorated with the Virtuti Militari Cross, the highest 
Polish military decoration. After the end of the war remained in the regular 
army. From 1927 till 1938 commanded the 9 Lancers Regiment. 

In 1938 in the rank of colonel, appointed commander of the Cavalry Training 
Center in Grudziadz. 

Took part in the German-Polish War in 1939. After the defeat in 1939 went 
underground and was one of the organizers of the Polish Home Army. 

From 1939-41 commander of the Cracow and Silesia districts of the Under- 

9.3744— 52— pt. 4 14 


In 1940 promoted to the rank of general. 

From 1941-43 deputy commander of the Home Army/HQ in Warsaw. 

In 1943 in July nominated commander in chief of the Home Army in the rank 
of lieutenant general. Commanded the Home Army till the end of the Warsaw- 
uprising, October 1944. After the capitulation of Warsaw, taken prisoner of 
war by the Germans. In May 1945 liberated from German captivity by the 
U. S. A. Army. 

From May 28, 1945 commander in chief of Polish forces abroad. In 1946, 
November 8, resigned from the post as C. I. C. of Polish Forces. 

Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, it is our wisii that you 
be advised that you woukl run the risk of action in the courts by 
anyone who considered he had suffered an injury as a result of your 
testimony. At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the 
Government of the United States and the House of Representatives 
do not assume any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel 
or slander proceedings which may arise as a result of the testimony. 

Do you understand that? 

General Komorowski. Yes, I understand. 

Mr. Flood. Will you raise your right hand, please, to be sworn? 

Do you swear, by God the AlmJght}^ and Om_niscient, that you will, 
according to your best knowledge, tell the pure truth and you will 
not conceal anything; so help you God? 

General Komorowski. I do. 

Mr. Flood. Will you be seated, please? 


Mr. Flood. What is your full nam.e? 

General Komorowski. Tadeusz Bor-Komorowski. 

Mr. Flood. Were you at any time identified with the Polish armed 

General Komorow^ski. In the underground army, home army. 
From. 1939 till the end of 1944 I was in Poland. 

Mr. Flood. What was your title, your rank, in the underground 

General Komorowski. In the beginning, general, and in 1943, 
lieutenant general. 

Mr. Flood. During all of the tim.e that you were in com-inand of 
the so-called Polish home army, or underground arm.y, your head- 
quarters were generally in Warsaw, were they? 

General Komorowski, Yes, sir, the headquarters. But I was not 
all the time commander; I was till 1943 deputy commander, and from 
1943 after the commander in chief, General Roweski, was arrested, I 
became commander, 

Mr. Flood. I direct your attention to the late summer of 1941, at 
which time the rapprochement took place between the Soviet and 
Poland. You are aware of that time? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And of the protocol? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And you remember that the protocol between the 
Soviet and the Poles called for the Russians to release all Polish 
prisoners, of all categories? 


General Komorowski. Yes. And at this time we received an order 
from General Sikorski to look for the prisoners of war in camps of 
prisoners of war in Germany and in areas occupied by the Germans 
in Russia, as he saw that it may be possible that the Polish prisoners 
of war were taken by the Germans. 

Mr. Flood. Because of the confusion and because of the uncertainty 
as to where the Polish prisoners may have been, since there was no 
trace of them and because it was possible that they may have been 
taken prisoner by the Germans as well as the Russians, General 
Sikorski, then head of the Polish state, directed you, at your head- 
quarters in the underground in Poland, to do everything possible to 
try and find the missing Poles; is that right? 

General Komorowski. That is right. 

IVlr. O'KoNSKi. Mr. Chairman, I might suggest that he is maybe 
going to cover that in his statement. 

Mr. Flood. That is what we are going to do now. 

I have been advised, General, that you have a prepared written 
statement that you would like to read to the committee at tliis time. 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Would j^ou so do? 

Mr. DoNDERO. Mr. Chah*man. 

Chairman Madden. Mr. Dondero. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Before you proceed with yom^ statement, General, 
I have one question. You said on the record that you made an effort 
to search for the Polish officers in the belief that they might have been 
taken by the Germans. Did you not get word from these officers back 
to their families that they had been taken by the Russians and not 
by the Germans, before that time? 

General Komorowski. Yes; but it was not our opinion. General 
Sikorski gave an order and in his order he believed maybe possibly 
that they were taken by the Germans, ''so you must look all over to 
determine if some of the prisoners of war taken by the Russians are 
in any camp in Germany," the General wrote. 

Mr. Flood. As a matter of fact. General, there had been a munber 
of Poles who had been taken prisoner by the Germans in the earlier 
days; is not that right? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And they were then in prison camps in Germany? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You were present here this morning, were you not, 
when the last witness testified that he, a Polish officer, was a prisoner 
of the Germans in a German prison camp? 

General Komorowski. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. All right, go ahead now. 

General Komorowski. In September 1939, a large part of the 
Polish Ai'my retreating before the German onslaught had found itself 
in eastern Poland, where the men were taken prisoner by the Russians. 
After some time, the families of these men, mostly officers, began to 
receive censored letters from them. The postmarks revealed that the 
men had been grouped in three large prisoner-of-war camps at Kozielsk, 
Starobielsk, and Ostashkov. The last letters to be received from these 
camps were dated April 1940. All letters sent to them after that 
month were retm^ned stamped "Retour-parti" — "Return to sender; 
adchessee gone away." 


Grave anxiety reigned among the numerous families who had their 
relatives in Russian captivity. Nobody could understand why the 
letters written after April 1940 had been sent back. If they had been 
transferred to other camps, why had the letters not been sent on in- 
stead of being returned? 

We had news from London, from General Sikorski, sent us by 
radio and by clandestine couriers, that more than 8,000 Polish Officers 
had been taken prisoner of war by the Russians. Of these, only 
about 400 men had been traced and found after the Russo-Polish 

General Sikorski had ordered the commander in chief of the home 
army to conduct a thorough search in the prisoner-of-war camps in 
Germany and in the areas under German occupation, as he did not 
exclude the eventuality that the missing officers had been taken over 
by the Germans during their advance in 1941. The intensive search 
undertaken by the home army, which had clandestine liaison with 
the prisoner-of-war camps in Germany yielded no results. Not a 
single Polish officer of the 8,000 mentioned was in a German prisoner- 
of-war camp; not one was discovered on Soviet territory occupied 
by the Germans. 

There were in this last area a few civilians who during the years 
1939, 1940, and 1941 had been deported from Poland by the Russians. 
They said that in the spring of 1940, Polish prisoners from the camps 
at Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostashkov had been removed from these 
camps and had probably been sent to forced labor camps in northern 
Russia. We could learn nothing more through the channels of in- 
formation at our disposal. All news which we had we sent immedi- 
ately by radio to London to General Sikorski. 

At the beginning of April 1943, the chief of the German Propaganda 
Service for the Warsaw district summoned a number of Poles to the 
Bruhl Palace, headquarters of the Nazi Governor of Warsaw. They 
were received by a delegate of the German Ministry of Propaganda, 
from Berlin. He announced the discovery of mass graves of victims 
of Soviet terrorism near Smolensk. Simultaneously, similar meetmgs 
were summoned in Cracow and Lublin. In all cases, the Poles were 
told they were to be prepared for a journey, they were to be taken by 
plane to the actual scene of the graves, where they would see for 
themselves the truth of the German assertions. 

On April 10, 1943, a delegation left Warsaw by plane for Smolensk. 
It was composed of the Chairman of the RGO, Seyfried, Ferdinand 
Goetel, E. Skiwski, Dr. K. Orzochowski, Dr. Grodzki, W. Kawecki 
from the press; a photo reporter, Didur; and n worker, F. Prochownik. 

After their return to Warsaw, the commander in ciiief of the home 
army, General Rowecki, received precise reports about all they had 
seen and heard. He sent, on the 22d of April 1943, an exact report to 
London, radiocrrams Nos. 025/1, 625/2, 625/3, and 625/4; 689/FFB, 
690/KMS, 691 /STW, 692/ZZK, from the 22d of April 1943. 

I have all the telegrams with me, but they are in Polish. 

Mr. Flood. We will take that up later. Just finish your statement 

General Komorowski. A second delegation was sent from Cracow 
and Warsaw: Father S. Jasinski, Dr. A. Schebesta, Dr. T. Susz 
Praglowski, S. Klapert, M. Martens — all from Cracow — ^and K. 
Skarzynski, L. Rojkiewicz, J. Wodzinowski, Dr. H. Bartoszewski, 


S. Kolodziekski, Z. Dmochowski, arid Boyan Banach, from Warsaw. 
We also received reports from some members of the second delegation, 
sent b}^ the Germans to Katyn. General Rowecki, commander in 
chief of the home army, sent, on May 7 and 13, 1943, a collective 
report to London: 692/i, 692/2, 755/1^ 755/2, and 755/3. 

I had the opportimity to send to Katyn my own observer, a trust- 
worthy man of the underground. Before his departure, I had a long 
talk with him in which I told him what to look for. Only the com- 
mander in chief, General Rowecki, knew that I had sent this man. 

After 2 weeks' time my observer from Katyn was back. His 
account began with a confirmation that the German figure of 10,000 
corpses was exaggerated. When he reached Katyn, seven of the 
graves had been opened, and he estimated that the graves did not 
contain very many more than 4,000 bodies at all. He worked among 
the exhumers for some days. He personally took out from the pockets 
of the exhumed men, notebooks, diaries, letters, and prewar zloty 
bank notes, which were in a good state of preservation. 

Chairman Madden. What kind of bank notes? 

General Komorowski. Zloty; which is Polish money. 

His account of all he had seen is too well known from reports of 
other witnesses and therefore I do not cite it. He put on the table 
before me a parcel containing copies of notebooks, diaries, and memoirs 
taken mostly in his presence from the pockets of the murdered men. 
There were 15 diaries, which I read immediately. The most important, 
in my opinion, was the diary of Maj. Adam Solski, written up to the 
last time, and indicating the place where they had been brought. 

I am quoting the last words of this diary : 

April 8, 3:30: Departure from Kozielsk depot westwards; at Jelnia station 
since 9:45. 

April 8: We have been at a siding at Smolensk since 12 o'clock. 

April 9: Morning, some minutes before 5, reveille in the cars and preparation 
to leave. We are going somewhere by automobile, What next? 

April 9: Ever since dawn it has been a peculiar daJ^ Departure in lorries 
fitted with cells; terrible. Taken to forest somewhere, something like a summer 
resort. Very thorough search of our belongings. They took my watch, which 
showed time as 6:30, 8:30; asked about my ring, which was taken; ruble belt, 

These were the last words written by Major Solski. 

The outstanding point of all these diaries was in their all breaking 
off short at the same point, either on leaving the camp at Kozielsk 
or on arrival at Katyn in April 1940. 

One of the diaries had belonged to an officer who had been a close 
friend of a colonel of the staff of the home army, Janusz Bokszczanin. 
He was in possession of his friend's' notes, which he had made when 
they had been at the higher military academy together. Both the 
diary and the notes were handed to a hand^\Titing expert, who con- 
firmed beyond all doubt that both had been written by the same per- 

The 15 copies of the diaries handed me personally by my observer 
had been sent to London in July 1944 by a courier. Colonel Rutkowski, 
"Rudy." Other copies were hidden and buried in different places in 
Poland, which had been known to my observer. 

Russia's refusal for the examination of the Katyn graves by the 
International Red Cross caused consternation and embarrassment in 
Communist circles in Poland. In PPR circles, at secret meetings 


and conferences, the Communists openly admitted that "Polish 
reactionaries" had been liquidated. They also initiated a whispering 
campaign in Warsaw to the effect that a mutiny had broken out in 
one of the camps and that some of the officers had been executed. 

That is all I know, being in Poland in this time as deputy com- 
mander, about the Katyn matter. 

I would like to tell one thing more, as a further point. My observer 
brought a cord with which the hands were bound, and we gave this 
cord to an expert in Warsaw. The expert concluded that the cord was 
made from material not known in Poland and m Western Europe. 
It was the opinion of the expert in Warsaw. 

Chairman Madden. General, I want to express my appreciation for 
jour statement, but on account of having a severe cold, I am gohig 
to excuse myself for this afternoon. Congressman Flood will carry 
on in my place. 

Mr. Flood. General, you mentioned that you have some telegrams 
with you, to which you referred in your prepared statement as being 
telegrams sent from your underground home command to the Polish 
Government in London in connection with this matter. 

General Komorowski. Yes; but they are all in Polish. 

Mr. Flood. It does not matter. Can you just let me have them? 

(The witness produced documents.) 

Mr. Flood. Wc want these marked for identification. General,, 
you have presented to the committee those telegrams to which you 
and I have referred. I understand that these are the original records 
taken by you from the files of the home army and that, under the 
circumstances, you cannot leave these original documents with the 
committee, but you have no objection to letting us have photostatic 
copies of these telegi'ams for our files. 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. We will insert them in the record as part of the per- 
manent record nnd return to you these originals which I now hold. 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you mark for identification these tlu"ee separate 
folders as exhibits 25, 26, and 27? Only the English translations of 
these exhibits will be published in the official record and the photo- 
stats of the originals shall be placed in the committee's permanent file. 

(The documents referred to were marked "i^xhibit 25," "Exhibit 
26," and "Exhibit 27" for identification and are as follows:) 

Exhibit 25 

[Translation from Polish] 

Special Detaehnicnt of the 
Commaiulor in Chief's Staff. 
File No. 1833. 
Date: April 17, 1943. 

Radiogram No. 650/WH 

From Wanda I Accei)ted April IG, 1943 Hr. 2100 

Read April 17, 1953 1645 

Commander in Chief 

Near Smolensk the Germans have discovered a mass grave containing a few 
thousand officers of ours from the Kozielsk Camp who were Tnurdered in March 
and April 1940. A few Poles from Warsaw and Cracow, who were specially 
brought to the grave, Imve taken part in its examination. Their reports allow 


no doubts as to the truth of this mass murder. Public opinion is aroused. I 
shall report details in the next few days. 

Kalina 575 — April 14. 
[Illegible handwritten notations in several places on the page.] 

Exhibit 25 
[Translation from Polish] 


Special Detachment of the 

Commander in Chief's Staff 

File No. 1942 

Date: April 23, 1943 


Radiogram Xo. 689/FFB 

From Wanda I. Accepted April 22, 1943 Hr. 1635 

Read April 22, 1943 2100 

I report in connection with Cabel 575: 

On April 10 at 9 a. m. the committee which was organized by the Germans was 
flown to Smolensk. Under their instigation the following persons took part in the 
examination as witnesses: Seyfried, the Chief Director of the RGO, Ferd. Goetel 
and E. Skiwski, Dr. K. Orzechowski, Director of the Municipal Hospital Services, 
Dr. Grodzki from RGO, the gutter snipe journalist Wl. Kawecki, a photoreporter 
(f.), Didur, and the laborer Fr. Prochownik. 

After the arrival of the committee at 1 p. m. in Smolensk the German officer 
Slowentschik explained that in the Spring of 1942 a group of Polish laborers who 
were staying in that area at that time found a grave of Polish soldiers in the forest, 
near Gniazdowo. At the place of its discovery the laborers set two crosses made 
from birchwood. In the first months of 1943 the German Intelligence Service 
received some information about this grave ; it reported the case to the OK [German 
High Command], and interrogated the local population. This interrogation 
showed that many executions were performed during March and April of 1940 in 
the forest close to the Resting House Wd, near Gniazdowo. The Polish prisoners 
were transported in trucks [from the trains]. One person testified that, while 
working as a railway employee, he had seen bills of lading issued in Kozielsk. The 
trains were made up of carriages. The prisoners were taken to the forest in motor 
cars. It has been established on the spot that there are three huge mass graves 
in sandy soil, under pines of a few years growth, about 15 kilometers from the 
locality of Gniazdowo or Katyn, on the highway from Smolensk to Witebsk, in the 
forest known as Kozice Gory. 

It is estimated that in one of the mass graves lie about three thousand bodies 
and in the other about five thousand. The third mass grave has not yet been 
touched. The estimate is based upon excavations made so far. Besides there is 
still another, somewhat older, mass grave which probably contains bodies of 
Russians. A number of the exhumed bodies have been identified. 

To be continued. Kalina 625/1. 
April 22, 1943. 

Exhibit 25 
[Translation from Polish] 

File No. ■ 


From Wandy 1 Accepted April 22, 1943 Hr. 1703 

Read April 23, 1943 1300 

Continuation 625 

On April 1 1 at 9 a. m. the Polish delegates reached Kozie Gory where they were 
received by a few German officers. An explanation was given by Colonel Dr. 
Gehrard Buhtz, professor at the University of Breslau and director of the Uni- 
versity Institute for Forensic Medicine and Criminology, who was directing the 
exhumation and autopsy. A few excavations were inspected. The first moat 
was several meters long and a few meters wide. About a meter beneath the ground 
it contained layers of bodies found by the staff instructed to make the excavations. 
The corpses were stuck into the soil, lying one beside the other with their faces 


down. The greater part of the bodies were wearing Polish boots. The officers' 
uniforms were in fairly good condition. The autopsy of bodies showed shots in 
the backs of their heads. Some of the bodies had hoods on their heads made of 
sacks and coats. Some of the bodies had oakum in their mouths. Other excava- 
tions were on a smaller scale. The Polish delegates paid homage to their murdered 

In an adjoining building the commission had an opportunity to look at docu- 
ments, identifying marks and letters which had been found on those corpses 
already exhumed. There were memoirs which broke off in March or April of 1940. 
One of the letters was sent from Warsaw on January 17, 1940. The established 
list of names of the soldiers killed corresponds almost exactly to the number of the 
exhumed bodies. 

The German experts were not familiar with the Polish language nor with Polish 
organization. This fact suggests that quite a lot of identifying data may have 
been overlooked. They did not know, for instance, that an oflBcers' camp had 
been run in Kozielsk. Not ontil the Polish delegates arrived, were invoiced 
addresses of consignments linked with this camp. 

The present list reads: 

To be continued. Kalina 625/2. 

[Illegible notation.] 

Exhibit 25 

[Translation from Polish] 

File No. 


From Wandy 1. Accepted April 22, 1943 Hr. 1740 

Read April 23, 1943 1440 

Continuation 625: 

1/ Adamek, Jozef, without address and rank; 

2/ Bohatyrewicz, Bronislaw, Brig. Gen.; 

3/ Dr. Chomicki, Ludwik; 

4/ Chrystolin, Bernard, Chorzow; 

5/ Czajkowski, Bohdan, (Kutno ?); 

6/ Florkiewicz, Zbigniew, Lublin; 

7/ Gestping, Jerzy; 

8/ Jakubowicz, Stanislaw, Lt.; 

9/ Halacinski, Andrzej, Col.: 
10/ Kalinowski, Michal, Lt. Sieradz; 
11/ Kaplanski, Henryk Leopold — Grodno; 
12/ Kiczka, Jozef, Major; 
13/ Kozlinski, Stefan, Captain, Warsaw; 
14/ Kraczkicwicz, Kazimierz, Legionowo; 
15/ Dr. Kukulski, Eugeniusz, Col., physician, Cracow; 
16/ Lukas, Romuald of 
17/ Lutomski or Lutowski, Andrzej 
18/ Maczynski, A., Warsaw; 
19/ Maykowski, Janusz, Lt.; 
20/ Nelken, Jan, Col., physician, Warsaw; 
21/ Niemiec, Henryk, Major, Warsaw; 
22/ Nowicki, Tadeusz; 
23/ Nobis, Wincenty, Tyszkowiec; 

24/ Ochasso, Zygmunt, Lt. of the Reserves, Field hospital 362; 
25/ Ochenkowski, Andrzej, Lt., near Rymanowo 
26/ Ostrowski, Jcrzy, Warsaw; 
27/ Paczulski, Romuald; 
28/ Radzenowski, Bronislaw, Warsaw; 
29/ Smorawinski, Mieczvslaw, Brig. Gen.; 
30/ Rliwinski, Michal, Plock; 
31/ Spytkowski, Stanislaw, Cracow; 
32/ Ta'tarka, Alfred, Bochnia; 

33/ Tobiasz, Michal, Major, physician, Choszczow near Warsaw; 
34/ Wisniewski, Artur, Col., Warsaw; 
35/ Zajaczkowski, Roman, engineer, Warsaw; 
36/ Zbroja, Franciszek, physician; 
37/ Zelisiawski, Kazimierz, Col., Cracow. 

To be continued. Kalina 625/3. 
April 22, 1943. 


Exhibit 26 

[Translation from Polish] 

File No. 

From Wanda I Accepted April 22, 194.3 Hr. 1800 

Read April 23, 1943 1400 

Continuation No. 625 

The authenticity of what was discovered and identified in several cases has 
been settled. It is difficult to estimate the number of bodies because all the 
shafts shown do not reach the bottom of the grave. It seems that the number 
10 thousand is an exaggeration. The Polish members of the expedition estimate 
that the number is at least from 6-8 thousand. The place discovered is now 
being excavated intensively and the local military authorities expressed the 
conviction that the Polish institutions would take it over. The Poles present 
[on the spot] expressed their views that it is a task for the Polish Red Cross. Nu- 
merous expeditions of German and neutral correspondents are arriving now at 
the place of execution. The Polish delegation returned to Warsaw on the eve- 
ning of April 11. The first press announcement was issued on April 14. 

The second Polish delegation is en route, [and] among it the man in our con- 
fidence is hidden. 

Kalina 625/4— April 21, 1943. 

[Illegible handwritten notation probably made in the London office.] 

Exhibit 26 

[Translation from Polish] 

Special Detachment of 
the Staff of the Com- 
mander in Chief 
May 13, 1943 

From Wanda 6 Accepted May 12, 1943 ^ 0845 

J^rom\,andab ^^^^ May 13, 1943 ^^- 1430 

A very sensible and close participant in the inspection of the graves near 
Smolensk on behalf of the Polish Red Cross, [who is a] Lieutenant Colonel [and] 
a military doctor, has submitted to me the following report: 

1. At the foot of the hill there is a mass grave in the shape of the letter "L," 
the whole grave is open, the dimensions of the grave are 16 meters wide by 26 
meters long by 6 meters deep. The bodies of the murdered are carefully laid 
down in 9-12 layers one on top of the other, each layer with the heads in ojJiiosite 
directions. The uniforms, notes in the pockets, identity cards, militarv distinc- 
tions [are] well preserved, the skin on the bodies, hair, and tendons [are] well pre- 
served, the skin and tendons have to be cut when a skull is trepanned; however, 
it is impossible to identify the face. 

2. The second mass grave is placed at riglit angles to the first grave, [is] partially 
opened, its dimensions [are] 14 meters by 26 meters, the hands of all the bodies 
in this grave are bound with a string at the back, the mouths of some of them are 
gagged with handkerchiefs, rags, the heads of some are wrapped in coat tails. 

3. 906 bodies have been exhumed up to now, 76 jaercent of which have been 
identified by means of identitj^ cards, letters, and the like found on the bodies. 

4. According to the foregoing, presumably 2,500-4,000 bodies are lying in both 
mass graves, mainly officers' [bodies, and some bodies, although] not a great 
number, [are] in mufti, [who were] reserve officers. 

5. On behalf of the Polish Red Cross there are 12 i^ersons employed in exca- 
vating the graves, in [doing] identification work, and in collecting the documents 
that are found /a doctor and 3 medical noncommissioned officers/. 

6. It is characteristic that there was nothing taken away from the murdered 
but watches, in the pocket i^ortfolios there is money and documents and some- 
times rings [are] on fingers. 

Kalina 692/1. 

[Illegible handwritten notation probably made in the London office.] 


Exhibit 26 

[Translation from Polish] 

File No. 2290/secret/1943 
May 14, 1943 

From Wanda 6 Accepted :\rav 13, 1943 Hr. 0925 

Read May 14, 1943 1030 

Continuation of 692. 

7. All of the skulls of the bodies are wounded by bullets fired from the back. 
Participants in the e.xhumation on Ijehalf of the Polish Red Cross put emphasis on 
the collection of bullets removed from the skulls of the murdered, on the revolver 
shells [and] ammunition lying about in the mass grave, and on the strings witii 
which the hands of the murdered were bound. All the material discovered is 
being shipped as occasion permits to Warsaw to the Polish Red Cross, in care of 
Doctor Gorczycki. All the bullets are 7.65 caliber. The shells are inscribed 
"Ceco," the strings [are] twisted. 

8. In the presence of the reporter, a diary written up to April 21 was taken out 
of the suit of Major Solski. He stresses that they were transported from Kozielsk 
in prison carriages to their destination (on 5 [the ne.\t seven letters have no mean- 
ing for translation] 6 axes), [and] were brought to Smolensk, where after passing a 
night, reveille was sounded at 4 o'clock in the morning on April 21, and they were 
put into prison automobiles, the}' were unloaded from the automobiles in a glade 
in the forest and at 6.30 led to buildings placed on the spot, where they were 
ordered to give up their jewelry and watches, and the diary finishes on this. 

9. The Polish Red Cross delegates are carrying on the exhumation, the dis- 
.section of the bodies, and the collection of documents under the supervision of the 
German authorities, and in addition private connections with the local population 
have been entered into. All the identified bodies are given tags with a number of 
the Polish Red Cross, on a steel wire and bound to a bone, afterwards the bodies 
are laid in a freshly dug common grave. Among the victims identified up to now 
all but one come from the camp of Kozielsk, one comes from .Starobielsk. 

10. The forest glade near Katyn comprises a large area of several square kilo- 
meters on which the rest houses of the NKVD were standing. The local civilian 
population says that in March and April of the year 1940 every day 1 transport of 
Polish officers, amounting to 200-300 persons, was brought in. 

Kalina 692/2— 5.V 

flllegible handwritten notation i)robably made in the London office] 

Exhibit 27 

['rratislation from] 

File No. 2575/secrot/43 
26 I\Iay 
Radiogram No. 851 Accepted May 23, 43 

From Wanda VI hour 1S05 

Read Mav 26, 43 

hour 1680 
At 18.33 of April 19. Composition of the first delegation api)ointed by the 
Germans and conveyed [to Katyn] April 10: Edmund Seyfried, RGO [Central 
Council of Welfare] Krakow, Doctor of Medicine Konrad Orzechowski municipal 
hospitals Warsaw, Doctor of Medicine Edward Grodzki of Polish Welfare C^om- 
mittee in Warsaw, Ferdynand Goctel and Jan Emil Skiwski, Kazimierz Prochow- 
nik factory foreman of the factory Zieleniewski Krakow, Wladyslaw Kaw(>cki 
director of German-sponsored agency Pol])ress Krakow, Kaziniierz Didur, 
photo reporter Krakauer Ztg. and Widera, photographic correspondent of Glos 

The second delegation, which visited Katyn compo.sed of: from Krakow — 
Rev. Dean Stanislaw Jasinski, Doctor of Medicine Adam Schebosla, Doctor of 
Medicine Tadeusz Susz, Praglowski, 8tanisla\v Klapert — all thre(> frt)m the Polish 
Red Cross, .Fournalist Marian Martens. From Warsaw — Kaziiniorz .lerzy 
Skarzynski, Ludwik Rojkiewicz, J<!rzy Wodzinowski, Doctor of M(>dicine Hiero- 
nim Partoszewski, lioyan Banacli — all from the Polish Red Cross. The delegation 
was of a technical character, jjart of it remained on the spot as personnel [and was] 
later supplemented to the number of 12 persons. 


The Ksummary of Seyfried's report: The delegation was housed in the Wehr- 
macht quarters, where the story of the discovery was told: In October 1942 a 
group of Polish workers located at the settlement of Gniezdowo Kozie Gory was 
told b}^ the local population about the graves of the executed Polish officers. The 
German authorities only learned of this fact in February this year, against the 
Soviet partisans [sic], and a test digging was ordered about the forest area near 
the NKVD rest house in Porparka. 

Kalina 755/1 
May 13, 43 

Exhibit 27 

[Translation from Polish] 


Special Detachment of the 

Commander in Chief's Staff 

May 25, 1943 


Radiogram No. 852 Accepted May 23, 43, 19.40 hrs. 

Read :\Iay 25, 43, 15.15 hrs. 

From Wanda 

Continuation of /755/2. One mass grave 28 by 14 meters and 6 meters deep 
was dug up, and the entire area of the cemetery was fixed. At a distance of 300 
and 500 meters from the officers' graves, graves of civilians at least 10 years old 
were discovered. The rest of the explanations as in telegram 625. The assist- 
ance of the German Army was officially offered, subject, however, to conditions 
of security and housing. The technical problem, it is hoped, will be taken over 
by the Polish people * * * an adequate annoimcement that it is within the 
competence of the Polish Red Cross. The delegates have found two dug-up pits 
on the spot; about 250 bodies have already been exhumed, among other the bodies 
of Generals Smorawinski and Bohatyrowicz. The documents have already been 
removed to a separate showcase. The bodies in uniforms [with] officer's boots, 
stripes, decorations, and two bodies in generals' uniforms with decorations and a 
general's stripes [on the trousers]. Seyfried, after inspecting the graves, with the 
permission of the Germans, made the following speech, whose contents were 
affirmed by another delegate: "I call upon you gentlemen to take off your hats, 
bow your heads, and pay tribute to these heroes who gave their lives that Poland 
might live." The Germans saluted. The entire proceedings were filmed, photo- 
graphed, and sound-recorded. The participants have expressed * * * a, 
sound recording was also made. One kilometer from the place of execution at 
the dissection building [were displayed] the documents, letters dated with the 
last dates, September 1, and diaries. General Smorawinski's silver cigarette case 
with an engraving of General Zielinski, scapulars, medals, identity cards, visiting 
cards, on the basis of which 47 names were then identified. 

Kalina 755/2 
May 13, 43 

Exhibit 27 

[Translation from Polish] 

Radiogram No. 853 File Number 2575/secret/43 

May 26, 1953 
From Wanda Accepted May 23, 43, 2000 hrs. 

Read May 26, 43, 1330 hrs. 

Continuation of 755/2. Skarzynski's report for the Polish Red Cross and the 
action of the Polish Red Cross. Skarzynski submitted on April 16 the following 

1. At the locality of Katyn near Smolensk there are pai'tially uncovered graves of 
Polish officers. 

2. On the basis of an inspection of bodies exhumed up to now, one may state 
that these officers were murdered by means of bullets fired at the back of the heads 
[15 meaningless letters]. There is no doubt, however, that the execution was 
skillfully performed. 

3. The murder did not have robbery as a motive because the bodies are in 
uniforms, with decorations, in boots, and on the bodies were found a great number 
of Polish coins and bank notes. 


4. Judging from papers found on the bodies, the ntmrder was committed in March 
or April of 1940. 

5. Up to now there have only been a small number of bodies identified by name 
(about 150). This report with the motion for raising the number of the technical 
group by 6 persons was forwarded on April 17 to the district authorities and on 
April 19 a memo [was forwarded] in connection with the suggestion of sending 
Polish Red Cross delegates to the officers' prison camps in Germany. The Polish 
Red Cross answered pointing out that the Polish Red Cross was ready to co- 
operate with the German authorities within the limits of international conven- 
tions on condition that its sphere of activities, restricted now to the operation of 
an information bureau, be restored, in particular: 

1. The activity of the Polish Red Cross would have to be permitted over the 
entire areas from which the Polish army had been recruited. 

2. Prisoners of war in case of release would be permitted to come back also to the 
GG [Government General] (Prohibition 1941). 

3. Prisoners of war would not be handed over from camps to the police authori- 
ties for alleged prewar offenses. 

Kalina 755/3 
May 13. 43 

Mr. Flood. General, I show you marked for identification exhibits 
25, 26, and 27 and ask you whether or not these are copies of the 
original files taken by you and kept in your custody from the records of 
the Polish Home Array in Warsaw, dealing with the matters you re- 
ferred to in your prepared statement, and that within these exhibits 
are contained the particular telegrams and other matters dealing with 
the Katyn incident? Is that correct? 

Ganoral Komorowski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. In your prepared statement, General, you mentioned 
the name of Maj. Adam Solski, 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I now show you a list of names of the officers whose 
bodies were found at Katyn, wMch list has been made a part of this 
record, and ask you to look at page 158 thereof and see if 3'"0u can 
identify the name of Adam Solski, to winch you referred? 

General Komorowski. Yes; it is the same; Solski, Adam. 

Mr. Flood. Wo have been showing in the record, tln-ough various 
witnesses, the widespread effort that was made by General Sikorski 
and General Anders and the Polish Government generally to find some 
trace of the missing Polish officers and Polish prisoners. That cft'ort 
was further carried out by your home command ;ind the underground 
working under your command in Warsaw; is that correct? 

General Komorowski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. You carried on extensive elTorls in executing General 
Sikorski's order, did you not? 

General Komorowski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. You had your underground agents operating in the 
German prison camps, is that correct? 

General Komorowski. Yes. We had liaison with nearly all the 

Mr. Flood. And any place where the Germans were in occupied 

General Komorowski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. At any time, did you issue any specific orders or instruc- 
tions in this general search, for the search of officers from the camps 
of Koziclsk, Starobelsk, and Ostashkov? 

General Komorowski. Yes; that is right. 


Mr. Flood. During the entire investigation conducted by your con- 
tacts of the underground, did you ever receive any information with 
reference to the PoHsh prisoner officers, the missing ones, from the 
camps Kozielsk, Starobielsk, or Ostashkov? 

General Komorowski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Did you, tlirough your underground, or you yourself, 
m person, or any of your command, have any contacts or liaison with 
any of the Russian authorities, civil, military, or political? 

General Komorowski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Were all of your efforts made in Polish and German- 
occupied territory? 

General Komorowski. Yes; which the Russians didn't have. 
But there were Poles that were taken by the Russians in 1939 or 1940, 
and that we found in the areas taken by the Germans, of the Russian 

Mr. Flood. After the rapprochement of the summer of 1941, 
between the Soviet and the Poles, you still continued in command of 
the home army in Warsaw, did you? 

General Komorowski. In 1941 I was deputy commander. 

Mr. Flood. The Germans were then in occupation but you were 
deputy commander? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Where were you in 1943 when you first heard of the 
Katyn massacre as announced by the Germans? 

General Komorowski. Wo heard immediately when a delegate 
from the German propaganda came to Warsaw. The next day we 
knew what he told. And some days after, in all the press — it was 
only in the German propaganda issue — were these findings of the 
graves in Katyn disclosed. And by radio, the Germans gave news 
every day about the discovery at Katyn. 

Mr. Flood. What was the reaction of yourself and your command 
at home headquarters in Warsaw when the Russians, on April 17, 
1943, 2 days after the Germans made their announcement on April 
16, 1943, when the Russians announced that this was a German crime 
and not a Russian crime? 

General Komorowski. In the beginning we all, nearly all Poles 
in Poland, thought that the crime had been committed by the Ger- 
mans. It was the general opinion in Poland that the crime was 
committed by the Germans as we knew how many crimes the Germans 
had committed. Only when I received the diaries of my observer 
sent to Katyn and when he told me of what he had seen, in this moment 
I was convinced that this crime had been committed by the Russians 
and not by the Germans. 

Mr. Flood. Where are the diaries now and the documents that 
yoiu" observer brought back from Katyn and left with you in Warsaw; 
do you have any idea? What did you do with them? 

General Komorowski. He brought copies of these documents and 
they were sent here to London, and they are in London. I also have 
copies of these diaries. 

Mr. Flood. Let me see some of those, please. 

(The witness produced some documents.) 

Mr. Flood. Will you have this marked as exhibit No. 28? (So 
marked by the stenographer.) General, I show you exhibit 28 and 


ask yoii whether or not this exhibit contains the oriijiniil copies made 
by your underground agent? 

General Komorowski. No, these are copies. 

Mr. Flood. These are copies of tlie originals made by your people? 

General Komorowski. By the staff here in London. 

Mr. Flood. Your agent brought back from Katyn copies of diaries? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Those copies were shown to you? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You had copies made of those copies, and the original 
copies you sent to London. So exhibit 28 is the copies which you 
had made of your agent's copies of the original documents found on 
the bodies at Katyn in his presence; is that correct? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And you tell us that this exhibit 28 contains the copies 
of 15? 

General Komorowski. Here are 10. 

Mr. Flood. Here are 10 of the 15? 

General Komoroavski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. The originals were 15 that you saw? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And I have in this exhibit co])ies of 10 of those diaries? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. General, would you remove from this group of diarie?^ 
your copy of Major Solski's diary? I believe you mentioned him. Ami 
also select the copy of at least one other diary and we will make those 
exhibit 28. I believe it won't be necessary at this time to include all 
10 diaries in the record. 

General Komorowski. Yes, I will. 

(The two excerpts and their English translations were handed to the 
reporter and marked "Exhibits 28, and 28A," photostatic copy of which 

Exhibit 28 






93744— 52— pt. 4 15 








[Translation from Polish] 

Envelope No. 0490/SOLSKI, Adam, major. 

[Page 15] September 2S, 1939. Thereafter from Jozefow 12 to Osuchow, 
5 kilometers to Lukow, where we (billeted until 7 a. m.). From Lukow 14 
kilometers to Tarnogrod, Anielek, Szarajowka, Korchow-Tarnogrod. 

Taken prisoner 11:55 A. M. 

11:50 A. M.: the spearhead (advance unit) stopped by Soviet forces in Tarnogrod. 

Dzikow — billeted in a barn after an S-kilometer march to Rozaniec, then 
by cart to Dzikow. At Dzikow, after a longer stop in front of the post office, 
transfer to the barn on barley straw. After 2 hours of sleep, organized into 
groups of prisoners of war and marched off to Cieszanow. 

[Page 67] September 29. On leaving the barn, divided into groups 1-10. 

II. group 

1. Lieut. Sypniewski Marian 58. 

2. Second Lieut. Andrzejewski Bogdan 58. 

3. Second Lieut. Wielebinski Wladyslaw 55. 

4. Second Lieut. Buczkowski Waclaw 55. 

5. Second Lieut. Szmagiel Jan 58. 

6. Second Lieut. Olzewski Alfons 55. 

7. Second Lieut. Bondke Edmund. 

8. Second Lieut. Gliszczynski Jerzy. 

9. Second Lieut. Wiedanek Ferdynand. 
10. Second Lieut. Mogietko Tadeusz. 

Reporter's note; names under 7 and 8 crossed out but legible; position under 10 
crossed out and illegible. 

Dzikow 29th. On the way to Cieszanow via Dzikow we are exeorted by a 
corporal who (allows) no stops — ^churl (?). Marched on foot 16 kilometers; 
arrived in Cieszanow and halted in a garden at 13.30 hours. Page 68. 

5 P. M. Departure from Cieszanow to Lwow by trucks (without benches, on 
straw — uncomfortable). Arrival in Lwow after midnight. . The Janowski rail- 
way station destroyed, the theater destroyed. The city decorated with red flags. 

30th. After a rest in room No. 46 at the Main City Command Building (chief 
of equipment) . At noon left by car to the barracks of p. a. c. (defenders of Lwow) , 
wherefrom after being given some bread and bacon, departure to Tarnopol via 

Slowita — from 2 P. M. to 2:45 rest, thereafter to Tarnopol via Zloczow-Zborow 
at 7 P. M. 

(Comrade Gryszenko) the driver of the car; from there, 48 kilometers to 
Woloczyska by car, to a stables at the sugar refinery. Billeted here at midnight 
in the stables, the straw in shreds. Cold. I sleep between Lieut, of the reserves 
Bukowski and Lieut. Olszewski. 

[Page 69] October 1. 6 A. M. reveille. The weather sunny but cool. Taking 
of our personal data rather detailed. About noon we received peeled barley and 
black coffee (too sweet because of the sugar refinery). In the evening into the 
railway car. 76 kilometers * * * with a transport heading east towards 
Komarowka. Have fainted twice during the night. 

October 2. We wakened at 6 A. M. on the station of Hredczany between 
Podwoloczyska and Plaskirow. At the station we received bread, 1 (loaf) 
between 4 men, two herrings each, and sugar. 11:50 A. M., Doraznia station. 
3:40 P. M. — arrival at Komarowka. 

October 3. 6 A. M. Passed Winnica; before Koziatyn toilet. At Koziatyn 
breakfast^ — water with sugar- — herrings and Ys loaf of bread. 

[Page 70] A short stop at Czarnorudka. 11:55 A. M. — have reached a larger 
(new) station, Frastow Bojarka near Kiev. 1:50 P. M. (their time 3:55 P. M.) 
arrived in Kiev. We have our supper. Halted since October 1 outside depots 
and workshops. Keiv is a large city — has it been rebuilt since 1920? 

4. Awakening at the station of Niezyn, Czernichow province. * * * At 
8:30 A. M. on October 4, Bachmacz station (reporter's note: name of the station 
also written in Russian). Short stop. 10:00 A. M. — shortstop at the junction 
station, Konotop. Weather suimy — wind northeasterly, cold. Have not shaved 
since September 27. Last shaved in the apothecary of Mr. Gajewski at Lukowa 
near Bilgoraj. This short stop at Konotop lasted luitil 12:25 P. M. We 
have no idea where they are sending us now, whether towards Moscow or 
Charkow. * * * Since yesterday's supper at Kiev until now, without food. 


[Page 71] At the town Worozb supper — sauerkraut soup, groats, tea. 

Oct. 5. Morning. At the station of the village Ciotkinia (reporter's note: 
name of the station also written in Russian), until 8:30 A. M. Thereafter we 
disembarked about 12 kilometers from the camp. "Peat — separation — mud" 
Boloto (sic). 

At the monastery. (Reporter's note: The word monastery has been crossed 
out but is legible.) Here we were divided for billeting at a school or some such 
place. Crowded and dirty. In the evening, bread and fish conserves — one for 
4 people — also dirty hot water. Prayers are not allowed; singing. Have slept 
through the night; in the morning, snow, as in Poland in December. After 
breakfast a glass of water and lots of promises. Our money has no value here 
whatsoever. We remain idle. Quarrels, criticism, brawling — up to midnight 
we have received nothing to eat, apart from the boiled water. 

Oct. 8. We were awakened during the night and given }4 loaf of bread each, 
and soup (a bit salty). Winter is here in full; snow. 

[Page 72] Oct. 8. It is supposedly Sunday — holiday. Here work is bustling, 
with wires being put up and nailing up (sic) * * * ^^d nails. It is a cloudy 
day but fairly warm. A lean breakfast at 9 A. M. (7 A.-M.). 

Oct. 9. Monday. I woke up during the night. I dreamed about Danka 
After the morning wash, carried wooden planks. At 9:30 A. M. (11:30 A. M.) 
waiting for breakfast. Received extra ration of boiled water. Playing of bridge 
is being suggested. Yesterday played 2 rut)bers — lost 1.60. 

October 10. Tuesday. A cool night. We sleep lying one next to the other; 
it is crowded and stuffy. 7:00 A. M. — getting up. no change in the food 
* * * soup twice a day and water once. I went to see the doctor; the sciatic 
pains are worse. I am released from work. 

October 11. Have met Captain Radzikowski. A clear day. The group is on 
duty from noon. Yesterday they conducted a new registration. Where are 
Danka, Ewa, Mother? General Trojanowski is supposed to be in the Gorodok 
monastery nearby. 

[Page 73] October 12. Nice frosty weather. I dreamt at night about my 
darling Ewuska. I dreamt that I carried her and took her away from a Hungarian 
raft, and after that, through all sorts of dangers, obstacles, transferred her and 
put her down on a sunny hill, from which she was to go to Aunt Wiiolda. 

October 13. A fairly warm day. In the afternoon, a bath and doing laundry— 
that is, my one and only shirt and a towel given to me by Capt. of the 34th in- 
fantry division Braniewski. I also washed some handkerchiefs which I kept; 
they were left behind by my adjutant. Supper was late because of the commis- 
sion which conducts the examination and in reality confiscates identification pa- 
pers, notebooks, gold and silver watches, etc. This notebook was saved because 
was together with a picture of Saint Teresa. 

October 14. A clear day, the change of wind will not bring anything good from 
the west. 

[Page 74] October 14, 1939. We have started work on our bunks, which 
means that our miserable existence will be prolonged. The food is very poor. 
The bread (dynamite) keeps us alive. 

15. [Oct.]. Sundav. Working at putting up the bunks. Breakfast will be 
around 11 A. M. (Mass at 9:00 A. M.). 

15th. Building of bunks and getting settled. 

October 16. After spending the night on the hard boards, continued our 
preparations for settling down . They have taken away from among us policemen , 
noncommissioned ofTicers, and other nonoflicers. They are supposedly to be sent 
back to their homes. I have not seen anyone that I know. I cannot find out 
anything about Kazik. There is nobody from the 18th armored division from 
Lona [sic; maybe Lomza]. I have a premonition that he has been critically 
wounded or killed and was taken prisoner by the Germans. I have spoken today 
with Major Lesniak, who is also here. He fell into the bands of the Bolsheviks 
near Uscilug. He has no news of his wife or his children. We are not as yet 
allowed to write any correspondence. I do not know whether Tadzik has been 
notified in Lwow, or whether he notified W^arsaw that I am in Russian captivity. 

[Page 75] October 17. Nothing worth noting happened. I was acting as 
orderly and carried breakfasts, limches, and suppers from the kitchen. Towards 
the evening some infantrymen from the Kielce province arrived from the Star- 
obielsk region, but they do not know what to do with them, whether to send 
them back to the border and hand them over to the Germans or whether to keep 
them here. They have found no volunteers among us to remain. Even one 
who had already been punished in Poland for Communism, does not wish to 


remain. The things he does not hke here in tlie U. S. 8. R. are the monotony 
of life, the continuous deception of each other, and the paying of homage to the 
new idols, Lenin-Stalin-Molotov. The Red Army liberator of nations. 

[Page 76] Some higher official (GPU) was supposedly here and made a great 
many promises to improve out lot here and to satisfy our needs, but one cannot 
count on that here in Russia, especially under the present system. They consider 
us prisoners of war although they were not at war with us. However, their 
friendship with the Germans, no doubt on orders from Ribbentrop, had brought 
this about. How long we will remain here God only knows. 

18th. I was learning German vocabulary. I am homesick when I think of 
Danka, Ewa, and the family. Mother. What has happened with Kazio? 
Janek — he is a settler. 

19th. News from the French front is very good. The French are supposed 
to have advanced. Nothing interesting to report for the 20th and 21st. We 
received sets of games: chess, dominoes, and checkers. 

[Page 77] We play with great zeal in order to pass time in this captivity 
during this cloudy and unpleasant weather. The food is somewhat more sub- 
stantial (more fat content) . It seems there is less pilfering among the Bolsheviks. 

21st Oct. Transports of police and priests. * * * 

22nd Oct. The weather is sunny and cold. In the morning, as usual, reveille 
["powierka"] [Reporter's note: the word "powierka" is written also in Russian 
characters.] Morning exercises and awaiting breakfast (soup, peeled barley, 
lentil, or gruel). Today is Holy Sunday, but in the Soviet land there is no God. 

23rd Oct. A slight frost. I have caught 2 fleas, the messengers of our misery. 

2-ith Oct. Freezing cold. My second bath; in the tub I found a third flea. 
Washed my one and only shirt the second time (they don't give us any linen). 

[Page 78] Yesterday they gave us soap, 200 grams each. "Prisoner of war." 
Today they gave us one package of shag-tobacco per five men. Barter trade is 
flourishing. Bread in exchange for sugar, tobacco for sugar, etc. The soldiers 
from the province of Kielce are to leave today, therefore barter trading is brisk. 
They wanted 50 zl. for a pair of gloves [value — 1 zL] Through one of the soldiers I 
gave my address to my father-in-law * * * and to Witolda. The other day I 
had a shave and haircut, so I look quite human again. 

28th Oct. Today at 11:35 A. M. a month has passed since I became a captive 
of the Russians. The month went quickly, but the two months of war are terrible. 
I last saw Danka on the 4th of September at the Muchnow estate (Kutno prov- 
ince). I bid goodbye to mother and to my darling Ewusia a few days before [P. 
79] my departure from Poznan. 

It was stupid of me not to send part of my things with them to the in-laws in 
Warsaw. I have left my wife and child (8 years) destitute. How will they 
manage, and mother too? 

Today is the nameday of Tadeusz Lesniak. I went to see him, and I learned 
that he saw Rysiek Solski (son of Felix, from Warsaw), also Wasowicz's mother, 
15 kilometers east of Siedlce. They were going to Lwow, and were in good spirits. 
There is a lot of persistent talk going around that we are to leave these barracks, 
and that by the 10th of November, all camps are to be liquidat'xl in Russia. 
I don't know, but I think that we shall remain in captivity until Maj-. If one 
could only notify the family. For two days, we haven't received any sugar (per 
30.35 grams) so we live on tea without sugar. For breakfast, thick grits and manna, 
cooled with oil. Altogether, for the last few days, all meals are cooked with oil 
without onions and flour. Yesterday evening there was no electric light, so today 
they are burning lights all day, although it is nice and sunny. Yesterday was wet. 

31 Oct. The last days of October go by with continuous and insistent rumors 
that they are to send us from the local barracks back to the G.->rmans via Szepie- 
tewka or Lwow, and perhaps even further to the east or to Starobielsk. So many 
different rumors, yet no news as to whether Mother, Danka, and Ewuska know 
what has happened to me — that I am alive, in good health, and with a good ap- 
petite for tills food here (lentils, manna grits cooked with oil, and sauerkraut soup 
or beet soup with meat. They also give us black bread and sugar, and [page 81] 
from time to time this shag tobacco (I have already half a package for sale, in 
exchange for roubles) . Wonder whetlier Ewuska has as much sugar as Daddy has? 
During the afternoon and evening rumors have spread that we are leaving these 
barracks in Boloto. 

Nov. 1, 1939. Reveille at 4 A. M. (our time, 2:00 A. M. at night). I'm sure 
we are leaving. I am given as a senior of the grouj), tea for the whole group. 
Early breakfast and assembly; we march off to the railway tracks and get into 
freight cars used previously for carrying peat. 


9-10 A. M. we start, and at 10 we are at the sugar refinery Ciotkino, where- 
from we march through the village to the tracks of the wide-gauge railwa}^ 

2nd Nov. We rode on the train till 7 P. M. to the town of Kozielsk [reporter's 
note: the name Kozielsk is also written in Russian], where we were awakened at 
midnight and marched till 6 A. M. November 3 to the former monastery a few 
kilometers from the station. The former monastery buildings overlooked the 
woods. The treatment we received during the journey was terrible. On No- 
vember 3rd we marched from the station of Kozielsk to (a summer resort) camp 
4 to 7 kilometers from Kozielsk on a muddy road. In the early morning we were 
received by the new administration of the camp Kozielsk. The treatment was 
better from Lt. Col. to General, a separate bath, new registration, and roll call. 
Food twice a day, a piece of bread (white once a day) and soup. 

Nov. 4. Further registration. Up till 12 noon they gave us nothing to eat. 

Nov. 5. Morning. 12 noon. Walked to the bathhouse. The bath in a basin 
of water, then naked through the anteroom into the room for dressing. Looking 
for billets. An extraordinary thing. On Nov. 4 I met [page 82] Professor 
Kawa Wladyslaw, my wife's (Danka's) uncle. Married to Szenora Trojanowska, 
mother of Zbyszek Trojanowski, captain in the communications corps of General 
Anders. On Nov. 11 Kazik (brother) waited for me at the entrance to the bath- 
house. He is a prisoner of the Bolsheviks, and has been since the 18th of Septem- 
ber. He was taken captive on leaving home in Baranowicze. There are about 
2,400 mouths to feed in the Kozielszczyna camp. Among them a large number 
of officers, older men, retired or drafted, doctors, etc., who had very little to do 
otherwise with the army. 

22 Nov. 1939. Wednesday. For some time nothing of importance to report 
in my notebook. Today snow started to fall. A lot of talk here about the de- 
parture of cadet officers and noncommissioned officers and privates to German- 
occupied territory. Who is to know? Only God. They don't know anything 
and won't tell. Gontinuous secrecy * * * and uncertainty of the hour and 
dav. Alreadv the registration [page 83] has been conducted. The other day 
they woke me up at 11 P. M. at night (our time 9 P. M.) * * * to lead 
ten" men for registration. In the night from Sunday to Monday, I believe, I 
had an ugly dream. I saw Danka in my dream in a black dress. She was 
distant and unapproachable. Later the dream changed into a sunny one. Two 
days ago, a notice was issued that we are permitted to write and receive letters 
once a month [one letter a month]. There is great joy because of that, but even 
in this respect there are difficulties, as in everything. Lack of leather for shoe 
repairs; I took the oldest pair of shoes, and altogether the worst suit. I left 
everything in the car with Capt. Madalinski. 

[P'. 81] Today, 21/22 Nov. 1939, I had a ghastly dream. I dreamt that Fefix's 
wife (Maryna) came to my billet and said that the "deceased," that is, Danka, died 
under some operation or abortion. I dreamt that I fainted, shouting "Oh, Oh" 
and that because of trjing to save money on the operation, specialist (sic) Maryna 
Solska (Felix's wife) said. In the morning I told my dream to Kazik, and I shall 
speak (to Professor Kawa) Wladyslaw. No news about our dearest ones — -Danka, 
Ewa, Mother, or about Janek and Stefa. There is no news as to our departure, 
nor is there any hope of an end to this "sightseeing" of the U. S. S. R. Whether 
they will hand us over to the Germans or whether and where we shall be kept, 
either here or in Germany. * * * a severe winter is approaching, and we are 
without shoes or warm clothing. Here they promise us everything. If only my 
dream doesn't come true. "Heaven forbid!" 

27 Nov. Today five men out of our group of ten from Poznan left to (sic) work 
on a collective farm. They returned and told us of unexpected surprises and 
about the prospects of communal farming (machines, farm buildings, equipment, 
food, etc.). 

28 Nov. In the morning we decided to buy stamps and send a letter for Capt. 
Dr. Kosinski Jerzy Dyonizowicz, who sent a letter to Pniewy addressed to Miss 
Dorota Pyzelek — Pniewy Germany, Province Poznan, Poznan Street 7. Today 
at 11:55, two months of captivity were completed, under circumstances unknown 
so far, and without anv news from mv dear ones. 

[P. 8B] Dec. 12, 1939. Vigil of St. Nicholas: we wonder how the children 
will celebrate this liappy feast in Poland. Darling Ewusia, have you received 
anything from your beloved Mama for St. Nicholas' Day? They say that sup- 
po.sedly letters from Poland have arrived. Kazik has not been to see me today — 
probably doing laundry and mending socks or other things. I struggle as com- 
mandant of Corps No. 15 (a barracks with 950 occupants) * * * "office — prisoner 
of war." I am kept occupied, therefore the end of this terrible adventure as a 
prisoner of war in the U. S. S. R. is nearing quickly. * * * w ZSSR /CCCR/. 


Dec. 15, 1939. Yesterday after duties T went to Major Czerniakowski to a, 
"prisoner-of-war" concert of songs in Polish, Russian, and Ukranian. A better 
spirit, and hope that the treatment may perhaps improve entered into us 
"prisoners of war." Colleagues from the "Skid" came — about 1,800. We are 
about 3,300 altogether, including four generals, that is, the old general 
Bohatvrewicz, Minkiewicz, Wolkowicki, and Smorawinski, the last commander 
of O. iv. VII. 

Dec. 16. Today freezing cold (14-20°). In the morning, pleasant news that 
a list has been put up and that Kazio received a postcard. When he got it, it 
was a postcard instead of a letter from Jagusia, and he learned that at the end of 
November Hala went to Torun and on the way stopped on the new German- 
Russian border of occupation at Zareby * * * near Malkinia. I on the other 
hand learned with surprise that Danka, Ewusia, and mother-in-law (Tojanowscy) 
are in Lw-ow with Tadzik, and that mother is with Stefa, and that Stefa is married 
and her husband Swistelnicki is in Hungary. 

I regret now that on October 1, when I was escorted through Lwow (having 
been taken captive by the Bolsheviks in Tarnogrod near Bilgoraj) I did not 
know that they are [sic] all in Lwow. So many months have passed already 
since I saw mother and Ewusia, to whom I bid my farewell in Poznan, hoping 
that we shall see each other soon, and since my goodby on September 13 to Danka 
at Muchnow on an estate (so strange). I did not expect that Danka would 
stop at Lwow. What Is their fate? Will they now send them to Warsaw for 
the winter? 

[Page 88] Here in my barracks (block/corps/bldg. No. 15) I met a close 
neighbor of Kazik from Filipowka/Lt. of the Reserves Marczak, Stanislaw from 
B. G. K. Today he received a cable with a prepaid reply that all at his home 
are well and together (including the maid). I am awaiting with impatience 
news from mother and Danka. Since I addressed my letter to Warsaw I'm 
sure I won't get any reply from there [sic]. Perhaps Andrzej or Edek or Zbyszek 
Trojanowski's father will write. 

Dec. 20, 1939. Today Tuesday. I have submitted Kazek's application for 
a transfer, that is, from Bolshevik captivity to German captivity. Four months 
have passed since I bid farewell to mother and Ewusia. I forgot to enter in 
my diary that on December 16 Kazik received a postcard from Jadzia Sol. from 

Jan. 3, 1940. Wednesday. Four months passed today since I last saw Danka 
on October 4, 1939, on the estate in Muchnow near Kutno. On September 9 
I did not find my wife in Warsaw at Marszalkowska Street No. 81 at Apt. 22. I 
know nothing certain as to where she has gone. From the post card which I 
received from Jagusia dated Nov. 6 we know that she was with Tadzik in Lwow. 
Whether she is still there and what they are doing now — ^how Ewusia is — whether 
Danka is well, and what the results are * * *_ 

[Page 90] [Reporter's note: bit of page torn off] Julv 21, 1939 (!) in 
Promieniek * * * Jan. 10, 1940. Frost 30° Reaumur (47° Centigrade). The 
food is miserable. Pea soup with peas half cooked. Yesterday for breakfast 
sauerkraut and fish (kilki). Lack of water. Everywhere, water for boiling, 
"lawoczki," long queues. Legs freeze at work. 

Jan. 24, 1940. Five months have passed since I last saw and said goodbye to 
mother and Ewusia in a train compartment at Poznan. Ewusia cried then, but 
whether because the "negress" was to remain, or whether she sensed that it 
would be such a long separation from her daddy. * * * Mother bidding 
goodbye sensed that the separation would be for a longer time, perhaps even 
forever. Terrible is the fate of man — -a Pole. 

[Page 91] Jan. 28, 1940. Today at 6 A. M. five months have passed since the 
departure [Reporter's note: the page is torn off here] from Poznan to Kutno/ 
Strzelce Kujawskie [Reporter's note: torn off]. 

Today at 1 1 :55 A. M. four months have passed since I fell into the hands of the 
Bolshevik army in Tarnogrod on the Tanwia. There is no change in our stay. 
Yesterday on the 27th Major Rogozinski, after being interrogated by a Bolshevik 
major, told us that the latter assured him that before the Spring they should hand 
us over to the Germans. We shall then have to experience captivity and cruelty 
from the Germans. There is nothing new with us, and nothing has changed. 

The days are longer. The food for a change, after sauerkraut and kilki (a 
fish) — little herrings for breakfast, and peeled barley for lunch. For the last ten 
days we have not received any sugar or tea. Bugs showed up in our room. They 
took the dogs away from the cam{). A list of mail which was not delivered from 
the previous mail delivery (letters from families) has been displayed. Except for 


a few lines on a postcard from Bialystok I haven't received anything from Danka. 
How does she manage with Ewusia and her parents during this severe winter? 
Are there any people who are helping her? In a few days, February 3-4, I shall 
write the third letter; since August 4th we haven't written anything and we have 
no news of each other; after so many years we were left on ice without even the 
most essential things. Who could have thought that it would end like that? I 
hope, however, that this is not for long, and that everything will soon end well for 
my family. What will the next few weeks bring us? The weather today, Sun- 
days, Jan. 28, 1940, is beautifully sunny, although frosty (15-29°). Our quarters 
are in a small room in which ten of us live (Captain of the Artillery Hoffman, 
older than I, officer of the reserves, employee of the sugar refinery in Opalew. 
The rest are 3 Lts. and five Sub-Lts., all from the 55th, 57th, and 58th infantry 
division. What is going to happen to us and when shall it end? 

[P. 93] Sunday, February 1, 1940. Evening. The weather is beautiful but 
cold. From the bunk I sunned myself through the window panes, especially 
my sciatic i^ains, which trouble me. There is news in the night that Romania 
confiscates arms and * * *_ Poland. Is this good news? I believe it is. 
* * * Maybe * * * ^ will shorten our stay. Yesterday I sent a 
postcard to Kama, and today I am writing to Danka. What is new at home? 
How are Danka and Ewusia living? And mother with Stefa in Lwow? During 
the night of March 11-15, from Monday to Tuesday, I had an extraordinary 
dream. I saw, in my dream, mother, somewhere in the second room of our 
apartment. I was tuning the radio to music, and was fighting with myself — 
with my double. I cried and hissed terribly. When I wakened, as did my fellow 
comrades, I was lying on my back and my heart was beating terribly. Perhaps 
because I was running last evening at 11 P. M. to the mailbox to post a card 
from Wielich to Danka. How weak I am from this "prison" — I beg your pardon — 
on this "prisoner of war" diet. This dream augurs something bad. 

Today, 13th of March, nothing of importance. 

Today, 4th of April. Only today, in thB second day of the excitement because 
of our departure, I am looking into these notes. The holidays have passed. 
Have received cards and messages from Danka, with news that apart from my 
first letter of November 24, 1939, which she received January 6, nothing arrives 
from this "land of paradise." 

[Page 95] Sunday, April 7, 1940. Morning. After yesterday, alloca- 
tion * * * Skitowcy— pack our things * * * till 11:40 A. M. for the 
departure to the club for inspection. Lunch in the club * * *_ After 
inspection, at 2:55 P. M., we left the walls and barbed wires of the Kozielsk 
camp. The house * *' * named after Gorski. At 4:55 P.^M. (2:45 P. M. 
Polish time) we were put into prison cars on the railway siding Kozielsk. I have 
never seen such cars in all my life. They say that of all passenger railway cars in 
the USSR, 50% are prison cars. Together with me is Jozef Kutyba, Kpt. Szyfter 
Pawel, and also majors. It. cols., and captains; altogether twelve, while there is 
room for seven at the most. 

April 8, 3:30 A. M. Departure from Kozielsk station to the west. 9:45 A. M. 
at Jelnia station. 

April 8, 1940. From 12 noon we are standing at Smolensk on a railway siding. 

April 9, 1940. A few minutes before 5 in the morning reveille in the prison 
cars and preparation for departure * * *_ Wg are to go somewhere by car, 
and what then? 

April 9, 5 A. M. 

April 9. From the very dawn, the day started somewhat peculiarly. Depar- 
ture by prison van in little cells (terrible) ; they brought us somewhere into the 
woods — some kind of summer resort. Here a detailed search. They took the 
•watch, on which time was 6:30 a. m. (8:30), asked me for my wedding ring, which 
thej- took, roubles, my main belt, and pocket knife. 



Exhibit 28A 
Excerpts from diary of a Polish soldier found dead in Katyn 


[Translation from Polish] 

The copy of notes from the notebook. 

Envelope No. 0424 (Kruk) Waclaw. 

Note in the Polish Red Cross list: 0424, military, N.N. (unknown), pencil drawing 

with inscription "Kozielsk 1940, diary, holy medallion." 

The notebook (larger) was probably made by the owner himself by bending 
and binding, together with sheets of white unlined paper, with no watermarks. 
The notebook has no covers and consists of 54 leaves. Of these only the first two 
were written upon; the rest is blank and bears only the«marks of a chemical pencil 
which, put inside, dissolved and perm^eated a number of pages with violet color. 
Also, traces of lines of a poem are visible; it was written on a separate sheet and 
put inside the notebook. Similarly, traces of an impression of figures drawn on 
a separate sheet of paper are noticeable, it would appear from the contents of 
the notebook that they represent checker pieces, which are mentioned by the 
author in his notebook. 

There was also in the notebook a pencil drawing representing a bearded man 
signed "Kruk Waclaw", Kozielsk, 1940. On the other smaller sheet was a carica- 
ture of the same man, signed "Kruk." In this notebook a sheet with the address 
"Herrn Sigmund Brodaty Sto/ck/holm Birger Sweden (the word Sweden is written 
in Russian characters). 

The first leaf of the notebook, that is, the first two pages, is covered with Russian 
words, which may indicate that the owner of the notebook was learning Russian. 
The proper notes start on page three, and end on page four. The copy of these 
notes follows: 

April 8, 1940. I have written nothing until now, because it seemed to me that 
nothing noteworthy had happened. Recently, that is by the end of ]March and 
the beginning of April, departure rumors were current. We thought them to be 
the usual gossip. But it turned out that they were true. In the first days of 
April, transports, initially small, started leaving from "Skit," taki ig se^orat 
persons each time. Finally it [Skit] was liquidated on Saturday the 7ih, and we 
M'ere transferred to the main camp. Temporarily we were located in the major's 
block. Yesterday a transport of senior officers left — 3 generals, 20 to 25 colonels, 
and a similar number of majors. Judging by the method of discharge, our chances 
were of the best. Todaj^ my turn came. I took a bath in the morning, and 
washed my socks and handkerchiefs * * * generally "to * * * with 
things." After accounting for camp equipment, a search was carried out in hut 
No. 19, and from there * * * we were led out through the gate to trucks 
which took us out to the station, and not to Kozielsk (communications with 
Kozielsk were cut by the flood). There we were put into prison cars under a 
strong guard. In the prison cell (which I saw for the first time) we were thirteen. 
I have not as yet acquainted myself with my comrades in distress. Now we are 
waiting for the departure * * *. As before I was optimistic, I now expect 


* * * this journey bodes ill for us. The worst is that * * * it is doubt- 
ful whether we shall be able to discover the direction of our journej\ But patience. 
We move in the direction of Smolensk. The weather * * * it is sunny, 
there is plenty of snow on the fields. 

April 9, 1940. Tuesday. We had a more comfortable night than in the old 
cattle cars. There was more room and we did not shake so badly. The weather 
today * * * as in winter. It snows and it is cloud}'. It is impossible to 
ascertain what our direction is. During the night we passed Spass-Demenskoje 
[name written in Russian but incorrectly]. I have seen no such station on the 
map in the direction of Smolensk. I am afraid that we are being moved either 
North or Northeast, which seems to be confirmed by the weather. During the 
day it is as it was in former times. Yesterday in the morning they gave us a 
ration of bread and some sugar, and in the train some cold boiled water. Now 
noon is nearing and we have received no food. The treatment * * * jg also 
rough. We are allowed nothing. We are even allowed access to the privies only 
as it pleases the guards. Requests or shouts help us not at all. 

To get back to "Skit," my best comrades were Sucharski, a teacher from the 
Bialystok area, and Szafranski, bookeeper from the co-op "Spolem." We 
formed a kind of triumvirate in the Major's Bloc. Upon departure I gave Sza- 
franski my army pullover. He wanted to bu}' it, and give me his watch and 50 
roubles, but I refused to accept. Maybe I shall regret it. I gave it to him 
although it was difficult to part with it, but I felt sorry for him. He suffered 
badly from cold. Before leaving "Skit" we had an unofficial choir concert. 
My sculptures made me quite popular. I had to make two reliefs for Major 
Goleb (a highlander and the Holy IMother), a cross for captain Deszert, tobacco 
case, and * * * but most admired were my checkers. I was afraid I 
would' lose them, because the gossip was that during the search all wooden objects 
would be confiscated. Fortunately it was only a rumor. But they took my 
knife. At 14.30 hours we arrived in Smolensk. We waited on the marshalling 
yards. It is an enormous station, like most of the newer Russian railway stations; 
marshalling yards spread for several kilometres. We are in Smolensk, however. 
The evening came, and we passed Smolensk. We arrived at Gniezdowo station. 
It looks as though we may be unloaded here, because a number of military are 
present. In any case we have received nothing to eat as yet. Since yesterday 
we have subsisted on a piece of bread and some water. 

Mr. DoNDERO. General, you have said that the origmal diaries 
were somewhere here in London? 

Mr. Flood. No. 

General Komorowski. No — the copies. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Where are the original diaries? 

General Komorowski. My observer brought me copies of the 
original and these copies I sent to London that my observer handed 
me. The original diaries were taken in his presence mostl}^ from the 
pockets, though he could see the original. He saw the original 
diaries and he made a copy and this copy he brought to me. 

Mr. DoNDERO. x\nd the originals were left there at the grave? 

General Komorowski. No. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Well, where are they now? 

General Komorowski. No, they were taken by the Polish Red 
Cross to Warsaw. What happened to them I do not know. They 
were brought to the Polish Red Cross in Warsaw. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. General, I was looking over some documents; 
your testimony ended rather abruptly and there were quite a number 
of pertinent questions I wanted to ask you which I think will help 
this committee. As commander of the home army in Warsaw, you 
were the leader in the Warsaw uprising in July and August 1944; 
were you not? 

General Komorowski. In August and September. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In August and September of 1944? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 


Mr. O'KoNSKi. About how many people of Warsaw were killed by 
the Germans in that uprising? 

General Komorowski. I know exactly how many soldiers were lost, 
but it is very difficult to tell exactly how many from the civilian popu- 
lation were killed, as a lot of houses and blocks were bombed and 
the bodies of the people were buried; but in my personal opinion I 
think that nearly 100,000 of the civilian population were killed. The 
German propaganda immediately on the second day after the uprising 
was finished announced that 200,000 people were killed. From where 
could they have got this news? It was only their propaganda. They 
could not in 2 days discover. And the Russian propaganda repeated 
250,000 and 300,000. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. The Russian propaganda was that between 250,000 
and 300,000 were killed in the uprising? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Now, General, when you led that uprising, you 
already knew in your own mind, and so did the leaders who were 
helping you, that it was the Russians that committed the murder 
at Katyn? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. You were pretty convinced of that fact, were 
you not? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Yet 3^our underground army supported the Allied 
cause, including the Russians, in the uprising; so there was not any 
prejudice or personal animosity against the Russians after j^ou knew 
the3^ had committed the murders; is that correct? 

General Komorowski. Right. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Now here is what I want to ask you: In the War- 
saw uprising the Russian Army was how far away from Warsaw? 

General Komorowski. Fifteen miles in the beginning, but after 
6 weeks they were just across the Vistula. 

]\lr. O'KoNSKi. Now, in the Warsaw uprising, that lasted for some 
2 months, it would have been very easy for the Russians to come to 
the aid of the home army in Warsaw; could they not have? 

General Komorowski. There was only the river dividing us, and 
there was no difficulty at all in the summer to cross the river — no 
difficulty at all. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, General, there is no question in 
your mind whatever that the Russians deliberately stood by, hoping 
that there would be more of the home army and the so-called resistance 
groups in Poland massacred and liquidated. Would you agree with 
that opinion? 

General Komorowski. Yes, it is my opinion. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. General, the reason why I ask that question is 
this: Do you see any analogy between the Katyn murders by the 
Russians and the refusal of the Russians to come to the aid of the 
Warsaw Home Army; do you see any analogy in the two? 

General Komoroski. In my opinion it is the same policy of the 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Wliat would you say that that policy was? 

General Komorowski. This policy was to destroy aU the national 
elements of Poles. 


Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, any reasonable person then would 
have a right to conclude that, since the Kussians, who were able to 
come to the rescue, saw the massacre, according to their o^v^l propa- 
ganda, of 250,000 to 300,000 Poles in Warsaw in the uprising, if they 
stood by and saw that because they had a very definite reason, hoping 
that that would be done, it would not be beyond them to slaughter or 
massacre 15,000; is that your conclusion? 

General Komorowski. Yes, 

Mr. DoNDERO. Who did the bombing of their city? 

General Komorowski. The Germans. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did they do the bombing? 

General Komorowski. Yes; but the Germans could not have made 
it except they know the Russians were not helping us; they did not 
give us cover by plane. If one Russian plane had come over Warsaw 
in the sky, the German pianos would have disappeared; but not one 
plane from the Russians came to help. 

Mr. DoNDERO. And they were 15 miles away? 

General Komorowski. Yes; in the beginning; and after they were 
only on the other side of the Vistula; we saw them. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Now, General, lot me ask you another question: 
Is it trud that your gallant home army was m.ade up of the most 
intelligent, most able, and the most capable people in Warsaw and 
Poland at that time? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. It was made up of the best type, the most trusted 
patriots that you could find in all Poland gathered in Warsaw; they 
were the heart and the cere of the home army; is not that correct? 

General Komorowski. Yes; and the headquarters was in Warsaw 
not only of the home army but also the underground government 
of Poland. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Now let me ask you another question: In other 
words, these people that were found in the graves at Katyn were just 
as important for the heart of Poland as the composition of the home 
army at Warsaw: they were the best that the Polish people had to 
offer, were they not? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. They were the most likeh'' to form resistance to 
Communism or Nazism or any form of dictatorship, if they had 
survived. They would have been the most potent leaders in Poland 
to resist any kind of dictatorsliip, if the}^ had survived; is not that 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. O'Konski. In other words, there is no doubt in your mind at 
all that Katyn and the refusal of the Russians to come to your help 
during the Warsaw uprising were clearly and unequivocall}'' a Russian 
program of genocide, to liquidate the potent patriotism which might 
survive in Poland? 

General Komorowski. Yes, no question; and in eastern Poland in 
the area of Nowogrodek on the body of a killed Russian officer was 
found an order to kill all the officers from the Polish underground. 

Mr. O'Konski. In other words, General, the refusal of the Russians 
to aid Warsaw uprising was merely a continuation of the Russian 

General Komorowski. Yes. 


Mr. O'KoNSKi. Of which Katyn is an example; to wipe out any 
possible opposition and not to leave in Poland any kind of group of 
patriots that might form a resistance in Poland after the war? 

General Komorowski. Yes, that is my opinion. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. That is your definite opinion? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

^Ir. O'KoNSKi. I think that is very important, gentlemen, and 
those are the questions I want to ask, because when I study this 
Katyn situation and also study the million or more civilians of Poland 
that were transported to Siberia, and then this Warsaw uprising, they 
all seem to tie up, and the picture must be considered as a whole if 
one wants really to get at the basic facts at Katyn. Those are the 
only questions I have and you have answered them very well. 

General Komorowski. It did not finish with the Warsaw uprising. 
After the Warsaw uprising, 50,000 of the home army w^ere arrested 
by the Russians and deported to Russia. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. I am glad you mention that. In other words, you 
say there is a parallel even after, as the Russians themselves say, 
between 250,000 and 300,000 of the people of Poland perished in the 
Warsaw uprising. Wlien the Russians came in, the job was not yet 
complete enough. They themselves arrested 50,000 members of the 
home army? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. To make a complete job of the liquidation? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Air. O'KoNSKi. That is very significant; that is all I have to ask. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Just one question along the lines opened up 
by Mr. O'Konski. In September 1939 Marshal Timoshenko was in 
command of the army in eastern Poland? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And at that time, before the cessation of 
hostilities, are 3"ou familiar with the fact that Alarshal Timoshenko 
issued certain pamplilets circulated amongst Polish soldiers inducing 
them to revolt against the officers? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I have before me a photostatic copy of one of 
his pamphlets which I would like to translate and ask you if you 
have knowledge of the fact that such a pamphlet was circulated. 
The pamplilet is as follows: 

Soldiers: In the course of the last few days the Polish Army has been com- 
pletely demolished. The soldiers of the cities of Tarnopol, Halicz, Rowno, Dubno, 
in number over 60,000 have voluntarily passed over to our side. Soldiers, what 
is there left for you? What are you fighting for and with whom? Why do you 
risk your lives? Your defense is impossible. Your officers are forcing you to 
a murder without any sense. They hate you and they hate your families. They 
are the ones wlio shot your delegates whom you sent with the proposition to give 
up. Do not believe your officers. Your officers and your generals are your 
enemies; they want your death. Soldiers, beat up your officers and generals. 
Do|not listen to the orders of your officers. Chase them from your land. Come 
over to your brothers in the Red Army. Here you will find care and tenderness. 
Remember, only the Red Army can save the Polish Nation from the unfortunate 
war and there will you find a possibility of starting a peaceful life. Believe us, 
the^Red Soviet Army is your only friend. Signed, S. Timoshenko. 

Do you remember such pamplilets being circulated? 
General Komorowski. Yes. I have the original pamphlets — not 
in my hands, but I know the text. 


Mr. Machrowicz. That also was part of tlieii' plan to disorganize 
the Polish Nation? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And to start a revolt against the so-called intelli- 
gentsia, was it not? 

General Komorowski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That was chculated in September 1939. 

General Komorowski. Yes, I know very well. I not only have 
the original pamplilets in my hand, but people coming from Eastern 
Poland told me this when I was m Poland. 

Mr. Flood. General, have you received any promises of emolu- 
ments of any kind from anybody for appearing here today and 

General Komorowski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Then the committee wish to say to 3"ou that we are very 
pleased that a distinguished witness of your caliber would be interested 
in these proceedings. We laiow you are. We thank you for giving 
your time and effort to come here to help us to solve this matter. The 
committee appreciate your appearance very much indeed. 

General Komorowski. Thank you. 

Mr. Flood. General, will you please give your name and your 
present address? 

General Kukiel. Lieutenant General Marian Kukiel, 55 Arthur 
Road, London, S. W. 19. 

Mr. Flood. Before you make your statement, it is our wish that 
you be advised that you would run the risk of actions in any court by 
anyone who considered he had suffered injury. At the same time, I 
wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the L^nited States 
and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsibility 
in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings which may 
arise as a result of your testimony. Do you understand that, General? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you stand and be sworn then. You swear by 
God the Almighty and Omniscient, that you will, according to your 
best knowledge, tell the pure truth and you will not conceal anything. 
so help you God. 

General Kukiel. Yes. 


Mr. Flood. What is your full name? 

General Kukiel. Marian Kukiel. 

Mr. Flood. Were you at any time identified with the Polish armed 

General Kukiel. I have served in the Polish armed forces smce 
they were reconstituted in Poland in 1918 and before in the Polisli 

Mr. Flood. What was your rank? 

General Kukiel. Lieutenant colonel. 

Mr. Flood. Where were 3^ou serving at the time you first heard of 
the Katyn matter? 

General Kukiel. I was at that time Minister of National Defense 
in our Government in London — in General Sikoi-ski's Government. 


Mr. Flood. T^liere were you serving and in what capacity in the 
late summer of 1941 after the rapprochement between the Soviet and 
the PoHsh Governments? 

General Kukiel. At that time I was still in command of the First 
Army Corps in Scotland and I was not in London; but I had been since 
many decades a close friend of General Sikorski. I can say I enjoyed 
his confidence and friendship. I was informed about all his important 
troubles, his ordeals, his difficulties; and I knew very well his approach 
to the problem of Polish war prisoners in Russia already since 1939, 
because when our Goverim:ient and our high command were reconsti- 
tuted in France, in Paris, we already knew what happened: that the 
Russians, the Soviets, have rounded up big masses of Polish officers, 
that they have violated the convention of IjWOw, because Lwow has 
surrendered to the Soviets on September 22, and there was a conven- 
tion in which the Soviets insured to the officers the right of free move- 
ment and the right of leaving Poland for another country to fight on. 
It was in the capitulation, and it was violated; they had been marched 

In the month of January 1940 I think we already had news about 
the situation of the big masses of Polish officers. They were brought 
by thi'ee of them, who m.anaged to escape and to reach General Sikor- 
ski and other headquarters in Paris. They were, I thinlv, Colonel 
Lewicki, Major Kosuczki, and Captain Kiedacz. They escaped from 
a great transit camp at Szepietowka in the Russian part of Wolynia. 
They reported that the prisoners are starving, are freezing, they are 
deprivecl of any m_edical help and entirely cut off from, any contact 
with the homeland. It was perhaps the first stage before they were 
transported later to the three camps, Kozielsk, Ostashkov, and 
Starobielsk, but General Silvorski was extrem.ely depressed by the 
news, and he decided to do all he could to help them_, to try to get 
an intervention from the Western Powers, and especiall}^ from, the 
United States. We had approached the United States Am.bassador, 
whose Government was our great and generous friend, Mr. Biddle; 
and I arranged a conference in our Em.bassy in Paris of our Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, M. Zallski. I had the opportunity to inform. Am.- 
bassador Biddle of the situation of our war prisoners of the many 
thousands — we did not know exactly the number — and he promised 
to appeal to the President of the United States for an intervention. 
After, during the years 1940 and 1941, that idea, that 1 m.illion or so 
Poles are deported to Russia and that our v/ar prisoners are in Russian 
hands probably in appalling conditions, haunted General Sikorski. 
It greatly influenced his attitude during negotiations with the Rus- 
sians and with the British Foreign Office for concluding a pact with 
Soviet Russia. Later on, when he already knew that m.asses of 
Poles are released from, prisons and from concentration camps from 
"Lagry" and that they joined the arm.y, he told m.e with great emo- 
tion: "You know that in those difficult days of July 1941, I was not 
so sure if it is right that I am concluding the pact, that perhaps by 
waiting we could m.ake it better than it was; but I had the im.pres- 
sion of hearing the voices of masses of people who are begging m.e: 
'Hurry; do not wait; we are perishing.' " Certainly it was one of 
the most important factors of his decisions. 

I v/as here in London at the end of the year 1941, appointed hj 
General Sikorski for the time of his journey to Moscow as his deputy, 

93744—52 — pt. 4 16 


deputizing for him as Minister of Defense, of Military Affairs, and 
commander in ciiief; and, of course, I was informed of exactly what 
happened at that time in Russia. I already knew that there is a great 
problem of many thousands of Polish officers who simply disappeared ; 
that the list is already being established by General Anders and his 
officers, and that it is a very great problem. Then in the account of 
the conversation of General Silorski with Stalin and Anders and Kot, 
we were together with him, with Stalin at the Kremlin, and I noticed 
Stalin's words that probably they escaped to Manchuria. I got a 
very disagreeable impression; it sounded like mockery, Uko a quite 
sinister joke. At that time — it was still before Tehran — we did not 
realize that that Idnd of humor was peculiar to Mr. Stalin. At 
Tehran there was a memorable scene when Stalin at dinner with 
President Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill proposed a toast to the 40,000 
or 50,000 German officers who must be shot. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Was it at Yalta? 

General Kukiel. It is spoken of in Mr. Churcliill's memoirs. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Where; was it at Tehran where that proposal was 
made by Stalin? 

General Kukiel. No; but I have got it confirmed before by our 
Prime Minister of the year 1944, Mr. Mikolajczyk, who was heard the 
same story almost exactly as it is presented by Mr, Churcliill from 
President Roosevelt himself and told me long before I have road it in 
Mr. Churcliill's memoirs. So it seems for me quite sure that Stalin 
really spoke about shooting 40,000 German officers. It is true that 
when Mr. Churchill left the room upset at that land of joke, he was 
joined by Stalin, who embraced liim and assured liim that it is a mere 

Mr. Flood. General, that is very interesting, but I would like to 
get you back to your official connection with any conversations or 
any communications that you had in any official capacity at any 
time and any place in connection with Katyn. 

General Kukiel. Yes, I shall do so. I can only tell you that our 
anxiety about the fate of those missing Polish officers was increasing 
during the year 1942, and at that time we stiU had some hope that 
they were somewhere in the most distant parts of Siberia, in the 
Arctic regions, and that they could not be ever liberated from those 
parts of Siberia during the wintertime, that possibly they can reappear 
in the summertime; but those hopes were deceived. If I recollect, 
now the Russian replies to our questions and notes, I have the im- 
pression that they already have told us: "Do not insist more. Their 
fate is closed." I get the impression now that it was the sense of all 
those replies; for instance, if Mr. Bogomolow insists that they have 
released all the prisoners they have, it is genuine. He thinks prob- 
al^ly he was directed to tell that there are no more Polish officers war 
prisoners to be released, that they do not exist; but at that time we 
could not yet follow that course of thinking. 

Mr. Flood. Did you have any direct communications with Bogo- 
molow yourself? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Where? 

General Kukiel. Here in London when he was appointed. 


Mr. Flood. Did you talk to Bogomolow; about the missing Polish 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. In London? 

General Kukiel. In London. 

Mr. Flood. About how many times? 

General Kukiel. I was appointed at the end of the month of 
September, Minister of Military Affairs. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat year? 

General Kukiel. 1942. I came to London. By October 12 I 
had already taken over. Immediately I got an invitation from 
Mr. Bogomolow and we had a long talk on October 19. It lasted 
for 3 hours, and an account of this talk was written immediately after, 
the same afternoon, and given to General Sikorsld. 

Mr. Flood. You mentioned that at this conversation the first 
conversation you had with Bogomolow in London, as soon as the 
conversation was ovej, you had transcribed into writing the minutes 
of that conversation? 

General Kukiel. Yes; and I sent it to General Sikorsld. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of those minutes with you? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I now ask the stenographer to mark for identification 
exhibits 29 and 30. Exhibit 29 purports to be a copy of the minutes 
of the conversation just described, and exhibit 30 is a photostatic copy 
of that instrument. 

(Copy of minutes and photostatic copy of minutes referred to were 
marked "Exhibit 29" and ''Exhibit 30." After proper identification, 
exhibit 29, the original copy of the report, was returned to the witness, 
;and the photostatic copy, exhibit 30, is shown beloM^:) 



Exhibit 30 

Mwa«sf» *^ tss«.l«S«^ gay -»i&3nxj^ aaJy f«*wK^»a if<»y>ki «'ti^ aa S^r!>«r41, 

»tJi5r tA sa*ft'ii»»4^ ^sfjife j^ww&stift V?** pad ii»!ss>5» krA aJwsw, Jtt6«*y 
i^sJawjfaeao Sift Xk>s&yJ»ii *tS«®«>wl8 al? »a«snet all?. ?«iJ}Er«aiaea a«m»» S» 

3ry«<M>4tn TOisfKiiM iotntetwe 1 to«a4 jj««(*»r<i«4 n»»»2y n*. tSfogif w»Ji^ »»««>- 
?0^s»»a l«feten -ftloiiwle -volrj^jii asa^e KU«a»c'ti. Tray 

j»^8«J§2«a ;S!*<>t>i«a« n«»B5Vsi >«««ers iwfllckloii, «« twssxv ^w«* «aoiil*o.i5l n« 

Kftaaytth je' cacti t pO£ orowy <^ r^^-iialosf Oiistyl* <3iEi not ay^SwRionjeii 
^anaos!>-cS». " «yr««nyai ss»aai»ol«snJ«3 axt^wt lat o ii«oXfstenl<i (usiwyoti f«nk- 

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t«ieii eosiiCMsfdl^V. 

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^ tjsetfi ajir«» - ^i^y swig; »t^ St«l«i*aE«% s« jii» lyl^irj- tegs ««J»go 

aya wSrVft^lfe® w 5«ieJ»»fc. ''oe Jt jeat <t<^.i&»3a9nlf t»Ksre«f»i« elf n« trre- 
jiosiwarJmw «» &s1ibSo jc*K;a8 powji^ ttmiltimia&i 'g»a,-y«t>i»»'Jtis»K/, fcts.'?*^ 

stiardirai tsiJoftnji i &<? ai* si* lofe w ■■X^saBS/et^i eni w Pelacft, isvrjt^ea jsk- 

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»c»«j«b mlffiyr u»»S«i «a ■U»««a«l8;^ I 4* ro^jjJcw »4«, i« ?»3Fgi»ijli. 
7Ma»s)tsstf &• oai* jaT-sl« roa^sots* ttyir:it> ■>d'j « t!>- 

L-wiajTO, *»4«k at nmMtAarti, 1845! r«_ 


[Trans'ation copy] 

Conversation of Lieutenant General Kukiel, Polish Minister of AA'ar 
With Soviet Ambassador Bogomolov on the 19th of October 1942 

The conversation followed a lunch to which Ambassador Bogomolov had 
invited me. 

I was shown into a very modest dining room. The table was laid for two. 
A few seconds later the Ambassador entered. An exchange of courtesies. We 
immediately sat down to table. A modest dinner — "homely," similar to what 
one would expect to get in a middle-class Polish home. Wine — without forcing 
you to drink it. Russian servants. Conversation initially indifferent — "social", 
graduall}^ turns to military — historical and historically-political subjects. Strong 
focus on the problem of how to end the war in the quickest way. 

In a mood of exceptional frankness Amb. Bogomolov speaks to me about the 
threat to the world which would arise if the Germans were let to run Russia down. 
What will happen if they lay hands on the entire Russian industry including 
Siberia which taken together were even greater than the German industry? 
They would become invincible. It seems that such a possibility is seriously taken 
into account. No word about any hope of beating off the onslought by their own 
means. I strongly stress that a swift ending of the war by means of an attack 
coming from the West is just as much a matter of existance to Poland, that in that 
respect our aims are absolutely concurrent. He strongly confirms. 

Talk about the possibilities of an offensive in the West. He does not count 
much on the African offensive having a decisive influence on the progress of war. 

Talk about the future of Germany. I avoid the answer to the problem of 
what is to be done with their industry without which they cannot exist. I refer 
this worry to more competent authorities. 

It strikes me that when I pay a compliment to the Soviet Union for having 
applied the theory of modern warfare long before the Germans did in respect of 
motorisation, development of air-force and of armour — Bogomolov tries to evade 
this issue and to imply that it was only because they had information of what the 
Germans were preparing. He pretends not to understand when I point out the 
chronological order of events. 

The conversation barely touches upon our own problems. During coffee [which 
is served without our moving from the table], Col. Sizov joins us. He has been 
invited to do so. Brisk conversation about the Polish Corps, about tanks, etc., 
about our Arm}' in the Near East. I underline with emphasis that it was the will 
of our Government to let it remain in Russia and fight arm to arm. That we 
regret that in view of the food and armament situation the Soviet Government 
had been induced to suggest its evacuation. 

In spite of my adverse situation [I have no witness — he has], I turn the conversa- 
tion to topical problems. I frankly tell him about the seriousness of the problem 
I have taken over: the question of our men-power reserves. That we have great 
possibilities on the Continent, but that at that very moment the only accessible 
reserves on which we have the right to count are those in their hands. I speak 
about our 8,000 missing officers, about our prisoners and recruits. Bogomolov 
refers me to the notes exchanged on this subject. I stress the importance of this 
matter for future development of our friendly relations. He tells me with visible 
pleasure about the release of our officials and delegates. I claim the remaining 16. 
He mutters something about their being very suspect. I firmly assure him that 
there is absolutely no question of anything being undertaken over there which 
would be in any way hostile towards them. I assume a tone of sincere frankness. 
I stress that I am speaking now as a Polish citizen to Soviet citizens. 

Bogomolov embarks on a number of counter-attacks. Already before he 
obstinately reproved our press. It was easy for me to disown Mackiewicz and 
Nowakowski, although as to the latter he comes back with the charge that his 
stuff is printed on paper supplied by Minister Strodski. He does not like the 
"Polska Walcz^ca" ["Fighting Poland"]. — [He does not specify what he has 
actually in mind and I do not wish to press him about it.] Then he turns his guns 
against Chairman Grabski and the latter's statement about the role of Poland as 
a barrier aga,inst both the Nazi and Soviet totalisms. He quotes the entire 
passage from memory. He stresses the importance of this statement as coming 
from the Chairman of the National Council. In the matter of Strofiski and 
Grabski I retort by quoting facts which prove their constant policy of recon- 
ciliation with Russia. 

A long and lively conversation follows which covers the whole period of our 
relations from the Treaty of Riga which I claim to have been an act of conciliation 


and moderation on our part: we asked for less than what the Council of People's 
Commissars had offered to us previously. A lively impetuous duel of facts. 
Bogomolov attacks Pilsudski and Beck. I retort as their former adversary 
[Bogomolov confirms: he knows I had left the Army in 1927] that, after all, they 
refused to enter into collaboration with the Germans against Russia. Bogomolov 
acknowledges this and gives a most pertinent description of the policy of the 
'"balance of powers." After which he suggests to leave history aside: we dis- 
membered you, you raided Moscow twice, you assaulted us during the civil war — 
if we constantly accuse one another of these deeds it will not do us any good in 
furthering our present common fight. I answer that in respect of the past we 
should adopt the maxim of their Tsar Alexander the I, who said: "Passons 
I'eponge sur le passe." But there exist present day problems. I count as such 
the question of our prisoners, deportees and recruits. Bogomolov resists to be 
drawn back into discussing these matters once again — he refers me to the notes 
etc. I insist and declare that all this problem would have never arisen if they 
had not deported all these masses of Poles to Russia. Now they have in fact 
become a problem which must be solved for the sake of future relations between 
the two nations. 

Bogomolov is obviously tired and has become nervous. He tells about how 
much Russia had done for us. That for the first time in history of the U. S. S. R. 
institutions of a foreign State had been allowed to operate and take care of groups 
of people on Soviet territory; that it was the only instance in the history of Russia 
that a foreign independent army was being allowed to organise itself on Russian 
territory. That instead of appreciation they hear nothing but reproaches and 
recriminations. He includes among these the terms of co-operation recently 
placed before him by a very well known personage whose name he vrould rather 
not mention [Gen. Januszajtis]. Stubbornly, I drive the conversation back to the 
problem of the missing prisoners from Starobielsk, Kozielsk and Ostaszkow. A 
lively exchange of words. I am told that they had probably fallen into the hands 
of the Germans. I declare that we know that they had been transferred from 
their camps in the spring and that they are neither in Germany nor Poland. 
I express the hope that I will be shortly in a position to give the Ambassador some 
indication which might be helpful in the search. He does not answer — depressed 
and — I should even say — alarmingly helpless. 

I develop the question of recruitment. Bogomolov thought that these matters 
were going to be dealt with b.y Amb. Romer in Moscow. I strongly stress that 
we are raising these questions not in order to irritate, "pour chercher querelle" 
but in order to remove the obstacles, to deepen our friendship and co-operation, 
which the Government of Sikorski is anxious to consolidate. Do help us in this 
aim — aidez nous. 

The Ambassador is completely exhausted / after two and a half hours of con- 
versation /. A few warm sentences and assurances of mutual friendship. 

/ The conversation while we were alone was carried in French, in the presence 
of Sizov the Ambassador spoke in Russian, I spoke in English to Sizov, in French 
to the Ambassador who next translated whole passages to Sizov; I understood 
well everything the Ambassador said /. 

My general impression is that by "turning the light" on a new member of our 
Government they wanted to sound out the future course of our attitude towards 
them, because of their playing with the idea of changing their own attitude to- 
wards us to — I think — a more conciliatory one. 

I have come to the conclusion that in the case of our 8,000 officers, luifortunately , 
all hope should be abandoned, and that Bogomolov knows that they have perished. 

I should add that the whole conversation was carried out in a very fri'Midlv tone. 
The Ambassador gives the impression of a very intelligent man, well disposed 
towards us and ratlier embarrassed by his difficult position. Col. Sizov, except 
for a moment when the conversation turned to technical problems, spoke little 
and only by nodding from time to time showed his approval to what Bogonioov 
was saying. 

As to myself, I tried to give the impression of the sincerity and streightfor- 
wardness of our attitude towards Russia, stressing at the same time our stub- 
bornness in claiming our rights and insisting on the f\ilfilment of our requests. 

/ M. Kukiel, Fieut. Gen. / 

London, the 20-th of October, 1942. 


Mr. Flood. I show the witness exhibits 29 and 30 and ask him 
whether or not exhibit 29 is an authentic and exact copy of the minutes 
of the conversation he has just described and whether or not exhibit 30 
is a photostatic and exact reproduction of exhibit 29. 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you describe for us the general thought, without 
too much detail but the general substance, of the conversation of 
which these exhibits are minutes? 

General Kukiel. Before the conversation, I was instructed by 
General Sikorski to raise the problem of ths missing officers, and also 
the problem of continuing our recruiting of other country-men who 
still remained in Russia for our Polish Forces, although our army of 
General Anders had already left Russia. So, the two items came into 
the foreground of our very long discussion. 

Mr. Flood. General, what is the gist of the subject matter in these 
papers that you handed me with reference to the missing Polish 
officers? That is w^hat we want to know about today. 

General Kukiel. Upon the myster}^ of the disappearance of big- 
masses of our officers, I was told once more that all had been released. 

Mr. Flood. That is by Bogomolow? 

General Kukiel. By Bogomolow. I tried to convince him that 
it was not true, because we have the lists. He raised the suggestion 
that probably they were dispersed somewhere. I assured him that 
it is quite not possible; they would be found b}' the authorities; they 
must be somewhere in Russia in their hands. He had another sug- 
gestion: that possibly they fell in German hands. I told him that 
is not possible because they were liberated long before in the spring 
of the year 1940 from their camps and evacuated, surely, somewhere 
to the east; not to the west. He had nothing to answer, but two or 
three times he repeated a suggestion that it is enough to speak about 
the past; we must think about the common future. I replied that 
it is not a past affair for us; it is our present and our future of our 
officers who are still there. We were tired by the long discussion, 
and I made a suggestion that perhaps we shall be able to supply 
him with some indications about the place where they last had been 
contacted or seen, and I observed a change in his attitude; he was 
greatly upset. The conversation, which was a very friendly one, 
broke somewhat abruptly, but we parted on the best terms. But, 
when I analyzed what I had heard, I got the impression I have put 
down in my account: that Bogomolow behaved as if our officers were 
no more alive. 

Mr. Flood. General, in 1943, did you attend a meeting of the 
Councils of the Ministers of the Polish Government in London 
between April 15 and April 17? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. At which time it was decided, for many reasons, to 
bring the matter of Katyn to the attention of the International Reil 

General Kukiel. Yes. The news about the discovery of the Katyji 
graves we got during the day of April 14th, and, of course, w^e were 
under a very strong impression from what we heard, but we did not 
suspect a mass murder; we had several other suspicions as to the 
fate of our soldiers, but we could not understand what could be the 


Mr. Flood. After the Germans made their announcement on April 
15th and after the Russians made their counterannouncement on 
April 17th, did you participate i]i the action of the Polish Government 
in requesting the International Red Cross to make an investigation? 

General Kukiel. Yes. I shall tell exactly the dates of our decisions. 
During the day of 14th we had only the German news about the 
discovery of the graves. I think that on the 14th or early 15th there 
already was the first Soviet communique about the German lies, and 
they thought that the Germans were liars. The Russians maintained 
that there were at this place archeological discoveries, a prehistoric 
cemetery at Gniezdovo. Of course, when compared with the German 
text, it was evident that the Soviets has nothing to answer but to speak 
archeologically, and from the German information it was already clear 
that the corpses were not archeology but bodies of our comrades in 

Mr. Flood. I want to know if you are aware of any conmiunications 
addressed by the Polish Government in London in April to the Inter- 
national Red Cross in Geneva. Do you know about that? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Was there one? 

General Kukiel. It was decided on April 15th in the morning at a 
session of the Political Committee of our Cabinet. General Sikorski 
presiding, and we all who attended had the conviction that we must 
react and immediately react to the German communique, but only 
because we cannot rely upon all what the Germans say to take further 
action; we must appeal to the only international authority or institu- 
tion which still is able to intervene — it is the International Red 
Cross. General Sikorsld decided that approach must be made hj the 
Minister of National Defense, by myself as the Minister responsible 
for the problems of the war prisoners; and so I was directed to sign a 
communique which would be published that our Government had 
approached the International Red Cross, asking for investigation of the 

Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of that communique? 

General Kukiel. Yes; it was published. It is the communique 
dated 17th. Three Ministers had to cooperate on the text of the com- 
munique — the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister of Information, 
and myself — and we have together established the final text on April 
16th before noon; we have signed the draft and I brought it to General 
Sikoreki, who had to change the words and signed it, too. So, it was 
his decision, but it was published as my communique of the Minister 
of National Defense. I have the document here. 

Mr. Flood. The document will be marked "Exhibit 30-A" and 
submitted into the record at this point. 

Exhibit 30A 

Communique Issued on April 17, 1943, by the Polish Minister of National 
Defense Concerning the P'ate of Polish Prisoners of War in the Camps 
OF Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostashkov 

London, April 17, 194S. 
On September 17, 1940, the official organ of the Red army, the Red Star, 

stated that during the figliting which took place after September 17, 1939, 181,000 

Polish prisoners of war were taken by the Soviets. Of this number about 10,000 

were officers of the regular army and reserve. 


According to information in possession of the Polish Government, three large 
camps of Polish prisoners of war were set up in the U. S. S. R. in November 1939: 
(1) in Kozielsk, east of Smolensk; (2) in Starobielsk, near Kharkov; and (3) in 
Ostashkov, near Kalinin, where police and military police were concentrated. 

At the beginning of 1940 the camp authorities informed the prisoners in all 
three camps that all camps were about to be broken up; that prisoners of war would 
be allowed to return to their families and, allegedly for this purpose, lists of places 
to which individual prisoners wished to go after their release were made. 

At that time there were — ■ 

(1) In Kozielsk, about 5,000 men, including some 4,500 officers. 

(2) In Starobielsk, about 3,920 men, including 100 civilians; the rest were 
officers of whom up to 400 were medical officers. 

(3) In Ostashkov, about 6,570 men, including some 380 officers. 

On April 5, 1940, the breaking up of these camps was begun, and groups of 60 
to 300 men were removed from them every few days until the middle of May. 
From Kozielsk they were sent in the direction of Smolensk. About 400 people 
only were moved from all the three camps in June 1940 to Griazovetz in the 
Vologda district. 

When after the conclusion of the Polish-Soviet Treaty of July 30, 1941, and the 
signing of the military agreement of August 14, 1941, the Polish Government 
proceeded to form the Polish Army in the U. S. S. R., it was expected that the 
officers from the above-mentioned camps would form the cadres of senior and junior 
officers of the army information. At the end of August 1941, a group of Polish 
officers from Griazovetz amved to join the Polish units in Buzuluk. Not one 
officer, hoM'ever, among those deported in other directions from Kozielsk, Staro- 
bielsk, and Ostashkov appeared. In all, therefore, about 8,300 officers were miss- 
ing, not counting another 7,000 n. c. o.'s, soldiers, and civilians who were in those 
camps when they were broken up. 

Ambassador Kot and General Anders, perturbed by this state of affairs, ad- 
dressed to the competent Soviet authorities inquiries and representations about 
the fate of the Polish officers from the above-mentioned camps. 

In a conversation with Mr. Vishinsky, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, 
On October 6, 1941, Ambassador Kot asked what had happened to the missing 
officers. Mr. Vishinsky answered that all prisoners of war had been freed from the 
camps and, therefore, they must be at liberty. 

In October and November, in his conversations with Premier Stalin, Mr. 
Molotov, and Mr. Vishinsky, the Ambassador on various occasions returned to 
the question of the prisoners of war and insisted upon being supplied with lists of 
them, such lists having been compiled carefully and in detail by the Soviet Gov- 

During his visit to Moscow, Prime Minister Sikorski, in a conversation on 
December 3, 1941, with Premier Stalin, also intervened for the liberation of all 
Polish prisoners of war; and, not having been supplied by the Soviet authorities 
with their lists, he handed to Premier Stalin on this occasion an incomplete list of 
3,845 Polish officers which their former fellow prisoners had succeeded in compiling. 
Premier Stalin assured General Sikorski that the amnesty was of a general and 
universal character and affected both militarj^ and civilians, and that the Soviet 
Government had freed all Polish officers. On March 18, 1942, General Anders 
handed Premier Stalin a supplementary list of 800 officers. Nevertheless, not one 
of the officers mentioned in either of these lists has been returned to the Polish 

Besides the interventions in Moscow and Kuybyshev, the fate of Polish prisoners 
of war was the subject of several interviews between Minister Raczydski and 
Ambassador Bogomolov. On January 28, 1942, Minister Raczynski, in the name 
of the Polish Government, handed a note to Soviet Ambassador Bogomolov, 
drawing his attention once again to the painful fact that many thousand Polish 
officers had still not been found. 

Ambassador Bogomolov informed Minister Racz3'l5ski on March 13, 1943, that 
in accordance with the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of U. S. S. R 
of August 12, 1941, and in accordance with the statements of the People's Com- 
missariat for Foreign Affairs of November 8 and 19, 1941, the amnesty had been 
put into full effect, and that it related both to civilians and military. 

On May 19, 1942, Ambassador Kot sent the People's Commissariat for Foreign 
Affairs a memorandum in which he expressed his regret at the refusal to supply 
him with a list of prisoners, and his concern as to their fate, emphasizing the high 
value these officers would have in military operations against Germany. 


Neither the Polish Government nor the Polish Embassy in Kuybyshev has 
ever received an answer as to the whereabouts of the missing officers and other 
prisoners who had been deported from the three camps mentioned above. 

We have become accustomed to the lies of German propaganda and we under- 
stand the purpose behind its latest revelations. In view, however, of abundant 
and detailed German information concerning the discovery of the bodies of many 
thousands of Polish officers near Smolensk, and the categorical statement that 
they were murdered by the Soviet authorities in the spring of 1940, the necessity 
has arisen that the mass graves discovered should be investigated and the facts 
alleged verified by a competent international body, such as the International 
Red Cross. The Polish Government has therefore approached this institution 
with a view to their sending a delegation to the place where the massacre of the 
Polish prisoners of war is said to have taken place. 

Mr. Flood. Did the Red Cross reph' to that communique? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You signed it as Minister of Defense? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did the Red Cross from Geneva reply to you? Did 
they answer it in writing? 

General Kukiel. We got a reply of the Red Cross in Geneva on 
April 23. It was already after the violent attacks. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of that reply? 

General Kukiel. Yes, I would like to give j^ou the four documents 
which describe our efforts to get an International Red Cross investiga- 
tion and their reply. 

Mr. Flood. They will be marked "Exhibit 30 B, C, D, and E." 

Exhibit 30 B 

[Top right corner stamped with a rectangular red stamp with the word 'IN- 
TELLIGENCE" within the rectangle.] 
Staff of C.-in-C. 
Intelligence De-partment. 
Ref. No. 1847/Int./43. 
In the field 21. IV. 1943. 

The Ministry of National Defense, 

Chief of Political Department. 

delivery of diplomatic note 

I inform about a cable dated 19th April 1943 received from the Polish Legation 
in Berne of which I cjuote below excerpts in their exact wording: 

"On April the 17th 1943 at 4.30 p. m. Radziwill delivered a Note to the Inter- 
national Red Cross which he handed to Rueger [former Swiss envoy in Rome] 
with a request to send a delegation to Smolefjsk. 

Thirty minutes earlier a similar Note had been delivered b}' the German 

Rueger told Radziwill that the the request will be taken into consideration 
only because it had been received from both sides. [Memorandum of 13 Septem- 
ber 1939.] 

Probably on the 20th of April a Commission will assemble which will appoint 
the delegation. 

I shall inform of its composition the mon ont its meml ers will be chosen. 

Further details via the I. R. C. will be disclosed after the return of the Com- 
mission from Smolensk. 

Within the I. R. C. prevails the opinion that the German informations are 

I shall watch closely the whole case and send on any information I receive. 
Burcha^rd at present in Lisbon". 

Chief of Int._Service 

ZychoI^ mjr. 
Dossier "S". 


Exhibit 30C 

[Translation copy] 

[Printed heading] 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs 

London, 20th April 1943. 
For the President of the P. R., 
For the Prime Minister /2 copies/, 
For the Minister of National Defence, 
Bern No. 151. 

Acting upon my instruction Radzwill delivered to the Internationa] Red Cross 
the Note suggesting the sending of a deleg.nte to Kozie Gor}-. The Note coincided 
with an identical move on the part of the v.iermans. 

Minister Rueger who received the Note in the name of the International Red 
Cross told Radiwill that if our proposal had been onesided the International 
Red Cross would have been obliged to refuse ic on the strength of the Memorandum 
of the 12th Sept. 1939. In view of the fact that the request had been sent in from 
both sides, the International Red Cross would examine the case and will give an 
an-swer in the next few days after the meeting of the Committee. 


Truly certified: 

[illegible signature]. 

[Bottom left corner stamj^ed with a rectangular stamp bearing the following 
legend and figures, the latter in inli]: 
Office of the C.-in-C. and of 
the Min. of Nat. Def. 
Documents: secret- — public. 
This day 20 month 4 
No. 356 / year 1943 
Cert. — Dealt with by: 

Exhibit 30D 

[Translation copj'] 

[Printed heading] 

The ^Iinistry of Foreign Affairs 

London, 21-st April, 1943. 

For the President of the P. R., 
For the Prime Minister /2 copies/. 
For the Minister of National Defence, 
Bern, No. 154. 

The International Red Cross acknowledged in wTiting the receipt of the Note 
from Radziwill, adding to its answer a short memorandum in which: 

1/ It stresses that the I. R. C. is studying with greatest attention the Polish 
suggestion and that it will not fail to inform, when only it will become possible, 
about the futuie course it will be able to give to this matter. 

2/ That, already at this stage, the I. R. C. is ready to undertake to pass on to 
the families the information about identified officers the moment such information 
will be received. 

3/ That, in accordance with the spirit of the Memorandum of the 12-th Sept. 
1939, the International Red Cross cannot, in principle, take into consideration 
the pa.rticipation in the technical procedure of identifying the bodies by means 
of sending out its own expeits otherwise than with the consent of all parties 

The Germans received an identical memorandum. No meeting of the Com- 
mittee has yet taken place and it is im]3robable that it will be held before the 
Easter recess. From a conversation with R. it is apparent that the I. R. C. 
will postpone the issue being in doubt as to whether it can undertake an investiga- 


tion without the consent of the third party concerned i. e. of the U. S. S. R. 
I do not think it advisable to press things further from our side and I have 
agreed with R. that, for the time being I shall refrain from taking any new steps. 
On the other hand I do think that, in case of refusal or of an equivocal answer, 
there will be time and opportunity to take action and to obtain, at least a declara- 
tion that the whole thing had failed due to the attitude of the Soviet side. How- 
ever, it must be reckoned with that the whole matter will last for a considerable 

Truly certified: Lado§. 

[Illegible signature]. 

[Bottom left corner stamped with rectangular stamp bearing the following 
legend and figures, the latter in ink]. 
Office of the C.-in-C. and of the Min. of Nat. Def. 
This day: 22, month 4, No. 365/year 34, 
Cert. Dealt with bv: 

Exhibit 30E 

[Translation copy] 

The Ministry of National Defence 
Minister's Office — Political Dept. 
Ref. No. 544/WP0I/43. 
Loudon, 4th May, 1943. 

The Minister of Information and Documentation. 
I enclose a copy of a note from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs dated 27.IV.1943, 
containing information about the attitude of the International Red Cross to the 
suggestion of investigating the graves near Smolensk. 

Deputy General Aide-de-Camp, 

Lunkiewicz Staff Col. 
1 end. 

[Translation copy] 
[Printed heading]. 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 

London, the 27th April, 1943. 

For the President of the P. R. 
For the Prime Minister [2 copies]. 
For the Minister of National Defence, 

[stamped with a rectangular stamp bearing the following legend and figures, the 
latter in ink :] 

Ministry of National Defence 

This dav 28th, IMonth 4, 1943. 
Enclosures 1. ASSIGNED TO 
Ref. 1192/43. 
Bern, No. 157. 

I quote below the text of a note from the International Red Cross dated 22nd 
April 1943 addressed to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

"In reference to our preliminary answer given to Prince Radziwill on the 20th 
of April, we wish to exj^ress in the first place to Your Excellency how very grateful 
we are for the new proof of appreciation shown to us by the Polish Government in 
that it had ajiiiroachcd our Institution. The International Red Cross is ready to 
api^oint neutral experts provided all parties concerned will ask us to do so and also 
on the understanding that it will be agreed between the Committee and the parties 
concerned as to the "modalities" of the eventual mandate. These conditions are 
in accordance with the principles laid down in reference to such cases in the 
Memorandum addressed on the 12th Sept. 1939 to belligerent States and published 
in the September 1939 issue of "The International Red Cross Review", and which 
deal with the possibilities of the Committee's participation in the investigation. 

We would beg the; Polish Government to keep us informed about such steps 
which will be undertaken with the purpose of gaining the consent of the Soviet 
Government or else to send us their suggestions in this matter. 


In case of an agreement being reached by the parties concerned and in antici- 
pation of such an event taking place we are endeavouring already today to find 
neutral persons with adequate qualifications." 

Signature: Cliairman of the I. R. C. Max Huber. 

The Germans received an analogous reply with a suggestion that they try to 
obtain the consent of the Soviet Union through the intermediary of a "Puissance 
Pro tec trice". 

The Int. Red Cross suggests that we endeavour to obtain the consent of the 
Soviet Union either directlj' or through the intermediary of one of the Allied 
States and the possibility of a direct intervention is not ruled out. In my opinion 
the latter would be most advisable. 

The Commission would be under the Chairmanship of a Swiss and would include 
members of Swedish, Portuguese and Swiss nationality. 

As to the delegating of a ballistic expert, Radziwill will submit appropriate 
suggestions, although in view of the great amount of Russian arms which the 
Germans have in their possession I doubt whether this argument would count for 

It is absolutely necessary that the action of the Central Red Cross Committee 
in Warsaw be synchronised witli ours. 

Truly certified: /initialed/. 

Mr. Flood. You were aware that the Russians, 2 days after the 
Germans, made an announcement saying that the Germans did it? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have in your possession the copies of any 
communications, in addition to the ones you have just mentioned, 
from your office as Minister of National Defense to the International 
Red Cross, or to the Soviet Govermnent in connection with Katyn? 
Do you have any other copies? 

General Kukiel. I do not know exactly, because I am no more in 
office myself. The correspondence was largely of our Foreign Ministry. 

Mr. Flood. Were you, as Minister of National Defense, in touch 
with any other governments or any other sovereigns about the matter 
of the missing prisoners at Katyn? 

General Kukiel. No. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever conduct any conversations or did 3"0u 
ever conduct any other communications with the Russians about the 
missing officers at Kozielsk, Starobielsk, or Ostashkov after that time? 

General Kukiel. No. 

Mr. Flood. Your personal connection in connection with the 
missing officers at Katjm ended when you signed the communique in 
April; is that correct? Was that the end of your official activity in the 
middle of April when you signed that communique after Katyn had 
been disclosed? 

General Kukiel. I still sat at the council of ministers. 

Mr. Flood. You still sat on the council of ministers? 

General Kukiel. On April 17th, and attended the meeting when 
they decided to issue a declaration of our Government. 

Mr. Flood. But I mean that you did not act separatel}^ or inde- 
pendently as Minister of Defense? 

General Kukiel. No. 

Mr. Flood. Any actions that you took part in later you took part 
ill as a member of the Polish Government Council of Ministers? 

General Kukiel. Yes. If I say that my duties continued, it was 
with the work. We immediately started to study the German 
evidence; to get evidence from our country and to establish our own 


dossier of the Katyn affair, to have our own judgment, and it was 
made in my office and continued for years. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. General, at that time, when these charges and 
counter charges by the Germans and Russians wore made as to their 
respective guilt for the Katyn massacre, did the Polish Government 
in exile, of which you were a member, take any official position siding 
with one side or the other? 

General Kukiel. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. On the contrary, did you take some positive 
action in that respect? 

General Kukiel. Yes. On the contrary, when we addressed the 
Red Cross, we expressly said that it is because we cannot rely on the 
presentation of the case by the Germans. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I have here before me among the papers that 
were presented by General Bor-Komorowski, his file of communica- 
tions, w"ith the underground movement. I have here the original of 
a letter signed by yourself and I ask you, first of all, to identify 
whether that is your signature. 

General Kukiel. Yes, it is my signature. 

Mr. Machrow^icz. Wliat is that? 

General Kukiel. It is an instruction for all Polish commanders on 
how the problem of Katyn is to be handled, how it is to be approached, 
m conversations, and especially m conversations with our allies. It 
must be stated that the Polish Government did not mamtain that it 
knew that our prisoners were murdered by the Russians, but that 
they had disappeared in Soviet captivity without any uidication of 
their fate, and so on, the same as what was told in m}^ communique. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In other words, that is an official statement of 
your position and that statement gives instructions that you cannot 
accept the German version, neither can you accept the Russian ver- 
sion, but that the Polish Government will make all efforts to make 
an independent investigation to determine guilt. 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Regardless of the claims and counterclaims of 
the Germans and the Soviet? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That was the official position of the Govern- 
ment, was it not? 

General Kukiel. Yes. It is the same position which you will find 
in the book Polish-Soviet Relations, the statement of the Polish 
Government of April 17, 1943. 

Air. Machrowicz. I notice also, General, that in a despatch which 
you sent to the underground on June 26, 1943, you specifically refer 
in the last paragraph, which I will read now, as follows: 

Please give us the final number of the bodies found in Katyn. In case of the 
discovery of new graves around Charkow or Kremienczug, inform us immediately, 
before that may be done by the German radio. 

Do you remember such a despatch? 

General Kukiel. I do not remember it. 

Mr. MACHiiowicz. I am showing you that letter now. 

General Kukiel. That was signed by the colonel. I have not 
seen it at all. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I notice that your name is typed, but the 
colonel signed it for you. 


General Kukiel. Yes. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Changing the subject for a moment, I would 
like to get something in the record, which I think we do not have yet, 
and which may be of some material value. You are the author of 
a book Six Years of Struggle for Independence; is that correct? 

General Kukiel. Yes, the booklet. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. I notice that in that booklet you refer to the 
size of the Polish forces in September 1939. What was yom* official 
capacity in September 1939? 

General Kukiel. In 1939 I was not in active service. I volunteered 
after mobilization and I joined one or other commands and tried to 
do something. I attended to the affau's at Lwow, and after capitula- 
tion of the city, I remained in civilian clothes at Lwow. I was there 
for some weeks under Soviet occupation and I had the opportunity to 
see the appeal of Timoshenko on the walls of the city. 

Air. AIachrowicz. That is the appeal I read previously? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Air. AIachrowicz. In this booldet you said as follows, and I am 
quoting you : 

On September 16, the day before the Soviet intervention, there were 25 PoHsh 
divisions still fighting. 

Is that about a correct statement, that there were 25 Polish divisions? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Then later on in the statement you state that 
the Germans at that time had sufficient ammunition only for 10 or 
15 more days. 

General Kukiel. It is from the Nuremberg trial. It was stated by 
Jodl and Keitel. 

Air. AIachrowicz. You are quoting there General Jodl at the 
Nuremberg trial? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Air. Machrowicz. Then you state further that Haller had mobilized 
1,200,000 soldiers? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Would that be about a correct statement? 

General Kukiel. I am not quite sure if entirely correct, but 
approximately. I do not remember the figure which was given in our 
detailed study of our general staff which was issued now, the first 
volume of the history of our forces in the last war. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Your estimate, then, is on September 16, the 
day before the Soviet attacked Poland, Poland had under arms 25 
divisions and had mobilized about 1,200,000 soldiers. 

General Kukiel. Yes. Very much more than 40 divisions we had. 
We improvised divisions which were improvised during the few weeks 
of the campaign. There remained still 25 on that date. 

Air. AIachrowicz. The point I am driving at is this, that you state 
further, that the Germans had only sufficient ammunition for 10 to 
15 days? 

General Kukiel. Yes. 

Air. AIachrowicz. And that therefore had not the Russians inter- 
vened on September 17, the Poles could have offered effective resist- 
ance against the German onslaught? 

93744— 52— pt. 4 IT 


General Kukiel. It is difficult to say that they could, but, in any 
case, they could resist much longer; for instance, the so-called Ru- 
manian bridgehead. The part of Poland adjacent to the Rumanian 
frontier could be probably held for a much longer time. 

Mr. Flood. General, a few minutes ago we were discussing exhibits 
29 and 30, and exhibit 29 you identified as a true copy of your com- 
munication, and you identified exhibit 30 as a photostatic and true 
copy of exhibit 29, I will return exhibit 29 to you at this time since 
exhibit 30 — a photostatic copy of that document already is in the 

Mr. Flood. General, you have not been offered any payment or 
any gifts or emoluments of any kind for coming here and testif^ang? 
You have not been offered anything? 

General Kukiel. No. 

Air. Flood. From your experiences as a very high military and 
civil official of the Polish Government, from your experiences and 
associations with the Russians down through your lifetime in various 
ways, from your particular experiences and information as a result of 
information brought to you in connection with all communications 
doing with the Katyn matter, have you formed any opinion as between 
the German and the Russian Governments as to which one of these 
two was responsible for the massacre of these Polish officers at Katyn? 
Have you such an opinion? 

General Kukiel. My opinion was based on the evidence. I am 
quite convinced that it could be done only by the Russians, because 
certainly it was done in the year 1940, not later, and the Russians 
never had given any explanation which could be interpreted in such a 
way that it could be really done by the Germans. 

Mr. Flood. We realize that it was some bother for you to come here 
today, and we want you to know that the committee appreciates very 
much that a man in your position would make the sacrifice. We know 
how interested you are, but, nevertheless, we are very grateful that 
you did come and give us this very important testimony. Thank 
you very much. 


LONDON, N. W. 8 

Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, it is our wish that you 
be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts by 
anyone who considered he had suffered an injury. At the same time, 
I wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United States 
and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsibility 
in your behalf m respect to libel or slander proceedings which may 
arise as the result of the testimony. You understand that? 

Mr. Zamoyski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you rise and be sworn. Do you swear by Goil 
the Almighty and Omniscient, that you will, according to your best 
knowledge, tell the pure truth and you will not conceal anything; 
so help you God? 

Mr. Zamoyski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. Were you at any time connected with the Polish armed 


Mr. Zamoyski. Yes. I served in the Polish Army from the be- 
gimiing of the war, or, rather, from before, as a reserve officer in 
Poland, later on in France and the United Kingdom, and then I was 
sent in 1942 as assistant military attache to the Polish Embassy in 

Mr. Flood. During your period of service as assistant niilitary 
attache in Washington, did you ever have any conversations with the 
Russians in Washington in connection with any of the officers who 
were missing at Katyn? 

Mr. Zamoyski. Only one. 

Mr, Flood. Will you state with whom you had that conversation 
and the gist of it? 

Mr. Zamoyski. I had the conversation I think the morrow after the 
news broke out in Washington of these Katyn discoveries by the 

Mr. Flood. Could that have been on April 16, 1943? 

Mr. Zamoyski. 16th or 17th, something like that; that exact date 
is on my statement. I wrote a memo on my conversation. 

Mr. Flood. Let me refresh your memory with this statement, and 
see if you can identify the date now that you refreshed your memory 
of that convereation. 

Mr. Zamoyski. It was the 23d of April 1943. 

Mr. Flood. With whom did you have that conversation and where 
did it take place? 

Mr. Zamoyski. With Major Barajew. 

Mr. Flood. Who was he? 

Mr. Zamoyski. He was the assistant military attache at the Soviet 

Mr. Flood. Where did you have your conversation with him? 

Mr. Zamoyski. In my office, in Washington. 

Mr. Flood. What did you talk about? 

j\lr. Zamoyski. He called me during the morning stating that he 
wished to see me. I was a little surprised then because although I 
used to see a lot of him and all the Russian representatives until that 
date, the news had broken out. I felt sure that he knew, that he had 
the same information at least that I had from the communiques, and 
so on, and therefore I was a little surprised, taken aback, in anticipa- 
tion of what he wants to say to me; I was just wondering what he was 
going to say. We used to meet often unoflEicially, because that was 
partly my duty to have contact with the Russian Embassy. That 
day, when he wanted to see me, I decided that I should receive him 
in my office, and I also, to make sure, spoke with one of our intelli- 
gence officers, suggesting that he might come in during the conversa- 
tion, perhaps 10 minutes or a quarter of an hour later, because I 
thought something important might be said. So I arranged that 
meeting, I think, for the afternoon, and I think a pretty precise story 
is told in this memo. 

\h\ Flood. We will discuss the memo in a minute, but will you 
tell us now for our purpose just now your best recollection of the 
conversation between you two men. 

]Mr. Zamoyski. He started on quite a different subject, which was 
not so surprising to me, because, as this news was very astounding, I 
did not think it would sort of come out very easily. He started on 


information on tlie United States Army. He probably thought that 
I knew quite a lot more and that I had more available information, 
so he was going on to that sort of theme. Rather breaking off at a 
certain point, he turned to the story of Katyn, and the gist of the story 
was that he was astounded and surprised; that it cannot be true; 
that it must be nonsense; that it must be German propaganda and 
really nothing concrete at all. 

Mr. Flood. At that point, will you tell who else was in the room 
and present? 

Mr. Zamoyski. It was a Lieutenant Piotrowski, 

Mr. Machrowicz. He was with you? 

Mr. Zamoyski. He was with. me. He came in during the con- 

Mr. Flood. He was the Polish intelligence officer you mentioned? 

Mr. Zamoyski. He was a Polish intelligence officer with Colonel 
Minkiomcz who I was also with. 

Mr. Flood. There was just the two of you? 

Mr. Zamoyski. No; the three of us with the Russian. 

Mr. Flood. Did you make any rejoinder to the Russian? Did you 
comment about the communiques on Katyn? 

Mr. Zamoyski. As far as I rem.ember, I made no com.ment. I did 
make a comment about the missing officers, of winch, of course, 
I knew. 

Mr. Flood. What land of com.mont, as you best remember, did 
you make? Wliat did you say about the missing officers? 

Mr. Zamoyski. I believe I mentioned that the whole thing will be 
straightened out, that the Polish Government had, I tliink, asked the 
International Red Cross to investigate the matter, and I rather did 
not wish to discuss tins m.atter with liim.. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ask him about the fate of any particular 
officer or friend of yours at that time? 

Mr. Zamoyski. I do not recollect that. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever have any other conversations with tliis 
particular Russian? 

Mr. Zamoyski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Or any other Russians on the subject of the missing 
Polish officers? 

Mr. Zamoyski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Then, as far as your service is concerned in Washington, 
that is the extent of your connection officially with the Katyn matter? 

Mr. Zamoyski. That was the end. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever have any subsequent official identity with 
the Katyn matter in any way in London or an}^ place else? 

Mr. Zamoyski. No. 

Mr. Flood. You were offered no emoluments or gratuities of any 
kind for offering to testify here today or any gifts of any nature, were 

Mr. Zamoyski. No; but I would like to make one more statement 
which might be perhaps of some use to the committee. I have a 
young Australian friend who was an airman during the war who was 
shot down in the Channel and picked up by the Germans. Subse- 
quently he was interned, escaped once and then a second time, and 
found his way to Poland. This young Australian spent 2 years in 
Warsaw collaborating and under, say, the guidance of the Polish 


home army. I know about this because m^' brother was really in 
charge of all the Anglo-Saxon Allied escapees in Warsaw. This 
officer spent 2 j^ears in Warsaw, of which 1943 was one. I thought, 
as this officer has arrived in Europe from Australia, that it might be 
most useful for him to testify because, being an Australian in Warsaw 
at that time, and having heard and known and seen people connected 
in some way or another, or, at any rate, the Poles with whom he was 
then, with the Katyn murder, and having been present in Warsaw 
when that shock came to Warsaw, I thought perhaps the committee 
might wish to have evidence from him. He actually arrived in the 
United States during the war, because my brother had sent him 
through Germany back to England during the war. 

Mr. Flood. Wliere is this Australian now? 

Mr. Zamoyski. He is today in Paris. He was in London. He is 
probably going to be in Paris a few months because he is a wool buyer. 

Mr. DoNDERO. What does he know personally about this Katyn 

Mr. Zamoyski. It is very difficult for m.e to say what he personally 

Mr. Flood. If you will let us have the nam.e and address of this 
Australian we will arrange to have representatives of the com.mittee 
interview him in Paris and forward to this com.m.ittee, wliich is m.oving 
from here to Frankfurt tliis coming week, any inforro.ation and we will 
at that time determine if we think it advisable to call him. Would 
you give us the nam.e? 

Mr. Zamoyski. Squadron Leader Keith Chisholm, care of Wenz & 
Co., 1, Rue de Metz, Paris 10. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I note that in your final sentence of this account 
of the meeting you had with Mr. Barajew you state you received the 
impression that you were called for the sole purpose of having them 
determine what your official viewpoint is on the m.atter. 

Mr. Zamoyski. Did I put that do\^^l? 

Mr. Machrowicz. Yes; if you read the last paragraph. 

Mr. Zamoyski. I did not write "The sole purpose," but it seemed 
to me that I could not find another reason. 

Mr. Machrowicz. The impression you got was that the only 
reason he called you was to find out from you what the Polish author- 
ities feel about the loss of these officers. 

Mr. Zamoyski. That is what I deducted, because the only alterna- 
tive I could fi.nd was that the officer was one of those individuals there 
who could not believe that such a tiling was possible. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Not to give you any information about it, but 
rather to get inform.ation from, you about it. 

Mr. Zamoyski. vSooner, yes; certainly not to give m.e information. 

Mr. Flood. We appreciate very much that you would take the 
tim.e to com.e here. We know you are interested, of course, but, 
nevertheless, we are grateful you came and offered us this testimony. 
Thank you very m.uch. 

Mr. Pttcinskt. Gentlemen, this is Mr. Goetel. who was living in 
Warsaw in April 1943. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Goetel, vnW you state your full nam.e, the correct 
spelling of your name, and your present address to the reporter? 

Air. Goetel. Ferdinand Goetel. My address is: No. 14, Empress 
Place, London, S. W. 6, England. 


Mr. Flood. Before you make a statement, Mr. Goetel, it is our 
wish that you be advised that you wouhl run the risk of action in the 
courts by anyone who considered he had suffered injury as a result of 
your testimony. 

Mr. Goetel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the 
Government of the United States and the House of Representatives 
do not assume any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel 
or slander proceedings which may arise as the result of yoiu- testi- 
mony. Do you understand? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes; I understand. 

Mr. Flood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn? Do you 
swear by God the Almighty and Omniscient that you will, according to 
your best knowledge, tell the pure truth, and that you wUl not conceal 
anytliing, so help you God? 

Mr. Goetel. I do. 

Mr. Flood. Be seated, please. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Your name is Ferdinand Goetel? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliere do you reside? 

Mr. Goetel. In London. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What is your address? 

Mr. GoTEL. No. 14, Empress Place, London, S. W. 6. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You are a literary man, an author? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes, I am a writer. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In April 1943, where were you residing? 

Mr. Goetel. In Warsaw. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And at that time were you called to a conference 
by the occupation authorities of Warsaw? 

Mr. Goetel. By the German propaganda office in Warsaw, by Dr. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wlio was Dr. Grundman? 

Mr. Goetel. He was a State councilor in the propa.ganda in War- 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliere did they call you to? 

Mr. Goetel. They called me to a meeting and Dr. Grundman told 
me they have discovered near Katyn big graves and discovered that 
the graves are full of the bodies of Polish officers. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Before we get to the details of what you were 
told, were you called to thiw meeting alone or with a gi-ouj) of other 

Mr. Goetel. He called me there first alone, and afterward he made 
a meeting of several people he invited there of the City Council of 

Mr. Machrowicz. The Kipa? 

Mr. Goetel. The Ki]ia, yes — ^the Bishop of Warsaw Kozeurski 
and the welfare committee. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is the municipal welfare committee? 

Mr. Goetel. It was the social committee, the leader was Count 


Mr. Machrowicz. Wlio is now in Detroit, Mich.? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And on behalf of that council were Mr. Martyn 
Machucki and Mr. Wachowiak present? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wlio else was there? 

Mr. GoETEL. Then there was a writer, Mr. Skiwski, and a judge 
whose name I do not know, 

Mr. Machrowicz. A representative of the supreme court? 

Mr. GoETEL. A representative of the supreme com-t, yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And who was there on behalf of the German 
occupation authorities? 

Mr. GoETEL. Well, there was Mr. Monzes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He was the chief of the Warsaw propaganda? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And Mr. Grundman? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes, -Mr. Grundman. 

Mr. Machrowicz. They called you there all together, and what did 
they tell you? 

Mr. GoETEL. They told me what was told me by Mr. Grundman; 
the}^ gave more details. 

Mr. Machrowicz. They informed you of the finding of the graves 
at Kat^Ti? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes; and they asked us to go there. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. And did you agree to go? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes; I agreed to go. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And the others also? 

Mr. GoETEL. No, not everyone. Mr. Machucki did not agree; 
Mr. Wachowiak said ''No," and Mr. Skiwski also said "No," but 
these said they would send their representatives there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But as the result of this conference, a group 
of you did go to KatjTi? 

Air. GoETEL. Yes, including two physicians, one a member of the 
city council, Mr. Seyfried; the name of the other I do not know. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Dr. Orzechowski? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And Dr. Grodzki? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you go to Katyn? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You went by plane? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes; by plane. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you tell us what happened when you got 
to Katyn? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Dondero. Would you tell us the year and the day, as near as 
3^ou remember, when you went to Katyn? 

Mr. Goetel. The year was 1943; the exact day I cannot say, but 
I think it would be the 8th or 9th April. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. To refresh your memory, Mr. Goetel, according 
to the report which 3"0U gave previously it was on April 10. 

Mr. Goetel. That may be. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of 1943? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes, maybe. 


Mr. Machrowicz. What did you find when vovi arrivod at Katyn? 

Mr. GoETEL. It was after dinner the next day I think we were 
taken to Katyn. The excavation then was only at the beiomning:; only 
one big grave was excavated, with about 200 bodies. The second one 
and the third one— — 

Mr. Machrowicz. Pardon me. This was before the other delega- 
tions had arrived; yours was the first to arrive? 

Mr. GoETEL. No, coming to Katyn we crossed a delegation of 
foreign journalists; they were the first — no, it was not at Katyn that 
we crossed this delegation, but at Smolensk, at the staff' post. We 
could not speak with them. Then in the officers mess in Smolensk 
we met the man who had to speak with us, Oberleutenant Slowenczyk. 
We spoke a long time with him, and our impression was that they 
insisted there had been in the graves at Katyn 10,000 Poles, 10,000 
dead Poles, but they did not know these Poles were from Kozielsk. 
Slowenczyk asked me, what is Kozielsk, because they had already 
found several cards addressed to Kozielsk. I told him Kozielsk was 
one of the chief camps for Polish prisoners, and Starobielsk and 
Ostashkov. My impression, as well as that of the other people in the 
group, was that he, as also the Oberleutenant Voss from the home 
police, both did not know Kozielsk and had then heard of it for the 
first time. They knew only that 10,000 or 11,000 Polish officers had 
disappeared because they heard it from the radio, and they had been 
already requested by General Sikorski — they insisted the whole time 
that in the graves there there must be 10,000 to 11,000 Polish officers, 
more than 10,000 officers. Coming there to the forest ourselves, we 
had not the impression that there were 10,000, but we were not sure. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How many bodies were exhumed at that time? 

Mr. GoETEL. About 200. 

Mr. Machrowicz. This was at the very beginning of the excava- 

Mr. GoETEL. At the very beginning; yes. We had full freedom to 
speak with the people there and to go any place sve wanted. Dr. 
Buhtz, who was the military surgeon there, asked us to see one of the 
bodies they had kept there, and he showed the bullet hole here [indi- 
cating] in the head and again here [indicating]. 

Mr. Flood. The witness indicating that he showed the bullet 
entering the base of the head, and the point of exit in the forehead at 
about the hair line — is that correct? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. Our impression was certainly that the work 
has been done by the Russians. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What led you to that impression? 

Mr. GoETEL. First the graves themselves; they were all planteii 
with young pine trees. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Will you say that again? 

Mr. GoETEL. The graves have all been planted again with young 
trees so high [ilhisti-ating]. 

Mr. DoNDERO. On top of the graves? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. The witness indicates with his hand the height of the 
young trees to be about 3 feet — is that coi-rect? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes; about 3 feet — and in the forest around the place 
they have been big trees for several years. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Why did that factor have any significance? 
Why did that have an special meaning to you? 

Mr. GoETEL. Because the murder must be done several years ago, 
2 or 3 years — the trees were sound and strong. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now will you tell us what other factors you 
noticed there which led you to the conclusion that it must have been 
the Russians? 

Mr. GoETEL. There were witnesses there from the people there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You mean local people? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes; local people. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you talk to them? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you alone with these people or in the com- 
pany of Germans? 

Mr. GoETEL. We were alone; we could speak with them alone. I 
speak Russian perfectly, but several of our members could not speak 
Russian, and they bad to have an interpreter. The interpreter was 
a young man whose mother was a Pole, and he spoke both Polish and 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you speak Russian? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes, I speak Russian. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wlio did you talk to of the local people, do you 

Mr. GoETEL. The name of the old man, the chief witness there, is 
given in my statement by me, Kisielew, 

Mr. AIachrowicz. He was an old man? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes, he was an old man who resided nearest the 

Mr. Machrowicz. And how did you happen to find him? 

Mr. GoETEL. He had been there. 

Mr. DoNDERO. You mean near the graves? 

Mr. GoETEL. Near the graves, yes, but his home was near the forest. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How did j'^ou happen to find him? 

Mr. GoETEL. He was there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What was he doing there? 

Mr. GoETEL. He was taken there by the Germans for the oppor- 
tunity to speak with us, as well as the other one, Kriwozercew, but he 
was the most silent one. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Kriwozercew was silent? 

Mr. GoETEL. He was the most silent of them. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What about the first man you spoke to, 
Kisielew? Wliat did he tell you? 

Mr. GoETEL. Kisielew told us that in April 1940, he heard shots 
and people crying there in the woods. Afterward, when the Germans 
came in, he was the first one to take them and post them there in the 
forest, and he must have been already informed about the place for 
the digging of graves, because it was marked by two crosses. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What you mean to tell us is that Kisielew is the 
one who probably led the Germans to the graves? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes; he was the one who led them to the graves. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And that he had previously marked them? 

Mr. GoETEL. No, not he; the graves were marked by Poles. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What did Kisielew tell vou? 


Mr. GoETEL. Kisielevv told me that the two crosses were set up 
there by Poles who worked near Smolensk, in a working coramand 
who were sent there by the Germans from Poland to make clean the 
railroad cars from destroyed trains, and to pick out the iron. The 
Poles there came first to the graves there. They found that in the 
graves were Polish officers and they set there two crosses, one small 
one and the bigger one. When we have been there the smaller one 
was still there. The bigger one was not there any more. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now will you continue with what Kisielew 
told you? 

Mr. GoETEL. It was all what he told me. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You say that Kriwozercew was there also? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What, if anything, did he tell you? 

Mr. GoETEL. There at that time, nothing. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You say "at that time." Did he tell you some- 
thing at some other time? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. I met Kriwozercew in Italy. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When? 

Mr. GoETEL. In 1945. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How did you get to meet him in Italy in 1945? 

Mr. GoETEL. I was a public relations officer in General Anders' 

Mr. Machrowicz. What was he doing there? 

Mr. GoETEL. He was sent there from Germany by our ofl&cers. 

Mr. Machrowicz. For the purpose of establishing a record as to 
what he knew? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes; to be a witness. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you talk to him? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat did he tell you? 

Mr. GoETEL. His relation is a verj^ long one. 

Mr. Machrowicz. We want your version of it. You talked to 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. I lived with him more than 2 weeks together 
in one house, Villa Barducci in Ancona. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat did Kj'iwozercew tell you? 

Mr. GoETEL. Kriwozercew told me a very long stoiy of his. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Can you tell us in brief what he knew regarding 

Mr. GoETEL. He worked at that time near Katyn, near Gniezdovo; 
he worked there and he saw one day a train coming from the direction 
of Smolensk with four cars. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he tell you when that was? 

Mr. GoETEL. That was April. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of what year? 

Mr. GoETEL. April 1940. He told he already knew that the forest 
in Katyn was the place of executions, and when the train came he 
thought as well as the peasants there that the people sent there were 
Finnish officers; he thought the people sent there were Finns, because 
it was the time of the war witli Finland. But the next day he spoke 
to a man there who was a soldier in the first war with Poland and he 
told him: "They are not Finns; they are Poles." And afterward every 
day he watched to see and to mark the trains. The matter was that 


his father, being a peasant there, a kulak, as they are called, was 
murdered by Bolsheviks. A kulak is a landowner and he was mur- 
dered by Bolsheviks. He attended the trains coming in, and his rela- 
tion was this, that the main train came always to Smolensk, and half 
of it, four cars, were sent to Gniezdovo, and the other stayed still in 
Smolensk. The other part, when it came to Gniezdovo, the next 
four cars, the first party was already finished. 

Mr. DoNDERO. You mean they had been killed? 

Mr. GoETEL. They have been killed already, yes; and the matter 
was this, the purpose was this, that Gniezdovo is a small siding; the 
big train cannot come into Gniezdovo, only on the main station, and 
on the main station the people could see what is coming in. 

Mr. Machrowicz. A dead-end track? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. That was the purpose, that it was divided 
always, the train coming in to Smolensk in two parts, and one being 
sent to Gniezdovo in the morning; they have been finished, and after- 
ward came the second part. 

Mr. Flood. Just so we can have a statement on the record particu- 
larly about what you have said, what you said was this: When the 
trains bringing the Polish officers came into the Smolensk area, they 
were broken into two parts? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes, into two parts. 

Mr. Flood. Because of the fact that the railroad siding at Gniez- 
dovo was so small and only a spur or a side track, it could not accom- 
modate the full train? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. But could only handle four cars of the train at one 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. So what they did was to take four cars in the morning? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Air. Flood. Into Gniezdovo on the side track, the spur track, and 
whoever was in those cars was disposed of or finished, as you say? 

Air. GoETEL. Yes. 

Air. Flood. Then they would take out those four empty cars and 
then later on bring in the four other cars that were still waiting at the 
original stop? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And so on and so on? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Is that right? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes; and so on and so on. 

Air. DoNDERO. How long did that continue? 

Air. GoETEL. Up to the 20th or 21st April. It ma\ be he said that 
a small part^^- of Poles may have been executed in Kat^Ti after that 
date, but the main work had been done before April 25, 1940. 

Air. DoNDERO. You were at KatAOi? 

Air. GoETEL. Yes. 

Air. DoNDERO. What was the color of the ground? 

Air. GoETEL. The color of the ground — it was sandy lime — very 
dry. The water was onlj' 2 or 3 yards under the surface. 

Air. DoNDERO. White sand or yellow sand? 

Air. GoETEL. The sand was yellow — yellow sand; but there on the 
ground the sand was black from this. 


Mr. Machrowicz. You have told the committee of your conver- 
sations with Kisielew and with Kriwozercew. 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are there any other conversations that jou had 
with other witnesses there relative to this matter? 

Mr. GoETEL. No; I was not interested in them. I was more in- 
terested in the graves themselves. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is there anything that you found in the graves 
themselves which you want to tell this committee as having special 

Mr. GoETEL. In the graves, special significance — well, perhaps the 

Mr. Machrowicz. What can you tell us about newspapers found? 

Mr. GoETEL. They were dispersed — several newspapers. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Where were they? 

Mr. GoETEL. On the ground there you found at this time Polish 
money, zloties lying there and papers. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What about these newspapers? 

Air. GoETEL. They were Russian newspapers mostly. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What date? 

Mr. GoETEL. Only dates before April 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of what vear? 

Mr. GoETEL. Before 1940— April 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. All the newspapers that you saw there were 
dated not later than April 1940? 

Mr. GoETEL. Not later. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat was the condition of the uniforms? 

Mr. GoETEL. Very good. 

Mr. Machrowicz. \Vliat about the shoes? 

Mr. GoETEL. Very good — excellent — excellent condition; but the 
corpses were already decaying. Bohaterowicz, I could see his face. 
I knew him and that was he; but there were other people too. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You said also in your report that you found 
militaiy officers' belts; is that correct? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And were they in good condition? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes, everything was in splendid condition. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And also the medals? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. All were in ver}^ good condition? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You recognized the bodies of people, I under- 
stand. Is that correct? 

Mr. GoETEL. Of one. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is General Bohaterowicz? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes — General Bohaterowicz. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You recognized him? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes, because he has a mustache and sides, and then 
the form of his face. That was he. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was he in a separate grave? 

Mr. GoETEL. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And what about the body of General Smora- 
winski: did you find his body? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes, I have seen it, but I could not recognize it. 


Mr. Machrowicz. How did 3^011 know it was General Smora- 
winski's body? 

Mr. GoETEL. Because they told me that there was a register of the 
body, that documents have been found on him. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And the uniform? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And the insignia? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes, and the insignia. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Based on what you found, did you come to any 
conclusion as to when the executions took place? 

Mr. GoETEL. Several years ago. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And who in 3^our opinion was responsible for 
the executions? 

Mr. GoETEL. The Russians. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is that the opinion of those who were with you 

Mr. GoETEL. All — ^everyone. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of everyone who was with you? 

Mr. GoETEL. Of everyone, yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you sign a report for the Germans? 

Mr. GoETEL. For the Germans; no. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did they ask you to? 

Mr. GoETEL. No. I only made a report which has a form of an 
open letter. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did the Germans allow you to go through these 
graves willingly, freely? 

Mr. GoETEL. Everything. We could do there everything we 

Mr. DoNDERO. They did not stop you? 

Mr. GoETEL. No. We went to the second grave. The chairman of 
our group has a short speech to us in Polish language, and they went. 

Mr. DoNDERO. You said the newspapers were all Russian news- 
papers. Were there any Polish newspapers? 

Mr. GoETEL. No. 

Mr. DoNDERO. They were only Russian? 

Mr. GoETEL. Only Russian, yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you have a copy of that report which 3^ou 

Mr. GoETEL. Not here, no. My report disappeared. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Your report disappeared? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. I will tell you about it later. I made a report 
there, an open letter, 3^es. I had a very difficult thing to do to force 
the opinion and to force the Polish Red Cross to take the matter in 
its hands, but I could not believe that the truth is to be given only 
by Germans and I wanted that the Polish Red Cross take the matter 
in its hands. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And they did that, did the}- not? 

Mr. GoETEL. No, not in the first moment. After my letter I 
forced them to it, and the second mission to Katyn was already 
from the Polish Red Cross organized by the Polish Red Cross. At 
that time — General Komorow^ski told it also already — the opinion of 
Warsaw was it has been done by Germans at Katyn; the whole of 
the people believed it was done by the Germans — the\' have done this. 

Air. Flood. You made an open report in Warsaw? 


Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. To whom did you give it? 

Mr. GoETEL. I sent it to General Roweski. 

Mr. Flood. Who was he? 

Mr. GoETEL. He was the chief of the underground army there, 

Mr. Flood. General Roweski was the predecessor of General Bor? 

Mr. GoETEL. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. As commanding general of the home army in Warsaw? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of that? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Have you got it in your possession? 

Mr. Goetel. No; it was burned with my house — all my personal 

Mr. Flood. Then we have no copy of your report, unless it is in the 
files of the home army? 

Mr. Goetel. No. It can be in the German materials. 

Mr. Flood. If we can find it in the German Wehrmacht records, 
that is where it should be? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes; because the main purpose of it was that I 
requested the commission of the International Red Cross. That was 
my request there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is there anything further that you wish to add 
to your report, Mr. Goetel? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat is it? 

Mr. Goetel. There are several other things which I find important, 
that of Kriwozercew, the chief witness, and my record in Poland when 
the Bolsheviks came in. 

Mr. Machrowicz. We are going to get the KJriwozercew report 
later in the hearmg. Is there anything further you want to add now? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes. That is the record m Poland when the Bol- 
sheviks came into Poland in February 1945. I was not firstly re- 
quested by them, but in June 1945, they posted a notice that I am 
a man who is wanted by them. 

Mr. DoNDERo. Did they post a list? 

Mr. Goetel. No; only I. I was the number one man wanted by 
them. I was at that time in a cloister in Cracow. I sent word to 
the chief investigator of Katyn, Sawicki, and asked: "What is the 
matter, what do they want from me?" He answered there, "Oh, 
we have nothing against Mr. Goetel, who is a famous writer, but if 
he signs a statement that he was kept by force at Katyn and that his 
mam impression in Katyn was that the massacre was done by Ger- 
mans, Oh, we have nothing; he can live here and write books and 
so on." I refused. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Was that in February of 

Mr. Goetel. It was June, 1945. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is there anything further that you had to add, 
Mr. Goetel. 

Mr. Goetel. Nothing more. 

Mr. Flood. I might say that is a very interesting observation 
because of the fact that one of the members of the International 
Scientific Commission, the Bulgarian member, Markov, we have been 


advised, has subsequently changed his story. It is interesting to 
have this kind of observation in that connection. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Perhaps Mr. Markov was subjected to the same 
pressure to which this gentleman was subjected. 

Mr. Flood. You, of course, Mr. Goetel, have not been offered any 
payment by am^one, you have not been offered any promises to come 
here and testify, have you; you have not been made an}^ promises of 
any kind to come here and testify? 

^Ir. Goetel. No, 

\It. Flood. And j^ou appear here voluntarily? 

Mr. Goetel. Yes; certainl}^. 

Mr. Flood. The committee appreciates the time that you have 
taken to come here and help us gather this testimony. We appreciate 
very much the fact that you have given us this very important 
testinTony that you have presented. We thank you very much. 

We will now recess until 10 o'clock tomorrow morning. 

(Whereupon, at ^.45 p. m., the special committee recessed, to 
reconvene at 10 a. m., Friday, April 18, 1952.) 


FRIDAY, APRIL 18, 1952 

House of Representatives, 
The Select Committee on the Katyn Forest Massacre, 

London, England. 
The select committee met at 10 a. m., pursuant to reoess, in room 
111, Kensington Palace Hotel, De Vere Gardens W. 1, Hon. Ray J. 
Madden (chairman) presiding. 

Present: Messrs. Madden, Flood, Machrowicz, Dondero, and 

Also present: Roman Pucmski, investigator and interpreter. 
Chairman Madden. The committee wOl come to order. 
I want the record to show that at this third day of our hearings in 
London, Congi-essman Flood, of Pennsylvania; Congressman Mach- 
rowicz, of Michigan; Congressman Dondero, of Michigan; and 
Congressman O'Konski, of Wisconsin, are present with the chairman. 


Chairman Madden. Would you state your name, please? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Sawczynski. 

Chairman Madden. And your first name? 

Mr. SAwdZYNSKi. Adam. 

Chairman Madden. What is your address? 

Mr. Sawczynski. 20 Princes Gate, London S. W. 7. 

Chahman Madden. Before you make a statement, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you would run the risk of action m the courts 
by anyone who considered he had suffered injury as a result of your 
testimony. At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the 
Government of the United States and the House of Representatives 
do not assume any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel 
or slander proceedings which may arise as a result of your testimony. 

Mr. Flood. Let the record show that while the witness feels he 
understands the English language, nevertheless, he prefers to have 
the interpreter translate it, to be sure. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness indicates that he understands the 

Chau-man Madden. Will you raise your right hand now and be 

Do you swear, by God the'^Almighty, that you will, according to the 
best of your knowledge, tell the pure truth,^the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth; so help you|God? 
^ Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 


93744— 52— pt. 4 18 


Chairman MaddExV. Proceed. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What is your name, again? 

Mr. Sawzcynski. Adam Sawczynsld. 

Mr, Machrowicz. Wliere do you live? 

Mr. Sawczynski, In London; Princes Gate, London S. W. 7. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In 1939, were you ai officer of the Polish Arm}'? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In what rank? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Colonel. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you taken prisoner by the Germans? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. MACHROVk;icz. In the summer of 1940, were you in a German 
prison camp? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Where? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Arnswalde. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is in Western Pomerania, in Germany; 
is that correct? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

\lr. Machrowicz. Who was the commander of that camp? 

Mr. Sawczynski. The German Colonel Loebecke. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you speak German? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Fluently? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes; I speak it fluently. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And did you make an acquaintanceship with 
Colonel Loebecke? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you have frequent opportunity to have 
conversations with him? 

Mr. Sawczynski. I was commander of a prisoner battalion. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. At that time, were discussions being held regard- 
ing exchange of prisoners between German}' and Soviet Russia? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you apply to be exchanged on the basis of 
that arrangement, to be exchanged to Soviet Russia? 

Mr. Sawczynski. No; I didn't; but many of my colleagues had 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you have any conversations with Colonel 
Loebecke regarding this exchange? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes; I had a conversation with him about that. 

jVIr. Machrowicz. Did you at any time in the course of your 
conversations with him have op])ortunity to discuss the fate of tlie 
Polish officers who were in Russian hands? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you tell us when that was? 

Mr. vSawczynski. It was in June 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Could you give us the substance of that con- 
versation, insofar as it relates to the fate of the Polish officers in 
Soviet hands? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you tell us, in your own words, now? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Cokmol Loebecke asked me what is the matter 
that the Polish oflicers will be exchanged, will go into Russia. 


(The witness made a statement in his native tongue.) 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness indicates, Mr. Flood, that he would 
prefer to testify in Polish, that it is easier for him to express himself 
that way. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Go ahead in Polish, and the mterpreter will give 
us the substance of the testimony. 

(Through mterpreter:) 

Mr. Sawczynski. The German colonel had asked me why the 
Polish officers were agreeing and were desirous of taking advantage of 
the agreement for the exchange of prisoners between the Germans and 
the Russians, and he asked me why the Poles wanted to transfer to 

Air, Mackrowicz. By the way, that agreement never did go into 
effect, did it? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Oh, yes. The agreement was being executed, but 
it was only a one-sided execution of the agreement. Transports of 
prisoners were arriving from Russia into Germany, and even some 
transports arrived at the camp in which I was interned. These 
transports, however, consisted only and exclusively of soldiers, en- 
listed men. 

Mr. Machrowicz. No officers? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Private soldiers; no officers. Some officers did 
come in disguise. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you mean they pretended to be privates? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Will you give us the rest of your conversation? 

Mr. Sawczynski. When the German colonel asked me why our 
men were willing to go to Russia, I explained to him that Russia at 
that time was not in formal stage of war with the West and that for 
other reasons, on conditions prevailmg in the camp, the Polish soldiers 
felt that they could go to Russia and become more active in the war 

Mr. Flood. Of course, is it not also true that Russia was not at 
war with Poland, either, at the time? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Many in the camp considered that Russia and 
Poland were at war. 

Mr. Flood. I do not blame them for that, under the circumstances. 
But I mean that, technically and actually, there was no state of war 
between Soviet Russia and the Republic of Poland. 

Mr. Sawczynski. That is correct; but, actually, it was considered 
that there had been a war. 

Mr. Machrowicz. AW right, will you continue now with your 
conversation with Colonel Loebecke? 

Mr. Sawczynski. We discussed this matter for a considerable 
length of time with the colonel, but the thing that I recall most 
vividly is the ending of that conversation. At the end of our con- 
versation, the colonel asked me, "Don't you know what they are doing 
with you?" — meaning "your soldiers." 

I replied that, "We know Russia very well," and I assured him 
that, "We are well aware of the fact that before our conditions can 
be improved, they could conceivably become much worse." 

He leaned toward me then and told me in German, "Why, they 
are murdering your people; they are murdering you." 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was that the end of the conversation? 


Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he indicate to you how he had received 
such information? 

Mr. Sawczynski. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know Lt. Alfons Koehler? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Who was he? 

Mr. Sawczynski. At one time he was my aide. He was a Pohsh 
officer who was my aide at one time. Later, however, he was released 
from the Army and he worked as a civiUan in the intelhgence unit. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Of what government? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Of the Polish Government. His activities were 
directed against Russia. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was he also in this prison camp at Arnswaldein 

Mr. Sawczy'nski. From the beginning, he was not. At first he had 
been interned in Lithuania. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he, in July 1940, come to this camp? 

Mr. Sawczy^nski, Yes. He arrived in July of 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you have any conversation with him? Did 
you receive any information from him which would have any relation 
to the lost Polish officers in Russia? 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. I talked to him shortly after his arrival at 
the camp, and our conversation eventually led to a discussion of our 
mutual friends who had been interned in Russia. He told me at that 
time the method he used to escape or be transferred from Lithuania 
to Germany. He said that he had reported to superiors in Lithuania 
and explained that he wanted to be transferred to Germany because 
the Russians were taking over Lithuania; the Russians were taking 
over prison camps in Lithuania. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he have any conversations with any Lith- 
uanian authorities at that time relative to the Polish officers lost in 

Mr. Sawczynski. When he was granted permission for the transfer, 
he reported to the Lithuanian authorities and he had carried on several 
conversations with officers of the Lithuanian Intelligence Department. 

In these conversations, a Lithuanian officer discussing the Polish 
officers in Kozielsk, said, "Why, those in the camp at Kozielsk had 
been murdered." Koehler refused to believe this and said, "It is 
impossible, because there were several thousand people there." The 
Lithuanian officer replied, "Whether this is true, or not, I don't know; 
but that is the information that we have." 

My discussion or conversation with Koehler was in July of 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was that the end of your conversation with 

Mr. Sawczynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is all. 

Mr. Flood. That is all. 

Mr. DoNDERO. That is all. 

Chairman Madden. You have not been promised any pay or 
recompense for coming here to testifj'^ today, have you? 

Mr. Sawczynski. No. 

Chairman Madden. We wish to thank you for coming here today 
to testify. 



Chairman Madden. Just state your name to the reporter, and 
spell it. 

Mr. Lewszecki. The name is Jerzy Lewszecki, The address is 
2 Queensborough Terrace W. 2, London. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness indicates that he prefers to testify in 
Polish, that he understands and can express himself better that way. 

Chairman Madden. Mr. Lewszecki, before you make a statement, 
it is our wish that you be advised that you would run the risk of action 
in the courts by anyone who considered he had suffered injury as a 
result of your testimony. At the same time, I wish to make it quite 
clear that the Government of the United States and the House of 
Representatives do not assume any responsibility in j^our behalf with 
respect to libel or slander proceedings which may arise as a result of 
the testimony. 

For the record, the interpreter will repeat this statement in Polish. 

(The interpreter made a statement in Polish.) 

]VIr. PuciNSKi. The witness indicates that the statement is clear 
to him. 

Chairman Madden. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn? 

Do you swear, by God the Almighty, that you will, according to 
your best knowledge, tell the pure truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth; so help you God? 

Mr. Lewszecki. I do. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What is your name? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Jerzy Lewszecki. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliere do you live? 

Mr. Lewszecki. In London. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In 1939, were you an officer of the Polish Army? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes; Regular Army. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In what rank? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Rank of first lieutenant. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you taken prisoner by the Germans? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. To what camp were you taken? 

Mr. Lewszecki. In Lubeck, 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you there in 1940? 

Mr. Lewszecki. In 1942. 

Mr. Machrowicz. While in that camp, did you have occasion to 
meet any Russian officers? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes. During the spring of 1942, the older son of 
Stalin was brought to this camp. There was some mystery about his 
arrival prior to his arrival; but as soon as he arrived at the camp, 
everybody in the camp knew about it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat was his fo-st name? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Jacob. 

Mr. Flood. Just a moment. May I interrupt there? What last 
name was he using? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Jacob Dzhugashvili. 

Mr. Flood. Do you know whether or not, or have you heard that 
that is the correct name of Stalm? 


Air. Lewszecki. He told me himself. 

Mr, Machrowicz. Aiid it is a matter of general knowledge, is it 
not, that Stalin is the accepted name but his actual name was the 
one you just mentioned? 

Mr. Lewszecki. That is correct. Stalin is the literal translation 
of the name Dzhugashvili from Georgian into Russian, 

Mr. Machrowicz. How was he brought in there; as a prisoner of 
war, or what? 

Mr. Lewszecki. He was brought there as a prisoner of war. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was he an officer of the Russian Ai-my? 

Mr. Lewszecki. He was a senior lieutenant, or oberleutnant. It 
is not quite correct because they have actually three ranks of lieutenant 
in the Russian Army. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were there other Russian officers in this camp? 

Mr. Lewszecki. No; there were no other Russian officers in this 
camp. There were some Belgian officers there and there was also a 
Belgian general. The Chief of Staff of the Belgian Army was there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were there any special quarters prepared for 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes. The other generals and staff officers of the 
other armies had separate quarters, and Stalin himself had a separate 
room, and there was a window in the room and there was a guard 
constantly at this window. 

Mr. Machrowicz. A special guard assigned to Stalin alone, is that 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes. And there was a book there that whoever 
visited Stalin had to register. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you get to become acquainted with Jacob 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you speak Russian? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes, I do. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Do you speak it fluently? 

Air. Lewszecki. Very well. 

Air. AIachrowicz. Would you tell us how you became acquainted 
with him, in view of this guard being there, and what conversations, 
if any, you had with him regarding the fate of the Polish officers who 
were in Russian hands? 

Air. Lewszecki. When he first arrived, he was very weak and 
undernourished. We were giving him packages and we tried to restore 
him back to health through nourishment. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Was that permitted, in view of the guard? 

Mr. Lewszecki. At first the Germans did not permit us, but we 
had our own methods of getting the food to him, and we used to give 
American cigarettes to the guard over there and he became coopera- 
tive. That was the best currency at the time, the American cigarettes. 

Air. AIachrowicz. And as a result of this exchange of food and 
cigarettes, did you become acquainted with Stalin? 

Air. Lewszecki. The Germans were very easily bought over in 
those days. Undoubtedly, that did contribute considerably to the 
friendship that we establislied. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. Tell us how this conversation with j^oung 
Stalin was brought about and what he told you. 


Mr. Lewszecki. I asked him. who he was, and he tokl me that he 
was Jacob Dzugasvilh, who was the oldest son of Stahn, by his first 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now tell us what he told you regarding the 
Polish officers in any of these three camps — Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and 

Mr. Lewszecki. He did not name any of those three camps in 
particular, but we did receive letters. These letters were from our 
families and from our friends to our camp, and they were about our 
friends who were being held prisoner in Russia. In one of the letters 
I received there was a notation: "As to my friend Victor Kaczynski, 
I will not see him again." This was a letter that was written to me 
from Poland. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you discuss this letter and other similar 
letters with Stalin? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes, I took these letters to him in order to trans- 
late them to him in Russian. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he make any comment about them? 

Mr. Lewszecki. His first reaction was one of shock. Then later 
he recalled that he had heard that there was a prison camp with 
Polish officers in the Smolensk region, and that there had been an 
uprising there, and that this uprising had been suppressed. He had 
heard that there was shooting there, and that there were some victims 
who fell dead. He terminated that part of our conversation and 
changed to another subject. A few days later, I began pressing him 
again on this particular subject. Wlien we talked about the collec- 
tivization of the Ukraine, he told me that during that process there 
were about 3 million of our people 

Mr. Machrowicz. By "our people," you mean Russians? 

Mr. Lewszecki. I mean his, Stalin's people, the Russians, were 
murdered, about 3 million, "so," he said, "why are you surprised that 
your people should be murdered also?" 

Mr. Flood. Well, actually he means Ukrainians, not Russians. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. He was speaking of the 3 million victims as being 
Ukrainians, but he did not make a particular distmction between the 
UlvTainians and the Russians. 

Mr. Flood. No, but I did. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now will you continue the conversation regard- 
ing these Polish officers? 

Mr. Lewszecki. The letters continued coming, and I told Stalin 
that there is something wrong. I said: "Something is not in order 
over there," and he said: "Yes, that's right." He said: "Why, those 
were the mtelligentsia, the most dangerous element to us, and they had 
to be eliminated." He told me exactly (and this I remember very 
well) that this is an element which is not very easily converted, be- 
cause the younger people were capable of being converted, of edu- 
cating; but he assured me that the murders must have been com- 
mitted with a humanitarian method, unlike the brutal tactics of the 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he say anything further on that subject? 

Mr. Lewszecki. No; he just said m Russian that they had to be 
destroyed, that they had to be removed. 


Mr. Flood. As I understand the witness, as he understood Stalm's 
conversation, that it was necessary for the Russians for various reasons 
to dispose of these PoUsh officers; is that correct? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. But it was a nice clean human murder rather than a 
messy job; is that the understanding? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes; that is correct; Stahn tried to point out that 
it was not done with the same method that the Germans used to 
destroy the people. My impression, on the basis of these conversa- 
tions with him, was that he did not realize, did not take cognizance 
of the fact, that these murders could have been something deplorable; 
he considered that it was a national and government necessit}'. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Where did you have these talks with Stalin — in his 
room, or out in the prison camp? 

Mr. Lewszecki. In his room. I spent most of my time in his room. 

Mr. Dondero. Were there any other people present? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Normally he was hesitant to converse when others 
were present, but on several occasions there were others present. 

Mr. Dondero. Did you inform Stalin that you were a Polish 
prisoner of war? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes; of course; I was in the Polish uniform, and 
he knew that. As a matter of fact, I told him that I belonged to 
Pilsudski's legion, and I was an open foe of the Russians. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And he understood that? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Yes; he understood that. 

Mr. Dondero. Was he friendly or did he appear to be angry toward 

Mr. Lewszecki. Generally he behaved very well, but on many 
subjects we disagreed, and our conversations would end abruptly. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That's all. 

Mr. Flood. You had the impression, did you, that Stalin, in all of 
these conversations about the disposition or the killing of these 
Polish officers, gave the impression of no sense of immorality or 
injustice or inhum.anity, but that it was an administrative and 
political necessity for the Russians to so act? 

Mr. Lewszecki. I frequentl}^ called his attention to the fact that 
these murders were not humanitarian, but he m.erely told me that 
they were a government necessity. The problem of humanity or 
humanitarianism did not at all interest him; this did not enter into 
his tliinking at all. 

Mr. Flood. Then as I understand it, Stalin gave evidence of a state 
of mind which could be described as unmoral, amoral, rather than 

Mr. Lewszecki. The question of m.orality or immorality never 
entered into his mind; he thought that it was a necessity of tlie state, 
and that was it. Madden. Is that all? Any further questions? Mr. 
Lewszecki, has anybody promised you any pay or recom.pense or 
emoluments for coming here today to testify? 

Mr. Lewszecki. Absolutely none. 

Chairman AIadden. We wish to thank you for yom- testiirony here 
this mornine:. 



Chairman Madden. Just state 3^0111" name to the reporter, and the 
correct spellmg of it. 

Mr. Garlinski. Josef Garlinski. Madden. And your address? 

Mr. Garlinski. My present address is No. 104 Holland Road, 
London W. 14, England. Madden. Before you make a statem.ent, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts 
by anyone who considered he had suffered injury as a result of your 
testim.on}^. At the same time, I wisli to make it quite clear that the 
Government of the United States and the House of Representatives 
do not assume any responsibihty in your behalf wdth respect to Hbel 
or slander proceedings wliich may arise as the result of your testim.ony. 
You understand thatf 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; certainly. 

Chairman Madden. Now raise your hand and be sworn. You 
swea-r by God Almighty, that you will, according to the best of your 
knowledge, tell the pure truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Garlinski. I do. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Your nam.e is Josef Garlinski? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowic?. And you are a resident of London? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you previously an officer of the main 
command of the Polish National Ai-my? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes, I was an officer of the Reserve. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And in 1943 were you arreslted by the Gestapo 
in Warsaw? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; on April 20, 1943. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Ajid where were you taken to? 

Mr. Garlinski. First they sent me to the prison camp Pawiak; it 
was in Warsaw, inside the Warsaw ghetto. As you laiow, the Germans 
organized a ghetto for Jews, and it was inside there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you later taken to the concentration camp 
in Wittenberg, Germany? 

Mr. Garlinski. First I was sent to Oswiecim (Auschwitz). 

Mr. Machrowicz. Eventually did you get to Wittenberg? 

Mr. Garlinski. Wittenberg was the thnd one. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Li the spring and summer of 1944, were you in 

]Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In the concentration camp there? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And while you were in that camp, did you meet 
any Russian soldiers? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. It was a small camp; about 400 people 
altogether, but a branch of the big camp, and we worked in a factory 
there; we were sent there to work in this factory. There were about 
400 people in there, the majority of them Russians, so I met there a 
large number of Russians, all types of Russians. 


Mr. Machrowicz. While in that camp, did you meet any soldiers 
or officers of the Russian army who were not Russians? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; definitely. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are there any you particularly remember? 

Mr. Garlinski. When you say Russians, they were not all born 
Russians, but they were all the citizens of vSoviet Russia, and they 
were all soldiers or officers of the Russian forces. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you meet any of Greek origin? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes, I remember one of them; his Christian name 
was Aleksiej, but unfortuntely I do not remember his surname. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did it sound like Georgopopolos? 

Mr. Garlinski, Yes, it was a typical Greek name, but I just do 
not remember. 

Mr. Machrowicz. About how old was this man? 

Mr. Garlinski. I think he was about 30 at that time. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was he a rather intelligent person? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; he was definitely an educated man. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you become well acquainted with him? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. We were not friends, of course, but his 
Russian language was very good, and he wanted to improve my 
Russian, because I speak Russian, and it was a very good chance to 
have good Russian conversation. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was he a former officer of the Red army? 

Mr. Garlinski. I think so; he did not say this, but I think he was 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now did you discuss with him Russia and the 
life in Russia? 

Ml. Garlinski. Yes. We discussed this ver}^ carefully, of course, 
because a concentration camp is not the best place to discuss things. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he ever tell you that he was in or around 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. He told me he was born there and lived 
there for several years, as far as I know, although he is of Greek 
origin, but he was born in Russia. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now did he tell vou whether or not he was in or 
around Charkow in the spring of 1940? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Can you tell us what he told you about that? 
. Mr. Garlinski. Well, when we have spoken about the life in 
Russia and everything, once he told me that in the spring of 1940, 
1 year before the Russo-German war started, he had seen there some 
work which the Bolsheviks started there. It was not in Charkow, but 
near Charkow. Firstly, they started to build a big wall — I tlo not 
remember this word in English — not from bricks, but from wood. 

Mr. Machrowicz. A sort of fence? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes, a fence to protect something from the view 
of the public. 

Mr. Machrowicz. A sort of tall fence? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; and the people were told that they must not 
be interested in this, that they must not go near to this fence and 
see what is on tlie other side. This was nothing special in Russia 
because it happened very often after some work of this type, so he 
did not know at that time what liappeiicd there behind this wall. 
But later, when the Germans came to this part of Russia, after the 


beginning of the war in 1941, the Germans discovered that there are 
some people killed there, and the bodies of these people were there in 
the mass like in Katyn, like the same type. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did Aleksiej draw you a map or plan? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; he presented me with a plan on a piece of 
paper. I do not remember this plan, but it showed how this was 
made; and the people from Charkow and from suburbs of Charkow 
and the neighboring villages came in because the Germans, of course, 
organized big propaganda about this, that the Bolsheviks killed people 
there; and the Russian people who lived in Charkow and the suburbs 
of Charkow and the small villages there found their relations there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You mean, among the bodies that were re- 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; they found their relations. I must tell you 
that Aleksiej did not mention to me that Poles were found there; he 
did not tell me that. I did not ask him more about tliis because it 
was veiy dangerous in a concentration camp to speak about such a 
rather difficult political subject; but as I knew already about Katyn, 
and all this business — because you will remember the Germans 
arrested me in April 1943 

Chairman Madden. What day? 

Mr. Garlinski. It was April 20, 1943 — and I have known already 
from the German press that the Katyn grave was discovered. As 
far as I remember, I think they started to print articles about this in 
January 1943 — ^at the beginning of 1943 — so before they arrested me, 
I have known this already. 

Well, Aleksiej said to me about this Charkow. Well, it was rather 
something ver}^ interesting for me also from this point of view, that 
my father was taken prisoner of war by the Russians and was sent 
to Starobielsk. Starobielsk was the nearest camp to Charkow. So 
it was that this information from this Aleksiej was very important 
also from my personal point of view, as my father was prisoner of 
war in Starobielsk, and I did not find his name among those named 
by the Germans when they discovered Katyn. They started to 
print the names of Polish officers found there, in the German press 
published in Poland at that time. I did not find the name of my 
father there. So when Aleksiej said that they discovei'ed something 
almost the same near Charkow, it was quite possible that my father 
was found there. So it was very important information from my 
personal point of view- — not only from the Polish point of view. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you find out anything further from Aleksiej 
regarding who was in these graves? 

Mr. Garlinski. Well, he said that in his opinion they killed these 
people of Russian nationality who were against the Government and 
against what they wanted to do for the near future, because every- 
body was sure in Russia at that time that the war against Germany 
will start in the near future; and it happened 1 year later. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now one other question: Did Aleksiej tell you 
how many bodies were found in those graves at Charkow? 

Mr. Garlinski. Well, as far as I remember, he said thousands, 
but it is difficult for me to say now. 

Mr. Flood. Now here is one thing we are trjdng to presume: as 
you know or have heard, we seem to have accounted for the missing 
Polish officers from the camp at Kozielsk. 


Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Because of the names that have been hsted from the 
graves at Katyn; but nobody seems to be able to account for the 
missing officers from Starobielsk and Ostoshkov. 

Mr. Garlinski. No. 

Mr. Flood. It has been suggested, and we are trying to develop 
the theory, that the Russians may have had execution camps or execu- 
tion spots set up for various districts or geographic areas. Do you 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. That is why your testimony is important, because it 
indicates that possibility. Now, I want to emphasize that your 
friend did not mention Polish officers, did he, at that time? 

Mr. Garlinski. No : he did not. 

Mr. Flood. He mentioned thousands of bodies — yes or no? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; thousands of bodies. 

Mr. Flood. Did he indicate that his information was that there 
were executions taking place in the Kharkov area at this spot you 
are talking about in 1939 and 1940? 

Mr. Garlinski. 1940. 

Mr. AIachrowicz. There is one other question there I want to 
bring up: You were released in 1945 and came to England; is that 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; I was released by American forces, the 
American Army, in May 1945, and came here in November 1945. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you at that time, when you came to England 
in May 1945, relate the very same story as you are now telling this 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. To the Polish Government in exile? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. So that this matter which you have told us today 
has been related by you in exactly the same text in November 1945? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Immediately upon your arrival? 

Mr. Garlinski. Not in November 1945 — a bit later. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When? 

Mr. Garlinski. It is difficult to say. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Shortly after November? 

Mr. Garlinski. Even later. I think it was 1946 or 1947. 

Mr. Flood. By the way, did you ever hear, then or later, of any 
German announcements or reports or propaganda havmg to do with 
executions in the Kharkov area? 

Mr. Garlinski. Not German propaganda; no. 

Mr. Dondero. Where were you from 1943 until 1945, when you 
were released and came to England? 

Mr. Garlinski. From 1943 to 1945 I spent this time in the German 
concentration camps. 

Mr. DoNDERo. That is what I want to know; that is all. 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes; there were other camps. You may be inter- 
ested, if you would like to hear this: fJust before the war, in 1938, my 
father was married again, tlie second time; because my parents were 
separated— you know — divorced, when I was still a small child. He 
married a young girl. She is oidy, I think, 2 j'^ears older than my wife. 


And we were friends. AI3" father was mobilized in 1939 as a major of 
reserve. He was still not too old — only 49 or 48 ; and he disappeared 
during the war. We did not know what had happened to him. At 
this time we stayed m Warsaw — I with my wife, and we were friendly 
with his second wife. It was the beginning of 1940, as far as I remem- 
ber. My wife is here. My wife is Irish — not Polish. She may be a 
good witness for j^ou. She spent all the war in Poland. And siid- 
denl}^ the second wife of my father got a post card from my father 
from Starobielsk. It was the first information about him, where he is. 
It was one post card. I remember tnat she got another one also in 
Januar}" or February of 1940; and latei- the last news from him was a 
telegram sent through Moscow and Berlin for her. Her Christian 
name is Maria. This may be impo:tant for the date. [The witness 
looked at a diary.] It is the 25th Anarch. 

Mr. Machrowicz. ^\'hat year? 

Mr. Garlinski. 1940. She got this telegram from him, with 
wishes. You laiow, it is the Polish custom: ^^ e alwa3's remember the 
name — the Christian name — not the birthday. Her Christian name 
is Maria and Mary is JMarcli 25. 

Mr. Flood. By the name day? You mean the saint's day, do 
you not? 

Mr. Garlinski. The saint's day, yes. 

Mr. Flood. It is the Polish custom to send greetings on your name 
day or saint's day? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes, that is it. 

Mr. Flood. Rather than on the natal day or birthday? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes, that is true. 

Mr. Flood. Her name is Maria; her saint's day is St. Mary's day. 
The husband from the camp at Starobielsk sent her a telegram saying 
''Happy Birthday"? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Or "Happy Saint's Day"? 

Mr. Garlinski. Yes. That is tlnough Moscow and Berlin; it 
was the way of this telegram. It was March 25, 1940. It was the 
last news from him. Later, nothing. 

Chairman Madden. Are there any further questions? Has any- 
body promised you any pay or recompense for coming here to testify? 

Mr. Garlinski. No, no. 

Chahman Madden. We want to thank you for yom- testimony here 
today. It is very valuable testimony. Thank you. 

Mr. Garlinski. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Pucinski. This is the wife of the last witness. 

Chairman Madden. State your name and address. 

Mrs. Garlinski. Eileen Frances Gaiiinska, 104 Holland Road, 
London, W. 14. 

Chairman Madden. Before you make your statement, it is our 
wish that you be advised that you would run the risk of action in 
the courts if anyone considered he had suffered an injury by reason 
of your testimoiiy. At the same time I wish to make it quite clear 
that the Government of the United States and the House of Repre- 
sentativ^es do not assume any responsibility on your behalf with 
respect to libel or slander proceedings which may arise as a result of 
your testimony. You understand that? 

Mrs. Garlinska. I understand that. 


Cliaii-man Madden. Now will you raise your hand and be sworn. 
Do you swear by God the Almighty that you will, according to the 
best of your knowledge, tell the pure truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mrs. Garlinska. I do. 

Chairman Madden. What was 3'our name before 3^ou were married? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Short. 

Chahman MADDsn. Where were you born? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Liverpool. 

Chairman Madden. How long were you in England before you 
met your present husband? 

Mrs. Garlinska. I was in England until 1935. I went out to 
Poland in 1935. I met him in 1936 and we were married in 1939. 

Mr. Flood. The last witness who has just testified is your husband? 

Mrs. Garlinska. He is my husband; yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did you hear his testimony? ♦ 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You heard everything he said tliis morning? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You heard him say that you and he were living together 
as husband and wife in Warsaw; is that correct? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And at that time your father-in-law's second wife 
was also living in Warsaw? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes; for a time we lived in the same house as 
she did. 

Mr. Flood. The tliree of you lived together? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes; with her mother too. 

Mr. Flood. You heard your husband say she had received on 
different occasions two cards from her husband at Starobielsk? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Are you aware of that fact? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did you see the cards? 

Mrs. Garlinska. I did. 

Mr. Flood. Can you corroborate the testimony given b}^ your 

Mrs. Garlinska. I can. 

Mr. Flood. As true and correct? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Of your own knowledge? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Do you recall of your own memory the date of the 
last card that the wife received from her husband? 

Mrs. Garlinska. The last w^as a telegram. In fact, I remember 
the date chiefly — -I remember that this had come for her Name's 
Day or Saint's Day on March 25, 1940. We saw it. She always 
showed us the correspondence she had from him. I know that she 
tried frequently to get news. I was in contact with her mitil 1945 
personally and I still write to her. We were always very good friends. 

Mr. Flood. Your nationality is not Polish? 

Mrs. Garlinska. No; I am Anglo-Irish — more Irish. 

Mr. Flood. Anglo-Irish? 

Mrs. Garlinska. Yes, but more Irish than Anglo. 


Mr. Flood. That is all; thank you. 

Chahman Madden. Nobody has made any promise to you to pay 
you any emoluments for coming here to testify? 

Mrs. Garlinska. No. 

Chairman Madden. We wish to thank you for your testimon}^. 

Mrs. Garlinska. Thank 3^ou. 

Chairman Madden. Will you state your name and address? 

Mr. SzLASKi. Janus Prawdzic Szlaski, of 22 Buer Road, London, 
S. W. 6. 

Chairman Madden. Before you make your statement, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you would run the risk of action in the courts 
by anyone who considered he had suffered injury. At the same time 
I wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United 
States and the House of Representatives do not assume any respon- 
sibility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings 
which may arise as the result of your testimony. You understand 

Mr. Pucinski. This witness has indicated that he wants to testify 
in Polish. 

Chairman Madden. Yes. Will you interpret that. (The admoni- 
tion was interpreted to the witness.) 

Mr. Pucinski. The witness has indicated that he understands the 
statement and the admonition. 

Chairman Madden. Now, if you will be sworn. Do you solemnly 
swear by God the Almighty that you will, according to your best 
knowledge, tell the pure truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God. 


LONDON, S. W. 6. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. The witness has given his name and address for the 
record. Will you ask the witness where he was and what his capacity 
was in the year 1944? 

Mr. Szlaski. I was the commanding officer of an underground 
army, district Nowogrodek. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Ask him if that was what is commonly known in 
America as the Polish Home Underground Army that participated in 
the Warsaw uprising at the instigation of the Allies during the months 
of August and September of 1944? 

Mr. Szlaski. Yes. 

Air. O'Konski. That is correct? Ask him if it is not true that 
that home army was made up of the greatest patriots and the so called 
intelligentsia of what was left of Poland and particularly Warsaw, 
at that time? 

Mr. Pucinski. The witness said that in his particular battalion 40 
percent of those in the underground unit that he commanded were 
White Russians. 

Mr. O'Konski. Ask him what he knows about any Russian order 
or any Russian attempt to liquidate any leadership or any intelli- 
gentsia in Poland? 

Mr. Szlaski. I had several opportunities to observe these tactics. 
When the Russian Armies were virtually destroyed by the Germans 
in 1941 many of the Russian Officers and NKVD officers transferred 
their allegiance and worked with the German Gestapo, and these 


officers, especially in this district of Nowogrodek, began then an 
intensive campaign of collecting the intelligentsia of that area and 
surrendering it to the Germans. As soon as we discovered this in the 
Polish underground, we began intense efforts at destroying this 
procedure of these Kussian NKVD ofTicers selecting the intelligentsia 
and transferring it to the Germans. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Wliy did they transfer these intelligentsia to the 

Mr. SzLASKi. They wanted to eliminate all of the pro-Polish ele- 
ments in that particular region. After we had succeeded in destroying 
the intelligence union of the NKDV officers working with the Germans, 
then those who survived began efforts and contacted us with an 
effort to try and work with our units against the Germans. We had 
several conversations with their leaders and we did reach an agreement 
and we did work together and we did manage to destroy many of the 
installations in various German towns. During this period of co- 
operation with the remainder of the Russian NKVD with which Ave 
were working, we had several conversations to work out various 
details of points that came up and questions that came up. On the 
December 1, 1943, the Russians invited some of our officers for a 
series of discussions. After inviting us, and we told them to come to 
one of our underground meeting places, when the Russians got there, 
they attacked us by surprise. The}'" had succeeded in this attack in 
killing some of our people and capturing others of our people, whom 
they had taken back to Russia. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, the Russians asked for a meeting 
with the leaders of the underground home army? 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. And then, when they set the time and place of 
the meeting, the Russians came, and, instead of meeting with them, 
arrested them and killed some of them; is that correct? 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes. Those of our people who were away on patrol duty 
managed to escape this ambush, and then we started a bitter war 
with the Russian Partisans. They frequently attacked our villages 
and our meeting places. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. That is, the Russians attacked? 

Mr. SzLASKi. The Russians, and they murdered many of our 
people, and during one of these battles a Russian Army Staff officer 
was killed. One of our officers who searched the body of this dead 
staff officer came across a package of papers. This officer is now in the 
United States. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. What is his name and address, if he knows? 

Mr. SzLASKi. His name is Josef Niedzwiocki. He lives in Buffalo, 
and I will have to give you his exact address a little later. Among 
the papers that were found on this dead staft' officer was an order in the 
Russian language issued by the commanding officer of the Partisan 
Russians named Ponomarynko, who until recently was President of 
Wliite Russia and is now a member of the Russian Politburo. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, it was a very high ranking Russian 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes. The order stated that as of the December 1, 
1943, all efforts should be made to d(>stroy these Polish underground 
battalions and to particularly select the officers and noncommissioned 


Mr. O'KoNSKi. Ask him if lie has a complete copy of that order in 
his possession. 

Mr. SzLASKi. I have a copy of that order here which has been 
translated onto the Polish language. The original of this order I have 
in Poland. 

Mr. Flood. Let me see the document. [Document handed to Mr. 
Flood.] Show this document handed to me by the witness to the 
stenographer and have it marked as exliibit 31. As I understand it, 
exliibit 31, this document now marked for identification, is a copy of 
the order you have just described found upon the body of this Russian 
officer. Is that correct? 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes. 

(The order referred to was marked as "Exhibit 31" and is shown 


r .''■■-■ '• 

i^' ^t^^A^^k \^iA^^ \!\:i^^i.^i^^h j^i»Ho % 7&6.e^i ^:%<k. 

93744—52 — pt. 4 19 




(English cranslation of the above exliibit appears on the following 
page under remarks of Mr. Machrowicz.) 

Mr. Flood. You have the original document in your possession, 
but it is in Poland in safekeeping; is that correct? 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I now show you exhibit No. 31 and ask you, after you 
examine that, to state w^hether or not that is an exact copy of the 
original document taken from the Russian officer's body which you 
sa}^ is in Poland. Will you examine it and say? 

Mr. SzLASKi. It is an exact copy. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Ask the witness if, in his observation, particularly 
during the Warsaw uprising before and after, he feels that that order 
was actually" being carried out by the Russians. 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes. I saw it being executed. 

Mr. Flood. I have just examined the document to which we 
referred, exhibit No. 31, and I notice that 3'ou also have a Polish 
translation of exhibit 31. I understand that the original order, of 
course, found on the dead Russian officer's body was in Russian 
and this is an exact translation, as I understand it, of the Russian 
order. Is that correct? 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes, it is correct. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Ask him if the refusal of the Russians to come to the 
aid of Poland during the Warsaw uprising was part of the pattern of 
getting the leadership of Poland liquidated. 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes, it was; but I, however, did not participate in 
the Warsaw uprising. I was in Russian-occupied territory of Poland. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. W^ien the Russians moved forward and they kept 
on taking over more and more of the Polish territory and Polish people, 
what was the policy of the Russians concerning anybody who worked 
in a Polish undergroinid or who was left as a possible leader of Poland? 
What happened to them? 

Mr. SzLASKi. They arrested them and removed them to Russia. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, ask him if it was not a general 
policy on the part of the Russians to destroy ever}' segment of any 
possible Polish resistance of any nature. 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes, that was their policy. I worked together with 
these people and we had participated in the attack on Wilno. When 
the Polish Army attacked Wilno we were supportetd by the Russians 
and we subsequently guarded the flank of the Russian units. I was 
then removed from my present post and transferred to another 
assignment to form Polish units near Wilno. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Ask him if he sees any similarity in the Russian 
actions during his experience under the Russians in that territory, if 
he sees any similarity in the Russian order to eliminate and liquidate 
all possible oppositions, if he sees any similarity between that and the 
mass murders at Katyn. 

Mr. SzLASKi. I see no difference between the two. 

Mr. O'KoxsKi. In other words, it was a part of an over-all picture 
to wipe out the Polish leadership, the Polish intelligentsia and any 
possible Polish resistance? 

Mr. SzLASKi. Yes, that is correct. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Did you personally see that order which you found 
on the body of this dead Russian officer actually carried out against 
any of your people? 


Mr. SzLASKi. Yes. I was a prisoner of the Russians in 1941 in a 
Russian prison, and they had me scheduled for an execution. 

Mr. Flood. Exhibit No. 31 is very short. It is in Polish; and, for 
the information of the committee, I would suggest that it be read in 
English, so that we can hear exactly what that order from the Russian 
officer's body actually said. 

Mr. Machrowicz. If the chairman wishes, I will give my trans- 
lation of it. It is veiy short. 

Chairman Madden. Proceed. 

Mr. Machrowicz. On the very top the words are contained: 

Strictly secret. Copy No. 7. An earlier publication is subject to penalty- 
Military order to the commandants of the Partisan detachments of the Stalin 
Brigade, dated November 30, 1943, 15 o'clock. In execution of the order of the 
Chief of the Staff of the Partisan movement attached to the General Commander 
of the Russian Army, Lieutenant General Ponomarenko and of the authorised 
Chief of Staff of the Partisan movements, Baranowiski Serge, Major General 

On December 1, 1943, you are ordered at punctually 7 o'clock in the morning 
to publish and announce that in all occupied points commence immediately the 
personal disarmament of all Polish Legionnaires and Partisans. The guns and 
ammunition and documents taken from them to be registered and the Legionnaires, 
together with their guns, to be taken to the Milaszewski camp in the region of the 
village of Niestorowicze in the Iwieniecki region. 

In case of resistance during the time of disarmament on the part of the legion- 
naires and partisans, they are to be immediately shot. 

Immediately upon receipt of this order it is to be immediately sent by strictly 
confidential message for execution in the operational regions of our groups, 
companies and sections, with instructions for immediate execution of this order. 

This order is to be kept in strict confidence. 

The commanders of the various sections will be personally responsible for the 
publication or for the revealing of this order for any reason whatsoever. Signed 
by the commander of the Stalin Brigade, Colonel Gulewicz, and the commissar 
of the Stalin Brigade, Lieutenant Colonel Muranow. Also the chief of staff of 
the Stalin Brigade, Lieutenant Colonel Karpod. 

This order is issued in 10 copies. 

Then follows the names of the various detachments to whom the 
copies are to be delivered. Sealed by a round seal of the Stalin 

Mr. Flood. That should be submitted in evidence. 

Chairman Madden. That is accepted in evidence. (To the 
witness): Has anybody promised you any pay or emoluments to come 
here today to testify? 

Mr. SzLASKi. No. 

Chairman Madden. We wish to thank you for your testimony here 
today, very valuable testimony. 

Mr. SzLASKi. Thank you. 


Chairman Madden. Before you make a statement, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you will run the risk of action in the courts 
by ai\yone who considers he has suffered an injury. As the same time, 
I wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United 
States and the House of Representatives docs not assume any respon- 
sibility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings which 
may arise as the result of your testunony. You understand that? 

Mr. C. Yes. 


Chairman Madden. Do you swear by the God Almighty that 
you will, according to the best of your knowledge, tell the pure truth, 
the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. C. Yes. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Mr. Chairman, for the record, this witness has 
relatives behind the iron curtain, and he requests that his identity 
be preserved exclusively for the knowledge of the members of the 
committee and be not made a part of the public record. 

Chaii'man Madden. Have we his address? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Yes, we have his name and address. His identity 
is known to the committee. 

Chairman Madden. If he is known as "Mr. R" is that all right? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. "Mr. C." 

Chairman Madden. All right. You proceed, then. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Where were you born? 

Mr. C. In the Province of Pomorze. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When were you born? 

Mr. C. Twenty-eighth November, 1900. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did you have occasion to serve in the Polish Armed 

Mr. C. Yes, I did. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. In what rank and when? 

Mr. C. Staff sergeant. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. "Wlien? 

Mr. C. Do you mean before the war or during the war? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Wlien did you first join the Polish Armed Forces? 

Mr. C. Seventh September, 1919. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. In other words, 30U are a career soldier, a pro- 
fessional soldier? 

Mr. C I joined the Polish Border Guards after the mobilization 
in 1922. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You were in the Polish Border Guards in 1922, and 
did vou remain in that organization right on tlu'ough the war? 

Mr. C. Yes. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You were in the Polish Border Guards on Sep- 
tember 1, 1939, when Poland was invaded by the Germans? 

Mr. C. Yes, I was. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. And you were in the Polish Border Guards on 
September 17, 1939, when the Russians moved into Poland? 

Mr. C. No; I was a soldier then. I was incorporated again into the 

Mr. PuciNSKi. What were your duties? 

Mr. C. Fighting; nothing else. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Your rank was that of staff sergeant? 

Mr. C. No; it was sergeant then. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You were a sergeant at that time? 

Mr. C. Yes. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Were you ever taken prisoner by either the Germans 
or the Russians? 

Mr. C. I was arrested by the Russians on the 25th October, 1939. 
They ordered a registration of all newcomers to the town I was living 
for that moment, and I went there to register myself and my family. 
My family has been evacuated from the western part of Poland to the 
eastern part. 


Mr PuciNSKi. How long did 3^ou remain a prisoner of the Russians? 

Mr. C. From the 25th October, 1939, till the 24th August, 1941. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Duruig that period of internment did you ever have 
occasion to be interned either at the camp of Ostashkov. Starobielsk, 
or Kozielsk ? Just answer " Yes" or " No . " 

Mr. C. Yes. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Which of those three camps were you interned in 
at any given time? 

Mr. C. Among others, I was in Ostashkov. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When did you arrive at Ostashkov? 

Mr. C. We arrived in Ostashkov on the Uth February, 1940. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Am I correct in assuming that you were taken there 
by the Russians? 

Mr. C. Yes. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. At the time that you arrived at Ostashkov on the 
11th February 1940, how many other Poles were there is this camp? 

Mr. C. About 7,000. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Wlio were these people at that camp? 

Mr. C. Most of them were Polish policemen. There were a certain 
number of officers of all ranks, mostly police and the border guard, 
but there were some civilians like priests, lawyers, and other classes 
of people. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. There were 7,000 is all? 

Mr, C. In all about 7,000. I did not count them personally. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. How long did you stay at Ostashkov after you 
arrived there on February 11th? 

Mr. C. I stayed there till the 13th May, 1940. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. How long did the other 7,000 inmates or prisoners 
in that camp stay at Ostashkov after you arrived there on Februarv 

Mr. C. They were there. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. How long after that did they remain there? 

Mr. C. I was among the last ones to leave Ostashkov. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You were the second from the last group to leave 

Mr. C. That is right. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. What date was that? 

Mr. C. I was among a group of about 70 people to leave. And 
there remained after us about the same number — that means about 
70 people — who I. later learned left Ostashkov the next day. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You left on what date? 

Mr. C. The 13th May, 1940. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. What' happened to the rest of the 7,000 inmates 
that you had seen when you arrived there? 

Mr. C. I cannot tell you what happened. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Were they taken out of the camp between the 11th 
February and the 13th May? 

Mr. C. They were being taken away from the camp. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. They were evacuated? 

Mr. C. Evacuated. " 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Can you tell us in your own words tlu^ method of 
evacuating these men? 

Mr. C. Every day in the morning a certain number, say about 70 
to 130, were read from a list, aiul they took their mattresses and 


blankets, went to the church — there was a big hall — and there was a 
division. They left there these mattresses. Then there was a ring of 
guards. They took them tlu'ough another door straight into the 
guards ring and then in a group, like soldiers, they were marched 
away from the camp. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When did that evacuation begin, as far as you 

Mr. C. Fourth April, 1940. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. As far as you k)iow, then, the first group ranging 
from 70 to 130 left Ostashkov on April 4th? 

Mr. C. The first group left Ostashkov on the 4th April 1940. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Tiien do I understand you correctly that subse- 
quently in similar groups they left eveiy day thereafter? 

Mr. C. Sometimes three groups a day left. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. How were they actually evacuated from the camp? 
How did they leave the camp? 

Mr. C. Marching away singing in fours. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did you see them boarding trains or trucks, or 

Mr. C. No. They were taken to a station which was far away 
from the camp. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. How do you know that they were taken to the 

Mr. C. Because I was taken there myself. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you have auy idea what happened to these men 
that were evacuated prior to your own departure? 

Mr. C I cannot tell. Just one thing which strikes me is that in 
the beginning of May 1940 there was gossip among the prisoners 
there, the Poles. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When you say "gossip," you mean rumors? 

Mr. C. Yes, speaking about it, that the first thousands of Ostashkov 
men have been put on the ships and pulled up the river to the White 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Up what river? 

Mr. C. I could not tell you which river, but a river which leads to 
the White Sea, and the ships with the people were sunk in the rivers, 
that is what we heard. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When did you first hear those rumors? 

Mr. C. I cannot tell you the date, but in the first days of May 1940. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. That is when the rumors started, more or less? 

Mr. C. Yes. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. That was the first 1,000. Did you hear any other 
rumors regarding the other approximately 6,000? 

Mr. C. I personally heard onlv this one. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. About the first 1,000. 

Mr. C. No, not 1,000; of the first thousands. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Would you say how many thousands? 

Mr. C. No, I cannot. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do vou have any idea where those rumors started? 

Mr. C. No, I cannot tell you. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When you heard those rumors repeated to you, 
did your friends tell you where they heard it from? 

Mr. C. My friend could not tell who started, as I cannot tell you 
who started. 


Mr. PuciNSKi. Did you over talk to any of the camp officials about 
these rumors? 

Mr. C. No, never. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You never asked them? 

Mr. C. No. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. And thev never volunteered any information? 

Mr. C. No. ^ 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did you believe those rumors at that time? 

Mr. C. There are certain things which one who has been in Russia 
can take for granted. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. May what? 

Mr. C. May take for granted; you may take it as the truth. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. As far as you know, then, only on the basis of 
rumors, the first thousands of men who were evacuated from that 
camp were taken down the river to the White Sea and placed on 
barges, and there the barges were sunk off the coast line? 

Mr. C. That is what we heard. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did those rumors indicate where; how far off the 

Mr. C. No, thev could not. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You left on Mav 13, 1940? 

xMr. C. Yes. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. How did you leave that camp? 

Mr. C. The sam.e way as my friends before. I was read out of a 
list by Russian guardsmen. I took my m.attress and blankets into 
the church there and I have put down the things, and a severe per- 
sonal revision was made; everything was taken away. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Were jour personal belongings taken away from 

Mr. C. They were taken long before in Poland. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Were letters and pictures taken away from you? 

Mr. C. Everything. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Everything? 

Mr. C. Everything, which means pens and papers and things. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Letters and pictures also of your family? 

Mr. C. No; they were not allowed to a prisoner. Everything 
was taken away. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. After you marched out of the camp, where did you 

Mr. C. We were led out of the camp to, I believe, the nearest 
station and loaded into wagons. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Into trucks or trains? 

Mr. C. Into trains with bars, of course. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Prison cars on a train? 

Mr. C. That is it. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Wliere were you taken from there? 

Mr. C. Again to Pavlishchev Bor. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you know the name of that station? 

Mr. C. No; not this one. I know that one which I came into 
Ostashkov. It was Ostashkov as well. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you know of your own knowledge whether the 
other men that preceded you who left the station were taken away 
l)V train? 


Mr. C. I have not seen with my own eyes, but I do not think in 
those regions there is a possil^iUty of taking people on foot. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Were there roads around there? 

Mr. C. I think so. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. But there were large numbers being evacuated? 

Mr. C. You mean groups? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Some 70 to 130. 

Mr. C. As I said before, about 70 to 130 people at a time. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Wlien you boarded this train, did you see any 
inscriptiQns in the train cars regarding any hint as to where the men 
from Ostashkov may have gone? 

]\Ir. C. No. There were different things of this kind, but nothing 
about the people from Ostashkov. Perhaps there may be, but I did 
not see any. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did you, while you were still back' at the camp and 
while these men were being evacuated, reach any agreement, or did 
you instruct the men leaving before you to leave you any clues on the 
trains, if they could, as to where they were going? 

Mr. C. No. The camp was newly created, so I had very few friends 
there. There were days in which you were unable to get in touch 
with the people. We could not speak honestly to each other because 
you could not trust. You should understand one thing in Russia. 
In any group of people they put somebody in who takes from you and 
gives the information to the Russians. So you cannot trust an^^body. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you know if any of the inmates of that camp had 
made any arrangements with those leaving the camp to try and leave 
some clue as to where those leaving before you were going? 

Mr. C. No; I did not hear that. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You do not know that? 

Mr. C. No. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You say you did see inscriptions. Can you tell us 
very briefly what some of those inscriptions were? 

Mr. C. Big places of Russia, say Briansk. I have forgotten the 
names — I do not remember them now — but the first thing of a prison 
in Russia— 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Do you remember any other names besides Briansk? 

Mr. C. It is too far away. I cannot remember the places. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Can you tell me from your own personal knowledge 
where is Briansk in relation to the White Sea? 

Mr. C. It is in the Province of Smolensk. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Briansk is? 

Mr. C. Yes. 

Mr, PuciNSKi. Do you know of your own knowledge whether a 
trip from Ostashkov to the Wliite Sea would require you to go through 

Mr. C. You may, but there are other ways as well. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. I notice that you have been referring to a little 
board here in answering some of these questions. What is this 

Mr. C. This is part of a Polish knapsack, before the war. Every- 
thing what means paper was taken away. I was sure I couldn't keep 
all these dates and places in my mind; so, finally I got the idea to write 
them down with little pieces of pencil and kept it in the proper place, 
which is between two boards. 


Mr. PuciNSKi. Those arc the staves for your knapsack; aren't they? 

Mr. C. Yes, sir. And all these hundreds of observations were my 
personal observations taken. I got the idea that there were things 
like this. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Why did you keep this so-called diary? 

Mr. C. Because in case I would be murdered, because we believed 
they are able to do so, somebody may find the thing, and in case I 
would stay alive it will help me to tell the people where I was and to 
where I went. That is the idea I kept the dates in the place. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. This is not very long. It shouldn't take very long. 

Would you briefly give us the notations you have on that stave? 

Mr. C. Yes, sir. It is in Polish. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Would you translate that into English? 

Mr. C. The 25th of October, arrested in Bolechow, taken to Dolina. 

The 2d of November, taken to Stanislaw. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. This is still 1939? 

Mr. C. Yes, sir. 

The 3d of November, taken from Stanislaw to Tarnopol and 
through Podwoloczyska, in Russia, Proskirow, Szypytowka, Konotop, 
Bryansk, to Babinino. The 25th of November 1939, vve arrived at 
the camp of Juchnow. 

The 2d of December to the 16th of that month, I was very sick in 
that camp. 

The 21st of December that year, the police were taken away from 
us; just a border guard remained, were left there. 

The 30th of January 1940. we left that camp. 

The 11th of February 1940, we came into the camp of Ostashkov. 
The 13th of May, I left that camp through Torzok, Rzjew, Bryansk. 

The 16th of May 1940, again I arrived into the camp of Pawlisczew 
Bor. There are two names: Juchnow and Pawlisczew Bor. 

The 13th of June 1940, we left Pawlisczew Bor and came into the 
camp of Griazowiec — at the 18th of June 1940. 

The 30th of July 1941, a treaty took place between the Russians and 
the Polish Government in Lublin. The 12th of August 1941, we were 
told that we are a free people, told by the Russians. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You were given vour freedom? 

Mr. C. Yes. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Let me ask you here : Do you have any idea why you 
and the other 140 from Ostashkov were singled out as those who were 
to go to Pawlisczew Bor? Do you have any idea why you were in that 

Mr. C. That is a question I often put to myself, and I found only 
one answer to that question. The first protocol was put down by the 
Russians in Bolechow. They asked me whether I had been serving 
in the Polish Army during the Polish-Bolshevik war in 1920. Al- 
thougii 1 took part in it, I told them I didn't; I was born and l)rought 
up and did my duty only on the western part of Poland, on the (ler- 
man border. That is what may be the cause they sorted me out, for 
my best friend, with whom I was doing my duty before the war for 10 
years, being born as well at the western part of Poland, he vanished 
because, as he told me during our stay in Ostnshkov, he was put down 
in the protocol that he was fighting against the Russians in 1920. 
And that is what, I think, mav be the cause I was soiled out. 


Mr. PuciNSKi. You subsequently joined General Anders' Polish 
Army in Russia? 

Mr. C. I did. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. When did you first hear of the discovery of bodies 
in Katyn? 

Mr. C. In 1943, in Jerusalem. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. At the time that you heard of this discovery, what 
reaction did that have on you in regard to your own personal expe- 
riences at Ostashkov, if any? 

Mr. C. It only came true what I was thinking all the time after we 
had been searching for those people and we couldn't get any reply 
from the Russians, and we couldn't find them and they didn't join 
the army. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. What, in your own opinion, do you think happened 
to the rest of the men who were interned with you at Ostashkov? 

Mr, C. They had been slaughtered in the same way as at Starobielsk. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Not at Katyn? 

Mr. C. No; not at Katyn, because there are, as I believe, more 
Katyns in Russia. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Woidd you have any idea, in your own mind, on the 
basis of your stay at Ostashkov and some of the things that you heard 
there, where these men could have been exterminated? 

Mr. C. It is only as I suggested before, they were drowned in the 
White Sea, according to reports I heard. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did you believe those reports? 

Mr. C. I believed this was possible, on the basis of what I knew 
about the Russians. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. How far is the White Sea from Ostashkov? 

Mr. C. Hundreds of miles. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Approximately how manv hundreds? 

Mr. C. I can't tell. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You don't know? 

Mr. C. No. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You have heard, no doubt, since the discovery of 
the bodies at Katyn, that those at Starobielsk and at Kozielsk had 
read inscriptions on the trains, of where these men were going; haven't 

Mr. C. No. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. You have not heard that? 

Mr. C. No. I can't tell because I didn't see it personally. I can 
tell only things which I experienced or saw myself. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. But have you heard, in your subsequent study of 
this whole case, that some of the men did notice them? 

Mr. C. No ; I didn't. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. I can tell you that some of the witnesses here did 
testifj^ that they had seen inscriptions on the train, of their com- 
patriots wliicli were intended as a clue as to where they were going. 
The reason I ask you tliis question is to determine if you have any 
idea, any opinion, since you say there were no inscriptions on the 
train that you traveled in giving you some clue as to where your m.en 
from Ostoshkov were sent? 

Mr. C. I don't deny there were inscriptions, but I haven't seen them 
and, therefore, I can't describe them. But I don't deny it; it is 


Mr. PuciNSKi. And you have no idea why those names may not 
have appeared, or why these men didn't leave any ckies as the others 

Mr. C. No. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Is there anything else you would like to add to j^our 
statem.ent at this tim^e that might give us an opportunity to establish 
who was responsible for the disappearance of these men? 

Air. C. Personally, I believe that the slaughter of the Polish 
prisoners had been done by the Russians, because when we were 
searcliing for them in Russia and were waiting for them., the staff 
officers of the Polish Army, knowing that there is a big search going 
on, they couldn't tell us where the prisoners were. But when the 
Germans discovered the mass graves in 1943, they rapidly found out 
that they were at Smolensk in a camp from which nobody came out 
and nobody knows about such a camp. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did the Germans ever occupy, to the best of your 
knowledge, the camp at Ostashkov? 

Mr. C. Yes. I have photographs, but I haven't them here, m an 
English magazine. In that camp are German prisoners. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. I want to know whether the German Army, after 
the Germans invaded Russia in 1941 — did the German Army ever 
reach Ostashkov? 

Mr. C. Never in 1941. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Did they reach there subsequent to that? 

Mr. C. I wasn't interested then. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. As far as you know, they did not? 

Mr. C. As far as I know, they weren't. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. As far as you know, the German armies never 
occupied Ostashkov? 

Mr. C. No. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. As far as vou know, when vou left Ostoshkov on 
April 4, 1940 ■ 

Mr. C. No; May 13, 1940. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Excuse me. As far as you know, when you left 
Ostashkov on May 13. 1940, there were approximatelv 70 more 
Poles remaining in that camp? 

Mr. C. After my leaving the camp, about 70 people remained and 
came after me the next day into Pawlisczew Bor. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Mr. Witness, I think you have answered all of o\u- 

Does anj^one else have any questions. 

Chairman Madden. Are there any questions? 

Mr. Machrowicz. No questions. 

Mr. DoNDEHO. No questions. 

Chairman Madden. Is there anything further now? 

Has anybody promised you any ])ay or emohnnents to come here 
today to testify? 

Mr. C. Heaven forbid. 

Cliairman Madden. Thank you for coming liere today. 

Mr. C. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. At this time, Mr. Chairman, we will liave Mr. 
Lunkiewicz, who is the custodian of the Polisli archives of documents 
and files relating to the vai'ious correspoiuU'nce and efforts made to 
clear up this matter of Katyn. Mr. Lunkiewicz has with him the 


originals from their files and he has duly authenticated photostatic 
copies which he will then hand ov^er to this committee. 


Mr. Flood. Colonel, you are the same Colonel Lunkiewicz who 
was called by the committee 3'esterday and sworn for the purpose of 
reappearino; today and in your custody and possession for the 
purpose of presenting to the committee certain documents of the 
London Polish Government; is that correct? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Do you now have with you such documents? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Yesterday your were requested by the committee, as 
far as time and circumstances would permit, to bring here with these 
documents a short statement in connection with each one as you 
proposed to introduce it; is that correct? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. A short statement about each document? 

]VIr. Flood. About each document that you intend to comment on. 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Very well. Now, what is the first document that you 
are prepared to present? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. May I speak generall}^ of these documents 
first? All these documents were used by the Polish Investigation 
Committee for making a big report and an additional report. These 
two reports I gave yesterday to Congressman O'Konski, a big report 
of the Polish Govermnent and an additional report. 

Mr. Flood. Colonel, you are about to give us the title of certain 
reports prepared inider the auspices and direction of the Polish 
London Government on the Katyn Massacre; is that correct? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What are the official titles of those reports? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. The official title of the first report is "Facts 
and Documents About Polish Prisoners of War in L^. S. S. R." 

Mr. Flood. Do both reports bear the same title? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. No. 

Mr. Flood. What is the other one? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. The other one was after we got the addi- 
tional evidence in 1947, a supplementary report of facts and docu- 
ments concerning the Katyn Massacre. 

Mr. Flood. Let me have those two documents, the original report 
and the so-called supplement. [Reports handed.] For the purposes 
of this record, we will mark the supplementary report of facts and 
documents concerning the Katyn Massacre as exhibit 32 and the 
other document will be marked as exhibit 33. 

Colonel, I show a^ou exhibits Nos. 32 and 33 and ask you whether 
or not these are the reports to which you have just referred? 

Colonel Lunkiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. They are to be admitted. At this time the committee 
would like to state on the record that all of these documents and 
exhibits that are being presented by the colonel at this time will be 
marked for identification on the record and will be admitted with 
the understanding that only those parts of such documentary exhibits 
will be printed in the official record of these hearings as this committee 


at the time sees fit and proper and considers material to the investi- 

Mr. Machrowicz. I would like to add to that. The committee 
considers them all material, but only those we may consider as 
necessary will be printed. 

Mr. Flood. Necessary and essential. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is right. 

(Reports referred to were marked "Exhibit 32" and "Exhibit 33" 
and will be found in a separate volume, pt. 6, of this committee's 
record of proceedings.) 

Mr. Flood. What is the next document. Colonel. 

Colonel LuNKiEWicz. Documents produced to us for report, and 
now I present only some of the more important documents divided 
in three groups. The first group is concerning prison camps. The 
second is a question of discovery of the Commission of Polish Red 
Cross in the Kriwoserczew case. The third is the diplomat documents. 

IVIr. Machrowicz. By that you mean the exchange of diplomatic 
notes between Poland and Russia? 

Colonel LuNKiEWicz. Russian minutes of talks in conferences with 
Stalin, Molotov, Sikorski-Stalin conference, and so on, and certain 
special notes about missing Polish officers. The last is only four docu- 
ments, not connected with the Katyn affair. Two of the documents 
were asked for by Mr. Pucinski and two documents are given by me. 
The first is the proclamation of Timoshenko that Mr. Pucinski yes- 
terday asked about, and the second document is an instruction on 
how to deport the civilian population from Lithuania, Estonia, and 

Mr. Flood. Do you have the original of that Timoshenko procla- 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. No; I have not. 

Mr. Flood. Just a copy? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. It is a photographic copy. I think the 
original is somewhere in London. Probably it is in the Sikorski 
Institute. I am not sure. 

Mr. Flood. Is that all? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you let me have those documents in this order: 
First I want the document referring to the camps. 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Here is the testimony of Mr. Komarnicki. 
It is the best relation about Kozielsk Camp. I also have the original 
re])ort of Narcys Lopianowski, who was taken by the Russians to the 
Villa of Bliss, where the Reds tried to convert him to Comminiism. 

Mr. Flood. Let me have the entire folder dealing with the camps. 
As I understand it now, this exhibit deals with comments and docu- 
ments and written material dealing with the camps. 

Colonel LuNKiKwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you have the stenographer mark that as Exhibit 

(The document referred to is an original docinnent. It was marked 
"Exhibit 34" and subsequently withdrawn when exhibit 35, a photo- 
static copy of this document was introduced. Exhibit 34, the original, 
was returned to the witness.) 

(Exhibit 35, English translation of the Komarnicki Report and 
Exhibit 35A, translation of the Lopianowski report follow: 



[Translation copy of exhibit 35] 

9-th Field Court Martial Sow: 29/43. 

Supreme Command of 

The Armed Forces in London. 

Record of Hearing of Witness 

LONDON, the 21-st of May, 1943. 
Time — 11 a. m. 

Criminal case against: N. N. 


Military Judge: Cpt. And. Dr. KURATOWSKI ROMAN, 

Recorder: u. c. BAGINSKA STEFANL\. 

The witness having been cautioned and informed in accordance with art. 81 of 
the Military Penal Code about the responsibility for making untrue statements 
and after having taken oath in accordance with the 83-rd art of the M. P. C. 
stated as follows: 

1/ Name and Chr. name: KOMARNICKT WACLAW, 

2/ Date and place of birth: 29.Vn.1891, WARSAW, 

3/ Names of parents: TYTUS and JOZEFA, born SUSZYCKA, 

4/ Religion: Rom. Cat., 

5/ Family status: married, 

6/ Nationality: Polish, 

7/ Citizenship: Polish, 

8/ Military rank: 2-nd/Lieut. of general conscription, 

9/ Allocation: The Ministry of Justice, 

10/ Relationship to parties concerned: no objections. 

I was brought to Kozielsk with a transport of prisoners of war from the Ukraine 
in the beginning of November 1939. I had spent the first two months of captivity 
in the Sumska Oblast /district/ to the South of Kursk. I lived first in huts 
erected for the use of peat diggers /in Boloto near the Tiotkino railway station/ and 
then in the Sofrono monastery. The conditions of life were atrocious: we slept 
on an overcrowded floor; it was extremely cold in the liuts and we were kept 
starving/ the only food we received was lentil soup and black bread /. 

During those first two months the officers were being segregated from other 
ranks. The latter were removed from the camp and at least some of them found 
themselves back in Poland after having been handed over to the Germans. Ac- 
cording to an account of N. K. V. D. Captain Wasilewski — which I heard from 
him in Griazowiec — the handing over was to have taken place in Brze^c. I know 
of one such case which has been confirmed: a Warsaw practitioner Dr. Bauer, 
after having been taken from the Sofrano Monastery with a transport which left 
in October 1939, visited in Warsaw the wife of Zielihski [professor of the Poznad 
University] and is now in Palestine, after having escaped from German imprison- 

After the other ranks had left [in groups formed according to the districts in 
which they had resided] the officers assembled in the Sumska District [there were 
4 camps quartered in huts and one in the monastery] were directed by way of 
Briansk to Kozielsk. 

In Kozielsk we found about a 100 other ranks left over from the inmates of the 
former camp which existed there. In that first camp there were allegedly many 
Bielo-Russians and Ukrainians who had initially adorned their breasts with red 
cockades which however soon vanished when disillusionment replaced their initial 
enthusiasm. I learned about this from the Rev. Canon Kamil Kantak, a professor 
of the Pinsk Seminary whom I had encountered in Kozielsk and who is now in the 
Carmelite Monastery in Baghdad. 

Later on, other prisoners from other camps began to arrive. An unusually 
large transport arrived in the latter half of November from Szepiet6wka [Kazi- 
mierczak now in Nairobi] whose members complained of exceptionally hard 
conditions which had existed in that camp. In the beginning of December 
arrived a strongly guarded convoy counting well over a hundred persons which 
was placed in an isolated block of the camp, separated from the rest by barbed 
wire. It was allegedly composed of judges, military and civil prosecutors who 
had already received sentences of long term confinement in penal labour camps. 
From among these I recollect the name of Col. KORNILOWICZ. They looked 
awfully ill-treated and the only contact we had with them was in the latrines. In 
less than three weeks they were removed from our camps. If they were not sent 
to Ostaszk6w — and this was impossible in respect of those who had been already 


s(.'ntenced — it is possible that some of them might be still in penal labour camps. 
Gen. WOLKOWICKI had a list of their names. 

The Kozielsk camp was composed of two parts completely isolated one from the 
other. The first part was a cluster of former monastery buildings which in pre- 
Bolshevik times had been an Orthodox Seminary and since the revolution had 
been turned into a rest house named after Gorkij. [The prisoners paraphrazed 
the name calling it "BITTER-REST HOUSE" instead of "GORKIJ'S REST- 
HOUSE". Translator's note: GORKIJ in Russian means BITTER]. The second 
part of the camp was the so called SKIT or "hermitage" where at one time the 
Bolsheviks had set up a rest house for mothers with babies. 

The first part formed quite a little town surrounded by a high wall within which 
were 22 buildings called by the Bolsheviks "Corps", while the prisoners called 
them "Blocks". 

Staff officers were separated from the subalterns and were concentrated: - Gen- 
erals and colonels in blocks No. 7 and No. 22 while the majors were quartered in 
block No. 14 which stood in the nearest neighbourhood of block No. 7. An order 
existed of which nobody took any heed, forbidding the inhabitants of one block 
to pay visits to other blocks. In particular anyone visiting block No. 7 was 
persecuted. In block No. 15 a few rooms were reserved for civilians. The camp 
had a hospital fairly adequately equiped, an infirmary, a i)harmacy and Turkish 
baths. These sanitary arrangements were under the supervision of a Georgian 
doctor Gelenidze whose behaviour was full of sympathy for the prisoners. Pohsh 
doctors were employed in the maintenance of health with Col. STEFANOWSKI 
and Col. SZARECKI, acting as senior inedical officers. The hj-giene of the camp 
was entrusted to Lieut. /Col. Dr. MILLAK, the kitchen was supervised by Cpt. 

There was a cinema within the cainp, also a club with billiard tables and a 
reading room with Russian and foreign books. The interiors of the blocks were 
crammed with board beds sometimes in four condignations and they were stuffy, 
dark, full of dust, dirt, bugs and lice and at no time quiet. Only the blocks 7 
and 22 where the staff officers were quartered had beds. 

In the "Skit" there were several small barracks and one large block in which 
the kitchen was placed. The whole was meant to be a garden. I only spent one 
night there and therefore cannot describe in detail the lay-out of the "Skit". 

In the "Skit" were quartered officers who had lived in the Soviet occupied part 
of Poland. They were given much better food. In the main camp the food, 
although better than in the UKRAINE, was very insufficient. We were always 
hungry. The administrative staff stole rations. In March 1940 the officers from 
the Soviet occupied zone were transfered to the main camp and mixed with the 
officers from the German and Lithuanian zones. 

The total number of prisoners detained in Kozielsk can be accurately estimated. 
Incessant lists were being compiled in the camp for various purposes [general 
records, food rationing, camp outfit, medical for various inoculations, etc.]. We 
were assured tlnit copies of all these lists were sent to Moscow. The Soviet 
Government had to have an accurate record. Further to that, various p(»sts in 
the camp were entrusted to the prisoners themselves such as the senior otticer of 
the camp, block comnaanders, etc. These functionaries kept strict records. 
Basing my calculation on those various lists I can estimate the strength of the 
camp to be round about 5,000 [closer to 4,700]. 

Included in this figure were a hundred other ranks, about a hundred ensigns 
and some forty civilians. /POHORECKl — President of the Codification Conmiis- 
sion of the Polish Hepublic./ The rest were all ollicers. 

Among the officers were the following generals : MIXKIEWICZ [taken prisoner 
from his land allotment near Ib'ezese and therefore even without his uniform but 
dressed in a very shabliy light brown suit with knickerbdckcr trousers wrappers 
and a cyclist cap: the i)oor man was so emhrassed to show himself dressed like 
that that he mostly remained in block No. 7 from where he issued orders as the 
highest ranking Polish olficer in the campj. The otlier generals were: BOHA- 
TYRKWirZ Ipensionedj, WOLKOWICKI and SMOUAWIXSKI [very active] 
and Kear-Adniiral CZIOKXICKI. The numlter of colonels and lieut./colonels 
amounted to about a hundred and there were over .SOO majors. 

Tiicr(> wi'vo a few chnplaiiis with llie Kev. Prelate WO.ITVXIAK, Deputy of 
tlie Field I'.ishop as their senior. Also the Kev. Prof. KAXTAK. the Kev. Mjr. 
ZIOLKOVVSKI, the Rev. Prof. XOWAK and Kev. Father SKOKEZ. Occa- 
sionally the priests celebrated mass on Sundays, heard confessions and in general 
were very active. They were strongly i)ersecute(l by Soviet authorities. Three 
of them were held under arrest. 


Further to the sum of military knowledge and value which the officers concen- 
trated in Kozielsk represented, they were undoubtedly the pick and choice of the 
Polish intelectual elite. The most numerous wore the doctors. There were quite 
a few university professors /PIENKOWSKI from Cracow, STRASZYNSKI 
and ZIELINSKi from Poznan, lecturer MISIURA from Warsaw, MORAWSKI 
and lecturer SIEXICKI from the Warsaw Polvtechnic College, KOMARXICKI 

There were therefore numerous lectures given daily in the camp and they 
covered various fields, of science. They were mostly forbidden by Soviet au- 
thorities /with a few exceptions/ who, however, did not persecute us unduly 
about them. Mjr. SKOCZYSKI the "Senior" officer of block No. 10 edited 
together with Lieut. GINSBERT a ''Bulletin of the 10-th block"; some 10 numbers 
of it were issued tout they were finally caught at it and both were punished with a 
few weeks of arrest. 

There was also one womaii prisoner in the camo. A Mrs. LEWAXDOAVSKA 
but allegedly her true name was DOWBOR-MUSNICKA. 

('Ommissar KOR ALIEW was the camp commander. However, it was Brigade 
Commissar /Kobrig/ ZARUBIX' v.ho, till the middle of April 1940, was the 
head of the camp authorities. He spoke many languages /German, French, 
English/ and had a general Soviet standard of education. In his talks with our 
high-ranking officers / in particular with Col. KUNSTLER / he showed strong 
political sympathies for the Germans. 

As 2-nd in command we had X^ K. V. D. Mjr. ELMAN — an Estonian, a 
silent and sickly man who was, however, polite in his behaviour towards the 
prisoners. From mid-April he took over ZARUBIX"'S post. 

ZARUBIX'S A. D. C. and his right hand was N. K. V. D. Cpt. ALEKS- 
AXDROWICZ a busy-body individual who catered for popularity among the 
prisoners by distributing small favours which were of tremendous value in 
prison-camp life such as the sending out of letters in advance of the prescribed 
time, the supplying of certain books, paints etc. 

Another important functionary was Lieut. DEMIDOWICZ who was the camp's 
Commissar. In the political field were active: a certain Cpt. WASILEWSKI, 
a lawyer who claimed himself to be a Pole, a rather un-interesting character, also 
a drug-addict Lieut. GUBAJEW, while the administration was in the hands of 
a Lieut. BOGDAXOWICZ who also maintained that he was a Pole. 

Further to these there were numerous other political and administrative 

The six months during which the Polish officers remained in the Kozielsk camp 
were spent on the de-coding of their political affiliation. For this purpose a 
numerous staff of X^. K. V. D. commissars experienced in carrying out inquests 
interrogated the prisoners. These hearings called "doprosy" were held night 
and day. They were different from normal inquests confined only to the sphere 
of military activities and, contrary to the latter, probed into the political and 
social opinions of each prisoner. 

The prisoners were questioned as if they were criminals. Although, in principle, 
it was already a crime to be in the service of a "bourgeois Army" and to have 
taken part in the "world counter-revolution" against the Soviet Union, the in- 
quests were aimed at picking out the qualified culprits such as the officers of the 
2-nd Section/Intelligence Service/and those actively engaged in anti-communist 
activities, while the most commonly ascribed crime was the "endeavour to wrench 
away Bielorussia and the Ukrain.e from the Soviet Union". We were questioned 
about our whole lives in particular to what political parties we belonged to which 
most of us answered that we were independent and non-party. This caused 
consternation among the questioners who could not understand how it was pos- 
sible that intelligent people were not interested in politics. In the U. S. S. R. 
the principle is that everything is political. They were interested in our con- 
tacts with foreign countries. At that time the attitude of the Soviet authorities 
was distinctly pro-German. It was Great Britain who was mostly to blame for 
the outbreak of the war, by having used Poland as an implement to launch an 
aggression against Germany. Poland wa.s alway referred to as "the late Poland", 
/"Poland no longer does and never will exist again"/ and the Polish Army as 
"the late Polish Army", against which the questioned officers protested. Sym- 
pathizers of the Bolshevik regime were also sought for among those questioned. 
Two photographs, one "en face" and one from the profile, were taken of every 
single prisoner. 

As a result of these investigations certain officers were removed from the 
camp either individually or in groups. One of the 24-th of December 1940 

93744— 52— pt. 4 20 


/Christmas Eve/the group of chaplains left the camp/with the exception of 
Father ZIOLKOWSKI who was under arrest/. From among them only the 
Rev. Father KANTAK had been foimd later. He was a citizen of Gdansk and 
had been in the meantime in the Ostaszk6w camp and in the Lubianka prison. 
On the 8-th of March 1940 a group of seven officers was removed. Of these 
only Col. LUBODZIE]CKI had been found alive later on. The officers were 
taken away to prisons, for further questioning and many of them were sentenced 
to corrective labour camps. 

The prologue to the general evacuation was the removal of other ranks from 
the camp which took place in the middle of March 1940. Toegther with them was 
sent a lecturer of gynecology from the Wilno University whose name I no longer 
recollect. This departure was commented upon in two different ways: some said 
that our soldiers were being sent to work while optimists maintained that they were 
being sent to Poland and gave them messages to be passed on to their families. 
Anyhow the departure made a great impression on those remaining in the camp. 

Rumors began to circulate about the liquidation of the camp which was to 
take place shortly. Initiallv the Soviet commissars talked about the breaking up 
of the camp into smaller units /"rozgruzenie"/, because of its overcrowding. "Its 
quite impossible to allow people to live in such a terrible congestion — think of 
what would happen if a disease broke out?". 

When the regular evacuation started i. e. on the 6th of April 1940 the official 
comment given by the Soviet authorities was: "homeward bound". Those from 
under the Soviet occupied part of the country were to be sent to their respective 
places of residence, and the prisoners even began to worry that once they we 
going to lose their status of prisoners of war which after all did give them some 
hope of claiming rights under international law, that they would be "disposed of 
in no time" by local Soviet authorities. As to the prisoners residence was 
on German occupied territory, it was maintained that an agreement existed 
which stipulated their handing over to the Germans. When I asked cpt. ALEK- 
SANDROWICZ where they were going to send us he answered: "Westward — 
closer to your families". The same ALEKSANDROWICZ was supposed to have 
shown to col. MISIURA a frontier station on the map where the handing over of 
the prisoners to the Germans was to take place and where his camera would be 
returned to him. Under the influence of these hints spread by the Bolsheviks 
an atmosphere of joyful excitement seized the inmates of the camp. People 
left the camp without any fears, in excellent spirits. The authorities treated them 
not unkindly, at the time of departure and even the herrings supplied for the 
journey were wrapped up in clean white paper, a most unusual thing to happen 
in the U. S. S. R. At the research to which those leaving were submitted and which 
took place in block No. 21, the functionaries carrving out the search were dressed 
in white aprons and they confiscated all sharp implements and occasionally letters 
and notebooks. 

Among the first to leave were three generals: MINKIEWICZ [dressed as a 
civilian as described above], BOHATYREWICZ and SMORAWINSKI. Also 
Col. STEFANOWSKI. The Bolsheviks arranged a farewell party at which they 
treated them to pancakes. The generals left in a radiant mood through rows of 
cheering officers who ranged themselves to bid them farewell. It happened on a 
beautiful, sunny, spring day. 

From then on transports left nearly daily in groups of up to 200 persons. 
Sometimes there were a few days of interval but on some days one group left in 
the morning and another in the afternoon. On the 27-th of April the largest 
transport numbering about 400 people left the camp. 

The order in which the prisoners were chosen for departure was accidental. 
We were unable to work out a clue as to how the choice was made. What hap- 
pened was that in the morning an N. C. O. came to the block and called out the 
names of those who were to leave which he read from a slip of paper. Various 
ranks, zones of occupation and places of birth were all mixed together. The 
Bolsheviks maintained that they received their instructions by telephone from 
Moscow, the prisoners — that a parrot drew the names from a hat. In that way 
friends were separated and only one case was given consideration when father 
and f^on were sent together. 

This mixing up of the groups which left was explaiuf^l by the Bolsheviks by 
the fact that all were being sent to transit camps in which the sorting out was 
going to be carried out. We still thought it to be rather odd. From the 22-nd of 
April departures were interrupted till the 10-th of May. The prisoners remaining 
in the camp were all concentrated in one corner of the camp — -in block No. 10. 
Silence and boredom reigned in the camp. It was beautiful springtime. Of the 


staff officers only Rear-Admiral CZERNICKI, with whom I Hved m one room 
now, and Mjr. KOPEC were left. We were awfully depressed at being left 
behind. However one of the Bolsheviks had whispered to one of the prisoners: 
"Don't grumble. The later you leave the more you win". 

It was only on the 10-th of May that the disbandment was resumed. A small 
batch of up to twenty officers left and another group went on the 11-th. Rear- 
Admiral CZERNICKI left with that group. On the evening of the same day 
barbed wire was set up around block No. 10. I felt uncommonly depressed. 

The next morning at 7 a. m. we were woken up and told that we were leaving, 
the names of those who were to stay behind were read out. There were 9 of them. 

After breakfast when everything was ready we left. I accompanied Mjr. 
KOPEC who led the column. We were stopped at the gates of the camp. We 
waited there for quite a time under the blazing sun. I started talking with 
Commissar DEMIDOWICZ who stood leaning against the gate. He was the 
one who always formed the transports. "Where are we going " — I asked. 
"You are going in the direction of Smolensk" — he answered. — "Is Smolensk a 
nice town " — I asked. "Its a large and nice city but you will not see it" — ■ 
replied DEMIDOWICZ. /This was in conformity with what we had been told 
by the Bolshevik servicemen from Kozielsk who maintained that: "Your men are 
sent towards Smoleiisk". The escort and the railway team were always the same 
and returned to the camp after each trans2:)ort/'. "What are we waiting for" — 
I asked the Commissar. "We are waiting for EL MAN who is speaking on the 
phone with Moscow". "I would like to see him" — I said — "because he had 
lent me a book from the librar3\ "The Gardemariny"/a novel about the life 
of Imperial Navy cadets and about the revolution in Kronstadt/. ELMAN 
came up at last and taking DEMIDOWICZ aside talked to liim for a while. 
A superficial search was carried out. We were loaded into lorries and left. It 
was a joy to drive through the open fields even though under strong escort. 
On the station which was about 3 km. from the camp/one stop from Kozielsk/we 
were loaded into prison railway coaches on which the name "BABYNINO" was 
scribbled in chalk. After a journey which lasted over 24 hours and was made in 
luiheard of conditions we arrived to the Babynino Station and after remaining 
there for a good few hours we were transfered once again into lorries. It was 
Whit Sunday. The heat and dust were awful. We travelled 40 kms in the trucks. 
We finally arrived to Pawliszczew Bor and we were placed in the so-called Juch- 
nowskij camp. W"e encountered there the group of officers from Kozi?lsk which 
had left on the 26-th of April. In that group were: Cols. SZARECKI, KUNST- 
LER, FELSZTYN, Commander ZEJMA, Lieut. GINSBERT and a number of 
ensigns. They were all dressed in clean underwear which had been just issued 
to them. The ensigns were playing net-ball. 

A beautiful forest surrounded the camp but we were separated from it by 
barbed wire. We were led to a shower bath/the only one I had ever seen in the 
U. S. S. R./and then assembled in a dining room where there were tables covered 
with tablecloths. /Till now we had alway eaten on our plank-beds/. The food 
we received was in more than ample portions. 

The camp was under the command of Mjr. KADISZCZEW, who was very 
particular about discipline and even touchy about elegance in the camp. How- 
ever a few days later arrived from Kozielsk: ELMAN, ALEKSANDROWICZ 
and WASILEWSKI together with most of the politruks. We were rather 
astonished to learn that they had all followed our group. "Your comrades have 
gone to Germany" — they assured us — "You will follow them soon". 

Soon after that a group of officers arrived from the Starobielsk camp. They 
were also the last group to have left that camp / CZAPSKI, CZERNY, SLIZIEN 
and others /. A few days later about 180 men arrived from Ostaszk6w. There 
were 3 officers among them, the rest were policemen, other ranks, civilians and 
a few convicts from the St. Cross prison. 

We left Pawliszczew Bor on June the 12-th. We travelled through Moscow 
where we were held up for 24 hours. On the 18-th of June we arrived to GRIAZO- 
WIEC in the Vologda district. We found the same old team of our Kozielsk 
politruks already there: ALEKSANDROWICZ, ELMAN, WASILEWSKI. 

The correspondence with our families, [one letter per month], had been inter- 
rupted since the end of February. [On March the 4-th KOMBRIG ZAJIUBIN 
left Kozielsk for Moscow, as it became known later on, for the purpose of dis- 
cussing there the problems of our evacuation. I remember the date so well be- 
cause he had arranged to interrogate me on that day promising to talk to me 
"three to four hours" ["Tri-czetyrie czasika"] and I was rather scared of that inter- 
view and therefore very happy when the Kombrig left for Moscow on the same 


day]. In Pawliszczew Bor letters to our families were collected only once but we 
found later that they never were sent. Correspondence with our families was 
re-established only late in September 1940 from Griazowiec. However a new 
rule had been imposed forbidding us to write in our letters about any of our 
comrades. We began to receive enquiries from families of those who had left 
Kozielsk "to go home". We were unable to answer these enquiries but it became 
plain that none of the others had reached either German occupied territories or 
Germany proper. 

As late as the last days of August, at one of the long inquests /"dopros"/, which 
lasted 5 hours, ELMAX promised me that "you will be sent home as have been 
all your comrades — your turn has come now" — but after that no mention was 
made about it and when late in Autumn I once asked WASILEWSKI whether we 
would ever be sent home he answered: "Did you ever hear about prisoners of war 
being released while the war lasted? It may be that you will remain to live in the 
Soviet Union even after the war". "What about our comrades who had been sent 
to the German occupied zone?" — I asked. "That is a different matter" — ■ 
answered WASILEWSKI and changed the subject. 

Another time he complained to me that he "a political functionary of the 
Smolensk district" was ordered to come to this Northern country for two months 
only and now he was kept here so long, in this rotten climate which affected his 

And in fact we were ordered to organize the camp as if we were meant to stay 
in it for good. We were allotted plots of land for planting vegetables. Hitherto 
forbidden Polish lectures were given approval. A Kussian woman was appointed 
organiser of our cultural and educational life. We were allotted a monthly 
quota of books which was fixed at 14 kilograms a month. Food had improved 
considerably. We were granted a monthly wage which amounted to 20 roubles 
for officers and 10 roubles for the other ranks. We were supposed to remain 
thus till the end of the war. We were released on the strength of the Agreement- 
signed in July 1941. 

Before it happened, towards the end of June 1941, — 1300 more prisoners were 
sent to the camp among them a thousand officers treated as "internees", who had 
been captured in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. On the other hand officers of 
German nationalitv were removed from the camp. 

The worst month of the entire captivity was July 1941. A special commission 
from Moscow came to the camp before which officers were summoned individually, 
mostly those who were of greater potential military value. Before the interview 
started they were requested to sign an undertaking that everything that was 
going to be said during the hearing would be kept strictly secret under the pei\alty 
of several years of imprisonment. After which they were coaxed to join the 
Red Army and threatened that all who refuse would be executed. A few officers 
were removed from the camp. But the general attitude of the officers remained 
TUiyielding and the exceptions were few and were confined to those who attended 
the so called "Red Corner gatherings." The Soviet commissars usually got the 
answer: "We are soldiers of the Polish Army. We have our own Supreme Com- 
mander in the person of General Sikorski. We will report to wherever he tells 
us to report." 

The Bolsheviks cut our food rations by half. Hunger spread. The camp 
unrelentingly resisted to yield. The discussions with the commissars became 
more and more heated. On the 31-st of July, the day of the signing of the Soviet- 
Pohsh Pact the attitude of the Bolsheviks changed abruptly for the better and 
shortly after Polish authorities took over the control of the camp. 

In answer to the appropriate questions put to him the witness replied: from 
among those who were removed from Kozielsk I have never seen again neither 
have I heard anvthing about: 

Prof, of the Cracow Universitv Mjr. PIENKOWSKI, 

Prof, of the Wilno Universitv Lieut. GODLOWSKI 

Prof, of the Warsaw Polvtechnic School Lieut. INIORAWSKI; 


Clergymen: The Rev. Mjr. ZIOLKOWSKI, The Rev. Father SKOREL, The 
Rev. Col. NOWAK, The Rev.C\)l. WOSTYNl AK-l)eputv Field Bishop, The 
Rev.Col. PESZKE, The Rev. Minister Col. KORNILOWICZ; 

Doctors: MOGILNICKI-from L6dz, Mjr WIRSZVLLO-from Warsaw, Cpt. 
ZALEWSKI Jerzy— St. Lazarus Hospital in Warsaw, Cpt. WROCZYNSKI— 
former Deputv Minister of Health, KEPINSKI — optician from Warsaw, 
STEFANOWSki— from Warsaw, ZUBERBIER— from Warsaw, C^pt. FREIDA 
and KALKTNSKI— from Warsaw, ROGOZIXSKI,— Col. NELKEN; 


Also: Col. DZIURZYNSKI— brother of the Prof, of Cracow University, 
Lieut. WIRSZYLLO— soHcitor from Wihio, Col. LEWAKOWSKI— from the 
Geoa;raphical Institute, Col. MARYNOWSKI— from Wilno, retired Col. 
OLSZOWSKI— from Southern Poland, Col. LEUKOS-KOWALSKI— Com- 
mander of the Riflemen's Association, Engineer SREBRNY — brother of the 
prof, of Wilno University, the Deputy President of the District Court of Appeal 
in Wilno whose name l" forget, Mjr." SKOCZYCKI, Col. ROSNOWSKI— Prof, 
of the Wilno University, the Custodian of the Artizans' Museum in Warsaw in 
the rank of a major but whose name I forget. 

I cannot recollect any more names for the moment. 

I wish to add that in January 1941 I was summoned to the camp Command 
in Griazowiec by N.K.V.D. Capt. WASILEWSKI who read to me a report 
sent from Wilno that ALEKSANDER ZWIERZYNSKI who hved in Wilno 
had allegedly stated that we had often talked before the war about the necessity 
of detaching Bielorussia and the Ukraine from the Soviet Union. I denied this, 
following which, the statement was forwarded to Moscow, and after a few weeks 
the inquest against me was discontinued of which I was informed, being told at 
the same time that I had been put on the list of the group of officers who were 
to be extradicted to the German.s. 

Upon which the hearing ended at 11.30 a. m. and after the record had been 
read over it was signed.- 

/Signatures/. Waclaw Komarnicki, 

Bagidska, Kuratowski, Lieut. Aud. 

[Translation copy of Exhibit 35A] 


Taken down in writing on the 13-th October 1942 in the office of the II Section 
of the 1-st Armoured Corps Command/Dept. of Counter-Espionage/by Cpt. 
Giedronowicz N. and given by Cpt. Lopianowski Narcyz and relating to the 
subject of "Maiachowka". 

Cavalry Cpt. I^opianowski Narcyz, born 29-th Oct. 1898 in the country estate 
Stoki — county of Wilno, son of Ignacy and Mary, born Woronk6w; Religion: Rom. 
Cat. Regular officer states as follows: 

The outbreak of the German-Polish war found me in August6w in the 1-st 
Lancers Regiment as commander of their anti-aircraft defence unit. I took active 
part in air battles; I was then sent, in accordance with our mobilisation plans to 
the 101-st Lancers Reg. which was being formed in Bialystok. On the 6-th of 
September 1939 in fights with German airmen in the neighbourhood of Starosielce 
I brought down a ME 109 aircraft and damaged another one. I was using then a 
German Ac-ac gun No. 34 which we had taken from the enemy. In the night of 
6-7-th Sept. I moved together with my regiment to Wolkowysk where we were 
joined to the group "Wotkowysk" commanded by Gen. Przeidziecki. 

On the 2'^-th Sept. we had our first encounter with the Bolsheviks in Dzi^browo. 
The Soviet infantry was destroyed and the prisoners taken were shot. The tanks 
extricated themselves without losses. It was a cavalry charge. During the 
night of Sept. 21-st o<ir units occupied Grodno after having forced the Bolsheviks 
out of the town. The fighting in the suburbs of Grodno lasted till noon of the 21~st 
Sept. On the 22-nd Sept. a battle took place in Kodziowka. The Red Army 
threw 40 tanks against us of which 17 remained on the battle-field and their 
infantry was wiped out. .The entire 101-st Regiment was engaged in the fight. 
Our losses included Mjr. Zuchnowski^ — O. C. of the Regiment, two squadron com- 
manding officers, one platoon commander. The casualties of the 2-nd Squadron 
which was under my command amounted to 50% of the men and 75% of the 
horses. In this battle I commanded a group of 2 squadrons. The O. C. of the 
Regiment personally led the other half of the Regiment. The day was ours. 
The Bolshevik casualties amounted to 800 men. In spite of all my attempts to 
stop them the Lancers finished ofiF the wounded and the prisoners. 

On tha 23-- i of Sept. 1939 at 8 p. m. the Regiment crossed the Lithuanian 
frontier on orders of our Group Commander Gen. Prze^dziecki. When crossing 
over the border we had practically no ammunition left. In Lithuania we were 
Interned in the camps of Raki-^zki qnd Kaiiwaria. 

On the 11-th of June 1940 following the Soviet occupation of Lithuania we were 
transferred to prisoner of war camp in Kozielsk in the Ukraine. On Sept. the 9-th 


1940 — 21 of us with Gen. Przeidziecki at the top of the hst were transferee! to the 
"Biityrki" prison in Moscow. This group included among others: 

1/. Gen Prze^dziecki, 

2/. Lieut Col. Konczyc, 

3/. Mjr. Zaorski Kaziraierz, 

4/. Mjr. /now col./ Gudakowski, 

5/. Mjr. Stoczkowski, 

6/. Artil. Capt. Swi^cicki, 

7/. Opt. /now mjr./ Ziobrowski, 

8/. Cavalry Cpt. Pruszy6ski Andrew /Brother of Xavier/, 

9/. Lieut, tacik, 

10/. Lieut. Siewierski, 

11/. Lieut. Tomala, 

12/. Lieut. Szumigalski. 

I cannot recollect the names of the others. We were first placed in cell No. 94. 
After a short inquest Gen. Prze^dziecki together with 10 other officers were trans- 
fered to the Lubianka prison. I was interrogated, — I learned his name only 
later, — by the Chief of Staff of the N. K. V. D., Lieut. Col. Jegorov. He was about 
40, slightly over average height, well build, light blond with a lean clean shaven 
face. He was elegantly dres-i-jd in a military N. K. V. D. uniform. After a short 
questioning about my health, morale etc. he asked me about my family, where I 
came from, was I married, had I any children, was I a regular officer and had I 
given up the idea of fighting against the Germans. The conversation lasted about 
10 to 15 minutes and took place between midnight and 1 a. m. I was then sent 
back to the cell. 

Two days later we were transferred to the Lubianka prison as mentioned above. 
They placed us in cell No. 62, very small and dark, with a small little electric bulb 
attached to the ceiling which was lit day and night. After having been put 
through a number of formalities such as the checking of our identity and personal 
details, having been photographed a number of times from all possible angles we 
were given a supper and were allowed to go and rest. At midnight Gen. Prze- 
^dziecki was summoned for interrogation. 10 minutes later my turn came and I 
was called out and led in the company of a N. K. V. D. Lieut. Colonel and two 
guardsmen through various corridors till we came up to an iron door in the wall. 
This turned out to be a passage which connected directly the Lubianka prison 
with the N. K. V. D. Beyond the iron door we found ourselves in a wide corridor 
with coconut mats on the floor. At the far end of the corridor was a board with 
"IV floor — main entrance" written on it and a marble plate with the following 
inscription: — "Member of the N. K. V. D. — 'take e.xample from the Chekists of 
how to destroy the people's enemies". Beneath were inscribed the names of those 
who had given their lives in the fight for "freedom". As first figured the name 
of "Felix Dzier^yfiski" inscribed in guilt letters. After passing several more 
corridors and staircases we stopped before a door numbered 523. The N. K. V. D. 
Lieut. Colonel who accompanied me took off his caj) before that door and tried to 
peep through the key-hole. He then opened the door and went in leaving me 
behind. A moment later he summoned me to enter; I found myself in a very large 
room with walls covered with grey tapestries and luxurious office furniture. To 
the right, very close to the entrance I noticed an ash-wood cupboard of abnormal 
height. That cupboard caught your eye against the background of the grey 
tapestries. Upon the words: "go ahead" which a female clerk j)resent in the 
room uttered the N. K. V. D. colonel opened the cupboard with a little key and 
disappeared behind the door. My two guards ordered me to stand with my face 
to the wall. After some time a voice invited me to enter the cupboard. I went 
in, found myself before a door and a dark red curtain. I waved it aside and 
entered another room. The Soviet Lieut. Colonel remained in the neighbouring 
room behind n)e. Before me I saw JEGOROV sitting in an armchair behind a 
desk. To his left stood a man in civilian clothes with a blank expression on his 
face. Another man dressed in a grey civilian suit was pacing the room in quick 
unsoldiery steps with his hands behind l\is l)ack. /Four months later I saw these 
two men on a i)liotograph and learned that the man with the blank face was 
Merculov — a Security Connnissar and the other one was Berja the N. K. V. D. 
Commissar. On Jegorov's nHpiest I sat down in an armchair which stood before 
the desk. After preliminary (|uestions about my health etc. he asked me why 
were we overcome so swiftly l)y the Germans in 1930. I answered that we 
succumbed not to the Germans alone but also to the Bolsheviks who thrust a 
knife into our backs. Did I fight against the Bolsheviks in 1939? — Yes. — • 
"Where"? — I did not give an answer to that and told them that being an officer 
I am not allowinl to answer that quest ion. They did not raise this matter again. 


"What do you think about the present situation?" — I answered that nothing had 
changed and that Poland was in a state of war with the Bolsheviks — "Where do 
you know this from?" — I replied that Sikorski's Government issued a declaration 
to that effect in October 1939. To which Jegorov said — "The Sikorski Govern- 
ment is an impostrous Government which has nothing to say in Polish matters. 
The Polish Nation will form its own Government". He then asked — "And how 
do you like the Soviet system introduced on the Soviet occupied territories?" — I 
answered that I can understand their behaviour in respect of the soldiers and men 
who were capable of fighting against the Bolsheviks but what was the offence 
committed against them by the innocent children and unhappy women to cause 
them to be dejiorted to Siberia and to the North in order that they may perish 
there from hunger and cold. Col. Jegorov answered that we should be grateful 
to them because our women and children were taken away in order to save them 
from the vengeance of the local inhabitants. 

Merkulov asked me only one question — "Why are you so stupid — you are a 
brave officer and yet you are incapable of understanding "the great issues". — - 

Upon which ended the inquest on the first day. Having returned to our 
cell I related to Gen. Przeidziecki and my other con'rades what I was asked 
about and in what form. Gen. Przefdziecki informed us that the questions put 
to him were similar with the difference that he was also asked on what conditions 
would he agree to organise Polish units in the U. S. S. R. The General had 
answered that if he receives an order to that effect from London he would 
execute it. 

I would like to mention additionally that I was also asked by Jegorov whether 
I would agree to co-operate in the organising of a Polish Army on U. S. S. R. 
territory. I answered that being an officer I would always do it on orders from 
my Commander-in-Chief. I heard sarcastic laughter and the next question was : — 
"And would you do it on receiving such orders from any particular general?" — ■ 
I answered that I would comply with the orders of any man duly authorised by 
the Government in London. 

Similar inquests were repeated frequently and lasted till the second half of 
December 1940. All the interrogations were conducted in more or less the same 

In November the question of my wife and of mv two children, — aged 3 and 6, 
was raised. When to a question put to me by Col. Jegorov I replied that my 
wife was in Warsaw, I was told that was "a mockery on mv part". /My wife 
together with mv children was in the hands of the N. K. V. D. for 6 months and 
had escaped to W'arsaw with the help of my soldiers in May 1940/. Two weeks 
later I was summoned up once again and I was allowed to write a letter to my 
wife to Warsaw. At that occasion Col. Jegorov told me that my wife had in 
fact "disappeared somewhere" and that what I had said was true and that he 
only wanted me to inform him by what means did my wife manage to escape. . 
I answered that I was most grateful to the N. K. V. D. authorities for helping 
my wife to escape because I could not believe that a helpless woman with a couple 
of baljies could have possibly escaped otherwise onto the German side having to 
go through a couple of rows of barbed wire and through trenches. Round about 
the 20-th of December 1940. Gen. Prze^dziecki renewed his request — made I do 
not know how many times already before — that we be given a larger cell because 
in the small one we were kept in, the eleven of us literally suffocated. After a 
major row the General was led to the Chief of Staff of the N. K. V. D. from where 
he came back with an assurance that we were going to be given better 

And in fact on the 24-th of December the General together with 5 other officers 
were removed from the cell. Those who remained were: Cpt. Lopianowski, 
Lieut. Siewierski, Lieut. Szumigalski, Lieut. Tomala and Lieut. Tacik. That 
evening we wished one another a happy Christmas. About 8 p. m. the door was 
suddenly opened and a man dressed in the uniform of a Polish colonel entered 
the cell. He was accompanied by a man in civilian clothes. The colonel gave his 
name as — Gorczyriski. The civilian introduced himself as Staff Col. Berling. 
Both were without caps and coats. After short greetings Col. Berling tried to 
engage us into conversation solely on political topics. Not inclined to talk to 
strangers we answered very reluctantly. In the meantime, on Col. Berling's 
request a supper for two was brought to the cell from a restaurant. Col. Berling 
invited us to have also a supper which could be brought on his orders from a 
restaurant. This deepened even more our suspicions that these were not prisoners 
like we were but men sent to us for some special reasons. The more so that Col. 
Berling was unable to explain to us why were they looking so well if they were 


kept in jail. Lieut. Tacik who could not resist from being dragged into the 
discussion, very vehemently protested against accusations which Col. Berling 
raised against Poland and the Polish Nation. That visit lasted about two hours. 
When Col. Berling knocked on the door of the cell it was opened and our guests 
left, assuring us, that we would meet again on the following day. The next day 
on the 25-th of December I was summoned for the first time in the morning hours 
to a hearing. Col. Jegorov handed to me a letter from my wife. Although the 
letter was sealed, when taking it from the Colonel I noticed a Russian translation 
of it. I had to read the letter in the presence of Col. Jegorov and some other 
individual who sat in an armchair in the shadow in such a way that I could not 
recognise his face. I, on the other hand, had been placed in the only armchair 
oposite the desk of Jegorov with my face turned towards the light. /Room Xo. 
507/. Col. Jegorov suddenly asked me casually: — "Why did you fight in 1939 
against the Red Army?" — I replied that I am an officer, that I was in command 
of the detachment and it was my duty. The Colonel told me then in a brutal form 
that — "In that battle several excellent Soviet soldiers were killed and how did you 
dare to do it and to incite your lancers to fight against the Bolsheviks?" — He 
wanted me to tell him what methods I had used to force my soldiers to fight with 
such determination. I answered that they were Polish soldiers who fought in the 
performance of their duty and in defence of their honour. The individual who 
sat in the armchair turned to Jegorov and said in a quiet voice: — "Leave him alone, 
he only did his duty". 

After I had returned to the cell we received orders to eat quickly our dinner and 
prepare outselves for departure. About 2 p. m. on the same day a Lieut. Colonel 
whom I had already met before / the one who had conducted the preliminary 
interrogations came to our cell and bid us to follow him. We went after him and 
we were not even astonished that we were not accompanied by guards. Down- 
stairs in a closed courtyard passenger cars awaited us. We got into one of tliem 
together with the Lieut. Colonel. Our things were shoved into the second car. 
We drove alongside the river Moskwa and our guide pointed to us the bridges 
built across the river the theatre and, in the distance, the Kremlin. I could not 
make out in what direction we were driving. Only after about 30 km. we passed 
a bridge over a railway track and on a crossroad I saw a road-sign which informed 
that our road led to Riazaii. After having covered about 40 km. counting from 
Lubianka we turned into a forest lane from which the snow was cleared. We 
arrived to a fence. The gate was opened by a Soviet soldier. The car stopped 
before a villa. A group of men came out to greet us. They were unequally 
dressed — some in Polish officers' luiiforms, some in civilian clothes others in a 
combination of both. I recognised among them Col. Gorczynski. Col. Berling 
greeted us as if we were expected guests and led us into a dining room for tea. 
After that he showed us our bedroom which had seven beds. In this room 
further to our group lived ensign Kukulihski and Lieut. Szczypi6rski who was to 
join us later. 

A short characteristic of the villa: it was modern with central heating and a 
bathroom with constant hot and cold water. The house had 7 rooms and a 
kitchen. One of the rooms was used as a dining room and in it lectures and 
talks took also place. The furnishing of the bedrooms .seemed to me then to be 
luxurious. Spring beds with mattresses, quilted bed covers, feather pillows, 
divans and even soft armchairs. The service was female — two young chamber- 
maids, a woman cook with aristocratic features and a male cook called Fomicz / 
from the Kremlin /, a footman to polish the floors and chop the wood and a few 
Soviet soldiers. The rules were: freedom of movement within th(> enclosure was 
unrestricted from 8 a. m. till 9 p. m. During the night we w(>re forbidden to leave 
the house under the pretext that there were vicious hounds which could do us 
harm. One evening I decided to go out to find out whether that was true and 
all I discovered was a Soviet soldior sitting on wires which were drawn across 
between the two doors. He was fast asleep with his face turned towards our 
entrance door. 

On the 31-st of December 1940 ('ol. Jegorov arrived anrl asked Col. lieriing to 
pas.s on to us all his best i\ew Year wishes. He also declared that in accordance 
with Polish cnstoms he wished to arrange for us a New Year's party. The details 
were fixed between Jegorov and lierling. We were not allowed to enter the dining 
room till 1 1 p. m. At 1 1 p. m. Berling invited us to come in and we found tlie tables 
coverefi with white table-cloths and laden with cold meat, fresh fruit, brandy, red 
and while wine. . . . Waitresses attended. After completing all preparations the 
servants were offered a glass of brandy and then left the house. 

At midnight the "International" was played on the radio. With a few excep- 
tions the Polish officers stood to attention. The first to do so was Col. l^vszvnski. 


When the tones of the "International" had died out, Lieut. Szczypiorski raised the 
toast: "Long live the Communist Party!" — I crushed the glass I held in my hand 
and left the dining room. The officers who had arrived with me followed me out. 
Next day, early in the morning Col. Berling had a long / and hour and a half / 
speech to us in which he tried to smooth out the incident. He explained that 
those were Communist excesses, that he himself was not and never would be a 
Communist but that there were many things which we should understand and 
which we were most surely going to understand after we had stayed here long 
enough. This lecture was given to us in our bedroom. None of the occupants of 
the villa who had been there before our arrival was present. 

After the 15-th of February 1941, Col. Berling suggested that we ask the Soviet 
authorities to send us portraits of the leading men who ruled the Soviet Union 
with the purpose of hanging them on the walls of our villa. I looked at him like I 
would at a madman and declared that it was impossible that he, a Polish officer 
held in prison could ask his enemies for such a thing. Cpt. Rosen-Zawadzki 
turned to me and asked: — "What do you mean by that? You are no longer in 
prison". — I answered that whether in the Butyrki prison, in the Lubianka jail 
or here in this villa I was always a prisoner. Maybe only in slightly better condi- 
tions here. In a resigned tone Cpt. Rosen remarked: — "Oh well — in that case it is 
hopeless to talk to you about it". Col. Berling announced that we were going to 
vote to decide this question and did not allow us to discuss the matter. The 
voting was to take place in the following manner: Each of us would go to Col. 
Berling's room and place a little card on a plate lying on the table in the presence 
of Col. Bukojemski. On tbe card we were to write the symbol of plus for "yes" 
and of minus for "no". The card was to be folded. On Berling's request I 
took a card lying on the table and with a sharp pencil I drew a line across it 
making a hole in it. It was supposed to be a "minus". Without folding up the 
card I put it on the plate. I thought that the secret voting would reveal a majority 
which understood that to make such a request was a disgrace not only on the part 
of an officer but of every Pole. I thought that the four officers who had arrived 
wath me would vote against the motion and also that ensign Kukulinski would do 
the same. I also counted partly on Mjr. I-is, Col. Gorczyhski and on one or two 
others. After the counting of the votes by Col. Berling and Col. Bukojemski it 
turned that out there were 12 votes supporting the proposal, 2 were against and one 
card was blank. I learned later that the other card against was cast by Mjr. 
Lis and the blank one by ensign Kukulinski. All the others voted in favour. The 
portraits were hung on the walls. When hanging the portrait of Kaganowicz 
over my bed Col. Berling remarked sarcastically: — "I hope that this won't cause 
you to have cramps, captain .... "I repliel that it was of no significance what- 
ever to me and that if he wished he could paste the entire walls of the villa with 
such portraits once it had already happened that a Polish officer had sent such a 
disgraceful recjuest to the Soviet authorities. 

In the second half of March 1911 Col. Berling requested all officers who had 
assembled for dinner that they lend their support to the proposal of sending a 
declaration which had been drafted by Lieut. Col. Dudzihski and which ran more 
or less as follows: "We, the undersigned officers of the Polish Army declare that 
the Polish Nation had been hitherto deceived and exploited by the proprietor's 
class. It was only the Soviet Union which had pointed out the right way by means 
of which happiness could be brought to all men". — The declaration ended with 
the sentence: — "A great part of the Polish Nation has already benefited from the 
Stalinist Constitution. Let us hope that the time will come as soon as possible 
in which the remainder of Poland will also join and become one of the happy 
nations of the Soviet Union". — I quote only a short synopsis of the text of this 
declaration not being able to reconstruct it- in fviU from memory. The quoted 
passages modestly reflect what it contained and anvhow do not change its char- 
acter of a declaration of homage and servile submission. 

Col. Berling told us that this was Col. Dudziriski's suggestion, his proposal and 
his draft and that we should immediately proceed with the voting as to whether 
to send this declaration or not. Remembering the sad experience in the matter 
of portraits I tried to prevent the voting. I clutched frantically with my hands 
at a great wrought iron vase / probably originating from some aristocratic resi- 
dence / and did my best not to hurl it at Berling's head. I requested that the 
voting be abandoned anyhow for the time being. Berling asked: — "Why should 
we?" — 2-nd Lieut. Imach noticed that I was on the brink of bursting out and 
asked me whether I was ill. — "Not I" — I retorted — "probably all of you, gentle- 
men, must be ill". — Anyhow Lieut. Imach supported by suggestion arguing that 
this was indeed a most important problem and that it would be advisable to wait 


a few hours with the voting. Col. Berling agreed and left the dining room. I 
followed him to his room and asked him to be allowed to talk to him. I then 
said: — "Do you really intend to permit this voting to take place?" — He answered 
in the affirmative. I tried to persuade him that nothing worse could happen after 
that, that it was bad enough that such an idea could have ever been conceived, 
that it would have been better to disregard it completely since the very thought 
of such a thing was disgraceful to any Polish officer. Col. Berling tried to convince 
me that the signing and sending of such a letter would increase the confidence the 
Soviet authorities had in us which was the most important thing from our point 
of view. I replied that it was beyond me why we should strive for gaining the 
confidence of people who had done us so much wrong and with whom we were 
in a state of war. Col. Berling burst into a rage and exclaimed that I was inca- 
pable of understanding "the great issues" and requested me to tell hin I really had 
against the signing of that kind of a slip of paper, I told him that I did not want 
to have anything to do with the henchmen of the Polish Nation and I have no 
intention of gaining their confidence. Col. Berling angrily, told me that he did 
not believe that those were my true motives for refusing to sign that paper and 
that he wants to know the truth as to what were the aims I really had in mind in 
acting as I did. To which I answered that for the offense contained in his words 
he should pay me with his blood. — Not being able to act in the customary way I 
declared that I had nothing else to do but to leave the room asking him to request 
immediately the Soviet authorities that I be removed from this place. I then 
left the room. I had a nervous breakdown that evening — my temperature jumped 
up to 104°. On the same evening the voting over Dudzinski's proposal took place. 
Before the voting started Col. Berling explained that Col. Gorcyyiiski and Capt. 
Lopianowski would not take part in it — the first because he was afraid of the re- 
pressions which the German authorities might apply to his family which was 
under German occupation — -the second because of his lack of confidence in the 
Soviet Union. 

I must add here that Col. Gorczyfiski had declared already earlier that he 
would not take part in the voting for the given reasons. The voting took place 
and the proposal was approved unanimously. I remained two days in bed with 
a high temperature. On the second day /it was Sunday/ 1 went out of the house 
before 8 a. m. to take a breath of air. Mjr. Lis noticed me and came up to me. 
He told me that I had done very well in condemning the action of Berling and of 
the other officers, that he fully agreed with me and that he would not sign that 
declaration. Before noon on the same day the declaration was signed by all — 
including Mjr. Lis. 

Col. Berling, Cpt. Zawadzki and Col. Bukojemski came several times to my 
bedside urging me to change my mind and to sign the declaration. Those sleeping 
with me in the same room also begged me to sign it, arguing that being the eldest 
of our group if I left them they would be unable to counteract the reactionary 
behaviour of the other inhabitants of the villa who had been in it longer than we 
had. While I was in bed Col. Berling paid me a visit together witli Cpt. Zawadzki 
on the 24-th of March 1941 for the last time. They tried to prove to me that it 
was my duty to comply; they spread before me mirages of a glorious future in 
which I appeared as commander of a regiment stationed in Warsaw; that I would 
spend my leave in the sunny Caucasus and indulge to my heart's content in my 
hobby of hunting. Determined to end once and for all similar conversations I 
begged Col. Berling to grant me the greatest of favours, Jiamely to persuade the 
Soviet authorities that they shoot me on the steps of the villa in the hope that this 
would bring them all back to their senses. Berling answered: — "Well, — in that 
case, — there is nothing more to be done". That was our last interview. That 
declaration was never sent in its original wording because it was censured by our 
"three communists"/Cpt. Zawadzki, 2-nd Lieut. Imach and 2-nd Lieut. Szczypi- 
orski/who decided that the Soviet authorities might feel insulted l)y the phrase — 
"we the undersigned officers of the Polish Armv" — and that this should be changed 
into — "we the undersigned officers of the LATE Polish Army". The amendeTuent 
was approved but the declaration had to be re-written. Tliis was done by Lieut. 
Szumigalski. Three officers did not sign tins new copy of the declaration, namely: 
Col. Gorczynski, Cpt. Lopianowski and Mjr. Lis. Liitially Lieut. Siewierski also 
refused to sign it but by some means which I cannot miderstand they finally 
induced him to do it. The declaration was handed (o Col. Jegorov who after 
c')ns\ilting with Col. Berling summoned us all to the dining room and made the 
following declaration: 

"Some of you accuse the Soviet Union that it treats l)adly your women and 
children who have been deported. I, therefore, oficially declare that all Polish 


families live in very good conditions, that every family has its own room and 
larger famihes have even two. Does that satisfy you? 

The last question was aimed at me. I replied that I did not believe it. 

On the 26-tli of March at noon a car drove up to the villa. Mjr. Lis and I 
received the order to take seats in the car side by side with the guards. We 
were driven to the N. K. V. D. and led once again into room No. 523 through 
the cupboard door which we already knew. Col. Jegorov who was sitting behind 
his desk ordered the two guardsmen to leave the room. He then started telhng 
us in a raised voice that we were ungrateful, that we were incapable of appreciat- 
ing the goodness of the Soviet Government. He turned to me: — "You, Lop- 
ianowski, who are .you? You so brave an officer, so martial. . . . Your name 
could be inscribed one day in historical annals. And now you want to be more 
clever and more worthy than Berling or Wanda Wasilewska". — I told him that 
I was only an officer. Col. Jegorov went on talking on this subject for a long 
time. I did not give any answers, which ended in his saying: — "You do not say 
anything. Take care that you are not silenced for ever". — I said then: — "I 
renew my plea — which was — shoot me. . . ." Col. Jegorov turned then with 
a few words to Mjr. Lis, repeating once again that we were ungrateful. He ended 
up by getting up from his seat and, standing to attention, he informed us that by 
order of the Supreme Commissar we would be placed in the Butyrki prison. He 
then rang the bell for two w'ardens who drove us to the Butyrki prison, where 
we were placed in cell No. 95. There we encountered Col. Ktinstler Stanislas, 
Col. Morawski /retired/ and Lieut. Tacik whom I greated with the greatest joy 
as the only person whom I knew. I immediately related to all present — especially 
to Col. Kunstler — the whole story of the "Malach6wka" villa. I was afraid 
that Col. Kunstler would not believe me but it turned out to be the opposite 
and he did all he could to help me in regaining my mental balance. I owe it to 
him that my state swiftly improved. I only avoided Col. Morawski, of whom 
I had heard, while still in the villa, that he had sent a memorandum to the Soviet 
authorities about the formation of a Polish Government and of Polish red rifle- 
men's units under his command. 

On the 28th of ^larch 19-41 at 3 p. m. I was summoned to a hearing. Leaving 
the cold and dam]) cell I found myself in a warm corridor and then I was shoved 
through an iron door into a large hall in which a large number of women walked 
to and fro smoking cigarettes. I crossed the hall to the oposite side. I was 
told to stand with my face to the wall. The wall in this place subsided and I was 
pushed into a round chamber which had the shape of a well of about 3 and a half 
yards in diameter which had an oval shaped cupola instead of a ceiling. The 
walls were of a steel-like colour, the light coming through from the middle of the 
well allowing to discern the contents. The light was of a greenish shade. In the 
middle of the well stood an antique chair. On closer inspection I noticed that the 
back of the chair must have been frequently used because the paint was worn 
out in places. I tried to move the chair. It was light and was not fixed to the 
floor. However I hesitated whether I should sit down or not. After some time 
I felt a drowsiness overcoming me as a result of the warmth. I sat on the chair 
and fell asleep. A voice woke me up. I opened my eyes and saw an opened door 
before me with a curtain hanging over it and again I heard the voice beckoning 
me to enter. I went through the door and found myself in a large room. From 
behind a desk an N. K. V. D. captain rose to greet me and asked me about my 
health. I refvised to shake his outstretched hand. He asked me to take a seat 
in an armchair by the desk. After a long conversation with no particular point 
or aim he explained that he was Col. Jegorov's emmissary and asked me whether 
I had not changed my mind and if I would not like him to communicate some- 
thing to Jegorov on my behalf. I told him that everything I had to say — I had 
said already long ago, and that I had nothing to add. He repeated his question 
three tim':!S intermixing the whole with casual and polite conversation. When at 
the third time I answered asking him to thank Jegorov for his friendly concern 
the captain rose from his seat came up to me and with an outstretched hand 
said: — "What a pity, what a pity — you are an honest man". This time I did 
shake his hand and left. It was my last interview with a representative of the 
N. K. V. D. 

I wish to mention that in the middle of February one day Mjr. Lis condemned 
in very harsh words the fact of the disappearance of Poland from the Soviet map / 
a new edition /, which simultaneously retained however Abissinia in its original 
frontiers. I had myself pointed this out to Mjr. Lis. Col. Berling reacted vio- 
lently to this remark made by Lis, shouting: — "Damn you. Lis, shut up!" — A 
stormy interview^ followed in Berling's private room. 


On the 1-st of April 1941 we received orders to make readv for departure. 
From 6 a. m. a survey and searches were carried out. In the afternoon we were 
transfered into a large waiting room. The door suddenly opened and I saw Gen. 
Prze^dziecki entering followed by the other officers whom I had left in cell No. 91 
of the Butyrki prison. After short greetings and yet another search we were all 
loaded into prison vans and driven to the station where we were transfered into 
a railway prison coach. The train took us to a station called Putywel. .^fter 
unloading we were driven in lorries to an isolated ca-np in a former orthodox 
monastery. I do not know the name of that monaste-^. It is situated over the 
river Sejm close to the railway statioTi We 'ba in the I'kraine. We regained our 
strength there because the conditions wee not bad and we were allowed to make 
the most of the fresh air during daylight of course witl in the limits cf the en- 
closure surrovuided with barbed wire and guarded by soldiers. 

On the 15-th of June 1941 we were loaded once again into prison railwav trucks 
on the Putywel station and sent through Moscow to the station of Griazowiec 
near Wologda. On our way we observed war preparations and rejoiced that 
probably the long expected war would break out at last in the near future. 

On the 22-nd of June 1941, after crossing the Volga we were standing on a 
small railway station. Through the barred window Gen. Przezdziecki overhead 
a railway worker telling his comrade that the Germans had attacked Russia, 
that Lomza and Kolno were taken and that Leningrad and Sebastopol had been 
bombed. It was 10 a. m. There were no limits to our joy. We raised such a 
noise in the wagon that our guardsmen rushed up to us together with the com- 
mander of the convoy who arrived coatless — shouting: — ■" What's all that? — a 
revolt?" Being the nearest to him I answered : — " We are expressing our joy. 
Hitler has caught Stalin by the throat. There's a WAR'!" — He told me I had 
gone crazy. In the meantime a crowd of workers began to gather. I pointed with 
my hand to them. The convoy commander ran off to them still without his 
jacket. When he returned we no longer saw the guardsmen around us. They 
just stood cjuietly by the door. Instead of the usual salted fish we were given 
sausages. In the afternoon of the same day we reached the station of Griazowierc. 
An X.K.V.D. Lieut. Col. awaited us there accompanied by a woman doctor. 
His first words were: — " Is the General among you?" We answered: - — "yes; 
The colonel said he wanted to speali*to the general. The general answered: — " 
If the colonel wants to speak to me let him come to me". The colonel's first 
questions were — how did we feel, was our health good, had we any wishes? 
He very much apologised for not being able to give us all the comfort he would 
wish but he had been only just informed about our arrival. The cars would be 
there any moment; having got out of the railway coach we mounted onto two 
motor lorries and accompanied by a strong convoy we were taken to a prisoners 
camp also called Griazowiec. 

We were placed in an enclosure surrounded with barbed wire adjoining the 
camp. A little house stood in the middle of our enclosure. The space to walk 
was 8 steps wide and just the length of the little house. Water, food and fuel 
wood was supplied to us by the Bolsheviks. We had to cook our own food. 

On the 30-th of July 1941 we were at last let into the main prisoners camp. 

On August the 27-th 1941 Gen. Anders arrived together with Gen. Szyszko- 
Bohusz and took command of the camp. All officers and other ranks who ex- 
pressed their wish to serve in the Polish Army were immediately and automat- 
ically reinstated as members of the newly formed Polish Forces. On the same 
day I was summoned to General Anders to report about everything which had 
taken place in the Malach6wka villa. Gen. Anders had already heard about the 
villa from Gen. Przezdziecki who had told him about it. I had related to Gen. 
Przcidziecki everything in detail on the verj' first day of our encounter which I 
had thought to be accidental. I did that because I was very much determined 
not to 1 -t the memory of that villa disappear together with me. As a subordinate 
of Gen. Przezdziecki it was my duly to give Mm all the details. Gen. Anders told 
me tl'at he acknowkulged having received all the information I gave him but that 
at the present moment the political situati(ui was of such a natiu'e that he must 
enrcjll any availabk; men for the formation of the Army, and that he orders m?, 
therefore, not to raise this matter any more. Complving with his wish I liad not 
spoken cf it to anvone. However, having left the L^. S. S. R. I no longer feel 
compelled to remain silent. 

On September the 7-th 194 1, 1 joined the 5-11) Infantry Division. I was aj)- 
pointed to the Divisional Staff. I took with me Lieut. Chominski whom I placed 
in the capacity of chief of the operational section. I rejjorted to Col. Grobicki 
the 2-n<l-in-C(Hnmand of the ,')-1h Division. While I was giving my rej)ort Col. 


Berling appeared on the scene. It caused quite a little consternation. After 
Col. Berling had left, Col. Grobicki took me to his room and asked: — "Have you 
met Col. Berling anywhere before?" — I answered with a question: — "On what 
grounds do you assume that I had met him at all?" — Col. Grobicki then told me 
that he cannot recollect ever seeing a man with such a terrified expression as that 
with which Col. Berling stared at me while I was talking with the 2-nd-in-Com- 
mand, with my back to the door. I then said that I had in fact met Col. Berling 
quite frequently in Moscow and that I have rather painful recollections of those 
encounters. Two days later I was removed from the Staff of the Division. That 
day I spent the night on the verandah together with Lieut. Chomotiski. The 
windows of Col. Berling's room showed onto that verandah. We were preparing 
to lie down to rest. Through the opened window we could see that Col. Berling 
was already in bed. Suddenly the door of his room opened and the O. C. of the 
5-th Division — Gen. Boruta — Spiechowicz entered and gave him some orders or 
made some remarks which must have been very much to the dislike of his Chief 
of Staff, because when the General left the room and the door closed behind him 
we saw Col. Berling sitting on his bed shaking his clenched fists in the direction 
in which the General had gone. Lieut. Chominski turned to me with an expres- 
sion of awe on his face: — "Well, Captain, are we supposed to go into action with 
such a man who is capable of shaking his fists at his own Division Commander?" — 
I told him not to worry because as I knew all about it he, therefore, had no obli- 
gation to report it to anj^one. Cpt. Wilczewski the Ctiief of the Intelligence Sec- 
tion of the 5-th Inf. Div. knows about this incident. 

On the 9th of September 1941, I met Lieut. Imach. He came up to me and 
said: — "Well, Captain, what did you gain by it all? There we are together in 
the Polish Army — do not think, however, that we have given up our work". I 
told him: — "If you want to speak to me, first of all stand to attention and stop 
waving your hands before my face, after which I may answer you". — Imach 
complied with my orders. I then told him: — "Do you imagine that any State 
in the world will allow anarchists to rule it? The Polish Nation will have gallows 
for such men". — 2-nd. Lieut. Imach answered: — "Maybe the Nation will have 
gallows". — I never talked to him again. 

In the middle of September I met for the first time with Captain Rosen-Zawadzki 
who told me: — "You see ... we are together again. The Republic in her 
Majesty has granted us pardon. We shall work together again. Was it worth 
kicking up all that row? Nobody would have known about it, anyhow". — I do 
not remember what I answered him then. 

Towards the end of October Mjr. Choroszewski came to me to tell me that I 
had a great friend in the person of the Chief of Staff, — Col. Berling. I asked him 
why. Mjr. Choroszewski told me that the question of the promotion of captains 
to the rank of major and higher ranks had been discussed and that Col. Berling 
had immediately suggested my name for promotion. Mjr. Choroszewski added 
that he was sorry to have been forestalled in proposing it. I told him that if my 
promotion was to be granted with the help of Col. Berling I thank for the favour 
but I do not wish to receive it from his hands. Mjr. Choroszewski remarked: 
— "You are a queer man. It will be much more difficult to get that promotion 
in Poland. You will have to . pass the Staff School in Rembertow etc." — I 
answered: — "I know that, but nevertheless I cannot accept anything from the 
hands of Col. Berling". 

On the 6-th of November 1941, Col. Grobicki, Lieut. Col. Bukojemski, 2-nd 
Lieut. Szymanowski Korwin, Cpt. Lopianowski and one more officer were ordered 
to leave as the nucleus of a new Infantry Division which was to be formed in 
Tashkent. We reported at the Army H. Q. in Buzuluk on the 14-th of November 
1941, where we had to wait for our order of travel to the appointed district. We 
left only on the 1.3-th .lanuary 1942. In the Staff of our Army I encountered 
Col. Korczynski and Lieut. Col. Tyszynski who greeted me as if I was an old 
friend. During our stay in Buzuluk Col. Bukojemski tried to discredit me in 
which he partly succeeded. My former comrades and friends began to avoid 
me. Wherever I arrived I found myself to be alone. Initially I could not 
understand what was going on. It was only after one of the Intelligence officers 
asked me whether I had ever been stationed together with Col. Bukojemski that 
it dawned upon me what was the reason of my increasing solitude. Watching 
closely the development of things I soon had proof that I was right in my sus- 
picion as to Bukojemski's endeavours to isolate me. This discovery was a severe 
shock to me. I turned for help to initiated people i. e. to General Przezdziecki and 
Col. Kiinstler but there was no way out of it. I got so unstrung nervously that 
on the 6-th of January 1942, during some presentation in the reception hall of 


our Staff, I lost consciousness and had to be carried out of the room. However, 
the watching of Col. Bukojemski led to unexpected results. It was proved that 
he purposefully acted so as to cause harm to our Army. A girl friend of Btiko- 
jemski/Col. Kiinstler knows her name/repeated his words: "What a marionette 
Army this is! It must fall to pieces. It is only we — the Communists — who can 
form a strong army. Here there is nothing but chaos in this Staff of ours! What 
a pleasure it is to go to the airmen's mess. There's everj^thing there, everything 
can be got and its always open to me". 

On the 13-th January 1942 I left with the nucleus of the 8-th Infantry Division, 
under the command of Gen. Rakowski, to the place assigned for the formation 
of the new divisions. 

In May 1942 I was summoned to the II Section/Intelligence/to Teheran by 
Cpt. Zumpft and requested to make a detailed statement about the whole matter. 
This statement was required for the purpose of sending it to London. I wrote 
it out in my own handwirting on 16 sheets of office paper. At that occasion 
Cpt. Zumpft informed me that Col. Bukojemski had been sentenced to 18 months 
of imprisonment for his activities in Buzuluk which was equivalent with degrada- 
tion. He was handed over to the Soviet authorities as a German spy. 

Twice during my stay with the 5-th Infantry Division in Tatishchev my 
belongings were searched in the tent — I do not know by whom and who could 
possibly have done it. The second time the search was carried out while I was 
out taking part in a hunt which we had organized with Mjr. Choroszewski. 



1/. Lieut. Col. BERLING: 

A man with excessive personal ambition. Talented, enterprising, absolutely 
without any scruples. Would sacrifice anything to satisfy his own whims. In 
his plans worked out jointly with Cpt. Zawadzki he included the deportation of 
the entire Polish intelligentsia into the depths of the Soviet Union together with 
women and children. This referred to the part of Poland under German occupa- 
tion, which was to be incorporated into the U. S. S. R. as the 17-th Union 
Republic. He might be used to a useful purpose if given the illusion of absolute 
independence, otherwise his brutality and ruthlessness would not allow him to 
be directed by anyone. 

2/. Lieut. Col. GORCZYNSKI: 

A man of indisputable honesty with a weak will and aiming at saving himself 
for the sake of his own family. Could work usefully under normal conditions. 
He did not sign the "declaration of homage". 

S/. Lieut. Col. BUKOJEMSKI: 

Of vehement and incontrollable temper would sacrifice everything for women 
and vodka. Apart from that courageous, obstinate, capable of anything, vindic- 
tive. He told me in Buzuluk: - "I hold no grudge against you. You came to 
us as our enemy from the start. And you remained as such till the end. But 
as for Mjr. Lis, he sneaked into our confidence as Berling's comrade and then 
followed you. When I shall leave the U. S. S. R. I will shoot him. You remain 
silent now while he spreads around untrue rumours. I repeat my positive inten- 
tion of shooting him the moment we find outselvcs abroad" - He repeated this 
threat several times. The Chief of the II Section / Intelligence / of the Polish 
Army in the U. S. S. R. knows about it. 

,4/. Lieut. Col. TYSZYNSKI: 

A talented, intelligent man capable of thorough work. Heedful of his own 
comfort to exaggeration. Scared out of his wits at the prospect of changing his 
prosperous existence for the wretchedness of prison life. A Pole only by name. 


These four officers constituted the Committee appointed by the N. K. V. D. 
authorities for the purpose of regulating the inner mode of life of the Malach6wka 
collective. Col. Berling presided over the whole. 


51. Mjr. LIS: 

Shrewd, agile and nervous, curious and eager to know everything — appeared 
to me rather an enigmatic figure. I was rather suspicious of his behaviour 
because when alone in our room, he used to hold patriotic speeches but the 
moment all the other officers were present he became another man. He put his 
signature to the first draft of the declaration in spite assuring us that he would 
not do it. He did not sign the revised text and he followed me. He compiled 
a detailed essay about the population of the U. S. S. R., based on Soviet sources 
and containing the distribution of the Union's population according to nationality 
and the development of the Soviet industry in particular of the heavy industry. 
His essay exists in spite of the searches. 

6/. Lieut. Col. DUDZINSKI: 

A limited intellect with tremendous self-assurance; followed blindly Col. 
Berling's indications and used by the latter whenever he required someone to 
pla.y the role of an initiator of some action. Courageous and capable of anything, 
he uncompromisingly maintained the necessity of getting rid of the entire Polish 
educated class from the future 17th Union Republic. 


A man of indisputable talent consciously heading to his chosen goal. He 
played the part of Berling's "Chief of Staff". On his initiative were held various 
lectures on communist topics which glorified the ideology of Leninism and Marxism 
and the Stalinist Constitution. Knowing that I had fought against the Bol- 
sheviks in 1939 he quoted his own example of how as a battalion commander he 
rode over to the Bolsheviks to report to them that his soldiers were not going to 
fire at the Red Army. Together with 2nd Lieut. Imach, 2nd Lieut. Szczypiorski 
and later on also with 2nd Lieut. Wicherkieicz they formed the communist intel- 
lectual team which decided what can and what cannot be done or what should or 
should not be done in accordance with the teachings of Engels and Marx. They 
constantly lectured on communist topics and advised all others to know at least 
as much as they did about communism. 

81. 2nd Lieut. WICHERKIEWICZ: 

A man incapable of having an idea of his own, of limited intelligence and with an 
unhealthy mania of equalling his three "communist" comrades. He once had a 
very long lecture about the origins of the family. The lecture would have served 
as a welcome contribution to the most pornographic gutter paper. 

91. Lieut. SIEWIERSKI: 

A courageous young man rather of an impetuous character greatly concerned 
with his personal comfort. He constantly maintained that when back in Poland 
at the head of his battalion he would instantly run away from the Bolsheviks at 
the very sight of the Polish Army. He refused to sign the revised text of the 
"declaration of homage" but after long persuading was forced somehow and did 
sign it in the end. 

101. Lieut. SZUMIGALSKI: 

A quiet level-headed and sensible man wanted to preserve his strength "for 

111. Lieut. TOM ALA: 

Limited intelligence. He only thought about his own comfort and had no 
idea at which point the road to disgrace began. 

121. Ensign KUKULINSKI: 

An honest man and patriot, educated in a clerical seminary. Subordinate of 
Col. Berling while still in Poland, accustomed to execute his orders. No family 
background. No orientation where "good" ended and "evil" started. Courag- 


Those numbered from 9 to 12, in normal conditions would have been good 
officers and would have performed their duties quite well but in the given cir- 
cumstances when it came to choose between personal comfort and the misery of 
imprisonment they chose the former. 


131. 2-nd Lieut. IMACH: 

A confirmed adherent of communist ideology. He started working for them 
already in Poland and had done so till most recent times. He believed that 
humanity will be happy only if and when communism will gain power in the whole 
world. An ideological communist executive. 

Ul. 2-nd Lieut. SZCZYPIORSKI: 

Active Polish socialist and a zealous assistant of Berling and the w^hole com- 
munist group. An impetuous man with no ethics at all, ready to sentence without 
a wink the entire Polish intelligentsia, including women and children, to deporta- 
tion from the future 17-th Union Republic. 


The facts related above had taken place during the most critical stage of the 
present war. Towards the end of 1940 and at the beginning of 1941, it was 
impossible to imagine that any human force could induce the Soviet Union to 
release from its concentration camps and prisons the Poles they kept in their 
hands. All believed in a final victory over the Germans and in the rebuilding of 
Poland. At that time the power of the Soviet Union was steadily increasing and 
was aimed at overpowering Poland and all Western Europe. The leaders of the 
U. S. S. R. maintained that with the collapse of Germany the Red .\rmy would 
enter Poland and that at its head would march Polish Red troups and that every- 
body would be therefore greeted with flowers and acclaimed as hberators. The 
entering of the Soviet Army into Germany was supposed to be, according to the 
plans of the III International, accomplished amidst joyful celebrations held 
throughout Germany. To my remark that the Germans even if defeated would 
still have sufficient arms and ammunition to resist the Soviet Army, Col. Jegorov 
told me that I was very naive to think so. There were very many communists 
in Germany w^ho were going to prepare thoroughly the reception of the Red Army. 
At the present time the greatest enemy of the Soviet Union was — England. 

People with foresight began to seek other ways out w^ithout taking any heed of 
whether the road they were taking led to disgrace or not. Today I recall the 
words of Col. Berling who, when trying to persuade me to sign the declaration 
I have already spoken about, used the argument that after all if by some miracle 
Poland would be rebuilt there would be a general amnesty liecause there would 
be thousands of people who would have done the same as we had and it would 
be an impossibility to sentence all of them. At the time I thought this to be a 
most prudent way of taking things. After that conversation when the inmates 
of my room endeavoured to make me change my mind I answered that I did not 
wish my son or my wife to have to say that his father or her husband was a traitor. 
All that time I had no illusions about the possibility of a happy ending of the 
whole affair. What happened next seems to me like a fairy tale from the "Thou- 
sand and one nights" because I was absolutely sure that I would never regain 
freedom again. 

To end up I give the characteristics of a few persons who had nothing to do 
with the "Malachowka" villa: 

Staff Col. MORAWSKI: 

A man with an obsession to become "a great man". Liked to drink vodka. 
Made himself known because of two memoranda he had sent to the N. K. V. D. 
in wliich he suggested the creating of a Polish Government and of "Red Riflemen" 
under his commands Later on he was Commander of the Reserve Centre of the 
5-th Infantry Division in Tatishchev. In October 1940 he had spent a few days 
in the "Malachowka" villa but was removed from there probably on Col. l^erling's 

Lieut. Col. GUDAKOWSKI: 

Wanted and tried to oblige all representatives of the Soviet authorities without 
exception. He once said that he would rather be a "Soviet tractor-driver than a 
Polish olficier". Gen. Prze^clziecki knows all about this incident. 

I wish to stress that Gen. Prze^dziecki Waclaw could give the most exhaustive 
exj^^anations on all these matters, having watched over, cared for and taken 
lively interest in the lives of all the oflficers throughout that time fur doing which 
he had adequate possibilities, namely, an organisation which aimed at taking 
notice of everything that was going on. 

As to Col. Morawski, Staff Colonel Kiinstler and Mjr. Lis could give details 
about the memoranda deposited by him with the N. K. V. D. 


The whole team /"collective"/ assembled in Malach6\vka was chosen and 
moulded by the X. K. V. D. authorities /Col. Jegorov/ as well as by Berling and 
his group of "communists" assembled in the villa, with the purpose of performing 
important tasks in the creation of a Red Poland which would become the 17-th 
Union Republic. From among the members of that team was to be formed a 
nucleus of the future Government and Army of a Red Poland which was to march 
at the head of the Soviet Army to facilitate its task of taking over German occu- 
pied Poland. 

Gol. Berling together with his collaborators openly mentioned about such aims 
being prepared. X. K. V. 1). Col. Jegorov also spoke unequivocally to this effect. 

I would also like to mention that in that same villa a communist Government 
for Finland had been trained before our arrival there and which did in fact turn 
up in Finland in the beginning of 1940. We had established this fact by discov- 
ering Finnish cigarette holders and newsjDapers of Finnish origin with Finnish 
inscriptions they must have left behind and also by what we were told by the 
female members of our servant staff. Col. Rosen-Zawadzki had also mentioned 
it to us. 


Kodziowka is a village situated 7 km. west of Sopockinie. Close to the village 
there is a farm of the same name. In the battle with the Bolsheviks which took 
place on the 22-nd September 1939 only the 101 Lancers Regiment took part, 
strengthened by a platoon of pioneers and a signal squadron. We had no anti- 
tank arms e.xcept for one anti-tank rifie with 4 cartridges which was in the hands of 
one of the Lancers in the O. C.'s Colour Party. 

The Bolsheviks had two groups of tanks accompanied by motorised infantry. 
Each group had 18 heavy tanks/ Medium Krestians/plus two light tanks. In all 
the enemy engaged into action 40 tanks At 8 p. m. on the 21-st September 1939 
our advanced patrols established the presence of enemy tanks. I sent on reconnais- 
sance an officer's patrol and went myself to the Regiment Commander who had 
his post on the farm. After half an hour's talk with the O. C. I returned to the 
village to put into effect his orders. At 0.1.20 a. m. 7 enemj- tanks rolled through 
our lines of protection and cut off the farm from the village. The night was very 
dark and a drizzly rain was falling. We managed to retain contact between the 
farm and the village. At 3 a. m. the Regiment Commander together with 2-nd- 
in-Command and the A. D. C. came to my post. The O. C. asked me what was the 
morale of the men and when I answered that I could wish no better he asked; 
"Well, what are we going to do? Do we fight or withdraw?" — and without wait- 
ing for me to reply he said: "I know what you will answer and therefore we will 
fight . . ." He left me in command of the village giving me further to my own 
2-nd squadron, the 1-st squadron, a platoon of pioneers and half of the machine- 
gun squadron with its commanding officer to help me. The whole was formed 
into a cavalry battalion. The rest as the second cavalry battalion which he re- 
tained under his personal command took up positions round the farm. We fixed 
4 a. m. as the time in which we would simultaneously launch an attack against 
enemy infantry which had stopped nearby apparently without setting up guards 
for protection. At the appointed time the O. C.'s battalion went to the attack 
and precisely at the same titne the Bolsheviks launched an attack upon the village 
I occupied, throv. ing 12 tanks and their infantry into action. Twelve times they 
tried to storm the village during which eleven of their tanks were put out of action 
by means of bottles of petrol which we flung at them. From my observation 
point I could see six more enemy tanks immobilised by the O. C.'s battalion — in 
all 17 tanks were destroyed. The battle ended in our favour at twenty past 

Our casualties were very high. The 2-nd squadron vrhich bore the brunt of 
the enemy's attack lost 50% of its men and 70% of the horses. The soldiers 
behaved in a heroic way — Among other feats, corporal Choroszucha and lancer 
Poloczanyn jumped upon enemy tanks and with the butts of their own riffles 
damaged the tank machine-guns by smashing the barrels thus making them harm- 

Among those faUen were the regiment commander, two squadron commanders 
and one platoon commander. The commander of the 2-nd squadron was wounded 
and suffered from shell-shock, the officer commanding the pioneers' platoon was 
also wounded. 

The casualties of the enemy, according to Soviet sources, amounted to 12 tankg. 
and about 800 men. According to informations received by the O. C. of the 

93744— 52— pt. 4 21 


"Wolkowysk" group /Gen. Przeidziecki — was the commander of the group / the 
total of the destroyed tanks was 22. 

Everything I have stated in the above record has been described exactly'as it 
had happened without exaggeration — rather moderately if anything- — ^and strictly 
according to truth which I confirm with my own signature. 

/ — / Lopianowski Narcyz. 
Cavalry Captain. 
Heard by: 
/ — / Giedrono\\icz Narcyz, Capt. 


Capt. LOPIANOWSKI Narcyz, 
14-th May, 1943. 

In reference to my statement recorded in writing at a hearing which took place 
on the 13-th of October 1942 in the 2-nd Section of the Staff of the I Armoured 
Corps — I wish to state that: 

In view of the development of the political relations between Poland and the 
U. S. S. R. I relate herewith, reconstructed to the best of my memory and knowl- 
edge, the statements made by the People's Commissar of the U. S. S. R. — BERJA, 
by the future People's Commissar of Security — MERKULOW, and by their 
executive N. K. V. D. Lieut. Col.— JEGOROW whom I shall refer to in this 
statement as "Chief of Staff". 

I would like to stress that my first interrogation took place on the night of 
13-14-th October 1940, between midnight and 0.3 a. m., in room No. 523 at the 
Supreme H. Q. of the N. K. V. D. /People's Commissariat of Interior Affairs of 
the U. S. S. R./. This room was the office of the People's Commissar himself. 
The questions were put to me by the Chief of Staff. This statement deals only 
with those questions which referred to political problems and leaves out the usual 
questions about health and about what I thought of the Communist regime in 
the U. S. S. R. Where I use the Polish form of "Sir" /"Pan"/ the Russian form 
"you" /"wy"/ was used throughout the hearing. /TRANSLATOR'S Note.— 
In English the form "yoa" is used/. I also wish to add that my answers were 
given in Polish. 

"Would you like to fight once again against the Germans?" 

"Why don't you put this question to a Polish child, a Polish woman or any 
youth. — Their answer would be yes". 

"On whose orders would you agree to take an active part in the fight against 
the Germans?" 

"On orders of the Polish Government residing in London". 

"But that Polish Government in LONDON is an impostrous Government 
which has nothing in common with the Polish nation. The Polish nation does 
not recognize this Government. You, an officer of proletarian descent must 
surely realize that only the Soviet Union can assure a ha{:)py future to Poland — 
but you must also help us in that. If you expect to receive help from Great 
Britain you are in error. England after making the inost of the Poles will sell 
them if only she will gain anything from doing so. While to us — England is 
enemy number one. As long as British Imperialism exists and until it is des- 
troyed the Soviet Union will be unable to spread the idea of freedom throughout 
the nations of the world. Remember that if England will not sell you it will be 
only because she will turn you into her slaves, as she has done with the yellow 
and black races in her colonies. If and when the whole of Europe organised by 
us will march with us under the Red banner, the overthrow of England will not 
be a difficult task to achieve. We can easil,y launch an attack against India 
which would be a deadly blow to British imperialism, and would force America 
to join hands with us." 

"What then do you imagine will be done about Germany with which you 
have signed a non-aggression pact and, if I am right, even a treaty of friendship". 

"The Soviet Union has a realistic approach to the problems of tomorrow. 
Sentimental considerations do not exist. The only thing which exists is material- 
ism and the strength of the nations of the Soviet Union. The nations of the 
Soviet Union will conclude any kind of pact with everyone of their enemies but 
no such agreement is valid. It is only a means to reach an aim decided upon by 
the Communist Party which strives for freedom, happiness and wealth of all the 
nations of the world. The Red Army is powerful and will fight with enthusiasm 
for the achievementJIof this aim." 


•'Do you think that the Germans will greet with flowers the entering Red 
Army? Don't you think they have enough iron and steel to resist your march 
to the West." 

"The Germans, tired out by their struggle with England will try to force an 
issue by invading the British Isles and will suffer such heavy losses that they 
will be unable to resist us with their Fascist Army. The German nation seeing 
that we bring with us freedom and wealth will undoubtedly greet us as its libera- 
tors from the yoke of capitalism. We have enormous stocks of food, which are 
being kept for the purpose of distributung them to the starving West. Once we 
overpower Germany we will have no difficulties with France because she is ours 
anyhow while Czechoslovakia being our friend will help us in the South. In 
about ten years time when we complete the re-organisation of the European 
Continent in a common effort we shall destroy the British Empire. And only 
after that shall we proceed all together with the building of a happy life for all 
the nations of the world." 

"I know that the war in 1939 had been arranged in Moscow between Ribbentrop 
and Molotov with the cooperation of Stalin himself, and therefore I know that 
when thrusting a knife into our backs you had more in mind than just to liquidate 
Poland who had in no way caused you any harm". 

"Yes, quite so. We did want this war to break out, because this war wiU 
enable us to free the subjugated nations from the yoke of capitalists and landlords. 
-If we do not make the most of this war the capitalists will want to destroy us. 
Poland was hostile to the Soviet .Union and was subservient to capitalists who 
oppressed the Polish Nation ruled by a Fascist-Capitalist Government which 
defended the interests of the capitalist Western States and, as such, Poland was 
a hindrance and we therefore made an agreement with Germany in result of which 
Poland ceased to exist as a State. We want to rebuild a strong Poland which 
would be friendly towards us in order to be able to work together towards the 
aim of destroying other capitalist States. Do you need better proof than the 
case of Czechoslovakia. When the Germans were entering Czechoslovakia the 
Polish Government prevented us from helping her. As if that was not enough 
it even helped the Germans — by grabbing part of Czechslovakia for itself." 

Similar discussions went on and on till the 25-th of December, i. e. until P. S. C. 
Lieut. Col. BERLING Zygmunt appeared on the scene. 

The hearings were mostly conducted by the Chief of Staff. 

I emphasize that the Soviet authorities were in no way embarrassed by what 
they told us and shamelessly disclosed to us their plans creating thus the appear- 
ance of frank sincerity by which they hoped to win for their cause the cooperation 
of the chosen Polish officers. Moreover they treated us as living dead who anyhow 
would not have a chance to repeat to anyone what they were told. 

When watching today the fantastic blackmail on which the Soviet Union has 
engaged, I see that, in spite of the change of circumstances and a different balance 
of strength, the same plans which I have sketched above are consistently being 
put to life, and that the present development is treated as a test of the American 
and British resistance to the unilateral decisions undertaken V^y the Kremlin and 
aimed at destroying the defence wall which Poland represents in their drive to 
the West. They go even further than that and try to find partners who would 
back them in their present action so as to be able to make use of their cooperation 
at a later stage. 

The thought of a strong and independent Poland deprives the Kremlin rulers 
of their sleep. They incessantly return to this subject and raise it in their speeches 
broadcast on the air and printed in the press which is anyhow nothing else but 
the voice of the ruling clique. Soviet authorities do not deny the existance of a 
Poland but their main effort is concentrated upon the attempt to establish a 
Poland which would become another Soviet republic or, at least, to create a 
Poland which would be so weak as to present no obstacle to Red imperialism. 

To uninitiated people the plans described aV:)Ove may look like phantasies or the 
products of a morbid imagination. The same applied to Hitler's plans as des- 
cribed in his "Mein Kampf". Scarcely anybody took heed of what seemed to be 
utterances of a sickly brain. Nevertheless the programme of the Kominform 
is just as much a reality as was "Mein Kampf" with the difference that it is being 
put to life with even greater brutality and ruthlessness. 

The rulers of the U. S. S. R. will stake everything on one card to achieve their 
goal because if they fail to take advantage of the results of the present war it 
would postpone indefinitely if not make completely unfeasable their plans of a 
world-wide revolution. 


In the fulfilment of their plans the Bolsheviks had a?signed a special role to tlie 
chosen Polish officers. The selection of the officers who were to become the 
pioneers of the future Red Army was entrusted to P. S. C. Lieut. Col. Z. BER- 
LING who had chosen them with the approval of the highest N. K. V. D. au- 
thorities and had them trained at special courses organised in the neighbour- 
hood of Moscow. 

In my earlier statement I did not give details of the programme which was 
worked 'out in the "MALACHOWKA" villa. It ran as follows: 

1/ The change of Poland's political structure enforced with the help of the 
Red Army. 

2/ The incorporation of Poland into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as 
the 17-th member Republic. 

3/ The consolidating of the newly imposed structure by getting rid in a humani- 
tarian way of elements hostile to the now order, i. e. of the officers' families, of the 
class of civil servants and all others who would dare to voice their disapproval. 
The getting rid of these elements was to be achieved by their deportation to distant 
districts of Soviet Russia. 

Lt. Col. Berling maintained that one had to look ahead and understand tlie 
"major issues". There was nothing to fear from the prospect of Poland beconung 
one of the happy nations of the Soviet Union as the 17-th Soviet Republic. The 
Poles were a talented race, the present generation was well prepared and capable 
of playing a major part within Soviet Russia. Those in power in the U. S. S. R. 
had limited intelligence and inadequate education which opened before the Poles 
enormous possibilities and unlimited horizons. In a short time all key positions 
would fall into the hands of the Poles and they would soon rule the entire Soviet 
Union. If those who refuse to comply and join us will perish it would be through 
no fault of oui's and we therefore need not feel any pangs of conscience in respect of 
people who are unable to grasp the "major issues". 

I would like to quote here Berling's version of the talks about the missing 
Polish officers. Among them there were many whom he wanted to draw into his 
plan of collaboration with the U. S. S. R. During one of the conversations with 
People's Commissar Berja in the presence of N. K. V. D. Lieut. Col. Jegorow, 
Berling explained to the People's Commissar his intention of making use of these 
officers. Berja had favourably received the suggestions and turning to his Chief 
of Staff had said: "Well then, I think we should hand over to BerUm; these officers 
if he wishes to have them". To which the Chief of Staff replied: "Unfortunately 
I think it will be rather difficilt, if at all feasable, to trace these offir-ers". The 
Peop'e's Comm'ssar then said: "It was a great mistake". The Chief of Staff 
add( d: "We si all try to find them — perhaps it can still be done". 

I relate the exact wording of this conversation to the best of my memory, 
according to hov/ it was repeated by Berling himself and by Cpt. Rozen-Zawadzki. 
To my question about what could have happened to these officers Cpt. Rozen- 
Zawadzki replied that they had probably been sent to such places from which the 
Bolsheviks were unable to retrieve them. One thing is sure — -that not a single 
one of these officers had been found up till the end of March 1942. 

The conversation between Berling and the People's Commissar related above 
took place either in October or in November 1940. 

To conclude I will quote an epizode which occurred in result of Lieut. Col. 
Berling's constant assertions that it was essential to gain at all price the confidence 
of the Bolsheviks. I, on my part constantly maintained that I did not wish to 
have anything in common with the henchmen of the Polish Nation who sentenced 
to a slow death innocent Polish children and unhappy Polish women. My atti- 
tude began to influence to a certain degree the "younger" adherents of Berling's 
group. Towards the end of March 1941 the Chief of Staff arrived one day a,nd 
after a long talk in Berling's room a roll-call was ordered at which all officers living 
in the "Malach6v\ka" villa were to be jiresent. When we were all assembled the 
Chief of Staff accompanied by Berling turned up and assured us once again that 
all Polish families deported to Russia were living in good conditions and he ended 
his speach with the following sentence; spoken in a raised voice: "Maybe some 
of you are afraid that by some miracle a Poland will be revived which will hold 
you resi)onsible and want to punish you. I assure you that the Soviet Union is 
sufficiently strong and powerful to ensure in any circumstances safety and care to 
all who co-operate with the U. S. S. R." 

NOTE: By "first interrogation" I mean the inquests which were started in the 
prison of Lubianka, as it was from then on that I became the object of their 
regular "sounding" and "shaping" procedure. 

/Signed/ Lopianowski N. 

Cavalry Capt. 


Mr. Flood. I now show the witness exhibit 34 and ask him whether 
or not these are the documents to which he refers dealing with matters 
about the prison camp, and have they been in his possession until the 
time they were presented to the Commission. 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I now show the witness exhibit 35 and ask him whether 
or not exhibit 35 is an exact photostatic reproduction of exhibit 34. 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. At this time we offer in evidence translations of ex- 
hibit 35 and rej:.urn to the witness exhibit 34. 

Now let me have the Red Cross folder, the documents dealing with 
the Polish Red Cross reports? Will you separate from the documents 
which 3'^ou have before you. Colonel, all of the documents that refer 
to the Polish Red Cross reports, or the Polish Red Cross matter in 
connection with Katyii? Do you have them separate? 

Colonel LiTXKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Now will you give to me all the documents you have 
in your possession that deal with the Polish Red Cross report relating 
to Katyn? 

Colonel LuxKiEwicz. I am not presenting all these documents, be- 
cause the}^ were presented by Mr. Skarzynski. 

Mr. Flood. They were referred to by him? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And you have the documents? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Only a medical opinion of the doctor of 
Polish Red Cross who worked in Katyn. 

Mr. Flood. Those are all the documents you have on that subject? 

Colonel Li^NKiEwicz. I present only these documents. This is a 
plan of the cemetery in Katyn as made by Polish Red Cross after the 
victims were exhumed and reburied. 

Mr. Flood. I want you to take every document 3'ou have in front 
of you that deals with the Polish Red Cross at Katyn and give it to 
me in one folder — -everything. (Documents produced.) 

Now we present to the stenographer, to be marked for identification, 
exhibit 36 and exhibit 37. 

(The folder referred to was marked as "Exhibit 36" and the photo- 
static copy thereof as" Exhibit 37.") 



Exhibit 37 

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[Translation copy of Exhibit 37] 

Medico — -Legal Opinion 

As the result of the work of exhumation undertaken with the assistance of the 
Technical Committee of the Polish Red Cross between, April 29-th 1943 and 
June 3-rd 1943, on the site of the crime at Katyri Forest situated about 16 km. to 
the west of Smolensk, I arrived at the following final conclusions: 

1/ The exhumed bodies numbering 4.145 were buried in eight mass graves. 
Seven of the above mentioned graves, lying close together, were situated on a 
sandy mound at a distance of about 500 m. from the Orsha-Smolensk main road. 

The largest grave which was "L" shaped contained about 2.500 bodies, the 
remaining from 700 /grave No. 2/ to 50 /grave No. 5/. 

The exhumed bodies were closely packed in layers side by side and for the most 
part face downwards and only in the upper layers of grave No. 1 were they thrown 
in at random. 

The grave No. 8 situated at a distance of about 100 m. from the group of the 
other graves was only partially emptied but on the strength of comparison of its 
dimentions with those of the other graves it could contain about 150-200 bodies. 

2/ Taking into account the fact that in the large majority of cases the bodies 
were dressed in Polish officers' uniforms and v.ere provided with inoculation cer- 
tificates from Kozielsk camp, it must be assumed that they were bodies of the 
Polish officer prisoners of war of 1939, interned in the Kozielsk camp. 

3/ The post mortem examinations of the bodies estabhshed the cause of death 
to be a shot in the skull, damaging the vital centres of the brain / for the most part 
the medulla / and causing instantaneous death. 

This shot, aimed as a rule from the back slightly below the occipital protuber- 
ance and running upwards and towards the front of the cranium, for the most 
part terminated in an exit wound within the upper part of the forehead. 

Only in a few cases was a double or even a triple shot in the back of the head 

4/ This stereotyped bullet channel proved the executioners to be both system- 
atic and experienced. 

5/ All the shots were fired from pistols and the amunition used bore the trade 
mark "Greco 7'65 D". 

The fact that it was often found that the edges of the wounds were singed and 
that grains of unburnt powder were stuck round them, proved that the shot had 
been fired from a very close range. 

6/ The relative large number of cartridge cases and bullets in the vicinity of 
the graves, under the pine needles and even inside the graves, were a sufficient 
basis for the supposition that the execution was carried out over the graves or 
even after the victims had been led into the graves, previotisly dug out. 

7/ The absence of any traces of a struggle having occurred before death led to 
the supposition that the victims were overpowered by assistants and only then 
shot by proper executioners. The fact that in nearly 20% of the cases the hands 
were bound behind the back with a cord tied in a double slip knot, suggested that 
this method was used as a preventive measure against selfdefence with individuals 
who could off'er resistance / physically fit / . 

Also the throwing of the greatcoats over the heads of the victims / grave 
No. 5 / and the tying of them with a cord at the height of the neck and connecting 
this knot with the knot typically used for the binding of the hands behind the 
back, suggested that this refined method of disabling the victims was intended to 
prevent any shouting before the execution. 

8/ The precision with which each victim was shot, the fact that the layers of 
bodies were spread over with a calcium compound / grave No. 1 / , the period 
covered by the dates of the Soviet newspapers and diaries found on the bodies 
and finally the careful arrangement of the bodies in each grave / with the exception 
of the upper layers of grave No. 1 / sufficiently proved that the crime was carried 
out over a long period of time. 

9/ It was impossible to fix exactly the length of time the bodies had lain under 
the ground by the degree of the putrid decomposition only. It is true that the 
research of Prof. Orsos / Budapest / is supposed to have established that an 
incrustation of calcium salts on the inner side of the skull does not occur before a 
body has lain in the earth for three years. But this phenomenon, which was met 
with several times on the Katyn bodies, has still not been definitely accepted in the 
field of forensic medicine and cannot, therefore, be used as a basis for the calcula- 
tion of the exact period of time the bodies had lain in the earth. 


The exhumed bodies showed a varying degree of putrid deconinosition depend- 
ing on the layer of soil, its reaction, the accessibility of air, humidity and the pres- 
sure under which they were lying. Thus in the upper sandy layers the Vjodies 
were light and brittle and presented a jncture of a partial mummification, whereas 
in the lower layers of clay or peat / grave No. 1 / they showed signs of the forma- 
tion of the so called adipocere which was characterised by the preservation of the 
general features of the body. 

The skin of these bodies was covered with a sticky, grey grease which had an 
unpleasant, strong smell which had also permeated the clothes of the bodies. 

The above mentioned layer of grease protected from external influences not 
only the bodies, but also the documents found on the bodies. The clothes on the 
bodies in the upper layers were faded and fragile and in the lower layers they were 
strong and the colours were preserved, 

10/ The above mentioned degree of putrid decomposition being dependent on 
external factors and the exact adherance of contiguously lying bodies, proved that 
the original arrangement of the bodies had not been disturbed. 

11/ The presence of wooden soles /"apel6wki"/ attached to the boot legs by 
means of a string or by leather straps found on quite a considerable number of 
bodies in grave No. 1, and the absence of them in the other graves, led to the 
supposition that grave No. 1 was filled with the victims of the first executions, 
carried out in the colder part of the year, and that the other mass graves had been 
filled one by one at a later time in the season. 

From notes found in the diaries of the exhumed bodies it could be calculated 
that the time in which the first seven mass graves had been made was the end of 
March and the month of April 1940. 

Grave No. 8, discovered on the first of June 1943, was the latest and I calculate 
that it was made in the first half of May 1940. The bodies in it were, clad in 
summer uniforms and the Soviet newspapers found on them were dated the first 
days of May 1940. 

12/ The examination of the material evidence found on the bodies such as 
anti-typhoid inoculation certificates from the prisoners camp at Kozielsk, identity 
cards, P. K. O. savings books / Post Office Savings Bank /, diaries, letters received 
at Kozielsk or not yet sent from Kozielsk, military aluminium identity discs, 
visiting cards, sketches, photographs etc. made it possible to establish for the 
greater number of the victims their surname. Christian name, military rank, 
profession, age, the localitv from which they came, religion etc. 

13/ The above mentioned material evidence and more than anything else the 
diaries and note books made it possible to establish more precisely the time of the 
crime. They all ceased in the second half of March and April 1940. 

These made it also possible to establish the route along which the Polish pris- 
oners were brought to the scene of the crime, which was Kozielsk, — Smolensk, 
— Gniezdowo. The further route was covered in prison cars to the place of 
execution in the Katvi:i Forest. So, for instance, the diary of Major Adam Solski, 
No. 490, finishes on the 9-th of April 1940 with the note: "We have been brought 
to a wood, hour 8'30 — they take away watches, belts, pen knives, roubles". 

14/ The data collected as a result of the examination of the scene of the crime 
and the exhumation of the bodies agreed with the depositions of the Russian wit- 
nesses, who in the spring of 1940, saw the Polish prisoners being brought in parties 
in prison wagons, to Gniezdowo Station and from there being driven in prison 
cars in the direction of the Katyii Forest/Zacharov, Kisielev/: 

The witness Kisielev, who lived nearby, had even heard shots and shouts from 
the direction of the forest. 

15/ The finding, in the area of the Katyii Forest, of quite a number of other 
graves containing Russian bodies with typical shot wounds in the skull led to the 
supposition that the KatvA Forest had already been used for some time as a place 
of execution. 

Judging by the degree of putrid decomposition of the bodies in the different 
Russian graves the time that they had lain in the earth should be calculated as 
being from 5-15 years. 

16/ The expert reserves to himself the right of giving a supplementary forensic 
medical statement after he has finished the analysing of further material. 

Mr. Flood. I show to the witness exhibit 36 and ask him whether 
or not exhibit 36 is a report of the Pohsh Red Cross in connection with 
the Katyn massacre and (hrect his attention to that part of exhibit 36 
which is a map purporting to be a map of the oraves and the number 
of graves found at KatjTi, and ask him for the record to designate 


from the number of graves how many graves in number are shown 
on that m.ap. These are the graves shown on this map which were 
dug by the Pohsh Red Cross at the time they reburied the bodies of 
the Pohsh officers that were dug up by the Germans at Katyn, and 
the comment is significant for the purpose of showing the contrast 
between the number of graves as marked on the map by the Pohsh 
Red Cross and the number of graves subsequently the Russians said 
they found at Katyn, namely, one. 

Colonel, will you state from the map the number of graves marked 
on the Polish Red Cross report? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. It is six large graves and two small, two 
individual graves. 

Mr. Flood. I show the witness exhibit 36 and ask him whether or 
not exhibit 36, which I have just shown him and he has read from the 
map and the other document, is the report of the Polish Red Cross 
on the Katyn matter which has been in his custody until presented 
to the committee today? 

Colonel LuNKiEWicz. Yes, 

Mr. Flood. I now show the witness exhibit 37 and ask him whether 
or not exhibit 37 in its two parts, including a photostat of the said 
map, is a true translation of exhibit 36? 

Colonel LuNKiEWicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. We now offer in evidence exhibit 37 in two parts and 
return to the witness exhibit 36. 

Will you now let me have all documents in one exhibit referring to 
the Kriwoserczew case? [Documents produced.] 

Would you have this exhibit, which contains three separate docu- 
ments, marked as exhibit 38 and the photostat thereof marked as 
exhibit 39. 

(Documents referred to were marked as "Exhibit 38" and the 
photostatic copy thereof as "Exhibit 39.") 

Mr. Flood. I now show you, Colonel, marked for identification, 
exhibit 38, which contains three separate documents and ask you 
whether or not exliibit 38 in its three parts contains references in your 
files to the Kriwoserczew case, and has this exhibit been in your posses- 
sion until such time as it was presented to the committee today? 

Colonel LuMKiEWicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I now show you exhibit 39 and ask you whether or not 
that is an exact photostatic reproduction of exhibit 38 in its three 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. We now offer in evidence exhibit 39 and return to the 
witness exhibit 38. 


Exhibit 39 


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poucaenia go w my*! art, 82 para 2 K.W.P.K. 

<.1»S5J»S5»,I»<»1 )i 

K.W.P.K. po upnasdEtfu 


SeltsiBai;a i'orl!<5R s« Sst^c Cli^'itiego w T.on<?ji5ie. Swia<^«^ rorumie zane^nlr ]f- 
isjfe polslcl, ' " ' ;■ 

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[Translation copy of Exhibit 39] 

[The document translated below is written on a printed form / No. 5/S/. The 
names and data are typed in the spaces between the printed text. The printed 
text has been italicized in the translation.] 

Field Court Martial. No. 5/S. 

Doc. Ref. Sow. 6/46. 


In the field, Day 22-nd May 1946, Started at 2.30 p.m. 
Criminal case against: 


Military Judge Lieut. Auditor LEWICKI KAZIMIERZ, 

Recorder Sergeant HUBERT STANISLAW, 

TTie witness having been cautioned and instructed in accordance with art: — 81 of 
the Military Penal Code, - stated as follows. 

1/ Narne and Chr. name: KRIWOZERCOW IWAN son of GREGORY, 

2/ Date and place of birth: 20. VII.1915, NOWE BATOKI, borough of KATYN, 
District of SMOLENSK, 

3/ Religion: Orthodox, 

4/ Family status: bachelor, 

5/ Military rank - profession: metal turner, 

6/ Allocation - address: resided before the war at his birth place, 

7/ Relation to defendant and/or other parties conceryied in this case: - 

8/ The witness loas sworn in accordance with art. 83 of the Military Penal Code 
having been first instructed in accordance with art. 82 point 2 of the M.P.C. 

The hearing was conducted in Polish. Now and then the less usual Polish 
expressions were translated into Russian to the Witness by 2/Lieut. Heitzman 
Marian from the General Staff in LONDON. The Witness understands Polish 
perfectly. The Witness gave evidence as recorded on the attached sheets No. 
1, 2, 3 and 4. 

Follow four signatures, KRIW / KRIWOZERCOW/ /in Russian/, 

St. Hubert, Lewicki, Lieut, 

M. Heitzm.\n. 



Exhibit 39A 

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[Translation Copy of Exhibit 39 A] 

In the beginning of March 1940 rumours circulated that the N. K. V. D. was 
going to build some houses in the KOZIE GORY wood because diggings of the 
foundations had already been started. The pits were dug out by civilian prisoners 
brought over under N. K. V. D. guard in three to four cars from the Smole6sk 
prison. I saw the arrivals of these convicts with my own eyes. The works were 
started n the first days of March. I reckon they must have been convicts from 
Smolensk because the cars were coming from thai direction. 

When these works were completed transports of officers began to arrive to 
Gniezdowo. I remember that they began to arrive at the time of the armistice 
with Finland and even because of that people initially said that the N. K. V. D. 
transported Finish officers. But already on the second day some of the local 
inhabitants recognised Polish uniforms and it became known that those were 
transports of Polish prisoners of war — of officers. 

The transports were brought by special trains composed of an engine and 3 to 4 
prison coaches /stotypinki/: Sometimes the coaches were of the smaller two-axle 
type at other times they were the large four-axle ones. 

The whole train was moved to the side track near the storage building opposite 
the little square. There the "black — raven" /"czornyj-woron"/ prison cars 
moved up with their' backs towards the railway carriages and the officers were 
transferred into them. There were two "black-ravens" and a lorry on to which 
the belongings of the officers were loaded and also a passenger car. In the latter 
travelled the commander, an officer of the N. K. V. D. I could not see precisely 
his badges but I think he had one strap. After the officers had been loaded into 
the "ravens" the whole column drove off towards Kozie G6ry and then returned 
for the next batch. 

People said that the N. K. V. D. was taking them to Kozie G6ry for the purpose 
of shooting them there. Although nobody witnessed the executions it was known 
that there was no camp in the Kozie G6ry forest and moreover the place was 
known to have been an execution place for many j^ears. 

The escort was composed of an N. K. V. D. team from Smolensk, and I even 
knew the driver of one of the "black-ravens"; his name was JAKIM ROZUWA- 
JEW known by the nick-name of KIM. Further to that I know that PIETKA— 
I forget his surname — the driver of the lorry, on which the officers' luggage was 
transported to Kozie G<3ry and who, later on, was thrown out of employment 
with the N. K. V. D. and worked in the Sojuztrans in Smolensk, told people 
even before the Germans had arrived that the N. K. V. D. had executed these 
officers. . 

A relative of mine told me that one day while the train was being shuttled on 
the station he recognised among the N. K. V. D. escort a man he knew personally. 
He began to talk to him and asked him whether these men were taken to a camp. 
To which he got the answer: "Where did you see any camps over here? Why 
do you ask stupid questions as if you did not know where they are taken to?". 

The personnel of the N. K. V. D. "datcha" /villa/ numbered not more than 3 to 
4 persons because the members of the N. K. V. D. used to come there only for a 
very short time and they did not live there. Not far from the N. K. V. D. villa, 
in the village of BOREK there was a large N. K. V. D. Sanatorium. After the 
Germans had taken over, the N. K. V. D. villa was occupied by a high ranking 
German officer, allegedly a general who lived there with his A. D. C. but no 
military unit was stationed there. Including the general not more than 10 people 
lived there. 

After the war of 1939 there were no prisoner of war camps in the neighborhood 
of Katyn and Gniezdowo nor were there any further westward. Neither were 
there any road repairs undertaken in that district apart from the normal work 
done by the local road guards. 

The German troops occupied the Gniezdowo district on the 27th July 1941 
while Smolensk /the upper part of the town/ was taken already on the IG-th of 
July. During 13 days the district was a no-mans-land and everyone could do 
what he wanted. True enough there were some disorganised units of the Red 
Army which remained in the district till the 26-th and then withdrew after blow- 
ing up the railway and the road bridges but there was no order at the time. 

In the spring of 1942, Polish workers who worked there as members of the 
TODT organisation and were employed in collecting steel scraps, learned from 
the local inhabitants about the existence of the graves of Polish officers shot in 
the Kozie G6ry forest. 

I myself witnessed such a conversation. I know from KISIELEW that the 
Polish workers had visited him and had asked him to show them the graves. 


Kisielew took them to the site on which they raised a small wooden cross. I saw 
that cross myself. 

In 1943 an article appeared in the "NOWYJ PUT" a Smolelisk newspaper 
printed in Russian by the Germans — about the crimes committed by the Bol- 
sheviks on territories they had occupied in 1939. The article described the mass 
arrests, the deportations of hundreds of thousands of people to Siberia, of which 
the majority had perished there, and it also mentioned that Gen. Sikorski was 
unable to trace in Russia a few thousand of Polish officers at the time when he was 
organising a Polish Army on Russian territory. After having read this article 
I raised the subject when talking to the German interpreter and I said among 
others: "Why are they searching for these officers in Russia when they had been 
shot and buried here in Kozie G6ry". The interpreter who was employed by the 
"Geheime Feld Polizei" made no comment at the time but a few days later a 
relation of mine who looked after the horses of the Geheime F. P. told me that I 
was to be sent somewliere the next day with n.c. officers of the Geh. P.P. I was 
loaded on to a cart together with two local inhabitants and we were driven in the 
direction of Kozie G6ry. We were accompanied by two corporals of the Geh, 
P.P. on motorcycles. One of them called Arholtz or Eichholtz spoke Russian. 
I am nearly certain that I had seen him since either in March or in April 1946. 
He was then a prisoner of war in the Fallingsbosted camp in Germany. The 
same Arholtz or Eichholtz could probablv give some information about the fate 
evacuated togehter with his wife and Eichholtz to Mifisk, where his wife gave 
birth to a daughter. I do not know what happened to them after that. 

When we arrived to the N. K. V. D. villa the two German N. C. O.'s asked me 
where were the graves of the Polish officers. I said I did not know but that I 
would go and ask Kisielew who lived close by and who was sure to know some- 
thing. Kisielew was at home lying on the stove and when I told him what it 
was about he said that last year already Polish workers had asked him the same 
question. I told him that now we were going to dig up the graves. He dressed 
and followed me and then showed us where the graves were. 

We broke up the frozen earth with pick-axes and took turns in digging up the 
mound. When we had already dug a fairly deep hole a cadaverous smell spread 
around. As my two comrades could not stand the stench and began to feel sick 
while I somehow proved more resistant I was the one to dig the last shift. Up 
till now we had dug through sand but at the bottom of the hole I struck now on a 
thin layer of black soil under which I finally uncovered a corpse. I first saw the 
military overcoat or rather its back belt since the body was lying face downwards. 
I wrenched off a button from the back belt and cleaning it I could see that it had 
an eagle on it. I handed over the button to the Germans and after they had in- 
spected it I wrapped it up in a piece of paper. After which we interrupted the 
digging and returned to the village. 

When we were back in Gniezdowo Lieut. Voss, the secretary of the Gen. F. P. 
arrived. I showed him the button and told him how we had dug out a hole and 
about the cadaverous stench which exhaled from it. On hearing which Voss took 
a bottle of spirit in case anyone felt sick again and took us all back to Kozie Gory. 
This time we went by car accompanied by the motorcycles. When we arrived on 
the spot Voss ordered us to widen the hole and to remove the head from the body 
and take it out of the pit. He took a good look at it, ordered us to replace it and 
to cover up the body with a thin layer of earth. He then strolled around the 
wood, crossed the little swamp at the bottom of the hollow between the mounds 
and then took us all back to Gniezdowo. 

Later the same day the Austrian N. C. O./Unteroffizier/GUSTAW PONKA, 
with the help of the interpreter Arholtz or Eichholtz, took down in writing a state- 
ment which I made answering questions about what I knew of the shootings of 
the Polish officers. Together with me they also questioned IWAN ANDREJEW 
knick-named "RUMBA" from Nowe Batoki. I wish to stress that during the 
hearing I was asked to tell only what I knew and nobody threatened me about 
anything, neither was I shouted at. Andrejew who was questioned in my presence 
was treated in the same way. I was not present during the hearings of the other 
inhabitants of the neighbourhood but if the Germans had beaten up or even 
threatened anyone I would have vmdoubtedly heard of it. The best proof of the 
bebaviour of those questioning us was that knowing that Kisielew was an old man 
they did not summon him to Gniezdowo but Ponka with the interpreter went to 
his house to take down his statement in writing. I saw Kisielew many a time 
after that and he was in excellent health although he was very old. On the day 
of my evacuation to the West, that is on the 24-th of Sept. 1943 I saw Kisielew 

93744— 52— pt. 4 22 


walking together with his wife, and he was even pushing a wheelbarrow before him. 
Anyhow there was no reason for beating up or threatening anyone of those who 
made statements because all of them including Kisielew gave evidence of their 
own free will. 

A few days later a Red Cross Commission arrived and set up a Red Cross flag 
on the site. The interpreter told us that from then on the whole place was under 
the control of the Red Cross. The members of the Red Cross Commission inter- 
viewed us .T.nd questioned us about everything we knew of the execution of the 
officers and only the interpreter w£s present during these hearings. We talked 
quite freely and nobody shouted at us. 

I also talked to the delegation of the Polish prisoners of war. Initially we 
spoke through the intermediary of the interpreter but one of the Polish prisoners 
of war — an officer with two or throe stars — told tbe interpreter th^t he spoke bad 
Russian and liegan to speak to ris in Russian himself without the help of the 
interpreter. Among the members of that delegation was a Polish Lieut. Colonel 
but he did not speak Russian. 

I also talked to the delegation of English prisoners of war. The Englishmen 
first inspected the graves and then came towards us accompanied by the German 
Propaganda Chief. The Ge|rmans began to shout for the "Dolmetclier" / inter- 
preter /. At this moment one of the British delegates, a tall officer with specta- 
cles, broke away from the group, and came up to us and in rather broken Russian 
asked us: "Prlkownik choczet znat' skolko platit nam dzienieg Germancy?" 
/"The Colonel wants to know how much the Germans pay you"/. Kisielew 
answered that nobodv pays him anvthing. Later on the British questioned us 
through the internediary of that English officer and asked us about how the 
Bolsheviks had transported the officers. After which they went off to inspect the 
graves of the executed Russians. 

I also spoke to the members of the Polish Red Cross team. I recollect that one 
day after a certain body had been unearthed, the Poles after inspecting his docu- 
ments began to talk excitedly among themselves and I overheard the name 
"Pilsudski" repeated once or twice. Interested, I moved up and asked them 
what had happened. To which they showed me the documents they held and 
told me that they had found the body of KALICINSKI — Pilsudski's personal 

Towards the end of May the Germans had finished the exhumation of the seven 
graves at this side of the swamj). At that time all the bodies from these seven 
graves had b^en taken out. Out of the eighth small grave on the other side of the 
swamp tbe Germans took out only a few bodies which they put back into the 
grave and ordered all exhumation works to be stopped. 

Among those who gave evidence before the Germans was IWAN ANDREJEW 
from the village ZYTKI, nick-named "SZLOPECZKA", over forty years old, not 
to be mixed up with the other IWAN ANDREJEW nick-named "RUMBA" / be- 
cause of his crooked legs / who joined the evacuation to the West. In the summer 
of 1943 when rumours began to circulate that the Red Army was approaching 
the wife of SZLOPECZKA threw him out of the house and declared she did not 
wish to live with him any longer. I understood then that she was afraid that 
when the Reds would come back all those who had testified before the Germans 
would be made responsible for it. 

Throughout the years 1941 and 1942, after the Germans had taken over, no 
troops were ever stationed in the N. K. V. D. villa except for the high ranking 
German officer who, as I have already mentioned, lived there. Neither was the 
territory of the wood out of bounds and there were no guards arround it, not even 
a fence the latter having been broken up for fuel. Anybody could stroll over the 
wood— I myself walked about it in search of mushrooms. The Germans never 
forbade us to walk in the neighbourhood of the villa. Neither did I ever see any 
cars arriving there except for the passenger car which belonged to the officer who 
hved there. 

The people in the Tieighbourhood did not pay nuich attention to the whole 
matter because it was known to all that the N. K. V. D. had used Kozie G6r_v as 
an execution place for vears and evervone knew how it was done. 

SIEMION ANDREJEW from NOWE BATOKI who worked in the workshop 
at the 95 Depot in KRASNY BOR to where he travelled daily by train, heard 
from the railway workers that th(> Polisli officers were brought over by the N. K, 
V. D. from Kozielsk. I never heard anyone say about officers being brought also 
from Starobielsk or Ostaszk6w. ANDREJEW had moved further East to 
Russia before the Germans had arrived. 


When the Red Army came up closer I decided to evacuate together with the 
Germans. IVAN ANDREJEW / "RUMBA" / who was an acquaintance of 
mine hesitated whether to go or to stay but I advised him to go West unless he 
wished to be shot by the N. K. V. D. 

So he finally made up his mind and went Westward by car with the German 
interpreter THEODOR whose surname I forget. I wanted to go with them but 
they left me behind. It was therefore only a day or two later that I went out 
onto the highway and begged a German mihtary policeman who regulated the 
traffic to help me to be taken West. He stopped a passing car which was going 
to ORSZA and that was how I left. 

I have heard the name of MIENSZAGIN, who was the commandant of the 
city of Smolensk during the German occupation, but I know nothing of what 
had happened to him. 

I wish to state additionally that when I first gave evidence before the Germans, 
the first one to be questioned was WASYLKOW, who was the third from among 
those who went to Kozie Gory for the first digging up of the graves. Wesjikow, 
who was rather cowardly, when asked what he had seen answered that he had 
seen nothing and knows nothing to which the interpreter said: "Well, if you 
know nothing and you do not want to say anything you'd better go home". 

On page 2 of this record in the 12-th line from the bottom the word "GUSTAW" 
has been written in; on page 3 in the 6-th line from the top the word "interpreter" 
has been added while in the 7-th line from the bottom "E 5" has been deleted 
and "95" inserted instead. 

After having been read over, signed 
/signatures/ KRIW /KRIWOZERZOW/, /in Russian/ 

K. Lewicki, Lieut. 
S. Hubert. H. Heitzman. 


Exhibit 39B 

^ 1?«lJZK!l. 34-41 

ran i--'ik,Pj'|»l.x u0'^i#^ . 

•r, , 

c?,.ylr> ' 1%,1'^^ii, 




. /' ^''/f^''//'*^/Vh 

Jaa^ G ^s^^tijl'.!''.; 

Tel. KEN. 34-41. 
Ext. 320. 



The Liquidation Cominittee, M.O.N. 


[Translation copy Exhibit 39B] 


Statistical Department, 
15, Egerton Gardens 
London S. W. 3. 

29-th October, 1948. 

/ stamped with the word SECRET /. 



Further to my letter Ref. 8200/Stat./II dated the 12-th Oct. 1948 I report the 

British Authorities have notified me that Michat LOBODA vel KRIWOZER- 
COW died in 1947. 

The search as to the whereabouts of Jan CHOMIAK is still in progress. 

/ Illegible signature / Major, 
Chief of the Stat. Dept. of the Gen. Insp. 



Mr. Flood. For the benefit of the record, and to orient these 
exhibits which are bemg considered later by the committee, will you 
just state briefly the elements of this Kj'iwoserzew case, and its signif- 
icance to the Katyn matter? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Kriwoserzew 

Mr. Flood. I want to know who he was, how he came to the 
attention of the Polish London Government, and what connection he 
has (or his case has) with Katyn. Just give me in one paragraph 
Colonel, for the purpose of the documentary record, the significance 
of this man to this case. 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Kriwoserzew was an inhabitant of a village 
near Gnizdowa. There he has many friends, and from them he 
learned about the fate of the Polish officers in Katyn Forest. Later, 
when the Russians started the offensive, he fled to Germany and 
worked in Berlm. Later he went to the western zone of Germany 
where he went to the Polish authorities declaring that he is a witness 
of the Katyn massacre. 

Mr. Flood. Did this man come to London? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. He was in communication with you here in London? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And he was subsequently found dead in London? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Not in London, in the provinces. 

Mr. Flood. In England? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. In England, 3'es. 

Mr. Flood. At this time I will ask this witness to step aside while 
we place on the stand the investigator for the committee, Mr. Pucinski. 



Mr. Flood. Mr. Pucinski, you have already been sworn m this 
matter. I am advised that you have to present to the committee a 
document having to do with the Kriwoserzew oase, is that correct? 

Mr. Pucinski. That is correct, Mr. Flood. 

Mr. Flood. Will you present that to me at this time? 

Mr. Pucinski. Yes. [Document handed to Mr. Flood.] 

Mr. Flood. I now ask the stenographer to mark as exhibit No» 40 
the document just handed to me by the investigator. 

(The document referred to was marked as "Exhibit No. 40" and 


Ex HI KIT 40 

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[Translation of Exhibit 40] 

I KRIWOSERZEW Ivan born at Gniezdowo, Russia, Russian Citizen, on 
20.7.1915 reported to the first Polish officer I met to tell the whole story of the 
massacre of the Polish officers at Katyn in 1940. 

My village was situated about 3 kilometers from the wood where the shooting 
took place. 

When the place was occupied by the Germans I stayed there (in my Home 
village, Gniezdowo). I learned from the Germans that they are interested in 
finding the missing Polish officers, interested in the massacre of Polish officers, 
and that the matter is of international importance. I reported to them and told 
them all I knew and to different International inquiring committees. I was the 
first to show them the graves. I worked for three months in opening the mass 
graves of Polish officers. 

When Russians moved forward I was sent by the Germans into Germany and 
worked as a railway-worker in Berlin. Before Russian occupied Berlin I fled on 
foot here. 

I state the above solemnly in place of oath. 

(Signed) (Kriw) 
Verden, 31.5.45. Kriwozerzew 

(in Russian) 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Pucinski. I now show you exhibit No. 40, and ask 
you to identify what that exhibit is. 

Mr. Pucinski. Mr. Flood, this is an original statement reportedly 
in the handwriting of Kriwoserzew, made to a Polish officer, and 
signed in his own handwriting 

Mr. Flood. Wliose own handwriting? 

Mr. Pucinski. In Kriwoserzew's handwriting, his own signature, 
on May 31, 1945, in a displaced persons camp at Verden in Germany. 
This statement was taken by a Major Gruber, who had been referred 
to by our undisclosed witness in Chicago, and subsequently turned 

Mr. Flood. By "undisclosed witness", you mean a witness that we 
had called and sworn in Chicago, whose identity was known to the 
committee, but for the reason of his having relatives behind the iron 
curtain, the committee did not disclose his name? 

Mr. Pucinski. That is correct; and this statement subsequently 
was turned over to the Polish Government in exile, and it was given 
to me the other day by Mr. Jankowski 

Mr. Flood. By whom? 

Mr. Pucinski. By Mr. Jankowski, on instructions of the President 
of the Polish Government in exUe, Mr. Zaleski. 

Mr. Flood. And the document has been in your possession ever 
since until such time as you present it to the committee now? 

Mr. Pucinski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. We will offer that in evidence. 

Now, Colonel Lunkiewicz, will you return to the stand? 


Mr. Flood. Will you let me have in one folder all of the communi- 
cations, telegrams, memoranda and so forth, which you referred to as 
dealing with the matter of Katyn? 

Will you describe briefly what those documents are? 

Colonel I.UNKiEWicz. Those arc statements of the visiting Polish 
journalist, Mr. Goctel, in Katyn. They were made in 1946 so you can 
see he didn't think those things up just recenth'. 


Mr. Flood. Mr. Goetel was a witness who testified before this 
committee on yesterday's hearing? 

Colonel LuNKiEWicz. Yes. This is the testimony of Mrs. Ostro- 
mecka about the body of her sister which was found in the Katyn 

Mr. Flood. As I understand it, Colonel, the lady to whom you now 
refer with reference to this particular document is the sister of the only 
female whose body was found with those of the Polish officers at Katyn, 
and that female was a Polish aviatress? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. And this is a document of her sister? 

Colonel LuNKiEWicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Anything else? 

Mr. LuNKiEwicz. No, that is all, in this matter. 

I now ask the stenographer to mark for identification exhibits No. 
41 and No. 42. 

(Documents referi-ed to marked "Exhibit No. 41" for identification, 
and "Exhibit No. 42" for identification.) 

Mr. Flood. I now show you, Colonel, exhibit No. 41 and ask you 
whether or not that is the exhibit contaming the document to which 
you have just referred in your testimony, namely, statements with 
reference to Katyn from Mr. Goetel? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. I now show you exhibit No. 42 and ask you whether or 
not it is an exact copy of statements made by Mrs. Musnika. 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. It is, sir. 

Mr. Flood. In that case we oft'er in evidence translations of exhibit 
No. 41 and exhibit No. 42. Photostatic copies of the original state- 
ments will remain as part of this committee's permanent file. 

[Translation copy of Exhibit 41] 
Report by Ferdynand Goetel on his Visit to Katyn 

In the first days of April 1943, I received a telepiione call from Wladyslaw 
Zyglarski, the Secretary" of the Society of Authors and Journalists and during 
the Occupation, one of the members of the so called Literary Committee of the 
R.G.O. /Central Council of Welfare/. He informed me that I was being sought 
in some urgent matter by Dr. Grundman from the "Abteilung Propaganda" of 
the "General Gouvernement". Thinking that I was wanted about something 
which had to do with the canteen kitchen in the building of the Literary Societ}^ 
I went to town to find out whether something had occured in the canteen. In 
the meantime, Grundman had found out from Zyglarski that I lived in Zoliborz, 
56, Mickiewicz Street and had come to my house by car. Not having found me 
at home he repeated to my wife that he had a very urgent matter to see me about 
and he made a note of the telephone number in the nearest little shop. I usually 
made use of the telephone belonging to the photographer who lived in the base- 
ment of out house. Zyglarski and one or two others knew of its existence. 

Having decided that something new must have happened I went to see Grund- 
man even before noon on the same da}'. He told me that in the vicinity of 
Smolensk in a place called Kozie G6ry the Intelligence Service of the German 
Army had discovered enormous mass graves in which were buried murdered 
Polish officers. The exhumation works had already begun and the results were 
most startling. There were to be several thousand victims. The German 
Authorities greatly stirred by this discovery had decided to send to the place a 
Polish delegation to which all help would be given without asking in return for 
any public statements including such which could be used by German propaganda. 

I was taken aback by this news which immediately brought to my mind the 
idea that this might well be a clue to the mystery of the missing Polish prisoners 
of war who had vanished from the camps of Kozielsk, Starobielsk and Ostaszkow. 


After some quick thinking I asked Grundman whj^ did not he approach the 
Polish Red Cross in this matter, it being the most suitable institution to deal 
with such a case, both because of its statutorj^ aims and because of the importance 
the Polish public would attach to its opinion. Grundman replied that although 
in his opinion the P.R.C. should in fact be asked to take this matter in hand 
there were reasons which made the relations between the German Authorities 
and this Institution difficult. He hinted that probably I knew what these 
reasons were. 

Which in fact I did. The P. R. C. was the only institution in the General 
Government which persisted as a remnant and vestige of the sovereign Polish 
State. Shielded by International Law the P. R. C. successfully resisted the 
several attempts to liquidate it undertaken by the Germans. As a result its 
existence was little more than a formality and its activities were reduced to the 
narrowest frames of taking care of the invalides of the 1939 campaign. 

Realizing that, if the news about Kozie G<5ry would turn out to be true, the 
position of the P. R. C. might all of a sudden greatlj' gain in strength, I stipulated 
that in the event of my going to Katyri I was going to send a report about my 
observations made there to the P. R. C. In the first place, however, I would like 
to be told who was supposed to participate in the delegation. Grundman stated 
that invitation^ to join the delegation had been sent out to representatives of the 
Central Board of the R. G. O., and of the Warsaw branch of the R. G. O., to the 
clergy, to the Warsaw Municipal Council and to the Judicature. I was going 
to meet the representatives of all these institutions at an informative conference 
in the "Propagandaamt" which was to take place tomorrow morning. The de- 
parture by air would take place in the morning of the third day. I declared 
then that in given circumstances I was willing to take part in the delegation subject 
however to my opinion about what I was going to see not being hampered in any 
way since I would be going there in the capacity- of a counsel to Poland. I warned 
that I had no intention of concealing whatever I was about to see in Kozie G6ry 
and that I would do my utmost to acquaint Polish public opinion with my obser- 
vations. Grundman agreed to my conditions. 

Having left Grundman I immediately tried to establish contact with the 
"Underground" and with the institutions Grundman had mentioned to me. I 
was a member of the O. P. W./"Fighting Poland"/ and at the time I was editor 
of the "Nurt" /"Undercurrent"/. I had no direct contact with .lulian Piasecki 
who was my superior. My liason "Karol" would be contacting me only in a few 
days time. I therefore made use of another channel and through the intermediary 
of a neighbour of mine Marjan Buczkowski and his liason "Marta" I passed the 
information about my interview with Grundman to Hubert who was then Chief 
of Propaganda of the Underground Array for the Warsaw district. 

According to Buczkowski Hubert did not take my news very seriously and 
was supposed to have said that: "The Germans are trying to put a fast one on 
Goetel". However, he gave his consent to my going to Smolensk requesting 
that I give him a full report upon my return. 

Next I got in touch by telephone with President Kulski and Machnicki from 
the R. G. O. Neither of them denied that they had been invited to undertake 
the journey but thev also seemed to take the whole matter rather lightly and were 
somewhat scared of it. The attitude of Hubert as that of the others rather 
annoyed me. The element of aversion for any initiative on the part of the 
Germans did not seem to me to be a sufficient excuse in this particular case. I 
was aware that the Katyil case was going to be a painful and dangerous venture 
to whoever was going to" be mixed up with it. Because whatever we were going 
to discover there we were liable to becoming targets of an attack — either from the 
Germans or from the Bolsheviks. A foretaste of the latter already began to let 
itself be felt in Warsaw. 

At the meeting which took place the next day in the "Propagandaamt" T met 
representatives of the City of Warsaw in the persons of Dr. Kipa and Dr. Zawi- 
stowski, President K'ulski having excused himself h(-cause of pressure of work. 
The Warsaw R. G. O. was represented by director ^Machnicki and Wachowiak, 
the Clergv bv the Rev. Prelate Father Kozubski, the judicature by someone I did 
not know. There were a few other persons present whose names 1 do not recollect 
and also I'^mil Skiwski, the writer, whose name was not mentioned to me by 
Grundman the dav before. Grundman repeated to us the story about the Kozie 
G6ry adding to it fresh details and then n>ad to us the list of institutions and 
individuals who had been invited to particijjate asking us one by one whether 
we were willing to go. Father Kozubski declined giving as excuse the illness of 
Mgr. Szelagowski the Bishop of Warsaw and also his own awe of a journey by 


aeroplane. Machnicki and Wachowiak also refused, however, they named 
someone else who would be going as a representative of the R. G. O. Dr. Kipa 
also gave a name of a doctor who would be sent as a delegate of the City of War- 
saw while the man representing the judicature said that the President of the 
Court of Justice was seriously ill but that a delegate would be nominated and 
that he would report at the airport. If I remember rightly Father Kozubski gave 
finally a similar promise in the name of the Clergy. /Neither the representative 
of the r'lergy nor of the judicature ever turned up the next day at the airport. 

The following day at the airport I met two doctors, one from the Citj' Council 
and one from the R. G. O. There was also Emil Skiwski and a few photographers. 
No representatives of the official press were present. There was however, a 
gentleman who introduced himself as the editor of a Lublin newspaper. From 
Cracow, by air, came Edward Seydrid, Director of the Central Board of the 
R. G. O. and Olenbusch, Chief of the German Propaganda for the whole of the 
General Gouvernement accompanied by a German cameraman in uniform. 
Finally there arrived a Pole allegedly from the Cracow Broadcasting Service who 
introduced himself by the name of W^sowicz. 

We reached the Smolensk airport at noon. During the afternoon the Germans 
took us for a tour round the town and in the evening in the officers' mess they 
introduced to us three officers from the Propaganda Unit attached to the Smolensk 
Army. Two of them were lieutenants, one was a captain. The KatyA case was 
explained to us by Lieut. Slovencik, an officer of the reserve, allegedly a journalist 
by profession from Vienna. Of the other two one introduced himself as a sculptor 
from Insbruck. A lieutenant with the badges of the "Geheimepolizei" listened 
to our conversation from time to tiine. I guess that this must have been Voss 
of whose existence I learned only later. 

Slovencik acquainted us with a more exact version about Katyn and showed 
us photographs of the forest, of the bodies and of the documents found on the 
bodies. He also showed us a few original documents which had already been 

One or two details of his story are worth mentioning. In the first place, the 
details about how the graves had been discovered. First traces of these had 
been found by the "Feldpolizei" [Field Police] which, at the time, was carrying 
out intelligence investigations among the local inhabitants. Apparently, those 
living in the neighborhood of tlie Kozie G6ry forest — a part of the larger Katyn 
wood which stretches along the Dnieper river and the Smolensk- Witebsk high- 
way — maintained that in the Kozie Gory forest, which for years had been a place 
of execution guarded by the NKVD, several thousand Polish officers had been 
shot and buried in mass graves. Allegedly, these mass graves had been dis- 
covered later on by Polish workers enrolled in the "Todt" organization who, 
having dug up one small place and having made certain that it was really Poles 
buried there, had raised a wooden cross on the spot of which there even existed 
a photograph. The cross itself must have been destroyed during the first n^ajor 
exhumation works. Anyhow it had served to indicate from where to start the 
digging. To our question of whether any of those Polish workers had been 
traced Slovencik answered in the negative. 

Another even more interesting detail of our conversation with Slovencik was 
that although he was inclined to describe the whole case as a most dramatic 
incident from the Polish point of view — he had no idea where could have come 
from all these bodies of Polish officers. All he knew was what the local inhabi- 
tants had told him that thev had been brought in transports arriving from the 
direction of Smolensk. As he already had in hand photographs and, I think, 
even originals of some of the letters and postcards found on the bodies he asked 
us whether we could explain why the address of Kozielsk repeated itself so often 
on many of the cards. I told him in short wh?,t I knew about the camps of 
Kozielsk, Ostaszk6w, and Starobielsk and I closely watched his reaction to this 
piece of news. It was most lively and convinced me beyond all doubt that 
Slovencik had learned about Kozielsk only from us. It was the only detail of 
our conversation of which he made a note. A moment later, after we had finished 
our talk, I heard him repeatine; the news about Kozielsk to Olenbusch and to 
the other Germans. I think that Voss was no longer in the room at that time. 

Early next morning we were driven in cars to Kozie G6ry. Turning into the 
wood we drew up not far from a large dug up site. It had the shape of a long 
ditch dug out probably along the whole length of the grave and right to its bottom 
but not to its full width which was made evident /x del. P.9./ by the feet and the heads 
of the corpses visible to both its sides. The sectional view of the grave showed 
that the bodies were lying in good order ranged in a few layers one on top of the 


other. The grave excavated in the hilly site of Kozie G6ry had in its upper 
part a dry soil composed of a mixture of sand and clay but in its lower part showed 
signs of subterranean water seeping through the soil. Not far away we were 
shown preliminary works for the unearthing of a second grave in which onl.y the 
top layers of bodies had been imcovered. In both the graves local Russians 
were employed for digging out the bodies. 

On the very spot and very close to the graves stood a small provisional hut in 
which worked the exhumation team under the supervision of Dr. Butz, professor 
of forensic medicine of the Wroclaw University. Prof. Butz was in uniform in 
the rank of a colonel. 

The works were only barely started. Xor far from the graves, on a clearing 
in the wood, about 200 bodies already unearthed were lying awaiting dissection. 
The bodies were numbered and ranged in a few rows. Near Dr. Butz's hut a number 
of other bodies were lying about probably those already examined by the pro- 
fessor. Parts of the uniforms taken of the bodies were hanging about on neighbor- 
ing trees and branches. The whole gave the impression of a job only just started 
and not quite organized as yet. Dr. Butz asked us to choose any of the bodies 
we wished and that he would order them to be exhumed and examined in our 
presence. We pointed to a body in the middle of the grave. The dissection 
showed a skull pierced through by a bullet with both the entry and the exit holes 
visible. Frona a pocket cut open with a dissecting knife Dr. Butz pulled out a 
postcard addressed to a cavalry captain whose name I no longer remember. 
The card was written by his wife from the county of Grodzisk and was addressed 
to Kozielsk. 

Among the bodies already identified which were Ijing around the hut were the 
bodies of General Smorawinski and General Bohatyrewicz. Answering my request 
Dr. Butz cut off one of the shoulderstraps from the uniform of General Smorawin- 
ski and tore off the ribbon of the Virtuti-Militari Cross from Gen. Bohatyrewicz 's 
overcoat. I took these back with me to Warsaw together with a few buttons 
and a pinch of earth from the grave. I had these relics in my care till the Warsaw 
rising during which they were burned together with the whole flat and house in 
which I lived. 

We then walked round over the whole of the area of the graves and we soon 
learned how to discern the graves as yet imtouched. Their sides were slightly 
hollow, their surface uneven and they were covered up by young pine trees un- 
doubtedly planted upon them in order to conceal them. Those small trees were 
all of an equal size and were clearly discernable against the background of the 
fairly young but wild and unkept pine wood surrounding them. The little pines 
planted over the graves were healthy and must have been growing upon the 
graves for more than one year. 

From Dr. Butz I also received a list of names of those bodies which he was 
able to identify. There were about 30 of them. I added supplementary names 
to this list and checked it again in Gruszczenka on our way back. 

During our stay in Kozie G6ry German propaganda operators transmitted 
their observations about our visit there and several times thej' coaxed us to 
speak to the microphone and declare that the crime had been perpetrated by 
the Bolsheviks. We evaded these suggestions every time, finally however, urged 
and bored by the incessant coaxing I did say one sentence into the microphone 
in which I stated that in my opinion the bodies lying in these graves were those 
of the prisoners of war from Kozielsk of whom nothing had been heard since 
April 1940. 

The man who had introduced himself to us as Wqsowicz made a long and 
pompous speech to the microphone. 

Before leaving Kozie G6ry I asked the Germans to leave us alone for a while at 
the graves because we wanted to honour the memory of the fallen victims. I had 
agreed the day before with Dir. Seyfried to make this move. The Germans with- 
drew and, as we stood over the graves, Dir. Seyfried uttered the following sentence: 
"I call upon the Polish Delegation to honour by a short silence the memory of our 
countrymen fallen here who had given their lives so that Poland could live". I 
wrote down these words and later on I included them into the statement sent to 
the Polish Red Cross with a request that a copy be sent to the Office of Propaganda. 

Apart / X - del. P. 9. / from the episode with the radio propaganda we were 
\mmolested by the Germans, /xx/del. P. 9./. Wc were given complete freedom 
of our movements and our talks with the local inhabitants were conducted in 
absolute freedom. 


On our way back to Smolensk we stopped in the village of Gruszczenka where, in 
a house bj^ the road, we were shown various objects and documents from Kozie 
G6ry already classified. Some of them were displayed in glass cases. 

I would also like to mention that during our visit to Kozie G6ry certain members 
of our group talked to representatives of the local inhabitants. I listened to these 
without taking active part in them myself. These people confirmed in full the 
German version both as to the Kozie Gory site being an old place of execution 
and about the Bolsheviks having shot the Polish officers. I did not participate 
in these talks myself, because the circumstances in which they took place i. e. the 
hurry and the nervousness, made difficult both a methodical questioning and 
coherent answering. 

We returned to Warsaw on the same evening. Upon my return I wrote a report 
to the Polish Red Cross. Through Buczkowski I sent a copy of this report 
together with further comments and the list of the first identified bodies to Hubert 
and another one through "Koral" to Julian Piasecki. When delivering my letter 
to the Polish Red Cross I asked that a copy of it be sent to Dr. Grundman of the 
"Propagandaamt". The reason for doing so had nothing to do with any sort 
of "co-operation" with the Propagandaamt in the matter of Katyd. By means of 
sending a copy of my report to Grundman I wanted on the one hand to force the 
German authorities into entrusting the investigating of the Katyn case to the 
Polish Red Cross while at- the same time I hoped that by doing so I would succeed 
in breaking the reluctance shown in the matter of Katj^n by the Polish Red Cross 
and other institutions. 

In order to bring home my point even more drastically I made a few extra copies 
which I distributed to trustworthy persons. It is difficult for me to say today who 
had read and who remembers this report of mine. However, I know for sure 
that from among those who have remained in Poland it was read by the folk>wing 
personalities of the literary world: Jerzy Zag6rski, Marian Buczkowski, Wilam 
Horzyca; of those residing in other countries, jozef Targowski and Alfred Wysocki 
must have read it as also did Mr. Wieslaw Wohnout and Lieut. Witold Troscianko 
who are at present in England. 

This report contained a descrij^tion of our trip to KatyA and my impressions of 
what I saw there. In its conclusion the report stated that in all probabilit>' in the 
graves were buried all officers frona Kozielek and maybe other victims as well. 
Further to that I stated that "I had made no other statements in this matter 
neither do I intend to do so", and finally I appealed that the carrying out of a 
thorough investigation of the Kozie G6ry graves should be entrusted to the 
International Red Cross Commission. 

I give these details about my report because when a warrant for my arrest was 
issued in 1945 I told my daughter to ask the Polish Red Cross for a copy of it. 
I had not a single one left because it was burnt together with all my documents in 
Warsaw. The Red Cross answered that it had no such letter. If that was really 
true it would be rather interesting to find out what had happened to it. 

A few days after my return from Katyn I was informed through Hubert that 
my report was instantly passed on to General Rowecki who requested that I be 
told that "I had rendered service to the Polish cause by the attitude I had taken 
in the KtayiS case". The report was to have been radioed to London. These 
informations had been passed on to me by Marian Buczkowski who was my 
Liaison with Hubert. Buczkowski cooperated with the propaganda unit of the 
Warsaw Underground Army in which he acted as the commander of section "R". 

After the entry of the Bolsheviks into Poland and after a warrant for my 
arrest had been issued I still remained in Poland for a while. The prospect of my 
eventual trial rather interested me because I believed that I could drag out to 
light the Katyn case during the proceedings. Seeing however that such a pos- 
sibility was becoming more and more remote and that the search after my where- 
abouts considerably slackened; — that, on the other hand, the Polish Red Cross 
had lost trace of my report and that the majority of those Poles who had visited 
Katyn had signed a declaration which the Public Prosecutor's Office had given 
them to sign and which contained the statement that they had been taken to 
KatyA bv the Germans under duress and, when there, they had come to the 
conclusion that the Katyfi massacre had been perpetrated by the Germans — I 
realised that under no account would I be given an opportunity to let myself be 
heard. I therefore left Poland in December 1945 to arrive to Italy in January 
1946 and finally land in England in October 1946. 

/ — / Ferdynand Goetel. 
London, 19-th December 1946. 


[Translation copy of exhibit 42] 

Report of Mrs. Janina DowB6R-Mr§NicKA 

Mrs. Janina Dowb6r-Mu^nicka, born in 1910, daughter of General Joseph 
Dowb6r-Mu^nicki, was a member of the Poznaii Aeroclub. She married Col. 
Lewandowski in the summer of 1939. In January 1941, Mr. Rafal Bninski, from 
Samostrzel in the district of Poznafi who had escaped from Soviet imprisonment 
to territories incorporated into the Reich and later on had found his way through 
to Warsaw and who was a good friend of the family Dowb6r-Mu^nicki:5, related 
to me in Warsaw that Mrs. Janina born Dowb6r-Mu^nicka was imprisoned by 
the Soviets in Kozielsk. She had been taken prisoner by the Russians because 
after the outbreak of war on September 1-st 1939 she took an active part in it 
and while on duty on a reconnaissance flight over Eastern Poland was shot down 
by the Red Army and taken prisoner as a Lieutenant of the Polish Airforce and 
deported eastward. As to the conditions and her mode of life in the Kozielsk 
camp Mr. Bninski informed me that she was kept in separate premises and that 
she was taking active part in the secret religious activities of the camp taking 
part in clandestine Services and baking out wafer altar Bread for which reason 
she was persecuted by the camp autliorities who carried out several searches of 
her premises. 

Mr. Rafal Bninski lost his life later on having been shot by the Germans dur- 
ing the occupation. 

/Signed/ Mrs. Alexandra Zofia Ostrom^cka, 

born Dowb6r-Mu§nicka, daughter of Gen- 
eral Konstantine Dowb6r-Mu!5nicki, 
brother of General Joseph Dowb6r- 

Colonel LuNKiEWicz. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. What are they? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. I have here a document which gives instruc- 
tions by the NKVD about Baltic prisoners 

Mr. DoNDERo. Let me ask this: Do those instructions follow the 
line of the type to which Father Braun testified in the United States? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. As to the disposition of Baltic and Polish prisoners? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Yes. 

Mr. DoNDERO. They were to be disposed of, or liquidated or 
killed, or whatever woi'd you want to use? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Then mark it for identification as exhibit No. 43. 

(Instructions referred to marked "Exhibit No. 43 for identifica- 

(Exhibit No. 43 is as follows:) 



Exhibit 43 


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[Translation Copy of Exhibit 43] 

[Large red stamp: 
Ministry of National Defence, 


Ref. No. 6076/\\743. 

London, the 12th December 1943. 

Soviet instruction about the Deportation of the ijopulation from the occupied 

Baltic States. 
To the Chief of the Political Dept. of the Min. of Nat. Drf. 

For your information I send enclosed a photo-copy of the Soviet "Instructions 
regarding the manner of carrying out the deportation of the anti - Soviet ele- 
ments from Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia". 

This instruction has been published in a Lithuanian publication issued by the 
Committee for the investigating of the results of Soviet occupation of Lithuania, 
which appeared in Kowno in 1942, under the title of "LITHUANL\N AR- 
CHIVES, Vol. I." 

Chief of the Counter-Espionage Dept. of the Min. of Nat. Def. 

Signature Orlowski, 

P. S. C. Lieut. Col. 

End. L 

Send to: Chief of Special Dept. of the General Staff of the C.-in-C. 

(The above instructions were strictly carried out also in occupied Poland.) 

[Translation copy] 

Moscow's Instructions for the Extermination of the Baltic States 

Aiming at the liquidation of the Baltic States and their wiping out of the 
earth's surface — IMoscow has prepared an atrocious instruction in the matter of 
carrying out the destruction of these three nations. This is a most important 
and revealing Document. We give below photocopies of the full text of this 

[Translation copy] 

Plan of extermination of the Baltic States. 


regarding the manner of conducting the deportation of the anti-soviet 
elements from lithuania, latvia and estonia 

1. General situation 

The deportation of anti-Soviet elements from the Baltic States is a task of great 
political importance. Its successful execution depends upon the extent to which 
the county operative triumvirates and operative staffs are capable of worl<ing out 
a meticulous plan for putting the operations into effect and of foreseeing in ad- 
vance all the indispensable factors. Moreover, the principle should be applied 
that the operations must be conducted without noise and panic, so as not to permit 
any demonstrations and other excesses to be raised not onlj' by the deportees, but 
also by a certain part of the surrounding population known to be hostile to the 
Soviet administration. 

Instructions regarding the manner of conducting the operations are described 
below. They should be adhered to, but in individual cases those conducting the 
operations inay and should, depending upon the particularity of given circum- 
stances of the operation and provided they evaluate correctly the situation, 
make such different decisions which would better suit the same purpose, viz., to 
execute the entrusted task without noise and panic. 

2. Manner of issuing instructions 

The instructing of operative groups should be done by the county triumvirates 
on the eve and within as short a time as possible before the beginning of the 
operations, taking into consideration the time necessary for traveling to the place 
of operations. 

The county triumvirates will previously make ready the necessary transport for 
transferring the operative groups to the villages where the opeiations are to be 
cariied out. 


In regard to the question of allotting the necessary number of motor-lorries and 
carts for conveyance, the county triumvirates will consult the leaders of the 
Soviet party organizations on the spot. 

Premises on -which the instructions will be issued must be carefully prepared in 
advance, and their capacity, exits, entrances and the possibility of strangers 
entering them must be taken into consideration. 

During the time of the issuing of the instructions the building must be securely 
guarded by administrative workers. 

In case anyone from among those participating in the operations should fail to 
report for instructions, the county triumvirate should immediately take measures 
to substitute the absentee from a reseive force, which should be provided in 

The triumvirate through its representative should notify those assembled of the 
decision of the government to deport a listed contingent of anti-Soviet elements 
from the territory of the respective republic or region. Moreover, a brief explana- 
tion should be given as to what the deportees represent. 

Special attention of the /local/ Soviet-party workers, assembled for instructions, 
should be draw n to the fact that the deportees are enemies of the Soviet people and 
that, therefore, the possibility of an armed attack on the part of the deportees 
should be reckoned with. 

S. Manner of obtaining documents 

After the issuing of general instructions to the operative groups, they .should be 
supplied with documents regarding the deportees. Personal files of the deportees 
should be previously collected and grouped according to the operative groups of 
townships and villages, so as to avoid delavs in issuing them. 

After receiving the personal files, the senior member of the operative group 
acquaints himself with the personal files of the family which he will have to deport. 
He must check the number of persons in the family, the supply of necessary forms 
to be filled in by each deportee, and the existence of transport means for moving 
the deportee, and he should be given exhaustive answers to any questions in 
matters which are not clear to him. 

At the time of issuing of the files the county triumvirate must explain to each 
senior mcTuber of the operative group where the deported family is to be re-settled 
and describe the route to be taken to the place of deportation. Routes to be taken 
by the administrative personnel with the deported families to the railway station 
for embarkation must also be fixed. It is also necessary to point out the places 
where reserve military groups will be held in case it should become necessary to 
call them out during possible excesses. 

Possession and the state of arms and ammunition of the whole operative per- 
sonnel must be checked. Weapons must be completelv ready for use, loaded, 
but the cartridge should not be kept in the chamber. Weapons should be used 
only as a last resort, in case of the operative group being attacked or threatened 
with an attack, or when resistance is shown. 

4. Manner in which deportation should be carried out. 

Should a number of families be deported from one spot, one of the operative 
workers is appointed senior in regard to deportation from the village, and his orders 
are to be obeyed by the operative personnel in that village. 

Having arrived to the village, the operative grours nuist get in touch /observing 
the necessary secrecy/ with the local authorities: Chairman, secretary or members 
of the village Soviets, and should ascertain from them the exact dwelling places of 
the families to be deported. After that the operative groups together with the 
local authorities go to the families which are to be deported. 

The operation should be started at daybreak. Upon entering the home of the 
person to be deported, the senior member of the operative group should gather 
the entire family of the dejjortee into one room, taking all necessary precautionary 
measures against any possible excesses. 

After having checked the members of the family against the list, the where- 
abouts of those absent and the number of persons sick should be ascertained, 
after which they should be called upon to give up their weapons. Regardless of 
whether weapons are surrendered or not, the deportee should be personally 
searched and then the entire premises should bo searched in order to uncover 

During the search of the premises one of the members of the operative group 
should be left on guard over the deportees. 

Should the search disclose a small quantity of hidden weapons, they .should be 
collected and distributed among the operative group. Should a large number of 


weapons be discovered, after having removed the locks, they should be piled 
into the wagon or motor-lorry which brought the operating group. Ammunition 
should be packed and loaded together with the rifles. 

If necessary, a convoj^ for transporting the weapons .should be mobilized with 
an adequate guard. 

Should weapons, counter-revolutionary pamphlets, literature, foreign currency, 
large quantities of valuables, etc., be disclosed, a short record of the search should 
be drawn up on the spot, which should describe the hidden weapons or counter- 
revolutionary literature. Should there be any armed resistance, the question of 
arresting the persons showing armed resistance and of sending them to the county 
branch of the People's Commissariat of Public Security should be decided by the 
county triumvirates. 

A record should be drawn up regarding those hiding themselves before the 
deportation and of the sick, and this record should be signed by the chairman of 
the Soviet-party organization. 

After the search the deportees should be notified that by a decision of the 
Gk)vernment they are being deported to other regions of the Union. 

The deportees are permitted to take with them the following personal and 
household belongings of not more than 100 kilograms in weight: 

1/. Clothing, 

2/. Footwear, 

3/. Underwear, 

4/. Bed linen, 

5/. Dishes, 

6/. Glasses, 

7/. Kitchen utensils, 

8/. Food — an estimated month's supply for a family, 

9/. The money in their possession, 

10/. Haversack or box in which to pack the articles. 

It is recommended that large articles should not be taken. 

Should the contingent be deported to rural districts, they are permitted to take 
with them small agricultural implements: axes, saws, and other articles, which 
should be tied together and packed separately from other articles, so as to load 
them into special freight cars, when embarking on the deportation train. 

In order not to mix them with articles belonging to others the name, father's 
name and village of the deportee should be written on his packed property. 

When loading these articles into the carts measures should be taken to prevent 
the deportee from using them as means of resistance during the movement of the 
column along the highway. 

At the time of loading the operative groups together wnth representatives of 
the Soviet-party organisations shall prepare a list of the property and the manner 
in which it is to be preserved in accordance with instructions the}' have received. 

If the deportee has his own means of transportation, his property is loaded 
into his vehicle which, together with his family, is sent to the designated point 
of embarkation. 

If the deportees do not have their own means of transportation, wagons are 
mobilized in the village by the local authorities upon directives of the senior 
member of the administrative group. 

All persons entering the home of the deportees during the execution of the 
operations or found there at the start of these operations must be detained until 
the conclusion of the operations, and their relationship to the deportee should be 
ascertained. This is done in order to disclose policemen, military police and 
other persons hiding from investigation. 

Having checked the detained persons and ascertained that they are persons in 
whom the contingent is not interested, they are liberated. 

Should the inhabitants of the village begin to gather around the home of the 
deportee during the operations, they should be called upon to disperse to their 
homes, and crowds should not be permitted to be formed. 

Should the deportee refuse to open the door of his home in spite of the fact 
that he is aware that members of the People's Commissariat of Public Security 
are there, the door should be forced. In individual cases neighbouring operative 
groups performing operations in that vicinity should be called upon to assist. 

The conveyance of the deportees from the villages to the gathering place at the 
railway station must in all event be done during daylight; moreover, efforts should 
be made that the gathering of each family should take not more than two hours. 

Throughout the operations, in all cases which might arise, firm and decisive 
action should be taken without the slightest confusion, noise and panic. 


It is categorically forbidden to take any articles away from the deportees — 
except weapons, counter-revolutionary literature and foreign currency — or to use 
the food of the deportees. 

All members of the operation must be warned that they will be held strictly 
responsible for attempts to appropriate individual articles belonging to the 

5. Manner of separating deportee from his family. 

In view of the fact that a large number of deportees must be arrested and placed 
in special camps while their families will be re-settled at special points in distant 
regions, it is necessary to execute the operation of deporting both the members 
of his family as well as the deportee simultaneously, without informing them of 
the separation confronting them. After having made the search and filled in the 
necessary documents of identification in the home of the deportee, the adminis- 
trative worker shall draw up documents for the head of the family and pkce them 
in his personal file, but the documents drawn up for the members of his family 
should be placed separately in the personal file of the deportee's family. 

However, the moving of the entire family to the station should be done in one 
vehicle, and only at the station should the head of the family be placed separately 
from his family in a railway car specially intended for the heads of families. 

While gathering together the family in the home of the deportee, the head of the 
family should be warned that personal belongings of the men should be packed 
into a separate suitcase, as a sanitary inspection of the deported men will be made 
separately from the women and children. 

At the stations the possessions of the heads of the families subject to arrest 
should be loaded into railway cars assigned to them, which will be designated by 
special operative workers appointed for that purpose. 

6. Manner of convoying the deportees. 

It is strictly prohibited for the operatives convoying the vehicle-drawn column 
of deportees to sit in the wagons of the deportees. The operatives must follow 
along-side a.nd at the rear of the column of deportees. The senior operator of the 
convoy should periodicall}^ go up and down the entire column to check the correct- 
ness of moveinent. 

The convo.y must act pai'ticularly carefully in conducting the column of de- 
portees through inhabited spots as well as at the encounter of passers-by; they 
should see to it that there are no attempts made to escape, and no exchange of 
Avords should be permitted between the deportees and passers-by. 

7. Manner of embarking. 

At each point of embarkation the members of the operative triumvirate and a 
person specially appointed for that purpose shall be responsible for the embarka- 

On the day of the operations the chief of the point of embarkation together 
with the chief of the echelon and of the convoying military forces of the People's 
Commissariat of Internal Affairs shall examine the railway cars furnished to see 
whether they are supplied with all necessities — /bunks, bed pans, lanterns, rail- 
ings, etc./ and shall discuss with the commander of the echelon the manner in 
which the latter will take over the deportees. The embarkation station shall be 
encircled by the soldiers of the convoying troops of the Peoples' Commissariat 
of Internal Affairs. 

The senior member of the operative group shall deliver to the commander of 
the echelon one copy of the list of deportees in each railway car. The com- 
mander of the echelon will thereupon call out the deportees according to this roll 
and will carefully check each family and designate their place in the railway car. 

The possessions of the deportees should be loaded into the car together with 
the deportees, with the exception of the small agricultural implements, which 
should be loaded into a separate car. 

The deportees will be loaded into railway cars by families; it is not permitted 
to break up a family / w-ith the exception of heads of families subject to arrest/. 
An estimate of 25 persons to a car should be observed. 

After the railway car has been filled with the necessary number of families, it 
should be locked. 

After the people have been taken over and loaded into the echelon train, the 
commander of the train will bear responsibility for all the persons turned over to 
him and for their reaching their destination. 

After handing over the deportees the senior member of the operative group 
shall draw up a report to the effect that he has performed the operations entrusted 


to him and address the report to the chief of the county operative triumvirate. 
The report should briefly contain the name of the deportee, whether any weapons 
and counter-revolutionary literature were discovered, and how the operations 

Having placed the deportees on the echelon of deportees and after submitting 
reports of the results of the operations performed, members of the operative group 
will be considered free and will act in accordance with the instructions of the 
chief of the county branch of the People's Commissariat of Public Security. 

Deputy People's Commissar of State 

Security of the U. S. S. R. 
Commissar of State Security of the Third Rank. 

signed: / Serov / . 

Correct: / signed / Mashkin. 

Mr. Flood. Colonel, the Catholic priest, Father Braun, who testi- 
fied before this committee in Washington, made reference in his 
testimony to certain instructions in writing given to the NKVD 
having to do with the disposition of Polish prisoners. I now show 
you exhibit No. 43, and ask you whether or not that is a copy of 
such instructions? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. We now offer in evidence exhibit No. 43. 

There have been handed to me two additional exhibits in the form 
of notices signed by Timoshenko. I ask that the stenographer mark 
the original notice for identification "Exhibit No. 44," and the photo- 
stat thereof for identification as "Exhibit No. 45." 

(The documents referred to wore marked "Exhibit No. 44 for 
identification" and "Exhibit No. 45 for identification." Exhibit No. 
44, the original, was returned to the witness, exhibit No. 45 is as 


Exhibit No. 45 


W ci.'i^n .»MainidT dni armja polska zc^tala 
oslptiH*/!ije !<)/;.: oniiona. Zolnmzv miast: T«r- 

ROpol, (lalkZ, l^0WflO, l^ljflll w ikisci pr^*^ 


tolificrze! r,o poziMalo warn? i) co i ?. k\m 
walczycieV Din v/ego naraAatie tycie? Opor 
wasz Jest bezsknU'c/fty. OiiaTowie |)(,*d2^ was 
na bezsensouna rze:? Oni nienawldxii was I 
wasze rod/ji > \u oni ri)i?stt7clah waszydi de- i 
legatdw. ktoiydi f^o^lalfScte z propo^ycj^ o pod- 1 
danlu sK*. Kiv wierzcle swynr oiiarum. ONce- 1 
fowic i gOikralDwie sij waszyml wrogaml. itiGi ? 
on! waszt'j smkrci. 

iofjiieoe! BIjcie of let row I licsiefafow. Nie 
pi»dp(»r/adkowiijiic sie rozkazi)in ua^ndi oR- 
cermv IVd/cir idi z \^a57.oUioriii f^r/i diodzdc I 
smialo do nas. d<> ^^.i^zydi Armji Civr- 
wofit'i. Tu .^naidzKv'ie uwa^i? ; tH»k!iwosc. 

Pami^tajcle, /c i>lko Anuja C/crwona wyz- 
woli narod polski / nivS/xzi.»snej v\ojny, i ii?:vs- 
kacic mn/nosc ro?pocz:|c pokoiv>\ve tyck'. ; 

WierKie nam! Arfnja Cierwona^ZwtJizka 
RadilecklegO"— to wasx jedyny priyjackL 

Dowddca fronto Ukraii^sklego S. TIMC^ENKA 


[Translation copy of Exhibit 45] 

Proclamation to Polish Soldiers Issued in September 1939 by Marshal 
TiMosHENKO, Soviet Commander in Chief of the "Ukrainian Front", 
After the Crossing of the Polish Frontier by the Red Army 

Soldiers: In the last few days, the Polish Army has been finally destroA'ed. 
The soldiers from the towns of Tarnopol, Halicz, R6wno, Dubno, numbering 
over sixty thousand, have crossed over to us of their own free v ill. Soldiers, 
what has been left to you? What are you fighting for? Why are you risliing 
your lives? Your resistance is useless. Your officers are driving you to sense- 
less slaughter. They hate you and your families. It was they v ho had shot 
the delegates whom you sent to us \^ith a proposition of surrender. Do not 
believe your officers. It is the officers and generals \\ho are your enemies and 
they wish your death! 

Soldiers — strilce against your officers and generals! Do not obey the orders 
of your officers. Drive them out of your land. Do not fear us, come over to 
us, to your brethren, to the Red Army. Here you shall find care and esteem. 

RemcmV)er that only the Red Army w ill deliver the Polish Nation from this 
unfortunate war and you shall ha\'e an opportunity to restart your lives anew. 
Believe us — the Red Army is your only friend! 

/Signed/ S. Timoshknko. 
C.-in-C. of the Ukrainian Front. 

Mr. Flood. I now show 3^011 exhibit No. 44, Colonel, and ask 
you whether or not that is the copy which yon have had in your 
possession until you presented it to the committee today, of the 
Timoshenko order urging Poles to desert to the Russians discussed 
in his testimony by General Komorowski yesterday before the com- 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. I now show you exhibit No. 45, and ask you whether 
or ! ot that is an exact photostatic reproduction of exhibit No. 44? 

ColoLiel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

iVlr. Flood. We now return to you exhibit No. 44, and oITer in 
evidence exhibit No. 45. Is that all? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. That's all, sir. 

Mr. Flood. We appreciate very much. Colonel, the time that you 
have spent with this commnttee in assisting us all week long at these 
very long and very important heari]igs held here in London, and 
especially do we thank you for your patience and industry m assem- 
blmg from the vast library of documents on this subject hi the posses- 
sion of the Polish Government in London these particular documents 
which you have presented to us for identification today, and for the 
time and trouble you have taken in the photostating of these im- 
portant exhibits. Now I understand you have an additional state- 
ment you desire to make? 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. I am sure you appreciate the committee understands 
fully that 3^ou are acting as the so-called head of an organization 
operating under General Anders and the Polish Governme it, an ex- 
tensive organization that has been accumulating these documents, 
analyzing them and preparing them for this presentation. 

Colonel LuNKiEwicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. W ill you express our compliments to your fellow 
workers as well. 

Colonel LuxKiEwicz. Thank you very much. It is my duty to 
do it; it is m.y duty toward my friends and comrades who are buried 
in Russia. It was my duty to help you in your very diihcidt task. 

Mr. Flood. Tiiank you very much. 



Mr. Flood. Major, yesterday you testified in connection with your 
duties as chief of the Aid or Assistance Bureau of the Polish Govern- 
ment in rendering aid and assistance to the friends, relatives, and 
families of Polish officers missing in Russia, and you now appear 
today for the purpose of identifying and presenting to the committee 
a list of names which was accumulated by your organization; is that 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Upon which was predicated one and perhaps the first 
source of information, that list of names of the Polish officers missing 
in Russia; is that correct? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. I now show you two volumes of such list of names 
presented to the committee. Volume 1, which contains the names 
alphabetically arranged from A to L, and volume 2, containing the 
names alphabetically from L to Z. 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Now will the stenographer mark for identification as 
exhibit 46, volume 1, and as exhibit 47, volume 2. (The documents 
were marked accordingly.) Major, I now show you exhibits Nos. 
46 and 47 and ask you whether or not they are, in two volumes, the 
list of names just described as having been compiled by your organi- 
zation of the names of the missing officers at Katyn? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. They will be offered in evidence. 

Mr. Machp.owicz. Major, that is the first list that was made the 
basis of the list which v as later identified by Adam Sawczynski? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dondero. Where did you get the names to make up these 
two volumes? 

Major Kaczkowski. All soldiers who came to the Polish Army in 
Russia have been 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I suggest it has been testified previously 
that all the various Polish soldiers and officers were instructed to 
assemble from their memories and from whatever records they had, 
the lists of all the officers whom they knew of in an}- of these tliree 
camos. Is that correct? 

Major Kaczkoavski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That information was all put together in one 
booklet and is contained in these two exhibits; am I right? 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood, That is the testimony which in part you gave to us 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Supported by your two colleagues who worked in the 
bureau wi^h you? , 

Major Kaczkowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Who also testified 3^esterday and corroborated j'our 

Major K'CZ'--owsKi. O. K. 

Mr ^uciNSKi. I fhould like to point out that there are 9,989 
name^ n th se two vohimes. 


Mr. Flood. You have now pointed it out. Thank you very much^ 
Major. Because the last two exhibits are so vohiminous, they will not 
be published as part of this record but will remain as part of the 
archives of this committee's records when those eventually are turned 
over to the Library of Congress. 


Mr. PuciNSKi. This witness tells me he will testify in Polish. 

Chairman Madden. State yom- full name and address. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Joseph Mackiewicz, 44 Marlborough Place, 
London, N. W. 8. 

Mr. Flood. Is this witness testifj^ing under his own name? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Yes. 

Chairman Madden. Before you make a statement, it is our wish 
that you be advised that you run the risk of actions in the courts by 
anyone who considers that he has suffered injury. At the same time 
I wish to make it quite clear that the Government of the United 
States and the House of Representatives do not assume any responsi- 
bility in your behalf with respect to libel or slander proceedings which 
may arise as the result of the testimony. Now the interpreter will 
repeat that admonition in Polish. (This was done.) 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness indicates that he understands the in- 
structions and admonition. 

Chairman Madden. The witness will be sworn: Do you swear by 
God the Almighty that you will, according to the best of your knowl- 
edge, tell the pure truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I do. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Your name is Josef Mackiewicz; is that correct? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You are a journalist and author? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you ever at Katjm? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; I was. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Li what year? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. 1943. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That was about May 20th; is that correct? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. It was subsequently to the 20th of May. I do 
not recall the exact date. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How did you happen to go there? 

Mr. AIackiewicz. I was invited to go there by the Germans, and 
I contacted the commanding officer of the Polish Underground Army 
in Vilna — I cannot recall the name at this time — and inquired of them 
whether or not I should go to Katyn. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When I said that you were there in May, I do 
not remember whether I mentioned the year. Was it 1943? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

IMr. Machrowicz. And you had an opportunity to see the graves 
and the bodies? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You have made a record of your findings? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

93744— 52— pt. 4 — —24 


Mr. AIachrowicz. Since that time you have made a careful study 
of the entire Katyn incident; and, as a result of your investigations 
and the facts which you have assembled, you have written a book 
on it; is that correct? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. That is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now I would like to state also to you that I 
myself and several other members of the committee have had the 
opportunity to read your book, and we find the information there 
very valuable. At this time I would like to direct your testimony 
rather to the Russian report. Are you familiar with it? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; I am. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you made a careful study of it? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you made attempts to determine the 
authenticity of statements made in it? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; I have made such an analysis, and I have 
reported some of it in my books. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now would you care to give this committee the 
benefit of any observations that you wish to make regarding the 
official report made by the Russian authorities? 

Mr. DoNDERO. I do not know whether you have the Russian 
report, but may I suggest that if it is possible to put in the Russian 
report, it should be put in, and then from that let him begin to point 
out discrepancies. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I may say that we have it in our files in Wash- 
ington. I do not know whether you brought it with you, Mr. Pu- 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Yes; we did. It is part of exhibit 4 in part HI. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Show it to the witness. [The Russian report 
was handed to the witness.] 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now, Mr. Mackiewicz, would you care to give 
us the benefit of any observations which jou wish to make regarding 
that report and point to the section of the report to which you have 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I would like, if it is agreeable, to avoid any com- 
ments on any portions of the Russian report which deal with the medi- 
cal findings, because I myself am not a doctor — if that is agreeable. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is very good, Witness. Go ahead. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. First of all, I would like to make some general 
observations. The Russians accused the Germans of this crime in 

Mr. Machrowicz. I wonder if the interpreter got the answer cor- 
rectly. Did the Russians make the accusation in 1941, or did the 
Russians accuse the Germans of having committed the crime in 1941? 

Mr. PiTciNSKi. The witness clarified his statement by saying that 
the Russians have accused the Germans; that they committed this 
crime in 1941. 

Mr. Flood. Witness, will you talk more loudly, because certain 
members of the committee understand Polish as well as the interpreter, 
and they would like to hear the original Polish. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. 


Mr. Flood. So, will you talk louder instead of just talking to the 

Air. Mackiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Yes; thank you. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. The Bolsheviks claim that the Germans com.- 
mitted this massacre in 1941. The Germans claim that the Bolsheviks 
did this in 1940. But why are they saying that the Russians did this 
in 1940? Because if they themselves, the Germans, had com.mitted 
these massacres in 1941, it would have been more convenient and 
easier and simpler for them to claim that the Russians committed this 
m.assacre in June of 1941. Then there would be eliminated the entire 
difference in the medical examinations of these bodies and the m.edical 
findings, the dates of the documents. They would not have to subject 
themselves to the Russian accusation that they have fabricated m.any 
of the details as to the com.mitted at Katyn. 

Mr. DoNDERO. When he says "docum.ents", does he m_ean the 
documents found on the bodies? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. Alore so since when the 
Russians were retreating in 1941 it is known that they com.mitted 
m.any murders and mass atrocities in their retreat, as, for exam.T^le, the 
m.ass murders in Provieniska in Lithuania, in Berzewez; in Willejka; 
in Lwow. In neither one of these instances of mass atrocities com- 
mitted by the Russians did the Germans accuse the Russians of 
com.mitting these atrocities prior to the sum.mer of 1941. And I 
stress that it was known at that time that the Russians in their retreat 
were murdering large num_bers of rieorle. Therefore, it would have 
been very simple for the Gerni'^ns to claim that the Katyn m_assacre 
was com.mittcd in the summer of iril by the Russians. It is therefore 
difficult to imagine that the Genr.r-rs, v.Iio themselves had committed 
m^any atrocities, would not have orientated themselves in this rartic- 
ular situation and recognized the convenience of placing the date in 
June of 1941. 

Air. PucixsKi. The witness says he would like to know whether 
this particular point that he makes is understood by the committee. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You might state to the witness that I think it is 
very clear, and I believe the committee follows him. thoroughly. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. The Germans, it is known, did not commit any 
mass atrocities againstHhe soldiers, against entire camps. It is then 
reasonable to ask, why would they make an exception in this case 
and at a time when they were at war with the Russians to murder 
those who were being held prisoner by the Russians? In connection 
with this, I would like to stress or place emphasis on the camp at 
Ostashkov. In Ostashkov there were more or less 6,500 people, and 
there they kept primarily the police, who were for the most part 
dressed in uniforms which differed considerably from the Regular 
Army uniforms. Wlien the Germans invaded Poland — particularly 
that'part of Poland which they called Ostland — they retained part of 
the Polish police force which was there, and they continued to search 
for additional Polish soldiers and recruits from among the police 
that were in this Ostland district beyond 1941. I recall that in August 
of 1941 they gave considerable publicity to a recruiting campaign to 


recruit former Polish policemen so that they could keep order and 
maintain order in that area as civilians. Why then would they want 
to kill off some 5,000 Polish policemen who were in the camp of Ostash- 
kov and who were very definitely and bitterly opposed to bolshevism. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Before he goes on, ask him to state for the record 
whether or not it is not the fact that Ostland refers to east Poland; 
that is, Ostland is German for east land. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. No. I am speaking of that part which took in 
Lithuania, White Russia, a part of eastern Poland and Latvia. That 
has become kno^vn and popularly referred to as Ostland. 

Mr. DoNDERO. However, that is the east part of Poland, mostly? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. That is correct. Therefore, the Germans did 
not murder these policemen in Katyn because these policemen were 
not found in Kat3nn. Nobody had noticed tham or observed them, 
and certainly they would have been observed, because they were in 
different uniforms. Neither the Germans nor the Russians claimed 
that at Katyn there were the bodies of policemen. In connection with 
this it is important to consider the number of bodies found at Katyn. 
The Russian communique claims that there were found at Katyn 
11,000 bodies, but actually there were found only slightly more than 
4,000, and these policemen were not there. The Bolsheviks, there- 
fore, used the figure 11,000, because even if assuming that those 4,000 
that were found in Katyn had been murdered by the Germans, the 
question arises: What happened to the rest? Furthermore, the latter 
of the correspondence becomes associated here. The Russians claimed 
that they had found correspondence on these bodies which indicated 
that these men had corresponded with their families in Poland up to 
1941. If there were 11,000 bodies in Katyn, each one of them then 
most probably had some family in Poland ranging anywhere from 1 
to 6 people. 

The number of potential witnesses in Poland who could have been 
summoned to testify that they had corresponded with any members 
of their family in these camps up to and including 1941 would have 
reached the figure, roughly, of 20,000 to 30,000. The Germans, who 
had, of course, capitalized on a tremendous propaganda to their own 
advantage, would have taken into consideration the fact that, in a 
country where the people were generally adversely disposed toward 
the Germans, the news that the Germans had lied would have cer- 
tainly spread very quickly through Poland, and the Germans would 
have never permitted to be compromised to that extent. These are 
the general observations that I wanted to give you. There is one 
more that I would like to raise: the question of the Jews. The Ger- 
mans had conducted very active anti-Semitic action, and they tried 
to prove that the Jews and the Bolsheviks were one and the same. 
As proof of this, I can present to you a little brochure that was pub- 
lished by the Germans, in which they pointed out 

Mr. Machrowicz. Would you tell the witness that that brochure 
is in the hands of the committee? The committee has already ana- 
lyzed it. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. In this booklet there is frequent reference that 
the murderers at Katyn were the Jews. If, therefore, they had falsi- 


fied the documents found on the bodies, it would have then been very 
simple for them to have destroyed those documents wliich in them- 
selves indicate that among the victims at Katyn were many Jews, 
because that obviously would have hurt and curtailed the propaganda 
value; but the Germans did not want to jeopardize the truth of their 
allegations to that extent or to such an extent that they actually named 
and showed the Jews who were included among those killed at Katyn; 
for instance, Waltenberg, Mantel, Lippman, Glilanan, and so forth, 
and there are others with first names which indicate clearly that they 
were Jewish, such as Abraham Engiel, David Godel, Samuel Rozen, 
Izaak Guttman, and so on. Now I would like to point out some 
specific points in the Russian report. The Russian Commission 
claims that these Poles had been brought to the rail station at Gniez- 
dowo in the year 1940, that they were not murdered but instead placed 
into three camps. No. 1 ON, No. 2 ON and No. 3 ON, at a distance of 
from 25 to 45 kilometers to the west of Smolensk, and that durmg the 
time of the German offensive they fell captive into the hands of the 
Germans. This, of course, is a lie, because there were no such camps 
in that locality. The Russian Communique does not specify exactly 
where were those thi-ee camps. Naturally, if those thi-ee camps had 
actually existed, they could have notified Ambassador Kot, General 
Sikorski, General Anders and Mr. Czapski, who had conducted a long 
search for these men. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What you mean there is that they would have 
answered the many requests by those people whom you have just 
referred to by giving the exact location of the prisoners. Is that what 
you have reference to? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. Furthermore, the Russian 
communique or report claims that the comm.anding officer of the 
Russian camp No. 1 ON was a major of the NKGB, Wietosznikow, 
and that when the Germans were approaching that area, the com- 
manding officer had com.municated with the commamding officer of 
the transport forces in Smolensk, Iwannov, with a request for rail 
cars in order to evacuate these Polish prisoners. Since he was un- 
successful in obtaining these railroad cars, consequently these Polish 
prisoners fell into the hands of the Germans, but Wietosznikow him- 
self remained with the Russian forces and did not fall into captivity 
of the Germans. Therefore, if Wietosznikow, who was the command- 
ing officer of the security forces, knew about the whereabouts of 
these soldiers, why did not Stalin and Molotov and Vishinky know 
about their presence virtually within the shadow of Moscow? and as 
a consequence, for 2 years they ostensibly searched to find an answer 
as to the whereabouts of these soldiers. Wietosznikow certainly 
must have reported to his superiors as to what happened to these 
prisoners, and when Czapski m.ade his frequent inquiries to the 
NKVD, they would have imm.ediately told him that these men fell 
captive to the Germans. 

Mr. Flood. And that is especially so when we have in mJnd certain 
evidence of telephone conversations that Stalin purported to have 
in the presence of the Polish negotiators with the Chief of the NKVD 
on just this very problem. 


Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; and the NKVD ostensibly told him that 
they do not know where these men are. Assuming that Wietosznikow 
ciuid not get the rail cars from Iwannov as he had requested, he could 
hive evacuated the soldiers from these prison camps by foot, especially 
when you consider that the claim is that Wietosznikow appealed to 
Iwannov for these cars on the 12th of July; but the ofRcial iSoviet 
communique of the 23d of July 1941, claimed that ths Russians were 
still in control and possession of Smolensk. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Witness, in that connection Wietosznikow 
claims he was unable to secure the necessary cars to evacuate these 
prisoners; am I right? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; he claims that. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Then he remained in Russia, as you have stated 
a few moments ago ; is that not right? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. He himself ran away, but he claims that 
he left the camps there. 

Mr. A4achrowicz. Would it not have been his duty to report to 
his superior officers then that he was unable to get the cars and unable 
to evacuate the officers? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Undoubtedly it would have been. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And, therefore, as a result thereof, the higher 
echelon of the Russian authorities would have known right then in 
July 1941 of the fate of these Polish officers; is that correct? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. I mentioned that. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Despite that, even after 1941, in response to the 
numerous requests by the Polish authorities, the Russians continued 
to state that they do not know the whereabouts of these officers; is 
that right? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. It is also interesting to observe at that point on this 
detail and others of a like nature to keep in mind the peculiar genius 
the Germans had and have for keeping a complete record and docu- 
mentation and list of all names and all possessions of any prisoners 
that came under their charge. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. And the Germans, because of that veiy interesting 
psychological quirk, could not even resist keeping a list and even the 
details of the physical characteristics of people they executed? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. And especially, despite their many other bad habits 
during warfare, they paid great attention to keeping a list of names of 
all prisoners of war of any category? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And regardless of what records the Germans kept of 
civilians, even though they were good, they made especially good 
records of all military prisoners? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. That is correct, 

Mr. Flood. And it is difficidt to imagine that the Germans would 
have in their custody several thousand Polish military officers and 
tliat there be no record any place of such prisoners of war, contrary to 
all German practice? 


Mr. Mackifwicz. Undoubtedly, they would have had such records. 

Mr. Flood. And, so far, we have not been able to discover any 
Wehrmacht records of such Polish prisoners in that area during this 

Mr. Mackiewicz. That is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You may proceed now with your statement. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. The Russians admit, in their report, that they 
unloaded or detrained these Poles at the railroad station at Gniezdovo 
in the spring of 1940, but they do not explain in their report why they 
selected Gniezdovo to unload these men when they were planning to 
intern them in camps which w^ere up to 45 kilometers away and there 
were many closer stations to those alleged camps that existed there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In other words what they claimed they did is 
that they took them off at Gniezdovo and drove them by trucks or 
automobiles 15 to 30 miles, when they could have taken them all 
that distance by train; is that correct? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. No; they do not claim in their report that they 
transported them by truck; they merely claim that they unloaded 
them at Gniezdovo. But the question of how they were taken to 
these alleged camps is moot. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But they do not explain in their report how 
they got 15 to 30 miles from Gniezdovo when they could have easily 
been taken there by train, is that correct? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. Undoubtedly, they would 
have taken these men by train to these camps if they actually had 
not been loading them on trucks and taldng them to the Katyn 

Mr. DoNDERO. Let me ask there: Were there similar buildings or 
camps at other places? 

Mr. Machrowicz. I believe, for the record, I might state that the 
witness has testified that there is no record of any of those camps. 

Is that correct? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. There actually were no camps in the location 
that the Russians claim that they had taken these men to, and I had 
substantiated that to my satisfaction on the basis of my conver- 
sations with inhabitants of the general area and my conversations 
with Kriwozercow. All of them told me that there had never been 
any such camps in that area. Furthermore, I would like to call your 
attention to one more little detail. 

The attitude in Poland and in Russia was so bitterly anti-German 
in 1943 that when they released the news of Katyn, that is, the Ger- 
mans, in the spring of 1943, the announcement gave birth to a mess 
of various versions of what happened, which could have refuted the 
German version. 

At that time, because communications, especially radio communi- 
cations, had been severely curtailed, many people had not heard 
the German version. As a consequence, the Russian agents, who 
were very actively operating m all these parts, started rumors of 
their own version, merely to destroy and discredit the German 

AS an example, when I was in Katyn, there were with me two 
Portuguese correspondents. One of these m.en told m.e that he had 


been taken to look at a little village, to wliich the Germans had 
taken liim, and then he asked me repeatedly whether I felt certain 
that this was the work of the Russians. I asked him, "Wliy do you 
ask?" He said that he had talked to a young girl in this village, who 
told liim that those murdered men "are really Jews who have been 
dressed in Polish uniforms." 

Even such fantastic stories were circulated when if, in effect, and 
in actuality, there were those three camps in tliis area, they would 
have said that the Poles were in these camps and the Germans came 
by and captured these Poles and that they murdered them. Nobody 
at all has ever heard of any such camps in that area. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Do you mean by that that there were no 
■ in that area, or any camps, since tliis was on Russian territory? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. There were no there at all. 

Now, regarding the documents wliich the Russians claim that they 
had found on these bodies and which bore dates later than the spring 
of 1940, they have presented nine documents in all, from wliich the 
first and second number represent post cards wliich were mailed 
from Poland. So they could hav^e very easily held these cards at 
the post office and they could have taken them whenever they needed 
them. They could have been authentic cards. 

Next, there are receipts or scripts of notes, ostensibly written in 
these camps. These could have very easily been fabricated, and the 
last one is a letter belonging to one Stanislaw Kuczynski, written on the 
20th of June 1941. This letter could have been actually written, but 
Kuczynski actually had been interned at Starobelsk and he had been 
evacuated from Starobielsk as early as December of 1939. 

And I stress that he alone, Kuczynski, mdividually, had been re- 
moved from that camp on that date, and he disappeared and nobody 
every heard from him, and he conceivably could have been held 
captive in some other jail; he could have been executed without any 
definite knowledge now as to when or what year. He had never been 
to Kozielsk and his body had never been found in Katyn. 

Now, the Russians claim in one phase or one portion of their 
communique that the Germans had very carefully examined these 
bodies. In another portion of their report, they claim that the exami- 
nation was only superficial. But regardless of which is correct, it is 
known that the Germans had examined only 4,143 bodies. But the 
Russians insist on claiming that there were 11,000 bodies. So, what 
happened to the documents on the remaining 7,000 bodies which the 
Germans never examined? 

If the Germans claim they found, on 4,143 bodies, a total of 3,940 
documents, letters, and other writings, then it is reasonable to ask: 
Why could not the Russians find, on the bodies of 7,000 of these Poles 
who had not been inspected by the Germans, more than nine letters? 
It is perfectly clear, then, that if the Russians were retreating and the 
Germans were advancing, it is unquestionable then, it is reasonable, 
that if the Russians were retreating and the Germans were advancing, 
these 11,000 soldiers in those three camps certainly would not have 
sat by and done nothhig. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In other words, what you want us to understand 
is that after the Russians retreated and before the Germans took over, 
there would have been some period of time when there was no control 
over these camps? 


Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Aiid some of these prisoners would certainly 
have had a wonderful opportunity to escape? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. They would not just wait for the Germans to 
pick them up. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. I am personally convinced that during 
that time of the retreat and advance, there would not have remamed 
one single soldier in those tlu"ee prisons. They certainly would have 
all scattered, they would have fled. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I know that you made a very thorough investi- 
gation of these 11,000-some officers who were alleged by the Russians 
to have been in these camps. Have you heard of one who escaped? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. No, I have not heard of a single one. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is it logical to assume that out of 11,000 officers, 
with a certain period of time elapsing with no one controlling; that at 
least one would have been able to escape and tell his story? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. 

I repeat and emphasize that if it were as they claimed, then all 
11,000 would have fled and not one would have remained in those 
camps, and you would not only find one but you would find thousands 
of witnesses who could have told you exactly what happened and how 
it happened. On the other hand, we haven't found a single one. 

You must take into consideration the tactics which I had an oppor- 
tunity to personally observe, of the German method of advancing into 
various military areas. They had advanced in panzer points, leaving 
behind them vast territories completely unoccupied and unguarded. 
There were instances when, during their spearhead panzer advances, 
they left entire armies of the Russians behmd and leaving them even 

I will give one example, near Wilno, of a forest or a woods called 
Rudnicki. The Germans had advanced almost up to the very border 
of ^Moscow, the city limits of Moscow, and still there were large 
Russian units in this forest. It is absurd to believe that the Germans 
would have selected these three camps in their advance and quickly 
placed a guard around these three camps to retain the prisoners in 
them, when they had left entire armies behind them armed. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Russian armies? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; Russian armies. 

The country was virtually wide open for many, many long months, 
and you could easily move around and walk from wherever to wherever 
you wanted to. So these Polish prisoners could have escaped either 
to the Russian zone or they could have moved back to their families 
in their own homeland. 

Mr. Machrowicz. To emphasize the absurdity of the Russian 
claim and the fact that not one officer was found who escaped, is not it 
a historic fact that not thousands but tens of thousands of Polish 
officers and soldiers have actually escaped from various Russian camps, 
even as far as Siberia, and have joined the Allied forces? Is not that 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I do not know of any escapes by the Poles from 
Russian camps, but I do know that many many Poles escaped under 
much more difficult conditions. Wlien there was not the hasty 
retreat present they escaped from German camps and rejoined the 


Allied forcos. To get a clear picture of the terrain and the conditions 
that existed around Smolensk at that time, I call j^our attention to an 
article that I had read in the Russian newspaper Izvestia, volume 224, 
the 22d September 1945, written by one Mr. Isakowski, titled "In the 
Smolensk Country," in which he describes how the Soviet Partisans 
had operated in that area and how they had roamed throughout the 
area destroying bridges and supply depots and various other under- 
ground activities. To consider that under these circumstances 
11,000 officers could not have escaped, not 1 single officer to have been 
able to escape, is absurd. 

Furthermore, the official Russian report claims that a few of these 
Polish officers did escape, but this was when the camps were under 
the control of the Germans, and that the Germans had captured these 
men and, according to the Soviet communique, they claimed that 
all of these men had been recaptured. This, of course, is not true, 
because under the conditions that existed at the time which I previ- 
ously described they could not have captured all of them. I inquired 
about this particular point in the Soviet report in my discussions 
with Kriwozercow, and he said that there had never been any par- 
ticular hunt or search except one big man hunt for a Soviet woman 
partisan. This is the only instance that he recalls. I would like 
to call your attention also to that portion of the Russian communique 
which quotes depositions from many witnesses. You must under- 
stand the value of such testimony by Soviets testifying before a Soviet 
commission. It is known that since 1939 in all the judicial and legal 
processes and hearings that have been held in Poland and in Hun- 
gary and in all these other occupied countries those who are accused 
almost always inevitably confess their guilt to the crime. These 
people, of course, are accused and are indicted; so what can you 
expect from witnesses who woidd not dare to testify to anything 
but what they have been told to testify? This is, of course, a fact 
notoriously known, and you must constantly keep that fact in mind 
as you proceed to evaluate this report. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In that connection, I wonder if a^ou would 
care to comment for the record on the testimony of one particular 
witness that you refer to in your book, I believe; that is, Moskow- 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I mention her in my book, and I want to make 
it clear here that I personally had not talked to her. I do not even 
know if a person like that exists. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But you have read her statement; is not that 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes, I have read her statement. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat do you care to say about her statement? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I want to assert here that the testimony or the 
statement of this Moskowskaja is the most important point in the 
Russian report, because the Germans uncovered these graves, ex- 
humed all these bodies, laid them out and then laid out all the docu- 
ments and letters which they removed from these bodies. I was there 
and I saw this. When we were brought there we were told by the 
Germans that we are permitted a free hand to do whatever we want; 
we may examine these bodies, examine these documents, study these 
documents, take these documents for souvenirs, we may have anything 
that we see in that woods. 


Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness corrects the interpretation to say 
"not all the documents." The witness points out that documents 
which were related to establishing the identity of a victim had all 
been compiled and placed in the one pile, but all other items, such as 
combs or cigarette holders, money, and various other personal belong- 
ings, we were permitted to examine freely. The Germans took all 
these personal belongings and just threw them into the woods, and it 
was laying all around the woods there. So, when I arrived there, 
one of the first things that I observed was the large number of news- 
papers. In some instances they were entu'e newspapers, and in some 
instances they were clippings from newspapers; in other instances just 
pieces of newspapers. In some cases, tobacco was wrapped in news- 
papers. I began examining these newspapers and I concluded that 
either on the basis of the text of these newspapers or the actual dates 
on these newspapers none of them were later than April or the spring 
of 1940. 

Mr. DoNDERO. Ask the witness what becomes of this woman. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He is getting to it now. That is introductory. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. The question is: In what possible or conceivable 
manner could 4,000 people who had all these documents and news- 
papers have ceased having these things as of April of 1940? The letters 
they, of course, could have kept for souvenirs, but it is incredible that 
such a large number of people could have been m the habit of saving 
old newspapers; and, as a matter of fact, they could not have kept 
them that long, because those newspapers were of a particular inferior 
type of newsprint and they probably would not have lasted a year 
and a half. They could not conceivably have had these newspapers 
on their persons from 1940. There was no sense to it, nor was there 
any purpose to it, to keep these papers, and, if they did have a reason 
for them, then these papers would have been so old and so badly worn 
that that would have been obvious and apparent. 

Chairman Madden. Ask him how long he was there at the graves 
during the exhumation — a week, or month, or how long? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I was there 3 days. 

Chairman Madden. Ask him if he knows how long this exhumation 
of the bodies proceeded. Was it a week, or a month? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Approximately 2 months. 

Mr. Dondero. Also ask him, just in a few words, describe the 
country where these graves were found, the nature of the soil and 
the color. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. Could I first finish the testimony about this woman? 

Mr. Dondero. Yes; go ahead. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Therefore, if the Russians claim that the Ger- 
mans falsified the documents on these bodies, they not only would 
have had to remove from these bodies everything that carried a later 
date than the spring of 1940, but to believe that they would have 
gone so far that they would have thought of getting thousands of 
newspapers from that particular date and bring them and place them 
on the bodies of these dead men is virtually inconceivable. This 
would have required tremendous effort and tremendous preparation. 
As I was there and observed these corpses lying in the graves, they 
were lying there like sardines, completely pressed together. The 
pockets had to be slit open with a knife at the exhumation. The tops 
of the boots had to be cut with knives, and from there they removed 


these various documents. To substantiate the Russian claim that 
these documents had been placed on these bodies by the Germans 
and then these bodies buried, and then to believe that a month later 
the Germans would have brousjht the people from the area in there 
and said, "Look, we found these bodies here," is absolutely absiu^d. 
That would have been a superhuman effort; and to all of the super- 
human effort, this vast project which the Russians claim that the 
Germans staged and effected, they have only one witness, and that 
witness is Moskowskaja, who claims that one morning when she was 
going to the store and she left her home she had observed a Russian 
prisoner named Jegorow, and this Jegorow ostensibh^ or allegedly 
told her in complete detail how this plot was executed. 

One of the fatal coincidences in this whole analysis of the Russians 
is that they had made a mistake, they had erred, and they claim that 
she had seen this Jegorow in March. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of what year? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. March of 1943, and that this Jegorow gave her 
the complete details, and then he proceeds to tell her what happened 
in April of 1943. Obviously a man could not be describing to her in 
March of 1943 what was happening in April of 1943. 

Mr. DoNDERO. What was the month in which the Germans overran 
the country? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. In July 1941. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you want to complete your story now? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I maintain that everything that the Russians 
claim in their official statement is a lie and that everybody who reads 
that statement realizes that it is a lie to such an extent that nobody 
has noticed this error in the official Russian communique and to the 
extent that the official Russian commimique was published on the 5th 
March of this year with the mistake still included. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I want to state, Mr. Mackiewicz, that you have 
not explained yet, I think, what it was in March 1943 that Jegorow 
told Moskowskaja about what happened in April 1943. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. He told her that from camp 126, from the 
German prison camp where Russian prisoners were held, also without 
naming the exact location of this camp, 500 prisoners were removed 
which the Germans ostensibly brought to Katyn, and it was these 
500 prisoners who were assigned the task of going through the vast 
process of exhuming these bodies and removing all the papers on the 
bodies, under, of course, the German command and jurisdiction. 

Mr. Machrowicz. These 500, according to the Russian report, 
were Russians; is that right? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes, they were Russians and, like these 500, 
were all executed, and that only this one, eJegorow, managed to 
survive, and for reasons which are unknown the official Russian 
communique does not state why these 500 were shot and where their 
graves are now, and this Jegorow subsequently was also captured by 
the Bolsheviks, and he only had time to tell all of this to Moskowskaja. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But in March 1943 he told Moskowskaja about 
work done by these prisoners in April 1943; is that right? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Flood. Did this Russian witness have a reputation for clair- 
voyance that you have ever been able to discover? 


Mr. Mackiewicz. I suspect personally that this man bad never 
actually existed. 

Mr. Macheowicz. With regard to these 500 Russians, then accord- 
ing to the Russian version they were compelled by the Germans to 
help exhume the bodies and to falsify the records; is that correct? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes, under German direction. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And according to the Russian version, after 
the}^ completed this work, the Germans shot them — is that riglit? 

i\Ir. Mackiewicz. That is correct. 

\h\ Machrowicz. Five hundred of them — that is the Russian 

Mr. Mackiewicz. Yes. 

j\[r. Machrowicz. Have you ever heard an3^where in any Russian 
version any statem.ent that the graves of these 500 Russians were 
found anywhere? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I have never heard of the whereabouts of these 
graves, and the official Russian communique makes no mention of 
them either. 

Mr. Machrowicz. So that these 500 Russians who were supposed 
to have been com.pelled by the Germans to dig these graves, and were 
then shot by them, just vanished into the air so far as the record is 

Mr. M'^ackiewicz. Yes, that is correct; and I want to stress here 
that not only does the Russian report fail to say where these graves 
are, but it also fails to say where this camp was from where these men 
were brought. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Camp No. 126? 

Air. Mackiewicz. Gam^) No. 126. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever make an investigation as to the where- 
abouts of one so-called Menshagin alleged to have been burgomeister 
of Smolensk, appointed by the Germans and alleged to have been a 
lawyer, who was alleged by the Russians to have made certain 
statements with reference to the Germans killing the Poles? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. No. I personally have never seen Menshagin, 
and I have not had any contact with this man ; but just recently I have 
read in a newspaper in Paris that a Russian who had fled from Russia 
issued a statement that Menshagin's statement and testimony was 

Mr. Flood. Do you know whether or not there ever was such a 
person at all as Menshagin? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. No, I do not laiow that. 

There is one more point that I have not covered in my testimony. 
All of the Russian witnesses who are mentioned in the Russian com- 
munique, when they mention the date of the murders, say that these 
murders were committed in August and September of 1941. This is 
the witnesses' account. As an example, a witness named Fatko'w 
testified that after September the mass executions had ceased. Wit- 
ness Aleksiejewa testifies that the Germans had committed these 
executions toward the end of August 

Mr. Flood. 1941? 

Mr. Mackiewicz. 1941. The same statements are made b}'^ their 
friends Michajlowa and Kochanowskaja, also Menshagin, of whom 
Mr. Flood inquired, had ostensibly told Bazylewski that by the 15th 


September all of the Poles had been executed. There is not a single 
witness who has said that these men were executed either in October 
or November. Meanwhile, in the official communique — in the state- 
ment of the Russian communique — the claim is made that these men 
were murdered between September and December 1941, and none of 
these ^\^tnesses even mentions August. 

The question then arises, why should there be such a difference 
between the conclusion reached in the official Russian communique 
and the testimony of the witnesses? \^Tiy does not the Russian 
communique place faith and trust in the testimony of its own wit- 
nesses, and say that these soldiers were executed in August or Septem- 
ber, but merely confines the period to that between September and all 
the way through December? The puzzle here is solved in tliis manner, 
that the correspondence was taken by the Russians to Katyn from 
Moscow. Observe that a considerable proportion or percentage of 
the dead soldiers were dressed in warm clothing. Unquestionably 
nobody would wear that sort of clothing in that area during August 
and September when it is very hot in that region. 

This was a point so conclusive that the Russians at the very last 
moment had changed their official text to include the period from 
September to December to explain why some of these people were 
wearing winter clothing. If you tell them today that these Poles were 
found biu'ied in winter clothing, they reply: 

"Well, yes, it is cold in that area during November and December." 
There is no justification or any further explanation for the discrepancy 
between the testimony of the witnesses, and the official conclusion 
drawn in the Soviet report. 

Mr. Flood. Now with reference to this newspaper produced by the 
witness, I might say that I have taken this up with members of the 
committee, and we feel that, in view of the fact that we have in 
evidence the entire Russian reply, there is not much use in putting in 
this newspaper other than to observe that we have before us presented 
by this witness the newspaper Sztandar Mlodych published in Warsaw 
on March 5, 1952, and to observe that on page 2 thereof begins the 
printing of the Russian report on the Katyn matter, which finishes 
on page 6 thereof, and that it is piinted in this Warsaw newspaper oi^ 
that date without any comment whatsoever. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I would like to add an observation there, that 
it is quite a coincidence that so many years after the original report 
was filed, on March 5, 1952, immediately after the commencement of 
the hearings by this very congressional committee, the Russian au- 
thorities evidently saw fit and necessary to republish then* entire 
report not only in this newspaper but in every other newspaper in 

Mr. DoNDERo. I now ask the witness to describe to the committee 
in a few words the appearance of the area — the soil, the trees, and 
so on. 

Mr. Mackip:wicz. The woods consisted mostl}^ of small fir trees, 
small bushes, and small trees; not lai'ge. The soil was sandy and 
yellow in color. This was common where there were the seven graves. 
Further over, where there was the eighth grave, the soil Nvas more 

Mr. DoNDERO. Were the trees thick or thin? I mean were there 
many or only a few? 


Mr. Mackiewicz. They were comparatively thin and sparse. 

Mr. DoNDERO. That's all. 

Chairman Madden. Is that all? Are there any further questions? 
Ask the witness if anybody offered him any pay or emoluments or 
compensation to come here today to testify. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. No. 

Chairman Madden. Tell the witness that he has made a very 
in portant contribution to the work of this commiittee, and the 
n^e- .b:rs of the committee are very thankful for his testimony. 

Air. Machrowicz. Mr. Chairman, there is one question that we 
ordinarily ask every witness, wdiich I think would seem rather super- 
fluous in this case, but I think it proper for the record we should ask 
him., namely, whether he has come to any conclusion as to who was 
guilty of the Katvn massacre. 

Mr. Mackiewicz. I am convinced that the crimes were committed 
by the Bolsheviks. 

Mr. Flood. I might say we have had a great deal of testimony 
haviiig to do with the autopsies and post mortems, cind I think we 
sliould express our appreciation to this witness for the autopsy and 
post m.ortem which he has carried out upon the Russian commission's 

Ivlr. PuciNSKi. Mr. Chairman, the witness says that he is very 
grateful to the committee, and that he has dreamt about the day 
and hoped that some day he might bo able to make his deposition and 
state his conclusions and his findings before a body such as this. 

Chairman Madden. The committee will now recess and will 
reconvene at 7:15. 


(The committee reconvened at 7:40 p. m.) 

Chairman Madden. Give your name and address. 

Mr. KoT. Kot, Stanislaw, 63 Rue de Richelieu, Paris. 

Chairman Madden. Mr. Ambassador, in compliance with the rules 
here, I am going to repeat this statement to you. Before you make a 
statement, It is our wish that you be advised that you would run the 
risk of action in the courts by anyone who considered he had suffered 
injury. At the same time, I wish to make it quite clear that the 
Government of the United States and the House of Representatives 
do not assume any responsibility in your behalf with respect to libel 
or slander proceedings which may arise as a result of the testimony. 
We have read that same statement to each witness who has testified. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness indicates that he understands the state- 
ment and admonition. 

Chairman Madden. Now you will be sworn. Ambassador. Do you 
swear by the God Almighty that you will, according to your best knowl- 
edge, tell the whole truth, so help you God? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness indicates that he does. 


Chairman Madden. AVliat is your name? 
Mr. Kot. Kot, Stanislaw. 

Chairman Madd'en. You are now a resident of Paris, France; 
is that so? 


Mr. KoT. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you formerly hold any office in the Polish 

Mr. KoT. Wlien? 

Mr. Machroavicz. Well, start in 1939. 

Mr. KoT. Yes, I was Minister in the Polish Government. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Minister of what? 

Mr. KoT. I was taking the place of General Sikorski in Anglers, 
France, and I had to deal with all of the matters pertaining to the 
Polish Government both politically and nationally. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you subsequently appointed to any other 

Mr. KoT. When the Polish Government was transferred to London, 
I was formally appointed Minister of the Interior. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were you at any time the Ambassador of Poland 
to Moscow? 

Mr. KoT. After the Soviet-Polish pact was signed on the 30th of 
July 1941, I was appointed the Ambassador of Poland to Moscow, 
but I retained m.y title of Minister of Interior here; 1 remained in my 
capacity as envoy of the Polish Governm.ent here in London. The 
decision to send ro.e to Aloscow was a very hasty one and I retained 
that position here also. 

JV^r. Machrowicz. Wlien did you go to Moscow? 

Mr. KoT. I left here on the 3d of September 1941, through Arch- 
angel, and on September 4 I arriv^ed in Moscow. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And you rem.ained in Moscow as the Ambassador 
of the Polish Government until when? 

Mr. KoT. Until the Polish Embassy in IvToscow was evacuated on 
the 17th of October 1941. The entire Polish Diplomatic Corps and 
the Russian Governm.ent, all of the diplom.atic corps were transferred 
to Kuybishev, and I remained there until the middle of July 1942 in 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Am.bassador, after you arrived in Moscow as the 
Ambassador from the London Polish Government, there were many 
duties that you had to perform as Ambassador? 

Mr. KoT. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. But, because of the circumstances connected ^Aath that 
part of the protocol between the Soviets and the Poles dealing with 
the release of all Polish prisoners from Russia, one of your ciiief con- 
cerns personally as a Pole and officially as an ambassador was to do 
everytliing possible to get iiiformxation and to obtain the release of aU 

Mr. KoT. That is correct. 

Air. Flood. From whom., if anybody, did you receive any particu- 
lar instructions with reference to o})taining the release of Polos? 

Mr. KoT. I had received those instructions from General Sikorski 
before I had left London. I must state here that the i)roblem of the 
disappearance of these Polish soldiers concerned us very much ali-eady 
while we were here before my departure, and we had frequent con- 
versations and (conferences on that sid^ject. These things may not 
be well known, but the}'^ should be called to your attention. 

Air. Flood. I think what you are indicating, Air. Ambassador, is 
that as soon as the protocol, the rapprochement between the Soviets 
and the London Polish Government was brought about in the late 


summer of 1941, the London Polish Council of Ministers immediately 
became interested in the missing Poles? 

Mr. KoT. Even before the rapprochement we were concerned over 
these men and we held conferences as early as June of 1941 when 
Sir Stafford Cripps arrived in London from Moscow. When Sir 
Stafford Cripps returned to London from Moscow and it was evident 
that there was going to be a war between Germany and Russia, at 
that time General Sikorski already told me that he was concerned 
about the high ranking Polish officers who were interned in Russia. 

Mr. Flood. In any event, at the time you got to Moscow as 
Ambassador, you were very much concerned personally and officially 
as to the whereabouts of missing Poles? 

Mr. KoT. Considerably before that. 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness is emphasizing it, 

Mr. Flood. I understand that about "considerably before." I am 
concerned now only mth your arrival at Moscow, and your answer is 
the same — -Yes. 

Mr. KoT. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Very well. As ambassador, your concern was not 
only with soldiers but with all Poles, civilian and military? 

Mr. KoT. There is no question about that. However, the point 
or the question of the officers was particularly important, because 
6 weeks prior to that, then General Sikorski already was thinking 
and hoping to form Polish Armies in Russia, he had to find out what 
officers would be available to him for service and dut}^ in that Army. 

Mr. Flood. We understand that very clearly. Now, as soon as 
you arrived in AIoscow, did you receive any communications from 
General Anders with reference to the investigation on your part to 
discover the whereabouts of the missing officers: Did General Anders 
cg,ution you not to press too hard for the moment with the military? 

Mr. KoT. That is correct. The first day after my arrival in 
Moscow I had a conference with General Anders. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat I want to know is, how did it happen that 
General Anders happened to be in Moscow the first day you arrived 

Mr. KoT. General Anders was released from a Russian prison a 
month earlier — from Lubianka — ^when, at the request of General 
Sikorski, who could not find the chief of staff of the Polish forces, 
Gen. Stanislas Haller, he had to see what stafl' officers were avail- 
able, and he selected Anders as the chief of staff or the commander- 
in chief. 

Mr. Flood. Well, at your first conference with General Anders 
after you arrived at Moscow as Ambassador, with reference to the 
Polish officers, what did he say to you? 

Mr. KoT. He told me that he has not been able to get any informa- 
tion as to the whereabouts of the Polish soldiers and cannot locate 
them; that he had had frec{uent conversations with the top Russian 
authorities on this question and that be had high hopes that those 
Polish officers would be found. 

Mr. Flood. General Anders told you at that time that he had 
already had several conferences with high Russian military authorities 
trying to discover the whereabouts of the missing Polish officers? 

Mr. KoT. He told me that he had several conferences with the 
military and that they understood the necessity and urgency for 

93744— 52— pt. 4 25 


locating these Polish officers, but up to that time they had no given 
him a satisfactory answer as to their whereabouts. 

Mr. Flood. Did General Anders suggest to you at that time 
that as Ambassador you should not press too hard on the Russian 
military until he had at least another opportunity to contact thf 
Russian military authorities about the officers? 

Mr. KoT. He suggested to me not to press the issue with the 
Russians. He impressed on me that I should not even touch on that 
matter with the Russian diplomats. I had no contact with the 
Russian military; and that he had hope that he might work out some 
solution with the military. He expressed a fear that if I made some 
official diplomatic enquiries about these Polish officers, then the 
Russian military might be hindered in its efforts to help us. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, let us go now to the beginning of 
your conversations with the Russian diplomats. 

Mr. KoT. During my first conversations "wdth the Russian diplo- 
m.ats, which were held on the instructions from General Sikorski, I 
had discussed at length the release of all Poles in Russia, but I had 
purposely refrained from touching on the subject of the Polish officers. 

Mr. Flood. Will you give us the date, if you can, remember, or 
refresh your memory from your notes, of your first conversation with 
Molotov and Vishinsky, with reference to the release of Poles, civilian 
or military. 

Mr. KoT. On the 20th of September 1941 was my first conference 
with them, and at that time I expressed great concern and great 
heartbreak- — ■ — 

Mr, Flood. Just a mom.ent. That conference was with Vishinsky 
alone, was it not; not with them. 

Mr. KoT. Yes, the conversation was only with Vishinsky, because 
Vishinsky was the man who was in charge of the matters. 

Mr. Flood. Let us develop this carefully. 

Mr. Ambassador, your first meeting in Moscow, as Ambassador, 
with the Russian diplomats, was on the date you gave, September 
20th, and only Mr. Vishinsky was there for the Russians. 

Mr. KoT. I had previously visited all of the top Russian officials, 
including President Kalinin and Molotov, but my first official conver- 
sation on this subject was on the 20tli of September 1941, with 

Mr. Flood. Then the answer is "Yes"? 

Mr. KoT. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, of course there were interpreters 

Mr. KoT. Always. It has become traditional since the 16th 
Century, in all Polish-Russian relations, that each country has its own 
interpreters and translators. 

Mr. Flood. Even though the Russians understand Polish and the 
Polish understand Russian? 

Mr. KoT. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. As you best recollect or refresh your memory from your 
notes, will you give us the gist; the form of the conversation you had 
with Vishinsky at the first meeting September 20th? 

Mr. KoT. I have here in front of me the entire discussion that we 
had that day according to the notes which were made by my translator. 


Mr. Flood. Will j^ou let me see that document, Mr. Ambassador? 
(A document was handed to Mr. Flood by the witness.) 

Will you mark this for identification, tlii'ough the stenogi-apher, as 
Exhibit No. 48? 

(The docmnent referred to was Marked "Exhibit 48.") 

Mr. Flood. I show the witness a document marked for identifica- 
tion "Exhibit 48" and ask him whether or not this is a copy, in Polish, 
of the minutes of the conversation between the witness Ambassador 
and Vishinsky, for the Russians, on the date of September 20, 1941, 
prepared by the interpreter and secretary of the Ambassador witness, 
as he has indicated? I also ask him if this attached document is a 
true translation of the Polish version of exhibit 48? 

Mr. KoT. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, I now show you Exhibit No. 48 for 
the purpose of your testifying about the meeting, and may we ask — 
as I am sure you wish to — that you refer only to those sections of the 
minutes of your conversation which had to do with the missing Pohsh 
officers. The Enghsh translation of exhibit 48 will be inserted at this 
point in the record. 

Ambassador KOT Discussion op Sept. 20, 1941 
(Translation from Polish of exhibit 48) 

Conference between Dr. Kot, The Polish Ambassador to Moscow, and Mr. 
Vyshinsky, Deput}' People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, on September 20, 

Present: Director Novikov — interpreter, Mr. W. Arlet, secretary of the Embassy, 

Ambassador (after a few words of welcome and introduction). I suggest that 
we discuss a series of problems of a practical nature which have arisen since our 
last discussion held 10 days ago. There is no doubt that in the sphere of Polish 
affairs in the Soviet Union much is taking place. However, the information con- 
veyed to the Embassy by the Soviet authorities is completely insufficient. In 
military matters action is progressing smoothly. Questions relating to the pro- 
tection of the civilain population are going less well. News on the latter problem 
is urgently needed, not only for the purpose of informing the Polish Government 
in London, which is eagerly awaiting it, but also the Polish people in Poland, 
England, and the United States. Many real achievements made up to now have 
not as yet reached the Polish authorities. There is a constant lack of data con- 
cerning the numbers and the present location of Poles in several republics and 
districts. [As proof of the fact that Soviet authorities have given improper 
information to the Embassy, the Ambassador exhibits a list of 13 persons released 
from prison furnished by the Narkomindiel (Soviet Ministry for Foreign Affairs) 
on September 10. Many more persons on the Polish list, to which the list shown 
by the Ambassador is an answer, have actually been released.] 

Vyshixsky. I acknowledge the necessity of furnishing the Embassy with the 
required data. The Soviet authorities themselves are in a difficult situation in 
this matter as they do not have at their disposal accurate statistical material. 
Besides, the Polish population is now migrating in great numbers and is, there- 
fore, difficult to keep track of in statistical numbers. Despite this fact, the Em- 
bassy will receive, in the ver)' near future, presumably not later than .5 days from 
today, a list comprising the number of Poles released from prison, camps, places of 
deportation according to republics, regions, and districts — -in numbers of thousands 
if it is not possible to establish the more exact numbers for the time being. I do 
not guarantee that this deadline will be met in the case of the more remote regions 
which have not yet reported. But, in any case, I shall order that reports be 
forwarded to the Embassy as soon as we receive the data. 

Ajibassador. That is our friendly request. May I call your attention to the 
fact that details of what the Soviet authorities have done for Poles, residing in 
the Soviet Union, might be used for propaganda purposes. I am especially con- 
cerned over the anxiety caused by the lack of news on the release of Poles staying 
in the north, in what is for them a deadly climate, the Kloyma and Pechora 


regions, and the northern Yenisei region. They should be immediately released 
and transported to more suitable regions. 

V'yshinsky. I promise that I shall take an interest in this matter and make 
every effort to see that these people are shipped away from these improper con- 
ditions. What, however, should be done with them after release and transporta- 
tion from the north? Technically they are already released, but what is to be 
done with them later? 

Ambassador. I shall take the liberty of returning to this topic later. How- 
ever, as the subject of releases has been mentioned, I would like to know where 
the peasants have been located after their deportation from Poland. [Ironically:] 
One hears so far of the release of [government] officials, counts, and Jews; but 
there is no news as to where the peasants who were deported in entire villages 
from Poland are being relocated. In this connection, I have in mind a proper 
utilization of their affection for land, love of labor and their skill. In the matter 
of the deportation of the Germans from the Volga Republic, there might be the 
possibility of settling Polish peasants there. It might be of tremendous propa- 
ganda significance. The Germans are expelling Poles from their own land, and 
the Soviet Government is handing land from which Germans have been removed 
over to Polish pea.sants. The moral significance of this fact could well stir the 
entire world. Two large kolkhozes were handed over to the Poles there, but it 
was more in the nature of an unrelated fact: there simply happened to be present 
on the spot a group of Polish civilians who had arrived in that region with people 
enlisting in the army, and the group of civilians was placed in those kolkhozes. I 
am intent, however, on a broader plan — that the Polish peasants, who are excellent 
workers, cease to fell trees in Siberia, for this is only a waste of their abilities. 
Please enable me to discuss this plan with some competent authority of the Com- 
missariat of the Interior who would appreciate its political significance. 

Vyshinsky. I do not know whether or when the inhabitants of this or that 
Polish village were deported. I have heard about the deportation of settlers 
[Polish farmers settled in Eastern Poland since 19201 and foresters, who appear 
on the cost accounts of the Soviet authorities as separate groups. One should 
first prove that facts of this kind really occurred. 

Ambassador. Whole villages were deported from Galicia and from, among 
others, the districts of Moscice, Sambor, Podhayce, and Rohatyn. Local com- 
mittees composed of Ukrainians decided upon the deportations in order, in this 
way, to get rid of the Poles. The number of deported settlers was much smaller 
than the number of deported peasants, most of whom had lived in these districts 
for centuries. 

Vyshinsky. I have no responsibility for internal matters. I know, however, 
that the kolkhozes cleared of the Volga Germans were immediately handed over 
to peasants evacuated from front-line areas. After all, they are not the sort of 
Germans the Soviet Union is now fighting. If they are being moved from the 
Volga region, it does not result from any hostiUty of the Soviet administration 
towards them, but is simply a preventive measure. 

Ambassador. The Poles know the Germans well and they do not labor under 
the delusion that they can be separated into good and bad. Thej- are simply 
not to be trusted. 

Vyshinsky. Surely in Germany there are many millions of people hostile to the 
Hitlerite regime. 

Ambassador. From the experience of Poles, who know the Germans, having 
often travelled there, having relatives and friends there, and above all from a mass 
of our compatriots in Westphalia and in other parts of Germany, we know that 
only elderly people, over forty, are disappointed with Hitleri::>m. The youth is 
totally under its control. It is an illusion to believe in the German revolt against 

Vyshinsky. As our conversation has approached this subject, I want to state 
that, in my opinion, two forces will decide the defeat of Hitlerism: one, external, 
i. e. armed forces of the Soviet Union, England, America and brotherl}' nations 
such as Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, which are joined now to the 
Soviet Union. After the military defeat the other force will go into action — 
internal disaffection. Hitlerism was opposed not only by Rauschning and Strasser 
but also by the peasants, workers and millions of those who will take up anus 
against Hitlerism and will complete the military defeat. 

Ambassador. When I spoke of illusion, I had in mind the naive ideas of some 
lords and even English professors regarding the existence of good Germans. 
When I was given an honorary degree at Oxford University, a distinguished scholar 
told me: "Hitler certainly does not know what his administration is doing in 


Vtshinskt (laughing). I do not believe lords and professors. I am permitted 
to say this because I am a professor of criminal law myself, and a member of the 
Academy of Science. Your Excellency, as a historian, knows better than I that 
in the past there were many instances to prove that tyranny which is supported 
by the masses alwaj's falls down in the end. 

Ambassador. I agree with you, of course, but we must not remain under the 
illusion that a revolt in Germany may take place soon. 

Vyshinsky. I also agree, however, a military defeat may radically change the 
situation in a short time. 

Ambassador. Turning back to the condition of the Polish population in Russia, 
I would like to draw your attention to the lack of any plan and the complete chaos 
accompanying the freeing of Poles from the prisons, camps, and places of com- 
pulsory settlement. I would like the Soviet Government to suggest concrete 
proposals in this regard. These should be jointly worked out by the Mixed 
Commission. Perhaps certain regions could be selected, perhaps it would be 
possible to assemble a part of our population in special camps made available for 
that purpose, where it could work while enjoying the rights of free citizens. 

Vyshinsky. There are no camps in our country, except forced labor camps of a 
penal character. Our system of the administrative restriction of freedom provided 
for th^ee degrees: (1) individual deportation to a determined locality, where a per- 
son lives quite freely and has a choice of employment; however, he dogs not have 
the right to leave the place and is under police surveillance, (2) settlement on 
special farms, sometimes equipped, the so-called "special settlements" (specmlnoje 
posielenie) , where work is organized under normal conditions, and the deportee 
has complete freedom of movement in the area, but is not allowed to travel farther 
than the nearest market town, and is not permitted to change his occupation; (3) 
placement in forced labor camps, with a total deprivation of liberty. I repeat 
there are no camps in the USSR where the inmates do not work. 

Ambassador. At any rate I request that you should quickly prepare a plan and 
submit it to us. 

Vyshinsky. I shall take this matter up in the nearest future. 

Ambassador. I request that a plan of resettlement and employment be jointly 
agreed upon. Unfortunately the Embassy has no data to prepare a plan of their 
own, because information received from Soviet authorities is totally inadequate. 
[Saying this the Ambassador submits a summary list by separate oblastii [regions] 
of Polish scientists, artists and specialists, handed over to Polish representatives 
in the Mixed Commission on the 17th day of the current month.] Such informa- 
tion is quite useless for us. It means nothing to us that in a given locality there 
live a certain number of doctors, when their names and addresses are not given. 
The number of lawyers is strikingly low; where are the judges, state attorneys, 
police officers? The list is not only incomplete but without practical value. 

Vyshinsky. I spoke with the Commissar for Health about the use of Polish 
doctors. It is possible that the list prepared by us is not complete. 

Ambassador. Most certainly. In Volhynia, in one place alone, 800 doctors 
were captured. Not only doctors but other professions are involved. For ex- 
ample, justices and state attorneys. Obviously Russia has no quarrel with these. 
If it is anybody's, it is our business [he laughs]. 

Vyshinsky. I shall endeavour to supply detailed information in the shortest 
possible time. I shall examine all aspects of the case. 

Ambassador. I would like to touch upon two other problems of basic signifi- 
cance: the organization of the welfare of the Polish population and the problen^ 
of means. If you will permit me, I shall begin with the second. 

Vyshinsky. As you wish. 

Ambassador. In the initial period when Polish citizens were released from' 
prisons and camps they were paid allowances of 15 rubles per day and given 
tickets to places of chosen settlement. In some places only persons leaving to 
join the army were accorded that treatment, in some others they received no 
money. Some, upon leaving a camp, received a lump sum, others received 
nothing. Letters and wires reach us with complaints that more and more often 
cases occur in which, after being freed, our people have no means of existence and 
are unable to leave the place. I would like to hear from you what the Soviet 
Government is preparing to do to settle such cases, and to provide means to meet 
these needs. 

Vyshinsky. The released receive a free railway ticket and allowances of 15 
rubles per day, according to government instructions. If there are places where 
this money was not paid, we shall look into it. [Novikov intervenes, and ex- 
plains that instructions concerning tickets and allowances refer to persons re- 


leased from prisons and labor camps.] There is another group of expenses, which 
is to cover transportation to and living costs in, a new place, of those Polish 
citizens who were not imprisoned in prisons and camps, but settled in special 
settlements. J'he first group of expenses is covered by the Soviet Government, 
the£second should be borne by the Polish Government. 

Ambassador (laughs). Polish Government! But we have no means, we have 
no money. One part of Poland was occupied by Germans, the other by j'ou. 
Our government is abroad. We have no control over Polish resources. The 
Polish population was brought to the USSR against tlieir will. You have thrown 
masses of the population into extremely difficult conditions of life. You have 
uprooted them from normal and organized life, from farms, and workshops. 
Ihe Soviet Government is responsible for the presence of the Polish population 
in this country. It is obliged to provide the means to assist the Polish population. 

Vyshinsky. We have borne expenses connected with freeing the Polish pop- 
ulation, we cannot bear the expenses for their moving from place to place. 

Ambassador. There are 18,000 Polish citizens in Svdtzerland, who were not 
brought there by the government of that country, but came there as political 
refugees or interned prisoners of war. The Swiss Government, however, not only 
pays their support, but also cares for their employment and studies. 

Vyshinsky (who in the meantime had thought, out a reply to the last part of 
the Ambassador's declaration) . I cannot agree with any statement which 
charges the Soviet Government with the responsibility for what happened, and 
judging its actions as guilty ones. Once we shall go into the past we shall dig 
out many claims and counterclaims. We do not consider the position of the 
Soviet Government as not right, and we do not recognize the Soviet Government 
responsible for the maintenance of those Polish citizens who have found them- 
selves here. The Soviet Government is not, after all, the successor of the Polish 
Treasury, and has not taken over any of its obligations. If the Polish Govern- 
ment wished to present the problem in that manner, then it should have been 
brought up during the negotiations of the agreement, and not now. What we 
did in 1939 was entirely the result of strategic motives. The Germans threatened 
our frontier, we had to keep them away from it at a distance. Hy occupying 
Polish territories we have not committed an act of aggression. The present war 
entirely confirmed this premise. After all, we expressed it quite openly, then as 
well as now, even in the press. If what had been done then, had not taken place, 
the would today be in Moscow, and perhaps even as far as the Urals. 
[In the course of the translating of this statement made by Vyshinsky, who 
became exited and spoke with a pronounced stress, Vyshinsky interrupts the 
interpreter and adds.] It is better indeed that during the negotiations of the agree- 
ment, the cjuestion of the alleged guilt of the Soviet Government for the events 
of 1939, had not been brought up. We have never acknowledged this guilt, and 
shall never do so. In regard to the merits of the financial problem, the Soviet 
Government, after all, covers the outlay of expenses for railway and river trans- 
portation. It will, for example, be able to provide farm implements and seeds, 
but we cannot agree that the problem be put in such a manner that the Soviet 
Government is now to carry the financial burdens, because of political reasons. 
The Soviet Government has conducted political actions which it thouglit nec- 
essary and it shall never agree with the statement that it had abused its power 
towards one or another group of people. 

Ambassador. I have not touched the problem of aggression or non-aggression 
at all. These are not matters for the present discussion. I have not come here 
to debate them. My Government, in concluding the agreement, did not take up 
that discussion, in order not to obstruct the negotiations. I was not mnking any 
political comments on the financial matters. I have only stated the undisputable 
fact that the Polish population found itself in the USSR against its will, and you, 
Mr. Minister, will not after all maintain that the prisoners or persons deported 
to labor camps arrived here according to their own wishes as tourists. 

Vyshinsky. Mr. Ambassador, you have nevertheless touched the problem of 
aggression by saying that one half of Poland was occupied by Germany and the 
other half by the USSR. I can not agree with such a formulation. We can not 
be placed on the same level with them. If there can be any question of guilt, 
then it is the giiilt of the German Government. T hope that the Soviet Govern- 
ment together with the Polish Government shall one day make that claim in 

Ambassador. The discussion of a political character resulted because of an 
inaccurate translation. I said that the Polish Government has no money, 
because one part of Poland has been occupied by Germany, and the other by the 


USSR. In that way the Polish national wealth disappeared. The interpreter 
left out the first part of this sentence. In the future, I suggest that he translate 
in shorter passages. 

(Vyshinsky admits that this of course changed the meaning of the statement, 
and emphasizes twice, that he therefore considers this discussion as not having 
taken place.) 

Ambassador. The Polish Government is willing to take upon itself part of the 
obligations to render assistance to the population, because it is our population, 
but we have no means with which to do it. A way out of this situation has to be 

Vyshinsky. Naturally, I agree with it entirely. * 

Ambassador. If I were a representative of a wealthy country and had brought 
with me bags of monej', I would simply distribute it among the need}' population, 
without regard to anything. I hope the Soviet Government will take this situa- 
tion under consideration. Even Solomon could not pour out of an empty vessel. 

Vyshinsky. Of course, we shall think about it. I shall talk with our financial 
experts about these matters; nevertheless, I would ask 3'ou, Mr. Ambassador, to 
consider several sources from which the Polish Government could obtain money. 

Ambassador. Part of the expenditure which is of an immediate character is 
already covered, or is being met by the Soviet Government. It is a problem of 
further expenditures for the care of people unable to work, those who are still 
awaiting assignment to work, also for a wider assistance program. I propose 
therefore that the Soviet Government grant a loan to the Polish Government for 
these purposes. Unfortunately the financial resources of the Polish Government 
will allow only the meeting of expenses for the upkeep of the Embassy and its 

Vyshinsky. I shall discuss this proposal with the Government, and our finan- 
cial experts, and shall return to this matter at our next conference. 

Ambassador (jokingly). I do not trust financial experts, I prefer to deal with 
politicians, with executive heads. It would be desirable to submit this matter 
to Vice President Molotov or President Stalin. In order to solve this problem 
properly political reasoning must be applied. After all, fiscal considerations 
should not be allowed to constitute obstacles in bringing together our two countries. 

Vyshinsky (laughing). Our financial experts do not act at their own will, but 
carry out strict Government directives. They can be trusted. 

Ambassador. I would like to turn now to the matter of the organizational 
forms of care for our population in the U. S. S. R. Unfortunately the sending 
of Embassy delegates will not yield basic results because of the shortage of personnel. 
I could send 3 to 4 people to tour the country in order to find out at first hand 
about the needs of our population, and to report these to me. Such an inspection 
tour is important and should take place as soon as possible. It does not in itself, 
however, solve the problem of care for the population on the spot. The represent- 
atives of the Embassy who would remain permenently on inspection duties in 
the country would have to be completely trustworthy people. Our difficulty 
lies in this, that we do not know these people as yet. 

Vyshinsky. The list of candidates of trusted men or delegates which has been 
sent to the Embassy, came about in this way. The local Soviets submitted at 
our request the names of people whom they had been in contact with. After all 
everybody has his reasons and it is difficult to decide whether, for instance, 
Kubik is suitable or not. I am of the opinion that one has to start on a minor 
scale and, without using the name "committee," select from among those people 
who call on the Embassy, and who appear to be most active. If it appears 
from the correspondence that someone is able to present the needs of a local 
group, and also prepare statistical data, he may be entrusted to deal with some 
matters. After all, a trusted man need not be selected forever, he may be changed. 
Moreover, the Embassy will be able to have, in the area, people known by their 
names, and select them to become trusted men. It is better to start with 10 to 
15 people and later the whole problem will develop on its own. I am not afraid 
of committees, I had enough to do with them in my life [he laughs], but I believe 
that it would be a waste of time to discuss, now, this or other organizational 
forms. The people of whom we speak, in instances where they are not known 
to the Embassy, could remain as trusted men of the local Poles although not yet 
trusted men of the Embassy. I would ask you, Mr. Minister, to intervene with 
the local authorities that they do not interfere with the organizational phase 
under the pretext that an unauthorized forming of committees is taking place. 
While all that the trusted men do is simply select a few local Poles, or confer 


with them on problems of the given group and then together decide on the fairest 
means of distribution in kind, or in money. 

Vyshinsky. This can be done. The conception of trusted men does not in 
itself raise any oljjecitions, because it does not constitute any complications in or- 
ganizational methods. If a committee is set up, there arises immediately the ques- 
tion of its authority, its relations with the local authorities, and its scope of activi- 
ties. That is where complications may set in. In my opinion, I believe it still 
would be better to work at once with men who are available. Let the Embassy 
become the Central Committee, you, Mr. Ambassador, the chairman [he laughs] 
and the trusted men, act as representatives of the committee. As regards the 
list of candidates submitted, it will have to be, of course, supplemented. We have 
to find out the occupation of the particular people and receive their brief personal 

Ambassador. Thus, in the particular localities selected the people shall deal 
with Polish affairs, but they will have to have advisers. And now still another 
formal matter. The date of the issuance of Polish passports sot for November 22, 
cannot be met. The printing of the temporary passports has not even started. 
I would ask you, Mr. Minister, to assure for us the allocation of a supply ot 
suitable paper. 

Vyshinsky. What kind of paper does it have to be [at the same time he ques- 
tions Novikov as to how the matter of printing the passports stands, and says that 
it will have to be speeded up]. 

Ambassador. It should be a strong paper which will not tear but will wear 
well. Although the form of the passports is entirely a matter for the Poles 
themselves, we have resolved to insert, in the temporary passports, a Russian 
text also for the convenience of the Soviet administrative authorities. At the 
same time I would like to ask you, Mr. Minister, to issue instructions that the 
question of selecting appropriate places for the passport and consular agencies, 
which will deal with the issuance of passports to our people, be discussed with 
representatives of the Embassy. 

Vyshinsky. I shall take care of these matters. The date of November 22 can 
of course not be maintained, and it shall be extended. 

Ambassador. The question of American help for our people is very important; 
a great many foodstuffs and relief goods have been collected. It is now a matter 
of getting assistance from the Soviet authorities. I have heard that a delegation 
of the American Red Cross is to arrive here, and the problem remains, therefore, 
that gifts intended for Poles should reach us and that their distribution be left 
in Polish hands. 

Vyshinsky. I give my assurance that this matter will be settled. 
Ambassador. Apart from the problem of the distribution of these gifts there 
arises also the question of transportation. If the transportation is to be free, 
American generosity will increase. It would be a gesture on the part of the 
Soviet Government, which will be fully and properly appreciated by American 
public opinion. 

Vyshinsky. For transports of that kind we provide for reduced tariffs. After 
all, free transportation would mean that the Soviet Government would have to 
pay for it. We have, after all, already agreed to exempt these transports from 
customs duty. 

Ambassador. Has this matter been settled finally? Mr. Minister, I neverthe- 
less want to ask you to see to it that free transportation be granted. 

Vyshinsky. As to exemption from c\istoms duty, in principle a positive decision 
has been reached. It now remains only to carry it out in details. As to free 
transportation it will be difficult. 

Ambassador. A special form of American help which is of great propaganda 
value are individual parcels. May this tvpe of consignment be permitted into 
the U. S. S. R? 

Vyshinsky. I believe, yes. I shall consult with the Commissariat of Postal 
and Telegraph Communications in this matter. 

Ambassador. Polish organizations in America have collected a great quantity 
of used clothing. A transport of them to the U. S. S. R. had already been jjlanned 
when the Soviet Embassy in Washington began to make some difficulties. The 
clothing donated by the Americans is in good condition and of good quality. 
The question of sanitation should not enter into this matter. 
Vyshinsky. They could be disinfected. 
Ambassador. It would be a pity to do that, the clothes may thus be ruined. 


Yyshinsky. I promise to instruct the Embassy in Washington not to raise 
any difficulties. 

Ambassador. The great vohime of correspondence which is coming to the 
Embassy necessitates an increase of the Embassy staff. In addition to this matter 
I have to ask people over to Moscow who are to become delegates of the Embassy, 
in order tiiat I may get to know them and instruct them accordingly. I would 
like to ask that the formalities coiuiected with permits for their arrival be dealt 
with in the speediest manner. 

Vyshinsky. There is a state of war in Moscow. Arrivals of all kinds must be 
limited as much as possible. Mr. Ambassador, I am not asking j'ou to give me 
the number of people who are to arrive here, but to take into consideration the 
existing state of war and the basic restrictions which are in force here. 

.Ambassador. In conclusion I would like to submit to you, Mr. Minister, two 
lists of persons as to whose whereabouts I am very much concerned. The first 
list pertains to political personalities, some of whom we would like to send over to 
Ivondon in order that they may complete our National Assembly. On this list 
are also names of some Ukrainians whom we know to be positively anti-German. 
Today, when the areas inhabited by Ukrainians are occupied by the Germans, 
one has to counteract their attempts in solving the Ukrainian problem. Let the 
world know that there are also other Ukrainians who oppose the Germans. Let 
the Ukrainian population- and also the local pro-Germans become aware of it. 
The second list contains the names of private individuals without any political 
significance. Some are families of our Embassy officials and of other Polish 

Vyshinsky [accepts the list and promises to settle the matter]. 

Ambassador. Finally I wish to submit to you, Mr. Minister, my official as well 
as private wish. Namely, whether I could be received by President Stalin in 
order to present to him some matters. The propaganda value of such a conver- 
sation would constitute a positive factor in our nuitual relations, and would gain 
wide publicity abroad. 

Vyshinsky. Mr. Ambassador, from the manner in which you formed your 
wish, I note that you are aware of how very busy Chairman Stalin is at the pres- 
ent time, but I shall of course submit your proposal to him. 

Ambassador. I shall be very grateful to you, Mr. Minister. [He gets up and 
bids his goodbye.] Mr. Minister, you will begin to hate me if I shall always 
bother you as long as I did today. Perhaps we could see each other more fre- 
quently and for shorter periods, instead. 

Vyshinsky. Why more frefiuently, but briefly? More often and longer, Mr. 
Ambassador [he laughs]. It is very good that we meet. After all, we should 
talk all these prol>lems over with each other. 

Ambassador (pointing at Novikov). This is all his fault. If the Mixed Com- 
mission would only work properly and speedily and if it consisted of people who 
could make decisions in these matters, I would not have to come to you with 
everything, Mr. Minister. These, after all, are matters for them to deal with. 

The conversation was conducted in a livelv manner, in an informal, sometimes 
hght tone. It lasted from 6:00 P. M. until 9:30 P. M. Moscow, September 21, 

Mr. KoT. In tlie first conversation I was so embarrassed in my 
discussion by the instructions given me by General Anders, who was 
not present at the conference. Wliile I did not say specifically that 
I was inquiring about the Polish officers, I did make an inquiry about 
Poles in the northern part of Russia around Kolyma and Peczory and 
Jenisielskow and Wiiini, where we had suspected that these Polish 
officers were being imprisoned or detained, in these points. We 
suspected that our officers were being held at those points. 

When General Anders arrived on the 24th of September 

Mr. Flood. Just a minute. We will get to that in a minute, Mr. 
Ambassador. All I want to know at this point is: What did you say 
to Mr. Vishinsky and what did Mr. Vishinsky say to you on Septem- 
ber 20? Then we will get on to the next meetmg. 

Mr. KoT. Vishinsky told me that the Embassy will receive a report 
on the number of Poles who had been released but that his information 


is not complete and he is still lacking information as to the camps in 
the far north. But he promised to make an effort to release these 
people from the far north, but he did not indicate or say to me at the 
time that I was inquiring about the Polish officers but merely about 
the Poles. 

Mr. Flood. That was the extent, since it was just a detail of a 
general conversation, of talk about the missing Poles on that day? 

Mr. KoT. There were many other things discussed at this meeting, 
but this particular phase of our conversation I understood it to be in 
regard to our Polish officers. 

Mr. Flood. When was the first time, after September 20, that you 
had your first meeting with Mr. Molotov? 

Mr. KoT. With Molotov it wasn't until the 22d of October. 

Mr. Flood. Your first meeting with Molotov was on what date in 

Mr. KoT. The 22d. 

Mr. Flood. Between your first meeting with Vishinsky on Septem- 
ber 20 and your first meeting with Molotov in October, you had 
several other meetings with Vishinsky? 

And Vishinsk}^ was the man you always were in touch with until 
you first met Molotov? 

Mr. KoT. Always with Vishinsky. 

Mr. Flood. Now will you go back to the second meeting you had 
with Vishinsky? What was the date of the next meeting with Vishin- 
sky? The 20th was the first; when was the next? 

Mr. KoT. The 6th of October 1941. 

Mr. Flood. Did you not have another meeting with Mr. Vishinsky 
after September 20? 

Mr. KoT. I did not have a meeting, but I did dispatch a note to 
Vishinsky inquiring about the release of the Poles, and this note was 
sent on the 27th of vSeptember 1941. 

Mr. Flood. So the first contact was a meeting on September 20 
with Vishinsky, the second was a note dispatched to Vishinsky on 
September 27, inquiry about the missing Poles. Now, do you have a 
copy of the dispatch that you sent to Vishmsky on the 27th of Sep- 

Mr. KoT, I do not have it here, 

Mr. Machrowicz. Mr. Ambassador, that note of September 27 
dealt with a number of complaints you had received from various 
Polish citizens, which you related to Mr. Visliinsky; is that correct? 

Mr. KoT. I would have to have that note m front of me. I cannot 
remember the details of that note. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did it not deal with the complaint that Polish 
citizens were kept at forced labor, that they were not given the right 
to contact with the Embassy and were not given the right to move 
from place to place? 

Mr. KoT. I had filed and sent more than 50 notes on that subject. 
I would have to have the note to refresh my recollection. 

Mr. Flood. But, anyhow, you are sure that in that note of Sep- 
tember 27 you did raise the question of the missing Poles, among other 

Mr. KoT. I did not say officers, I merely demanded information 
as to the release of Poles from these camps. 


Mr. Flood. Did you get a reply from Mr. Vishinsky to that dis- 
patch of September 27? 

Mr. KoT. No. But at my meeting on the 6th of October, I then 
specifically raised the question of the Pohsh officers. 

Mr. Flood. Between your dispatch of September 27 to Mr. 
Vishinsky and before you had your first meeting with Molotov, did 
you have any other meetings or communications, in any way, with 
Mr. Vishinsky on the question of the missing Polish officers? 

Mr. KoT. I will name them. 

October 6, 1941, a conversation with Vishinsky; and I have the 
minutes here. 

The 13th of October 1941, a note was sent to Vishinsky. In this 
note the question of the military people is definitely raised and clearly 
raised . 

The 14th of October, a conference with Vishinsky. I have the 
minutes of that in front of me. As a result of my conference with 
Vishinsky on the 14th, General Sikorski sent a note to Bogomowo 
here in London the same subject, because Sikorski and I had conferred 
or contacted each other on this matter. 

Mr. Flood. After the September 27 note, what was the next date 
of contact with Vishinsky? "Was it October 6? 

Mr. KoT. October 6. 

Mr. Flood. Was that a note, or a talk? 

Mr. KoT. A conference. And here are the minutes of that con- 
ference. And here for the first time we mentioned specifically the 
Polish officers. 

Mr. Flood. October 6? 

Mr. KoT. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Will 3^ou tell us at this moment, referring to the note 
you have before you, the gist of the conversation with Vishinsky on 
October 6, dealing with missing Poles or missing Polish officers only? 

Mr. KoT. I complained that 9,500 Polish officers were evacuated or 
were taken from Poland to Russia, and that, "Meanwhile, today, we 
onlv have 2,000 Polish officers in the Polish Army; what happened to 
the>,500 Polish officers?" 

To this, Vishinsky and his aide, Novikow, attempted to convince 
me that what I am saying is not true. But they did not give me any 
arguments to support their allegation. 

To this, I told them that, "W"e have been making constant effort to 
find those people," that we suspected that they were surrendered to 
the Germans, ''W^e have searched for these men in the German prison 
camps, in occupied Poland; every place where they could conceivably 
have been found," that I would understand if we were missi ig a few 
tens of these people, or even a few hundred, but not several thousand. 

To this Vishinsky and Novikow became somewhat confused and 
they said, "W»l, what do you think happened to these men?" I 
told them that, on the basis of our earlier speculation as to what 
happened to these men, we believed that in the fall of 1940, we believed 
these men were transferred by ship to the far north, we kpew of a 
shipment of 1,500. 

Vishinsky replied that that information could not be correct and 
he demanded to know where we received such information. To that I 
replied, "From Archangel." 


I further pointed out to him that on tho terrain of the Soviet there 
Avas a camp located at Ostashkov, in which were interned the gen- 
darmes and the pohce, "The camp actually no longer does exist, but 
from among tens of thousands of Poles who have already reported for 
duty to om- Ai'my, there isn't a single one from that camp." 

I further demanded to know what was happening to our Polish 
officers who were still being detained in camps near Soswa, Kolyma, 
and also a camp near Omsk. To this Vishinsky replied, "They must 
be among the 300,000 Polish nationals who already have been freed." 
To this I said, "From those camps that I have named here, there are 
no Poles among us." And I added, "For example, the doctors and the 
professojs of our higher institutions of learning who were in these 
camps, they are now nowhere to be found." 

Vishinsky was very unhappy about this. I gave them the impres- 
sion that if they would promise to give us the names of all those who 
had been freed, then we would be al)le to draw or reach some conclu- 
sion as to who has been released and who hasn't. That was the gist 
of the conversation that day. 

Mr. Flood. Thank you very much. 

Now, Mr. Ambassador, your next contact with Mr. Vishinsky was 
on October 13, at which time you tell us you dispatched to him a note. 

Mr. KoT. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have the gist of that note with you? 

Mr. KoT. In this note I complained that up to that time I did not 
get the promised list of names of those released and that, furthermore, 
the people that I am looking and searching for are not being released, 
and that the military and the reservists are not being released from 
the prisons. Naturally, I kept General Sikorski completely informed 
as to the nature of my discussions. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, can you at this time give us excerpts 
of 3'our October 6 conference and also a copy of your note of October 
13, 1941? 

Mr. KoT. Here they are. 

(A document was handed to Mr. Flood by the witness.) 

Mr. Flood. Mark this for identification as "Exhibit 49 and 49 A." 

(The document referred to was marked "Exliibit 49 and 49 A" for 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, I now show you exhibit No. 49 
marked for identification and ask 3'ou M'hether or not that is the copy 
of the minutes of the conversation between you and Mr. Vishinsky on 
October 6, as you have just discussed? 

Mr. KoT. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Flood. We will offer those in evidence, and for the purpose of 
the record, the committee, in its judgment, will determine to print 
that part of those minutes dealing with the conversations about the 
missing Poles as discussed by the Ambassador, after they have been 
translated into English. 

[Translatiou of exhibit 49] 

KoT Discussion of Oct. 6 
Excerpt 2. 

Conversations between the Anil)assador of the PoHsh Reptiblic, Professor Kot, 
and the Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Vyshinsivy, which took 
place on October 6, 1941 (Present: Director, Novikov — interpreter. Secretary of 
the Embassy, W. Arlet.) 


Vyshinsky. The lack of data regarding prisoners is sometimes due to the fact 
that in the occupation part of the territory of the U. S. S. R. by the Germans, 
prisoners were evacuated separately and the files with their records were moved 
separately also, [Novikov adds a few examples of such prisons.] 

Ambassador. Apart from the fact that I am unable to trace a number of persons 
whose names have been listed on orders from London, and who will be sent to 
join the National Assembly, I also wish to sul)mit the following figures: A total 
of 9,500 officers were imprisoned in Poland and deported to the interior of the 
U. S. S. R., while at the present time we have in the army only 2,000 officers. 
What has happened to the 7,500 men? 

(Vyshinsky and Novikov both contend that this is impossible. They cannot, 
however, present any arguments to the contrary.) 

Ambassador. We have tried to find these people everywhere. We thought 
that they were handed over to the Germans, therefore we have tried to trace 
them in German prisoner-of-war camps, in occupied Poland, and wherever they 
might possibly be. I could understand it if about thirty to ninety men were 
missing, or even several hundred, but never several thousand. 

(Vyshinsky and Novikov, embarrassed, they themselves ask questions as to 
what has happened to these persons.) 

Ambassador. In the autumn of 1940 a transport of 1,500 of our officers was 
sent north from Archangelsk by ship. 

Vyshinsky. This is surely wrong information. Where do you get it frottxl^ 

Ambassador. From Archangelsk. A prisoner camp was located at Ostaszkow 
in the Moscow province, in which our military police and policemen exclusiveh^ 
were kept. To be sure this camp does not exist any more, but among the tens 
of thousands of people who reported to join the arm.v, not one prisoner from that 
camp is included. And what of the camps in which our officers are still being 
kept, on the Soswa, Kolyma, not far from Omsk? 

Vyshinsky. I am sure thej' are among the 300,000 or so Polish citizens who 
have been freed. 

Ambassador. No officers whatsoever from the aforo-mentioned camps are to be 
found in the army; and what about the doctors and university professors? 

Vyshinsky. During our previous conversation, Mr. Ambassador, I mentioned 
591 Polish doctors of medicine (physicians); surely there must be 600 physicians 
in all. Perhaps some of them listed a different profession. 

Ambassador. Meanwhile we have about 30 of them in the army. The general 
health of army personnel leaves much to be desired, and there is no one to admin- 
ister medical treatment. 

Vyshi.nsky. I promise to meet your request, Mr. Ambassador, and to assign. 
a greater number of doctors to the army. 

The final conversation is conducted rather rapidly, since Vyshinsky is in a 
hurry to attend another conference. The Ambassador mentioned the problem 
of publishing, by radio, the names of Poles freed, the demands of the Home Front 
(in Poland) relative to this problem, the intended transfer of part of the Embassy 
offices of Czelabinsk or Swierdlowsk, [Vyshinsky's attitude towards the latter 
idea was one of reluctance. The Ambassador declared that he would return to 
this matter], the question of Mr. Gruj's departure for Archangelsk as a delegate 
of the Embassy, [Vyshinsky agreed, but at this point made an unfriendly reinark 
regarding the Consulate] and also expressed hope that the dates set forth by 
Com. Vyshinsky will be kept. 

The conversation lasted from 6:30 to 7: -15 in the evening. 


Moscow, October 8, 1941. 

[Translation coi)y of Exhibit 49A] 

Note of October 13th, 1941, from Ambassador Kot to Mr. Vishinsky, 
Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs in Moscow, Drawing 
Attention to the Incomplete Fulfilment of Soviet Obligations Con- 
cerning Polish CitizExXs, Under the Agreement of July 30, 1941. 

The Embassy of the Republic of Poland. 

Moscow, October 13, 191,1 
Mr. Commissar: Referring to the Note of the Charge d'Affaires ad iterim of 
the Republic of Poland addressed to the Commissar of Foreign Affairs, No. 30/41 
of August 22, 1941, and the Note Verbale of the Polish Embassy, No. D.467/41 of 


September 27, 1941, I have the honour, Mr. Commissar, to inform you of the 

In both the aforesaid Notes, as in my conversation with you, Mr. Commissar, 
I emphasized particularly the need for the fulfillment by the Soviet Government 
of the provisions of the Agreement concluded between ttie Polish Government 
and the Soviet Government on July 30, 1941, and of the provisions of the Decree 
of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the U.S.S.R. of August 12, 1941, 
concerning the release of Polish citizens from prisons, labour camps and localities 
of compulsory residence at the earliest possible date, at least before the coming 
winter, during which the departure from many of the camps would be most 
difficult if not altogether impossible. The question of release was also brought 
up by the Polish delegation at the two meetings of the Mixed Polish-Soviet Com- 
mission, when emphasis was laid on the sper-ial urgency of this problem. 

During my conversation with you, Mr. Commissar, on September 20, I re- 
ceived your assurance that the Soviet authorities would take care that Polish 
citizens detained in distant Northern regions, where the climate is unsuitable 
for Poles, were transported to more suitable districts before the winter season 
sets in. During my conversation on October 7, I quoted figures relating to 
Polish citizens who were still detained in large numbers in camps and mentioned 
the fact that certain categories among them had been transfered to very remote 
Northern regions. In spite of repeated Polish requests and the assurances given 
on behalf of the Soviets, this Embassy has not as yet received the list of localities 
nor the exact numbers of Polish citizens released. 

Contrary to the assurances that, except for a small number of individuals 
suspected, indicted or convicted of espionage on behalf of German}-, whose names 
and dossiers up to now have not been communicated to the Embassy, all Polish 
citizens had been set free and that in a small number of cases only was delay 
caused by purely technical considerations, the Embassy' is in possession of infor- 
mation that there are still in a number of prisons and camps thousands of Polish 
citizens who were not informed of the Agreement concluded on July 30, 1941, or 
were informed that the provisions of this Agreement and of the Decree of the 
Presidium of the Supreme Council of the U. S. S. R. of August 12 did not apply 
to them. 

By way of example, may I state that Polish citjzens are still being detained in 
prison at Saratov, Gorki, Balshov, Tschelabinsk, Kizel and in compulsory labour 
camps in the I'rimorski Kray in the North-Eastern extremity of the Yakut district/ 
near the mouth of the Kolyma on the Arctic Ocean/, near Aldan, in the region of 
Tomsk, Karaganda, in the mines of Karabash /Tschelabinsk district/, in the 
Ivgiel camp /Svierdlovsk district/, in the Archangel district and in the Republic of 
Komi, along the railway line under construction between Kotlas and Pechora 
and at other points. 

More detailed information concerning the numbers and conditions of these 
Polish citizens is given in the Annex to the present Note. As will be seen there- 
from the local authorities either did not receive detailed orders concerning the 
treatment of Polish citizens after the conclusion of the Agreement of July 30, or, 
in some cases, the local authorities were content to deal with the matter in a 
purely pro forma way / the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs withdrew 
police supervision of the 2,000 Polish citizens employed in the mines of Karabsh- 
Voloshynowski-Rudnik, but left the persons concerned where they were which 
actually made their position worse than before/, or with a partial execution of the 
orders issued. It is to be assumed that a arious considerations have dictated this 
treatment and in some instances local authorities may have desired to secure for 
themselves virtually unpaid manpower, whence the tendency to release sometimes 
elderly, invalid or ailing persons, while the stronger and healthier are retained for 
compulsory labour. 

I have the honour to draw your attention, Mr. Commissar, to another char- 
acteristic feature of the conduct of local government authorities towards Polish 
citizens who are released, or who approach them with the request for employment 
or for the assignment of a residence. This conduct, without doubt unknown to 
the Central authorities, which should cease in the interests of good relations be- 
tween the Polish and Soviet Governments, consists in informing those concerned 
that the blame for their difficult situation rests with the Polish Government and 
their representatives in the U. S. S. R. Naturally Polish nationals are not misled 
by this, but it arouses unnecessary mistrust among the Polish population. 

Information issued abroad by the Polish Government, entirely in line with good 
Polish-Soviet collaboration, is to the effect that l^lish citizens in the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics have been liberated from prisons and camps. I pre- 


sented to you, on the 7-th of this month, copies of communiques issued by the 
PoHsh Telegraph Agency in London and New York. The Polish Government is 
of the opinion that such official information should correspond to the real situation 
of the Polish population in the U. S. S. R. In the common interest of both Govern- 
ments the Polish-Soviet Agreement should be fully carried out so that in foreign 
countries no elements unfriendly to this collaboration and hostile to the U. S. S. R. 
should find in the difficult position of the deported Polish population a theme for 
their propaganda. 

The Polish Government could in no case agree that, as a result of the Agreement 
of July 30, 1941, the lot of Polish citizens residing in the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics should become worse or that local authorities should carry out its 
provisions in a manner contrary to the declarations and statements of the repre- 
sentatives of the Soviet Government. 

Consequently, in its Note, No. 30/41 of August 22, 1941, the Embassy presented 
a number of proposals forming a logical whole with a view to the practical solution 
of the problem of the Polish population in the U. S. S. R., in accordance with the 
interests of this population and of both Governments. The fact that the sug- 
gestions contained in point 2 were only carried out in part, and that points 3 and 4 
were left completely unfulfilled, has meant that such Polish citizens as have been 
released have not been able to improve their living conditions and a large number 
of them have been forced to wander aimlessly and compelled to camp at railway 
stations or in the open air in the localities newly chosen for their residence. In 
view of the approaching winter which in some parts of the Soviet Union has al- 
ready set in, many of them are threatened with death by starvation. Their 
position is rendered still worse by the fact that the local authorities not only refuse 
to carry out the suggestions of the Embassy, but do not even comply with the 
assurances given by the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs contained in 
the Aide-Mlmoire of August 28, 1941, with regard to free railway fares, travelling 
subsidies, subsistence allowances and, most important of all, employment for the 
persons released. 

I also venture to draw your attention, Mr. Commissar, to the fact that the organ- 
ization of the Polish Army in the U. S. S. R. is not progressing in accordance with 
the letter and the spirit of the Agreement of July 30, 1941, or with the intentions 
of the two Governments. 

The Supreme Command of the Polish armed forces in the U. S. S. R. has vainly 
waited four weeks for a decision on the formation of further Polish divisions and 
the designation of the localities in which this formation is to take place. In conse- 
quence, numerous Polish citizens reporting for military service and rallying en 
masse to the Polish Army stream into the two already overcrowded camps, which 
lack the necessary number of tents, adequate food supplies and medicines. Thus 
a situation, harmful alike to the troops and to the common cause is being created. 
The local administrative authorities very often do not carry out the instruction 
issued by the central authorities with regard to questions concerning the Polish 
Army and create new additional difficulties, as for instance bj' declining to release 
from prisons and camps all Polish citizens, military and reservists, and in many 
instafices by detaining the more physically fit elements, which reduces the military 
value of the units already formed. Moreover, considerable numbers of Polish 
citizens enrolled in the Red Army and subsequently transferred to the so-called 
labor battalions, have not up till now been directed to the Polish Army. 

Thus the Polish contribution to the common struggle against Germany, con- 
trary to the intentions of the Polish and Soviet Governments and to the unani- 
mous will of the Polish citizens, is being weakened to the detriment of the cause 
of all the Allies. 

In the profound belief that the Soviet Government attaches no less importance 
than the Polish Government to the development of friendly relations between the 
two States, I have the honour to request you, Mr. Commissar, to take measures 
to put into full effect all the proposals contained in the Note of the Embassy of 
August 22, and in particular the immediate release from prisons, camps and 
localities of compulsory domicile of all Polish citizens, the friendly treatment of 
those who are unfit for military service and the acceleration of the decision con- 
cerning the formation of further large units of the Polish Army, in accordance 
with the letter and Spirit of the Agreement of July 30, 1941. 

I have the honour to be, etc. 

/ — / Stanislaw Kot. 

His Excellency A. J. Vishinsky 

Deputy Commissar for Foreign Affairs, in Moscow. 


Air. Flood. Air. Ambassador, we are now up to the point of the 
conversation on October 14, between you and Afr. Vishinsky. 

Air. KoT. In order to understand my conversation of the lotli, I 
must state here that 

Air. Flood. Just a moment. Your conta(;t of the 13th was not a 
conversation; a note. 

Air. KoT. On the 14th, I was saying that General Sikorski was 
planning on comJng to Moscow. 

Air. Flood. As I understand it. Air. Ambassador, as the basis of 
your talk with Vishinsky on the 14th, 3"0u have advised us that you 
had information from General Sikorski about his coming to AIoscow 
as soon as possible. 

Mr. KoT. That is correct. Because of the unfavorable results of 
my previous conversations, I sent a dispatch to General Sikorski 
advising him that he should not come to AIoscow, for various reasons. 
Among them., one of them, was the reason that they had not released 
the Polish officers. There were actually two dispatches sent, one on 
the 12 th and one on the 14th. 

Air. Flood. You sent these telegram.s of the 12th and the 14th to 
Sikorski suggesting that he not com.e, for the reasons you have just 

Air. KoT. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. I want to point this up, if I can, if you recall, or not. 
Did the Russians invite Sikorski to come, or did Sikorski volunteer to 
come — if you know? 

Air. KoT. As early as July ,30, 1941, when the pact was being signed, 
General Sikorski said that he wanted to come to Moscow as soon as 
the actual formation of the Polish forces would begin. 

Air. Flood. But, of course, it is also reasonable to assum.e that the 
Russians were m.ost anxious to have Sikorski come and be of assistance 
in the formation of Polish forces? 

Air. KoT. I tried to find out and determine whether they realh' 
wanted him to come or didn't want him to come. 

Air. Flood. Anyhow, that was in the background, and now we 
have the conversation of October 14 between you and Vishinsky. 

Mr. KoT. At this conversation, I expressed the opinion that 
Sikorski should not com.e to AIoscow because I had observed during 
our conversations that that was very important to them, his arrival. 

Air. AIachrowicz. You do not mean, do you, that that is what 
you told them? 

Air. KoT. The entire conference consisted of my openly telling 
them this. 

Air. Flood. Very well. Then, as a matter of fact, when I suggested 
to you just a minute ago that the Russians were anxious to have 
Sikorski come, you agreed because that was the tenor of the conversa- 
tion with Vishinsky on the 14th? 

Air. KoT. It was my conviction or impression that they did want 
him to com.e, but they were not so much concerned with the formation 
of a Polish Armv as thev were with the exploitation, ])ropaganda\vise, 
all over the world, of a Pole's arrival in AIoscow. 

Air. Flood. What was Vishinsky 's reaction to your declaration 
that yon advised Sikorski not to come? 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Just a second; may T interrupt there? 


He did not finish his entire statement to Vishinsky as to why he 
urged to Vishinsky that Sikorski not come. 

Mr. Flood. We will develop that. This whole conversation is 
about that. 

\Ir. KoT. You must understand that the Russians are very clever 
and that they never indicate openlv whether they want or don't 
want something. They vacillate and maneuver around. You must 
study this whole conversation. Understand this: There was an hour 
and 15 minutes devoted to this conference. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, we understand quite well. What 
we would like you to give us, as you have been doing so excellently, 
is the gist of the conversation and the atmosphere surrounding the 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. That is what I want to hear. 

Mr. KoT. I pointed out to them that the proposal of Sikorski's 
trip to Moscow was suggested at the conferences with Churchill. 
Vishinsky told me that he was well aware of that and that the Rus- 
sians had given complete instructions to expedite the general's arrival 
in Moscow. I told him that I must make clear to him the motives 
behind General Sikorski's proposed trip to AIoscow, but to go into 
that now requires a great deal of time and I don't know whether you 
have the time to go into this. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, are you prepared to give us, in sub- 
stance, in a paragraph or so, the thought of the motive, that is, without 
too much detail? 

Mr. KoT. I emphasized that General Sikorski wanted to demon- 
strate to the whole world that the Poles were ready and prepared to 
fight with the Russians against Hitlerites, and this came at a time 
when the tides of war were going bad for the Russians and the Germans 
were already boasting to the world that they were going to defeat the 
Russian Armies. 

I emphasize further that the faith, the belief, of the Poles that the 
Germans would not be victorious and that the Poles would help in the 
struggle would be a great moral victory for the world. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Just a moment. Mr. Ambassador, am I correct 
in stating that the gist of your conversation is that you finally told 
Mr. Vishinsky that you had hopes that by the time General Sikorski 
would come, that these Polish officers would be released? Is that 

Mr. KoT. I emphasized further that the Polish soldiers must be 
released by the time General Sikorski arrives in Moscow. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is it not true. Ambassador, that the conference 
closed with Vishinsky giving you the assurance that he would give 
you all the Polish officers under control, those that were still there, 
but he said he could not give those that he did not have? 

Mr. KoT. More or less, that is correct. Yes. I could go into 
greater details. While the conversation was larger in scope, those 
words that you mentioned are in my conversation. 

Mr. Flood. You mentioned to us before that, as a result of your 
meeting on October 14, with Vishinsky, Sikorski directed a communi- 
cation to Bogomolow here in London on the same question; is that 

Mr. KoT. That is correct; to the Russian Ambassador attached to 
the Polish Government. 

93744— 52— pt. 4 26 


Mr. Flood. And, as I understand it, no answer was received from 
the Russians to Sikorski's dispatch on that subject at that time? 

Mr. KoT. There was, but it didn't come until the 19th of November 
of 1941, and the content of that reply will become evident from the 
conversations that I continued. 

Mr. Flood. Now you have the next meeting with Mr. Molotov, 
What was the date of the meeting? 

Mr. KoT. 22d of October. 

Mr. Flood. With Molotov? 

Mr. KoT. With Molotov. 

Mr. Flood. Who was present besides you and Molotov? 

Mr. KoT. Only Molotov's translator and my secretary, Mniszek. 

Mr. Flood. Just you and Molotov? All right. 

Mr. KoT. And the discussion lasted an hour and 15 minutes. 

Mr. Flood. Will you just relate for us that part of your discussion 
with Molotov dealing with the missing Polish officers? 

Mr. KoT. I made a request that my efforts to contact the NKVD 
be facilitated, that while my dealings with him were not diplomatic, 
they were in an effort to find the missing soldiers. 

As an example, I mentioned to them our efforts to locate General 
Sikorski's adjutant, to whom he was very much attached. Molotov 
asked, "Is he here in Russia?" I replied that he was in a Russian 
prison camp in Russia and later he was transferred into the depths of 

Molotov asked, "What is his name?" I replied, "Major Furman, 
Jan Furman." Molotov said, "Everything will be done to find liim." 

And immediately he instructed his translator, Narkomindielu, to 
write down correctly that name. To this I replied, "If, by some 
misfortune, this adjutant should not be alive, please inform us im- 
mediately because the worst thing that can happen to us is the 

I also cited the names of two outstanding Polish generals, Orlik 
Lukowski and Ivmicic Skrzynski, about whom we have had to this 
date absolutely no information. Also, I said I had several other 
names, \v'ith which I did not want to burden liim at that time. 

Molotov said, "Please send me the list." I to Molotov: "General 
Anders already has submitted a list to competent military authorities. 
Please give the proper instructions to expedite this matter. General 
Sikorski is very much concerned about this in regard to his arrival 
here." Molotov: "We will try to do everything possible." 

And then we discussed further affairs. 

Mr. Flood. I am leading you up to the meeting with Stalin, but 
now, before you had the meeting with Stalin, you had one or two 
other meetings with Alolotov and Vishinsky. 

Mr. KoT. No. Molotov left for Moscow, because all this happened 
in Kubyishev, and my subsequent conversation with Vishinsky. 

Mr. Flood. You had sev(^ral subsequent conversations after the 
meeting of October 22 with Molotov, you had several conversations 
with Vishinsky, and in the early part of November, you tell us j^'ou 
sent a note to \Iolotov. 

Mr. KoT. The 1st of November. 

Mr. Flood. November 1 was the date of the note to Molotov. 


Mr. KoT. Yes; my note on November 1 was about the failure of the 
Russians to carry out the amnesty agreement and again pointing out 
that General Sikorski should not come to Moscow. 

Mr. Flood. That was the note to Molotov? 

Mr. KoT. Yes ; November 1 . 

Mr. Flood. Now, you had a meeting with Vishinsky on November 

Mr. KoT. Yes. Here we had a detailed discussion regarding the 
question whether or not these Poles are in the Russian prisons or 
whether they are not. We were at that time accused of giving exag- 
gerated figures and that we were exaggerating the number of men we 
were seeking. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Ambassador, we are now ready to talk about the 
meeting with Stalin; but, first of all, I want to get the atmosphere and 
the atti