A KEY
TO
UNCLE TOM'S CABIN;
PRESENTING THE ORIGINAL
FACTS AND DOCUMENTS
UPON WHICH THE STORY IS FOUNDED.
TOGETHER WITH
tettteife Sfatottfs
VERIFYING
THE TRUTH OF THE WORK
BY HARRIET BEECHER STOWE,
AUTHOR OF "UNCLE TOM'S CABIN."
- < — »i i
BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT & CO.
CLEVELAND, OHIO:
JEWETT, PROCTOR & WORTHINGTON.
LONDON: LOW AND COMPANY.
1853.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by
HARRIET BEECHER STOWE,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts.
STEREOTYPED BT
HOBART & BOBBINS,
HEW ENGLAND TYPE AND STEREOTYPE FOUNDEBY,
BOSTON.
Damrell & Moore, Printers, 16 Devonshire St., Boston.
PREFACE.
The work which the writer here presents to the public is one which has
been written with no pleasure, and with much pain.
In fictitious writing, it is possible to find refuge from the hard and the
terrible, by inventing scenes and characters of a more pleasing nature. No
such resource is open in a work of fact ; and the subject of this work is one
on which the truth, if told at all, must needs be very dreadful. There is no
bright side to slavery, as such. Those scenes which are made bright by the
generosity and kindness of masters and mistresses, would be brighter still if
the element of slavery were withdrawn. There is nothing picturesque or
beautiful, in the family attachment of old servants, which is not to be found
in countries where these servants are legally free. The tenants on an Eng-
lish estate are often more fond and faithful than if they were slaves. Slavery,
therefore, is not the element which forms the picturesque and beautiful of
Southern life. What is peculiar to slavery, and distinguishes it from free
servitude, is evil, and only evil, and that continually.
In preparing this work, it has grown much beyond the author's original
design. It has so far overrun its limits that she has been obliged to omit
one whole department ; — that of the characteristics and developments of
the colored race in various countries and circumstances. This is more
properly the subject for a volume ; and she hopes that such an one will
soon be prepared by a friend to whom she has transferred her materials.
The author desires to express her thanks particularly to those legal
gentlemen who have given her their assistance and support in the legal part
of the discussion. She also desires to thank those, at the North and at the
South, who have kindly furnished materials for her use. Many more have
been supplied than could possibly be used. The book is actually selected
out of a mountain of materials.
The great object of the author in writing has been to bring this subject of
slavery, as a moral and religious question, before the minds of all those who
IV PRE FA CE.
profess to be followers of Christ, in this country. A minute history has
been given of the action of the various denominations on this subject.
The writer has aimed, as far as possible," to say what is true, and only
that, without regard to the effect which it may have upon any person or
party. She hopes that what she has said will be examined without bitter-
ness, — in that serious and earnest spirit which is appropriate for the
examination of so very serious a subject. It would be vain for her to
indulge the hope of being wholly free from error. In the wide field which
she has been called to go over, there is a possibility of many mistakes. She
can only say that she has used the most honest and earnest endeavors to
learn the truth.
The book is commended to the candid attention and earnest prayers of
all true Christians, throughout the world. May they unite their prayers
that Christendom may be delivered from so great an evil as slavery '
PART I. >
CHAPTER I.
At different times, doubt has been ex-
pressed whether the representations of
" Uncle Tom's Cabin" ar*e a fair repre-
sentation of slavery as it at present exists.
This work, more, perhaps, than any other
work of fiction that ever was written,
has been a collection and arrangement of
real incidents, — ©f actions really per-
formed, of words and expressions really
uttered, — grouped together with reference
to a general result, in the same manner
that the mosaic artist groups his fragments
of various stones into one general picture.
His is a mosaic of gems, — this is a mosaic
of facts.
Artistically considered, it might not be
best to point out in which quarry and from
which region each fragment of the mosaic
picture had its origin ; and it is equally un-
artistic to disentangle the glittering web of
fiction, and show out of what real warp and
woof it is woven, and with what real color-
ing dyed. But the book had a purpose en-
tirely transcending the artistic one, and
accordingly encounters, at the hands of the
public, demands not usually made on fic-
titious works. It is treated as a reality,
— sifted, tried and tested, as a reality ; and
therefore as a reality it may be proper
that it should be defended.
The writer acknowledges that the book is
a very inadequate representation of slavery ;
and it is so, necessarily, for this reason, —
that slavery, in some of its workings, is too
dreadful for the purposes of art. A work
which should represent it strictly as it is
would be a work which could not be read.
And all works Avhich ever mean to give
pleasure must draw a veil somewhere, or
they cannot succeed.
The author will now proceed along the
course of the story, from the first page on-
ward, and develop, as far as possible, the
incidents by which different^ parts were
suggested.
CHAPTER II.
MK HALEY.
In the very first chapter of the book we
encounter the character of the negro-trader,
Mr. Haley. His name stands at the head
of this chapter as the representative of all
the different characters introduced in the
work which exhibit the trader, the kidnap-
per, the negro-catcher, the negro-whipper,
and all the other " inevitable auxiliaries and
indispensable appendages of what is often
called the ' l divinely-instituted relation ' '
of slavery. The author's first personal
observation of this class of beings was some-
what as follows :
Several years ago, while one morning
employed in the duties of the nursery, a
colored woman was announced. She was
ushered into the nursery, and the author
thought, on first survey, that a more surly,
unpromising face she had never seen. The
woman was thoroughly black, thick-set.
firmly built, and with strongly-marked Af-
rican features. Those who have been 'ac-
customed to read the expressions of the
African face know what a peculiar effect is
produced by a lowering, desponding expres-
sion upon its dark features. It is like the
shadow of a thunder-cloud. Unlike her
race generally, the woman did not smile
when smiled upon, nor utter any pleasant
remark in reply to such as were addressed
to her. The youngest pet of the nursery,
a boy about three years old, walked up, and
laid his little hand on her knee, and seemed
astonished not to meet the quick smile which
the negro almost always has in reserve for
the little child. The writer thought her
very cross and disagreeable, and, after a few
moments' silence, asked, with perhaps a
little impatience, "Do you want anything
of me to-day 1 ' '
" Here are some papers," said the wo-
man, pushing them towards her; "perhaps
you would read them."
The first paper opened was a letter froii
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
a negro-trader in Kentucky, stating con-
cisely that he had waited about as long as
he could for her child ; that he wanted to
start for the South, and must get it off
his hands ; that, if she would send him
two hundred dollars before the end of the
week, she should have it; if not, thai he
would set it up at auction, at the court-
house door, on Saturday. He added, also,
that he might have got more than that for
the child, but that he was willing to let her
have it cheap.
"What sort of a man is this ? " said the
author to the woman, when she had done
reading the letter.
u 9 Dunno, ma'am ; great Christian, I
know, — member of the Methodist church,
anyhow."
The expression of sullen irony with which
this was said was a thing to be remem-
bered. •
u And how old is this child? " said the
author to her.
The woman looked at the little boy who
had been standing at her knee, with an ex-
pressive glance, and said, " She will be
three years old this summer."
On further inquiry into the history of
the woman, it appeared that she had been
set free by the will of her owners ; that
the child was legally entitled to freedom,
but had been seized on by the heirs of
the estate. She was poor and friendless,
without money to maintain a suit, and the
heirs, of course, threw the child into the
hands of the trader. The necessary sum, it
may. be added, was all raised in the small
neighborhood which then surrounded the
Lane Theological Seminary, and the child
was redeemed.
If the public would like a specimen of
the correspondence which passes between
these worthies, who are the principal reli-
ance of the community for supporting and
extending the institution of slavery, the fol-
lowing may be interesting as a matter of
literary curiosity. It was forwarded by
Mr. M. J. Thomas, of Philadelphia, to the
National Era, and stated by him to be "a
copy taken verbatim from the original,
found among the papers of the person to
whom it was addressed, at the time of his
arrest and conviction, for passing a variety
of counterfeit bank-notes."
Poolsvitte, Montgomery Co., Md.,
March 24, 1831.
Dear Sir : I arrived h:>me in safety with Lou-
isa, John having been rescued from me, out of a
two-story window, at twelve o'clock at night. 1
offered a reward of fifty dollars, and have him here
safe in jail. The persons who took him brought
him to Fredericktownja.il. I wish you to write to
no person in this state but myself. Kephart and
myself are determined to go the whole hog for any
negro you can find, and you must give me the ear-
liest information, as soon as you do find any. En-
closed you will receive a handbill, and I can make
a good bargain, if you can find them. I will in
all cases, as soon as a negro runs off, send you a
handbill immediately, so that you may be on the
look-out. Please tell the constable to go on with
the sale of John's property ; and, when the money
is made, I will send on an order to you for it.
Please attend to this for me ; likewise write to me,
and inform me of any negro you think has run away,
— no matter where you think he has come from,
nor how far, — and I will try and find out his mas-
ter. Let me know where you think he is from,
with all particular marks, and if I don't find his
master, Joe 's dead !
Write to me about the crooked-fingered negro,
and let me know which hand and which finger,
color, &c; likewise any mark the fellow has who
says he got away from the negro-buyer, with his
height and color, or any other you think has
run off. •
Give my respects to your partner, and be sure
you write to no person but myself. If any person
writes to you, you can inform me of it, and I will
try to buy from them. I think we can make mon-
ey, if we do business together ; for I have plenty
of money, if you can find plenty of negroes. Let
me know if Daniel is still where he was, and if
you have heard anything of Francis since I left
you. Accept for yourself my regard and esteem.
Reuben B. Carlley.
John C. Saunders.
This letter strikingly illustrates the
character of these fellow-patriots with
whom the great men of our land have been
acting in conjunction, in carrying out the
beneficent provisions of the Fugitive Slave
Law.
With regard to the Kephart named in
this letter the community of Boston may
have a special interest to know further par-
ticulars, as he was one of the dignitaries
sent from the South to assist the good citi-
zens of that place in the religious and pa-
triotic enterprise of 1851. at the time that
Shadrach was unfortunately rescued. It
therefore may be well to introduce somewhat
particularly John Kephart, as sketched
by Richard H. Dana, Jr., one of the
lawyers employed in the defence of the per-
petrators of the rescue.
I shall never forget John Caphart. I have been
eleven years at the bar, and in that time have seen
many developments of vice and hardness, but I
never met with anything so cold-blooded as the
testimony of that man. John Caphart is a tall,
sallow man, of about fifty, with jet-black hair, a
restless, dark eye, and an anxious, care-worn
look, which, had there been enough of moral ele-
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
xnent in the expression, might be called melan-
choly. His frame was strong, and in youth he
had evidently been powerful, but he was not ro-
bust. Yet there was a calm, cruel look, a power
of will and a quickness of muscular action, which
still render him a terror in his vocation.
In the manner of giving in his testimony there
was no bluster or outward show of insolence. His
contempt for the humane feelings of the audience
and community about him was too true to require
any assumption of that kind. He neither paraded
nor attempted to conceal the worst features of his
calling. He treated it as a matter of business
which he knew the community shuddered at, but
the moral nature of which he was utterly indif-
ferent to, beyond a certain secret pleasure in thus
indirectly inflicting a little torture on his hearers.
I am not, however, altogether clear, to do John
Caphart justice, that he is entirely conscience-
pr6of. There was something in his anxious look
which leaves one not without hope.
At the first trial wc did not know of his pur-
suits, and he passed merely as a police-man of
Norfolk, Virginia. But, at the second trial, some
one in the room gave me a hint of the occupations
many of these police-men take to, which led to my
cross-examination.
From the Examination of John Caphart, in the
" Rescue Trials ," at Boston, in June and Nov.,
1851, and October, 1852.
Question. Is it a part of your duty, as a police-
man, to take up colored persons who are out after
hours in the streets'?
Answer. Yes, sir.
Q. What is done with them?
■ A. We put them in the lock-up, and in the
morning they are brought into court and or-
dered to be punished, — those that are to be
punished.
Q. What punishment do they get 1 •
A. Not exceeding thirty-nine lashes.
Q. Who gives them these lashes 1
A. Any of the officers. I do, sometimes.
Q. Are you paid extra for this 1 How much?
A. Fifty cents a head. It used to be sixty-two
cents. Now it is fifty. Fifty cents for each one
we arrest, and fifty more for each one we flog.
Q. Are these persons you flog men and boys
only, or are they women and girls also 1
A. Men, women, boys arid girls, just as it hap-
pens.
[The government interfered, and tried to pre-
vent any further examination ; and said, among
other things, that he only performed his duty as
police-officer under the law. After a discussion,
Judge Curtis allowed it to proceed.]
Q. Is your flogging confined to these cases'?
Do you not flog slaves at the request of their
masters ?
A. Sometimes I do. Certainly, when I am
called upon.
Q. In these cases of private flogging, are the
negroes sent to you'? Have you a place for
flogging 1
A. No. I go round, as I am sent for.
Q. Is this part of your duty as an officer 1
A. No, sir.
Q. In these cases of private flogging, do you
inquire into the circumstances, to see what the
fault has been, or if there is any '?
A. That's none of my business. I do as I am
requested. The master is responsible.
Q. In these cases, too, I suppose you flog wo-
men and girls, as well as men.
A. Women and men.
Q. Mr. Caphart, how long have you been en-
gaged in this business 1
A. Ever since 1836.
Q. How many negroes do you suppose you have
flogged, in all, women and children included?
A. [Looking calmly round the room.] I don't
know how many niggers you have got here in Mas-
chusetts, but I should think I had flogged as many
as you 've got in the state.
[The same man testified that he was often em-
ployed to pursue fugitive slaves. His reply to
the question was, " I never refuse a good job in
that line."]
Q. Don't they sometimes turn out bad jobs ?
A. Never, if I can help it.
Q. Are they not sometimes discharged after
you get them ?
A. Not often. I don't know that they ever are,
except those Portuguese the counsel read about.
[I had found, in a Virginia report, a case of
some two hundred Portuguese negroes, whom this
John Caphart had seized from a vessel, and en-
deavored to get condemned as slaves, but whom
the court discharged.]
Hon. John P. Hale, associated with Mr.
Dana, as counsel for the defence, in the
Rescue Trials, said of him, in his closing
argument :
Why, gentlemen, he sells agony! Torture is
his stock-in-trade ! He is a walking scourge !
He hawks, peddles, retails, groans and tears about
the streets of Norfolk !
See also the following correspondence
between two traders, one in North Carolina,
the other in New Orleans ; with a word of
comment, by Hon. William Jay, of New
York :
Halifax, N. C, Nov. 16, 1839.
Dear Sir : I have shipped in the brig Addison,
— prices are below :
No.l.
Caroline Ennis,
' . $650 00
" 2.
Silvy Holland,
625.00
" 3.
Silvy Booth, . . .
487.50
" 4.
Maria Pollock,
475.00
" 5.
Emeline Pollock, .
475.00
" 6.
Delia Averit, .
475.00
The two girls that cost $650 and $625 were
bought before I shipped my first. I have a great
many negroes offered to me, but I will not pay the
prices they ask, for I know they will come down.
I have no opposition in market. I will wait until
I hear from you before I buy, and then I can
judge what I must pay. Goodwin will send you
the bill of lading for my negroes, as he shipped
them with his own. Write often, as the times
are critical, and it depends on the prices you get
to govern me in buying. Yours, &c,
G. W. Barnes.
Mr. Theophilus Freeman,
New Orleans.
The above was a small but choice invoice of
wives and mothers. Nine days before, namely,
7th Nov., Mr. Barnes advised Mr. Freeman of
having shipped a lot of forty-three men and
8
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
women. Mi. Freeman, informing one of his cor-
respondents of the state of the market, writes
{Sunday, 21st Sept., 1839), " I bought a boy yes-
terday, sixteen years old, and likely, weighing
one hundred and ten pounds, at $700. I sold a
likely girl, twelve years old, at $500. I bought a
man yesterday, twenty years old, six feet high, at
$820 ; one to-day, twenty-four years old, at $850,
black and sleek as a mole."
The writer has drawn in this work only
one class of the negro-traders. There are
all varieties of them, up to the great whole-
sale purchasers, who keep their large trad-
ing-houses ; who are gentlemanly in man-
ners and courteous in address ; who, in many
respects, often perform actions of real gen-
erosity ; who consider slavery a very great
evil, and hope the country will at some
time he delivered from it, but who think
that so long as clergyman and layman, saint
and sinner, are all agreed in the propriety
and necessity of slave-holding, it is better
that the necessary trade in the article be
conducted by men of humanity and decency,
than hy swearing, hrutal men, of the Tom
Loker school. These men are exceedingly
sensitive with regard to what they consider
the injustice of the world in excluding them
from good society, simply because they un-
dertake to supply a demand in the com-
munity which the bar, the press and the
pulpit, all pronounce to be a proper one. In
this respect, society certainly imitates the
unreasonableness of the ancient Egyptians,
who employed a certain class of men to
prepare dead bodies for embalming, but
flew at them with sticks and stones the mo-
ment the operation was over, on account of
the sacrilegious liberty which they had
taken. If there is an ill-used class of men
in the world, it is certainly the slave-trad-
ers ; for, if there is no harm in the institu-
tion of slavery, — if it is a divinely-appointed
and honorable one, like civil government
and the family state, and like other species of
property relation, — then there is no earthly
reason why a man may not as innocently
be a slave-trader as any other kind of
trader.
CHAPTER III.
MR. AND MRS. SHELBY.
It was the design of the writer, in delin-
eating the domestic arrangements of Mr.
and Mrs. Shelby, to show a picture of the
fairest sMc of slave-life, where easy indul-
gence an< I good-natured Forbearance are tem-
pered by just discipline and religious instruc-
tion, skilfully and judiciously imparted.
The writer did not come to her task with-
out reading much upon both sides of the
question, and making a particular effort to
collect all the most favorable representa-
tions of slavery which she could ob-
tain. And, as the reader may have a
curiosity to examine some of the documents,
the writer will present them quite at large.
There is no kind of danger to the world in
letting the very fairest side of slavery be
seen ; in fact, the horrors and barbarities
which are necessarily inherent in it are so
terrible that one stands absolutely in need
of all the comfort which can be gained from
incidents like the subjoined, to save them
from utter despair of hurrian nature. The first
account is from Mr. J. K. Paulding's Letters
on Slavery; and is a letter from a Virginia
planter, whom we should judge, from his
style, to be a very amiable, agreeable man,
and who probably describes very fairly the
state of things on his own domain.
Dear Sir : As regards the first query, which
relates to the " rights and duties of the slave," I
do not know how extensive a view of this branch
of the subject is contemplated. In its simplest
aspect, as understood and acted on in Virginia, I
should say that the slave is entitled to an abun-
dance of good plain food ; to coarse but comfortable
apparel ; to a warm but humble dwelling ; to pro-
tection when well, and to succor when sick ; and,
in return, that it is his duty to render to his mas-
ter all the service he can consistently with per-
fect health, and to behave submissively and hon-
estly. Other remarks suggest themselves, but
they will be more appropriately introduced under
different heads.
2d. " The domestic relations of master and
slave." — These relations are much misunderstood
by many persons at the North, who regard the
terms as synonymous with oppressor and op-
pressed. Nothing can be further from the fact.
The condition of the negroes in this state has
been greatly ameliorated. The proprietors were
formerly fewer and richer than at present. Dis-
tant quarters were often kept up to support the
aristocratic mansion. They were rarely visited
by their owners ; and heartless overseers, fre-
quently changed, were employed to manage them
for a share of the crop. These men scourged the
land, and sometimes the slaves. Their tenure
was but for a year, and of course they made the
most of their brief authority. Owing to the influ-
ence of our institutions, property has become sub-
divided, and most persons live on or near their
estates. There are exceptions, to be sure, and
particularly among wealthy gentlemen in the
towns ; but these last are almost all enlightened
and humane, and alike liberal to the soil and to
the slave who cultivates it. I could point out
some noble instances of patriotic and spirited im-
provement among them. But, to return to the
resident proprietors : most of them have been
raised on the estates ; from the older negroes
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
Q
they hLve received in infancy numberless acts of
kindness ; the younger ones have not unfrequently
been -their playmates (not the most suitable, I
admit), and much good-will is thus generated on
both sides. In addition to this, most men feel
attached to their property ; and this attachment
is stronger in the case of persons than of things.
I know it, and feel it. It is true, there are harsh
masters ; but there are also bad husbands and
bad fathers. They are all exceptions to the rule,
not the rule itself. Shall we therefore condemn
in the gross those relations, and the rights and
authority they imply, from their occasional
abuse ? I could mention many instances of strong
attachment on the part of the slave, but will only
adduce one or two, of which I have been 'the ob-
ject. It became a question whether a faithful
servant, bred up with me from boyhood, should
give up his master or his wife and children, to
whom he was affectionately attached, and most
attentive and kind. The trial was a severe one,
but he determined to break those tender ties and
remain with me. I left it entirely to his discre-
tion, though I would not, from considerations of
interest, have taken for him quadruple the price I
should probably have obtained. Fortunately, in
the sequel, I was enabled to purchase his family,
with the exception of a daughter, happily situ-
ated ; and nothing but death shall henceforth part
them. Were it put to the test, I am convinced
that many masters would receive this striking
proof of devotion. A gentleman but a day or two
since informed me of a similar, and even stronger
case, afforded by one of his slaves. As the reward
of assiduous and delicate attention to a venerated
parent, in her last illness, I proposed to purchase
and liberate a healthy and intelligent woman,
about thirty years of age, the best nurse, and, in
all respects, one of the best servants in the state,
of which I was only part owner ; but she declined
to leave the family, and has been since rather
better than free. I shall be excused for stating a
ludicrous case I heard of some time ago : — A
favorite and indulged servant requested his master
to sell him to another gentleman. His master re-
fused to do so, but told 'him he was at perfect
liberty to go to the North, if he were not already
free enough. After a while he repeated the re-
quest ; and, on being urged to give an explanation
of his singular conduct, told his master that he
considered himself consumptive, and would soon
die ; and he thought Mr. B was better able
to bear the loss than his master. He was sent to
a medicinal spring and recovered his health, if,
indeed, he had ever lost it, of which his master
had been unapprized. It may not be amiss to
describe my deportment towards my servants,
whom I endeavor to render happy while I make
ihefia jirofitable. I never turn a deaf ear, but
listen patiently to their communications. I chat
familiarly with those who have passed service, or
have not begun to render it. With the others I
observe a more prudent reserve, but I encourage
all to approach me without awe. I hardly ever
^o to town without having commissions to execute
tor some of them ; and think they prefer to em-
ploy me, from a belief that, if their money should
not quite hold out, I would add a little to it-; and
I hot unfrequently do, in order to get a better
article. The relation between myself and my
slaves is decidedly friendly. I keep up pretty ex-
act discipline, mingled with kindness, and hardly
ever lose property by thievish, or labor by run-
away slaves. I never lock the outer doors of my
house. It is done, but done by the servants ; and
I rarely bestow a thought on the matter. I leave
home periodically for two months, and commit the
dwelling-house, plate, and other valuables, to the
servants, without even an enumeration of the
articles.
3d. •' The duration of the labor of the slave." —
The day is usually considered long enough. Em-
ployment at night is not exacted by me, except to
shell corn once a week for their own consumption,
and on a few other extraordinary occasions. The
people, as we generally call them, are required to
leave their houses at daybreak, and to work until
dark, with the intermission of half an hour to an
hour at breakfast, and one to two hours at dinner,
according to the season and sort of work In this
respect I suppose our negroes will bear a favor-
able comparison with any laborers whatever.
4th. " The liberty usually allowed the slave, —
his holidays and amusements, and the way in
which they usually spend their evenings and holi-
days." — They are prohibited from going off the
estate without first obtaining leave ; though they
often transgress, and with impunity, except in
flagrant cases. Those who* have wives on other
plantations visit them on certain specified nights,
and have an allowance of time for going and re-
turning, proportioned to the distance. My ne-
groes are permitted, and, indeed, encouraged, to
raise as many ducks and chickens as they can ; to
cultivate vegetables for their own use, and a patch
of corn for sale ; to exercise their trades, when
they possess one, which many do ; to catch musk-
rats and other animals for the fur or the flesh ; to
raise bees, and, in fine, to earn an honest penny
in any way which chance or their own ingenuity
may offer. The modes specified are, however,
those most commonly resorted to, and enable prov-
ident servants to make from five to thirty dollars
apiece. The corn is of a different sort from that
which I cultivate, and is all bought by me. A
great many fowls are raised ; I have this year
known ten dollars worth sold by one man at one
time. One of the chief sources of profit is the
fur of the muskrat ; for the purpose of catching
which the marshes on th£ estate have been par-
celled out and appropriated from time immemo-
rial, and are held by a tenure little short of fee-
simple. The negroes are indebted to Nat Turner *
and Tappan for a curtailment of some of their
privileges. As a sincere friend to the blacks, I
have much regretted the reckless interference of
these persons, on account of the restrictions it has
become, or been thought, necessary to impose.
Since the exploit of the former hero, the}- have
been forbidden to preach, except to their fellow-
slaves, the property of the same owner ; to have
public funerals, unless a white person officiates ;
or to be taught to read and write. Their funerals
formerly gave them great satisfaction, and it was
customary here to furnish the relations of the. de-
ceased with bacon, spirit, flour, sugar and butter,
with which a grand entertainment, in their way,
was got up. We were once much amused by a
hearty fellow requesting his mistress to let him
have his funeral during his lifetime, when it would
do him some good. The waggish request was
granted ; and I venture to say there never was a
* The leader of the insurrection in lower Virginia, in
which upwards of a hundred white persons, principally
women and children, were massacred in cold blood.
10
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
funeral the subject of which enjoyed it so much.
When permitted, some of our negroes preached
with great fluency. I was present, a few years
since, when an Episcopal minister addressed the
people, by appointment. On the conclusion of an
excellent sermon, a negro preacher rose and
thanked the gentleman kindly for his discourse,
but frankly told him the congregation "did not
understand his lingo." He then proceeded him-
self, with great vehemence and volubility, coining
words where they had not been made to his hand,
or rather his tongue, and impressing his hear-
ers, doubtless, with a decided opinion of his supe-
riority over his white co-laborer in the field of
grace. My brother and I, who own contiguous
estates, have lately erected a chapel on the line
between them, and have employed an acceptable
minister of the Baptist persuasion, to which the
negroes almost exclusively belong, to afford them
religious instruction. Except as a preparatory
step to emancipation, I consider it exceedingly
impolitic, even as regards the slaves themselves,
to permit them to read and write : " Where igno-
rance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise." And it is
certainly impolitic as regards their masters, on
the principle that " knowledge is power." My
servants have not as long holidays as those of
most other persons. I allow three days at
Christmas, and a day at each of three other pe-
riods, besides a little time to work their patches ;
or, if very busy, I sometimes prefer to work them
myself. Most of the ancient pastimes have been
lost in this neighborhood, and religion, mock or
real, has succeeded them. The banjo, their na-
tional instrument, is known but in name, or in a
few of the tunes which have survived. Some of
the younger negroes sing and dance, but the
evenings and holidays are usually occupied in
working, in visiting, and in praying and singing
hymns. The primitive customs and sports are, I
believe, better preserved further south, where
slaves were brought from Africa long after they
ceased to come here.
6th. " The provision usually made for their
food and clothing, — for those who are too young
or too old to labor." — My men receive twelve
quarts of Indian meal (the abundant and uni-
versal allowance in this state), seven salted her-
rings, and two pounds of smoked bacon or three
pounds of pork, a week ; the other hands propor-
tionally less. But, generally speaking, their food
is issued daily, with the exception of meal, and
consists of fish or bacon for breakfast, and meat,
fresh or salted, with vegetables whenever we can
provide them, for dinner ; or, for a month or two
in the spring, fresh fish cooked with a little bacon.
This mode is rather more expensive to me than
that of weekly rations, but more comfortable to
the servants. Superannuated or invalid slaves
draw their provisions regularly once a week ; and
the moment a child ceases to be nourished by' its
mother, it receives eight quarts of meal (more than
it can consume), and one half-pound of lard. Be-
sides the food furnished by me, nearly all the
servants are able to make some addition from
their private stores ; and there is among the
adults hardly an instance of one so improvident
as not to do it. He must be an unthrifty fellow,
indeed, who cannot realize the wish of the famous
Henry IV. in regard to the French peasantry, and
enjoy his fowl on Sunday. I always keep on
hand, for the use of the negroes, sugar, molasses,
&c., which, though riot regularly issued, are applied
for on the slightest pretexts, and frequently no
pretext at all, and are never refused, except in
cases of misconduct. In regard to clothing : —
the men and boys receive a winter coat and trou-
sers of strong cloth, three shirts, a stout pair of
shoes and socks, and a pair of summer pantaloons,
every year ; a hat about every second year, and a
great-coat and blanket every third year. Instead
of great-coats and hats, the women have large
capes to protect the bust in bad weather, and
handkerchiefs for the head. The articles fur-
nished are good and serviceable ; and, with their
own acquisitions, make their appearance decent
and respectable. On Sunday they are even fine.
The aged and invalid are clad as regularly as the
rest, but less substantially. Mothers receive a
little raw cotton, in proportion to the number of
children, with the privilege of having the yarn,
when spun, woven at my expense. I provide
them with blankets. Orphans are put with care-
ful women, and treated with tenderness. I am
attached to the little slaves, and encourage famil-
iarity among them. Sometimes, when I ride
near the quarters, they come running after mo with
the most whimsical requests, and are rendered
happy by the distribution of some little donation
The clothing described is that which is given to
the crop hands. Home-servants, a numerous
class in Virginia, are of course clad in a different
and very superior manner. I neglected to % men-
tion, in the proper place, that there are on each
of my plantations a kitchen, an oven, and one or
more cooks ; and that each hand is furnished wir
a tin bucket for his food, which is carried into ti e
field by little negroes, who also supply the labor-
ers with water.
7th. " Their treatment when sick. "— My negroes
go, or are carried, as soon as they are attacked, to
a spacious and well-ventilated hospital, near the
mansion-house. They are there received by an
attentive nurse, who has an assortment of medi-
cine, additional bed-clothing, and the command of
as much light food as she may require, either
from the table or the store-room of the proprietor.
Wine, sago, rice, and other little comforts apper-
taining to such an establishment, are always
kept on hand. The condition of the sick is much
better than that of the poor whites or free colored
people in the neighborhood.
8th. " Their rewards and punishments." — I
occasionally bestow little gratuities for good eon-
duct, and particularly after harvest ; and* hardly
ever refuse a favor asked by those who faithfully
perform their duty. Vicious and idle servants are
punished with stripes, moderately inflicted ; to
which, in the case of theft, is added privation of
meat, a severe punishment to those who are never
suffered to be without it on any other account.
From my limited observation, I think that ser-
vants to the North work much harder than our
slaves. I was educated at a college in one of the
free states, and, on my return to Virginia, was
struck with the contrast. I was astonished at the
number of idle domestics, and actually worried my
mother, much to my contrition since, to reduce
the establishment. I say to my contrition, be-
cause, after eighteen years' residence in the good
Old Dominion, I find myself surrounded by a troop
of servants about as numerous as that against
which I formerly so loudly exclaimed. While on
this subject it may not be amiss to state a case oi
manumission which occurred about three years
since. My nearest neighbor, a man of immense
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
11
wealth, owned a favorite servant, a fine fellow,
with polished manners and excellent disposition,
who reads and writes, and is thoroughly versed in
the duties of a butler and housekeeper, in the per-
formance of which he was trusted without limit.
This man was, on the death of his master, eman-
cipated with a legacy of six' thousand dollars, be-
sides about two thousand dollars more which he had
been permitted to accumulate, and had deposited
with his master, who had given him credit for it.
The use that this man, apparently so well quali-
fied for freedom, and who has had an opportunity
of travelling and of judging for himself, makes of
his money and his time, is somewhat remarkable.
In consequence of his exemplary conduct, he has
been permitted to reside in the state, and for very
moderate Wages occupies the same situation he
did in the old establishment, and will probably
continue to occupy it as long as he lives. He has
no children of his own, but has put a little girl, a
relation of his, to school. Except in this instance,
and in the purchase of a few plain articles of fur-
niture, his freedom and his money seem not much
to have benefited him. A servant of mine, who
is intimate with him, thinks he is not as happy as
he was before his liberation. Several other serv-
ants were freed at the same time, with smaller leg
acies, but I do not know what has become of them.
1 do not regard negro-slavery, however mitigat-
ed, as a Utopian system, and have not intended so
to delineate it. But it exists, and the difficulty of
removing it is felt and acknowledged by all, save
the fanatics, who, like " fools, rush in where
angels dare not tread." It is pleasing to know
that its burdens are not too heavy to be borne.
That the treatment of slaves in this state is hu-
mane, and even indulgent, may be inferred from the
fact of their rapid increase and great longevity. I
believe that, constituted as they are, morally and
physically, they are as happy as any peasantry
in the world ; and I venture to affirm, as the re-
sult of my reading and inquiry, that in no coun-
try are the laborers so liberally and invariably sup-
plied with bread and meat as are the negro slaves
of the United States. However great the dearth
of provisions, famine never reaches them.
P. S. — It might have been stated above that
on. this estate there are about one hundred and
sixty blacks. With the exception of infants,
there has been, in eighteen months, but one
death that I remember, — that of a man fully sixty-
five years of age. The bill for medical attend-
ance, from the second day of last November, com-
prising upwards of a year, is less than forty dol-
lars.
The following accounts are taken from
" Xngraham's Travels in the South-west,'" a
work which seems to have been written as
much to show the beauties of slavery as
anything else. Speaking of the state of
things on some Southern plantations, he gives
the following pictures, which are presented
without note or comment :
The little candidates for " field honors" are use-
less articles on a plantation during the first five
or six years of their existence. They arc then to
take their first lesson in the elementary part of their
education. . When they have learned their manual
alphabet tolerably well, they are placed in the
field to take a spell at cotton-picking. The first
day in the field is their proudest day. The young
negroes look forward to it with as much restless-
ness and impatience as -school-boys to a vacation.
Black children are not put to work so young as
many children of poor parents in the North. It
is often the case that the children of the domestic
servants become pets in the house, and the play-
mates of the white children of the family. No
scene can be livelier or more interesting to a North-
erner, than that - which the negro quarters of a
well-regulated plantation present on a Sabbath
morning, just before church-hours. In every
cabin the men are shaving and dressing : the wo-
men, arrayed in their gay muslins, are arranging
their frizzly hair, — in which they take no little
pride, — or investigating the condition of their chil-
dren ; the old people, neatly clothed, are quietly
conversing or ^Uwjdng about the doors ; and those
of the lounger portion who are not undergoing the
infliction of the wash-tub are enjoying themselves
in the shade of the trees, or around some little
pond, with as much zest as though slavery and
freedom were synonymous terms. When all are
dressed, and the hour arrives for worship, they
lock up their cabins, and the whole population of
the little village proceeds to the chapel, where
divine service is performed, sometimes by an
officiating clergyman, and often by the planter
himself, if a church-member. The whole planta-
tion is also frequently formed into a Sabbath
class, which is instructed by the planter, or some
member of his family ; and often,' such is the
anxiety of the master that they should perfectly
understand what they are taught, — a hard matter
in the present state of their intellect, — that no
means calculated to advance their, progress are
left untried. I was not long since shown a manu-
script catechism, drawn up with great care and
judgment by a distinguished planter, on a plan
admirably adapted to the comprehension of the
negroes.
It is now popular to treat slaves with kindness ;
and those planters who are known to be inhumanly
rigorous to their slaves are scarcely countenanced
by the more intelligent and humane portion of
the community. Such instances, however, are
very rare ; but there are unprincipled men every-
where, who will give vent to their ill feelings and
bad passions, not with less good will upon the
back of an indented apprentice, than upon that of
a purchased slave. ' Private chapels are now in-
troduced upon most of the plantations of the
more wealthy, which are far from any church ;
Sabbath-schools are instituted for the black chil-
dren, and Bible-classes for the parents, which are
superintended by the planter, a chaplain, or some
of the female members of the family.
Nor are planters indifferent to the comfort of
their gray-headed slaves. I have been much af-
fected at beholding many exhibitions of their
kindly feeling towards them. They always address
them in a mild and pleasant manner, as " Un-
cle," or " Aunty," — titles as peculiar to the old
negro and ncgress as "boy" and " girl " to ail
under forty years of age. Some old Africans are
allowed to spend their last years in their houses,
without doing any kind of labor ; these, if not too
infirm, cultivate little patches of ground, on which
they raise a few vegetables, — for vegetables grow
nearly all the year round in this climate, — and
make a little money to purchase a few extra com-
forts. They are also always receiving presents
12
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
from their masters and mistresses, and the negroes
on the estate, the latter of whom are extremely
desirous of seeing the old people comfortable. A
relation of the extra comforts which some planters
allow their slaves would hardly obtain credit at
the North. But you must recollect that Southern
planters are men, and men of feeling, gener-
ous and high-minded, and possessing as much of
the " milk of human kindness'* as the sons of
colder climes — although they may have been
educated to regard that as right which a differ-
3nt education has led Northerners te> consider
;vrong.
With regard to the character of Mrs.
Shelby the writer must say a few words.
While travelling in Kentucky, a few years
since, some pious ladies ^x^essed to her
the same sentiments with regaru j slavery
which the reader has heard expresses by
Mrs. Shelby.
There are many whose natural sense of
justice cannot be made to tolerate the enor-
mities of the system, even though they hear
it defended by clergymen from the pulpit,
and see it countenanced by all that is most
honorable in rank and wealth.
A pious lady said to the author, with re-
gard to instructing her slaves, ' ' I am
ashamed to teach them what is right ; I
know that they know as well as I do that it
is wrong to hold them as slaves, and I am
ashamed to look them in the face." Point-
ing to an intelligent mulatto woman who
passed through the room, she continued,
" Now. there 's B . She is as intelli-
gent and capable as any white woman I
ever knew, and as well able to have her
liberty and take care of herself; and she
knows it is n't right to keep her as we do,
and I know it too ; and yet I cannot get my
husband to think as I do, or I should be
glad to set them free."
A venerable friend of the writer, a lady
born and educated a slave-holder, used to
the writer the v^ry words attributed to Mrs.
Shelby : — "I never thought it was right to
hold slaves. I always thought it was
wrong when I was a girl, and I thought so
still more when I came to join the church."
An incident related by this friend of her
examination for the church shows in a
striking manner what a difference may often
exist between theoretical and practical be-
nevolence.
A certain class of theologians in Amer-
ica have advocated the doctrine of disinter-
ested benevolence with such zeal as to make
it an imperative article of belief that every
individual ought to be willing to endure ever-
lasting misery, if by doing so they could,
on the whole, produce a greater amount of
general good in the universe ; and the in-
quiry was sometimes made of candidates for
church-membership whether they could
bring themselves to this point, as a test of
their sincerity. The clergyman who was to
examine this lady was particularly interested
in these speculations. When he came to
inquire of her with regard to her views as
to the obligations of Christianity, she in-
formed him decidedly that she had brought
her mind to the point of emancipating all
her slaves, of whom she had a large number.
The clergyman seemed rather to consider
this as an excess of zeal, and recommended
that she should take time to reflect upon it.
He was, however, very urgent to know
whether, if it should appear for the greatest
good of the universe, she would be willing
to be damned. Entirely unaccustomed to
theological speculations, the good woman
answered, with some vehemence, that "she
was sure she was not;" adding, naturally
enough, that if that had been her purpose
she need not have come to join the church.
The good lady, however, was admitted, and
proved her devotion to the general good by
the more tangible method of setting all her
slaves at liberty, and carefully watching
over their education and interests after they
were liberated.
Mrs. Shelby is a fair type of the very
best class of Southern women ; and while
the evils of the institution are felt and de-
plored, and while the world looks with just
indignation on the national support and
patronage which is given to it, and on the
men who, knowing its nature, deliberately
make efforts to perpetuate and extend it, it
is but justice that it should bear in mind
the virtues of such persons.
Many of them, surrounded by circum-
stances over which they can have no con-
trol, perplexed by domestic cares of which
women in free states can have very little
conception, loaded down by duties and re-
sponsibilities which wear upon the very
springs of life, still go on bravely and pa-
tiently from day to day, doing all they can
to alleviate what they cannot prevent, and,
as far as the sphere of their own immediate
power extends, rescuing those who are de-
pendent upon them From the evils of the
system.
We read of Him who shall at last come
to judgment, that u His fan is in his hand,
and he will thoroughly purge his floor, and
gather his wheat into the garner." Out
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
.13
of the great abyss of national sin he will
rescue every grain of good and honest pur-
pose and intention. His eyes, which are as a
flame of fire, penetrate at once those intricate
mazes where human judgment is lost, and
will save and honor at last the truly good
and sincere, however they may have been
involved with the evil ; and such souls as
have resisted the greatest temptations, and
persisted in good under the most perplexing
circumstances, are those of whom he has
written, " And they shall be mine, saith the
Lord of Hosts, in that day when I make up
my jewels ; and I will spare them as a man
apareth his own son that serveth him."
CHAPTER IV.
GEORGE HARRIS.
The character of Greorge Harris has been
represented as overdrawn, both as respects
personal qualities and general intelligence.
It has been said, too, that so many afflictive
incidents happening to a slave are improba-
ble, and present a distorted view of the
institution.
In regard to person, it must be remem-
bered that the half-breeds often inherit, to a
great degree, the traits of their white an-
cestors. For this there is abundant evi-
dence in the advertisements of the papers.
Witness the following from the Chattanooga
(Tenn.) Gazette, Oct. 5th, 1852 :
$500 REWARD.
Runaway from the subscriber, on the 25th
May, a VERY BRIGHT MULATTO BOY,
about 21 or 22 years old, named WASH.
Said boy, without close observation, might
pass himself for a white man, as he is very bright
— has sandy hair, blue eyes, and a fine set of
teeth. He is an excellent bricklayer ; but I have
no idea that he will pursue his trade, for fear of
detection. Although he is like a white man in
appearance, he has the disposition of a negro, and
delights in comic songs and witty expressions.
He is an excellent house servant, very handy
about a hotel, — tall, slender, and has rather a
down look, especially when spoken to, and is
sometimes inclined to be sulky. I have no doubt
but he has been decoyed off by some scoundrel,
and I will give the above reward for the appre-
hension of the boy and thief, if delivered at Chat-
tanooga. Or, I will give $200 for the boy alone ;
or $100 if confined in any jail in the United States,
so that I can get him.
GEORGE 0. RAGLAND.
Chattanooga, June 15, 1852.
From the Capitolian Vis-a-vis, West
Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Nov. 1, 1852 :
$150 REWARD.
Runaway about the 15th of August last, Joe, a
yellow man; small, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches
high, and about 20 years of age. Has a Roman
nose, was raised in New Orleans, and speaks
French and English. He was bought last winter
of Mr. Digges, Banks Arcade, New Orleans.
In regard to general intelligence, the
reader will recollect that the writer stated
it as a fact which she learned while on a
journey through Kentucky, that a young
colored man invented a machine for clean-
ing hemp, like that alluded to in her
story.
Advertisements, also, occasionally pro-
pose for sale artisans of different descrip-
tions. Slaves are often employed as pilots
for vessels, and highly valued for their skill
and knowledge. The following are adver-
tisements from recent newspapers.
From the South Carolinian (Columbia),
Dec. 4th, 1852 :
VALUABLE NEGROES AT AUCTION.
BY J. & L. T. LEVIN.
WILL be sold, on MONDAY, the 6th day of De-
cember, the following valuable NEGROES :
Andrew, 24 years of age, a bricklayer and plas-
terer, and thorough workman.
George, 22 years of age, one of the best barbers
in the State.
James, 19 years of age, an excellent painter.
These boys were raised in Columbia, and are
exceptions to most of boys , and are sold for no
fault whatever.
The terms of sale are one-half cash, the balance
on a credit of six months, with interest, for notes
payable at bank, with two or more approved
endorsers.
Purchasers to pay for necessary papers.
WILLIAM DOUGLASS.
November 27, 36.
From the same paper, of November 18th,
1852:
Will be sold at private sale, a LIKELY MAN,
boat hand, and good pilot ; is well acquainted
with all the inlets between here and Savannah
and Georgetown.
With regard to the incidents of George
Harris' life, that he may not be supposed a
purely exceptional case, we propose to offer
some parallel facts from the lives of slaves
of our personal acquaintance.
Lewis Clark is an acquaintance of the
writer. Soon after his escape from slavery,
he was received into the family of a eister-
in-law of the author, and there educated.
His conduct during this time was such as
to win for him uncommon affection and re-
spect, and the author has frequently heard
14
KEY TO UNCLE TOM ? S fcABIN.
him spoken of in the highest terms by all
who knew him.
The gentleman in whose family he so
long resided says of him, in a recent letter
to the writer, "I would trust him, as the
saying is, with untold gold."
Lewis is a quadroon, a fine-looking man,
with European features, hair slightly wavy,
and with an intelligent, agreeable expres-
sion of countenance.
The reader is now desired to compare the
following incidents of his life, part of which
he related personally to the, author, with
the incidents of the life of George Harris.
His mother was a handsome quadroon
woman, the daughter of her master, and
given by him in marriage to a free white
man, a Scotchman, with the express under-
standing that she and her children were to
be free. This engagement, if made sin-
cerely at all, was never complied with. His
mother had nine children, and, on the death
of her husband, came back, with all these
children, as slaves in her father's house.
A married daughter of the family, who
was the dread of the whole household, on
account of the violence of her temper, had
taken from the family, upon her marriage,
a young girl. By the violence of her
abuse she soon reduced the child to a state
of idiocy, and then came imperiously back
to her father's establishment, declaring that
the child was good for nothing, and that
she would have another ; and, as poor Lewis'
evil star would have it, fixed her eye upon
him.
To avoid one of her terrible outbreaks of
temper, the family offered up this boy as a
pacificatory sacrifice. The incident is thus
described by Lewis, in a published narra-
tive :
Every boy was ordered in, to pass before this
female sorceress, that she might select a victim
for her unprovoked malice, and on whom to pour
the vials of her wrath for years. I was that un-
lucky fellow. Mr. Campbell, my grandfather,
objected, because it would divide a family, and
offered her Moses ; * * # but objections and
claims of every kind were swept away by the wild
passion and shrill-toned voice of Mrs. B. Me she
would have, and none else. Mr. Campbell went
out to hunt, and drive away bad thoughts ; the
old lady became quiet, for she was sure none of
her blood run in my veins, and, if there was any
of her husband's there, it was no fault of hers.
Slave-holding women are always revengeful toward
the children of slaves that have any of the blood
of their husbands in them. I was too young —
only seven years of age — to understand, what
was going on. But my poor and affectionate
mother understood and appreciated it all. When
she left the kitchen of the mansion-house, where
she was employed as cook, and came home to her
own little cottage, the tear of anguish was in hei
eye, and the image of sorrow upon every feature
of her face. She knew the female Nero whose
rod was now to be over me. That night sleep
departed from her eyes. With the youngest child
clasped firmly to her bosom, she spent the night
in walking the floor, coming ever and anon to lift
up the clothes and look at me and my poor brother,
who lay sleeping together. Sleeping, I said
Brother slept, but not I. I saw my mother when
she first came to me, and I could not sleep. The
vision of that night — its deep, ineffaceable im-
pression — is now before my mind with all the
distinctness of yesterday. In the morning I was
put into the carriage with Mrs. B. and her chil-
dren, and my weary pilgrimage of suffering was
fairly begun.
Mrs. Banton is a character that can only
exist where the laws of the land clothe with
absolute power the coarsest, most brutal and
violent-tempered, equally with the most
generous and humane.
If irresponsible power is a trial to the
virtue of the most watchful and careful,
how fast must it develop cruelty in those
who are naturally violent and brutal !
This woman was united to a drunken
husband, of a temper equally ferocious. A
recital of all the physical torture which this
pair contrived to inflict on a hapless child,
some of which have left ineffaceable marks
on his person, would be too trying to hu-
manity, and we gladly draw a veil over it.
Some incidents, however, are presented
in the following extracts :
A very trivial offence was sufficient to call forth
a great burst of indignation from this woman of
ungoverned passions. In my simplicity, I put my
lips to the same vessel, and drank out of it, from
which her children were accustomed to drink.
She expressed her utter abhorrence of such an
act by throwing my head violently back, and
dashing into my face two dippers of water. The
shower of water was followed by a heavier shower
of kicks; but the words, bitter and cutting, that
followed, were like a storm of hail upon my young
heart. " She would teach me better manners than
that ; she would let me know I was to be brought
up to her hand ; she would have one slave that
knew his place: if I wanted water, go to the
spring, and not drink there in the house." This
was new times for me ; for some days I was com-
pletely benumbed with my sorrow.
If there be one so lost to all feeling as even to
say that the slaves do not suffer when families
are separated, let such a one go to the ragged
quilt which was my couch and pillow, and stand
there night after night, for long, weary hours,
and see the bitter tears streaming down the face
of that more than orphan boy, while with half-
suppressed sighs and sobs he calls again and
again upon his absent mother.
" Say, wast thou conscious of the tears 1 shed !
Hovered thy spirit o'er thy sorrowing son 1
Wretch even then ! life's journey just begun."
R.EV TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
15
He was employed till late at night in
spinning flax or rocking the baby, and
called at a very early hour in the morning ;
and if he did not start at the first summons,
a cruel chastisement was sure to follow.
He says :
Such horror has seized me, lest I might not
hear the first shrill call, that I have often in
dreams fancied I heard that unwelcome voice,
and have leaped from my couch and walked
through the house and out of it before I awoke.
I have gone and called the other slaves, in my
sleep, and asked them if they did not hear master
call. Never, while I live, will the remembrance
of those long, bitter nights of fear pass from my
mind.
* He adds to this words which should be
deeply pondered by those who lay the flat-
tering unction to, their souls that the op-
pressed do not feel the sundering of family
ties.
But all my severe labor, and bitter and cruel
punishments, for these ten years of captivity with
this worse than Arab family, all these were as
nothing to the sufferings I experienced by being
separated from my mother, brothers and sisters ;
the same things, with them near to sympathize
with me, to hear my story of sorrow, would have
been comparatively tolerable.
They were distant only about thirty miles ; and
yet, in ten long, lonely years of childhood, I was
only permitted to see them three times.
My mother occasionally found an opportunity
to send me some token of remembrance and affec-
tion, — a sugar-plum or an apple ; but I scarcely
ever ate them ; they were laid up, and bandied
and wept over, till they wasted away in my
hand.
My thoughts continually by day, and my dreams
by night, were of mother and home ; and the hor-
ror experienced in the morning, when I awoke
and behold it was a dream, is beyond the power
of language to describe.
Lewis had a beautiful sister by the name
of Delia, who, on the death of her grand-
father, was sold, with all the other children
of his mother, for the purpose of dividing
the estate. She was a pious girl, a mem-
ber of the Baptist church. She fell into
the hands of a brutal, drunken man, who
wished to make her his mistress. Milton
Clark, a brother of Lewis, in the narra-
tive of his life describes the scene where
he, with his mother, stood at the door
while this girl was brutally whipped be-
fore it for wishing to conform to the prin-
ciples of her Christian profession. As her
resolution was unconquerable, she was
placed in a coffle and sent down to the
New Orleans market. Here she was sold
to a Frenchman, named Coval. He took
her to Mexico, emancipated and married
her. After residing some time in France
and the "West Indies with him, he died,
leaving her a fortune of twenty or thirty
thousand dollars. At her death she endeav-
ored to leave this by will to purchase the
freedom of her brothers ; but, as a slave
cannot take property, or even have it left
in trust for him, they never received any
of it.
The incidents of the recovery of Lewis'
freedom are thus told :
I had long thought and dreamed of Liberty ; 1
was now determined to make an effort to gain it.
No tongue can tell the doubt, the perplexities, the
anxiety, which a slave feels, when making up his
mind upon this subject. If he makes an effort,
and is not successful, he must be laughed at by
his fellows, he will be beaten unmercifully by the
master, and then watched and used the harder for
it all his life.
And then, if he gets away, who, what will he
find 1 He is ignorant of the world. All the white
part of mankind, that he has ever seen, are ene-
mies to him and all his kindred. How can he
venture where none but white faces shall greet
him ! The master tells him that abolitionists
decoy slaves off into the free states to catch them
and sell them to Louisiana or Mississippi ; and, if
he goes to Canada, the British will put him in a
mine under ground, with both eyes -put out, for life.
How does he know what or whom to believe ? A
horror of great darkness comes upon him, as he
thinks over what may befall him. Long, very
long time did I think of escaping, before 1 made
the effort.
At length, the report was started that I was to
be sold for Louisiana. Then I thought it was
time to act. My mind was made up.
"What my feelings were when I reached the free
shore can be better imagined than described. I
trembled all over with deep emotion, and I could
feel my hair rise up on my head. I was on what
was called a free soil, among a people who had
no slaves. I saw white men at work, and no
slave smarting beneath the lash. Everything was
indeed new and wonderful. Not knowing where
to find a friend, and being ignorant of the coun-
try, unwilling to inquire, lest I should betray my
ignorance, it was a whole week before I reached
Cincinnati.. At one place where I put up, I had
a great many more questions put to me than I
wished to answer. At another place, I was very
much annoyed by the officiousness of the landlord,
who made it a point to supply every guest with
newspapers. I took the copy handed me, and
turned it over, in a somewhat awkward manner,
I suppose. He came to me to point out a veto,
or some other very important news. I thought it
best to decline his assistance, and gave up the
paper, saying my eyes were not in a fit condition
to read much.
At another place, the neighbors, on learning
that a Kentuckian was al the tavern, came, in
great earnestness, to find out what my business
was. Kentuckians sometimes came there to kid-
nap their citizens. They were in the habit of
watching them close. I at length satisfied them
by assuring them that I was not, nor my father
16
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
before me, any slave-holder at all ; but, lest their
suspicions should be excited in another direction,
I added my grandfather was a slave-holder.
######
At daylight we were in Canada. When I
stepped ashore here, I said, sure enough, I am
free. Good heavens ! what a sensation, when it
first visits the bosom of a full-grown man ; one
born to bondage ; one who had been taught, from
early infancy, that this was his inevitable lot for
life ! Not till then did I dare to cherish, for a
moment, the feeling that one of the limbs of my
body was my own. The slaves often say, when
cut in the hand or foot, "Plague on the old foot"
or " the old hand ! It is master's, — let him take
care of it Nigger don't care if he never get well. "
My hands ; my feet, were now my own.
It will be recollected that George, in con-
versing with Eliza, gives an account of a
seene in which he was violently beaten by
his master's young son. This incident was
suggested by the following letter from John
M. Nelson to Mr. Theodore Weld, given
in Slavery as It, Is, p. 51.
Mr. Nelson removed from Virginia to
Highland County, Ohio, many years since,
where he is extensively known and re-
spected. The letter is dated January 3d,
1839.
I was born and raised in Augusta County, Vir-
ginia ; my father was an elder in the Presbyterian
church, and was " owner " of about twenty slaves ;
he was what was generally termed a " good mas-
ter." His slaves were generally tolerably well fed
and clothed, and not over-worked ; they were some-
times permitted to attend church, and called in to
family worship ; few of them, however, availed
themselves of these privileges. On some occasions
I have seen him whip them severely, particularly
for the crime of trying to obtain their liberty, or for
what was called " running away." For this they
were scourged more severely than for anything else.
After they have been retaken I have seen them
stripped naked and suspended by the hands, some-
times to a tree, sometimes to a post, until their
toes barely touched the ground, and whipped with
a cowhide until the blood dripped from their backs.
A boy named Jack, particularly, I have seen
served in this way more than once. "When I was
quite a child, I recolleet it grieved me very much
to see one tied up to be whipped, and I used to
intercede with tears in their behalf, and mingle
my cries with theirs, and feel almost willing to
take part of the punishment ; I have been severely
rebuked by my father for this kind of sympathy.
Yet, such is the hardening nature of such scenes,
that from this kind of commiseration for the suf-
fering slave I became so blunted that I could not
only witness their stripes with composure, but
myself inflict them, and that without remorse.
One case I have often looked back to with sorrow
and contrition, particularly since I have been con-
vinced that " negroes are men." When I was
perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age, I under-
took to correct a young fellow named Ned, for
some supposed offence, — I think it was leaving a
bridle out of its proper place ; he, being larger
and stronger than myself, took hold of my arms
and held me, in order to prevent my striking him.
This I considered the height of insolence, and
cried for help, when my father and mother both
came running to my rescue. My father stripped
and tied him, and took him into the orchard, where
switches were plenty, and directed me to whip
him ; when one switch wore out, he supplied me
with others. After I had whipped him a while,
he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and I
kicked him in the face ; my father said, " Don't
kick him, but whip him ;" this I did until his
back was literally covered with welts. I know I
have repented, and trust I have obtained pardon
for these things.
My father owned a woman (we used to call
aunt Grace) ; she was purchased in Old Virginia.
She has told me that her old master, in his will,
gave her her freedom, but at his death his sons
had sold her to my father : when he bought her
she manifested some unwillingness to go with him,
when she was put in irons and taken by force.
This was before I was born ; but I remember to
have seen the irons, and was told that was what
they had been used for. Aunt Grace is still living,
and must be between seventy and eighty years of
age ; she has, for the last forty years, been ai*
exemplary Christian. When I was a youth I took
some pains to learn her to read ; this is now a
great consolation to her. Since age and infirmity
have rendered her of little value to her " owners,"
she is permitted to read as much as she pleases ;
this she can do, with the aid of glasses, in the old
family Bible, which is almost the only book she
has ever looked into. This, with some little
mending for the black children, is all she does ;
she is still held as a slave. I well remember what
a heart-rending scene there was in the family when
my father sold her husband; this was, I suppose,
thirty-five years ago. And yet my father was
considered one of the best of masters. I know
of few who were better, but of many who were
worse.
With regard to the intelligence of George,
and his teaching himself to read and write,
there is a most interesting and affecting
parallel to it in the "Life of Frederick
Douglass," — a book which can be recom-
mended to any one who has a curiosity to
trace the workings of an intelligent and ac-
tive mind through all the squalid misery,
degradation and oppression, of slavery. A
few incidents will be given.
Like Clark, Douglass was the son of a
white man. He was a plantation slave in a
proud old family. His situation, probably,
may be considered as an average one ; that
is to say, he led a life of dirt, degradation,
discomfort of various kinds, made tolerable
as a matter of daily habit, and considered
as enviable in comparison with the lot of
those who suffer worse abuse. An incident
which Douglass relates of his mother is
touching. He states that it is customary
at an early age tc separate mothers from
their children, for the purpose of blunting
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
17
and deadening natural affection. When he
was three years old his mother was sent to
work on a plantation eight or ten miles dis-
tant, and after that he never saw her except
in the night. After her day's toil she
would occasionally walk over to her child,
lie down with him in her arms, hush him to
sleep in her bosom, then rise up and walk
back again to be ready for her field work
by daylight. Now, we ask the highest-
born lady in England or America, who is a
mother, whether this does not show that
this poor field- laborer had in her bosom,
beneath her dirt and rags, a true mother's
heart ?
The last and bitterest indignity which
has been heaped on the head of the un-
happy slaves has been the denial to them of
those holy affections which God gives alike
to all. We are told, in fine phrase, by lan-
guid ladies of fashion, that " it is not to be
supposed that those creatures have the same
feelings that we have," when, perhaps, the
very speaker could not endure one tithe of
the fatigue and suffering which the slave-
mother often bears for her child. Every
mother who has a mother's heart within her,
ought to know that this is blasphemy against
nature, and, standing between the cradle of
her living and the grave of her dead child,
should indignantly reject such a slander on
all motherhood.
Douglass thus relates the account of his
learning to read, after he had been removed
to the situation of house-servant in Balti-
more.
It seems that his mistress, newly married
and unaccustomed to the management of
, slaves, was very kind to him, and, among
other acts of kindness^ commenced teaching
him to read. His master, discovering what
was going on, he says,
At once forbade Mrs. Auld to instruct me fur-
ther, telling her, among other things, that it was
unlawful, as well as unsafe, to teach a slave to
read. To use his own words, further, he said,
" If you give a nigger an inch, he will take an ell.
A nigger should know nothing but to obey his
master — to do as he is told to do. Learning
would spoil the best nigger in the world. Now,"
said he, " if you teach that nigger (speaking of
myself) how to read, there would be no keeping
him. It would forever unfit him to be a slave.
He would at once become unmanageable, and of
no value to his master. As to himself, it could
do him no good, but a great deal of harm. It
would make him discontented and unhappy."
These words sank deep into my heart, stirred up
sentiments within that lay slumbering, and called
into existence an entirely new train of thought.
H was a new and special revelation, explaining
dark and mysterious things, with which my youth-
ful understanding had struggled, but struggled in
vain. I now understood what had been to me
a most perplexing difficulty — to wit, the white
man's power to enslave the black man. It was a
grand achievement, and I prized it highly. From
that moment, I understood the pathway from slav-
ery to freedom.
After this, his mistress was as watchful tc
prevent his learning to read as she had
before been to instruct him. His course
after this he thus describes :
From this time I was most narrowly watched.
If I was in a separate room any considerable
length of time, I was sure to be suspected of hav-
ing a book, and was at once called to give an ac-
count of myself. All this, however, was too late.
The first step had been taken. Mistress, in teach-
ing me the alphabet, had given me the inch, and no
precaution could prevent me from taking the ell.
The plan which 1 adopted, and the one by which
I was most successful, was that of making friends
of all the little white boys whom T. met in the
street. As many of these as I could I converted
into teachers. With their kindly aid, obtained at
different times and in different places, I finally suc-
ceeded in learning to read. When I was sent of
errands I always took my book with me, and by
going one part of my errand quickly, I found time
to get a lesson before my return. I used also to
carry bread with me, enough of which was always
in the house, and to which I was always welcome ;
for I was much better off in this regard than many
of the poor white children in our neighborhood.
This bread I used to bestow upon the hungry little
urchins, who, in return, would give me that more
valuable bread of knowledge. I am strongly
tempted to give the names of two or three of those
little boys, as a testimonial of the gratitude and
affection I bear them ; but prudence forbids ; —
not that it would injure me, but it might embarrass
them ; for it is almost an unpardonable offence to
teach slaves to read in this Christian country. It
is enough to say of the dear little fellows, that
they lived on Philpot-street, very near Durgin and
Bailey's ship-yard. I used to talk this matter of
slavery over with them. I would sometimes say
to them I wished I could be as free as they would
be when they got to be men. " You will be free
as soon as you are twenty-one , but I am a slave for
life ! Have not I as good a right to be free as you
have ?" These words used to trouble them ; they
would express for me the liveliest sympathy, and
console me with the hope that something would
occur by which I might be free.
I was now about twelve years old, and the
thought of being a slave for life began to bear
heavily upon my heart. Just about this time I
got hold of a book entitled " The Columbian Ora-
tor." Every opportunity I got I used to read this
book. Among much of other interesting matter,
I found in it a dialogue between a master and his
slave. The slave was represented as having run
away from his master three times. The dialogue
represented the conversation which took/ place be-
tween them when the slave was retaken the third
time. In this dialogue, the whole argument in
behalf of slavery was brought forward by the
master, all of which was disposed of by the slave.
The slave was made to say some very smart as
well as impressive things in reply to his master,
18
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
— things which had the desired though unex-
pected effect ; for the conversation resulted in the
voluntary emancipation of the slave on the part
of the master.
In the same hook I met with one of Sheridan's
mighty speeches on and in behalf of Catholic
emancipation. These were choice documents to
me. I read them over and over again, with un-
abated interest. They gave tongue to interesting
thoughts of my own soul, which had frequently
flashed through my mind, and died away for want
of utterance. The moral which I gained from the
dialogue was the power of truth over the con-
science of even a slave-holder. What I got from
Sheridan was a bold denunciation of slavery, and
a powerful vindication of human rights. The
reading of these documents enabled me to utter
my thoughts, and to meet the arguments brought
forward to sustain slavery ; but, while they re-
lieved me of one difficulty, they brought on another
even more painful than the one of which I was
relieved. The more I read, the more I was led to
abhor and detest my enslavers. I could regard
them in no other light than a band of successful
robbers, who had left their homes, and gone to
Africa, and stolen us from our homes, and in a
strange land reduced us to slavery. I loathed
them as being the meanest as well as the most
wicked of men. As I read and contemplated the
subject, behold ! that very discontentment which
Master Hugh had predicted would follow my
learning to read had«already come, to torment and
sting my soul to unutterable anguish. As I
writhed under it, I would at times feel that learn-
ing to read had been a curse rather than a bless-
ing. It had given me a view of my wretched con-
dition without the remedy. It opened my eyes to
the horrible pit, but to no ladder upon which to
get out. In moments of agony I envied my
fellow-slaves for their stupidity. I have often
wished myself a beast. I preferred the condition
of the meanest reptile to my own. Anything, no
matter what, to get rid of thinking ! It was this
everlasting thinking of my condition that tor-
mented me. There was no getting rid of it. It
was pressed upon me by every object within sight
or hearing, animate or inanimate. The silver
trump of freedom had roused my soul to eternal
wakefulness. Freedom now appeared, to disap-
pear no more forever. It was heard in every
sound, and seen in every thing. It was ever pres-
ent to torment me with a sense of my wretched
condition. *I saw nothing without seeing it, I
heard nothing without hearing it, and felt nothing
without feeling it. It looked from every star, it
smiled in every calm, breathed in every wind, and
moved in every storm.
I often found myself regretting my own exist-
ence, and wishing myself dead ; and but for the
hope of being free, I have no doubt but that I
should have killed myself, or done something for
which I should have been killed. While in this
state of mind I was eager to hear any one speak
of slavery. I was a ready listener. Every little
while I could hear something about the abolition-
ists. It was some time before I found what the
word meant. It was always used in such connec-
tions as to make it an interesting word to me. If
a slave ran away and succeeded in getting clear,
or if a slave killed his master, set fire to a barn,
or did anything very wrong in the mind of a slave-
holder, it was spoken of as the fruit of abolition.
Hearing the word in this connection very often. I
set about learning what it meant. The dictionary
afforded me little or no help. I found it was " the
act of abolishing ;" but then I did not know wha'*
was to be abolished. Here I was perplexed. I
did not dare to ask any one about its meaning,
for I was satisfied that it was something they
wanted me to know very little about. After a
patient waiting, I got one of our city papers, con-
taining an account of the number of petitions from
the North praying for the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, and of the slave-trade
between the states. From this time I understood
the words abolition and abolitionist, and always
drew near when that word was spoken, expecting
to hear something of importance to myself and
fellow-slaves. The light broke in upon me by de-
grees. I went one day down on the wharf of Mr.
Waters ; and, seeing two Irishmen unloading a
scow of stone, I went, unasked, and helped them.
When we had finished, one of them came to me
and asked me if I were a slave. I told him I was.
He asked, " Are ye a slave for life"?" I told him
that I was. The good Irishman seemed to be
deeply affected by the statement. He said to the
other that it was a pity so fine a little fellow as my-
self should be a slave for life. He said it was a
shame to hold me. They both advised me to run
away to the North ; that I should find friends there,
and that I should be free. I pretended not to be
interested in what they said, and treated them as>
if I did not understand them ; for I feared they
might be treacherous. White men have been
known to encourage slaves to escape, and then, to
get the reward, catch them and return them to
their masters. I was afraid that these seemingly
good men might use me so ; but I nevertheless
remembered their advice, and from that time I re-
solved to run away. I looked forward to a time
at which it would be safe for me to escape. I
was too young to think of doing so immediately ;
besides, I wished to learn how to write, as I might
have occasion to write my own pass. I consoled
myself with the hope that I should one day find a
good chance. Meanwhile I would learn to write.
The idea as to how I might learn to write was
suggested to me by being in Durgin and Bailey's
ship-yard, and frequently seeing the ship carpen-
ters, after hewing and getting a piece of timber
ready for use, write on the timber the name of
that part of the ship for which it was intended.
When a piece of timber was intended for the lar-
board side it would be marked thus — " L."
When a piece was for the starboard side it would
be marked thus — " S." A piece for the larboard
side forward would be marked thus — ' ; L. F."
When a piece was for starboard side forward it
would be marked thus — " S. F." For larboard
aft it would be marked thus — "L.A." For
starboard aft it would be marked thus — " S. A."
I soon learned the names of these letters, and for
what they were intended when placed upon a
piece of timber in the ship-yard. I immediately
commenced copying them, and in a short time was
able to make the four letters named. After that,
when 1 met with any boy who I knew could write,
I would tell him I could write as well as he. The
next word would be, " I don't believe you. Let
me see you try it." I would then make the let-
ters which I had been so fortunate as to learn,
and ask him to beat that In this way I got a
good many lessons in writing, which it is quite
possible I should never have gotten in any other
way. During this time my copy-book was the
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
19
board fence, brick wall and pavement ; my pen
and ink was a lump of chalk. With these I
learned mainly how to write. I then commenced
and continued copying the Italics in Webster's
Spelling-book, until I could make them all with-
out looking on the book. By this time my little
Master Thomas had gone to school and learned
how to write, and had written over a number of
copy-books. These had been brought home, and
shown to some of our near neighbors, and then
laid aside. My mistress used to go to class-meet-
ing at the Wilk-street meeting-house every Mon-
day afternoon, and leave me to take care of the
house. When left thus I used to spend the time
in writing in the spaces left in Master Thomas'
copy-book, copying what he had written. I con-
tinued to do this until I could write a hand very
similar to that of Master Thomas. Thus, after a
long, tedious effort for years, I finally succeeded
in learning how to write.
Those few quoted incidents will show
that the case of George Harris is by no
means so uncommon as might be supposed.
Let the reader peruse the account which
George Harris gives of the sale of his
mother and her children, and then read the
following account given by the venerable
Josiah Henson, now pastor of the mission-
ary settlement at Dawn, in Canada.
After the death of his master, he says,
the slaves of the plantation were all put up
at auction and sold to the highest bidder.
My brothers and sisters were bid off one by one,
while my mother, holding my hand, looked on in
an agony of grief, the cause of which I but ill
understood at first, but which dawned on my mind
with dreadful clearness as the sale proceeded. My
mother was then separated from me, and put up
in her turn. She was bought by a man named
Isaac R., residing in Montgomery County [Mary-
land], and then I was offered to the assembled pur-
chasers. My mother, half distracted with the
parting forever from all her children, pushed
through the crowd, while the bidding for me was
going on, to the spot where R. was standing. She
fell at his feet, and clung to his knees, entreating
him, in tones that a mother only could command,
to buy her baby as well as herself, and spare to her
one of her little ones at least Will it, can it be
believed, that this man, thus appealed to, was
capable not merely of turning a deaf ear to her
supplication, but of disengaging himself from her
with such violent blows and kicks as to reduce
her to the necessity of creeping out of his reach,
and mingling the groan of bodily suffering with
trfie sob of a breaking heart ?
Now, all these incidents that have been
given are real incidents of slavery, related
by those who know slavery by the best of
all tests — experience ; and they are given
by men who have earned a character in free-
dom which makes their word as good as the
word of any man living.
The case of Lewis Clark might be called
a harder one than common. The case of
Douglass is probably a very fair average
Specimen.
The writer has conversed, in her time, with
a very considerable number of liberated
slaves, many of whom stated that their own
individual lot had been comparatively a mild
one ; but she never talked with one who »
did not let fall, first or last, some incident
which he had observed, some scene which
he had witnessed, which went to show some
most horrible abuse of the system ; and,
what was most affecting about it, the nar-
rator often evidently considered it so much a
matter of course as to mention it incident-
ally, without any particular emotion.'
It is supposed by many that the great
outcry among those who are opposed to
slavery comes from a morbid reading of
unauthenticated accounts gotten up in
abolition papers, &c. This idea is a very
mistaken one. The accounts which tell
against the slave-system are derived from
the continual living testimony of the poor
slave himself; often from that of the fugi-
tives from slavery who are continually pass-
ing through our Northern cities.
As a specimen of some of the incidents
thus developed, is given the following fact
of recent occurrence, related to the author
by a lady in Boston. This lady, who was .
much in the habit of visiting the poor, was
sent for, a month or two since, to see a
mulatto woman who had just arrived at a
colored boarding-house near by, and who
appeared to be in much dejection of mind.
A little conversation showed her to be a fu-
gitive. Her history was as follows : She,
with her brother, were, as is often the case,
both the children and slaves of their master.
At his death they were left to his legitimate
daughter as her servants, and treated with
as much consideration as very common kind
of people might be expected to show to those
who were entirely and in every respect at
their disposal.
The wife of her brother ran away to
Canada ; and as there was some talk of sell-
ing her and her child, in consequence of
some embarrassment in the family affairs,
her brother, a fine-spirited young man, de-
termined to effect her escape, also, to a land
of liberty. He concealed her for some time
in the back part of an obscure dwelling in
the city, till he could find an opportunity
to send her off. While she was in this re-
treat, he was indefatigable in his attentions
to her, frequently bringing her fruit and
flowers, and doing everything he could to
beguile the weariness of her imprisonment.
20
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
At length, the steward of a vessel, whom
he had obliged, offered to conceal him on
board the ship, and give him a chance to
escape. The noble-hearted fellow, though
tempted by an offer which would enable
him immediately to join his wife, to whom
he was tenderly attached, preferred to give
this offer to his sister, and during the ab-
sence of the captain of the vessel she and
her child were brought on board and se-
creted.
The captain, when he returned and dis-
covered what had been done, was very
angry, as the thing, if detected, would
have involved him in very serious difficul-
ties. He declared, at first, that he would
send the woman up into town to jail ; but,
by her entreaties and those of the steward,
was induced to wait till evening, and send
word to her brother to come and take her
back. After dark the brother came on
board, and, instead of taking his sister
away, began to appeal to the humanity of
the captain in the most moving terms. He
told his sister's history and his own, and
pleaded eloquently his desire for her liberty.
The captain had determined to be obdurate,
but, alas ! he was only a man. Perhaps
he had himself a wife and child, — perhaps
he felt that, were he in the young man's
case, he would do just so for his sister. Be
it as it may, he was at last overcome. He
said to the young man, " I must send you
away from my ship ; I '11 put off a boat
and see you got into it, and you must row
off, and never let me see your faces again ;
and if, after all, you should come back and
get on board, it will be your fault, and not
mine."
So, in the rain and darkness, the young
man and his sister and child were lowered
over the side of the vessel, and rowed away.
After a while the ship weighed anchor, but
before she reached Boston it was discovered
that the woman and child were on board.
The lady to whom this story was related
was requested to write a letter, in certain
terms, to a person in the city whence the
fugitive had come, to let the brother know
of her safe arrival.
The fugitive was furnished with work,
by which she could support herself and
child, and the lady carefully attended to her
wants for a few weeks.
One morning she came in, with a good
deal of agitation, exclaiming, " 0, ma'am,
he's come ! George is come ! " And in a
few minutes the young man was introduced
The lady who gave this relation belongs
to the first circles of Boston society ; she
says that she never was more impressed by
the personal manners of any gentleman
than by those of this fugitive brother. So
much did he have the air of a perfect, fin-
ished gentleman, that she felt she could not
question him with regard to his escape with
the familiarity with which persons of his
condition are commonly approached ; and it
was not till he requested her to write a let-
ter for him, because he could not write
himself, that she could realize that this
fine specimen of manhood had been all his
life a slave.
The remainder of the history is no less
romantic. The lady had a friend in Mont-
real, whither George's wife had gone ; and,
after furnishing money to pay their ex-
penses, she presented them with a letter to
this gentleman, requesting the latter to
assist the young man in finding his wife.
When they landed at Montreal, George
stepped on shore and presented this letter
to the first man he met, asking him if he
knew to whom it was directed. The gen-
tleman proved to be the very person to
whom the letter was addressed. He knew
George's wife, brought him to her without
delay, so that, by return mail, the lady had
the satisfaction of learning the happy termi-
nation of the adventure.
This is but a specimen of histories which
are continually transpiring; so that thos<*
who speak of slavery can say, " We speak
that which we do know, and testify that we
have seen."
But we shall be told the slaves are all a
lying race, and that these are lies which they
tell us. There are some things, however,
about these slaves, which cannot lie. Those
deep lines of patient sorrow upon the face ;
that attitude of crouching and humble sub-
jection ; that sad, habitual expression of
hope deferred, in the eye, — would tell their
story, if the slave never spoke. .
It is not long since the writer has seen
faces such as might haunt one's dreams for
weeks.
Suppose a poor, worn-out mother, sicklj,
feeble and old, — her hands worn to the bone
with hard, unpaid toil, — -whose nine children
have been sold to the slave-trader, and
whose tenth soon is to be sold, unless by her
labor as washer-woman she can raise nine
hundred dollars ! Such are the kind of cases
constantly coming to one's knowledge, — ■
such are the witnesses which will not let us
sleep.
Doubt has been expressed whether such
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
21
a thing as an advertisement for a man.
" dead or alive" like the advertisement for
George Harris, was ever published in the
Southern States. The scene of the story in
which that occurs is supposed to be laid a
few years back, at the time when the black
laws of Ohio were passed. That at this
time such advertisements were common in
the newspapers, there is abundant evidence.
That they are less common now, is a matter
of hope and gratulation.
In the year 1839, Mr. Theodore D.
Weld made a systematic attempt to collect
and arrange the statistics of slavery. A
mass of facts and statistics was gathered,
which were authenticated with the most
unquestionable accuracy. Some of the
" one thousand witnesses," whom he brings
upon the stand, were ministers, lawyers,
merchants, and men of various other call-
ings, who were either natives of the slave
states, or had been residents there for many
years of their life. Many of these were
slave-holders. Others of the witnesses
were, or had been, slave-drivers, or officers of
coasting-vessels engaged in the slave-trade.
Another part of his evidence was gath-
ered from public speeches in Congress, in
the state legislatures, and elsewhere. But
the majority of it was taken from recent
newspapers.
The papers from which these facts were
copied were preserved and put on file in a
public place, where they remained for some
years, for the information of the curious.
After Mr. Weld's book was completed, a
copy of it was sent, through the mail, to
every editor from whose paper such adver-
tisements had been taken, and to every in-
dividual of whom any facts had been nar-
rated, with the passages which concerned
them marked.
It is quite possible that this may have
had some influence in rendering such ad-
vertisements less common. Men of sense
often go on doing a thing which is very
absurd, or even inhuman, simply because it
has always been done before them, and they
follow general custom, without much reflec-
tion. When their attention, however, is
called to it by a stranger who sees the
thing from another point of view, they be-
come immediately sensible of the improprie-
ty of the practice, and discontinue it. The
reader will, however, be pained to notice,
when he comes to the legal part of the book,
that even in some of the largest cities of our
slave states this barbarity had not been en-
tirely discontinued, in the year 1850.
The list of advertisements in Mr. Weld's
book is here inserted, not to weary the
reader with its painful details, but that, by
running his eye over the dates of the papers
quoted, and the places of their publication,
he may form a fair estimate of the extent to
which this atrocity was publicly practised :
The Wilmington (North Carolina) Advertiser of
July 13, 1838, contains the following advertise-
ment :
" $100 will be paid to any person who may ap~
prehend and safely confine in any jail in this state
a certain negro man, named Alfred. And the
same reward will be paid, if satisfactory evidence
is given of his having been killed. He has one or
more scars on one of his hands, caused by his hav-
ing been shot. The Citizens of Onslow.
" Richlands, Onslow Co., May 16, 1838."
In the same column with the above , and direct-
ly under it, is the following :
" Ranaway, my negro man Richard. A reward
of $25 will be paid for his apprehension, DEAD
or ALIVE. Satisfactory proof will only be re-
quired of his being KILLED. He has with
him, in all probability, his wife, Eliza, who ran
away from Col. Thompson, now a resident of Ala-
bama, about the time he commenced his journey
to that state. Durant H. Rhodes."
In the Macon (Georgia) Telegraph, May 28, is
the following : ♦
" About the 1st of March last the negro man
Ransom left me without the least provocation
whatever ; I will give a reward of twenty dollars
for said negro, if taken, dead or alive, — and if
killed in any attempt, an advance of five dollars
will be paid. Bryant Johnson.
"Crawford Co., Georgia."
See the Newbern (N. C.) Spectator, Jan. 5, 1838,
for the following :
" RANATVAY from the subscriber, a negro
man named SAMPSON. Fifty dollars reward
will be given for the delivery of him to me, or his
confinement in any jail, so that I get him ;
and should he resist in being taken, so that vio-
lence is necessary to arrest him, I will not hold
any person liable for damages should the slave be
killed. Enoch Foy.
"Jones Co., N. C."
From the Charleston (S. C.) Courier, Feb. 20,
1836:
" $300 REWARD. —Ranaway from the sub-
scriber, in November last, his two negro men,
named Billy and Pompey.
" Billy is 25 years old, and is known as the
patroon of my boat for many years ; in all proba-
bility he may resist ; in that event 50 dollars will
be paid for his HEAD."
CHAPTER V.
ELIZA.
The writer stated in her book that Eliza
was a portrait drawn from life. The inci-
22
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
dent -which brought the original to her
notice may be simply narrated.
While the writer was travelling in Ken-
tucky, many years ago, she attended church
in a small country town. While there, her
attention was called to a beautiful quadroon
girl, who sat in one of the slips of the church,
and appeared to have charge of some young
children. The description of Eliza may
suffice for a description of her. When the
author returned from church, she inquired
about the girl, and was told that she was as
good and amiable as she was beautiful ; that
she was a pious girl, and a member of the
church ; and, finally, that she was owned
by Mr. So-and-so. The idea that this girl
was a slave struck a chill to her heart, and
she said, earnestly, " 0, I hope they treat
her kindly."
" 0, certainly," was the reply; " they
think as much of her as of their own chil-
dren."
" I hope they will never sell her," said a
person in the company.
1 l Certainly they will not ; a Southern
gentleman, not long ago, offered her master
a thousand dollars .for her: but he told him
that she was too good to be his wife, and he
certainly should not have her for a mis-
tress."
This is all that the writer knows of that
With regard to the incident of Eliza's
crossing the river on the ice, — as the possi-
bility of the thing has been disputed, — -the
writer gives the following circumstance in
confirmation.
Last spring, while the author was in New
York, a Presbyterian clergyman, of Ohio,
came to her, and said, "I understand they
dispute that fact about the woman's crossing
the river. Now, I know all about that, for
I got the story from the very man that
helped her up the bank. I know it is true,
for she is now living in Canada."
It has been objected that the representa-
tion of the scene in which the plan for kid-
napping Eliza, concocted by Haley, Marks
and Loker, at the tavern, is a gross carica-
ture on the state of things in Ohio.
What knowledge the author has had of
the facilities which some justices of the
peace, under the old fugitive law of Ohio,
were in the habit of giving to kidnapping,
may be inferred by comparing the statement
in her book with some in her personal knowl-
edge.
" Ye see," said Marks to Haley, stirring his
punch as he did so, " ye see, we has justices con-
venient at all p'ints along shore, that does up any
little jobs in our line quite reasonable. Tom, he
does the knockin' down, and that ar ; and I come
in all dressed up, — shining boots, — everything
first chop, — when the swearin' 's to be done. Yo"
oughter see me, now !" said Marks, in a glow of
professional pride, " how I can tone it off. One
day I 'm Mr. Tvvickem, from New Orleans ;
'nother day, I 'm just come from my plantation on
Pearl river, where I works seven hundred nig-
gers ; then, again, I come out a distant relation
to Henry Clay, or some old cock in Kentuck.
Talents is different, you know. Now, Tom 's a
roarer when there 's any thumping or fighting to
be done; but at lying he an't good, Tom an't ;
ye see it don't come natural to him ; but, Lord !
if thar 's a feller in the country that can swear to
anything and everything, and put in all the cir-
cumstances and flourishes with a longer face, and
carry 't through better 'n I can, why, I 'd like to
see him, that 's all ! I b'lieve, my heart, I could
get along, and make through, even if justices
were more particular than they is. Sometimes I
rather wish they was more particular ; 't would
be a heap more relishin' if they was, — more fun,
yer know."
In the year 1839, the writer received
into her family, as a servant, a girl from
Kentucky. She had been the slave of one
of the lowest and most brutal families, with
whom she had been brought up, in a log-
cabin, in a state of half-barbarism. In pro-
ceeding to give her religious instruction, the
author heard, for the first time in her life,
an inquiry which she had not supposed pos-
sible to be made in America : — "Who is
Jesus Christ, now, anyhow?"
When the author told her the history of
the love and life and death of Christ, the
girl seemed wholly overcome ; tears streamed
down her cheeks; and she exclaimed, pite-
ously, "Why didn't nobody never tell me
this before 1 ' '
"But," said the writer to her, "have n't
you ever seen the Bible?"
"Yes, I have seen missus a-readin' on 't
sometimes ; but, law sakes ! she 's just
a-readin' on 't 'cause she could ; don't s'pose
it did her no good, no way."
She said she had been to one or two camp-
meetings in her life, but " did n't notice very
particular."
At all events, the story certainly made
great impression on her, and had such an
effect in improving her conduct, that the
writer had great hopes of her.
On inquiring into her history, it was dis-
covered that, by the laws of Ohio, she was
legally entitled to her freedom, from the
fact of her having been brought into the
state, and left there, temporarily, by the
consent of her mistress. These facts being
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
23
properly authenticated before the proper
authorities, papers attesting her freedom
were drawn up, and it was now supposed
that all danger of pursuit was over. After
she had remained in the family for some
months, word was sent, from various sources,
to Professor .Stowe, that the girl's young
master was over, looking for her, and that,
if care were not taken, she would be con-
veyed back into slavery.
Professor Stowe called on the magistrate
who had authenticated her papers, and
inquired whether they were not sufficient to
protect her. Tile reply was, " Certainly
they are, in law, if she could have a fair
hearing ; but they will come to your house
in the night, with an officer and a warrant ;
they will take her before Justice D ,
and swear to her. He 's the man that does
all this, kind of business, and he '11 deliver
her up, and there '11 be an end to it."
Mr. Stowe then inquired what could be
done ; and was recommended to carry her to
some place of security till the inquiry for
her was over. Accordingly, that night, a
brother of the author, with Professor Stowe,
performed for the fugitive that office which
the senator is represented as performing for
Eliza. They drove about ten miles on a
solitary road, crossed the creek at a very
dangerous fording, and presented themselves,
at midnight, at the house of John Van
Zandt, a noble-minded Kentuckian, who had
performed the good deed which the author,
in her story, ascribes to Van Tromp. ,
After some rapping at the door, the wor-
thy owner of the mansion appeared, candle
in hand, as has been narrated.
" Are you the man that would save a
poor colored girl from kidnappers?" was the
first question.
" Guess I am," was the prompt response .;
"where is she? "
" Why, she's here."
" But how did you come ? "
"I crossed the creek."
' ' Why, the Lord helped you ! ' • said he ;
"I shouldn't dare cross it myself in the
night. A man and his wife, and five chil-
dren, were drowned. there, a little while
ago."
The reader may be interested to know
that the poor girl never was re-taken ; that
she married well in Cincinnati, is a very
respectable woman, and the mother of a
large family of children.
CHAPTER VI.
UNCLE TOM.
The character of Uncle Tom has been
objected to as improbable ; and yet the
writer has received more confirmations of
that character, and from a greater variety
of sources, than of any other in the book.
Many people have said to her, ' ' I knew
an Uncle Tom in such and such a Southern
State." All the histories of this kind which
have thus been related to her would of
themselves, if collected, make a small vol-
ume. The author will relate a few of them.
While visiting in an obscure town in
Maine, in the family of a friend, the conver-
sation happened to turn upon this subject,
and the gentleman with whose family she
was staying related the following. He said
that, when on a visit to his brother, in New
Orleans, some years before, he found in his
possession a most valuable negro man, of
such remarkable probity and honesty that
his brother literally trusted him with all he
had. He had frequently seen him take out
a handful of bills, without looking at them,
and hand them to this servant, bidding him
go and provide what was necessary for the
family, and bring him the change. He
remonstrated with his brother on this impru-
dence ; but the latter replied that he had had
such proof of this servant's impregnable con-
scientiousness that he felt it safe to trust
him to any extent.
The history of the servant was this. He
had belonged to a man in Baltimore, who,
having a general prejudice against all the
religious exercises of slaves, did all that he
could to prevent his having any time for
devotional duties, and strictly forbade him
to read the Bible and pray, either by him-
self, or with the. other servants ; and because,
like a certain man of old, named Daniel, he
constantly disobeyed this unchristian edict,
his master inflicted upon him that punish-
ment which a master always has in his
power to inflict, — he sold him into perpet-
ual exile from his wife and children, down to
New Orleans.
The gentleman who gave the writer this inr-
formation says that, although not himself a
religious man at the time, he was so struck
with the man's piety that he said to his
brother, "I hope you will never do any thing
to deprive this man of his religious privi-
leges, for I think a judgment will come upon
you if you do." To this his brother replied
that he should be very foolish to do it, since
24
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
he had made up his mind that the man's
religion was the root of his extraordinary
excellences.
Some time since, there was sent to the
■writer from the South, through the mail, a
little book, entitled, " Sketches of Old Vir-
ginia Family Servants," with a preface by
Bishop Meade. The book contains an
account of the following servants : African
Bella, Old Milly, Blind Lucy, Aunt Betty,
Springfield Bob, Mammy Chris, Diana
Washington, Aunt Margaret, Rachel Par-
ker, Nelly Jackson, My Own Mammy, Aunt
Beck.
The following extract from Bishop Meade's
preface may not be uninteresting.
The following sketches were placed in my hands
with a request that I would examine them with a
view to publication.
After reading them I could not but think that
they would be both pleasing and edifying.
Very many such examples of fidelity and piety
might be added from the old Virginia families.
These will suffice as specimens, and will serve to
show how interesting the relation between master
and servant often is.
Many will doubtless be surprised to find that
there was so much intelligence, as well as piety, in
some of the old servants of Virginia, and that they
had learned to read the Sacred Scriptures, so as to
be useful in this way among their fellow-servants.
Tt is, and always has been true, in regard to the
servants of the Southern States, that although
public schools may have been prohibited, yet no
interference has been attempted, where the own-
ers have chosen to teach their servants, or permit
them to learn in a private way, how to read
God's word. Accordingly, there always have
been some who were thus taught. In the more
southern states the number of these has most
abounded. Of this fact I became well assured,
about thirty years since, when visiting the Atlan-
tic states, with a view to the formation of auxil-
iary colonization societies, and the selection of
the first colonists for Africa. In the city of
Charleston, South Carolina, I found more intelli-
gence and character among the free colored popu-
lation than anywhere else. The same was true
of some of those in bondage. A respectable num-
ber might be seen in certain parts of the Episco-
pal churches which I attended using their prayer-
books, and joining in the responses of the church.
Many purposes of convenience and hospitality
were subserved by this encouragement of cultiva-
tion in some of the servants, on the part of the
owners.
When travelling many years since with a sick
wife, and two female relatives, from Charleston
to Virginia, at a period of the year when many of
the families from the country resort to the town for
health, we were kindly urged to call at the seat
of one of the first families in South Carolina, and
a letter from the mistress, then in the city, was
given us, to her servant, who had charge of the
house in the absence of the family. On reaching
there and delivering the letter to a most respect-
able-looking female servant, who immediately read
it, we were kindly welcomed, and entertained,
during a part of two days, as sumptuously as
though the owner had been present. We un-
derstood that it was no uncommon thing in South
Carolina for travellers to be thus entertained by
the servants in the absence of the owners, on re-
ceiving letters from the same.
Instances of confidential and affectionate rela-
tionship between servants and their masters and
mistresses, such as are set forth in the following
Sketches, are still to be found in all the slave-
holding states. I mention one, which has come
under my own observation. The late Judge Up-
shur, of Virginia, had a faithful house-servant
(by his will now set free), with whom he used to
correspond on matters of business, when he was
absent on his circuit. I was dining at his house,
some years since, with a number of persons, him-
self being absent, when the conversation turned on
the subject of the presidential election, then
going on through the United States, and about
which there was an intense interest ; when his
servant informed us that he had that day received
a letter from his master, then on the western
shore, in which he stated that the friends of Gen-
eral Harrison might be relieved from all uneasi-
ness, as the returns already received made his
election quite certain.
Of course it is not to be supposed that we de-
sign to convey the impression that such instances
are numerous, the nature of the relationship for-
bidding it ; but we do mean emphatically to
affirm that there is far more of kindly and Chris-
tian intercourse than many at a distance are apt
to believe. That there is a great and sad want of
Christian instruction, notwithstanding the more
recent efforts put forth to impart it, we most
sorrowfully acknowledge .
Bishop Meade adds that these sketches
are published with the hope that they might
have the effect of turning the attention of
ministers and heads of families more seri-
ously to the duty of caring for the souls of
their servants.
With regard to the servant of Judge Up-
shur, spoken of in this communication of
Bishop Meade, his master has left, in his
last will, the following remarkable tribute to
his worth and excellence of character :
I emancipate and set free my servant, David
Rice, and direct my executors to give him one hun-
dred dollars. I recommend him in the strongest
manner to the respect, esteem and confidence, of
any community in which he may happen to live.
He has been my slave for twenty-four years, dur-
ing all which time he has been trusted to every
extent, and in every respect ; my confidence in
him has been unbounded ; his relation to myself
and family has always been such as to afford him
daily opportunities to deceive and injure us, yet
he has never been detected in any serious fault,
nor even in an unintentional breach of the deco-
rum of his station. His intelligence is of a high
order, his integrity above all suspicion, and his
sense of right and propriety correct, and even
refined. I feel that he is justly entitled to carry
this certificate from me in the new relations which
he must now form ; it is due to his long and most
faithful services, and to the sincere and steady
friendship which I bear to him In the uninter-
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
25
•up ted confidential intercourse of twenty-four
years, I have never given him, nor had occasion
to give him, one unpleasant word. I know no
man who has fewer faults or moir f . excellences
than he.
In the free states there have been a few
instances of such extraordinary piety among
negroes, that their biography and sayings
have been collected in religious tracts, and
published for the instruction of tlis commu-
nity.
One of these was, before his conversion, a
convict in a state-prison in New York, and
there received what was, perhaps, the first
religious instruction that had ever been im-
parted to him. He became so eminent an
example of humility, faith, and, above all,
fervent love, that his presence in the neigh-
borhood was esteemed a blessing to the church.
A lady has described to the writer the man-
ner in which he would stand up and exhort
in the church-meetings for prayer, when,
with streaming eyes and the deepest abase-
ment, humbly addressing them as his mas-
ters and misses, he would nevertheless pour
forth religious exhortations which were edify-
ing to the most cultivated and refined.
In the town of Brunswick, Maine, where
the writer lived when writing " Uncle Tour's
Cabin," may now be seen the grave of an aged
colored woman, named rhebe, who was so
eminent for her piety and loveliness of char-
acter, that the writer has never heard her
name mentioned except with that degree of
awe and respect which one would imagine
due to a saint. The small cottage where she
resided is still visited and looked upon as a
sort of shrine, as the spot where old Phebe
lived and prayed. Her prayers and pious
exhortations were supposed to have been the
cause of the conversion of many young people
in the place. Notwithstanding that the un-
christian feeling of caste prevails as strongly
in Maine as anywhere else in New England,
and the negro, commonly speaking, is an
object of aversion and contempt, yet, so great
was the influence of her piety and loveliness
of character, that she was uniformly treated
with the utmost respect and attention by all
classes of people. The most cultivated and
intelligent ladies of the place esteemed it a
privilege to visit her cottage ; and when she
was old and helpless, her wants were most
tenderly provided for. When the news of
her death was spread abroad in the place, it
excited a general and very tender sensation
of regret. " We have lost Phebe' s prayers,"
was the remark frequently made afterwards
by members of the church, as they met one
another. At her funeral the ex-governor
of the state and the professors of the college
officiated as pall-bearers, and a sermon was
preached in which the many excellences of
her Christian character were held up as an
example to the community. A small reli-
gious tract, containing an account of her life,
was published by the American Tract So-
ciety, prepared by a lady of Brunswick. The
writer recollects that on reading the tract,
when she first went to Brunswick, a doubt
arose in her mind whether it was not some-
what exaggerated. Some time afterwards
she overheard some young persons convers-
ing together about the tract, and saying that
they did not think it gave exactly the right
idea of Phebe. " Why, is it too highly col-
ored ? " was the inquiry of the author. " 0,
no, no, indeed," was the earnest response ;
"it doesn't begin to give an idea of how
good she was."
Such instances as these serve to illus-
trate the words of the apostle, " God hath
chosen the foolish things of the world to con-
found the wise ; and God hath chosen the
weak things of the world to confound the
things which are mighty."
John Bunyan says that although the val-
ley of humiliation be unattractive in the eyes
of the men of this world, yet the very sweet-
est flowers grow there. So it is with the
condition of the lowly and poor in this world.
God has often, indeed always, shown a par-
ticular regard for it, in selecting from that
class the recipients of his grace. It is to be
remembered that Jesus Christ, when he came
to found the Christian dispensation, did not
choose his apostles from the chief priests and
the scribes, learned in the law, and high in
the church ; nor did he choose them from
philosophers and poets, whose educated and
comprehensive minds might be supposed best
able to appreciate his great designs ; but he
chose twelve plain, poor fishermen, who were
ignorant, and felt that they were ignorant,
and who, therefore, were willing to give them-
selves up with all simplicity to his guidance.
What God asks of the soul more than any-
thing else is faith and simplicity, the affectioi
and reliance of the little child. Even thes^
twelve fancied too much that they were wise,
and Jesus was obliged to set a little child in
the midst of them, as a more perfect teacher.
The negro race is confessedly more simple,
docile, child-like and affectionate, than other
races ; and hence the divine graces of love and
faith, when in-breathed by the Holy Spirit,
find in their natural temperament a more
congenial atmosphere.
26
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
A last instance parallel with that of Uncle
Tom is to be found in the published memoirs
of the venerable Josiah Henson, now, as we
have said, a clergyman in Canada. He was
4 'raised' ' in the State of Maryland. His first
recollections were of seeing his father muti-
lated and covered with blood, suffering the
penalty of the law for the crime of raising
his hand 'against a white man, — that white
man being the overseer, who had attempted a
brutal assault upon his mother. This punish-
ment made his father surly and dangerous,
and he was subsequently sold south, and thus
parted forever from his wife and children.
Henson grew up in a state of heathenism,
without any religious instruction, till, in a
camp-meeting, he first heard of Jesus Christ,
and was electrified by the great and thrill-
ing news that He had tasted death for every
. man, the bond as well as the free. This
story produced an immediate conversion, such
as we read of in the Acts of the Apostles,
where the Ethiopian eunuch, from one inter-
view, hearing the story of the cross, at once
believes and is baptized. Henson forthwith
not only became a Christian, but began to
declare the news to those about him ; and,
being; a man of great natural force of mind
and strength of character, his earnest endeav-
ors to enlighten his fellow-heathen were so
successful that he was gradually led to assume
the station of a negro preacher ; and though
he could not read a word of the Bible or
hymn-book, his labors in this line were much
prospered. He became immediately a very
valuable slave to his master, and was in-
trusted by the latter with the oversight of
his whole estate, which he managed with
great judgment and prudence. His master
appears to have been a very ordinary man
in every respect, — to have been entirely in-
capable of estimating him in any other light
then as exceedingly valuable property, and
to have had no other feeling excited by his
extraordinary faithfulness than the desire to
make the most of him. When his affairs
became embarrassed, he formed the design of
removing all his negroes into Kentucky, and
intrusted the operation entirely to his over-
seer. Henson was to take them alone, with-
out any other attendant, from Maryland to
Kentucky, a distance of some thousands of
miles, giving only his promise as a Christian
that he would faithfully perform this under-
taking. On the way thither they passed
through a portion of Ohio, and there Hen-
son was informed that he could now secure
his own freedom and that of all his fellows,
and he was strongly urged to do it. He
was exceedingly tempted and tried, but his
Christian principle was invulnerable. No
inducements could lead him to feel that it
was right for a Christian to violate a pledge
solemnly given, and his influence over the
whole band was so great that he took them
all with him into Kentucky. Those casuists
among us who lately seem to think and teach
that it is right for us to violate the plain
commands of God whenever some great
national good can be secured by it, would
do well to contemplate the inflexible prin-
ciple of this poor slave, who, without being
able to read a letter of the Bible, was yet
enabled to perform this most sublime act
of self-renunciation in obedience to its com-
mands. Subsequently to this, his master,
in a relenting moment, was induced by a
friend to sell him his freedom for four hun-
dred dollars ; but, when the excitement of the
importunity had passed off, he regretted that
he had suffered so valuable a piece of prop-
erty to leave his hands for so slight a remu-
neration. By an unworthy artifice, therefore,
he got possession of his servant's free papers,
and condemned him still to hopeless slavery.
Subsequently, his affairs becoming still more
involved, he sent his son clown the river with
a flat-boat loaded with cattle and produce for
the New Orleans market, directing him to
take Henson along, and sell him after they
had sold the cattle and the boat. All the
depths of the negro's soul w r ere torn up and
thrown into convulsion by this horrible piece
of ingratitude, cruelty and injustice ; and,
while outwardly calm, he was struggling
with most bitter temptations from within,
which, as he could not read the Bible, he
could repel only by a recollection of its sacred
truths, and by earnest prayer. As he neared
the New Orleans market, he says that these
convulsions of soul increased, especially when
he met some of his old companions from
Kentucky, whose despairing countenances
and emaciated forms told of hard work and
insufficient food, and confirmed all his worst
fears of the lower country. In the trans-
ports of his despair, the temptation was more
urgently presented to him to murder his
young master and the other hand on the flat-
boat in their sleep, to seize upon the boat,
and make his escape. He thus relates the
scene where he was almost brought to the
perpetration of this deed :
'&■
One dark, rainy night, within a few days of
New Orleans, my hour seemed to have come 1
was alone on the deck ; Mr. Amos and the hands
were all asleep below, and I crept down noise-
lessly, got hold of an axe, entered the cabin, and
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
27
looking by the aid of the dim light there for my
victims, my eye fell upon Master Amos, who was
nearest to me ; my hand slid along the axe-
handle, I raised it to strike the fatal blow, — ■ when
suddenly the thought came tome, " What ! com-
mit murder ! and you a Christian?" I had not
called it murder before. It was self-defence, —
it was preventing others from murdering me , —
it was justifiable, it was even praiseworthy. But
now, all at once, the truth burst upon me that it
was a crime. I was going to kill a young man,
who had done nothing to injure me, but obey com-
mands which he could not resist ; I was about to
lose the fruit of all my efforts at self-improvement,
the character I had acquired, and the peace of
mind which had never deserted me. All this
came upon me instantly, and with a distinctness
which made me almost think I heard it whispered
in inv ear ; and I believe I even turned my head
to listen. I shrunk back, laid down the axe,
crept up on deck again, and thanked God, as I
have clone every day since, that I had not com-
mitted murder.
My feelings were still agitated, but they were
changed. I was filled with shame and remorse for
the design I had entertained, and with the fear that
my companions would detect it in my face, or that
a careless word would betray my guilty thoughts.
I remained on deck all night, instead of rousing'
one of the men to relieve me ; and nothing brought
composure to my mind, but the solemn resolution
I then made to resign myself to the will of God,
and take with thankfulness, if I could, but with
submission, at all events, whatever he might
decide should be my lot. I reflected that if my
life were reduced to a brief term I should have
less to suffer, and that it was better to die with a
Christian's hope, and a quiet conscience, than to
live with the incessant recollection of a crime
that would destroy the value of life, and under
the Aveight of a secret that would crush out the
satisfaction that might be expected from freedom,
and every other blessing.
Subsequently to this, his young master was
taken violently down with the river fever,
and became as helpless as a child. He pas-
sionately entreated Henson not to desert him,
but to attend to the selling of the boat and
produce, and put him on board the steamboat,
and not to leave him, dead or alive, till he had
carried him back to his father.
The young master was borne in the arms
of his faithful servant to the steamboat, and
there nursed by him with unremitting atten-
tion during the journey up the river ; nor
did he leave him till he had placed him in
his father's arms.
Our love for human nature would lead us
to add, with sorrow, that all this disinterest-
edness and kindness was rewarded only by
empty praises, such as would be bestowed
upon a very fine dog; and Henson indig-
nantly resolved no longer to submit to the
injustice. With a degree of prudence, cour-
age and address, which can scarcely find a
parallel in any history, he managed, with
his wife and two children, to escape into Can-
ada. Here he learned to read, and, by his
superior talent and capacity for management,
laid the foundation for the fugitive settlement
of Dawn, which is understood to be one of
the most flourishing in Canada.
It would be well for the most cultivated
of us to ask, whether our ten talents in the
way of religious knowledge have enabled us
to bring forth as much fruit to the glory of
God, to withstand temptation as patiently,
to return good for evil as disinterestedly, as
this poor, ignorant slave. ' A writer in Eng-
land has sneeringly remarked that such a
man as Uncle Tom might be imported as a
missionary to teach the most cultivated in
England or America the true nature of reli-
gion. These instances show that what has
been said with a sneer is in truth a sober
verity ; and it should never be forgotten that
out of this race whom man despiseth have
often been chosen of God true messengers of
his grace, and temples for the indwelling of
his Spirit.
" For thus saith the high and lofty
One that inhabit eth eternity, whose nam,e
is Holy, I dwell i?i the high and holy
place, with him also that is of a contrite
and humble spirit, to revive the spirit of
the humble, and to revive the heart of the
contrite ones."
The vision attributed to Uncle Tom intro-
duces quite a curious chapter of psychology
with regard to the negro race, and indicates
a peculiarity which goes far to show how
very different they are from the white race.
They are possessed of a nervous organiza-
tion peculiarly susceptible and impressible.
Their sensations and impressions are very
vivid, and their fancy and imagination lively.
In this respect the race has an oriental char-
acter, and betrays its tropical origin. Like
the Hebrews of old and the oriental nations
of the present, they give vent to their emotions
with the utmost vivacity of expression, and
their whole -bodily system sympathizes with
the movements of their minds. When in
distress, they actually lift up their voices to
weep, and "cry with an exceeding bitter
cry." When alarmed, they are often para-
lyzed, and rendered entirely helpless. Their
religious exercises are all colored by this
sensitive and exceedingly vivacious tempera-
ment. Like oriental nations, they incline
much to outward expressions, violent gestic-
ulations, and ajntatino; movements of the
body. Sometimes, in their religious meet-
ings, they will spring from the floor many
times in succession, with a violence and
rapidity which is perfectly astonishing.
28
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
They will laugh, weep, embrace each other
convulsively, and sometimes become entirely
paralyzed and cataleptic. A clergyman
from the North once remonstrated with a
Southern clergyman for permitting such
extravagances among his flock. The reply
of the Southern minister was, in effect, this :
" Sir, I am satisfied that the races are so
essentially different that they cannot be reg-
ulated by the same rules. I, at first, felt
as you do ; and, though I saw that genuine
conversions did take place, with all this out-
ward manifestation, I was still so much
annoyed by it as to forbid it among my
negroes, till I was satisfied that the repres-
sion of it was a serious hindrance to real
religious feeling ; and then I became certain
that all men cannot be regulated in their
religious exercises by one model. I am
assured that conversions produced with these
accessories are quite as apt to be genuine,
and to be as influential over the heart and
life, as those produced in any other way."
The fact is, that the Anglo-Saxon race —
cool, logical and practical — have yet to
learn the doctrine of toleration for the pecu-
liarities of other races ; and perhaps it was
with a foresight of their peculiar character,
and dominant position in the earth, that God
gave the Bible to them in the fervent lan-
guage and with the glowing imagery of the
more susceptible and passionate oriental
races.
Mesmerists have found that the negroes
are singularly susceptible to all that class
of influences which produce catalepsy, mes-
meric sleep, and partial clairvoyant phenom-
ena.
The African race, in their own climate,
are believers in spells, in "fetish and obi,"
in "the evil eye," and other singular influ-
ences, for which, probably, there is an origin
in this peculiarity of constitution. The
magicians in scriptural history were Afri-
cans ; and the so-called magical an:ts are still
practised in Egypt, and other parts of
Africa, with a degree of skill and success
which can only be accounted for by suppos-
ing peculiarities of nervous constitution quite
different from those of the whites. Consid-
ering those distinctive traits of the race, it
is no matter of surprise to find in their reli-
gious histories, when acted upon by the
powerful stimulant of the Christian religion,
very peculiar features. We are not sur-
prised to find almost constantly, in the nar-
rations of their religious histories, accounts
of visions, of heavenly voices, of mysterious
sympathies and transmissions of knowledge
from heart to heart without the interven-
tion of the senses, or what the Quakers call
being "baptized into the spirit" of those
who are distant.
Cases of this kind are constantly recur-
ring in their histories. The young man
whose story was related to the Boston lady,
and introduced above in the chapter on
George Harris, stated this incident concern-
ing the recovery of his liberty : That, after
the departure of his wife and sister, he, for
a long time, and very earnestly, sought some
opportunity of escape, but that every avenue
appeared to be closed to him. At length,
in despair, he retreated to his room, and
threw himself upon his bed, resolving to
give up the undertaking, when, just as he
was sinking to sleep, he was roused by a
voice saying in his ear, " Why do you sleep
now? Bise up, if you ever mean to be
free!" He sprang up, went immediately
out, and, in the course of two hours, discov-
ered the means of escape which he used.
A lady whose history is known to the writer
resided for some time on a Southern planta-
tion, and w T as in the habit of imparting reli-
gious instruction to the slaves. One day, a
woman from a distant plantation called at
her residence, and inquired for her. The
lady asked, in surprise, "How did you
know about me?" The old woman's reply
was, that she had long been distressed about
her soul; but that, several nights before,
some one had appeared to her in a dream,
told her to go to this plantation and inquire
for the strange lady there, and that she
would teach her the way to heaven.
Another specimen of the same kind was
related to the writer by a slave-woman who
had been through the whole painful experi-
ence of a slave's life. She was originally a
young girl of pleasing exterior and gentle
nature, carefully reared as a seamstress and
nurse to the children of a family in Virginia,
and attached, with all the warmth of her
susceptible nature, to these children. Al-
though one of the tenderest of mothers when
the writer knew her, yet she assured the
writer that she had never loved a child of
her own as she loved the dear little young
mistress who was her particular charge.
Owing, probably, to some pecuniary diffi-
culty in the family, this girl, whom we will
call Louisa, w r as sold, to go on to a South-
ern plantation. She has often described the
scene when she was forced into a carriage,
and saw her dear young mistress leaning
from the window, stretching her arms
towards her, screaming, and calling her
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
29
name, -with all the vehemence of childish
grief. She was carried in a coffle, and sold
as cook on a Southern plantation. With
the utmost earnestness of language she has
described to the writer her utter loneliness,
and the distress and despair of her heart, in
this situation, parted forever from all she
held dear on earth, without even the possi-
bility of writing letters or sending messages,
surrounded by those who felt no kind of
interest in her, and forced to a toil for which
her more delicate education had entirely
unfitted her. Under these circumstances,
she began to believe that it was for some
dreadful sin she had thus been afflicted.
The course of her mind after this may be
best told in her own simple words :
"After that, I began to feel awful wicked,
— 0, so wicked, you 've no idea ! I felt so
wicked that my sins seemed like a load on
me, and I went so heavy all the day ! I
felt so wicked that I didn't feel worthy to
pray in the house, and I used to go way off
in the lot and pray. Al! last, one day, when
I was praying, the Lord he came and spoke
to me."
"The Lord spoke to you?" said the
writer ; " what do you mean, Louisa? "
With a face of the utmost earnestness,
she answered, "Why, ma'am, the Lord
Jesus he came and spoke to me, you know ;
and I never, till the last day of my life,
shall forget what he said to me."
"What was it?" said the writer.
" He said, i Fear not, my little one ; thy
sins are forgiven thee;' " and she added to
this some verses, which the writer recog-
nized as'those of a Methodist hymn.
Being curious to examine more closely
this phenomenon, the author said,
"You mean that you dreamed this,
Louisa."
With an air of wounded feeling, and much
earnestness, she answered,
"0 no, Mrs. Stowe; that never was a
dream; you'll never make me believe that."
The thought at once arose in the writer's
mind, If the Lord Jesus is indeed every-
where present, and if he is as tender-hearted
and compassionate as he was on earth, —
and we know he is, — must he not some-
times long to speak to the poor, desolate
slave, when he knows that no voice but His
can carry comfort and healing to his soul ?
This instance of Louisa is so exactly par-
allel to another case, which the author
reo'> ved from an authentic source, that she
is tempted to place the two side by side.
Among the slaves who were brought into
the New England States, at the time when
slavery was prevalent, was one woman,
who, immediately on being told the history
of the love of Jesus Christ, exclaimed, "He
is the one ; this is what I wanted."
This language causing surprise, her his-
tory was inquired into. It was briefly this :
While living in her simple hut in Africa,
the kidnappers one day rushed upon her
family, and carried her husband and chil-
dren off to the slave-ship, she escaping into
the woods. On returning to her desolate
home, she mourned with the bitterness of
"Rachel weeping for her children." For
many days her heart was oppressed with a
heavy weight of sorrow; and, refusing all
sustenance, she wandered up and down the
desolate forest.
At last, she says, a strong impulse came
over her to kneel down and pour out her
sorrows into the ear of some unknown Being
whom she fancied to be above her, in the sky.
She did so ; and, to her surprise, found
an inexpressible sensation of relief. After
this, it was her custom daily to go out to
this same spot, and supplicate this unknown
Friend. Subsequently, she was herself
taken, and brought over to America ; and,
when the story of Jesus and his love was
related to her, she immediately felt in her
soul that this Jesus was the very friend who
had spoken comfort to her yearning spirit
in the distant forest of Africa.
Compare now these experiences with the
earnest and beautiful language of Paul :
" He hath made of one blood all nations of
men, for to dwell on all the face of the
earth ; and hath determined the times be-
fore appointed and the bounds of their
habitation, that they should seek the
Lord, if haply they might feel after
Him and find Him, though he be not far
from every one of usP
Is not this truly " feeling after God
and finding Him''''? And may we not
hope that the yearning, troubled, helpless
heart of man, pressed by the insufferable
anguish of this short life, or wearied by its
utter vanity, never extends its ignorant,
pleading hand to God in vain ? Is not the
veil which divides us from an almighty and
most merciful Father much thinner than we,
in the pride of our philosophy, are apt to
imagine ? and is it not the most worthy con-
ception of Him to suppose that the more
utterly helpless and ignorant the human
being is that seeks His aid, the more tender
and the more condescending will be His
communication with that soul ?
30
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
If a mother has among her children one
whom sickness has made blind, or deaf, or
dumb, incapable of acquiring knowledge
through the usual channels of communica-
tion, does she not seek to reach its darkened
mind by modes of communication tenderer
and more intimate than those which she
uses with the stronger and more favored
ones ? But can the love of any mother be
compared with the infinite love of Jesus 1
Has He not described himself as that good
Shepherd who leaves the whole flock of
secure and well-instructed ones, to follow
over the mountains of sin and ignorance the
one lost sheep : and, when He hath found
it, rejoicing more over that one than over
the ninety and nine that went not astray ?
Has He not told us that each of these little
ones has a guardian angel that doth always
behold the face of his Father which is in
heaven ? And is it not comforting to us to
think that His love and care will be in pro-
portion to the ignorance and the wants of
His chosen ones ?
-jl. «st» . •&£* 4fc -Stf -it-
■TT -TV *Tv~ *Tr ■TV *7V-
Since the above was prepared for the
press the author has received the following
extract from a letter written by a gentleman
in Missouri to the editor of the Oberlin
(Ohio) Evangelist :
I really thought, while reading "Uncle Tom's
Cabin," that the authoress, when describing the
character of Tom, had in her mind's eye a slave
whose acquaintance I made some years since, in
the State of Mississippi, called "Uncle Jacob."
I was staying a day or two with a planter, and in
the evening, when out in the yard, I heard a well-
known hymn and tune sung in one of the " quar-
ters," and then the voice of prayer ; and 0, such
a prayer ! what fervor, what unction, — nay, the
man "prayed right up;" and when I read of
Uncle Tom, how " nothing could exceed the
touching simplicity, the childlike earnestness, of
his prayer, enriched with the language of Scrip-
ture, which seemed so entirely to have wrought
itself into his being as to have become a part of
himself," the recollections of that evening prayer
were strangely vivid. On entering the house and
referring to what I had heard, his master replied,
" Ah, sir, if I covet anything in this world, it is
Uncle Jacob's religion. If there is a good man
on earth, he certainly is one." He said Uncle
Jacob was a regulator on the plantation ; that a
word or a look from him, addressed to younger
slaves, had more efficacy than a blow from the
overseer.
The next morning Uncle Jacob informed me he
was from Kentucky, opposite Cincinnati ; that
his opportunities for attending religious worship
had been frequent ; that at about the age of
forty he was sold south, was set to picking cotton ;
could not, when doing his best, pick the task as-
signed him ; was whipped and whipped, he could
not possibly tell how often ; was of the opinion
+hat the overseer came to the conclusion that
whipping could not bring one more pound out of
him, for he set him to driving a team. At this and
other work he could " make a hand;" had changed
owners three or four times. lie expressed him-
self as well pleased with his present situation as
he expected to be in the South, hut was yearning
to return to his former associations in Kentucky.
CHAPTER VII.
MISS OPHELIA.
Miss Ophelia stands as the representa-
tive of a numerous class of the very best
of Northern people; to whom, perhaps, if
our Lord should again address his churches
a letter, as he did those of old time, he
would use the same words as then : "I
know thy works, and thy labor, and thy
patience, and how thou canst not bear them
which are evil ; and thou hast tried them
which are apostles and are not, and hast
found them liars : and hast borne, and hast
patience, and for- my name's sake hast
labored and hast not fainted. Neverthe-
less, I have somewhat against thee, because
thou hast left thy first love."
There are in this class of people activity,
zeal, unflinching conscientiousness, clear in-
tellectual discriminations between truth and
error, and great logical and doctrinal cor-
rectness ; but there is a want of that spirit
of love, without which, in the eye of Christ,
the most perfect character is as deficient as
a w\ax flower — wanting in life and perfume.
Yet this blessed principle is not dead in
their hearts, but only sleepeth; and so great
is the real and genuine goodness, that, when
the true magnet of divine love is applied,
they always answer to its touch.
So when the gentle Eva, who is an imper-
sonation in childish form of the love of
Christ, solves at once, by a blessed instinct,
the problem which Ophelia has long been
unable to solve by dint of utmost hammer-
ing and vehement effort, she at once, with
a good and honest heart, perceives and ac-
knowledges her mistake, and is willing to
learn even of a little child.
Miss Ophelia, again, represents one great
sin, of which, unconsciously, American
Christians have allowed themselves to be
guilty. Unconsciously it must be, for no-
where is conscience so predominant as
among this class, and nowhere is there a
more honest strife to bring every thought
into captivity to the obedience of Christ.
One of the first and most declared objects
of the gospel has been to break down all
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CAIIN
31
those irrational barriers and prejudices
which separate the human brotherhood into
diverse and contending clans. Paul says,
" In Christ Jesus there is neither Jew -nor
Greek, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free,"
The Jews at that time were separated from
the Gentiles by an insuperable wall of
prejudice. They could not eat and drink
together, nor pray together. But the apos-
tles most earnestly labored to show them
the sin of this prejudice. St. Paul says to
the Ephesians, speaking of this former
division, " He is our peace, who hath made
both one, and hath broken down the middle
wall of partition between us."
It is very easy to see that although slav-
ery has been abolished in the New England
States, it has left behind it the most
baneful feature of the system — that which
makes American worse than Roman slavery
— the prejudice of caste and color. In
the New England States the negro has been
treated as belonging to an inferior race of
beings ; — forced to sit apart by himself in
the place of worship ; his children excluded
from the schools ; himself excluded from the
railroad-car and the omnibus, and the pecu-
liarities of his race made the subject of
bitter contempt and ridicule.
This course of conduct has been justified
by saying that they are a degraded race.
But how came they degraded ? Take any
class of men, and shut them from the means
of education, deprive them of hope and self-
respect, close to them all avenues of honor-
able ambition, and you will make just such
a race of them as the negroes have been
among us.
So singular and so melancholy is the
dominion of prejudice oVer the human mind,
that professors of Christianity in our New
England States have often, with very serious
self-denial to themselves, sent the gospel to
heathen as dark-complexioned as the Afri-
cans, when in their very neighborhood were
persons of dark complexion, who, on that
account, were forbidden to send their chil-
dren to the schools, and discouraged from
entering the churches. The effect of this
has been directly to degrade and depress
the race, and then this very degradation
and depression has been pleaded as the
reason for continuing this course.
Not long since the writer called upon a
benevolent lady, and during the course of
the call the conversation turned upon the
incidents of a fire Avhich had occurred the
night before in the neighborhood. A de-
sorted house had been burned to the ground.
The lady said it was supposed it had been
set on fire. "What could be any one's
motive for setting it on fire?" said the
writer.
"Well," replied the lady, "it was sup-
posed that a colored family was about to
move into it, and it was thought that tjie
neighborhood would n't consent to that. So
it was supposed that was the reason."
This was said with an air of innocence
and much unconcern.
The writer inquired, " Was it a family of
bad character? "
" No, not particularly, that I know of,"
said the lady ; " but then they are negroes,
you know."
Now, this lady is a very pious lady. She
probably would deny herself to send the
gospel to the heathen, and if she had ever
thought of considering this family a heathen
family, would have felt the deepest interest
in their welfare ; because on the subject of
duty to the heathen she had been frequently
instructed from the pulpit, and had all her
religious and conscientious sensibilities awake.
Probably she had never listened from the
pulpit to a sermon which should exhibit the
great truth, that " in Christ Jesus there is
neither Jew nor Greek, barbarian, Scythian,
bond nor free."
Supposing our Lord was now on earth,
as he was once, what course is it probable
that he would .pursue with regard to this un-
christian prejudice of color ?
There was a class of men in those days
as much despised by the Jews as the negroes
are by us ; and it was a complaint made of
Christ that he was a friend of publicans and
sinners. And if Christ should enter, on some
communion season, into a place. of worship,
and see the colored man sitting afar off by
himself, would it not be just in his spirit to
go there and sit with him, rather than to take
the seats of his richer and more prosperous
brethren ?
It is, however, but just to our Northern
Christians to say that this sin has been
committed ignorantly and in unbelief, and
that within a few } r ears signs of a much bet-
ter spirit have begun to manifest themselves.
In some places, recently, the doors of
school-houses have been thrown open to the
children, and many a good Miss Ophelia
has opened her eyes in astonishment to find
that, while she has been devouring the
Missioncuni Herald, and going without but-
ter on her bread and sugar in her tea to send
the gospel to the Sandwich Islands, there is
a very thriving colony of heathen in her
32
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
own neighborhood at home ; and, true to
her own good and honest heart, she has
resolved, not to give up her prayers and
efforts for the heathen abroad, but to add
thereunto labors for the heathen at home.
Our safety and hope in this matter is
this : that there are multitudes in all our
churches who do most truly and sincerely
love Christ above all things, and who, just
so soon as a little reflection shall have made
them sensible of their duty in this respect,
will most earnestly perform it.
It is true that, if they do so, they may be
called Abolitionists ; but the true Miss Ophe-
lia is not afraid of a hard name in a good
cause, and has rather learned to consider
11 the reproach of Christ a greater treasure
than the riches of Egypt."
That there is much already for Christians
to do in enlightening the moral sense of the
community on this subject, will appear if we
consider that even so well-educated and gen-
tlemanly a man as Frederick Douglass was
recently obliged to pass the night on the deck
of a steamer, when in delicate health, because
this senseless prejudice deprived him of a
place in the cabin ; and that that very labo-
rious and useful minister, Dr. Pennington,
of New York, has, during the last season,
been often obliged seriously to endanger his
health, by walking to his pastoral labors,
over his very extended parish, under a burn-
ing sun, because he could not be allowed the
common privilege of the omnibus, which con-
veys every class of white men, from the most
refined to the lowest and most disgusting.
Let us consider now the number of pro-
fessors of the religion of Christ in New York,
and consider also that, by the very fact of
their profession, they consider Dr. Penning-
ton the brother of their Lord, and a member
with them of the body of Christ.
Now, these Christians are influential, rich
and powerful ; they can control public sen-
timent on any subject that they think of
any particular importance, and they profess,
by their religion, that " if one member suf-
fers, all the members suffer with it."
It is a serious question, whether such a
marked indignity offered to Christ and his
ministry, in the person of a colored brother,
without any remonstrance on their part, will
not lead to a general feeling that all that the
Bible says about the union of Christians is
a mere hollow sound, and means nothing.
Those who are anxious to do something
directly to improve the condition of the slave,
can do it in no way so directly as by elevat-
ing the condition of the free colored people
around them, and taking every pains to give
them equal rights and privileges.
This unchristian prejudice has doubtless
stood in the way of the emancipation of hun-
dreds of slaves. The slave-holder, feeling
and acknowledging the evils of slavery, has
come to the North, and seen evidences of
this unkindly and unchristian state of feeling
towards the slave, and has thus reflected
within himself:
" If I keep my slave at the South, he is,
it is true, under the dominion of a very
severe law ; but then he enjoys the advan-
tage of my friendship and assistance, and
derives, through his connection with me and
my family, some kind of a position in the
community. As my servant he is allowed a
seat in the car and a place at the table. But
if I emancipate and send him North, he will
encounter substantially all the disadvantages
of slavery, with no master to protect him."
This mode of reasoning has proved an
apology to many a man for keeping his slaves
in a position which he confesses to be a
bad one ; and it will be at once perceived
that, should the position of the negro be con
spicuously reversed in our northern states,
the effect upon the emancipation of the slave
would be very great. They, then, who keep
up this prejudice, may be said to be, in a cer-
tain sense, slave-holders.
It is not meant by this that all distinc-
tions of society should be broken over, and
that people should be obliged to choose their
intimate associates from a class unfitted by
education and habits to sympathize with them.
The negro should not be lifted out of his ■
sphere of life because he is a negro, but he
should be treated with Christian courtesy ih
his sphere. In the railroad car, in the om-
nibus and steamboat, all ranks and degrees
of white persons move with unquestioned
freedom side by side ; and Christianity re-
quires that the negro have the same privilege.
That the dirtiest and most uneducated
foreigner or American, with breath redolent
of whiskey and clothes foul and disordered,
should have an unquestioned right to take a
seat next to any person in a railroad car or
steamboat, and that the respectable, decent
and gentlemanly negro should be excluded
simply because he is a negro, cannot be con-
sidered otherwise than as an irrational and
unchristian thing : and any Christian who
allows such things, done in his presence with-
out remonstrance, and the use of his Christ-
ian influence, will certainly be made deeply
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
33
sensible of his error when he comes at last
to direct and personal interview with- his
Lord.
There is no hope for this matter, if the
love of Christ is not strong enough, and if
it cannot be said, with regard to the two
races, " He is our peace who hath made both
one, and hath broken down the middle wall
of partition between us."
The time is coming rapidly when the up-
per classes in society must learn that their
education, wealth and refinement, are not
their own ; that they have no right to use
them for their own selfish benefit ; but
that they should hold them rather, as Fene-
lon expresses it, as " a ministry," a stew-
ardship, which they hold in trust for the
benefit of their poorer brethren.
In some of the very highest circles in
England and America we begin to see illus-
trious examples of the commencement of such
a condition of things.
One of the merchant princes of Boston,
whose funeral has lately been celebrated in
our city, afforded in his life a beautiful exam-
ple of this truth. His wealth was the wealth
of thousands. He was the steward of the
widow and the orphan. His funds were a
savings bank, wherein were laid up the re-
sources of the poor ; and the mourners at
his funeral wore the scholars of the schools
which he had founded, the officers of literary
institutions' which his munificence had en-
dowed, the widows and orphans whom he
had counselled and supported, and the men,
in all ranks and conditions of life, who had
been made by his benevolence to feel that
his wealth was their wealth. May God raise
up many men in Boston to enter into the
spirit and labors of Amos Lawrence !
This is the true socialism, which comes
from the spirit of Christ, and, without break-
ing down existing orders of society, by lore
makes the property and possessions of the
higher class the property of the lower.
Men are always seeking to begin their
reforms with the outward and physical.
Christ begins his reforms in the heart. Men
would break up all ranks of society, and
throw all property into. a common stock ; but
Christ would inspire the higher class with
that Divine Spirit by which all the wealth
and means and advantages of their position
are used for the good of the lower.
We see, also, in the highest aristocracy
of England, instances of the same tendency.
Among her oldest nobility there begin to
arise lecturers to mechanics and patrons' of
ragged schools ; and it is said that even on
the throne of England is a woman who
weekly instructs her class of Sunday-school
scholars from the children in the vicinity of
her country residence.
In this way, and not by an outward and
physical division of property, shall all things
be had in common. And when the white
race shall regard their superiority over the
colored one only as a talent intrusted for
the advantage of their weaker brother, then
will the prejudice of caste melt away in the
light of Christianity.
CHAPTER VIII.
MARIE ST. CLARE.
Marie St. Clare is the type of a class
of women not peculiar to any latitude, nor
any condition of society. She may be found
in England or in America. In the north-
ern free states we have many Marie St.
Clares, more or less fully developed.
When found in a northern latitude, she is
forever in trouble about her domestic rela-
tions. Her servants never do anything right.
Strange to tell, they are not perfect, and
she thinks it a very great shame. She is
fully convinced that she ought to have every
moral and Christian virtue in her kitchen
for a little less than the ordinary wages ;
and when her cook leaves her, because she
finds she can get better wages and less work
in a neighboring family, she thinks it shock-
ingly selfish, unprincipled conduct. She is
of opinion that servants ought to be perfectly
disinterested ; that they ought to be willing
to take up with the worst rooms in the
house, with very moderate wages, and very
indifferent food, when they can get much
better elsewhere, purely for the sake of
pleasing her. She likes to get hold of for-
eign servants, who have not yet learned our
ways, who are used to working for low
wages, and who will be satisfied with almost
anything ; but she is often heard to lament
that they soon get spoiled, and want as
many privileges us anybody else, — which is
perfectly shocking. Marie often wishes
that she could he a slave-holder, or could
live somewhere where the lower class are
kept down, and made to know their place.
She is always hunting for cheap seamstresses,
1 and will tell you, in an under-tone. that she
has discovered a woman who will make linen
shirts beautifully, stitch the collars and
i wristbands twice, all for thirty-seven cents.
34
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
when many seamstresses get a dollar for it ;
says she does it because she 's poor, and has
no friends ; thinks you had better be care-
ful in your conversation, and not let her
know what prices are, or else she will get
spoiled, and go to raising her price, — these
sewing-women are so selfish. When Marie
St. Clare has the misfortune to live in a free
state, there is no end to her troubles. Her
cook is always going off for better wages
and more comfortable quarters ; her cham-
ber-maid, strangely enough, won't agree to
be chambermaid and seamstress both for
half wages, and so she deserts. Marie's
kitchen-cabinet, therefore, is always in a
state of revolution ; and she often declares,
with affecting earnestness, that servants are
the torment of her life. If her husband
endeavor to remonstrate, or suggest another
mode of treatment, he is a hard-hearted,
unfeeling man; " he does n't love iier, and
she always knew he didn't;" and so he is
disposed of.
But, when Marie comes under a system
of laws which gives her absolute control over
her dependants, — which enables her to sep-
arate them, at her pleasure, from their dear-
est family connections, or to inflict upon
them the most disgraceful and violent pun-
ishments, without even the restraint which
seeing the execution might possibly produce,
— then it is that the character arrives at
full maturity. Human nature is no worse
at the South than at the North ; but law at
the South distinctly provides for and pro-
tects the worst abuses to which that nature
is liaole.
It is often supposed that domestic servi-
tude in slave states is a kind of paradise;
that house-servants are invariably pets ;
that young mistresses are always fond of
their '•mammies," and young masters always
handsome, good-natured and indulgent.
Let any one in Old 1 England or New
England look about among their immediate
acquaintances, and ask how many there are
who would use absolute despotic power ami-
ably in a family, especially over a class
degraded by servitude, ignorant, indolent,
deceitful, provoking, as slaves almost neces-
sarily are, and always must be.
Let them look into their own hearts, and
ask themselves it" they would dare to be
trusted with such a power. Do they not
find in themselves temptations to be unjust
to those who arc inferiors and dependants?
Do they not find themselves tempted to be
irritable and provoked, when the service of
their families is negligently performed ?
And, if they had the power to inflict cruel
punishments, or to have them inflicted by
sending the servant out to some place of
correction, would they not be tempted to
use that liberty ?
With regard to those degrading punish-
ments to which females are subjected, by
being sent to professional whippers, or by
having such functionaries sent for to the
house, — as. John Caphart testifies that he
has often been, in Baltimore, — what can be
said of their influence both on the superior
and on the inferior class ? It is very pain-
ful indeed to contemplate this subject. The
mind instinctively shrinks from it; but still
it is a very serious question whether it be
not our duty to encounter this pain, that
our sympathies may be quickened into more
active exercise. For this reason, we give
here the testimony of a gentleman whose
accuracy will not be doubted, and who sub-
jected himself to the pain of being an eye-
witness to a scene of this kind in the cala-
boose in New Orleans. As the reader will
perceive from the account, it was a scene of
such every-day occurrence as not to excite
any particular remark, or any expression of
sympathy from those of the same condition
and color with the sufferer.
When our missionaries first went to India,
it was esteemed a duty among Christian
nations to make themselves acquainted with
the cruelties and atrocities of idolatrous wor-
ship, as a means of quickening our zeal to
send them the gospel.
If it be said that we in the free states
have no such interest in slavery, as we do
not support it, and have no power to pre-
vent it, it is replied that slavery does exist
in the District of Columbia, which belongs
to the whole United States; and that the
free states are, before God, guilty of the
crime of continuing it there, unless they*will
honestly do what in them lies for its exter-
mination.
The subjoined account was written by the
benevolent Dr. Howe, whose labors in behalf
of the blind have rendered his name dear to
humanity, and was sent in a letter to the
Hon. Charles Sumner. If any one think it
too painful to be perused, let him ask
himself if God will hold those guiltless who
suffer a system to continue, the details of
which they cannot even read. That this
describes a common scene in the calaboose,
we shall by and by produce other witnesses
to show.
I have passed ten days in New Orleans, not
unprofitably, I trust, in examining the public
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
35
institutions, — the schools, asylums, hospitals,
prisons, &c. With the exception of the. first,
there is little hope of amelioration. I know not
how much merit there may be in their system ;
but I do know that, in the administration of the
enal code, there are abominations which should
ring down the fate of Sodom upon the city. If
Howard or Mrs. Fry ever discovered so ill-admin-
istered a den of thieves as the New Orleans
prison, they never described it. In the negro's
apartment I saw much which made me blush that
I was a white man, and which, for a moment,
stirred up an evil spirit in my animal nature.
Entering a large paved court-yard, around which
ran galleries filled with slaves of all ages, sexes
and colors, I heard the snap of a whip, every
stroke of which sounded like the sharp crack of a
pistol. I turned my head, and beheld a sight
which absolutely chilled me to the marrow of
my bones, and gave me, for the first time in my
life, the sensation of my hair stiffening at the
roots. There lay a black girl flat upon her face,
on a board, her two thumbs tied, and fastened to
one end, her feet tied, and drawn tightly to the
other end, while a strap passed over the small of
her back, and, fastened around the board, com-
pressed her closely to it. Below the strap she
was entirely naked. By her side, and six feet off,
stood a huge negro, with a long whip, which he
applied with dreadful power and wonderful pre-
cision. Every stroke brought away a strip of
skin, which clung to the lash, or fell quivering on
the pavement, while the blood followed after it.
The poor creature writhed and shrieked, and, in a
voice which showed alike her fear of death and
her dreadful agony, screamed to her master, who
stood at her head, "0, spare my life! don't cut
my soul out ! ' ' But still fell the horrid lash ;
still strip after strip peeled off from the skin ;
gash after gash was cut in her living flesh, until
it became a livid and bloody mass of raw and quiv-
ering muscle. It was with the greatest difficulty
I refrained from springing upon the torturer, and
arresting his lash ; but, alas ! what could I do,
but turn aside to hide my tears for the sufferer,
and my blushes for humanity? This was in a
public and regularly-organized prison ; the pun-
ishment was one recognized and authorized by the
law. But think you the poor wretch had com-
mitted a heinous offence, and had been convicted
thereof, and sentenced to the lash? Not at all.
She was brought by her master to be whipped by
the Common executioner, without trial, judge or
jury, just at his beck or nod, for some real or sup-
posed offence, or to gratify his own whim or mal-
ice. And he may bring her day after day, with-
out cause assigned, and inflict any number of
lashes he pleases, short of twenty-five, provided
only he pays the fee. Or, if he choose, he may
have a private whipping-board on his own prem-
ises, and brutalize himself there. A shocking
part of this horrid punishment was its publicity,
as I have said ; it was in a court-yard surrounded
by galleries, which were filled with colored persons
of all sexes, — runaway slaves, committed for
some crime, or slaves up for sale. You would
naturally suppose they crowded forward, and
gazed, horror-stricken, at the brutal spectacle
below ; but they did not ; many of them hardly
noticed it, and many were entirely indifferent to
it. They went on in their childish pursuits, and
some were laughing outright in the distant parts
of the galleries ; so low can man, created in God's
image, be sunk in brutality.
CHAPTER IX.
ST. CLARE.
. It is with pleasure that we turn from the
dark picture just presented, to the character
of the generous and noble-hearted St. Clare,
wherein the fairest picture of our Southern
brother is presented.
It has been the writer's object to separate
carefully, as far as possible, the system from
the men. It is her sincere belief that, while
the irresponsible power of slavery is such
that no human being ought ever to possess it,
probably that power was never exercised
more leniently than in many cases in the
Southern States. She has been astonished
to see how, under all the disadvantages
which attend the early possession of ar-
bitrary power, all the temptations which
every reflecting mind must see will arise
from the possession of this power in various
forms, there are often developed such fine
and interesting traits of character. To say
that these cases are common, alas ! is not in
our power. Men know human nature too
well to believe us, if we should. But the
more dreadful the evil to be assailed, the
more careful should we be to be just in our
apprehensions, and to balance the horror
which certain abuses must necessarily ex-
cite, by a consideration of those excellent
and redeeming traits which are often found
in individuals connected with the system.
The twin brothers, Alfred and Augustine
St. Clare, represent two classes of men
which are to be found in all countries.
They are the radically aristocratic and
democratic men. The aristocrat by position
is not always the aristocrat by nature, and
vice versa ; but the aristocrat by nature,
whether he be in a higher or lower position
in society, is he who, though he may be
just, generous and humane, to those whom
he considers his equals, is entirely insensi-
ble to the wants, and sivfferings, and common
humanity, of those whom he considers the
lower orders. The sufferings of a countess
would make him weep ; the sufferings of a
seamstress are quite another matter.
On the other hand, the democrat is often
found in the highest position of life. To
this man, superiority to his brother is a thing
which he can never boldly and nakedly as-
36
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
sert without a secret pain. In the lowest
and humblest walk of life, he acknowledges
the sacredness of a common humanity ; and
however degraded by the opinions and in-
stitutions of society any particular class
may be, there is an instinctive feeling in
his soul which teaches him that they are
men of like passions with himself. Such
men have a penetration which at once sees
through all the false shows of outward cus-
tom which make one man so dissimilar to
another, to those great generic capabilities,
sorrows, wants and weaknesses, wherein all
men and women are alike ; and there is no
such thing as making them realize that one
order of human beings have any prescrip-
tive right over another order, or that the
tears and sufferings • of one are not just as
good as those of another order.
That such men are to be found at the
South in the relation of slave-masters, that
when so found they cannot and will not be
deluded by any of the shams and sophistry
wherewith slavery has been defended, that
they look upon it as a relic of a barbarous
age, and utterly scorn and contemn all its
apologists, we can abundantly show. Many
of the most illustrious Southern men of the
Revolution were of this class, and many
men of distinguished position of later day
have entertained the same sentiments.
Witness the following letter of Patrick
Henry, the sentiments of which are so much
an echo of those of St. Clare that the reader
might suppose one to be a copy of the
. other :
LETTER OF PATRICK HENRY.
Hanover, January 18^A, 1773.
Dear Sir : I take this opportunity to acknowl-
edge the receipt of Anthony Benezet's book
against the slave-trade ; I thank you for it. Is
it not a little surprising that the professors of
Christianity, whose chief excellence consists in
softening the human heart, in cherishing and im-
proving its finer feelings, should encourage a
practice so totally repugnant to the first impres-
sions of right and wrong? What adds to the
wonder is, that this abominable practice has been
introduced in the most enlightened ages. Times
that seem to have pretensions to boast of high
improvements in the arts and sciences, and refined
morality, have brought into general use, and
guarded by many laws, a species of violence and
tyranny which our more rude and barbarous, but
more honest ancestors detested. ' Is it not amazing
that at a time when the rights of humanity are
defined and understood with precision, in a country
above all others fond of liberty, — that in such an
age and in such a country we find men professing
a religion the most mild, humane, gentle and
generous, adopting such a principle, as repugnant
to humanity as it is inconsistent with the Bible,
&ad destructive to liberty ? Every thinking, honest
man rejects it in speculation. How free in prac
tice from conscientious motives !
Would any one believe that I am master of
slaves of my own purchase 1 I am drawn along
by the general inconvenience of living here with-
out them. I will not, I cannot, justify it. How-
ever culpable my conduct, I will so far pay my
devoir to virtue as to own the excellence and rec-
titude of her precepts, and lament my want of
conformity to them.
I believe a time will come when an opportunity
will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil.
Everything we can do is to improve it, if it hap-
pens in our day ; if not, let us transmit to our
descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for
their unhappy lot, and an abhorrence for slavery.
If we cannot reduce this wished-for reformation
to practice, let us treat the unhappy victims with
lenity. It is the furthest advance we can make
towards justice. It is a debt we owe to the purity
of our religion, to show that it is at variance with
that law which warrants slavery.
I know not when to stop. I could say many
things on the subject, a serioas view of which
gives a gloomy prospect to future times !
What a sorrowful thing it is that such
men live an inglorious life, drawn along by
the general current of society, when they
ought to be its regenerators ! Has God en-
dowed them with such nobleness of soul,
such clearness of perception, for nothing ?
Should they, to whom he has given superior
powers of insight and feeling, live as all the
world live?
Southern men of this class have often
risen up to reprove the men of the North,
when they are drawn in to apologize for the
system of slavery. Thus, on one occasion,
a representative from one of the northern
states, a gentleman now occupying the very
highest rank of 'distinction and official sta-
tion, used in Congress the following lan-
guage :
The great relation of servitude, in some form or
other, with greater or less departure from the theo-
retic equality of men, is inseparable from our
nature. Domestic slavery is not, in my judgment,
to be set down as an immoral or irreligious rela-
tion. The slaves of this country are better
clothed and fed than the peasantry of some of
the most prosperous states of Europe.
He was answered by Mr. Mitchell, of
Tennessee, in these words :
Sir, I do not go the length of the gentleman
from Massachusetts, and hold that the existence
of slavery in this country is almost a blessing.
On the contrary, I am firmly settled in the opinion
that' it is a great curse, — one of the greatest that
could have been interwoven in our system. I,
Mr. Chairman, am one of those whom these poor
wretches call masters. I do not task them ; I
feed and clothe them well ; but yet, alas ! they are
slaves, and slavery is a curse in any shape. It is
no doubt true that there are persons in Europe far
more degraded than our slaves, — worse fed, worse
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
37
clothed, &c. ; but, sir, this is far from proving
that negroes ought to be slaves.
The celebrated John Randolph, of Roan-
oke, said in Congress, on one occasion :
Sir, I envy neither the heart nor the head of
that man from the North who rises here to defend
slavery on principle.
The following lines from the will of this
eccentric man show that this clear sense of
justice, which is a gift of superior natures,
at last produced some appropriate fruits in
practice :
I give to my slaves their freedom, to which my
conscience tells me they are justly entitled. It has
a long time been a matter of the deepest regret to
tne, that the circumstances under which I in-
herited them, and the obstacles thrown in the
way by the laws of the land, have prevented my
emancipating them in my life-time, which it is
my full intention to do in case I can accomplish
it.
The influence on such minds as these of
that kind of theological teaching which pre-
vails in the majority of pulpits at the
South, and which justifies slavery directly
from the Bible, cannot be sufficiently re-
gretted. Such men are shocked to find
their spiritual teachers less conscientious
than themselves ; and if the Biblical argu-
ment succeeds in bewildering them, it pro-
duces scepticism with regard to the Bible
itself. Professor Stowe states that, during
his residence in Ohio, he visited at the house
of a gentleman who had once been a Vir-
ginian planter, and during the first years
of his life was an avowed sceptic. He
stated that his scepticism was entirely
referable to this one cause, — that his minis-
ter had constructed a scriptural argument
in defence of slavery which he was unable
to answer, and that his moral sense was so
shocked by the idea that the Bible defended
such an atrocious system, that he became an
entire unbeliever, and so continued until he
came under the ministration of a clergyman
in Ohio, who succeeded in presenting to him
the true scriptural view of the subject. He
immediately threw aside his scepticism, and
became a member of a Christian church.
So we hear the Baltimore Sim, a paper
in a slave state, and no way suspected of
leaning towards abolitionism, thus scorn-
fully disposing of the scriptural argument :
Messrs. Burgess, Taylor & Co., Sun Iron Build-
ing, send us a copy of a work of imposing ex-
terior, a handsome work of nearly six hundred
pages, from the pen of Rev. Josiah Priest,
A.M., and published by Rev. W. S. Brown, M.D.,
at Glasgow, Kentucky, the copy before us convey-
ing the assurance that it is the "fifth edition —
stereotyped." And we have no doubt it is ; and
the fiftieth edition may be published ; but it will
amount to nothing, for there is nothing in it.
The book comprises the usually quoted facts asso-
ciated with the history of slavery as recorded in
the Scriptures, accompanied by the opinions and
arguments of another man in relation thereto.
And this sort of thing may go on to the end of
time. It can accomplish nothing towards the
perpetuation of slavery. The book is called
" Bible Defence of Slavery ; and Origin, Fortunes,
and History, of the Negro Race." Bible defence
of slavery ! There is no such thing as a Bible
defence of slavery at the present day. Slavery in
the United States is a social institution, originat-
ing in the convenience and cupidity of our ances-
tors, existing by state laws and recognized to a
certain extent — for the recovery of slave prop-
erty — by the constitution. x\nd nobody would
pretend that, if it were inexpedient and unprofit-
able for any man or any state to continue to hold
slaves, they would be bound to do so, on the
ground of a " Bible defence" of it. Slavery is
recorded in the Bible, and approved, with many
degrading characteristics. War is recorded in
the Bible, and approved, under what seems to us
the extreme of cruelty. But are slavery and war
to endure forever, because we find them in the
Bible 1 Or, are they to cease at once and forever,
because the Bible inculcates peace and brother-
hood |
The book before us exhibits great research, but
is obnoxious to severe criticism, on account of its
gratuitous assumptions. The writer is constantly
assuming this, that, and the other. In a work of
this sort, a " doubtless" this, and " no doubt"
the other, and " such is our belief," with respect
to important premises, will not be acceptable to
the intelligent reader. Many of the positions as-
sumed are ludicrous ; and the fancy of the writer
runs to exuberance in putting words and speeches
into the mouths of the ancients, predicated upon
the brief record of Scripture history. The argu-
ment from the curse of Ham is not worth the paper
it is written upon. It is just equivalent to that
of Blackwood' 's Magazine, we remember examin-
ing some years since, in reference to the admission
of Rothschild to Parliament. The writer main-
tained the religious obligation of the Christian
pubfic to perpetuate the political disabilities of
the Jews, because it would be resisting the Divine
will to remove them, in view of the "curse"
which the aforesaid Christian Pharisee under-
stood to be levelled against the sons of Abraham.
Admitting that God has cursed both the Jewish
race and the descendants of Ham, He is able to
fulfil His purpose, though the " rest of mankind"
should in all things act up to the benevolent pre-
cepts of the "Divine law." Man may very
safely cultivate the highest principles of the
Christian dispensation, and leave God to work out
the fulfilment of His curse.
According to the same book and the same logic,
all mankind being under a " curse," none of us
ought to work out any alleviation for ourselves,
and we are sinning heinously in harnessing steam to
the performance of manual labor, cutting wheat by
McCormick's diablerie, and laying hold of the light-
ning to carry our messages for us, instead of footing
it ourselves as our father Adam did. With a little
more common sense, and much less of the uncom-
38
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
mon sort, we should better understand Scripture,
the institutions under which we live, the several
rights of our fellow-citizens in all sections of the
country, and the good, sound, practical, social
relations, which ought to contribute infinitely more
than they do to the happiness of mankind.
If the reader wishes to know what kind
of preaching it is that St. Clare alludes to,
when he says he can learn what is quite as
much to the purpose from the Picayune,
and that such scriptural expositions of
their peculiar relations don ; t edify him
much, he is referred to the following extract
from a sermon preached in New Orleans, by
the Rev. Theophilus Clapp. Let our reader
now imagine that he sees St. Clare seated in
the front slip, waggishly taking notes of the
following specimen of ethics and humanity.
Let all Christian teachers show our servants
the importance of being submissive, obedient, in-
dustrious, honest and faithful to the interests of
their masters. Let their minds be filled with
sweet anticipations of rest eternal beyond the
grave. Let them be trained to direct their views
to that fascinating and glorious futurity, where
the sins, sorrows, and troubles of earth, will be
contemplated under the aspect of means indis-
pensable to our everlasting progress in knowledge,
virtue and happiness. I would say to every slave
in the United States, " You should realize that a
wise, kind, and merciful Providence has appointed
for you your condition in life ; and, all things con-
sidered, you could not be more eligibly situated.
The burden of your care, toils and responsibilities,
is much lighter than that which God has imposed
on your master. The most enlightened philan-
thropists, with unlimited resources, could not
place you in a situation more favorable to your
present and everlasting welfare than that which
you now occupy. You have your troubles. So
have all. Remember how evanescent are the
pleasures and joys of human life."
But, as Mr. Clapp will not, perhaps, be
accepted as a representation of orthodoxy,
let him be supposed to listen to the follow-
ing declarations of the Rev. James Smylie,
a clergyman of great influence in the Pres-
byterian church, in a tract upon slavery,
which he states in the introduction to have
been written with particular reference to
removing the conscientious scruples of re-
ligious people in Mississippi and Louisiana,
with regard to its propriety.
If I believed, or was of opinion, that it was
the legitimate tendency of the gospel to abolish
slavery, how would I approach a man, possessing
as many slaves as Abraham had, and tell him I
wished to obtain his permission to preach to his
slaves 1
Suppose the man to be ignorant of the gospel,
and that he would inquire of me what was my
object. I would tell him candidly (and every
minister ought to be candid) that I wished to
preach the gospel, because its legitimate tendency
is to make his slaves honest, trusty and faithful :
not serving '• with eye service, as men ple;isers,"
"not purloining, but showing all good fidelity."
" And is this," he would ask, " really the tendency
of the gospel ?" 1 would answer, Yes. Then I
might expect that a man who had a thousand
slaves, if he believed me, would not only permit
me to preach to his slaves, but would do more.
He would be willing to build me a house, furnish
me a garden, and ample provision &n- <i bu] port.
Because, he would conclude, verity, that this
'preacher would be worth more to him than a dozen
overseers. But, suppose, then, he would tell me t
that he had understood that the tendency of the
gospel was to abolish slavery, and inquire of me if
that was the fact. Ah ! this is the rub. He has
now cornered me. What shall I saj ? Shall I,
like a dishonest man, twist and dodge, and shift
and turn, to evade an answer? No. I must,
Kentuckian like, come out, broad, flat-footed, and
tell him that abolition is the tendency of the gos-
pel. What am I now to calculate upon ? I have
told the man that it is the tendency of the gospel
to make him so poor as to oblige him to take hold
of the maul and wedge himself; he must catch,
curry, and saddle his own horse ; he must black
his own brogans (for he will not be able to buy
boots). His wife must go, herself, to the wash-
tub, take hold of the scrubbing-broom, wash
the pots, and cook all that 3he and her rail mauler
will eat.
Query. — Is it to be expected that a master ig-
norant heretofore of the tendency of the gospel
would fall so desperately in love with it, from a
knowledge of its tendency, that he would en-
courage the preaching of it among his slaves ?
Verily, NO.
But suppose, when he put the last question to
me, as to its tendency, I could and would, without
a twist or quibble, tell him, plainly and candidly,
that it was a slander on the gospel to say that
emancipation or abolition was its legitimate ten-
dency. I would tell him that the commandments
of some men, and not the commandments of God,
made slavery a sin. — Smylie on Slavery, p. 71.
One can imagine the expression of
countenance and tone of voice with which
St. Clare would receive such expositions of
the gospel. It is to be remarked that this
tract does not contain the opinions of one
man only, but that it has in its appendix a
letter from two ecclesiastical bodies of the
Presbyterian church, substantially endorsing
its sentiments.
Can any one wonder that a man like St.
Clare should put such questions as these 1
' ' Is what you hear at church religion '} Is
that which can bend and turn, and descend
and ascend, to fit every crooked phase of self-
ish, worldly society, religion? Is that reli-
gion, which is less scrupulous, less generous,
•less just, less considerate for man, than even
my own ungodly, worldly, blinded nature]
No ! When I look for a religion, I must
look for something above me, and not some-
thing beneath."
The character of St. Clare was drawn by
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
39
the writer with enthusiasm and with hope.
Will this hope never be realized '? Will those
men at the South, to whom God has given
the power to perceive and the heart to
feel the unutterable wrong and injustice of
slavery, always remain silent and inactive ?
What nobler ambition to a Southern man
than to deliver his country from this dis-
grace ? From the South must the deliverer
arise. How long shall he delay 1 There
is a crown brighter than any earthly am-
bition has ever worn, — there is a laurel
which will not fade : it is prepared and wait-
ing for that hero who shall rise up for liberty
at the South, and free that noble and beau-
tiful country from the burden and disgrace
of slavery.
CHAPTER X.
LEGRBE.
As St. Clare and the Shelbys are the
representatives of one class of masters, so
Legree is the representative of another ; and,
as all good masters are not as enlightened,
as generous, and as considerate, as St. Clare
and Mr. Shelby, or as careful and success-
ful in religious training as Mrs. Shelby,
so all bad masters do not unite the personal
ugliness, the coarseness and profaneness,
of Legree.
Legree is introduced not for the sake of
vilifving masters as a class, but for the sake of
bringing to the minds of honorable Southern
men, who are masters, a-very important feat-
ure in the system of slavery, upon which,
perhaps, they have never reflected. It is
this : that no Southerti law requires any
test of character from the man to whom
the absolute power of master is granted.
In the second part of this book it will be
shown that the legal power of the master
amounts to an absolute despotism over body
and soul ; and that there is no protection for
the slave's life or limb, his family relations,
his conscience, nay, more, his eternal inter-
ests, but the character of the master.
Rev. Charles C. Jones, of Georgia, in
addressing masters, tells them that they have
the power to open the kingdom of heaven
or to shut it, to their slaves (Religious In-
struction of the Negroes, p. 158), and a
South Carolinian, in a recent article in Era-
ser's Magazine, apparently in a very seri-
ous spirit, thus acknowledges the fact of this
awful power : " Yes, we would have tne
whole South to feel that the soul of the
slave is in some sense in the master's keep-
ing, and to be charged against him here-
after."
Now, it is respectfully submitted to men
of this high class, who are the law-makers,
whether this awful power to bind and to
loose, to open and to shut the kingdom of
heaven, ought to be intrusted to every man
in the community, without any other quali-
fication than that of property to buy. Let
this gentleman of South Carolina cast his
eyes around the world. Let him travel for
one week through any district of country
either in the South or the North, and ask
himself how many of the men whom he
meets are fit to be trusted with this power, —
how many are fit to be trusted with their own
souls, much less with those of others ?
Now, in all the theory of government as
it is managed in our country, just in pro-
portion to the extent of power is the strict-
ness with which qualification for the proper
exercise of it is demanded. The physician
may not meddle with the body, to prescribe
for its ailments, without a certificate that he
is properly qualified. The judge may not
decide on the laws which relate to property,
without a long course of training, and most
abundant preparation. It is only this office
of master, which contains the power to bind
and to loose, and to open and shut the king-
dom of heaven, and involves responsibility
for the soul as well as the body, that is
thrown out to every hand, and committed
without inquiry to any man of any character.
A man may have made all his property by
piracy upon the high seas, as we have rep-
resented in the case of Legree, and there is
no law whatever to prevent his investing
that property in acquiring this absolute con-
trol over the souls and bodies of his fellow-
beings. To the half-maniac drunkard, to the
man notorious for hardness and cruelty, to
the man sunk entirely below public opinion,
to the bitter infidel and blasphemer, the law
confides this power, just as freely as to the
most honorable and religious man on earth.
And yet, men who make and uphold these
laws think they are guiltless before Gcd,
because individually they do not perpetrate
the wrongs which they allow others to per-
petrate !
To the pirate Legree the law gives a power
which no man of woman born, save One,
ever was good enough to exercise.
Are there such men as Legree ? Let
any one go into the low districts and dens
of New York, let them go into some of the
40
KEY TO UNCLE TOM's CABIN.
lanes and alleys of London, and will they
not there see many Legrees ? Nay, take
the purest district of New England, and let
people cast about in their memory and see
if there have not been men there, hard,
coarse, unfeeling, brutal, who, if they had
possessed the absolute power of Legree,
would have used it in the same way ; and
that there should be Legrees in the South-
ern States, is only saying that human nature
is the same there that it is everywhere. The
only difference is this, — that in free states
Legree is chained and restrained by law ;
in the slave states, the law makes him an
absolute, irresponsible despot.
It is a shocking task to confirm by fact
this part of the writer's story. One may
well approach it in fear and trembling. It
is so mournful to think that man, made in
the image of God, and by his human birth
a brother of Jesus Christ, can sink so low,
can do such things as the very soul shud-
ders to contemplate, — and to think that the
very man who thus sinks is our brother, — is
capable, like us, of the renewal by the Spirit
of grace, by which he might be created in
the image of Christ and be made equal unto
the angels. They who uphold the laws
which grant this awful power have another
heavy responsibility, of which they little
dream. How many souls of masters have
been ruined through it ! How has this ab-
solute authority provoked and developed
wickedness which otherwise might have been
suppressed ! How many have stumbled into
everlasting perdition over this stumbling-
stone of IRRESPONSIBLE POWER!
What facts do the judicial trials of slave-
holding states occasionally develop ! What
horrible records defile the pages of the law-
book, describing unheard-of scenes of torture
and agony, perpetrated in this nineteenth
century of the Christian era, by the irre-
sponsible despot who owns the body and soul !
Let any one read, if they can, the ninety-
third page of Weld's Slavery as It Is. where
the Rev. Mr. Dickey gives an account of a
trial in Kentucky for a deed of butchery
and blood too repulsive to humanity to be
here described. The culprit was convicted,
and sentenced to death. Mr. Dickey's
account of the finale is thus :
The Court sat — Ishani was judged to be guilty
of a capital crime in the aflVir of George. He was
to be hanged at Salem. The day was set. My
good old father visited him in the prison — two or
three times talked and prayed with him ; I visited
him once myself. We fondly hoped that he was
a sincere penitent. Before the day of execution
came, by some means, I never knevr what, Isham
was missing. About two years after, we learned
that he had gone down to Natchez, and had mar-
ried a lady of some refinement and piety. I saw
her letters to his sisters, who were worthy mem-
bers of the church of which I was pastor. The
last letter told of his death. He was in Jackson's
army, and fell in the famous battle of New Or-
leans. I am, sir, your friend,
Wm. Dickey.
But the reader will have too much reason
to know of the possibility of the existence
of such men as Legree, when he comes to
read the records of the trials and judicial
decisions in Part II.
Let not the Southern country be taunted
as the only country in the world which pro-
duces such men ; — let us in sorrow and in
humility concede that such men are found
everywhere ; but let not the Southern coun-
try deny the awful charge that she invests
such men with absolute, irresponsible power
over both the body and the soul.
With regard to that atrocious system of
working up the human being in a given
time, on which Legree is represented as con-
ducting his plantation, there is unfortunately
too much reason to know that it has been
practised and is still practised.
In Mr. Weld's book, ' : Slavery as It Is,"
under the head of Labor, p. 39, are given
several extracts from various documents, to
show that this system has been pursued on
some plantations to such an extent as to short-
en life, and to prevent the increase of the
slave population, so that, unless annually
renewed, it would of itself die out. Of these
documents we quote the following :
The Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge, La.,
in its report, published in 1829, furnishes a
labored estimate of the amount of expenditure
necessarily incurred in conducting " a well-regu-
lated sugar estate." In this estimate, the annual
net loss of siaves, over and above the supply by
propagation, is set down at two and a half per
cent. ! The late Hon. Josiah S. Johnson, a mem-
ber of Congress from Louisiana, addressed a letter
to the Secretary of the United States' Treasury, in
1830, containing a similar estimate, apparently
made with great care, and going into minute
details. Many items in this estimate differ from
the preceding ; but the estimate of the annual
decrease of the slaves on a plantation was the
same, — two and a half per cent. !
In September, 1834, the writer of this had an
interview with James G. Birney, Esq., who then
resided in Kentucky, having removed, with his
family, from Alabama, the year before. A few
hours before that interview, and on the morning
of the same day, Mr. B. had spent a couple of
hours with Hon. Henry Clay, at his residence,
near Lexington. Mr. Birney remarked that Mr.
Clay had just told him he had lately been led tc
mistrust certain estimates as to the increase of
the slave population in the far South-west, — esti-
mates which he had presented, I think, in a
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
41
speech before the Colonization Society. He now
believed that the births among the slaves in that
quarter were not equal to the deaths ; and that, of
course, the slave population, independent of immi-
gration from the slave-selling states, was not sus-
taining itself.
Among other facts stated by Mr. Clay was the
following, which we copy verbatim from the origi-
nal memorandum made at the time by Mr. Bir-
ney, with which he has kindly furnished us.
"Sept. 16, 1834. — Hon. H. Clay, in a conver-
sation at his own house on the subject of slavery,
informed me that Hon. Outerbridge Horsey — for-
merly a senator in Congress from the State of
Delaware, and the owner of a sugar plantation in
Louisiana — declared to him that his overseer
worked his hands so closely that one of the women
brought forth a child whilst engaged in the labors
of the field.
"Also that, a few years since, he was at a
brick-yard in the environs of New Orleans, in
which one hundred hands were employed ; among
them were from twenty to thirty young women, in
the prime of life. He was told by the proprietor
that there had not been a child born among them
for the last two or three years , although they all had
husbands.''''
The late Mr. Samuel Blackwell, a highly-
respected citizen of Jersey City, opposite the city
of New York, and a member of the Presbyterian
church, visited many of the sugar plantations in
Louisiana a few years since ; and having, for
many years, been the owner of an extensive sugar
refinery in England, and subsequently in this
country, he had not only every facility afforded
him by the planters for personal inspection of all
parts of the process of sugar-making, but received
from them the most unreserved communications
as to their management of their slaves. Mr. B.,
after his return, frequently made the following
statement to gentlemen of his acquaintance : —
" That the planters generally declared to him
that they were obliged so to overwork their slaves,
during the sugar-making season (from eight to
ten weeks), as to use them up in seven or eight
years. For, said they, after the process is com-
menced, it must be pushed, without cessation,
night and day ; and we cannot afford to keep a
sufficient number of slaves to do the extra work at
the time of sugar-making, as we could not profit-
ably employ them the rest of the year."
Dr. Demming, a gentleman of high respectabil-
ity, residing in Ashland, Richland County, Ohio,
stated to Professor Wright, of New York city,
" That, during a recent tour at the South, while
ascending the Ohio river, on the steamboat Fame,
he had an opportunity of conversing with a Mr.
Dickinson, a resident of Pittsburg, in company
with a number of cotton-planters and slave-deal-
ers from Louisiana, Alabama and Mississippi.
Mr. Dickinson stated as a fact, that the sugar-
planters upon the sugar-coast in Louisiana had
ascertained that, as it was usually necessary to
employ about twice the amount of labor during the
boiling season that was required during the sea-
son of raising, they could, by excessive driving,
day and night, during the boiling season, accom-
plish the whole labor with one set of hands. By
pursuing this plan, they could afford to sacrifice a
set of hands once in seven years ! He further stated
that this horrible system was now practised to a
considerable extent ! The correctness of this
statement was substantially admitted by the
slave-holders then on board."
The following testimony of Rev. Dr. Changing,
of Boston, who resided some time in Virginia,
shows that the over-working of slaves, to such an
extent as to abridge life, and cause a decrease of
population, is not confined to the far South and
South-west.
" I heard of an estate managed by an individ-
ual who was considered as singularly successful,
and who was able to govern the slaves without
*the use of the whip. I was anxious to see him ;
and trusted that some discovery had been made
favorable to humanity. I asked him how he was
able to dispense with corporal punishment. - He
replied to me, with a very determined look, ' The
slaves know that the work must be done, and that
it is better to do it without punishment than with
it.' In other words, the certainty and dread of
chastisement were so impressed on them that they
never incurred it.
" I then found that the slaves on this well-
managed estate decreased in number. I asked the
cause. He replied, with perfect frankness and
ease, ' The gang is not large enough for the
estate.' In other words, they were not equal to
the work of the plantation, and yet were made to
do z7f thoujrh with the certaintv of abridging life.
" On this plantation the huts were uncommonly
convenient. There was an unusual air of neat-
ness. A superficial observer would have called
the slaves happy. Yet they were living under a
severe, subduing discipline, and were over-workea
to a degree that shortened life." — Channing on
Slavery, page 1G2, first edition.
A friend of the writer — the Rev. Mr.
Barrows, now officiating as teacher of
Hebrew in Andover Theological Seminary
— stated the following, in conversation with
her : — That, while at New Orleans, some
time since, he was invited by a planter to
visit his estate, as be considered it to be a
model one. He found good dwellings for
the slaves, abundant provision distributed to
them, all cruel punishments superseded by
rational and reasonable ones, and half a day
every week allowed to the negroes to culti-
vate their own grounds. Provision was also
made for their moral and religious instruc-
tion. Mr. Barrows then asked the planter,
" Do you consider your estate a fair speci-
men'?" The gentleman replied, "There
are two systems pursued among us. One
is, tq make all we can out of a negro in a
few years, and then supply his place with
another ; and the other is, to treat him as I
do. My neighbor on the next plantation
pursues the opposite system. His boys are
hard worked and scantily fed ; and I have
had them come to me, and get down on their
knees to beg me to buy them."
Mr. Barrows says he subsequently passed
by this plantation, and that the woe-struc£,
dejected aspect of its laborers fully confirmed
42
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
the account. He also says that the gentle-
man who managed so benevolently told him,
" I do not make much money out of my
slaves."
It will be easy to show that such is the
nature of slavery, and the temptations of
masters, that such well-regulated plantations
are and must be infinitely in the minority,
and exceptional cases.
The Rev. Charles C. Jones, a man of the
finest feelings of humanity, and for many
years an assiduous laborer for the benefit of
the slave, himself the owner of a plantation,
and qualified, therefore, to judge, both by
experience and observation, says, after speak-
ing of the great improvidence of the negroes,
engendered by slavery :
And, indeed, once for all, I will here say that
the wastes of the system are so great, as well as
the fluctuation in prices of the staple articles for
market, that it is difficult, nay, impossible, to in-
dulge in large expenditures on plantations, and
make them savingly profitable. — Religious In-
struction, p. 11G.
If even the religious and benevolent mas-
ter feels the difficulty of uniting any great
consideration for the comfort of the slave
with prudence and economy, how readily
must the moral question be solved by minds
of the coarse style of thought which we have
supposed in Legree !
" I used to, when I fust begun, have considera-
ble trouble fussin' with 'em, and trying to make
'em hold out, — doctorin' on 'em up when they 's
sick, and givin' on 'em clothes, and blankets, and
what not, trying to keep 'em all sort o' decent
and comfortable. Law, 't want no sort o' use ; I
lost money on 'em, and 'twas heaps o' trouble.
Now, you see, I just put 'em straight through,
sick or well. When one nigger 's dead, I buy
another ; and I find it comes cheaper and easier
every way."
Added to this, the peculiar mode of labor
on the sugar plantation is such that the mas-
ter, at a certain season of the year, must
over-work his slaves, unless he is willing to
incur great pecuniary loss. In that very
gracefully written apology for slavery, Pro-
fessor Ingraham's "Travels in the South-
west," the following description of sugar-
making is given. We quote from him in
preference to any one else, because he speaks
as an apologist, and describes the thing with
the grace of a Mr. Skimpole.
When the grinding has once commenced, there
is no cessation of labor till it is completed. From
beginning to end a busy and cheerful scene con-
tinues. The negroes,
»t " ■ Whose sore task
Does not divide the Sunday from the week,"
work from eighteen to twenty hours,
"And make the night joint laborer with the day ;"
though, to lighten the burden as much as possi
ble, the gang is divided into two watches, one
taking the first and the other the last part of the
night; and, notwithstanding this continued labor,
the negroes improve in appearance, and appear
fat and flourishing. They drink freely of cane-
juice, and the sickly among them revive, and
become robust and healthy.
After the grinding is finished, the negroes have
several holidays, when they are quite at liberty to
dance and frolic as much as they please ; and the
cane-song — which is improvised by one of the
gang, the rest all joining in a prolonged and unin
telligible chorus — now breaks, night and day,
upon the ear, in notes " most musical, most mel-
ancholy."
The above is inserted as a specimen of the
facility with which the most horrible facts
may be told in the genteelest phrase. In a
work entitled " Travels in Louisiana in
1802" is the following extract (see Weld's
"Slavery as It Is," p. 134), from which it
appears that this cheerful process of labor-
ing night and day lasts three months !
Now, let any one learn the private his-
tory of seven hundred blacks, — men and
women, — compelled to work day and night,
under the lash of* a driver, for a period of
three months.
Possibly, if the gentleman who wrote this
account were employed, with his wife and
family, in this "cheerful scene" of labor, —
if he saw the woman that he loved, the
daughter who was dear to him as his own
soul, forced on in the general gang, in this
toil which
" Does not divide the Sabbath from the week,
And makes the night joint laborer with the day,"
— possibly, if he saw all this, he might have
another opinion of its cheerfulness ; and it
might be an eminently salutary thing if
every apologist for slavery were to enjoy
some such privilege for a season, particularly
as Mr. Ingraham is careful to tell us that
its effect upon the general health is so excel-
lent that the negroes improve in appearance,
and appear fat and flourishing, -and that the
sickly among them revive, and become
robust and healthy. One would think it a
surprising fact, if working slaves night and
day, and giving them cane-juice to drink,
really produces such salutary results, that
the practice should not be continued the
whole year round ; though, perhaps, in this
case, the negroes would become so fat as to
be unable to labor. Possibly, it is because
this healthful process is not longer continued
that the agricultural societies of Louisiana
are obliged to set down an annual loss of
slaves on sugar plantations to the amount
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
43
of two and a half per cent. This ought to
be looked into by philanthropists. Perhaps
working them all night for six months,
instead of three, might remedy the evil.
But this periodical pressure is not con-
fined to the making of sugar. There is also
a press in the cotton season, as any one can
observe by reading the Southern newspapers.
At a certain season of the year, the whole
interest of the community is engaged in gath-
ering in the cotton crop. Concerning this
Mr. Weld says (" Slavery as It Is," page
34):
In the cotton and sugar region there is a fear-
ful amount of desperate gambling, in which,
though money is the ostensible stake and forfeit,
human life is the real one. The length to which
this rivalry is carried at the South and South-
west, the multitude of planters who engage in it,
and the recklessness of human life exhibited in
driving the murderous game to its issue, cannot
well be imagined by one who has not lived in the
midst of it. Desire of gain is only one of the
motives that stimulates them ; the eclat of having
made the largest crop with a given number of
hands is also a powerful stimulant ; the Southern
newspapers, at the crop season, chronicle care-
fully the " cotton brag," and the " crack cotton-
picking," and " unparalleled driving," &c. Even
the editors of professedly religious papers cheer
on the melee, and sing the triumphs of the victor.
Among these we recollect the celebrated Rev. J.
N. Maffit, recently editor of a religious paper at
Natchez, Miss., in which he took care to "assign a
prominent place and capitals to " the cotton
brag."
As a specimen, of recent date, of this kind
of affair, we subjoin the following from the
Fairfield Herald, Winsboro', S. C, Nov.
4, 1852.
COTTON-PICKING.
We find in many of our southern and western
exchanges notices of the amount of cotton picked
by hands, and the quantity by each hand ; and,
as we have received a similar account, which we
have not seen excelled, so far as regards the quan-
tity picked by one hand, Ave with pleasure fur-
nish the statement, with the remark that it is
from a citizen of this district, overseeing for Maj.
H. W. Parr.
"Broad River, Oct. 12, 1852.
"Messrs. Editors: — By way of contributing
something to your variety (provided it meets your
approbation), I send you the return of a day's
picking of cotton, not by picked hands, but the
fag end of a set of hands on one plantation, the
able-bodied hands having been drawn out for other
purposes. Now for the result of a day's picking,
from sun-up until sun-down, by twenty-two hands,
— women, boys, and two men: — four thousand
eight hundred and eighty pounds of clean picked
3utton, from the stalk.
"The highest, three hundred and fifty pounds,
oy several ; the lowest, one hundred and fifteen
pounds. One of the number has picked in the last
seven and a half days (Sunday excepted), eleven
hours each day, nineteen hundred pounds clean cot-
ton. When any of my agricultural friends beat
this, in the same time, and during sunshine, I will
try again. James Steward."
It seems that this agriculturist professes
to have accomplished all these extraordinary
results with what he very elegantly terms
the "fag end" of a set of hands; and, the
more to exalt his glory in the matter, he
distinctly informs the public that there were
no "able-bodied" hands employed; that
this whole triumphant result was worked out
of women and children, and two disabled
men ; in other words, he boasts that out of
women and children, and the feeble and
sickly, he has extracted four thousand eight
hundred and eighty pounds of clean picked
cotton in a day ; and that one of these same
hands has been made to pick nineteen hun-
dred pounds of clean cotton in a week ! and
adds, complacently, that, when any of his
agricultural friends beat this, in the same
time, and during sunshine, he " will try
again."
Will any of our readers now consider the
forcing up of the hands on Legree's planta-
tion an exaggeration? Yet see how com-
placently this account is quoted by the
editor, as a most praiseworthy and laudable
thing !
"Behold the hire of the laborers
who have* reaped down your fields,
which is of you kept back by fraud,
crieth ! and the cries of them which
have reaped are entered into the
ears of the lord of sabaoth."
That the representations of the style of
dwelling-house, modes of housekeeping, and,
in short, the features of life generally, as
described on Legree's plantation, are not
wild and fabulous drafts on the imagination^
or exaggerated pictures of exceptional cases,
there is the most abundant testimony before
the world, and has been for a long number
of years. Let the reader weigh the follow-
ing testimony with regard to the dwellings
of the negroes, which has been for some
years before the world, in the work of Mr.
Weld. It shows the state of things in this
respect, at least up to the year 1838.
Mr. Stephen E. Maltby, Inspector of Provisions,
Skaneateles, N. Y., who has lived in Alabama.
— " The huts where the slaves slept generally con-
tained but one apartment, and that without floor.''
Mr. George A. Avery, elder of the 4th Presby-
terian Church, Rochester, N. Y., who lived four
years in Virginia. -*- " Amongst all the negro
cabins which 1 saw in Virginia, / cannot call to mind
one. in which there was any other floor than the
earth ; anything that a Northern laborer, or
44
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
mechanic, white or colored, would call a bed, nor a
solitary partition, to separate the sexes."
William Ladd, Esq., Minot, Maine, President
of the American Peace Society, formerly a slave-
holder in Florida. — " The dwellings of the slaves
were palmetto huts, built by themselves of stakes
and poles, thatched with the palmetto-leaf. The
door, when they had. any, was generally of the
same materials, sometimes boards found on the
beach. They had no floors, no separate apart-
ments ; except the Guinea negroes had sometimes
a small enclosure for their ' god houses.' These
huts the slaves built themselves after task and on
Sundays."
Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, pastor Presbyterian
Church, Castile, Greene Co., N. Y., who lived in
Missouri five years previous to 1837. — " The slaves
live generally in miserable huts, which are without
fioors ; and have a single apartment only, where
both sexes are herded promiscuously together."
Mr. George W. Westgate, member of the Con-
gregational church in Quincy, Illinois, who has
spent a number of years in slave states. — " On old
plantations the negro quarters are of frame and
clapboards, seldom affording a comfortable shelter
from wind or rain ; their size varies from eight
by ten to ten by twelve feet, and six or eight feet
high ; sometimes there is a hole cut for a window,
but I never saw a sash, or glass, in any. In the new
country, and in the woods, the quarters are gen-
erally built of logs, of similar dimensions."
Mr. Cornelius Johnson, a member of a Christian
church in Farmington, Ohio. Mr. J. lived in
Mississippi in 1837-8. — " Their houses were com-
monly built of logs ; sometimes they were framed,
often they had no floor ; some of them have two
apartments, commonly but one ; each of those
apartments contained a family. Sometimes these
families consisted of a man and his wife and chil-
dren, while in other instances persons of both sexes
were thrown together, without any regard to family
relationship."
The Western Medical Reformer, in an article on
the Cachexia Africana, by a Kentucky physician,
thus speaks of the huts of the slaves : " They are
crowded together in a small hut, and sometimes
having an imperfect and sometimes no floor, and
seldom raised from the ground, ill ventilated, and
surrounded with filth."
Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, but
has resided most of his life in Madison Co., Ala-
bama. — " The dwellings of the slaves are log huts,
from ten to twelve feet square, often without
windows, doors or floors ; they have neither chairs,
table, or bedstead."
Reuben L. Macy, of Hudson, N. Y., a member
of the religious society of Friends. He lived in
South Carolina in 1818-19. — " The houses for the
field-slaves were about fourteen feet square, built
in the coarsest manner, with one room, without
any chimney or flooring, with a hole in the roof to
let the smoke out."
Mr. Lemuel Sapington, of Lancaster, Pa., a na-
tive of Maryland, formerly a slave-holder. — " The
descriptions generally given of negro quarters are
correct ; the quarters are without floors, and not
sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather ;
they are uncomfortable both in summer and win-
ter."
Rev. John Rankin, a native of Tennessee. —
" When they return to their miserable huts at
night, they find not there the means of comfort-
able rest ; but on the cold ground they must lie
without covering, and shiver while they slumber."
Philemon Bliss, Esq., Elyria, Ohio, who lived
in Florida in 1835. — " The dwellings of the slaves
are usually small open log huts, with but one apart-
ment, and very generally without floors."
Slavery as It Is, p. 43.
The Rev. C. C. Jones, to whom we have
already alluded, w T hen taking a survey of
the condition of the negroes considered as a
field for missionary effort, takes into account
all the conditions of their external life. He
speaks of a part of Georgia where as much
attention had been paid to the comfort of the
negro as in any part of the United States.
He gives the following picture :
Their general mode of living is coarse and vul
gar. Many negro houses are small, low to the
ground, blackened with smoke, often with dirt
floors, and the furniture of the plainest kind. On
some estates the houses are framed, weather-
boarded, neatly white- washed, and made suffi-
ciently large and comfortable in every respect.
The improvement in the size, material and finish,
of negro houses, is extending. Occasionally they
may be found constructed of tabby or brick.
Religious Instruction of the Negroes, p. 11G.
Now, admitting what Mr. Jones says, to
wit, that improvements with regard to the
accommodation of the negroes are continually
making among enlightened and Christian
people, still, if we take into account how
many people there are who are neither en-
lightened nor Christian, how unproductive
of any benefit to the master all these im-
provements are, and how entirely, therefore,
they must be the result either of native
generosity or of Christian sentiment, th-e
reader may fairly conclude that such im-
provements are the exception, rather than
the rule.
A friend of the writer, travelling in Geor-
gia during the last month, thus writes : ,
Upon the long line of rice and cotton planta-
tions extending along the railroad from Savannah
to this city, the negro quarters contain scarcely a
single hut which a Northern farmer would deem flt
shelter for his cattle. They are all built of poles,
with the ends so slightly notched that they are al-
most as open as children's cob-houses (winch they
very much resemble), without a single glazed win-
dow, and with only one mud chimney to each clus-
ter of from four to eight cabins. And yet our fel-
low-travellers were quietly expatiating upon the
negro's strange inability to endure cold weather !
Let this modern picture be compared with
the account given by the Rev. Horace Moul-
ton, who spent five years in Georgia between
1817 and 1824, and it will be seen, in that
state at least, there is some resemblance be-
tween the more remote and more recent
practice :
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
45
The huts of the slaves are mostly of the poorest
kind. They are not as good as those temporary
shanties which are thrown up beside railroads.
They are erected with posts and crotches, with
but little or no frame-work about them. They
have no stoves or chimneys ; some of them have
something like a fireplace at one end, and a board
or two off at that side, or on the roof, to let off
the smoke. Others have nothing like a fireplace
in them ; in these the fire is sometimes made in
the middle of the hut. These buildings have but
one apartment in them ; the places where they
pass in and out serve both for doors and windows ;
the sides and roofs are covered with coarse, and
in many instances with refuse boards. In warm
weather, especially in the spring, the slaves keep
up a smoke, or fire and smoke, all night, to drive
away the gnats and mosquitos, which are very
troublesome in all the low country of the South ;
so much so that the whites sleep under frames
with nets over them, knit so fine that the mosqui-
tos cannot ily through them.
Slavery as It Is, p. 19.
The same Mr. Moulton gives the follow-
in": account of the food of the slaves, and the
mode of procedure on the plantation on
which he was engaged. It may be here
mentioned that at the time he was at the
South he was engaged ■ in certain business
relations which caused him frequently to
visit different plantations, and to have under
his control many of the slaves. His oppor-
tunities for observation, therefore, were quite
intimate. There is a homely matter-of-fact
distinctness in the style that forbids the idea
of its being a fancy sketch :
It was a general custom, wherever I have been,
for the master to give each of his slaves, male
and female, one feck of corn per week for their food.
This, at fifty cents per bushel, which was all that
it was worth when 1 was there, would amount to
twelve and a half cents per week for board per head.
It cost me, upon an average, when at the South,
one dollar per day foi? board ; — the price of four-
teen bushels of corn per week. This would make
my board equal in amount to the board of forty-six
slaves ! This is all that good or bad masters allow
their slaves, round about Savannah, on the planta-
tions. One peck of gourd-seed corn is to be meas-
ured out to each slave once every week. One
man witii whom I labored, however, being desir-
ous to get all the work out of his hands he could,
before I left (about fifty in number), bought for
them every week, or twice a week, a beef's head
from market. With this they made a soup in a
large iron kettle, around which the hands came at
meal-time, and dipping out the soup, would mix
it with their hominy,' and eat it as though it
were a feast. This man permitted his slaves to
eat twice a day while I was doing a job for him.
lie promised me a beaver hat, and as good a suit
of clothes as could be bought in the city, if I would
accomplish so much for him before 1 returned to
the North ; giving me the entire control over his
slaves. Thus you may see the temptations over-
seers sometimes have, to get all the work they
can out of the poor slaves. The above is an excep-
tion to the general rule of feeding. For, in all
other places where I worked and visited, the
slaves had nothing from their masters hut the corn,
or its equivalent in potatoes or rice ; and to this
they were not permitted to come but once a day.
The custom was to blow the horn early in the
morning, as a signal for the hands to rise and go
to work. When commenced, they continue work
until about eleven o'clock A. M., when, at the
signal, all hands left off, and went into their huts,
made their fires, made their corn-meal into hom-
iny or cake, ate it, and went to work again at
the signal of the horn, and worked until night, or
until their tasks were done. Some cooked their
breakfast in the field while at work. Each slave
must grind his own corn in a hand-mill after he
has done his work at night. There is generally
one hand-mill on every plantation for the use of
the slaves.
Some of the planters have no corn ; others often
get out. The substitute for it is the equivalent of
one peck of corn, either in rice or sweet potatoes,
neither of which is as good for the slaves as corn.
They complain more of being faint when fed on
rice or potatoes than when fed on corn. I was
w r ith one man a few weeks who gave me his
hands to do a job of work, and, to save time, one
cooked for all the rest. The following course was
taken : — Two crotched sticks were driven down at
one end of the yard, and, a small pole being laid
on the crotches, they swung a large iron kettle on
the middle of the pole ; then made up a fire under
the kettle, and boiled the hominy; when ready,
the hands were called around this kettle with
their wooden plates and spoons. They dipped
out and ate standing around the kettle, or sitting
upon the ground, as best suited their convenience.
When they had potatoes, they took them out with
their hands, and ate them.
Slavery as It Is, p. 18.
Thomas Clay, Esq., a slave-holder of
Georgia, and a most benevolent man, and
who interested himself very successfully in
endeavoring to promote the improvement of
the negroes, in his address before the Geor-
gia Presbytery, 1833, says of their food,
' ' The quantity allowed by custom is a peck
of corn a week."
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore
Advertiser, May 30, 1788, says, " A single
peck of corn, or the same measure of rice, is
the ordinary provision for a hard-working
slave, to which a small quantity of meat is
occasionally, though rarely, added."
Captain William Ladd/of Minot, Maine,
formerly a slave-holder in Florida, says,
" The usual allowance of food was a quart
of corn a day to a full- task hand, with a
modicum of salt ; kind masters allowed a
-peck of corn a week.''
The law of North Carolina provides that
the master shall give his slave a quart of
corn a day, which is less than a peck a week
by one quart. — Haywood' s Manual. 525 ;
Slavery as It Is, p. 29. The master, there-
fore, who gave a peck a week would feel
that he was going beyond the law, and giv-
ing a quart for generosity.
46
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
This condition of things will appear far
more probable in the section of country
where the scene of the story is laid. It is
in the south-western states, where no pro-
vision is raised on the plantations, but the
supply for the slaves is all purchased from
the more northern states.
Let the reader now imagine the various
temptations which might occur to retrench
the allowance of the slaves, under these cir-
cumstances ; — scarcity of money, financial
embarrassment, high price of provisions, and
various causes of the kind, bring a great
influence upon the master or overseer.
At the time when it was discussed whether
the State of Missouri should be admitted as
a slave state, the measure, like all measures
for the advancement of this horrible system,
was advocated on the good old plea of hu-
manity to the negroes ; thus Mr. Alexander
Smyth, in his speech on the slavery question,
Jan. 21, 1820, says:
By confining the slaves to the Southern States,
where crops are raised for exportation, and bread
and meat are purchased, you doom them to scarcity
and hunger. It is proposed to hem in the blacks
where they are ill fed.
Slavery as It Is, p. 28.
This is a simple recognition of the state
of things we have adverted to. To the
same purport, Mr. Asa A. Stone, a theo-
logical student, who resided near Natchez,
Miss., in 1834-5, says :
On almost every plantation, the hands suffer
more or less from hunger at some seasons of almost
every year. There is always a good deal of suffer-
ing from hunger. On many plantations, and par-
ticularly in Louisiana, the slaves are in a condi-
tion of almost utter famishment, during a great por-
tion of the year. — Ibid.
Mr. Tobias Baudinot, St. Albans, Ohio,
a member of the Methodist Church, who for
some years was a navigator on the Missis-
sippi, says :
The slaves down the Mississippi are half-starved.
The boats, when they stop at night, are constantly
boarded by slaves, begging for something to eat.
Ibid.
On the whole, while it is freely and cheer-
fully admitted that many individuals have
made most commendable advances in regard
to the provision for the physical comfort of
the slave, still it is to be feared that the
picture of the accommodations on Legree's
plantation has as yet too many counterparts.
Lest, however, the author should be sus-
pected of keeping back anything which
might serve to throw light on the subject,
she will insert in full the following incidents
on the other side, from the pen of the accom-
plished Professor Ingraham. How far these
may be regarded as exceptional cases, or as
pictures of the general mode of providing
for slaves, may safely be left to the good
sense of the reader. The professor's anec-
dotes are as follows :
"What can you do with so much tobacco'?"
said a gentleman, — who related the circumstance
to me, — on hearing a planter, whom he was visit-
ing, give an order to his teamster to bring two
hogsheads of tobacco out to the estate from the
" Landing."
" I purchase it for my negroes ; it is a harmless
indulgence, which it gives me pleasure to afford
them."
" Why are you at the trouble and expense of
having high-post bedsteads for your negroes?"
said a gentleman from the North, while walking
through the handsome " quarters," or village, for
the slaves, then in progress on a plantation near
Natchez — addressing the proprietor.
" To suspend their ' bars ' from, that they may
not be troubled with mosquitos."
" Master, me would like, if you please, a little
bit gallery front my house."
" For what, Peter?"
" 'Cause, master, the sun too hot [an odd rea-
son for a negro to give] that side, and when he
rain we no able to keep de door open."
" Well, well, when a carpenter gets a little lei-
sure, you shall have one."
A few weeks after, I was at the plantation, and
riding past the quarters one Sabbath morning,
beheld Peter, his wife and children, with his old
father, all sunning themselves in the new gallery.
" Missus, you promise me a Chrismus gif."
" Well, Jane, there is a new calico frock for
you."
" It werry pretty, Missus," said Jane, eying it
at a distance without touching it, " but me prefer
muslin, if you please : muslin de fashion dis
Chrismus."
" Very well, Jane, call to-morrow, and you shall
have a muslin."
The writer would not think of controvert-
ing the truth of these anecdotes. Any prob-
able amount of high-post bedsteads and
mosquito " bars," of tobacco distributed as
gratuity, and verandas constructed by lei-
surely carpenters for the sunning of fasti-
dious negroes, may be conceded, and they
do in no whit impair the truth of the other
facts. When the reader remembers that the
"gang" of some opulent owners amounts
to from five to seven hundred working hands,
besides children, he can judge how exten-
sively these accommodations are likely to be
provided. Let them be safely thrown into
the account, for what they are worth.
At all events, it is pleasing to end off so
disagreeable a chapter with some more agree-
able images.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN,
47
CHAPTER XI.
SELECT INCIDENTS OF LAWFUL TRADE.
In this chapter of Uncle Tom's Cabin
were recorded some of the most highly-
wrought and touching incidents of the slave-
trade. It will be well to authenticate a
few of them.
One of the first sketches presented to view
is an account of the separation of a very old,
decrepit negro woman from her young son,
by a sheriff's sale. The writer is sorry to
say that not the slightest credit for inven-
tion is due to her in this incident. She
found it, almost exactly as it stands, in the
published journal of a young Southerner,
related as a scene to which he was eye-wit-
ness. The only circumstance which she has
omitted in the narrative was one of addi-
tional inhumanity and painfulness which he
had delineated. He represents the boy as
being bought by a planter, who fettered his
hands, and tied a rope round his neck which
he attached to the neck of his horse, thus
compelling the child to trot by his side.
This incident alone was suppressed by the
author. ,
Another scene of fraud and cruelty, in
the same chapter, is described as perpetrated
by a Kentucky slave-master, who sells a
woman to a trader, and induces her to go
with him by the deceitful assertion that she
is to be taken down the river a short dis-
tance, to work at the same hotel with her
husband. This was an instance which oc-
curred under the writer's own observation,
some years since, when she was going down
the Ohio river. The woman was very re-
spectable both in appearance and dress. The
writer recalls her image now with distinct-
ness, attired with great neatness in a white
wrapper, her clothing and hair all arranged
with evident care, and having with her a
prettily-dressed boy about seven years of
age. She had also a hair trunk of clothing,
which showed that she had been carefully
and respectably brought up. It will be
seen, in perusing the account, that the
incident is somewhat altered to suit the pur-
pose of the story, the woman being there
represented as carrying with her a young
infant.
The custom of unceremoniously separating
the infant from its mother, when the latter
is about to be taken from a Northern to a
Southern market, is a matter of every-dny
notoriety in the trade. It is not done oc-
casionally and sometimes, but always, when-
ever there is occasion for it; and the moth-
er's agonies are no more regarded than those
of a cow when her calf is separated from
her.
The reason of this is, that the care and
raising of children is no part of the intention
or provision of a Southern plantation. They
are a trouble ; they detract from the value
of the mother as a field-hand, and it is more
expensive to raise them than to buy them
ready raised ; they are therefore left behind
in the making up of a coffle. Not longer
ago than last summer, the writer was con-
versing with Thomas Strother, a slave
minister of the gospel in St. Louis, for
whose emancipation she was making some
effort. He incidentally mentioned to her a
scene which he had witnessed but a short
time before, in which a young woman of his
acquaintance came to him almost in a state
of distraction, telling him that she had been
sold to go South with a trader, and leave
behind her a nursing infant.
In Lewis Clark's narrative he mentions
that a master in his neighborhood sold a -
woman and child to a trader, with the charge
that he should not sell the child from its
mother. The man, however, traded off the
child in the very next town, in payment of
his tavern-bill.
The following testimony is from a gentle-
man who writes from New Orleans to the
National Era.
This writer says :
While at Robinson, or Tyree Springs, twenty
miles from Nashville, on the borders of Kentucky
and Tennessee, my hostess said to me, one day,
" Yonder comes a gang of slaves, chained." I
went to the road-side and viewed them. F<r the
better answering my purpose of observation, I
stopped the white man in front, who was at his
ease in a one-horse wagon, and asked him if those
slaves were for sale. 1 counted them and observed
their position. They were divided by throe one-
horse wagons, each containing a man-merchant,
so arranged as to command the whole gang. Some
were unchained ; sixty were chained in two com-
panies, thirty in each, the right hand of oho to
the left hand of the other opposite one, making
fifteen each side of a large ox-chain, to which
every hand was fastened, and necessarily compelled
to hold up, — men and women promiscuously, and
about in equal proportions. — all young people.
No children here, except a few in a wagon behind,
which were the only children in the four gangs.
I said to a respectable mulatto woman in the
house, "Is it true that the negro-traders take
mothers from their babies?'' " Massa, it is
true; for here, last week such a girl [naming
her], who lives about a mile off, was taken after
dinner, — knew nothing of it in the morning, —
sold, put into the gang, and her baby given away
to a neighbor. She was a stout young woman,
and brought a good price."
48
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
Nor is the pitiful lie to be regarded which
says that these unhappy mothers and fathers,
husbands and wives, do not feel when the
most sacred ties are thus severed. Every
day and hour bears living witness of the
falsehood of this slander,, the more false be-
cause spoken of a race peculiarly affectionate,
and strong, vivacious and vehement, in the
expression of their feelings.
The case which the writer supposed of
the woman's throwing herself overboard is
not by any means a singular one. Witness
the following recent fact, which appeared
under the head of
ANOTHER INCIDENT FOR " UNCLE TOM'S CABIN."
The editorial correspondent of the Oneida, (N.
Y.) Telegraph, writing from a steamer on the
Mississippi river, gives the following sad story :
" At Louisville, a gentleman took passage,
having with him a family of blacks, — husband,
wife and children. The master was bound for
Memphis, Tenn., at which place he intended to
take all except the man ashore. The latter was
hand-cuffed, and although his master said nothing
of his intention, the negro made up his mind, from
appearances, as well as from the remarks of those
around him, that he was destined for the Southern
market. We reached Memphis during the night,
and whilst within sight of the town, just before
landing, the negro caused his wife* to divide their
things, as though resigned to the intended sepa-
ration, and then, taking a moment when his
master's back was turned, ran forward and jumped
into the river. Of course he sank, and his master
was several hundred dollars poorer than a moment
before. That was all ; at least, scarcely any one
mentioned it the next morning. I was obliged to
get my information from the deck hands, and did
not hear a remark concerning it in the cabin. In
justice to the master, I should say, that after the
occurrence he disclaimed any intention to separate
them. Appearances, however, are. quite against
him, if I have been rightly informed. This sad
affair needs no comment. It is an argument,
however, that I might have used to-day, with
some effect, whilst talking with a highly-intelli-
gent Southerner of the evils of slavery. He had
been reading Uncle Tom's Cabin, and spoke of it
as a novel, which, like other romances, was well
calculated to excite the sympathies, by the recital
•of heart-touching incidents which never had an ex-
istence, except in the imagination of the writer."
Instances have occurred where mothers,
whose children were about to be sold from
them, have, in their desperation, murdered
their own offspring, to save them from this
worst kind of orphanage. A case of this
kind has been recently tried in the United
States, and was alluded to, a week or two
ago, by Mr. Giddings, in his speech on the
floor of Congress.
An American gentleman from Italy, com-
plaining of the effect of " Uncle Tom's
Cabin" on the Italian mind, states that
images of fathers dragged from their families
to be sold into slavery, and of babes torn
from the breasts of weeping mothers, *are
constantly presented before the minds of
the people as scenes of every-day life in
America. The author can only say, sorrow-
fully, that it is only the truth which is thus
presented.
These things are, every day, part and
parcel of one of* the most thriving trades
that is carried on in America. The only
difference between us and foreign nations is,
that we have got used to it, and they have
not. The thing has been done, and done
again, day after day, and year after year,
reported -and lamented over in every variety
of way; but it is going on this day with
more brislmess than ever before, and such
scenes as we have described are enacted
oftener, as the author will prove Avhen she
comes to the chapter on the internal slave-
trade.
The incident in this same chapter which
describes the scene where the wife of the
unfortunate article, catalogued as "John
aged 30," rushed on board the boat and
threw her arms around him, with moans and
lamentations, was a real incident. The
gentleman who related it was so stirred in
his spirit at the sight, that he addressed the
trader in the exact words which the writer
represents the young minister as having
used in her narrative.
My friend, how can you, how dare you, carry
on a trade like this? Look at those poor crea-
tures ! Here I am, rejoicing in my heart that I
am going home to my wife and child ; and the
same bell which is the signal to carry me onward
towards them will part this poor man and his
wife forever. Depend upon it, God will bring
you into judgment for this.
If that gentleman has read the work, —
as perhaps he has before now, — he has
probably recognized his own words. One
affecting incident in the narrative, as it
really occurred, ought to be mentioned. The
wife was passionately bemoaning her hus-
band's fate, as about to be foiever separated
from all that he held dear, to be sold to the
hard usage of a Southern plantation. The
husband, in reply, used that very simple but
sublime expression which the writer has
placed in the mouth of Uncle Tom, in simi-
lar circumstances : " There HI be the same
God titer e that there is here."
One other incident mentioned in :< Uncle
Tom's Cabin" may, perhaps, be as well
verified in this place as in any other.
The case of old Prue was related by a
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
49
brother and sister of the writer, as follows :
She was the woman who supplied rusks and
other articles of the kind at the house where
they boarded. Her manners, appearance
and character, were just as described. One
day another servant came in her place,
bringing r the rusks. The sister of the
writer inquired what had become of Pme.
She seemed reluctant to answer for some
time, but at last said that they had taken
her into the cellar and beaten her, and that
the flies had got at her, and she wa3 dead !
It is well known that there are no cellars,
properly so called, in New Orleans, the
nature of the ground being such as to forbid
digging. The slave who used the word had
probably been imported from some state
where cellars were in use, and applied the
term to the place which was used for the
ordinary purposes of a cellar. A cook
who lived in the writer's family, having lived
most of her life on a plantation, always ap-
plied the descriptive terms of the plantation
to the very limited enclosures and retinue
of a very plain house and yard.
This same lady, while living in the same
place, used frequently to have her compas-
sion excited by hearing the wailings of a
sickly baby in a house adjoining their own,
as also the objurgations and tyrannical abuse
of a ferocious virago upon its mother. She
once got an opportunity to speak to its
mother, who appeared heart-broken and
dejected, and inquired what was the matter
with her child. Her answer was that she
had had a fever, and that her milk was all
dried away ; and that her mistress was set
against her child, and would not buy milk
for it. She had tried to feed it on her own
coarse food, but it pined and cried continu-
ally; and in witness of this she brought the
baby to her. It was emaciated to a skeleton.
The lady took the little thing to a friend of
hers in the house who had been recently con-
fined, and who was suffering from a redun-
dancy of milk, and begged her to nurse it.
The miserable sight of the little, famished,
wasted thing affected the mother so as to
overcome all other considerations, and she
placed it to her breast, when it revived, and
took food with an eagerness which showed
how much it had suffered. But the child
was so reduced that this proved only a tran-
sient alleviation. It was after this almost im-
possible to get sight of the woman, and the
violent temper of her mistress was such as
to make it difficult to interfere in the case.
The lady secretly afforded what aid she could,
though, as she confessed, with a sort of mis-
giving that it was a cruelty to try to hold
back the poor little sufferer from the refuge
of the grave ; and it was a relief to her when
at last its wailings ceased, and it went where
the weary are at rest. This is one of those
cases which go to show that the interest of
the owner will not always insure kind treat-
ment of the slave.
There is one other incident, which the
writer interwove into the history of the
mulatto woman who was bought by Legree
for his plantation. The reader will remem-
ber that, in telling her story to Emmeline,
she says :
u My Mas'r was Mr. Ellis, — lived on Levee-
street. P'raps you've seen the house."
" Was he good to you?" said Emmeline.
" Mostly, till he tuk sick. He 's lain sick, off
and on, more than six months, and been orful
oneasy. 'Pears like he war n't wiliin' to have
nobody rest, day nor night ; and got so cur'ous,
there could n't nobody suit him. 'Pears like he
just grew crosser every day ; kep me up nights
till I got fairly beat out, and could n't keep awake
no longer ; and 'cause I got to sleep one night,
Lors ! he talk so orful to me, and he tell me he ? d
sell me to just the hardest master he could find ;
and he 'd promised me my freedom, too, when he
died.'
An incident of this s*.rt came under the
author's observation in the following man-
ner : A quadroon slave family, liberated by
the will of the master, settled on "Walnut
Hills, near her residence, and their children
were received into her family school, taught
in her house. In this family was a little
quadroon boy, four or five years of age, with
a sad, dejected appearance, who excited their
interest.
The history of this child, as narrated by
his friends, was simply this : His mother
had been the indefatigable nurse of her mas-
ter, during a lingering and painful sickness,
which at last terminated his life. She had
borne all the fatigue of the nursing, both by-
night and by day, sustained in it by his
promise that she should be rewarded for it
by her liberty, at his death. Overcome b
exhaustion and fatigue, she one night fe
asleep, and he was unable to rouse her.
The next day, after violently upbraiding
her, he altered the directions of his will, and
sold her to a man who was noted in all the
region round as a cruel master, which sale,
immediately on his death, which was shortly
after, took effect. The only mitigation of
her sentence was that her child was not to
be taken with her into this dreaded lot, but
was given to this quadroon family to be
brought into a free state.
50
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
The writer very well remembers hearing
this story narrated among a group of liber-
ated negroes, and their comments on it. A
peculiar form of grave and solemn irony
often characterizes the communications of
this class of people. It is a habit engen-
dered in slavery to comment upon proceed-
ings of this kind in language apparently
respectful to the perpetrators, and which is
felt to be irony only by a certain peculiarity
of manner, difficult to describe. After the
relation of this story, when the writer ex-
pressed her indignation in no measured
terms, one of the oldest of the sable circle
remarked, gravely,
" The man was a mighty great Christian,
anyhow."
The writer warmly expressed her dissent
from this view, when another of the same
circle added,
"Went to glory, anyhow."
And another continued,
"Had the greatest kind of a time when
he was a-dyin' ; said he was goin' straight
into heaven."
And when the writer remarked that many
people thought so who never got there, a sin-
gular smile of grim approval passed round
the circle, but no further comments were
made. This incident has often recurred to
the writer's mind, as showing the danger to
the welfare of the master's soul from the pos-
session of absolute power. A man of justice
and humanity when in health, is often
tempted to become unjust, exacting and
exorbitant, in sickness. If, in these circum-
stances, he is surrounded by inferiors, from
whom law and public opinion have taken
away the rights of common humanity, how
is he tempted to the exercise of the most
despotic passions, and, like this unfortunate
man, to leave the world with the weight of
these awful words upon his head: "If ye
forgive not men their trespasses, neither will
your Father forgive your trespasses."
CHAPTER XII.
TOPSY.
Topsy stands as the representative of a
large class of the children who are growing
up under the institution of slavery, — quick,
active, subtle and ingenious, apparently
utterly devoid of principle and conscience,
keenly penetrating, by an instinct which
exists in the childish mind, the degradation
of their condition, and the utter hopelessness
of rising above it ; feeling the black skin on
them, like the mark of Cain, to be a sign of
reprobation and infamy, and urged on by a
kind of secret desperation to make their
" calling and election " in sin " sure."
Christian people have often been perfectly
astonished and discouraged, as Miss Ophelia
was, in' the attempt to bring up such chil-
dren decently and Christianly, under a state
of things which takes away every stimulant,
which God meant should operate healthfullv
on the human mind.
We are not now speaking of the Southern
States merely, but of the New England
States ; for, startling as it may appear,
slavery is not yet to holly abolished in the
free states of the North. The most un-
christian part of it, that which gives to it all
the bitterness and all the sting, is yet, in a
great measure, unrepealed ; it is the practi-
cal denial to the negro of the rights of
human brotherhood. In consequence of
this, Topsy is a character which may be
found at the North as well as at the South.
In conducting the education of negro,
mulatto and quadroon children, the writer
has often observed this fact : — that, for a
certain time, and up to a certain age, they
kept equal pace with, and were often supe-
rior to, the white children with whom they
were associated ; but that there came a time
when they became indifferent to learning,
and made no further progress. This was
invariably at the age when they were old
enough to reflect upon life, and to perceive
that society had no place to offer them for
which anything more would be requisite
than the rudest and most elementary knowl-
edge.
Let us consider how it is with our own
children ; how few of them would ever
acquire an education from the mere love of
learning.
In the process necessary to acquire a
handsome style of hand-writing, to master
the intricacies of any language, or to con-
quer the difficulties of mathematical study,
how often does the perseverance of the child
flag, and need to be stimulated by his
parents and teachers by such considerations
as these: "It will be necessary for you, in
such or such a position in life, to possess
this or that acquirement or accomplishment.
How could you ever become a merchant,
without understanding accounts ? How
could you enter the learned professions
without understanding languages ? If you
are ignorant and uninformed, you cannot
take rank as a gentleman in society."
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
51
Does not every one know that, without
the stimulus which teachers and parents
thus continually present, multitudes of chil-
dren would never gain a tolerable educa-
tion ? And is it not the absence of all such
stimulus which has prevented the negro
•child from an equal advance 1
It is often objected to the negro race that
they are frivolous and vain, passionately
fond of show, and are interested only in
trifles. And who is to blame for all this ?
Take away all high aims, all noble ambition,
from any class, and what is left for them to
be interested in but trifles ?
The present attorney-general of Liberia,
Mr. Lewis, is a man who commands the
highest respect, for talent and ability in his
position ; yet, while he was in America, it
is said that, like many other young colored
men, he was distinguished only for foppery
and frivolity. What made the change in
Lewis after he went to Liberia? Who does
not see the answer 1 Does any one wish to
know what is inscribed on the seal which
keeps the great stone over the sepulchre of
African mind 1 It is this, — which was so
truly said by poor Topsy, — & Nothing but
A NIGGER ! "
It is this, burnt into the soul by the
branding-iron of cruel and unchristian scorn,
that is a sorer and deeper wound than all
the physical evils of slavery together.
There never was a slave who did not feel
it. Deep, deep down in the dark, still waters
of his soul is the conviction, heavier, bitterer
than all others, that he is not regarded as
a man. On this point may be introduced
the testimony of one who has known the
Wormwood and the gall of slavery by bitter
experience. The following letter has been
received from Dr. Pennington, in relation
to some inquiries of the author :
5 50 Lawrens-street,
\ New York, Nov. 30, 1852.
Mrs. H. B. Stowe.
Esteemed Madam: I have duly received your
kind letter in answer to mine of the 15th instant,
in which you state that you " have an intense curi-
osity to know how far you have rightly divined
the heart of the slave." You give me your idea
in these words: " There lies buried down in the
heart of the most seemingly careless and stupid
-slave a bleeding spot, that bleeds and aches,
though he could scarcely tell why ; and that this
Sore spot is the degradation of his position."
After escaping from the plantation of Dr. Tilgh-
man, in Washington County, Md., where I was
held as a slave, and worked as a blacksmith, I
came to the State of Pennsylvania, and, after ex-
periencing there some of the vicissitudes referred
to in my little published narrative, I came into,
New York State, bringing in my mind a certain
indescribable feeling of wretchedness. They used
to say of me at Dr. Tilghman's, " That blacksmith
Jemmy is a 'cute fellow ; still water runs deep."
But I confess that " blacksmith Jemmy" was not
7 cute enough to understand the cause of his own
wretchedness. The current of the still water
may have run deep, but it did not reach down to
that awful bed of lava.
At times I thought it occasioned by the lurking
fear of betrayal. There was no Vigilance Com-
mittee at the time, — there were but anti-slavery
men. I came North with my counsels in my own
cautious breast. I married a. wife, and did not
tell her I was a fugitive. None of my friends
knew it. I knew not the means of safety, and
hence I was constantly in fear of meeting with
some one who would betray me.
It was fully two yea^s before I could hold up
my head-, but still that Veling was in my mind.
In 1846, after opening n y bosom as a fugitive to
John Hooker, Esq., I felt this much relief, —
11 Thank God there is one brother-man in hard old
Connecticut that knows my troubles. ' '
Soon after this, when I sailed to the island of
Jamaica, and on landing there saw colored men
in all the stations of civil, social, commercial life,
where I had seen white men in this country, that
feeling of wretchedness experienced a sensible re-
lief, as if some feverish sore had been just reached
by just the right kind of balm. There was before
my eye evidence that a colored man is more than
" a nigger." I went into the House of Assembly
at Spanishtown, where fifteen out of forty-five
members were colored men. I went into the
courts, where I saw in the jury-box colored and
white men together, colored and white lawyers
at the bar. I went into the Common Council of
Kingston ; there I found men of different colors.
So in all the counting-rooms, &c. &c.
But still there was this drawback. Somebody
says, " This is nothing but a nigger island. ' ' Now,
then, my old trouble came back again ; "a nigger
among niggers is but a nigger still."
In 1849, when I undertook my second visit to
Great Britain, I resolved to prolong and extend my
travel and intercourse with the best class of men,
with a view to see if I could banish that trouble-
some old ghost entirely out of my mind. In Eng-
land, Scotland, Wales, France, Germany, Belgium
and Prussia, my whole power has been concen-
trated on this object. " I '11 be a man, and I'll
kill off this enemy which has haunted me these
twenty years and more." I believe I have suc-
ceeded in some good degree ; at least, I have now
no more trouble on the score of equal manhood
with the whites. My European tour was eertainly
useful, beeause there the trial was fair and honor-
able. I had nothing to complain of. I got what
was due to man, and I was expected to do what
was due from man to man. I sought not to be
treated as a pet. I put myself into the harness,
and wrought manfully in the first pulpits, and the
platforms in peace congresses, conventions, anni-
versaries, commencements, &c. ; and in these ex-
ercises that rusty old iron came out of my soul,
and went " clean away."
You say again you have never seen a *intf° how
ever careless and merry-hearted, who had not this
sore place, and that did not shrink or get angry
if a finger was laid on it. I see that you .have
been a close observer of negro nature.
52
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
So tar as I understand your idea, I think you
are perfectly correct in the impression you have
received, as explained in your note.
0, Mrs. Stowe, slavery is an awful system ! It
takes man as God made him ; it demolishes him,
and then mis-creates him, or perhaps I should
say mal-creates him !
Wishing you good health and good success in
your arduous work,
I am yours, respectfully,
J. W. C. Pennington.
People of intelligence, who have had the
care of slaves, have often made this remark
to the writer: "They are a singular whim-
sical people ; you can do a great deal more
with them by humoring some of their prej-
udices, than by bestowing on them the
most substantial favors." On inquiring
what these prejudices were, the reply would
be, " They like to have their weddings ele-
gantly celebrated, and to have a good deal
of notice taken of their funerals, and to
give and go to parties dressed and appear-
ing like white people ; and they will often
put up with material inconveniences, and
suffer themselves to be worked very hard,
if they are humored in these respects."
Can any one think of this without com-
passion ? Poor souls ! willing to bear with
so much for simply this slight acknowledg-
ment of their common humanity. To honor
their weddings and funerals is, in some sort,
acknowledging that they are human, and
therefore they prize it. Hence we see the
reason of the passionate attachment which
often exists in a faithful slave to a good
master. It is, in fact, a transfer of his
identity to his master. A stern law and an
unchristian public sentiment has taken away
his birthright of humanity, erased his name
from the catalogue of men, and made him
an anomalous creature — neither man nor
brute. When a kind master recognizes his
humanity, and treats him as a humble com-
panion and a friend, there is no end to
the devotion and gratitude which he thus
excites. He is to the slave a deliverer and
a saviour from the curse which lies on his
hapless race. Deprived of all legal rights
and privileges, all opportunity or hope of
personal advancement or honor, he transfers,
as it were, his whole existence into his mas-
ter's, and appropriates his rights, his position,,
his honor, as his own ; and thus enjoys a
kind of reflected sense of what it might be
to be a man himself. Hence it is that the
appeal to the more generous part of the
negro character is seldom made in vain.
An acquaintance of the writer was mar-
ried to a gentleman in Louisiana, who was
the proprietor of some eight hundred slaves.
He, of course, had a large train of servants
in his domestic establishment. When about
to enter upon her duties, she was warned
that the servants were all so thievish that
she would be under the necessity, in com-
mon with all other housekeepers, of keep-
ing everything under lock and key. She,
however, announced her intention of train-
ing her servants in such a manner as to
make this unnecessary. Her ideas were
ridiculed as chimerical, but she resolved to
carry them into practice. The course she
pursued was as follows : She called all the
family servants together ; told them that it
would be a great burden and restraint upon
her to be obliged to keep everything locked
from them ; that she had heard that they
were not at all to be trusted, but that she could
not help hoping that they were much better
than they had been represented. She told
them that she should provide abundantly for
all their wants, and then that she should leave
her stores unlocked, and trust to their honor.
The idea that they were supposed capable
of having any honor struck a new chord at
once in every heart. The servants appeared
most grateful for the trust, and there was
much public spirit excited, the older and
graver ones exerting themselves to watch
over the children, that nothing might be done
to destroy this new-found treasure of honor.
At last, however, the lady discovered
that some depredations had been made on
her cake by some of the juvenile part of the
establishment ; she, therefore, convened all
the servants, and stated the fact to them. She
remarked that it was not on account of the
value of the cake that she felt annoyed, but
that they must be sensible that it would not
be pleasant for her to have it indiscriminately
fingered and handled, and that, therefore,
she should set some cake out upon a table,
or some convenient place, and beg that all
those who were disposed to take it would go
there and help themselves, and allow the
rest to remain undisturbed in the closet
She states that the cake stood upon the
table and dried, without a morsel of it being
touched, and that she never afterwards had
any trouble in this respect.
A little time after, a new carriage was
bought, and one night the leather boot of it
was found to be missing. Before her hus-
band had time to take any steps on the sub-
ject, the servants of the family called a
convention among themselves, and instituted
an inquiry into the offence. The boot was
found and promptly restored, though they
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
53
would not reveal to their master and mis-
tress the name of the offender.
One other anecdote which this lady re-
lated illustrates that peculiar devotion of a
slave to a good master, to which allusion
has been made. Her husband met with his
death by a sudden and melancholy accident.
He had a personal attendant and confiden-
tial servant who had grown up with him
from childhood. This servant was so over-
whelmed with grief as to be almost stupefied.
On the day of the funeral a brother of his
deceased master inquired of him if he had
performed a certain commission for his mis-
tress. The servant said that he had forgotten
it. Not perceiving his feelings at the mo-
ment, the gentleman replied. " I am surprised
that you should neglect any command of
your mistress, when she is in such afflic-
tion."
This remark was the last drop in the full
cup. The poor fellow fell to the ground
entirely insensible, and the family were
obliged to spend nearly two hours employ-
ing various means to restore his vitality.
The physician accounted for his situation
by saying that there had been such a rush
of all the blood in the body towards the
heart, that there was actual danger of a
rupture of that organ, — a literal death by
a broken heart.
Some thoughts may be suggested by Miss
Ophelia's conscientious but unsuccessful
efforts in the education of Topsy.
Society has yet need of a great deal of
enlightening as to the means of restoring
the vicious and degraded to virtue.
It has been erroneously supposed that with
brutal and degraded natures only coarse and
brutal measures could avail ; and yet it has
been found, by those who have most experi-
ence, that their success with this class of
society has been just in proportion to the
delicacy and kindliness with which they
have treated them.
Lord Shaftsbury, who has won so honor-
able a fame by his benevolent interest in the
efforts made for the degraded lower classes
of his own land, says, in a recent letter to
the author :
You are right about Topsy : our ragged schools
will afford you many instances of poor children,
hardened by kicks, insults and neglect, moved to
tears and docility by the first word of kindness.
It opens new feelings, develops, as it were, a new
nature, and brings the wretched outcast into the
family of man.
Recent efforts which have been made
among unfortunate females in some of the
worst districts of New York show the same
thing. What is it that rankles deepest in
the breast of fallen woman, that makes her
so hopeless and irreclaimable? It is that
burning consciousness of degradation which
stings worse than cold or hunger, and makes
her shrink from the face of the missionary
and the philanthropist. They who have vis-
ited these haunts of despair and wretchedness
have learned that they must touch gently
the shattered harp of the human soul, if
they would string it again to divine music ;
that they must encourage self-respect, and
hope, and sense of character, or the bonds
of death can never be broken.
Let us examine the gospel of Christ, and
see on what principles its appeals are con-
structed. Of what nature are those motives
which have melted our hearts and renewed
our wills ? Are they not appeals to the
most generous and noble instincts of our na-
ture ? Are we not told of One fairer than
the sons of men, — One reigning in immor-
tal glory, who loved us so that he could
bear pain, and want, and shame, and death
itself, for our sake ?
When Christ speaks to the soul, does he
crush one of its nobler faculties ? Does he
taunt us with our degradation, our selfish-
ness, our narrowness of view, and feeble-
ness of intellect, compared with his own 7
Is it not true that he not only saves us
from our sins, but saves us in a way most
considerate, most tender, most regardful of
our feelings and sufferings? Does not the
Bible tell us that, in order to fulfil his office
of Redeemer the more perfectly, he took
upon him the condition of humanity, and
endured the pains, and wants, and tempta-
tions of a mortal existence, that he might
be to us a sympathizing, appreciating friend,
" touched with the feeling of our infirm-
ities." and cheering us gently on in the
hard path of returning virtue 7
0, when shall we, who have received so
much of Jesus Christ, learn to repay it in
acts of kindness to our poor brethren ?
When shall we be Christ-like, and not man-
like, in our efforts to reclaim the fallen and
wandering ?
54
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE QUAKERS.
The writer's sketch of the character of
this people has been drawn from personal
observation. There are several settlements
of these people in Ohio, and the manner of
living, the tone of sentiment, and the habits
of life, as represented in her book, are not at
all exaggerated.
These settlements have always been
refuges for the oppressed and outlawed
slave. The character of Rachel Halliday
was a real one, but she has passed away
to her reward. Simeon Halliday, calmly
risking fine and imprisonment for his love
to God and man, has had in this country
many counterparts among the sect.
The writer had in mind, at the time of
writing, the scenes in the trial of Thomas
Garret, of Wilmington, Delaware, for the
crime of hiring a hack to convey a mother
and four children from Newcastle jail to
Wilmington, a distance of five miles.
The writer has received the facts in this
case in a letter from John Garret himself,
from which some extracts will be made :
Wilmington, Delaware,
1st month 18th, 1853.
Mr Dear Friend,
Harriet Beecher Stowe : I have this day received
a request from Charles K. Whipple, of Boston, to
furnish thee with a statement,' authentic and
circumstantial, of the trouble and losses which
have been brought upon myself and others of my
friends from the aid we had rendered to fugitive
slaves, in order, if thought of sufficient importance^
to be published in a work thee is now preparing
for the press.
I will now endeavor to give thee a statement of
what John Hunn and myself suffered by aiding a
family of slaves, a few years since. I will give
the facts as they occurred, and thee may condense
and publish so much as thee may think useful in
thy work, and no more :
" In the 12th month, year 1846, a family, con-
sisting of Samuel Hawkins, a freeman, his wife
Emeline, and six children, who were afterwards
proved slaves, stopped at the house of a friend
named John Hunn, near Middletown, in this state,
in the evening about sunset, to procure food and
lodging for the night. They were seen by some
of Hunn's pro-slavery neighbors, who soon came
with a constable, and had them taken before a
magistrate. Hunn had left the slaves in his
kitchen when he went to the village of Middle-
town, half a mile distant. When the officer
came with a warrant for them, he met Hunn at
the kitchen door, and asked for the blacks ; Hunn,
with truth, said he did not know where they
were. Hunn's wife, thinking they would be
safer, had sent them up stairs during his absence,
where they were found. Hunn made no resistance,
and they were taken before the magistrate, and
from his office direct to Newcastle jail, where they
arrived about one o'clock on 7th day morning.
The sheriff and his daughter, being kind, fiia-
mane people, inquired of Hawkins and wife the
facts of their case ; and his daughter wrote to a
lady here, to request me to go to Newcastle and
inquire into the case r as her father and self really
believed they were most of them, if not all, en-
titled to their freedom. Next morning I went to
Newcastle : had the family of colored people
brought into the parlor, and the sheriff and myself
came to the conclusion that the parents and four
youngest children were by law entitled to their
freedom. I prevailed on- the sheriff to show me
the commitment of the magistrate, which I found
wa3 defective, and not in due form according to-
law. I procured a copy and handed it to a lawyer-
He pronounced the commitment irregular, and
agreed to go next morning to Newcastle and have
the whole family taken before Judge Booth, Chief
Justice of the state, by habeas corpus, when the fol-
lowing admission was made by Samuel Hawkins
and wife : They admitted that the two eldest boys
were held by one Charles Glaudin, of Queen Anne
County, Maryland, as slaves ; that after the birth
of these two children, Elizabeth Turner, also of
Queen Anne, the mistress of their mother, had set
her free,, and permitted her to go and live with her
husband, near twenty miles from her residence,,
after which the four youngest children were born ;
that her mistress during all that time, eleven or
twelve years, had never contributed one dollar to
their support, or come to see them. After examining,
the commitment in their case, and consulting with
my attorney, the judge set the whole family at
liberty. The day was wet and cold ; one of the
children, three years old, was a cripple from white
swelling, and could not walk a step ; another, eleven
months old, at the breast ; and the parents being
desirous of getting to Wilmington, five miles dis-
tant, I asked the judge if there would )>e any risk
or impropriety in my hiring a conveyance for the
mother and four young children to Wilmington.
His reply, in the presence of the sheriff and my at-
torney, was there would not be any. I then re-
quested the sheriff to procure a hack to take them
over to Wilmington."
The whole family escaped. John Husm
and John Garret were brought up to trial
for having practically fulfilled those words
of Christ which read, "I was a stranger
and ye took me in, I was sick and in prison
and ye came unto me." For John Ilunn's-
part of this crime, he was fined two thousand
five hundred dollars, and John Garret was
fined five thousand four hundred. Three
thousand five hundred of this was the fine
for hiring a hack for them, and one thousand
nine hundred was assessed on him as the
value of the slaves ! Our European friends
will infer from this that it costs something
to obey Christ in America, as well as in
Europe.
After John Garret's trial was over, and
this heavy judgment had been given against
him, he calmly rose in the court-room, and
requested leave to address a few words to
the court and audience.
Leave being granted, he spoke as follows:
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
55
I have a few words which I wish to address to
the court, jury and prosecutors, in the several
suits that have been brought against me during
the sittings of this court, in order to determine
the amount of penalty I must pay for doing
what my feelings prompted me to do as a lawful
and meritorious act ; a simple act of humanity and
justice, as I believed, to eight of that oppressed
race, the people of color, whom I found in the
Newcastle jail, in the 12th month, 1845. I will
now endeavor to state the facts of those cases, for
your consideration and reflection after you return
home to your families and friends. You will then
have time to ponder on what has transpired here
since the sitting of this court, and I believe that
your verdict will then be unanimous, that the law
of the United States, as explained by our vener-
able judge, when compared with the act committed
hj me, was cruel and oppressive, and needs re-
modelling.
Here follows a very brief and clear state-
ment of the facts in the case, of which the
reader is already apprized.
After showing conclusively that he had
no reason to suppose the family to be slaves,
and that they had all been discharged by
the judge, he nobly adds the following
words :
Had I believed every one of them to be slaves,
I should have done the same thing. I should have
done violence to my convictions of duty, had I
not made use of all the lawful means in my
power to liberate those people, and assist them to
become men and women, rather than leave them
in the condition of chattels personal.
I am called an Abolitionist ; once a name of re-
proach, but one I have ever been proud to be con-
sidered worthy of being called. For the last
twenty-five years I have been engaged in the
cause of this despised and much-injured race, and
consider their cause worth suffering for ; but,
owing to a multiplicity of other engagements, I
could not devote so much of my time and mind to
their cause as I otherwise should have done.
The impositions and persecutions practised on
those unoffending and innocent brethren are ex-
treme beyond endurance. I am now placed in a
situation in which I have not so much to claim my
attention as formerly ; and I now pledge myself, in
the presence of this assembly, to use all lawful
and honorable means to lessen the burdens of this
oppressed people, and endeavor, according to ability
furnished, to burst their chains asunder, and set
them free ; not relaxing my efforts on their behalf
while blessed with health, and a slave remains to
tread the soil of the state of my adoption, —
DelaAvare.
After mature reflection, I can assure this as-
sembly it is my opinion at this time that the ver-
dicts you have given the prosecutors against John
Hunn and myself, within the past few days, will
have a tendency to raise a spirit of inquiry
throughout the length and breadth of the land,
respecting this monster evil (slavery), in many
minds that have not heretofore investigated the
subject. The reports of those trials will be pub-
lished by editors from Maine to Texas and the far
West ; and what must be the effect produced ?
It will, no doubt, add hundreds, perhaps thou-
sands, to the present large and rapidly increasing
army of abolitionists. The injury is great to us
who are the immediate sufferers by your verdict ;
but I believe the verdicts you have given against
us within the last few days will have a powerful
effect in bringing about the abolition of slavery in
this country, this land of boasted freedom, where
not only the slave is fettered at the South by his
lordly master, but the white man at the North is
bound as in chains to do the bidding of his South-
ern masters.
In his letter to the writer John Garret
adds, that after this speech a young man who
had served as juryman came across the room,
and taking him by the hand, said :
" Old gentleman, I believe every state-
ment that you have made. I came from home
prejudiced against you, and I now acknowl-
edge that I have helped to do you injus-
tice."
Thus calmly and simply did this Quaker
confess Christ before men, according as it is
written of them of old, — " He esteemed the
reproach of Christ greater riches than all
the treasures of Egypt."
Christ has said, " Whosoever shall be
ashamed of me and my words, of him shall
the Son of Man be ashamed." In our days
it is not customary to be ashamed of Christ
personally, but of his words' many are
ashamed. But when they meet Him in
judgment they will have cause to remember
them ; for heaven and earth shall pass away,
but His word shall not pass away.
Another case of the same kind is of a
more affecting character.
Richard Dillingham was the son of a
respectable Quaker family in Morrow
County, Ohio. His pious mother brought
him up in the full belief of the doctrine of
St. John, that the love of God and the love
of man are inseparable. He was diligently
taught in such theological notions as are
implied in such passages as these : ' ■ Hereby
perceive we the love of God, because he
laid down his life for us ; and we ought also
to lay down our lives for the brethren. —
But whoso hath this world's goods and seeth
his brother have need and shutteth up his
bowels of compassion from him, how dwelleth
the love of God in him ? — My little children,
let us not love in word and in tongue, but
in deed and in truth."
In accordance with these precepts, Richard
Dillingham, in early manhood, was found in
Cincinnati teaching the colored people, and
visiting in the prisons and doing what in hini
lay to " love in deed and in truth. ; '
Some unfortunate families among the
colored people had dear friends who were
56
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
slaves in Nashville, Tennessee. Richard
was so interested in their story, that when
he went into Tennessee he was actually
taken up and caught in the very fact of
helping certain poor people to escape to
their friends.
He was seized and thrown into prison.
In the language of this world he was im-
prisoned as a "negro-stealer." His own
account is given in the following letter to
his parents :
Nashville Jail, 12th mo. 15th, 1849.
Dear Parents : I presume you have heard of my
arrest and imprisonment in the Nashville jail,
under a charge of aiding in an attempted escape
of slaves from the city of Nashville, on the 5th
inst. I was arrested by M. D. Maddox (district
nonstable), aided by Frederick Marshal, watch-
man at the Nashville Inn, and the bridge-keeper,
at the bridge across the Cumberland river. When
they arrested me, I had rode up to the bridge on
horseback and paid the toll for myself and for the
hack to pass over, in which three colored persons,
who were said to be slaves, were found by the
men who arrested me. The driver of the hack
(who is a free colored man of this city), and the
persons in the hack, were also arrested ; and after
being taken to the Nashville Inn and searched, we
were all taken to jail. My arrest took place about
eleven o'clock at night.
In another letter he says :
At the bridge, Maddox said to me, " You are just
the man we wanted. We will make an example of
you." As soon as we were safe in the bar-room of
the inn, Maddox took a candle and looked me in the
face, to see if he could recognize my countenance :
and looking intently at me a few moments, he said,
H Well, you are too good-looking a young man to
be engaged in such an affair as this." The by-
standers asked ine several questions, to which I
replied that under the present circumstances I
would rather be excused from answering any ques-
tions relating to my case ; upon which they
desisted from further inquiry. Some threats and
malicious wishes were uttered against me by the
ruffian part of the assembly, being about twenty-
five persons. I was put in a cell which had six
persons in it, and I can assure thee that they were
very far from being agreeable companions to me,
although they were kind. But thou knows that I
do nut relish cursing and swearing, and worst of
all loathsome and obscene blasphemy ; and of
such was most of the conversation of my prison
mates when I was first put in here. The jailers
are kind enough to me, but the jail is so con-
structed that it cannot be warmed, and we have
to either warm ourselves by walking in our cell,
which is twelve by fifteen feet, or by lying in bed.
I went out to my trial on the 10th of last month,
and put it off till the next term of the court,
which will be commenced on the second of next
4th month. I put it off on the ground of excite-
ment.
Dear brother, I have no hopes of getting clear
of being convicted and sentenced to the peniten-
tiary ; but do not think that I am without comfort
in my afflictions, for I assure thee that I have
many reflections that give me sweet consolation in
the midst of my grief. I have a clear conscience
before my God, which is my greatest comfort and
support through all my troubles and afflictions.
An approving conscience none can know but thoso
who enjoy it. It nerves us in the hour of trial to
bear our sufferings with fortitude, and even with
cheerfulness. The greatest affliction I have is the
reflection of the sorrow and anxiety my friends will
have to endure on my account. But I can assure
thee, brother, that with the exception of this reflec-
tion, I am far, very far, from being one of the most
miserable of men. Nay, to the contrary, I am not
terrified at the prospect before me, though I am
grieved about it ; but all have enough to grieve
about in this unfriendly wilderness of sin and woo.
My hopes are not fixed in this world, and there-
fore I have a source of consolation that will never
fail me, so long as I slight not the offers of mercy,
comfort and peace, which my blessed Saviour con-
stantly privileges me with.
One source of almost constant annoyance to my
feelings is the profanity and vulgarity, and the
bad, disagreeable temper, of two or three fellow-
prisoners of my cell. They show me considerable
kindness and respect ; but they cannot do other-
wise, when treated with the civility and kindness
with which I treat them. If it be my fate to go
to the penitentiary for eight or ten years, I can, I
believe, meet my doom without shedding a tear.
I have not yet shed a tear, though there may be
many in store. My bail-bonds were set at seven
thousand dollars. If I should be bailed out,
I should return to my trial, unless my security
were rich, and did not wish me to return ; for 1
am Richard yet, although I am in the prison of my
enemy, and will not flinch from what I believe to
be right and honorable. These are the principles
which, in carrying out, have lodged me here ; for
there was a time, at my arrest, that I might have,
in all probability, escaped the police, but it would
have subjected those who were arrested with
me to punishment, perhaps even to death, in
order to find out who? I was, and if they had not
told more than they could have done in truth, they
would probably have been punished without
mercy ; and I am determined no one shall suffer
for me. I am now a prisoner, but those who were
arrested with me are all at liberty, and 1 believe
without whipping. I now stand alone before the
Commonwealth of Tennessee to answer for the
affair. Tell my friends I am in the midst of con-
solation here.
Richard was engaged to a young lady of
amiable disposition and fine mental endow-
ments.
To her he thus writes :
, dearest ! Canst thou upbraid me ? canst
thou call it crime? wouldst thou call it crime, or
couldst thou upbraid me. for rescuing, or attempt-
ing to rescue, thy father, mother, or brother and
sister, or even friends, from a captivity among a
cruel race of oppressors ? 0, couldst thou only see
what I have seen, and hear what 1 have heard, of
the sad, vexatious, degrading, and smlrtrying
situation of as noble minds as ever the Anglo-
Saxon race were possessed of, mourning in vain
for that universal heaven-born boon of freedom,
which an all- wise and beneficent Creator has
designed for all, thou couldst not censure, but
wouldst deeply sympathize with me ! Take all
these things into consideration, and the thousands
of poor mortals who are dragging out far mor*
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN
57
miserable lives than mine will be, even at ten
years in the penitentiary, and thou wilt not look
upon my fate with so much horror as thou would
at first thought.
In another letter he adds :
I have happy hours here, and I should not be
miserable if 1 could only know you were not sor-
rowing for me at home. It would give me more
satisfaction to hear that you were not grieving
about me than anything else.
The nearer I live to the principle of the com-
mandment, " Love thy neighbor as thyself," the
more enjoyment I have of this life. None can
know the enjoyments that flow from feelings of
good will towards our fellow-beings, both friends
and enemies, but those who cultivate them. Even
in my prison-cell I may be happy, if I will. For
the Christian's consolation cannot be shut out from
him by enemies or iron gates.
In another letter to the lady before al-
luded to he says :
By what I am able to learn, I believe thy
** Richard" has not fallen altogether unlamented ;
and the satisfaction it gives me is sufficient to
make my prison life more pleasant and desirable
than even a life of liberty without the esteem and
respect of my friends. But it gives bitterness to
the cup of my afflictions to think that my dear
friends and relatives have to suffer such grief and
sorrow for me.
Though persecution ever so severe be my lot,
yet I will not allow my indignation ever to ripen
into revenge even against my bitterest enemies ;
for there will be a time w r hen all things must be
revealed before Him who has said " Vengeance is
mine, I will repay." Yes, my heart shall ever
glow with love for my poor fellow-mortals, who
are hastening rapidly on to their final destination
— the awful tomb and the solemn judgment.
Perhaps it will give thee some consolation for
me to tell thee that I believe there is a consider-
able sympathy existing in the minds of some of
the better portion of the citizens here, which may
be of some benefit to me. But all that can be
done in my behalf will still leave my case a sad
one. Think not, however, that it is all loss to
me, for by my calamity I have learned many good
and useful lessons, which I hope may yet prove
both temporal and spiritual blessings to me.
" Behind a frowning providence
lie hides a smiling face."
Therefore I hope thou and my dear distressed
rirents will be somewhat comforted about me, for
know yon regard my spiritual welfare far more
than any tiling else.
In his next letter to the same friend he
says :
Since T wrote my last, I have had a severe
moral conflict, in which 1 believe the right con-
?uered, and has completely gained the ascendency,
'he matter was this : A man with whom I have
become acquainted since my imprisonment offered
u> bail me out and let me stay away from ui} 7
trial, and pay the bail-bonds for me, and was very
anxious to do it. [Here he mentions that the
funds held by this individual had been placed in
his hands by a person who obtained them by dis-
honest means.] But having learned the above
facts, which he in confidence made known to me,
I declined accepting his offer, giving him my rea-
sons in full. The matter rests with him, my
attorneys and myself. My attorneys do not know
who he is, but, with his permission, I in confi-
dence informed them of the nature of the case,
after I came to a conclusion upon the subject, and
had determined not to accept the offer ; which
was approved by them. I also had an offer of
iron saws and files and other tools by which I
could break jail ; but I refused them also, as I do
not wish to pursue any such underhanded course to
extricate myself from my present difficulties ; for
when I leave Tennessee — if I ever do — T am
determined to leave it a free man. Thou need not
fear that I shall ever stoop to dishonorable means
to avoid my severe impending fate. When I meet
thee again I want to meet thee with a clear con-
science, and a character unspotted by disgrace.
In another place he says, in view of his
nearly approaching trial :
dear parents ! The principles of love for my
fellow-beings which you have instilled into my
mind are some of the greatest consolations I have
in my imprisonment, and they give me resignation
to bear whatever may be inflicted upon me w ithout
feeling any malice or bitterness toward my vigi-
lant prosecutors. If they show me mercy, it will
be accepted by me with gratitude ; but if they do
not, I will endeavor to bear whatever they may
inflict with Christian fortitude and resignation,
and try not to murmur at my lot ; but it is hard
to obey the commandment, " Love your enemies."
The day of his trial at length came.
His youth, his engaging manners, frank
address, and invariable gentleness to all who
approached him, had won many friends, and
the trial excited much interest.
His mother and her brother, Asa Williams, went
a distance of seven hundred and fifty miles to at-
tend his trial. They carried with them a certifi-
cate of his character, drawn up by Dr. Brisbane,
and numerously signed by his friends and ac-
quaintances, and officially countersigned by civil
officers. This was done at the suggestion of his
counsel, and exhibited by them in court. When
brought to the bar it is said that " his demeanor
was calm, dignified and manly." His mother sat
by his side. The prosecuting attorney waived his
plea, and left the ground clear for Richard's
counsel. Their defence was eloquent and pa-
thetic. After they closed, Richard rose, and in
a calm and dignified manner spoke extempora-
neously as follows :
." By the kind permission of the Court, for
which T am sincerely thankful, I avail myself of
the privilege of adding a few words to the remarks
already made by my counsel. And although I
stand, by my own confession, as a criminal in the
eyes of your violated laws, yet I feel confident
that I am addressing those who have hearts to
feel ; and in meting out the Punishment that 1 am
about to suffer I hope you vill be lenient, for it
is a new situation in which I am placed. Never
58
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
before, in the whole course of my life, have I been
charged with a dishonest act. And from my
childhood kind parents, whose names I deeply
reverence, have instilled into my mind a desire to
be virtuous and honorable ; and it has ever been
my aim so to conduct myself as to merit the con-
fidence and esteem of my fellow-men. But, gen-
tlemen, I have violated your laws. This offence I
did commit ; and I now stand before you, to my
sorrow and regret, as a criminal, But I was
prompted to it by feelings of humanity. It has
been suspected, as I was informed, that I am
leagued with a fraternity who are combined for
the purpose of committing such offences as the
one with which I am charged. But, gentlemen,
the impression is false. I alone am guilty, I
alone committed the offence, and I alone must
suffer the penalty. My parents, my friends, my
relatives, are as innocent of any participation in
or knoAvledge of my oflence as the babe unborn.
My parents are still living, * though advanced in
years, and, in the course of nature, a few more
years will terminate their earthly existence. In
their old age and infirmity they will need a stay
and protection ; and if you can, consistently with
your ideas of justice, make my term of imprison-
ment a short one, you will receive the lasting
gratitude of a son who reverences his parents, and
the prayers and blessings of an aged father and
mother who love their child."
A great deal of sensation now appeared in the
court-room, and most of the jury are said to have
wept. They retired for a few moments, and
returned a verdict for three years imprisonment
in the penitentiary.
The Nashville Daily Gazette of April 13, 1849,
contains the following notice :
" THE KIDNAPPING CASE.
'* Richard Dillingham, who was arrested on the
5th day of December last, having in his possession
three slaves whom he intended to convey with him
to a free state, was arraigned yesterday and tried
in the Criminal Court. The prisoner confessed his
guilt, and made a short speech in palliation of his
offence. He avowed that the act was undertaken
by himself without instigation from any source,
and he alone was responsible for the error into
which his education had led him. He had, he
said, no other motive than the good of the slaves,
and did not expect to claim any advantage by
freeing them. He was sentenced to three years
imprisonment in the penitentiary, the least time
the law allows for the offence committed. Mr.
Dillingham is a Quaker from Ohio, and has been
a teacher in that state. He belongs to a respect-
able family, and he is not without the sympathy
of those who attended the trial. It was a fool-
hardy enterprise in which he embarked, and
dearly has he paid for his rashness."
His mother, before leaving Nashville, visited
the governor, and had an interview with him in
regard to pardoning her son. He gave her some
encouragement, but thought she had better post-
pone her petition for the present. After the lapse
of several months, she wrote to him about it ; but
he seemed to have changed his mind, as the fol-
lowing letter will show :
" Nashville, August 29, 1849.
" Dear Madam : Your letter of the 6th of the
7th mo. was received, and would have been noticed
* R. D.'s father survived him only a few months.
earlier but for my absence from home. Your
solicitude for your son is natural, and it would be
gratifying to be able to reward it by releasing him,
if it were in my power. But the offence for
which he is suffering was clearly made out, and
its tendency here is very hurtful to our rights,
and our peace as a people. He is doomed to the
shortest period known to our statute. And, at all
events, I could not interfere with his case for
some time to come ; and, to be frank with you, I do
not see how his time can be lessened at all. But
my term of office will expire soon, and the gov-
ernor elect, Gen. William Trousdale, will take my
place. To him you will make any future appeal.
" Yours, &c. N. L. Brown.'
The warden of the penitentiary, John Mcin-
tosh, was much prejudiced against him. He
thought the sentence was too light, and, being of
a stern bearing, Richard had not much to expect
from his kindness. But the same sterling integrity
and ingenuousness which had ever, under all cir-
cumstances, marked his conduct, soon wrought a
change in the minds of his keepers, and of his
enemies generally. He became a favorite with
Mcintosh, and some of the guard. According to
the rules of the prison, he was not allowed to
write oftener than once in three months, and what
he wrote had, of course, to be inspected by the
warden.
He was at first put to sawing and scrub-
bing rock ; but, as the delicacy of his frame
unfitted him for such labors, and the spotless
sanctity of his life won the reverence of his
jailers, he was soon promoted to be steward
of the prison hospital. In a letter to a
friend he thus announces this change in his
situation :
I. suppose thou art, ere this time, informed of
the change in my situation, having been placed
in the hospital of the penitentiary as steward. . .
I feel but poorly qualified to fill the situation they
have assigned me, but will try to do the best I
can I enjoy the comforts of a good fire
and a warm room, and am allowed to sit up
evenings and read, which I prize as a great priv-
ilege I have now been here nearly nine
months, and have twenty-seven more to stay. It
seems to me a long time in prospect. I try to bo
as patient as I can, but sometimes I get low-
spirited. I throw off the thoughts of home and
friends as much as possible ; for, when indulged
in, they only increase my melancholy feelings.
And what wounds my feelings most is the reflec-
tion of what you all suffer of grief and anxiety
for me. Cease to grieve for me, for I am un-
worthy of it ; and it only causes pain for you,
without availing aught for me As ever,
thine in the bonds of affection, R. D.
He had been in prison little more than a
year when the. cholera invaded Nashville,
and broke out among the inmates ; Richard
was up day and night in attendance on
the sick, his disinterested and sympathetic
nature leading him to labors to which his
delicate constitution, impaired by confine-
ment, was altogether inadequate.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
59
" Beside the bed where parting life was laid,
And sorrow, grief and pain, by turns dismayed,
The youthful champion stood : at his control
Despair and anguish fled the trembling soul,
Comfort came down the dying wretch to raise,
And his last faltering accents whispered praise."
Warn with these labors, the gentle, patient
lover of God and of his brother, sank at last
overwearied, and passed peacefully away
to a world where all are lovely and loving.
Though his correspondence with her he
most loved was interrupted, from his unwil-
lingness to subject his letters to the sur-
veillance of the warden, yet a note reached
her, conveyed through the hands of a pris-
oner whose time was out. In this letter,
the last which any earthly friend ever re-
ceived, be says:
I ofttimes, yea, all times, think of thee ; — if I
did not, I should cease to exist.
What must that system be which makes
it necessary to imprison with convicted
felons a man like this, because he loves his
brother man " not wisely but too well " 1
On his death Whittier wrote the follow-
ing :
" Si crucem libenter portes, te portabit." — Imit. Christ.
"The Cross, if freely borne, shall be
No burthen, but support, to thee.'*
So, moved of old time for our sake,
The holy man of Kempen spake.
Thou brave and true one, upon whom
Was laid the Cross of Martyrdom,
How didst thou, in thy faithful youth,
Bear witness to this blessed truth !
Thy cross of suffering and of shame
A staff within thy hands became ; —
In paths, where Faith alone could see
The Master's steps, upholding thee.
Thine was the seed-time : God alone
Beholds the end of what is sown ;
Beyond our vision, weak and dim,
The harvest -time is hid with Him.
Yet, unforgotten where it lies,
That seed of generous sacrifice,
Though seeming on the desert cast,
Shall rise with bloom and fruit at last.
J. G. Whittier.
Amesbury, Second mo. 18th, 1852.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE SPIRIT OP ST. CLARE.
The general tone of the press and of the
community in the slave states, so far as it
has been made known at the North, has
been loudly condemnatory of the representa-
tions of "Uncle Tom's Cabin." Still, it
would be unjust to the character of the South
to refuse to acknowledge that she has many
sons with candor enough to perceive, and
courage enough to avow, the evils of her
"peculiar institutions." The manly inde-
pendence exhibited by these men, in com-
munities where popular sentiment rules des-
potically, either by law or in spite of law ?
should be duly honored. The sympathy
of such minds as these is a high encourage-
ment to philanthropic effort.
The author inserts a few testimonials
from Southern men, not without some pride
in being thus kindly judged by those who
might have been naturally expected to read
her book with prejudice against it.
The Jefferson Inquirer, published at
Jefferson City, Missouri, Oct. 23, 1852,
contains the following communication :
UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
I have lately read this celebrated book, which ,
perhaps, has gone through more editions, and
been sold in greater numbers, than any work from
the American press, in the same length of time.
It is a work of high literary finish, and its sev-
eral characters are drawn with great power and
truthfulness, although, like the characters inmost
novels and works of fiction, in some instances too
highly colored. There is no attack on slave-hold-
ers as such, but, on the contrary, many of them
are represented as highly noble, generous, humane
and benevolent. Nor is there any attack upon
them as a class. It sets forth many of the evils
of slavery, as an institution established by law, but
without charging these evils on those who hold
the slaves, and seems fully to appreciate the diffi-
culties in finding a remedy. Its effect upon the
slave-holder is to make him a kinder and better
master ; to which none can object. This is said
without any intention to endorse everything con-
tained in the book, or, indeed, in any novel, or
work of fiction. But, if I mistake not, there are
few, excepting those who are greatly prejudiced,
that will rise from a perusal of the book without
being a truer and better Christian, and a more
humane and benevolent man. As a slave-holder,
I do not feel the least aggrieved. How Mrs.
Stowe, the authoress, has obtained her extremely
accurate knowledge of the negroes, their charac-
ter, dialect, habits, &c, is beyond my comprehen-
sion, as she never resided — as appears from the
preface — in a slave state, or among slaves or
negroes. But they are certainly admirably delin-
eated. The book is highly interesting and amus-
ing, and will afford a rich treat to its reader.
Thomas Jefferson.
The opinion of the editor himself is given
in these words :
UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
"Well, like a good portion of " the world and
the rest of mankind," we have read the book of
Mrs. Stowe bearing the above title.
From numerous statements, newspaper para-
graphs and rumors, we supposed the book was all
that fanaticism and heresy could invent, and wero
therefore greatly prejudiced against it. But, on
reading it, we cannot refrain from saying that it
is a work of more than ordinary moral worth, and
60
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
is entitled to consideration. We do not regard it
as "a corruption of moral sentiment," and a
gross " libel on a portion of our people." The
authoress seems disposed to treat the subject
fairly, though, in some particulars, the scenes are
too highly colored, and too strongly drawn from
the imagination. The book, however, may lead
its readers at a distance to misapprehend some of
the general and better features of " Southern life
as it is " (which, by the way, we, as an individ-
ual, prefer to Northern life) ; yet it is a perfect
mirror of several classes of people " we have in
our mind's eye, who are not free from all the ills
flesh is heir to." It has been feared that the
book would result in injury to the slave-holding
interests of the country ; but we apprehend no
such thing, and hesitate not to recommend it to the
perusal of our friends and. the public generally.
Mrs. Stowe has exhibited a knowledge of many
peculiarities of Southern society which is really
wonderful, when we consider that she is a North-
ern lady by birth and residence.
We hope, then, before our friends form any
harsh opinions of the merits of " Uncle Tom's
Cabin,' ' and make up any judgment against us
for pronouncing in its favor (barring some objec-
tions to it), that they will give it a careful
perusal; and, in sd speaking, we may say that
we yield to no man in his devotion to Southern
rights and interests.
The editor of the St. Louis (Missouri)
Baite y pronounces the following judgment:
We took up this work, a few evenings since,
with just such prejudices against it as wo pre-
eume many others have commenced reading it.
We have been so much in contact with ultra abo-
litionists, — have had so much evidence that their
benevolence was much more hatred for the master
than love for the slave, accompanied with a pro-
found ignorance of- the circumstances surrounding
both, and a most consummate, supreme disgust
for the whole negro race, — that we had about
concluded that anything but rant and nonsense
was out of the question from a Northern writer
upon the subject of slavery.
Mrs. Stowe, in these delineations of life among
the lowly, lias convinced us to the contrary.
She brings to the discussion of her subject a
perfectly cool, calculating judgment, a wide, all-
comprehending intellectual vision, and a deep,
warm, sea-liice woman's soul, over all of which is
flung a perfect iris-like imagination, which makes
the light of her pictures stronger and uiore beauti-
ful, as their shades are darker and terror-striking.
We do not wonder that the copy before us is of
the seventieth thousand. And seventy thousand
more will not supply the demand, or we mistake
the appreciation of the American people of the
real merits of literary productions. Mrs. Stowe
has, in " Uncle Tom's Cabin," set up for herself
a monument more enduring than marble. It will
stand amid the wastes of slavery as the Memnon
stands amid the sands of the African desert, tell-
ing botli the white man and the negro of the ap-
proach of morning. The book is not an abolition-
ist work, in the olfensive sense of the word. It
is, as we have intimated, free from everything
like fanaticism, no matter what amount of enthu-
siasm vivifies every page, and runs like electricity
along every thread of the story. It presents at
one view the excellences and the evils of the sys-
tem of slavery, and breathes the true spirit of
Christian benevolence for the slave, and charity
for the master.
The next witness gives his testimony in a
letter to the New York Evening Post:
LIGHT IN TIIE SOUTH.
The subjoined communication comes to ua post-
marked New Orleans, June 19, 1852 :
" I have just been reading • Uncle Tom's Cabin,
or, Scenes in Lowly Life,' by Mrs. Harriet Beecher
Stowe. It found its way to me through the chan-
nel of a young student, who purchased it at the
North, to read on his homeward passage to New
Orleans. He was entirely unacquainted with its
character; he was attracted by its title, suppos-
ing it might amuse him while travelling. Through
his family it was shown to me, as something that
I would probably like. I looked at the author's
name, and said, « 0, yes ; anything from that lady
I will read ;' otherwise I should have disregarded
a work of fiction without such a title.
" The remarks from persons present were, that
it was a most amusing work, and the scenes most
admirably drawn to life. I accepted the offer of
a perusal of it, and brought it home with me.
Although I have not read every sentence, I have
looked over the whole of it, and I now wish to
bear my testimony to its just delineation of the
position that the slave occupies. Colorings in the
work there are, but no colorings of the actual and
real position of the slave worse than really exist.
Whippings to death do occur; I know it to be so.
Painful separations of master and slave, under
circumstances creditable to the master's feelings
of humanity, do also occur. I know that, too.
Many families, after having brought up their
children in entire dependence on slaves to do
everything for them, and after having been in-
dulged in elegances and luxuries, have exhausted
all their means ; and the black people only being
left, whom they must sell, for further support.
Running away, everybody knows, is the worst
crime a slave can commit, in the eyes of his mas-
ter, except it be a humane master ; and from such
few slaves care to run away.
" I am a slave-holder myself. I have long been
dissatisfied with the system ; particularly since I
have made the Bible my criterion for judging of
it. I am convinced, from what I read there
slavery is not in accordance with what God
delights to honor in his creatures. I am alto-
gether opposed to the system ; and 1 intend always
to use whatever influence I may have against it.
I feel very bold in speaking against it, though
living in the midst of it, because I am backed by
a powerful arm, that can overturn and overrule
the strongest efforts that the determined friends
of slavery are now making for its continuance.
'* 1 sincerely hope that more of Mrs. Stowes
may be found, to show up the reality of slavery.
It needs master minds to show it as it is, that it
may rest upon its own merits.
iM Like Mrs. Stow 7 e, I feel that, since so many
and good people, too, at the North, have quietly
consented to leave the slave to his fate, by acqui-
escing in and approving the late measures of gov-
ernment, those who do feel differently should
bestir themselves. Christian effort must do the
work ; and soon it would be done, if Christiana
would unite, not to destroy the Union states, but
honestly to speak out, and speak freely, against
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
61
that they know is wrong. They are not aware
what countenance they give to slave-holders to
hold on to their prey. Troubled consciences can
be easily quieted by the sympathies of pious peo-
ple, particularly when interest and inclination
come in as aids.
"I am told there is to be a reply made to
( Uncle Tom's Cabin,' entitled ' Uncle Tom's
Cabin as It Is.' I am glad of it. Investigation
is what is wanted.
" You will wonder why this communication is
made to you by an unknown. , It is simply made
to encourage your heart, and strengthen your
determination to persevere, and do all you can to
put the emancipation of the slave in progress.
Who I am you will never know ; nor do I wish
you to know, nor any one else. I am a
" Republican."
The following facts make the fiction of
"Uncle Tom's Cabin" appear tame in the
comparison. They are from the New York
Evangelist.
UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
Mr. Editor : I see in your paper that some per-
sons deny the statements of Mrs. Stowe. I have
read her book, every word of it. I was horn in
East Tennessee, near Knoxville, and, we thought,
in an enlightened part of the Union, much favored
in our social, political and religious privileges,
&c. &c. Well, I think about the year 1829, or,
perhaps, '28, a good old German Methodist owned
a black man named Robin, a Methodist preacher,
and the manager of farm, distillery, &c, sales-
man and financier. This good old German Meth-
odist had a son named Willey, a schoolmate of
mine, and, as times were, a first-rate fellow. The
old man also owned a keen, bright-eyed mulatto
girl; and Willey — the naughty boy! — became
enamored of the poor girl. The result was soon
discovered ; and our good German Methodist told
his brother Robin to flog the girl for her wicked-
ness. Brother Robin said he could not and would
not perform such an act of cruelty as to flog the
girl for what she could not help ; and for that act
of disobedience old Robin was flogged by the
good old German brother, until he could not
stand. He was carried to bed ; and, some three
weeks thereafter, when my father left the state,
ho was still confined to his bed from the effects of
that flogging.
Again : in the fall of 1836 I went South, for my
health, stopped at a village in Mississippi, and
obtained employment in the largest house in the
county, as a book-keeper, with a firm from Louis-'
ville, Ky. A man residing near the village — a
bachelor, thirty years of age — became embar-
rassed, and executed a mortgage to my employer
on a fine, likely boy, weighing about two hundred
pounds, — quick-witted, active, obedient, and re-
markably faithful, trusty and honest ; so much so,
that he was held up as an example. He had a wife
that he loved. His owner cast his eyes upon her,
and she became his paramour. His boy remon-
strated with his master ; told him that he tried
faithfully to perform his every duty ; that he was
a good and faithful ' ' nigger ' ' to him ; and it was
hard, after he had toiled hard all day, and till ten
o'clock at night, for him to have his domestic
relations broken up and interfered with. The
white man denied the charge, and the Avife also
denied it. One night, about the first of Septem-
ber, the boy came home earlier than usual, say
about nine o'clock. It was a wet, dismal night ;
he made a fire in his cabin, went to get his sup-
per, and found ocular demonstration of the guilt
of his master. He became enraged, as I suppose
any man would, seized a butcher-knife, and cut
his master's throat, stabbed his wife in twenty-
seven places, came to the village, and knocked at
the office-door. I told him to come in. He did
so, and asked for my employer. I called him.
The boy then told him that he had killed his mas-
ter and his wife, and what for. My employer
locked him up, and he, a doctor and myself, went
out to the house of the old bachelor, and found
him dead, and the boy's wife nearly so. She,
however, lived. We (my employer and myself)
returned to the village, watched the boy until
about sunrise, left him locked up, and went to
get our breakfasts, intending to take the boy to
jail (as it was my employer's interest, if possible,
to save the boy, having one thousand dollars at
stake in him). But, whilst we were eating, some
persons who had heard of the murder broke open
the door, took the poor fellow, put a log chain
round his neck, and started him for the woods, at
the point of the bayonet, marching by where we
were eating, with a great deal of noise. My em-
ployer, hearing it, ran out, and rescued the boy.
The mob again broke in and took the boy, and
marched him, as before stated, out of town.
My employer then begged them not to disgrace
their town in such a manner ; but to appoint a
jury of twelve sober men, to decide what should be
done. And twelve as sober men as could be found
(I was not sober) said he must be hanged. They
then tied a rope round his neck, and set him on
an old horse. He made a speech to the mob,
which I, at the time, thought if it had come from
some senator, would have been received with
rounds of applause ; and, withal, he was more
calm than I am now, in writing this. And, after
he had told all about the deed, and its cause, he
then kicked the horse out from under him, and
was launched into eternity. My employer has
often remarked that he never saw anything more
noble, in his whole life, than the conduct of that
boy.
Now, Mr. Editor, I have given you facts, and
can give you names and dates. You can do what
you think is best for the cause of humanity. I
hope I have seen the evil of my former practices,
and will endeavor to reform.
Very respectfully,
James L. Hill.
Springfield, III., Sept. 17th, 1852.
" The Opinion of a Southerner," given
below, appeared in the National Era, pub-
lished at Washington. This is an anti-
slavery journal, but by its generous tone
and eminent ability it commands the re-
spect and patronage of many readers in the
slave states :
The following communication comes enclosed in
an envelope from Louisiana. — Ed. Era.
THE OPINION OF A SOUTHERNER.
To the Editor of the National Era :
I have just been reading, in the New York Ob-
server of the 12th of August, an article from
62
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
the Southern Free Press, headed by an editorial one
from the Observer, that has for its caption, " Pro-
gress in the Right Quarter."
The editor of the New York Observer says that
the Southern Free Press has been an able and
earnest defender of Southern institutions ; but
that he now advocates the passage of a law to
prohibit the separation of families, and recom-
mends instruction to a portion of slaves that are
most honest and faithful. The Observer further
adds : "It was such language as this that was
becoming common, before Northern fanaticism
ruined the prospects of emancipation." It is not
so ! Northern fanaticism, as he calls.it, has done
everything that has been done for bettering the
condition of the slave. Every one who knows
anything of slavery for the last thirty years will
recollect that about that time since, the condition
of the slave in Louisiana — for about Louisiana
only do I speak, because about Louisiana only do I
know — was as depressed and miserable as any
of the accounts of the abolitionists that ever I
have seen have made it. I say abolitionists ; I
mean friends and advocates of freedom, in a fair
and honorable way. If any doubt my asser-
tion, let them seek for information. Let them get
the black laws of Louisiana, and read them. Let
thein get facts from individuals of veracity, on
whose statements they would rely.
This wretched condition of slaves roused the
friends of humanity, who, like men, and Christian
men, came fearlessly forward, and told truths, in-
dignantly expressing their abhorrence of their
oppressors. Such measures, of course, brought
forth strife, which caused the cries of humanity
to sound louder and louder throughout the land.
The friends of freedom gained the ascendency in
the hearts of the people, and the slave-holders
were brought to a stand. Some, through fear of
consequences, lessened their cruelties, while others
were made to think, that, perhaps, were not un-
willing to do so when it was urged upon them.
Cruelties were not only refrained from, but the
slave's comforts were increased. A retrograde
treatment now was not practicable. Fears of re-
bellion kept them to it. The slave had found
friends, and they were watchful. It was, how-
ever, soon discovered that too many privileges,
too much leniency, and giving knowledge, would
destroy the power to keep down the slave, and
tend to weaken, if not destroy, the system. Ac-
cordingly, stringent laws had to be passed, and a
penalty attached to them No one must teach, or
cause to be taught, a slave, without incurring the
penalty. The law is now in force. These neces-
sary laws, as they are called, are all put down to
the account of the friends of freedom — to their
interference. I do suppose that they do justly
belong to their interference ; for who that studies
the history of the world's transactions does not
know that in all contests with power the weak,
until successful, will be dealt with more rigor-
ously ? Lose not sight, however, of their former
condition. Law after law has since been passed
to draw the cord tighter around the poor slave,
and all attributed to the abolitionists. Well,
anyhow, progress is being made. Here comes
out the Southern Press, and makes some honorable
concessions. He says : " The assaults upon slav-
ery, made for the last twenty years by the North,
have increased the evils of it. The treatment of
slaves has undoubtedly become a delicate and
difficult question. The South has a great and
moral conflict to wage ; and it is for her to put
on the most invulnerable moral panoply." He then
thinks' the availability of slave property would
not be injured by passing a law to "prohibit the
separation of slave families ; for he says, " Al-
though cases sometimes occur which we observe
are seized by these Northern fanatics as charac-
teristic of the system," &c. Nonsense ! there
are no "cases sometimes" occurring — no such
thing ! They are every day's occurrences, though
there are families that form the exception, and
many, I would hope, that would not do it. While
I am writing I can call before me three men that
were brought here by negro traders from Virginia,
each having left six or seven children, with their
wives, from whom they have never heard. One
other died here, a short time since, who left the
same number in Carolina, from whom he had
never heard.
I spent the summer of 1845 in Nashville. Dur-
ing the month of September, six hundred slaves
passed through that place, in four different gangs,
for New Orleans — final destination, probably,
Texas. A goodly proportion were women ; young
women, of course ; many mothers must have left
not only their children, but their babies. One
gang only had a few children. I made some
excursions to the different watering places around
Nashville ; and while at Robinson, or Tyree
Springs, twenty miles from Nashville, on the
borders of Kentucky and Tennessee, my hostess
said to me, one day, "Yonder comes a gang
of slaves, chained." I went to the road-side,
and viewed them. For the better answering my
purpose of observation, I stopped the white man
in front, who was at his ease in a one-horse wagon,
and asked him if those slaves were for sale. I
counted them and observed their position. They
were divided by three one-horse wagons, each
containing a man- merchant, so arranged as to
command the whole gang. Some were unchained ;
sixty were chained, in two companies, thirty in
each, the right hand of one to the left hand of the
other opposite one, making fifteen each side of a
large ox-chain, to which every hand was fastened,
and necessarily compelled to hold up, — men and
women promiscuously, and about in equal pro-
portions, — all young people. No children here,
except a few in a wagon behind, which were the
only children in the four gangs. I said to a
respectable mulatto woman in the house, " Is
it true that the negro traders take mothers
from their babies?" "Missis, it is true; for
here, last week, such a girl [naming her], who
lives about a mile off, was taken after dinner, —
knew nothing of it in the morning, — sold, put into
the gang, and her baby was given away to a
neighbor. She was a stout young woman, and
brought a good price."
The annexation of Texas induced the spirited
traffic that summer. Coming down home in a
small boat, water low, a negro trader on board
had forty-five men and women crammed into a little
spot, some handcuffed. One respectable-looking
man had left a wife and seven children in Nashville.
Near Memphis the beat stopped at a plantation
by previous arrangement, to take in thirty more.
An hour's delay was the stipulated time with the
captain of the boat. Thirty young men and
women came down the bank of the Mississippi,
looking wretchedness personified — just from the
field ; in appearance dirty, disconsolate and op
pressed ; some with an old shawl under their arm
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
63
q few had blankets ; some had nothing at all —
looked as though they cared for nothing. I cal-
culated, while looking at them coming down the
bank, that I could hold in a bundle all that the
whole of them had. The short notice that was
given them, when about to leave, was in conse-
quence of the fears entertained that they would
slip one side. They all looked distressed, —
leaving all that was dear to them behind, to be
put under the hammer, for the property of the
highest bidder. No children here ! The whole
seventy-five were crammed into a little space on
the boat, men and women all together.
I am happy to see that morality is rearing its
head with advocates for slavery, and that a " most
invulnerable moral panoply" is thought to be
necessary. I hope it may not prove to be like Mr.
Clay's compromises. The Southern Press says :
" As for caricatures of slavery in ' Uncle Tom's
Cabin ' and the ' White Slave,' all founded in
imaginary circumstances, &c, we consider them
highly incendiary. He who undertakes to stir up
strife between two individual neighbors, by de-
traction, is justly regarded, by all men and all
moral codes, as a criminal." Then he quotes the
ninth commandment, and adds : " But to bear
false witness against whole states, and millions
of people, &c, would seem to be a crime as much
deeper in turpitude as the mischief is greater and
the provocation less." In the first place, I will
put the Southern Press upon proof that Mrs.
Harriet Beecher Stowe has told one falsehood. If
she has told truth, it is, indeed, a powerful engine
of " assault on slavery," such as these Northern
fanatics have made for the " last twenty years."
The number against whom she offends, in the
editor's opinion, seems to increase the turpitude
of her crime. That is good reasoning! I hope
the editor will be brought to feel that wholesale
wickedness is worse than single-handed, and is
infinitely harder to reach, particularly if of long
standing. It gathers boldness and strength when
it is sanctioned by the authority of time, and
aided by numbers that are interested in support-
ing it. Such is slavery ; and Mrs. Harriet Beecher
Stowe deserves the gratitude of " states and
millions of people" for her talented work, in
showing it up in its true light. She has advo-
cated truth, justice and humanity, and they will
back her efforts . Her work will be read by ' ' states
and millions of people ;" and when the Southern
Press attempts to malign her, by bringing forward
her own avowal, " that the subject of slavery had
been so painful to her, that she had abstained
from conversing on it for several years," and that,
in his opinion, "it accounts for the intensity of
the venom of her book," his really envenomed
shafts will fall harmless at her feet ; for readers
will judge for themselves, and be very apt to con-
clude that more venom comes from the Southern
Press than from her. She advocates what is right,
and has a straight road, which " few get lost on ;"
he advocates what is wrong, and has, consequently,
to tack, concede, deny, slander, and all sorts of
things.
With all due deference to whatever of just
principles the Southern Press may have advanced
in favor of the slave, I am a poor judge of human
nature if I mistake in saying that Mrs. Stowe has
done much to draw from him those concessions ;
and the putting forth of this "most invulnerable
moral panoply," that has just come into his head
as a bulwark of safety for slavery, owes its impe-
tus to her, and other like efforts. I hope the
Southern Press will not imitate the spoiled child,
who refused to eat his pie for spite.
The " White Slave" I have not seen. I guess
its character * for I made a passage to New York,
some fourteen or fifteen years since, in a packet-
ship, with a young woman whose face was en-
veloped in a profusion of light brown curls, and
who sat at the table with the passengers all the
way as a white woman. When at the quarantine,
Staten Island, the captain received a letter, sent
by express mail, from a person in New Orleans,
claiming her as his slave, and threatening the cap-
tain with the penalty of the existing law if she
was not immediately returned. The streaming
eyes of the poor, unfortunate girl told the truth,
when the captain reluctantly broke it to her. She
unhesitatingly confessed that she had run away,
and that a friend had paid her passage. Proper
measures were taken, and she was conveyed tp a
packet-ship that was at Sandy Hook, bound for
New Orleans.
" Uncle Tom's Cabin," I think, is a just de-
lineation of slavery. The incidents are colored, but
the position that the slave is made to hold is just.
I did not read every page of it, my object being to
ascertain what position the slave occupied. I
could state a case of whipping to death that
would equal Uncle Tom's ; still, such cases are
not very frequent.
The stirring up of strife between neighbors,
that the Southern Press complains of, deserves
notice. Who are neighbors 1 The most explicit
answer to this question will be found in the reply
Christ made to the lawyer, when he asked it of
him. Another question will arise, Whether, in
Christ's judgment, Mrs. Stowe would be con-
sidered a neighbor or an incendiary 1 As the Al-
mighty Ruler of the universe and the Maker of
man has said that He has made all the nations of
the earth of one blood, and man in His own image,
the black man, irrespective of his color, would
seem to be a neighbor who has fallen among his
enemies, that have deprived him of the fruits of
his labor, his liberty, his right to his wife and
children, his right to obtain the knowledge to
read, or to anything that earth holds dear, except
such portions of food and raiment as will fit him
for his despoilers purposes. Let not the apolo-
gists for slavery bring up the isolated cases of
leniency, giving instruction, and affectionate at-
tachment, that are found among some masters, as
specimens of slavery ! It is unfair ! They form
exceptions, and much do I respect them ; but they
are not the rules of slavery. The strife that is
being stirred up is not to take away anything that
belongs to another, — neither their silver or gold,
their fine linen or purple, their houses or land,
their horses or cattle, or anything that is their
property ; but to rescue a neighbor from their un-
manly cupidity. A Republican.
No introduction is necessary to explain
the following correspondence, and no com-
mendation will be required to secure for it
a respectful attention from thinking readers :
I Washington City, D. C,
} Dec. 6, 1852.
D. R. Goodloe, Esq.
Dear Sir : I understand that you are a North
Carolinian, and have always resided in tho South
64
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
you must, consequently, be acquainted with the
workings of the institution of slavery. You have
doubtless also read that world-renowned book,
" Uncle Tom's Cabin," by Mrs. Stowe. The apolo-
gists for slavery deny that this book is a truthful
picture of slavery. They say that its representa-
tions are exaggerated, its scenes and incidents
unfounded, and, in a word, that the whole book is
a caricature. They also deny that families are
separated, — that children are sold from their
parents, wives from their husbands, &c. Under
these circumstances, I am induced to ask your
opinion of Mrs. Stowe's book, and whether or not,
in your opinion, her statements are entitled to
credit. I have the honor to be,
Yours, truly,
A. M. Gangewer.
Washington, Dec. 8, 1852.
Pear Sir : Your letter of the 6th inst., asking
my opinion of " Uncle Tom's Cabin," has been
received ; and there being no reason why I should
withhold it, unless it be the fear of public opinion
(your object being, as I understand, the publication
of my reply), I proceed to give it in some detail.
A book of fiction, to be worth reading, must neces-
sarily be filled with rare and striking incidents,
and the leading characters must be remarkable,
some for great virtues, others, perhaps, for great
rices or follies. A narrative of the ordinary events
in the lives of commonplace people would be in-
sufferably, dull and insipid ; and a book made up
of such materials would be, to the elegant and
graphic pictures of life and manners which we
have in the writings of Sir Walter Scott and Dick-
ens, what a surveyor's plot of a ten-acre field is
to a painted landscape, in which the eye is charmed
by a thousand varieties of hill and dale, of green
shrubbery and transparent water, of light and
shade, at a glance. In order to determine whether
a novel is a fair picture of society, it is not neces-
sary to ask if its chief personages are to be met with
every day ; but whether they are characteristic of
the times and country, — whether they embody the
prevalent sentiments, virtues, vices, follies, and pe-
culiarities, — and whether the events, tragic or
otherwise, are such as may and do occasionally
occur.
Judging " Uncle Tom's Cabin" by these prin-
ciples, I have no hesitation in saying that it is a
faithful portraiture of Southern life and institu-
tions. There is nothing in the book inconsistent
with the laws and usages of the slave-holding
states ; the virtues, vices, and peculiar hues of
character and manners, are all Southern, and must
be recognized at once by every one who reads the
book. I may never have seen such depravity in one
man as that exhibited in the character of L'egree,
though I have ten thousand times witnessed the va-
rious shades of it in different individuals. On the
other hand, I have never seen so many perfections
concentrated in one human being as Mrs. Stowe has
conferred upon the daughter of a slave-holder.
Evangeline is an image of beauty and goodness
which can never be effaced from the mind, what-
ever may be its prejudices. Yet her whole char-
acter is fragrant of the South ; her generous sym-
pathy, her beauty and delicacy, her sensibility
are all Southern. They are " to the manor born,'
and embodying as they do the Southern ideal of
beauty and loveliness, cannot be ostracized from
Southern hearts, even by the power of the vigilance
committees.
The character of St. Clare cannot fail to inspire
love and admiration. He is the beau ideal of a
Southern gentleman, — honorable, generous and
humane, of accomplished manners, liberal edu-
cation, and easy fortune. In his treatment of his
slaves, he errs on the side of lenity, rather than
vigor ; and is always their kind protector, from
a natural impulse of goodness, without much reflec-
tion upon what may befall them when death or
misfortune shall deprive them of his friendship.
Mr. Shelby, the original owner of Uncie Tom,
and who sells him to a trader, from the pressure
of a sort of pecuniary necessity, is by no means a
bad character ; his wife and son are whatever
honor and humanity could wish ; and, in a word,
the only white persons who make any considerable
figure in the book to a disadvantage are the vil-
lain Legree, who is a Vermonterby birth, and the
oily-tongued slave-trader Haley, who has the ac-
cent of a Northerner. It is, therefore, evident
that Mrs. Stowe's object. in writing " Uncle Tom'g
Cabin" has not been to disparage Southern char-
acter. A careful analysis of the book would au>
thorize the opposite inference, — that she has stud-
ied to shield the Southern people from opprobrium,
and even to convey an elevated idea of Southern
society, at the moment of exposing the evils of the
system of slavery. She directs her batteries against
the institution, not against individuals ; and gener-
ousty makes a renegade Vermonter stand for her
most hideous picture of a brutal tyrant.
Invidious as the duty may be, I cannot with-
hold my testimony to the fact that families of
slaves are often separated. I know not how any
man can have the hardihood to deny it. The
thing is notorious, and is often the subject of pain-
ful remark in the Southern States. I iiave often
heard the practice of separating husband and wife,
parent and child, defended, apologized for, pal-
liated in a thousand ways, but have never heard
it denied. How could it be denied, in fact, when
probably the very circumstance which elicited the
conversation was a case of cruel separation then
transpiring 1 No, sir ! the denial of this fact by
mercenary scribblers may deceive persons at a dis-
tance, but it can impose upon no one at the South.
In all the slave-holding states the relation of
matrimony between slaves, or between a slave
and free person, is merely voluntary. There is no
law sanctioning it, or recognizing it in any shape,
directly or indirectly. In a word, it is illicit, and
binds no one, — neither the slaves themselves nor
their masters. In separating husband and wife,
or parent and child, the trader or owner violates
no law of the state — neither statute nor common
law. He buys or sells at auction or privately
that which the majesty of the law has declared to
be property. The victims may writhe in agony,
and the tender-hearted spectator may look on with
gloomy sorrow and indignation, but it is to no pur-
pose. The promptings of mercy and justice in the
heart are only in rebellion against the law of the
land.
The law itself not unfrequently performs the
most cruel separations of families, almost with-
out the intervention of individual agency. This
happens in the case of persons who die insolvent,
or who become so during lifetime. The estate,
real and personal, must be disposed of at auction
to the highest bidder, and the executor, adminis-
trator, sheriff, trustee, or other person whose duty
it is to dispose of the property, although he may
possess the most humane intentions in the world*
KEY TO UHCLE TOM S CABIN.
65
cannot prevent the final severance of the most
endearing ties of kindred. The illustration given
by Mrs. Stowe, in the sale of Uncle Tom by Mr.
Shelby, is a very common case. Pecuniary embar-
rassment is a most fruitful source of misfortune to
the slave as well as the master ; and instances of
family ties broken from this cause are of daily
occurrence.
It often happens that great abuses exist in vio-
lation of law, and in spite of the efforts of the au-
thorities to suppress them ; such is the case with
drunkenness, gambling, and other vices. But here
is a law common to all the slave-holding states,
which upholds and gives countenance to the wrong-
doer, while its blackest terrors are reserved for
those who would interpose to protect the inno-
cent. Statesmen of elevated and honorable char-
acters, from a vague notion of state necessity,
have defended this law in the abstract, while they
would, without hesitation, condemn every instance
of its application as unjust.
In one respect I am glad to see it publicly
denied that the families of slaves are separated ;
for while it argues a disreputable want of candor,
it at the same time evinces a commendable sense
of shame, and induces the hope that the public
opinion at the South will not much longer tolerate
this most odious, though not essential, part of the
system of slavery.
In this connection I will call to your recollection
a remark of the editor of the Southern Press, in
one of the last numbers of that paper, which ac-
knowledges the existence of the abuse in question,
and recommends its correction. He says :
" The South has a great moral conflict to wage ;
and it is for her to put on the most invulnerable
moral panoply. Hence it is her duty, as well as
interest, to mitigate or remove whatever of evil that
results incidentally from the institution. The
separation of husband and wife, parent and child,
is one of these evils, which we know is generally
avoided and repudiated there — although cases
sometimes occur which we observe are seized by
these Northern fanatics as characteristic illustra-
tions of the system. Now we can see no great evil
or inconvenience, but much good, in the prohibi-
tion by law of such occurrences. Let the husband
and wife be sold together, and the parents and
minor children. Such a law would affect but
slightly the general value or availability of slave
property, and would prevent in some cases the vio-
lence done to the feelings of such connections by
gales either compulsory or voluntary. We are sat-
isfied that it would be beneficial to the master and
glave to promote marriage, and the observance of
all its duties and relations."
Much as I have differed with the editor of the
Southern Press in his general views of public
policy, I am disposed to forgive him past errors in
consideration of his public acknowledgment of
this " incidental evil," and his frank recommend-
ation of its removal. A ^puthern newspaper less
devoted than the Southern Press to the mainte-
nance of slavery would be seriously compromised
by such a suggestion, and its advice would be
far less likely to be heeded. I think, therefore,
that Mr. Fisher deserves the thanks of every good
man, North and South, for thus boldly pointing out
the necessity of reform.
The picture which Mrs. Stowe has drawn of slav-
ery as an institution is anything but favorable.
She has illustrated the frightful cruelty and op-
pression that must r^ult S.v»m * l*w v?hxch gives
3
to one class of society almost absolute and irre-
sponsible power over another. Yet the very ma-
chinery she has employed for this purpose shows
that all who are parties to the system are not
necessarily culpable. It is a high virtue in St.
Clare to purchase Uncle Tom. He is actuated by
no selfish or improper motive. Moved by a desire
to gratify his daughter, and prompted by his own
humane feelings, he purchases a slave, in order to
rescue him from a hard fate on the plantations. If
he had not been a slave-holder before, it was now
his duty to become one. This, I think, is the moral
to be drawn from the story of St. Clare , and the
South have a right to claim the authority of Mrs.
Stowe in defence of slave-holding, to this extent.
It may be said that it was the duty of St. Clare
to emancipate Uncle Tom ; but the wealth of the
Rothschilds would not enable a man to act out hia
benevolent instincts at such a price. And if such
was his duty, is it not equally the duty of every
monied man in the free states to attend the New
Orleans slave-mart with the same benevolent pur-
pose in view ? It seems to me that to purchase a
slave with the purpose of saving him from a hard
and cruel fate, and without any view to emanci-
pation, is itself a good action. If the slave should
subsequently become able to redeem himself, it
would doubtless be the duty of the owner to eman-
cipate him ; and it would be but even-handed
justice to set down every dollar of the slave's earn-
ings, above the expense of his maintenance, to his
credit, until the price paid for him should be fully
restored. This is all that justice could exact of
the slave-holder.
Those who have railed against "Uncle Tom's
Cabin" as an incendiary publication have singu-
larly (supposing that they have read the book) over-
looked the moral of the hero's life. Uncle Tom is
the most faithful of servants. He literally " obeyed
in all things" his " masters according to the
flesh ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers, but
in singleness of heart, fearing God." If his con-
duct exhibits the slightest departure from a lit-
eral fulfilment of this injunction of Scripture,
it is in a case which must command the appro-
bation of the most rigid casuist ; for the injunc-
tion of obedience extends, of course, only to law-
ful commands. It is only when the monster
Legree commands him to inflict undeserved chas-
tisement upon his fellow-servants, that Uncle Tom
refuses obedience. He would not listen to a prop-
osition of escaping into Ohio with the young
woman Eliza, on the night after they were sold
by Mr. Shelby to the trader Haley. He thought
it would be bad faith to his late master, whom he
had nursed in his arms, and might be the means
of bringing him into difficulty. He offerel no
resistance to Haley, and obeyed even Legree in
every legitimate command. But when he was
required to be the instrument of his master's
cruelty, he chose rather to die, with the courage
and resolution of a Christian martyr, than to save
his life by a guilty compliance. Such was Uncle
Tom — n ot a bad example for the imitation of man
or master. I am, sir, very respectfully,
Your ob't serv't,
Daniel R. Goodloe.
A. M. Gangewer, Esq.,
Washington, D. C.
The writer has received permission 10
publish the following extract from a letter
received by a lady at the North from the
66
KEY TO UNCX.E TOM S CABIN.
editor of a Southern paper. The mind and
character of the author will speak for them-
selves, in the reading of it :
Charleston, Sunday, 25th July, 1852.
* * * The books, I infer, are Mrs. Beecher
Stowe's " Uncle Tom's Cabin.''' The book was fur-
nished me by , about a fortnight ago,
and vou may be assured I read it with an atten-
tive interest. ' ' Now, what is your opinion of it V '
you will ask ; and, knowing my preconceived opin-
ions upon the question of slavery, and the em-
bodiment of my principles, which I have so long
supported, in regard to that peculiar institution,
you may be prepared to meet an indirect answer.
This my own consciousness of truth would not
allow, in the present instance. The book is a
truthful picture of life, with the dark outlines
beautifully portrayed. The life — the character-
istics, incidents, and the dialogues — is life itself
reduced to paper. In her appendix she rather
evades the question whether it was taken from
actual scenes, but says there are many counter-
parts. In this she is correct, beyond doubt. Had
she changed the picture of Legree, on Red river,
for , on Island, South Carolina, she
could not have drawn a more admirable portrait.
I am led to question whether she had not some
knowledge of this beast, as he is known to be,
and made the transposition for effect.
My position in connection with the extreme
party, both in Georgia and South Carolina, would
constitute a restraint to the full expression of my
feelings upon several of the governing principles of
the institution. I have studied slavery, in all its
different phases, — have been thrown in contact
with the negro in different parts of the world, and
made it my aim to study his nature, so far as my
limited abilities would give me light, — and,
whatever my opinions have been, they were based
upongtvhat I supposed to be honest convictions.
During the last three years you well know
what my opportunities have been to examine all
the sectional bearings of an institution which now
holds the great and most momentous question of
our federal well-being. These opportunities I
have not let pass, but have given myself, body and
soul, to a knowledge of its vast intricacies, — to
its constitutional compact, and its individual
hardships. Its wrongs are in the constituted
rights of the master, and the blank letter of those
laws which pretend to govern the bondman's
rights. What legislative act, based upon the
construction of self-protection for the very men
who contemplate the laws, — even though their
intention was amelioration, — could be enforced,
when the legislated object is held as the bond prop-
erty of the legislator ! The very fact of constituting
a law for the amelioration of property becomes an
absurdity, so far as carrying it out is concerned.
A law which is intended to govern, and gives
the governed no means of seeking its protection,
is like the clustering together of so many use-
less words for vain show. But why talk of law x
That which is considered the popular rights of a
people, and every tenacious prejudice set forth to
protect its property interest, creates its own power,
against every weaker vessel. Laws which inter-
fere with this become unpopular, — repugnant to
a forceable will, and a dead letter in effect. So
long as the voice of the governed cannot be heard,
and his wrongs are felt beyond the jurisdiction or
domain of the law, as nine-tenths are, where is
the hope of redress 1 The master is the powerful
vessel ; the negro feels his dependence, and, fear-
ing the consequences of an appeal for his rights,
submits to the cruelty of his master, in preference
to the dread of something more cruel. It is in
those disputed cases of cruelty we find the wrongs
of slavery, and in those governing laws which give
power to bad Northern men to become the most
cruel task-masters. Do not judge, from my obser-
vations, that I am seeking consolation for the
abolitionists. Such is not my intention ; but truth
to a course which calls loudly for reformation con-
strains me to say that humanity calls for some
law to govern the force and absolute will of the
master, and to reform no part is more requisite
than that which regards the slave's food and
raiment. A person must live years at the South
before he can become fully acquainted with the
many workings of slavery. A Northern man not
prominently interested in the political and social
weal of the South may live for years in it, and
pass from town to town in his e very-day pursuits,
and yet see but the polished side of slavery. With
me it has been different. Its effect upon the
negro himself, and its effect upon the social and
commercial well-being of Southern society, has
been laid broadly open to me, and I have seen
more of its workings within the past year than
was disclosed to me all the time before. It is
with these feelings that I am constrained to do
credit to Mrs. Stowe's book, which I consider
must have been written by one who derived the
materials from a thorough acquaintance with the
subject. The character of the slave-dealer, the
bankrupt owner in Kentucky, and the New Or-
leans merchant, are simple every-day occurrences
in these parts. Editors may speak of the dramatic
effect as they please ; the tale is not told them,
and the occurrences of common reality would form
a picture more glaring. I could write a work,
with date and incontrovertible facts, of abuses
which stand recorded in the knowledge of the
community in which they were transacted, that
would need no dramatic effect, and would stand
out ten-fold more horrible than anything Mrs.
Stowe has described.
I have read two columns in the Southern Press
of Mrs. Eastman's " Aunt Phillis' Cabin, or
Southern Life as It Is," with the remarks of the
editor. I have no comments to make upon it, that
being done by itself. The editor might have
saved himself being writ down an ass by the pub-
lic, if he had withheld his nonsense. If the two
columns are a specimen of Mrs. Eastman's book,
I pity her attempt and her name as an author.
O
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
The New York Courier and Enquirer
of November 5th contained an article which
has been quite valuable to the author, as
summing up, in a clear, concise and intel-
ligible form, the principal objections which
may be urged to Uncle Tom?s Cabin. It
is here quoted in full, as the foundation of
the remarks in the following pages.
The author of " Uncle Tom's Cabin," that
writer states, has committed false- witness
against thousands and millions of her fellow-
men.
She has done it [he says] by attaching to them
as slaveholders, in the eyes of the world, the guilt
of the abuses of an institution of which they are
absolutely guiltless. Her story is so devised as
to present slavery in three dark aspects : first, the
cruel treatment of the slaves ; second, the separa-
tion of families; and, third, their want of religious
instruction.
To show the first, she causes a reward to be
offered for the recovery of a runaway slave, " dead
or alive," when no reward with such an alterna-
tive was ever heard of, or dreamed of, south of
Mason and Dixon's line, and it has been decided
over and over again in Southern courts that " a
slave who is merely flying away cannot be killed."
She puts such language as this into the mouth of
one of her speakers : — "The master who goes
furthest and does the worst only uses within
limits the power that the law gives him ;" when,
in fact, the civil code of the very state where it is
represented the language was uttered — Louisiana
— declares that
" The slave is entirely subject to the will of his
master, who may correct and chastise him, though
not with unusual rigor, nor so as to maim or muti-
late him, or to expose him to the danger of loss of
life, or to cause his death"
And provides for a compulsory sale
" When the master shall be convicted of cruel
treatment of his slaves, and the judge shall deem
proper to pronounce, besides the penalty estab-
lished for such cases, that the slave be sold at
public auction, in order to place him- out of the
reach of the power which the master has abused."
" If any person whatsoever shall wilfully kill
his slave, or the slave of another person, tjie said
person, being convicted thereof, shall be tried and
condemned agreeably to the laws."
In the General Court of Virginia, last year, in
the case of Souther v. the Commonwealth, it was
held that the killing of a slave by his master and
owner, by wilful and excessive whipping, is mur-
der in the first degree, though it may not have been
the purpose of the master and owner to kill the
slave I And it is not six months since Governor
Johnston, of Virginia, pardoned a slave who
killed his master, who was beating him with
brutal severity.
And yet, in the face of such laws and decisions
as these, Mrs. Stowe winds up a long series of
cruelties upon her other black personages, by
causing her faultless hero, Tom, to be literally
whipped to death in Louisiana, by his master,
Legree ; and these acts, which the laws make
criminal, and punish as such, she sets forth in
the most repulsive colors, to illustrate the insti-
tution of slavery !
So, too, in reference to the separation of chil-
dren from their parents. A considerable part of
the plot is made to hinge upon the selling, in
Louisiana, of the child Eliza, " eight or nine
years old," away from her mother; when, had
its inventor looked in the statute-book of Louis-
iana, she would have found the following lan-
guage :
u Every person is expressly prohibited from
selling separately from their mothers the children
who shall not have attained the full age of ten
years."
" Be it further enacted, That if any person or
persons shall sell the mother of any slave child
or children under the age of ten years, separate
from said child or children, or shall, the mother
living, sell any slave child or children of ten years
of age, or under, separate from said mother, said
pereon or persons shall be fined not less than
one thousand nor more than two thousand dollars.
and be imprisoned in the public jail for a period
of not less than six months nor more than one
year."
The privation of religious instruction, as repre-
sented by Mrs. Stowe, is utterly unfounded in fact.
The largest churches in the Union consist entirely
of slaves. The first African church in Louisville,
which numbers fifteen hundred persons, and the
first African church in Augusta, which numbers
thirteen hundred, are specimens. On multitudes
of the large plantations in the different parts of
the South the ordinances of the gospel are as reg-
ularly maintained, by competent ministers, as in
any other communities, north or south. A larger
proportion of the slave population are in commu-
nion with some Christian church, than of the white
population in any part of the country. A very
considerable portion of every southern congrega
tion, either in city or country, is sure to consist
of blacks ; whereas, of our northern churches, not
a colored person is to be seen in one out of fifty.
The peculiar falsity of this whole book consists
in making exceptional or impossible cases the rep-
68
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
resentatives of the system. By the same process
which she has used, it would not be difficult to
frame a fatal argument against the relation of
husband and wife, or parent and child, or of guard-
iari and ward ; for thousands of wives and chil-
dren and wards have been maltreated, and even
murdered. It is wrong, unpardonably wrong, to
impute to any relation of life those enormities
which spring only out of the worst depravity of
human nature. A ridiculously extravagant spirit
of generalization pervades this fiction from begin-
ning to end. The Uncle Tom of the authoress is
a perfect angel, and her blacks generally are half
angels ; her Simon Legree is a perfect demon,
and her whites generally are half demons. She has
quite a peculiar spite against the clergy ; and, of
the many she introduces at different times into
the scenes, all, save an insignificant exception,
are Pharisees or hypocrites. One who could
know nothing of the United States and its people,
except by what he might gather from this book,
would judge that it was some region just on the
confines of the infernal world. We do not say that
Mrs. Stowe was actuated by wrong motives in the
preparation of this work, but we do say that she
has done a wrong which no ignorance can excuse
and no penance can expiate.
A much- valued correspondent of the au-
thor, writing from Richmond, Virginia, also
uses the following language :
I will venture this morning to make a few
suggestions which have occurred to me in regard
to future editions of your work, " Uncle Tom's
Cabin," which I desire should have all the influence
of which your genius renders it capable, not only
abroad, but in the local sphere of slavery, where
it has been hitherto repudiated. Possessing al-
ready the great requisites of artistic beauty and
of sympathetic affection, it may yet be improved
in regard to accuracy of statement without being
at all enfeebled. For example, you do less than
justice to the formalized laws of the Southern
States, while you give more credit than is due to
the virtue of public or private sentiment in icstrict-
ing tke evil which the laws permit.
I enclose the following extracts from a southern
paper : •
** * I '11 manage that ar ; they 's young in the business,
and must spect to work cheap,' said Marks, as he con-
tinued to read. ' Thar 's three on 'em easy cases, 'cause
all you've got to do is to shoot 'em, or swear they is shot ;
they couldn't, of course, charge much for that.' "
" The reader will observe that two charges
against the South are involved in this precious
discourse ; — ■ one that it is the habit of Southern
masters to offer a reward, with the alternative of
' dead or alive,' for their fugitive slaves ; and the
other, that it is usual for pursuers to shoot them.
Indeed, we are led to infer that, as the shooting
is the easier mode of obtaining the reward, it is
the more frequently employed in such cases.
Now, when a Southern master offers a reward for
his runaway slave, it is because he has lost a cer-
tain amount of property, represented by the negro
which he wishes to recover. What man of Ver-
mont, having an ox or an ass that had gone astray,
would forthwith offer half the full value of the
animal, not for the carcass, which might be turned
to some useful purpose, but for the unavailing satis-
faction of its head ? Yet are the two cases exactly
parallel Wid& regard fcc the assumption that
men are permitted to go about, at the South, with
double-barrelled guns, shooting down runaway
negroes, in preference to apprehending them, we
can only say that it is as wicked and wilful as it
is ridiculous. Such Thugs there may have been
as Marks and Loker, who have killed negroes in
this unprovoked manner ; but, if they have escaped
the gallows, they are probably to be found within
the walls of our state penitentiaries, where they
are comfortably provided for at public expense.
The laws of the Southern States, which are de-
signed, as in all good governments, for the pro-
tection of persons and property, have not been
so loosely framed as to fail of their object where
person and property are one.
' ' The law with regard to the killing of runaways
is laid down with so much clearness and precision
by a South Carolina judge, that we cannot forbear
quoting his dictum, as directly in point. In the
case of Witsell v. Earnest and Parker, Colcock J.
delivered the opinion of the court :
" ' By the statute of 1740, any white man may
apprehend, and moderately correct, any slave who
may be found out of the plantation at which he is
employed ; and if the slave assaults the white
person, he may be killed ; but a slave who is
merely flying away cannot be killed. Nor can the
defendants be justified by the common law, if we
consider the negro as a person ; for Jan term 1818
they were not clothed with the au- i Nott &' Mc-
thority of the law to apprehend him C « rd ' 3 fo 9 C '
as a felon, and without such authority ep '
he could not be killed. '
" ' It 's commonly supposed that the property interest
is a sufficient guard in these cases. If people choose to
ruin their possessions, I don't know what \s to be done.
It seems the poor creature was a thief and a drunkard ;
and so there won't be much hope to get up sympathy for
her.'
" ' It is perfectly outrageous, — it is horrid, Augustine !
It will certainly bring down vengeance upon you.'
" ' My dear cousin, I did n't do it, and I can't help it ;
1 would, if I could. If low-minded, brutal people will
act like themselves, what am I to do 1 They have abso-
lute control ; they are irresponsible despots . There would be
no use in interfering ; there is no law, that amounts to any-
thing practicxlly, for such a case. The best we can do is to
shut, our eyes and ears, and let it alone. It 's the only
resource left us.'
" In a subsequent part of the same conversa-
tion, St. Clare says :
" ' For pity's sake, for shame's sake, because we are
men born of women, and not savage beasts, many of us do
not, and dare not, — we would scorn to use the lull power
which our savage laws put into our hands. And he who
goes furthest and does the worst only uses within limits the
power that the law gives him.'
" Mrs. Stowe tells us, through St. Clare, that
' there is no law that amounts to anything ' in
such cases, and that he who goes furthest in'
severity towards his slave, — that is, to the de-
privation of an eye or a limb, or even the destruc-
tion of life, — ' only uses within limits the power
that the law gives him.' This is an awful and
tremendous charge, which, lightly and unwarrant-
ably made, must subject the maker to a fearful
accountability. Let us see how the matter standi?
upon the statute-book of Louisiana. By referring
to the civil code of that state, chapter 3d, article
173, the reader will find this general declaration -
" ' The slave is entirely subject to the will of
his master, who may correct and chastise him .
though not with unusual rigor, nor so as to maivi
or mutilate him, or to expose him to the danger of
loss of life, or to cause his death.'
KEY TO JNCLE TOM S CABIN.
69
*« On a subsequent page of the same volume and
chapter, article 192, we find provision made for
the slave's protection against his master's cruelty,
in the statement that one of two cases, in which
a master can be compelled to sell his slave, is
" ' When the master shall be convicted of cruel
treatment of his slave, and the judge shall deem
proper to pronounce, besides the penalty established
for sucli cases, that the slave shall be sold at public
auction, in* order to place him out of tlie reach of the
power which the master has abused. '
" A code thus watchful of the negro's safety in
life and limb confines not its guardianship to in-
hibitory clauses, but proscribes extreme penalties
in case of their infraction. In the Code Noir
(Black Code) of Louisiana, under head of Crimes
and Offences, No. 55, § xvi., it is laid down, that
" ' If any person whatsoever shall wilfully kill
his slave, or the slave of another person, the said
person, being convicted thereof, shall be tried
and condemned agreeably to the laws.'
" And because negro testimony is inadmissible
in the courts of the state, and therefore the evi-
dence of such crimes might be with difficulty sup-
plied, it is further provided that,
" ' If any slave be mutilated, beaten or ill-
treated, contrary to the true intent and meaning
of this act, when no one shall be present, in such
case the owner, or other person having the man-
agement of said slave thus mutilated, shall be
deemed responsible and guilty of the said offence,
and shall be prosecuted without further evidence,
unless the said owner, or other person so as afore-
said, can prove the contrary by means of good and
sufficient evidence, or can clear himself by his
own oath, which said oath every court, under the
Code Noir. cognizance of which such offence shall
Crimes and Of- have been examined and tried, is by
fences, 56, xvii. ^{g act authorized to administer.'
" Enough has been quoted to establish the utter
falsity of the statement, made by our authoress
through St. Clare, that brutal masters are ' irre-
sponsible despots,' — at least in Louisiana. It
would extend our review to a most unreasonable
length, should we undertake to give the law, with
regard to the murder of slaves, as it stands in
each of the Southern States. The crime is a rare
one, and therefore the reporters have had few
cases to record. We may refer, however, to two.
In Fields v. the State of Tennessee, the plaintiff in
error was indicted in the circuit court of Maury
county for the murder of a negro slave. He
pleaded not guilty ; and at the trial was found
guilty of wilful and felcnious slaying of the slave.
From this sentence he prosecuted his writ of error,
which was disallowed, the court affirming the orig-
inal judgment. The opinion of the court, as given
by Peck J., overflows with the spirit of enlight-
ened humanity. He concludes thus :
" ' It is well said by one of the judges of North
Carolina, that the master has a right to exact the
labor of his slave ; that far, the rights of the slave
are suspended ; but this gives the master no right
over the life of his slave. I add to the saying of
the judge, that law which says thou shalt not kill,
protects the slave ; and he is within
lYerger's its very letter. Law, reason, Chris-
Ten i66 ReP tianity, and common humanity, all
point but one way.'
" In the General Court of Virginia, June term,
1851, in Souther v. the Commonwealth, it was held
that ' the killing of a slave by his master and
owner, by wilful and excessive whipping, is mur-
der in the first degree ; though it may not have been
the purpose of the master and owner to
kill the slave.' The writer shows, V^ 3 ^' 3
also, an ignorance of the law of con- ep '
tracts, as it affects slavery in the South, in mak-
ing George's master take him from the factory
against the proprietor's consent. George; by vir-
tue of the contract of hiring, had become the prop-
erty of the proprietor for the time being, and his
master could no more have taken him away forci-
bly than the owner of a house in Massachusetts
can dispossess his lessee, at any moment, from
mere whim or caprice. There is no court in Ken-
tucky where' the hirer's rights, in this regard,
would not be enforced.
" * No. Father bought her once, in one cf his trips to
New Orleans, and brought her up as a present to mother.
She was about eight or nine years old, then. Father
would never tell mother what he gave for her ; but, the
other day, in looking over his old papers, we came across
the bill of sale. He paid an extravagant sum for her, to
be sure. I suppose, on account of her extraordinary
beauty.'
?* George sat with his back to Cassy, and did not see
the absorbed expression of her countenance, as he was
giving these details.
" At this point in the story, she touched his arm, and,
with a face perfectly white with interest, said, 'Do you
know the names of the people he bought her of 1 '
" * A man of the name of Simmons, I think, was the
principal in the transaction. At least, I think that was
the name in the bill of sale.'
" * 0, my God ! ' said Cassy, and fell insensible on the
floor of the cabin."
"■Of course Eliza turns out to be Cassy's child,
and we are soon entertained with the family meet-
ing in Montreal, where George Harris is living,
five or six years after the opening of the story, in
great comfort.
" Now, the reader will perhaps be surprised to
know that such an incident as the sale of Cassy
apart from Eliza, upon which the whole interest
of the foregoing narrative hinges , never could have
taken place in Louisiana, and that the bill of sale
for Eliza would not have been worth the paper it
was written on Observe. George Shelby states
that Eliza was eight or nine years old at the time
his father purchased her in New Orleans. Let us
again look at the statute-book of Louisiana.
" In the Code Noir we find it set down that
" ' Every person is expressly prohibited from
selling separately from their mothers the children
who shall not have attained the full age often years.'
"And this humane provision is strengthened by
a statute, one clause of which runs as follows :
" ' Be it further enacted, That if any person or
persons shall sell the mother of any slave child or
children under the age of ten years, separate from
said child or children, or shall, the mother living,
sell any slave child or children of ten years of age, or
under, separate from said mother, such 'person or
persons shall incur the penalty of the sixth section
of this act.'
" This penalty is a fine of not less than one thou-
sand nor more than two thousand dollars, and im-
prisonment in the public jail for a period of not
less than six months nor more than one year. —
Vide Acts of Louisiana, 1 Session, 9th Legislature,
1828, 1829, No. 24, Section 16"
The author makes here a remark. Scat-
tered through all the Southern States are
slaveholders who are such only in name.
They have no pleasure in the system, they
consider it one of wrong altogether, and they
70
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
hold the legal relation still, only because not
yet clear with regard to the best way of
changing it, so as to better the condition of
those held. Such are most earnest advo-
cates for state emancipation, and are friends
of anything, written in a right spirit, which
tends in that direction. From such the
author ever receives criticisms with pleasure.
She has endeavored to lay before the
world, in the fullest manner, all that can be
objected to her work, that both sides may
have an opportunity of impartial hearing.
When writing " Uncle Tom's Cabin,"
though entirely unaware and unexpectant
of the importance which would be attached
to its statements and opinions, the author of
that work was anxious, from love of consist-
ency, to have some understanding of the
laws of the slave system. She had on hand
for reference, while writing, the Code Noir
of Louisiana, and a sketch of the laws relat-
ing to slavery in the different states, by
Judge Stroud, of Philadelphia. This work,
professing to 'have been compiled with great
care from the latest editions of the statute-
books of the several states, the author sup-
posed to be a sufficient guide for the writing
of a work of fiction.* As the accuracy of
those statements which relate to the slave-
laws has been particularly contested, a
more especial inquiry has been made in this
direction. Under the guidance and with
the assistance of legal gentlemen of high
standing, the writer has proceeded to examine
the statements of Judge Stroud with regard
to statute-law, and to follow them up with
some inquiry into the decisions of courts.
The result has been an increasing conviction
on her part that the impressions first derived
from Judge Stroud's work were correct ; and
the author now can only give the words of
St. Clare, as the best possible expression of
the sentiments and opinion which this course
of reading has awakened in her mind.
This cursed business, accursed of God and man,
— ■ what is it ? Strip it of all its ornament, run it
down to the root and nucleus of the whole, and
what is it 1 Why, because my brother Quashy is
ignorant and weak, and I am intelligent and
strong, — because I know how, and can do it, —
therefore I may steal all he has, keep it, and give
him only such and so much as suits my fancy !
Whatever is too hard, too dirty, too disagreeable
for me, I may set Quashy to doing. Because I
don't like work, Quashy shall work. Because the
sun burns me, Quashy shall stay in the sun.
Quashy shall earn the money, and I will spend it.
* In this connection it may be well to state that the
work of Judge Stroud is now out of print, but that a work
of the same character is in course of preparation by Wil-
liam I. Bowditch, Esq., of Boston, which will bring the
subject out, by the assistance of the latest editions of
statutes, and the most recent decisions of courts.
Quashy shall lie down in every puddle, that I
may walk over dry shod. Quashy shall do my
will, and not his, all the days of his mortal life,
and have such a chance of getting to heaven at
last as I find convenient. This I take to be about
what slavery is. I defy anybody on earth to read
our slave-code, as it stands in our law-books, and
make anything else of it. Talk of the abuses of
slavery ! Humbug ! The thing itself is the essence
of all abuse. And the only reason why the land
don't sink under it, like Sodom and Gomorrah, is
because it is used in a way infinitely better than
it is. For pity's sake, for shame's sake, because
we are men born of women, and not savage beasts,
many of us do not, and dare not, — we would
scorn to use the full power which our savage laws
put into our hands. And he who goes the furthest,
and does the worst, only uses within limits the
power that the law gives him !
The author still holds to the opinion that
slavery in itself, as legally defined in law-
books and expressed in the records of courts.
is the SUM AND ESSENCE OF ALL ABUSE ;
and she still clings to the hope that there are
many men at the South infinitely better
than their laws ; and after the reader has
read all the extracts which she has to make,
for the sake of a common humanity they will
hope the same. The author must state, with
regard to some passages which she must
quote, that the language of certain enact-
ments was so incredible that she would not
take it on the authority of any compilation
whatever, but copied it with her own hand
from the latest edition of the statute-book
where it stood and still stands.
CHAPTER II.
WHAT IS SLAVERY 1
The author will now enter into a consid-
eration of slavery as it stands revealed in
slave law.
What is it, according to the definition of
law-books and of legal interpreters ? "A
slave," says the law of Louisiana, "is one
who is in the power of a master, to whom he
belongs. The master may sell him, dispose
of his person, his industry and his labor ; he
can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire
anything, but what must belong to C ivii code,
his master." South Carolina says Art - 35 -
" slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed
and adjudged in law, to be chattels personal
in the hands of their owners and possessors,
and their executors, administrators, and
assigns, to all intents, con-
& ' '2 Brev. Dip.
STRUCTIONS AND PURPOSES WHAT- 229. Princes
soever." The law of Georgia is Digest » 446 '
similar.
Let the reader reflect on the extent of
the meaning in this last clause. Judge
KE' TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
71
Ruffin, pronouncing the opinion of the Su-
preme Court of North Carolina, says, a slave
is "one doomed in his own person, and his
posterity, to live without knowledge, and
without the capacity to make any-
of siavSy, m thing his own, and to toil that
state v. Mann. ano t ner may reap the fruits."
This is what slavery is, — this is what it is
to be a slave ! The slave-code, then, of the
Southern States, is designed to keep millions
of human beings in the condition of chattels
personal ; to keep them in a condition in which
the master may sell them, dispose of their
time, person and labor ; in which they can do
nothing, possess nothing, and acquire nothing,
except for the benefit of the master ; in which
they are doomed in themselves and in their
posterity to live without knowledge, without
the power to make anything their own, — to
toil that another may reap. The laws of
the slave-code are designed to work out this
problem, consistently with the peace of the
community, and the safety of that superior
race which is constantly to perpetrate this
outrage.
From this simple statement of what the
faws of slavery are designed to do, — from a
consideration that the class thus to be re-
duced, and oppressed, and made the sub-
jects of a perpetual robbery, are men of
like passions with our own, men originally
made in the image of God as much as our-
selves, men partakers of that same human-
ity of which Jesus Christ is the highest
ideal and expression, — when we consider
that the material thus to be acted upon is
that fearfully explosive element, the soul of
man ; that soul elastic, upspringing, immor-
tal, whose free will even the Omnipotence
of God refuses to coerce, — we may form
some idea of the tremendous force which is
necessary to keep this mightiest of elements
in the state of repression which is contem-
plated in the definition of slavery.
Of course, the system necessary to con-
summate and perpetuate such a work, from
age to age, must be a fearfully stringent
one ; and our readers will find that it is so.
Men who make the laws, and men who in-
terpret tliem, may be fully sensible of their
terrible severity and inhumanity; but, if
they are going to preserve the thing, they
have no resource but to make the laws, and
to execute them faithfully after they are
made. They may say, with the honorable
Judge Rufiin, of North Carolina, when sol-
emnly from the bench announcing this great
foundation principle of slavery, that " the
POWER OF THE MASTER MUST BE ABSO-
LUTE, TO RENDER THE SUBMISSION OF THE
slave perfect," — they may say, with
him, "I most freely Confess my sense of
the harshness of this proposition ; I feel it
as deeply as any man can ; and, as a prin-
ciple of moral right, every person in his re-
tirement must repudiate it ; " — but they
will also be obliged to add, with him, ' : But,
in the actual condition of things, it must
be SO. * * This discipline belongs to
the state of slavery. * * * It is in-
herent in the relation of master and slave."
And, like Judge Ruffin, men of honor, men
of humanity, men of kindest and gentlest
feelings, are obliged to interpret these severe
laws with inflexible severity. In the per-
petual reaction of that awful force of human
passion and human will, which necessarily
meets the compressive power of slavery, —
in that seething, boiling tide, never wholly
repressed, which rolls its volcanic stream un-
derneath the whole frame-work of society
so constituted, ready to find vent at the
least rent or fissure or unguarded aperture,
— there is a constant necessity which urges to
severity of law and inflexibility of execution.
So Judge Ruffin says, " We cannot allow
the right of the matter to be brought into
discussion in the courts of justice. The slave,
to remain a slave, must be made sensible
that there is no appeal from his mas-
ter." Accordingly, we find in the more
southern states, where the slave population
is most accumulated, and slave property
most necessary and valuable, and, of course,
the determination to abide by the system the
most decided, there the enactments are most
severe, and the interpretation of courts the
most inflexible.* And, when legal decisions
of a contrary character begin to be made, it
would appear that it is a symptom of leaning
towards emancipation. So abhorrent is the
slave-code to every feeling of humanity, that
just as soon as there is any hesitancy in the
community about perpetuating the institu-
tion of slavery, judges begin to listen to the
voice of their more honorable nature, and by
favorable interpretations to soften its neces-
sary severities.
Such decisions do not commend them-
selves to the professional admiration of legal
gentlemen. But in the workings of the
slave system, when the irresponsible power
which it guarantees comes to be used by men
* We except the State of Louisiana. Owing to the
influence of the French code in that state, more really
humane provisions prevail there. How much these pro-
visions avail in point of fact, will be shown when we come
to that part of the subject.
72
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
of the most brutal nature, cases sometimes
arise for trial where the consistent exposi-
tion of the law involves results so loathsome
and frightful, that the judge prefers to be
illogical, rather than inhuman. Like a spring
outgushing in the desert, some noble man,
now and then, from the fulness of his own
better nature, throws out a legal decision,
generously inconsistent with every principle
and precedent of slave jurisprudence, and
we bless God for it. All we wish is that
there were more of them,' for then should
we hope that the day of redemption was
drawing nigh.
The reader is now prepared to enter
with us on the proof of this proposition :
That the slave-code is designed only for the
security of the master, and not with re-
gard to the welfare of the slave.
This is implied in the whole current of
law-making and law-administration, and is
often asserted in distinct form, with a pre-
cision and clearness of legal accuracy which,
in a literary point of view, are quite admira-
ble. Thus, Judge Ruffin, after stating that
considerations restricting the power of the
master had often been drawn from a com-
parison of slavery with the relation of parent
and child, master and apprentice, tutor and
pupil, says distinctly :
The court does not recognize their application.
There is no likeness between the cases. They are
in opposition to each other, and there is an impass-
able gulf between them. * * * *
In the one [case], the end in view is the happiness
of the youth, born to equal rights with that gov-
ernor, on whom the duty devolves of training the
young to usefulness, in a station which he is after-
wards to assume among freemen. * * * * With
l_ , , T slavery it is far otherwise. The end
of Slavery, page w the profit of the master, his secu-
246. rity and the public safety.
Not only is this principle distinctly as-
serted in so many words, but it is more dis-
tinctly implied in multitudes of the arguings
and reasonings which are given as grounds
of legal decisions. Even such provisions as
seem to be for the benefit of the slave we
often find carefully interpreted so as to show
that it is only on account of his property
value to his master that he is thus protected,
and not from any consideration of humanity
towards himself. Thus it has been decided
that a master can bring no action for assault
wheeier' s Law anc ^ battery on his slave, unless
* f Sl ™f y ' p * the injury be such as to pro-
239. , 7 /• •
mice a loss of service.
The spirit in which this question is dis-
cussed is worthy of remark. We give a
brief statement of the case, as presented in
Wheeler, p. 239.
It was an action for assault and battery
committed by Dale on one Cornfute's slave.
It was contended by Cornfute's counsel that
it w T as not necessary to prove comfutew.
loss of service, in order that the Da,e > A P ril
. J , , , , ' , . , , Term. 1800.
action should be sustained ; that niar.& Johns.
an action might be supported for Kep ' 4 *
beating plaintiff's horse; and iJi^aJW
that the lord might have an ac- ner ' 3 Abr - 454 -
tion for the battery of his villein, which is
founded on this principle, that, as the villein
could not support the action, the injury
would be without redress, unless the lord
could. On the other side it was said that Lord
Chief Justice Raymond had decided that
an assault on a horse was no cause of action,
unless accompanied with a special damage
of the animal, which would impair his value.
Chief Justice Chase decided that no re-
dress could be obtained in the case, because
the value of the slave had not been impaired,
and without injury or vjrong to the mas-
ter no action could be sustained ; and as-
signed this among other reasons for it, that
there was no reciprocity in the case, as the
master was not liable for assault and battery
committed by his slave, neither could he gain
redress for one committed upon his slave.
Let any reader now imagine what an
amount of wanton cruelty and indignity may
be heaped upon a slave man or woman or
child without actually impairing their power
to do service to the master, and he will have
a full sense of the cruelty of this decision.
In the same spirit it has been held in
North Carolina that patrols (night watch-
men) are not liable to the master Tate v ^ efi ^
for inflicting punishment on the ) l*^}?' |is.
slave, unless their conduct clear- 2,' P .'797,'§i2L
ly demonstrates malice against the master.
The cool-bloodedness of some of these legal
discussions is forcibly shown by two deci-
sions in Wheeler's Law of Slavery, p. 243.
On the question whether the criminal offence
of assault and battery can be committed on
a slave, there are two decisions of the two
States of South and North Carolina ; and it
is difficult to say which of these State Vm Manerj
decisions has the preeminence 2iinrsRep.
for cool legal inhumanity. That Law of slavery,
of South Carolina reads thus.
Judge O'Neill says :
page 243.
The criminal offence of assault and battery can
not, at common law, be committed upon the per-
son of a slave. For notwithstanding (for some
purposes) a slave is regarded by law as a person,
yet generally he is a mere chattel personal, and his
KEY TO UNJLE TOM S CABIN.
73
right of personal protection belongs to his master,
who can maintain an action of trespass for the bat-
tery of his slave. There can be therefore no offence
against the state for a mere beating of a slave unac-
companied with any circumstances" of cruelty (! !),
or an attempt to kill and murder. The peace of
the state is not thereby broken ; for a slave is not
generally regarded as legally capable of being
within the peace of the state. He is not a citi-
zen, and is not in that character entitled to her
protection.
What declaration of the utter indifference
of the state to the sufferings of the slave
could be more elegantly cool and clear?
See state v. But in North Carolina it appears
Hale. Wheeler, ,1 , ,i • t ,•11
p. 239. 2 Hawk! that the case is argued still more
N.c.Rep.582. e i a b rately.
Chief Justice Taylor thus shows -that,
after all, there are reasons why an assault
and battery upon the slave may, on the
whole, have some such general connection
with the comfort and security of the com-
munity, that it may be construed into a
breach of the peace, and should be treated
as an indictable offence.
The instinct of a slave may be, and generally
is, tamed into subservience to his master's will,
and from him he receives chastisement, whether it
be merited or not, with perfect submission ; for he
knows the extent of the dominion assumed over
him, and that the law ratines the claim. But
when the same authority is wantonly usurped by
a stranger, nature is disposed to assert her rights,
and to prompt the slave to a resistance, often
momentarily successful, sometimes fatally so.
The public peace is thus broken, as much as if a
free man had been beaten ; for the party of the
aggressor is always the strongest, and such con-
tests usually terminate by overpowering the slave,
and inflicting on him a severe chastisement, with-
out regard to the original cause of the conflict.
There is, consequently, as much reason for mak-
ing such offences indictable as if a white man had
been the victim. A wanton injury committed on
a slave is a great provocation to the owner, awakens
his resentment, and has a direct tendency to a breach
of the peace, by inciting him to seek immediate ven-
geance. If resented in the heat of blood, it would
probably extenuate a homicide to manslaughter,
upon the same principle with the case stated by
Lord Hale, that if A riding on the road, B had
whipped his horse out of the track, and then A
had alighted and killed B. These offences are
usually committed by men of dissolute habits,
hanging loose upon society, who, being repelled
from association with well-disposed citizens, take
refuge in the company of colored persons and
slaves, whom they deprave by their example, embold-
en by their familiarity, and then beat, under the
expectation that a slave dare not resent a blow from
a white man. If such offences may be committed
with impunity, the public peace will not only be
rendered extremely insecure, but the value of slave
property must be much impaired, for the offenders
can seldom make any reparation in damages.
Nor is it necessary, in any case, that a person
who has received an injury, real or imaginary,
from a slave, should carve out his own justice ;
for the law has made ample and summary pro-
vision for the punishment of all trivial offences com-
mitted by slaves, by carrying them be- ,;
fore a justice, who is authorized to j Re ^; Q^g
pass sentence for their being publicly 44S..:'
whipped. This provision, while it
excludes the necessity of private vengeance ^4ypuld
seem to forbid its legality, since it effectually pro-
tects all persons from the insolence of slaves, even
where their masters are unwilling to correct them
upon complaint being made. The common law
has often been called into efficient operation, for
the punishment of public cruelty inflicted upon
animals, for needless and wanton barbarity exer-
cised even by masters upon their slaves, and for
various violations of decency, morals, and comfort.
Reason and analogy seem to require that a human
being, although the subject of property, should be
so far protected as the public might -be injured:
through him. --•>": -
For all purposes, necessary to enforce the. 6be-^ :
dience of the slave, and to render him usef^itat
property, the law secures to the masters-com-
plete authority over him, and it will not ligfi.tly
interfere with the relation thus established.^-/^ is
a more effectual guarantee of his right of property,
when the slave is protected from wanton abuse from
those who have no power over him ; for it cannot be
disputed that a slave is rendered less capable of
performing his master's service when he finds
himself exposed by the law to the capricious vio-
lence of every turbulent man in the community.
If this is not a scrupulous disclaimer of
all humane intention in the decision, as far
as the slave is concerned, and an explicit
declaration that he is protected only out of
regard to the comfort of the community^ and
his property value to his master, it is difficult-
to see how such a declaration could be made.
After all this cool-blooded course of remark,
it is somewhat curious to come upon the fol-
lowing certainly most unexpected declaration,
which occurs in the very next paragraph :
Mitigated as slavery is by the humanity of our
Taws, the refinement of manners, and by 'public
opinion, which revolts at every instance of cruelty
towards them, it would be an anomaly in the sys-
tem of police which affects them, if the offence
stated in the verdict were not indictable.
The reader will please to notice that this
remarkable declaration is made of the State
of North Carolina. We shall have occa-
sion again to refer to it by and by, when
we extract from the statute-book of North
Carolina some specimens of these humane
laws.
In the same spirit it is decided, under the
law of Louisiana, that if an individual in-
jures another's slave so as to make him en-
tirely useless, and the owner recovers from
him the full value of the slave, the slave by
that act becomes thenceforth the , , .
■ % Jourdain r.
property of the person who in- Patton. July
• j {:• A j • • i. xi. • terra, 1S18. 5
j urea him. A decision to this Martins L-uis
effect is given in Wheeler's Law
Rep. 615.
74
KEV TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
of Slavery, p. 249. A woman sued for an in-
jury done to her slave by the slave of the de-
fendant. The injury was such as to render
him entirely useless, his only eye being put
out. The parish court decreed that she should
recover twelve hundred dollars, that the de-
fendant should pay a further sum of twenty-
five dollars a month from the time of the
injury ; also the physician's' bill, and two
hundred dollars for the sustenance of the
slave during his life, and that he should
remain forever in the possession of his mis-
tress.
The case was appealed. The judge re-
versed the decision, and delivered the slave
into the possession of the man whose slave
had committed the outrage. In the course
of the decision, the judge remarks, with
that calm legal explicitness for which many
decisions of this kind are remarkable, that
The principle of humanity, which would lead
us to suppose that the mistress, whom he had long
served, would treat her miserable blind slave with
more kindness than the defendant, to whom the
judgment ought to transfer him, cannot be taken
into consideration in deciding this case.
. " . a>a Another case, reported in Wheel-
J an. term, 1828. no
9 Martin La. er's Law, page 198, the author
ep * ° ' thus summarily abridges. It is
Dorothee v. Coquillon et al. A young girl,
by will of her mistress, was to have her free-
dom at twenty-one ; and it was required by
the will that in the mean time she should be
educated in such a manner as to enable her
to earn her living when free, her services
in the mean time being bequeathed to the
daughter of the defendant. Her mother (a
free woman) entered complaint that no care
was taken of the child's education, and that
she was cruelly treated. The prayer of the
petition was that the child be declared free
at twenty-one, and in the mean time hired
out by the sheriff. The suit was decided
against the mother, on this ground, — that
she could not sue for her daughter in a
case where the daughter could not sue for
herself were she of age, — the object of the
suit being relief from ill-treatment during
the time of her slavery, which a slave
cannot sue for.
j a n. term, 1827. Observe, now, the following
4 M'Cord's Rep. case f Jennings v. Fundeberg.
Law of slavery, It seems Jennings^ brings an ac-
p ' 201, tion of trespass against Funde-
berg for killing his slave. The case was
thus : Fundeberg with others, being out
hunting runaway negroes, surprised them in
their camp, and, as the report says, "fired
his gun towards them as they were run-
ning away, to induce them to stop." One
of them, being shot through the head, was
thus induced to stop, — and the master of
the boy brought action for trespass against
the firer for killing his slave.
The decision of the inferior court was as
follows :
The court " thought the killing acciden-
tal, and that the defendant ought not to be
made answerable as a trespasser." * * * *
" When one is lawfully interfering with the
property of another, and accidentally de-
stroys it, he is no trespasser, and ought
not to be answerable for the value of the prop-
erty. In this case, the defendant was en-
gaged in a lawful and meritorious service,
and if he really fired his gun in the manner
stated it was an allowable act."
The superior judge reversed the decision,
on the ground that in dealing with another
person's property one is responsible for any
injury which he could have avoided by any
degree of circumspection. "The firing
. . . . was rash and incautious."
Does not the whole spirit of this discus-
sion speak for itself '?
ci i . i • Jan. T. 1827. 4
feee also the very next case in M'Cord's Rep.
Wheeler's Law. Richardson v.
Dukes, p. 202.
156.
Trespass for killing the plaintiffs slave. It
appeared the slave was stealing potatoes from a
bank near the defendant's house. The defendant
fired upon him with a gun loaded with buckshot,
and killed him. The jury found a verdict for
plaintiff for one dollar. Motion for a new trial.
The Court. Nott J. held, there must be a
new trial ; that the jury ought to have given the
plaintiff the value of the slave. That if the jury
were of opinion the slave was of bad character,
some deduction from the usual price ought to be
made, but the plaintiff was certainly entitled to
his actual damage for killing his slave. Where
property is in question, the value of the article,
as nearly as it can be ascertained, furnishes a rule
from which they are not at liberty to depart.
It seems that the value of this unfortunate
piece of property was somewhat reduced
from the circumstance of his " stealing pota-
toes." Doubtless he had his own best rea-
sons for this ; so, at least, we should infer
from the following remark, which wheeler's Law
occurs in one of the reasonings of slavery, 220.
of Judge Taylor, of N. Carolina.
"The act of 1786 (Iredell's Bevisal, p. 588)
does, in the preamble, recognize the fact, that
many persons, by cruel treatment to their slaves,
cause them to commit crimes for which they are
executed. * # The cruel treatment here al-
luded to must consist in withholding from them the
necessaries of life; and the crimes thus resulting
are such as are calculated to furnish them with food
and raiment/'
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S OABIN.
75
Perhaps " stealing potatoes " in this case
was one of the class of crimes alluded to.
Whitseii v. Again we have the following
Earnest & Par- ° °
ker. Wheeler, Case I
p. 202.
The defendants went to the plantation of Mrs.
Witsell for the purpose of hunting for runaway
negroes; there being many in the neighborhood,
and the place in considerable alarm. As they
approached the house with loaded guns, a negro
ran from the house, or near the house, towards a
swamp, when they fired and killed him.
The judge charged the jury, that such cir-
cumstances might exist, by the excitement and
alarm of the neighborhood, as to authorize the
killing of a negro without the sanction of a magis-
trate.
This decision was reversed in the Superior
Court, in the following language :
By the statute of 1740, any white man may
apprehend and moderately correct any slave who
may be found out of the plantation at which he
is employed 1 , and if the slave assaults the white
person, he maybe killed; but a slave who is merely
flying away cannot be killed. Nor can the de-
fendants be justified by common law, if we consider
the negro as a person ; for they were not clothed
with the authority of the law to apprehend him
as a felon, and without such authority he could
not be killed.
If we consider the negro a person,
says the judge ; and, from his decision in the
case, he evidently intimates that he has a
strong leaning to this opinion, though it has
been contested by so many eminent legal
authorities that he puts forih his sentiment
modestly, and in an hypothetical form. The
reader, perhaps, will need to be informed
that the question whether the slave is to be
considered a person or a human being in any
respect has been extensively and ably argued
on both sides in legal courts, and it may be
a comfort to know that the balance of legal
opinion inclines in favor of the slave. Judge
Clarke, of Mississippi, is quite clear on the
point, and argues very ably and earnestly,
though, as he confesses, against very respect-
able legal authorities, that the slave is a
person, — that he is a reasonable creature.
^, , The reasoning occurs in the case
Wheeler, p. »-*.«■• • • • t t
252. State ot Mississippi v. Jones, and
JuneT.,1820. . ,, « ■■ *S ,.,'
walker's is worthy ot attention as a literary
Rep - 83 ' curiosity.
It seems that a case of murder of a slave
had been clearly made out and proved in the
lower court, and that judgment was arrested
and the case appealed on the ground wheth-
er, in that state, murder could be committed
on a slave. Judge Clarke thus ably and
earnestly argUes :
The question in this case is, whether murder
**an be committed on a slave. Because individuals
may have been deprived of many of their rights by
society, it does not follow, that they have been
deprived of all their rights. In some respects,
slaves may be considered as chattels ; but in others ,
they are regarded as men. The law views them
as capable of committing crimes. This can only
be upon the principle, that they are men and ra-
tional beings. The Roman law has been much
relied on by the counsel of the defendant. That
law was confined to the Roman empire, giving the
power of life and death over captives in war, as
slaves ; but it no more extended here, than the sim-
ilar power given to parents over the lives- of their
children. Much stress has also been laid by the
defendant's counsel on the case cited from Tay-
lor's Reports, decided in North Carolina ; yet, in
that case, two judges against one were of opinion,
that killing a slave was murder. Judge Hall, who
delivered the dissenting opinion in the above case,
based his conclusions, as we conceive, upon erro-
neous principles, by considering the laws of Rome
applicable here. His inference, also, that a per-
son cannot be condemned capitally, because he
may be liable in a civil action, is not sustained by
reason or authority, but appears to us to be in
direct opposition to both. At a very early period
in Virginia, the power of life over slaves was given
by statute ; but Tucker observes, that as soon as
these statutes were repealed, it was at once con-
sidered by their courts that the killing of a slave
might be murder. Commonwealth v. Dolly Chap-
man : indictment for maliciously stabbing a slave,
under a statute. It has been determined in
Virginia that slaves are persons. In the con-
stitution of the United States, slaves are ex-
pressly designated as " persons." In this state
the legislature have considered slaves as rea-
sonable and accountable beings ; and it would be
a stigma upon the character of the state, and a
reproach to the administration of justice, if the
life of a slave could be taken with impunity, or if
he could be murdered in cold blood, without sub-
jecting the offender to the highest penalty known
to the criminal jurisprudence of the country. Has
the slave no rights, because he is deprived of his
freedom? He is still a human being, and pos-
sesses all those rights of which he is not deprived
by the positive provisions of the law ; but in vain
shall we look for any law passed by the enlight-
ened and philanthropic legislature of this state,
giving even to the master, much less to a stranger,
power over the life of a slave. Such a statute
would be worthy the age of Draco or Caligula,
and would be condemned by the unanimous voice
of the people of this state, where even cruelty to
slaves, much [more] the taking away of life, meets
with universal reprobation. By the provisions of
our law, a slave may commit murder, and be pun-
ished with death ; why, then, is it not murder to
kill a slave ? Can a mere chattel commit murder,
and be subject to punishment ?
The right of the master exists not by force of the
law of nature or nations, but by virtue only of the
positive law of the state; and although that gives to
the master the right to command the services of
the slave, requiring the master to feed and clothe
the slave from infancy till death, yet it gives the
master no right to take the life of the slave ; and,
if the offence be not murder, it i3 not a crime,
and subjects the offender to no punishment.
The taking away the li fe of a reasonable crea-
76
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
fcure, under the king's peace, with malice afore-
thought, express or implied, is murder at common
law. Is not a slave a reasonable creature? — is he
not a human being ? And the meaning of this
phrase, reasonable creature, is, a human being.
For the killing a lunatic, an idiot, or even a child
unborn, is murder, as much as the killing a phi-
losopher ; and has not the slave as much reason as
a lunatic, an idiot, or an unborn child?
Thus triumphantly, in this nineteenth cen-
tury of the Christian era and in the State
of Mississippi, has it been made to appear
that the slave is a reasonable creature, — a
human being !
What sort of system, what sort of a pub-
lic t sentiment, was that which made this
argument necessary ?
And let us look at some of the admissions
of this argument with regard to the nature
of slavery. According to the judge, it is
depriving human beings of many of their
rights. Thus he says : " Because individ-
uals may have been deprived of many of
their rights by society, it does not follow
that they have been deprived of all their
rights." Again, he says of the slave : "He
is still a human being, and possesses all
those rights of which he is not deprived by
the positive provisions of the law" Here
he admits that the provisions of law deprive
the slave of natural rights. Again he says :
" The right of the master exists not by force
of the law of nature or of nations, but by
virtue only of the positive law of the state."
According to the decision of this judge,
therefore, slavery exists by the same right
that robbery or oppression of any kind does,
— the right of ability. A gang of robbers
associated into a society have rights over
all the neighboring property that they can
acquire, of precisely the same kind.
With the same unconscious serenity does
the law apply that principle of force and
robbery which is the essence of slavery, and
show how far the master may proceed in
appropriating another human being as his
property.
The question arises, May a master give a
wheeier, p. 28. woman to one person, and her
J a !\hu : ktbury! unborn children to another one?
Sp?P* ?• W2& Let us hear the case argued.
3 Little's Rep. i i i
275. Ihe unfortunate mother selected
as the test point of this interesting legal
principle comes to our view in the will of
one Samuel Marksbury, under the style
and denomination of " my negro wench
Pen." Said Samuel states in his will that,
for the good will and love he bears to his owt%
children, he gives said negro wench Pen to
son Samuel, and all her future increase to
daughter Rachael. When daughter Rachael,
therefore, marries, her husband sets up a
claim for this increase, — as it is stated,
quite off-hand, that the " wench had several
children." Here comes a beautifully inter-
esting case, quite stimulating to legal acu-
men. Inferior court decides that Samuel
Marksbury could not have given away un-
born children on the strength of the legal
maxim, " Nemo dat quod non habet" —
i. e., " Nobody can give what he has not
got," — which certainly one should think
sensible and satisfactory enough. The case,
however, is appealed, and reversed in the
superior court; and now let us hear the
reasoning.
The judge acknowledges the force of the
maxim above quoted, — says, as one would
think any man might say, that it is quite a
correct maxim, — the only difficulty being
that it does not at all apply to the present
case. Let us hear him :
He who is the absolute owner of a thing owns
all its faculties for profit or increase ; and he
may, no doubt, grant the profits or increase, as
well as the thing itself. Thus, it is every day's
practice to grant the future rents or profits of real
estate ; and it is held that a man may grant the
wool of a flock of sheep for years.
See also p. 33, Fanny v. Bryant, 4 J. J.
Marshall's Rep., 368. In this almost pre-
cisely the same language is used. If the
reader will proceed, he will find also this
principle applied with equal clearness to the
hiring, selling, mortgaging of unborn chil-
dren ; and the perfect legal nonchalance of
these discussions is only comparable to run-
ning a dissecting-knife through the course
of all the heart-strings of a living subject,
for the purpose of demonstrating the laws
of nervous contraction.
Judge Stroud, in his sketch of the slave-
laws, page 99, lays down for proof the fol-
lowing assertion : That the penal codes of
the slave states bear much more severely on
slaves than on white persons. He intro-
duces his consideration of this proposition
by the following humane and sensible re-
marks :
A being, ignorant of letters, unenlightened by
religion, and deriving but little instruction from
good example, cannot be supposed to have right
conceptions as to the nature and extent of moral
or political obligations. This remark, with but a
slight qualification, is applicable to the condition
of the slave. It has been- just shown that the
benefits of education are not conferred upon him,
while his chance of acquiring a knowledge of the
precepts of the gospel is so remote as scarcely to
be appreciated. He may be regarded, therefore
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
as almost "without the capacity to comprehend
the force of laws ; and, on this account, such as
are designed for his government should be recom-
mended by their simplicity and mildness.
His condition suggests another motive for
tenderness on his behalf in these particulars.
He is unable to read, and holding little or no com-
munication with those who are better informed
than himself; how is he to become acquainted
with the fact that a law for his observance has
been made 1 To exact obedience to a law which
has not been promulgated, — which is unknown
to the subject of it, — has ever been deemed most
unjust and tyrannical. The reign of Caligula,
were it obnoxious to no other reproach than this,
would never cease to be remembered with abhor-
rence.
The lawgivers of the slaveholding states seem,
in the formation of their penal codes, to have
been uninfluenced by these claims of the slave
upon their compassionate consideration. The
hardened convict moves their sympathy, and is
to be taught the laws before he is expected to
obey them ; yet the guiltless slave is subjected to
an extensive system of cruel enactments, of no
part of which, probably, has he ever heard.
Parts of this system apply to the slave ex-
clusively, and for every infraction a large retribu-
tion is demanded ; while, with respect to offences
for which whites as well as slaves are amenable,
punishments of much greater severity are inflicted
upon the latter than upon the former.
•
This heavy charge of Judge Stroud is
sustained by twenty pages of proof, showing
the very great disproportion between the
number of offences made capital for slaves,
and those that are so for whites. Con-
cerning this, We find the following cool re-
mark in Wheeler's Law of Slavery, page
222, note.
Much has been said of the disparity of pun-
ishment between the white inhabitants and the
slaves and negroes of the same state ; that slaves
are punished with much more severity, for the
commission of similar crimes, by white persons,
than the latter. The charge is undoubtedly true
to a considerable extent. It must be remembered
that the primary object of the enactment of penal
laws, is the protection and security of those who
make them. The slave has no agency in making
them. He is indeed one cause of the apprehended
evils to the other class, which those laws are ex-
pected to remedy. That he should be held ame-
nable for a violation of those rules established for
the security of the other, is the natural result of
the state in which he is placed. And the sever-
ity of those rules will always bear a relation to
that danger, real or ideal, of the other class.
It has been so among all nations, and will
ever continue to be so, while the disparity be-
tween bond and free remains.
A striking example of a legal decision
to this purport is given in Wheeler's
The kuirt v. Law of Slavery, page 224. The
TeJm, I isS C 2 case > apart from legal tech-
wSrcarSia WcalitieSj may be thus briefly
Rep. 26b. stated :
77
The defendant, Mann, had hired a slave-
woman for a year. During this time the
slave committed some slight offence, for which
the defendant undertook to chastise her.
While in the act of doing so the slave ran
off, whereat he shot at and wounded her. The
judge in the inferior court charged the jury
that if they believed the punishment was
cruel and unwarrantable, and disproportioned
to the offence, in law the defendant was
guilty, as he had only a special property
in the slave. The jury finding evidence that
the punishment had been cruel, unwarrant-
able and disproportioned to the offence,
found verdict against the defendant. But on
what ground ? — Because, according to the
law of North Carolina, cruel, unwarrantable,
disproportionate punishment of a slave from
a master, is an indictable offence? No. They
decided against the defendant, not because
the punishment was cruel and unwarrant-
able, but because he was not the person who
had the right to inflict it, " as he had only
a special right of property in the slave."
The defendant appealed to a higher court,
and the decision was reversed, on the ground
that the hirer has for the time being all the
rights of the master. The remarks of Judge
Ruffin are so characteristic, and so strongly
express the conflict between the feelings of
the humane judge and the logical necessity
of a strict interpreter of slave-law, that we
shall quote largely from it. One cannot
but admire the unflinching calmness with
which a man, evidently possessed of honor-
able and humane feelings, walks through the
most extreme and terrible results and con-
clusions, in obedience to the laws of legal
truth. Thus he says :
A judge cannot but lament, when such cases
as the present are brought into judgment. It is
impossible that the reasons on which they go can
be appreciated, but where institutions similar to
our own exist, and are thoroughly understood.
The struggle, too, in the judge's own breast, be-
tween the feelings of the man and the duty of the
magistrate, is a severe one, presenting strong
temptation to put aside such questions, if it be
possible. It is useless, however, to complain of
things inherent in our political state. And it is
criminal in a court to avoid any responsibility
which the laws impose. With whatever reluc-
tance, therefore, it is done, the court is compelled
to express an opinion upon the extent of the do-
minion of the master over the slave in North Car-
olina. The indictment charges a battery on Lydia.
a slave of Elizabeth Jones The inquiry
here is, whether a cruel and unreasonable battery
on a slave by the hirer is indictable. The judge
below instructed the jury that it is. He seems to
have put it on the ground, that the defendant had
but a special property. Our laws uniformly treat
the master, or other person having the possession
78
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
and command of the slave, as entitled to the same
extent of authority. The object is the same, the
service of the slave ; and the same powers must be
confided. . In a criminal proceeding, and, indeed,
in reference to all other persons but the general
owner, the hirer and possessor of the slave, in rela-
tion to both rights and duties, is, for the time being,
the owner But, upon the general ques-
tion, whether the owner is answerable criminal-
iter, for a battery upon his own slave, or other
exercise of authority of force, not forbidden by
statute, the court entertains but little doubt.
That he is so liable, has never been decided ; nor,
as far as is known, been hitherto contended.
There has been no prosecution of the sort. The
established habits and uniform practice of the
country, in this respect, is the best evidence of the
portion of power deemed by the whole community
requisite to the preservation of the master's do-
minion. If we thought differently, we could not
set our notions in array against the judgment of
everybody else, and say that this or that authority
may be safely lopped off. This has indeed been
assimilated at the bar to the other domestic rela-
tions ; and arguments drawn from the well-estab-
lished principles, which confer and restrain the
authority of the parent over the child, the tutor
over the pupil, the master over the apprentice,
have been pressed on us.
The court does not recognize their application.
There is no likeness between the cases. They are
in opposition to each other, and there is an im-
passable gulf between them. The difference is
that which exists between freedom and slavery ;
and a greater cannot be imagined. In the one, the
end in view is the happiness of the youth born to
equal rights with that governor on whom the duty
devolves of training the young to usefulness, m a
station which he is afterwards to assume among
freemen. To such an end, and with such a subject,
moral and intellectual instruction seem the natural
means ; and, for the most part, they are found to
suffice. Moderate force is superadded only to
make the others effectual. If that fail, it is bet-
ter to leave the party to his own headstrong pas-
sions, and the ultimate correction of the law, than
to allow it to be immoderately inflicted by a pri-
vate person. With slavery it is far otherwise.
The end is the profit of the master, his security
and the public safety ; the subject, one doomed,
in his own person and his posterity, to live with-
out knowledge, and without the capacity to make
anything his own, and to toil that another may
reap the fruits. What moral considerations shall
be addressed to such a being, to convince him
what it is impossible but that the most stupid
must feel and know can never be true, — that he
is thus to labor upon a principle of natural duty,
or for the sake of his own personal happiness ?
Such services can only be expected from one who
has no will of his own ; who surrenders his will
in implicit obedience to that of another. Such
obedience is the consequence only of uncontrolled
authority over the body. There is nothing else
which can operate to produce the effect. TnE
POWER OF TUE MASTER MUST BE ABSOLUTE, TO RENDER
THE SUBMISSION OF THE SLAVE PERFECT. I most freely
confess my sense of the harshness of this propo-
sition. I feel it as deeply as any man can. And,
as a principle of moral right, every person in his
retirement must repudiate it. But, in the actual
condition of things, it must be so. There is no
remedy. This discipline belongs to the state of
slavery. They cannot be disunited without abro-
gating at once the rights of the master, and ab-
solving the slave from his subjection. It consti-
tutes the curse of slavery to both the bond and
the free portions of our population. But it is
inherent in the relation of master and slave. That
there may be particular instances of cruelty and
deliberate barbarity, where in conscience the law
might properly interfere, is most probable. The
difficulty is to determine where a court may prop-
erly begin. Merely in the abstract, it may well
be asked which power of the master accords with
right. The answer will probably sweep away all
of them. But we cannot look at the matter in
that light. The truth is that we are forbidden to
enter upon a train of general reasoning on the
subject. We cannot allow the right of the mas-
ter to be brought into discussion in the courts of
justice. The slave, to remain a slave, must be
made sensible that there is no appeal from his
master ; that his power is, in no instance, usurped,
but is conferred by the laws of man, at least, if
not by the law of God. The danger would be
great, indeed, if the tribunals of justice should be
called on to graduate the punishment appropriate
to every temper and every dereliction of menial
duty.
No man can anticipate the many and aggra-
vated provocations of the master which the slave
would be constantly stimulated by his own pas-
sions, or the instigation of others, to give ; or
the consequent wratl\ of the master, prompting
him to bloody vengeance upon the turbulent
traitor ; a vengeance generally practised with impu-
nity, by reason of its privacy. The court, therefore .
disclaims the power of changing the relation in
which these parts of our people stand to each
other.
* # # # *
I repeat, that I would gladly have avoided
this ungrateful question. But, being brought to
it, the court is compelled to declare that while
slavery exists amongst us in its present state, or
until it shall seem fit to the legislature to interpose
express enactments to the contrary, it will be the
imperative duly of the judges to recognize the full
dominion of the owner over the slave, except where
the exercise of it is forbidden by statute.
And this we do upon the ground that this do-
minion is essential to the value of slaves as property,
to the security of the master and the public tranquil-
lity, greatly dependent upon their subordination;
and, in fine, as most effectually securing the gen-
eral protection and comfort of the slaves them-
selves. Judgment below reversed ; and judgment
entered for the defendant.
No -one can read this decision, so fine
and clear in expression, so dignified and
solemn in its earnestness, and so dreadful
in its results, without feeling at once deep
respect for the man and horror for the sys-
tem. The man, judging him from this
short specimen, which is all the author
knows,* has one of that high order of minds,
which looks straight through all verbiage
and sophistry to the heart of every subject
which it encounters. He has, too, that noble
* More recently the author ha3 met with a passage in r
North Carolina newspaper, containing some further par-
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
79
scorn of dissimulation, that straightforward
determination not to call a bad thing by
a good name, even when most popular and
reputable and legal, which it is to be wished
could be more frequently seen, both in our
Northern and Southern States. There is
but one sole regret ; and that is that such a
man, with such a mind, should have been
merely an expositor, and not a reformer of
law.
CHAPTER III.
SOUTHER V. THE COMMONWEALTH — THE
NE PLUS ULTRA OF LEGAL HUMANITY.
" Yet in the face of such laws and decisions as these !
Mrs. Stowe, <fcc." — Courier 8f Enquirer.
The case of Souther v. the Common-
wealth has been cited by the Courier fy
Enquirer as a particularly favorable speci-
ticulars of the life of Judge Ruffin, which have proved in
teresting to her, and may also to the reader.
From the Raleigh (N. C.) Register.
Resignation of the Chief Justice of the State of
North Carolina.
We publish below the letter of Chief Justice Ruffin, of
the Supreme Court, resigning his seat on the bench.
This act takes us, and no less will it take the state, by
surprise. The public are not prepared for it ; and we
doubt not there will scarcely be an exception to the deep
and general regret which will be felt throughout the state.
Judge Ruffin's great and unsurpassed legal learning, his
untiring industry, the ease with which he mastered the
details and comprehended the whole of the most compli-
cated cases, were the admiration of the bar; and it has
been a common saying of the ablest lawyers of the state,
for a long time past, that his place on the bench could be
supplied by no other than himself.
He is now, as we learn, in the sixty-fifth year of his age,
in full possession of his usual excellent health, unaffected,
so far as we can discover, in his natural vigor and strength,
and certainly without any symptom of mental decay.
Eorty-five years ago he commenced the practice of the
law. He has been on the bench twenty-eight years, of
which time he has been one of the Supreme Court twenty-
three years. During this long public career he has, in a
pecuniary point of view, sacrificed many thousanad ; for
there has been no time of it in which he might not, with per-
fect ease, have doubled, by practice, the amount of his
salary as judge.
" To the Honorable the General Assembly of North Carolina,
now in session.
" Gentlemen : I desire to retire to the walks of private
life, and therefore pray your honorable body to accept the
resignation of my place on the bench of the Supreme
Court. In surrendering this trust, I would wish to express
my grateful sense of the confidence and honors so often
and so long bestowed on me by the General Assembly.
But I have no language to do it suitably. I am very sen-
sible that they were far beyond my deserts, and that I
have made an insufficient return of the service. Yet I
can truly aver that, to the best of my ability, I have ad-
ministered the law as I understood it, and to the ends of
suppressing crime and wrong, and upholding virtue, truth
and right; aiming to give confidence to honest men, and
to confirm in all good citizens love for our country, and a
pure trust in her law and magistrates.
" In my place I hope I have contributed to these ends ;
and I firmly believe that our laws will, as heretofore, be
executed, and our people happy in the administration of
justice, honest and contented, as long as they keep, and
only so long as they keep, the independent and sound ju-
dioiary now established in the constitution; which, with
men of judicial proceedings under the slave-
code, with the following remark :
And yet, in the face of such laws and decisions
as these, Mrs. Stowe winds up a long series of
cruelties upon her other black personages, by
causing her faultless hero, Tom, to be literally
whipped to death in Louisiana, by his master. Le-
gree ; and these acts, which the laws make crimi-
nal, and punish as such, she sets forth in the most
repulsive colors, to illustrate the institution of
slavery !
By the above language the author was
led into the supposition that this case had
been conducted in a manner so creditable to
the feelings of our common humanity as to
present a fairer side of criminal jurispru-
dence in this respect. She accordingly
took the pains to procure a report of the
case, designing to publish it as an offset to
the many barbarities which research into
this branch of the subject obliges one to un-
fold. A legal gentleman has copied the
case from Grattan's Reports, and it is here
given. If the reader is astounded at it, he
cannot be more so than was the writer.
Souther v. The Commonwealth. 7 Grattan,0"i3,
1851.
The killing of a slave by his master and owner, by wilful
• and excessive whipping, is murder in the first degree 3
though it may not have been the purpose and intention
of the master and owner to kill the slave.
Simeon Souther was indicted at the October
Term, 1850, of the Circuit Court for the County of
Hanover, for the murder of his own slave. The
indictment contained fifteen counts, in which the
various modes of punishment and torture by which
the homicide was charged to have been committed
were stated singly, and in various combinations.
The fifteenth count unites them all : and, as the
court certifies that the indictment ivas sustained
by the evidence, the giving the facts stated in that
count will show what was the charge against the
prisoner, and what \yis the proof to sustain it.
The count charged that on the 1st day of Sep-
tember, 1849, the prisoner tied his negro slave.
Sam, with ropes about his wrists, neck, body,
legs and ankles, to a tree. That whilst so tied,
the prisoner first whipped the slave with switches.
That he next beat and cobbed the slave with a
shingle, and compelled two of his slaves, a man
and a woman, also to cob the deceased with the
shingle. That whilst the deceased was so tied to
the tree, the prisoner did strike, knock, kick, stamp
and'beat him upon various parts of his head, face
and body ; that he applied fire to his body ; * *
* * that he then washed his body with warm
water, in which pods of red pepper had been put
and steeped; and he compelled his two slaves
aforesaid also to wash him with this same prepara-
tion of warm water and red pepper. That after
the tying, whipping, cobbing, striking, beating,
knocking, kicking, stamping, wounding, bruising,
lacerating, burning, washing and torturing, as
all other blessings, I earnestly pray may be perpetuated
to the people of North Carolina.
'* I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obliged
and obedient servant, Thomas Ruffes.
" Raleigh, November 10, 1852."
80
KEY TO LNCLE TOM S CABIN.
aforesaid, the prisoner untied the deceased from
the tree in such way as to throw him with vio-
lence to the ground ; and he then and there did
knock, kick, stamp and beat the deceased upon
his head, temples, and various parts of his body.
That the prisoner then had the deceased carried
into a shed-room of his house, and there he com-
pelled one of his slaves, in his presence, to con-
fine the deceased's feet in stocks, by making his
legs fast to a piece of timber, and to tie a rope
about the neck of the deceased, and fasten it to
a bed-post in the room, thereby strangling, chok-
ing and suffocating the deceased. And that whilst
the deceased was thus made fast in stocks as afore-
said, the prisoner did kick, knock, stamp and beat
him upon his head, face, breast, belly, sides, back
and body ; and he again compelled his two slaves
to apply fire to the body of the deceased, whilst he
was so made fast as aforesaid. And the count
charged that from these various modes of punish-
ment and torture the slave Sam then and there died.
It appeared thai; the prisoner commenced the pun-
ishment of the deceased in the morning, and that it
was continued throughout the day : and that the
deceased died in the presence of the prisoner, and
one of his slaves, and one of the witnesses, whilst
the punishment was still progressing.
Field J. delivered the opinion of the court.
The prisoner was indicted and convicted of mur-
der in the second degree, in the Circuit Court of
Hanover, at its April term last past, and was
sentenced to the penitentiary for Jive years, the
period of time ascertained by the jury. The mur-
der consisted in the killing of a negro man-slave
by the name of Sam, the property of the prisoner,
by cruel and excessive whipping and torture, in-
flicted by Souther, aided by two of his other slaves,
on the 1st day of September, 1849. The prisoner
moved for a new trial, upon the ground that the
offence, if any, amounted only to manslaughter.
The motion for a new trial was overruled, and a
bill of exceptions taken to the opinion of the court,
setting forth the facts proved, or as many of
them as were deemed material for the considera-
tion of the application for a new trial. The bill
of exception states : That the slave Sam, in the
indictment mentioned, was the slave and property
of the prisoner. That for the purpose of chas-
tising the slave for the offence of getting drunk,
and dealing as the slave confessed and alleged
with Henry and Stone, two of the witnesses for the
Commonwealth, he caused him to be tied and
punished in the presence of the said witnesses,
with the exception of slight whipping; with peach
or apple-tree switches, before the said witnesses
arrived at the scene after they were sent for by the
prisoner (who were present by request from the de-
fendant), and of several slaves of the prisoner, in
the manner and by the means charged in the in-
dictment ; and the said slave died under and from
the infliction of the said punishment, in the pres-
ence of the prisoner, one of his slaves, and of one
of the witnesses for the Commonwealth. But it did
not appear that it was the design of the pris-
oner to kill the said slave, unless such design be
properly inferable from the manner, means and
duration, of the punishment. And, on the contrary,
it did appear that the prisoner frequently declared,
while the said slave was undergoing the punish-
ment, that he believed the said slave was feigning,
and pretending to be suffering and injured when
he was not. The judge certifies that the slave
was punished in the manna' and by the means
charged in the indictment. The indictment con-
tains fifteen counts, and sets forth a case of the
most cruel and excessive whipping and torture.*
#######
It is believed that the records of criminal juris-
prudence do not contain a case of more atrocious
and. wicked cruelty than was presented upon the
trial of Souther ; and yet it has been gravely and
earnestly contended here by his counsel that his
offence amounts to manslaughter only.
It has been contended by the counsel of the
prisoner that a man cannot be indicted and prose-
cuted for the cruel and excessive whipping of his
own slave. That it is lawful for the master to
chastise his slave, and that if death ensues from
such chastisement, unless it was intended to pro-
duce death, it is like the case of homicide which
is committed by a man in the performance of a
lawful act, which is manslaughter only. It has
been decided by this court in Turner's case, 5
Rand, that the owner of a slave, for the malicious,
cruel and excessive beating of his own slave, can-
not be indicted ; yet it by no means follows, when
such malicious, cruel and excessive beating results
in death, though not intended and premeditated,
that the beating is to be regarded as lawful for the
purpose of reducing the crime to manslaughter,
when the whipping is inflicted for the sole purpose
of chastisement. It is the policy of the law, in respect
to the relation of master and slave, and for the sake
of securing proper subordination and obedience on t/te
part of the slave, to protect the master from prosecu-
tion in all such cases, even if the whipping and pun-
ishment be malicious, cruel and excessive. But in so
inflicting punishment for the sake of punishment,
the owner of the slave acts at his peril ; and if
death ensues in consequence of such punishment,
the relation of master and slave aflbrds no ground
of excuse or palliation. The principles of the
common law, in relation to homicide, apply to his
case without qualification or exception ; and ac-
cording to those principles, the act of the prisoner,
in the case under consideration, amounted to mur-
der. * * # The crime of the prisoner is not
manslaughter, but murder in the first degree.
On the case now presented there are some
remarks to be made.
This scene of torture, it seems, occupied
about twelve hours. It occurred in the
State of Virginia, in the County of Hanover.
Two white men were witnesses to nearly ths
whole proceeding, and, so far as we can see,
made no effort to arouse the neighborhood,
and bring in help to stop the outrage. What
sort of an education, what habits of thought,
does this presuppose in these men 7
The case was brought to trial. It re-
* The following is Judge Field's statement of the pun-
ishment:
The negro was tied to a tree and whipped with switches
When Souther became fatigued with the labor of whip-
ping, ho called upon a negro man of his, and made him
cob Sam with a shingle. He also made a negro woman of
his help to cob him. And, after cobbing and whipping, h«
applied fire to the body of the slave. * * * * He
then caused him to be washed down with hot water, in
which pods of rod pepper had been steeped. The neguo
was also tied to a log and to the bed-post with ropes, which
choked him, ai '1 he was kicked and stamped by Souther.
This sort of pu.nshment was continued and repeated until
the negro died under its infliction.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
81
quires no ordinary nerve to read over the
counts of this indictment. Nobody, one
would suppose, could willingly read them
twice. One would think that it would have
laid a cold hand of horror on every heart ;
— that the community would have risen,
by an universal sentiment, to shake out
the man, as Paul shook the viper from his
hand. It seems, however, that they were
quite self-possessed; that lawyers calmly
sat, and examined, and cross-examined, on
particulars known before only in the records
of the Inquisition; that it was " ably and
earnestly argued" by educated, intelligent,
American men, that this catalogue of hor-
rors did not amount to a murder ! and, in
the cool language of legal precision, that
u the offence, IF any, amounted to man-
slaughter;" and that an American jury
found that the offence was murder in the
second degree. Any one who reads the
indictment will certainly think that, if this
be murder in the second degree, in Vir-
ginia, one might earnestly pray to be mur-
dered in the first degree, to begin with.
Had Souther walked up to the man, and
shot him through the head with a pistol,
before white witnesses, that would have been
murder in the first degree. As he preferred
to spend twelve hours in killing him by
torture, under the name of " chastisement"
that, says the verdict, is murder in the
second degree ; " because" says the bill of
exceptions, with admirable coolness, " it did
not appear that it was the design of the
prisoner to hill the slave, unless such de-
sign BE PROPERLY INFERABLE FROM THE
MANNER, MEANS AND DURATION, OF THE
PUNISHMENT.
The bill evidently seems to have a leaning
to the idea that twelve hours spent in beating,
stamping, scalding, burning and mutilating
a human being, might possibly be considered
as presumption of something beyond the
limits of lawful chastisement. So startling
an opinion, however, is expressed cautiously,
and with a becoming diffidence, and is bal-
anced by the very striking fact, which is also
quoted in this remarkable paper, that the
prisoner frequently declared, while the slave
was undergoing the punishment, that he be-
lieved the slave was feigning and pretending
to be suffering, when he was not. This
view appears to have struck the court as
eminently probable, — as going a long way
to prove the propriety of Souther's inten-
tions, making it at least extremely probable
that only correction was intended.
It seems, also, that South or, so far from
being crushed by the united opinion of the
community, found those to back him who
considered five years in the penitentiary an
unjust severity for his crime, and hence the
bill of exceptions from which we have quoted,
and the appeal to the Superior Court ; and
hence the form in which the case stands
in law-books, " Souther v. the Common-
wealth . ' ' Souther evidently considers him-
self an ill-used man, and it is in this character
that he appears before the Superior Court.
As yet there has been no particular
overflow of humanity in the treatment of
the case. The manner in which it has been
discussed so far reminds one of nothing so
much as of some discussions which the reader
may have seen quoted from the records of
the Inquisition, with regard to the propriety
of roasting the feet of children who have not
arrived at the age of .thirteen years, with a
view to eliciting evidence.
Let us now come to the decision of the
Superior Court, which the editor of the
Courier &f Enquirer thinks so particularly
enlightened and humane. Judge Field
thinks that the case is a very atrocious one,
and in this respect he seems to differ ma-
terially from judge, jur^ and lawyers, of
the court below. Furthermore, he doubts
whether the annals of jurisprudence furnish
a case of equal atrocity, wherein certainly
he appears to be not far wrong; and he
also states unequivocally the principle that
killing a slave by torture under the name
of correction is murder in the first degree :
and here too, certainly, everybody will
think that he is also right ; the only wonder
being that any man could ever have been
called to express such an opinion, judicially.
But he states, quite as unequivocally as
Judge Ruffin, that awful principle of slave-
laws, that the law cannot interfere with the
master for any amount of torture inflicted
on his slave which does not result in death.
The decision, if it establishes anything, es-
tablishes this principle quite as strongly as
it does the other. Let us hear the words
of the decision :
It has been decided by this court, in Turner's
case, that the owner of a slave, for the malicious,
cruel and excessive beating of his own slave, cannot
be indicted^ * * * *
It is the policy of the law, in respect to the relation
of master and slave, and for the sake of securing
proper subordination and obedience on the part of the
slave, to protect the master from prosecution in all
such cases, even if the whipping and punishment be
malicious, cruel and excessive.
What follows as a corollary from this
remarkable declaration is this, — that if the
82
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
victim of this twelve hours' torture had only
possessed a little stronger constitution, and
had not actually died under it, there is no
law in Virginia by which Souther could
even have been indicted for misdemeanor.
If this is not filling out the measure of the
language of St. Clare, that "he who goes
the furthest and does the worst only uses
within limits the power which the law gives
him," how could this language be verified?
Which is " the worst" death outright, or
torture indefinitely prolonged ? This deci-
sion, in so many words, gives every master
the power of indefinite torture, and takes
from him only the power of terminating the
agony by merciful death. And this is the
judicial decision which the Courier fy En-
quirer cites as a perfectly convincing speci-
men of legal humanity. It must be hoped
that the editor never read the decision, else
he never would have cited it. Of all who
knock at the charnel-house of legal pre-
cedents, with the hope of disinterring any
evidence of humanity in the slave system,
it may be said, in the awful words of the
Hebrew poet :
" He knoweth not that the dead are there,
And that her guests are in the depths of hell."
The upshot of this case was, that Souther,
instead of getting off from his five years'
imprisonment, got simply a judicial opinion
from the Superior Court that he ought to
be hung ; but he could not be tried over
again, and, as we may infer from all the
facts in the case that he was a man of
tolerably resolute nerves and not very ex-
quisite sensibility, it is not likely that the
opinion gave him any very serious uneasi-
ness. He has probably made up his mind
to get over his five years with what grace
ne may. When he comes out, there is no
law in Virginia to prevent his buying as
many more negroes as he chooses, and going
over the same scene with any one of them
at a future time, if only he profit by the
information which has been so explicitly
conveyed to him in this decision, that he
must take care and stop his tortures short
of the point of death, — a matter about
which, as the history of the Inquisition
shows, men, by careful practice, can be
able to judge with considerable precision.
Probably, also, the next time, he will not
be so foolish as to send out and request the
attendance of two white witnesses, even
though they may be so complacently inter-
ested in the proceedings as to spend the
whole day in witnessing them without effort
at prevention.
Slavery, as defined in American law, is
no more capable of being regulated in its
administration by principles of humanity,
than the torture system of the Inquisition.
Every act of humanity of every individual
OAvner is an illogical result from the . legal
definition ; and the reason why the slave-
code of America is more atrocious than any
ever before exhibited under the sun, is that
the Anglo-Saxon race are a more coldly and
strictly logical race, and have an unflinching
courage to meet the consequences of every
premise which they lay down, and to work
out an accursed principle, with mathemati-
cal accuracy, to its most accursed results.
The decisions in American law-books show
nothing so much as this severe, unflinching
accuracy of logic. It is often and evidently,
not because judges are inhuman or partial,
but because they are logical and truthful,
that they announce from the bench, in the
calmest manner, decisions which one would
think might make the earth shudder, and
the sun turn pale.
The French and the Spanish nations are,
by constitution, more impulsive, passionate
and poetic, than logical ; hence it will be
found that while there may be more instances
of individual barbarity, as might be expected
among impulsive and passionate people, there
is in their slave-code more exhibition of
humanity. The code of the State of Louis-
iana contains more really humane provisions,
were there any means of enforcing them,
than that of any other state in the Union.
It is believed that there is no code of laws
in the world which contains such a perfect
cabinet crystallization of every tear and
every drop of blood which can be wrung
from humanity, so accurately, elegantly and
scientifically arranged, as the slave-code of
America. It is a case of elegant surgical
instruments for the work of dissecting the
living human heart; — every instrument
wrought with exactest temper and polish,
and adapted with exquisite care, and labelled
with the name of the nerve or artery or mus-
cle which it is designed to sever. The instru-
ments of the anatomist are instruments of
earthly steel and wood, designed to operate
at most on perishable and corruptible mat-
ter; but these are instruments of keener
temper, and more ethereal workmanship/ de-
signed in the most precise and scientific man-
ner tO DESTROY THE IMMORTAL SOUL, and
carefully and gradually to reduce man from
the high position of a free agent, a social,
religious, accountable being, down to the con-
dition of the brute, or of inanimate matter.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
83
CHAPTER IV.
PROTECTIVE STATUTES.
Apprentices protected. — Outlawry. — Melodrama of Prue
in the Swamp. — Harry the Carpenter, a Romance of
Real Life. ,
But the question now occurs, Are there
not protective statutes, the avowed object of
which is the protection of the life and limb
of the slave ? We answer, there are ; and
these protective statutes are some of the
most remarkable pieces of legislation extant.
That they were dictated by a spirit of
humanity, charity, which hopeth all things,
would lead us to hope ; but no newspaper
stories of bloody murders and shocking out-
rages convey to the mind so dreadful a
picture of the numbness of public sentiment
caused by slavery as these so-called pro-
tective statutes. The author copies the fol-
lowing from the statutes of North Carolina.
Section 3d of the act passed in 1798 runs
thus :
Whereas by another Act of the Assembly, passed
in 1774, the killing of a slave, however wanton,
cruel and deliberate, is only punishable in the first
instance by imprisonment and paying the value
thereof to the owner, which distinction of crimi-
nality between the murder of a white person and one
who is equally a human creature, but merely of a
different complexion, is disgraceful to humanity,
AND DEGRADING IN THE HIGHEST DEGREE TO TnE LAWS
AND PRINCIPLES OF A FREE, CHRISTIAN AND ENLIGHT-
ENED country, Be it enacted, &c, That if any
person shall hereafter be guilty of wilfully and
maliciously killing a slave, such offender shall,
upon the first conviction thereof, be adjudged
guilty of murder, and shall suffer the same punish-
ment as if he had killed a free man : Provided
always, this act shall not extend to the person killing
a slave outlawed by virtue of any Act of Assembly
of this state, or to any slave in the act of resistance
to his lawful owner or master, or to any slave dying
under moderate correction."
A law with a like proviso, except the
cutlawry clause, exists in Tennessee. See
Carutfiers and Nicholson? s Compilation,
1836, p. 676.
The language of the constitution of Geor-
gia, art. iv., sec. 12, is as follows :
Any person who shall maliciously dismember
or deprive a slave of life shall suffer such punish-
ment as would be inflicted hi case the like offence
had been committed on a free white person, and
on the like proof, except in case of insurrection
by such slave, and unless such death should happen
by accident in giving such slave moderate correction.
—Cobb's Dig. 1851, p. 1125.
Let now any Englishman or New Eng-
lander imagine that such laws with regard
to apprentices had ever been proposed in
Parliament or State Legislature under the
head of protective acts; — laws which in
so many words permit the killing of the
subject in three cases, and those comprising
all the acts which would generally occur
under the law ; namely, if the slave resist,
if he be outlawed, or if he die under moder-
ate correction.
What rule in the world will ever prove
correction immoderate, if the fact that the
subject dies under it is not held as proof?
How many such "accidents" would have
to happen in Old England or New England,
before Parliament or Legislature would hear
from such a protective law.
" But," some one may ask, u what is the
outlaiory spoken of in this act?" The
question is pertinent, and must be answered.
The author has copied the following from
the Revised Statutes of North Carolina,
chap, cxi, sec. 22. It may be remarked in
passing that the preamble to this law presents
rather a new view of slavery to those who
have formed their ideas from certain pictures
of blissful contentment and Arcadian repose,
which have been much in vogue of late.
"Whereas, many times slaves run away and He
out, hid and lurking in swamps, woods, and other
obscure places, killing cattle and hogs, and com-
mitting other injuries to the inhabitants of this
state ; in all such cases, upon intelligence of any
slave or slaves lying out as aforesaid, any two
justices of the peace for the county wherein such
slave or slaves is or are supposed to lurk or do
mischief, shall, and they are hereby empowered
and required to issue proclamation against such
slave or slaves (reciting his or their names, and
the name or names of the owner or owners, if
known), thereby requiring him or them, and every
of them, forthwith to surrender him or themselves ;
and also to empower and require the sheriff of the
said county to take such power with him as he
shall think fit and necessary for going in search
and pursuit of, and effectually apprehending, such
outlying slave or slaves ; which proclamation
shall be published at the door of the court-houso,
and at such other places as said justices shall
direct. And if any slave or slaves against whom
proclamation hath been thus issued stay out, and
do not immediately return home, it shall be law-
ful for any person or persons whatsoever to kill
and destroy such slave or slaves by such ways and
means as he shall think fit, without accusation or
impeachment of any crime for the same .
What ways and means have been thought
fit, in actual experience, for the destruction
of the slave? WhaJ was done with the
negro Mcintosh, in the streets of St. Louis,
in open daylight, and endorsed at the next
sitting of the Supreme Court of the state,
as transcending the sphere of law, because
it was "an act of the majority of her mos*
respectable citizens"?* If these thing"
are done in the green tree, what will be done
in the dry ? If these things have once been
* This man was burned alive.
84
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
done hi the open streets of St. Louis, by "a
majority of her most respectable citizens, "
what will be done in the lonely swamps of
North Carolina, by men of the stamp of
Souther and Legree ?
This passage of the Revised Statutes of
North Carolina is more terribly suggestive
to the imagination than any particulars into
which the author of Uncle Tom's Cabin has
thought fit to enter. Let us suppose a little
melodrama quite possible to have occurred
under tins act of the legislature. Suppose
some luckless Prue or Peg, as in the case we
have just quoted, in State v. Mann, getting
tired of the discipline of whipping, breaks
from the overseer, clears the dogs, and gets
into the swamp, and there " lies out," as
the act above graphically says. The act
which we are considering says that niany
slaves do tins, and doubtless they have their
own best reasons for it. We all hnow what
fascinating places to " lie out " in these
Southern swamps are. What with alliga-
tors and moccasin snakes, mad and water,
and poisonous vines, one would be apt to
think the situation not particularly eligible ;
but still, Prue " lies out" there. Perhaps in
the night some husband or brother goes to
see her, taking a hog, or some animal of the
plantation stock, which he has ventured his
life in killing, that she may not perish with
hunger. Master overseer walks up to master
proprietor, and reports the accident ; master
proprietor mounts his horse, and assembles
to his aid two justices of the peace.
In the intervals between drinking brandy
and smoking cigars a proclamation is duly
drawn up, summoning the contumacious Prue
to surrender, and requiring sheriff of said
county to take such power as he shall
think fit to go in search and pursuit of said
slave ; which proclamation, for Prue's fur-
ther enlightenment, is solemnly published at
the door of the court-house, and " at such
other places as said justices shall direct." *
Let us suppose, now, that Prue, given over
to hardness of heart and blindness of mind,
pays no attention to all these means of grace,
put forth to draw her to the protective
o'tadow of the patriarchal roof. Suppose,
Airiher, as a final effort of long-suffering,
and to leave her utterly without excuse, the
* The old statute of 1741 had some features still more
edifying. That provides that said " proclamation shall
be published on a Sabbath day, at the door of every church
or chapel, or, for want of such, at the place where divine
service shall be performed in the said county, by the
parish clerk or reader, immediately after divine service."
Potter's Revised, i. 166. "What a peculiar appropriateness
there must have been in this proclamation, particularly
after a sermon on the love of Christ, or an exposition of
tfcc test " thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself ! "
worthy magistrate rides forth in full force.—
man, horse, dog and gun. — to the very verge
of the swamp, and there proclaims aloud the
merciful mandate. Suppose that, hearing
the yelping of the dogs and the proclama-
tion "of the sheriff mingled together, and the
shouts of Loker, Marks, Sambo and Quimbo,
and other such posse, black and white, as a
sheriff can generally summon on such a
hunt, this very ignorant and contumacious
Prue only runs deeper into the swamp, and
continues obstinately " lying out," as afore-
said ; — now she is by act of the assembly
outlawed, and, in the astounding words of
the act, ' ' it shall be lawful for any person or
persons whatsoever to kill and destroy her,
by such ways and means as he shall think
fit, without accusation or impeachment of
any crime for the same." What awful pos-
sibilities rise to the imagination under the
fearfully suggestive clause ' ' by such ways
and means as he shall think fit / " Such
ways and means as ANY man shall think fit,
of any character, of any degree of fiendish
barbarity ! ! Such a permission to kill even
a dog, by ' ■ any ways and means which any-
body should think fit," never ought to stand ,
on the law-books of a Christian nation ; and
yet this stands against one bearing that
same humanity which Jesus Christ bore, —
against one, perhaps, who, though blinded,
darkened and ignorant, he will not be
ashamed to own, when he shall come in the
glory of his Father, and all his holy angels
with him !
That this law has not been a dead letter
there is sufficient proof. In 1886 the
following proclamation and advertisement
appeared in the "Newbern (N. C.) Specta-
tor:"
State of North Carolina, Lenoir County. —
Whereas complaint hath been this day made to us,
two of the justices of the peace for the said county,
by William D. Cobb, of Jones County, that two
negro-slaves belonging to him, named Ben (com
monly known by the name of Ben Fox) and Bi°;
don, have absented themselves from their said
master's service, and are lurking about in the
Counties of Lenoir and Jones, committing acts of
felony ; these are, in the name of the state, to
command the said slaves forthwith to surrender
themselves, and turn home to their said master.
And we do hereby also require the sheriif of said
County of Lenoir to make diligent search and pur-
suit after the above-mentioned slaves. . . And
we do hereby, by virtue of an act of assembly of
this state concerning servants and slaves, inti-
mate and declare, if the said slaves do not surren-
der themselves and return home to their master
immediately after the publication of these presents,
that any person may kill or destroy said slaves
by such means as he or they think fit, without
accusation or impeachment of any crime or offence
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
for so doing, or without incurring any penalty or
forfeiture thereby.
Given under our hands and seals, this 12th of
November, 1836. B. Coleman, J. P. [Seal.]
Jas. Jones, J. P. [Seal.]
$200 Reward. -Ran away from the subscrib-
er, about three years ago, a certain negro-man,
named Ben, commonly known by the name of Ben
Fox ; also one other negro, by the name of Rigdon,
who ran away on the 8th of this month.
I will give the reward of $100 for each of the
above negroes, to be delivered to me, or confined
in the jail of Lenoir or Jones County, or for the
killing of them, so that I can see them.
Nov. 12, 1836 * W. D. Cobb.
That this act was not a dead letter, also,
was plainly implied in the protective act
first quoted. If slaves were not, as a matter
of fact, ever outlawed, why does the act for-
mally recognize such a class ? — " provided
that this act shall not extend to the killing
of any slave outlawed by any act of the
assembly." This language sufficiently in-
dicates the existence of the custom.
Further than this, the statute-book of 1821
contained two acts : the first of which pro-
vides that all masters in certain counties,
who have had slaves killed in consequence
of outlawry, shall have a claim on the
treasury of the state for their value, unless
cruel treatment of the slave be proved on
the part of the master : the second act ex-
tends the benefits of the latter provision to
all the counties in the state.*
Finally, there is evidence that this act
of outlawry was executed so recently as the
year 1850, — the year in which "Uncle
Tom's Cabin " was written. See the follow-
ing from the Wilmington Journal of De-
cember 13, 1850 :
State of North Carolina, New Hanover Coun-
ty. — Whereas complaint upon oath hath this day
been made to us, two of the justices of the peace
for the said state and county aforesaid, by Guil-
ford Horn, of Edgecombe County, that a certain
male slave belonging to him, named Harry, a car-
penter by trade, about forty years old, five feet five
inches high,, or thereabouts ; yellow complexion;
stout built ; with a scar on his left leg (from the
cut of an axe) ; has very thick lips ; eyes deep
sunk in his head ; forehead very square ; tolerably
* Be it further enacted, That when any slave shall be
legally outlawed in any of the counties within mentioned,
„ , , j. ._ the owner of which shall reside in one of
sal ch. 467 § 2. ^ ie sa ^ counties, and the said slave shall be
killed in consequence of such outlawry, the
value of such slave shall be ascertained by a jury which
shall be empanelled at the succeeding oourt Of the county
where the said slave w&^ killed, and a certificate of such
valuation shall be given by the clerk ol the court to the
owner of said slave, who shall be entitled to receive two-
thirds of sucb valuation from the sheriff of the county
wherein the slave was killed. [Extended to othor Coun-
ties in 1797. — Potter, ch. 480, § 1.] now obsolete.
loud voice ; has lost one or two of bis upper teeth ;
and has a very dark spot on his jaw, supposed to
be a mark, — hath absented himself from his mas-
ter's service, and is supposed to be lurking about
in this county, committing acts of felony or other
misdeeds ; these are, therefore, in the name of the
state aforesaid, to command the said slave forth-
with to surrender himself and return home to
his said master ; and we do hereby, by virtue of
the act of assembly in such cases made and pro-
vided, intimate and declare that if the said slave
Harry doth not surrender himself and return home
immediately after the publication of these presents,
that any person or persons may kill and destroy
the said slave by such means as he or they may
think fit, without accusation or impeachment of
any crime or offence for so doing, and without in-
curring any penalty or forfeiture thereby.
Given under our hands and seals, this 29th day
of June, 1850.
James T. Miller, J. P. [Seal.]
W. C. Bettencotjrt, J. P. [Seal.]
One Hundred and Twenty-five Dollars Re-
ward will be paid for the delivery of the said
Harry to me at Tosnott Depot, Edgecombe County,
or for his confinement in any jail in the state,
so that I can get him ; or One Hundred and Fifty
Dollars will be given for his head.
He was lately heard from in Newbern, where he
called himself Henry Barnes (or Burns), and will
be likely to continue the same name, or assume
that of Copage or Farmer. He has a free mulatto
woman for a wife, by the name of Sally Bozeman,
who has lately removed to Wilmington, and lives
in that part of the town called Texas, where he
will likely be lurking.
Masters of vessels are particularly cautioned
against harboring or concealing the said negro on
board their vessels, as the full penalty of the law
will be rigorously enforced.
June 2 l 3th, 1850. Guilford Horn.
There is an inkling of history and ro-
mance about the description of this same
Harry, who is thus publicly set up to be
killed in any way that any of the negro-
hunters of the swamps may think the most
piquant and enlivening. It seems he is a
carpenter, — a powerfully made man, whose
thews and sinews might be a profitable
acquisition to himself. It appears also that
he has a wife, and the advertiser intimates
that possibly he may be caught prowling
about somewhere in her vicinity. This
indicates sagacity in the writer, certainly.
Married men generally have a way of liking
the society of their wives ; and it strikes us
from what we know of the nature of car-
penters here in New England, that Harry
was not peculiar in this respect. Let us
further notice the portrait of Harry : " Eyes
deep sunk in his head ; — forehead very
square." This picture reminds us of what
a persecuting old ecclesiastic once said, in
the days of the Port-Royalists, of a certain
truculent abbess, who stood obstinately to a
86
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
certain course, in the face of the whole
power, temporal and spiritual, of the Rom-
ish church, in spite of fining, imprisoning,
starving, whipping, beating, and other
enlightening argumentative processes, not
wholly peculiar, it seems, to that age.
:c You will never subdue that woman," said
the ecclesiastic, who was a phrenologist be-
fore his age; " she's got a square head,
md I have alwaj^s noticed that people with
square heads never can be turned out of
their course." We think it very probable
chat Harry, with his " square head," is just
)ne of this sort. He is probably one of those
irticles which would be extremely valuable,
if the owner could only get the use of him.
[lis head is well enough, but he will use it
for himself. It is of no use to any one but
the wearer ; and the master seems to sym-
bolize this state of things, by offering twenty-
five dollars more for the head without the
body, than he is willing to give for head,
man and all. Poor Harry ! We wonder
whether they have caught him yet ; or
whether the impenetrable thickets, the poi-
sonous miasma, the deadly snakes, and the
unwieldy alligators of the swamps, more
liumane than the slave-hunter, have inter-
posed their uncouth and loathsome forms to
guard the only fastness in Carolina where a
slave can live in freedom.
It is not, then, in mere poetic fiction that
the humane and graceful pen of Longfellow
lias drawn the following picture :
" In the dark fens of the Dismal Swamp
The hunted negro lay;
He saw the fire of the midnight camp,
And heard at times the horse's tramp,
And a bloodhound's distant bay.
" Where will-o'the-wisps and glow-worms shine,
In bulrush and in brake ;
Where waving mosses shroud the pine,
And the cedar grows, and the poisonous vine
Is spotted like the snake;
" Where hardly a human foot could pass,
Or a human heart would dare, —
On the quaking turf of the green morass
H* crouched in the rank and tangled grass,
Like a wild beast in his lair.
" A poor -old slave ! infirm and lame,
Great scars deformed his face ;
On his forehead he bore the brand of shame,
And the rags that hid his mangled frame
Were the livery of disgrace.
•' All things above were bright and fair,
All things were glad and free;
Lithe squirrels darted here and there,
And wild birds filled the echoing air
With songs of liberty !
" On him alone was the doom of pain,
From the morning of his birth ;
On him alone the curse of Cain *
Fell like the flail on the garnered grain,
And struck him to the earth."
* Gen. 4 : 14. — "And it shall come to pass that every one that
Rndeth me shall slay me."
The civilized world may and will ask, in
what state this law has been drawn, and
passed, and revised, and allowed to appear
at the present day on the revised statute-
book, and to be executed in the year of our
Lord 1850, as the above-cited extracts from
its most respectable journals show. Is it
some heathen, Kurdish tribe, some nest of
pirates, some horde of barbarians, where
destructive gods are worshipped, and liba-
tions to their honor poured from human
skulls'? The civilized world will not be-
lieve it, — but it is actually a fact, that this
law has been made, and is still kept in force,
by men in every other respect than what
relates to their slave-code as high-minded,
as enlightened, as liumane, as any men in
Christendom ; — by citizens of a state which
glories in the blood and hereditary Christian
institutions of Scotland. Curiosity to know
what sort of men the legislators of North
Carolina might be, led the writer to examine
with some attention the proceedings and de-
bates of the convention of that state, called
to amend its constitution, which assembled
at Raleigh, June 4th, 1835. It is but jus-
tice to say that in these proceedings, in
which all the different and perhaps conflict-
ing interests of the various parts of the
state were discussed, there was an exhibition
of candor, fairness and moderation, of gen-
tlemanly honor and courtesy in the treat-
ment of opposing claims, and of an over-
ruling sense of the obligations of law and
religion, which certainly have not always
been equally conspicuous in the proceedings
of deliberative bodies in such cases. It
simply goes to show that one can judge
nothing of the religion or of the humanity
of individuals from what seems to us objec-
tionable practice, where they have been
educated under a system entirely incompati-
ble with both. Such is the very equivocal
character of what we call virtue.
It could not be for a moment supposed
that such men as Judge Ruffin, or many
of the gentlemen who figure in the debates
alluded to, would ever think of availing
themselves of the savage permissions of such
a law. But what then ? It follows that
the law is a direct permission, letting loose
upon the defenceless slave that class of men
who exist in every community, who have
no conscience, no honor, no shame, — who
are too far below public opinion to be re-
strained by that, and from whom accordingly
this provision of the law takes away the
only available restraint of their fiendish na-
tures. Such men are not peculiar to the
KEY TO CNCLE TOM S CABIN.
87
South. It is unhappily too notorious that
they exist everywhere, — in England, in
New England, and the world over ; but
they can only arrive at full maturity in
wickedness under a system where the law
clothes them with absolute and irresponsible
power.
CHAPTER Y.
PROTECTIVE ACTS OF SOUTH CAROLINA AND
LOUISIANA. — THE IRON COLLAR OF LOU-
ISIANA AND NORTH CAROLINA.
Thus far by way of considering the pro-
tective acts of North Carolina, Georgia and
Tennessee.
Certain miscellaneous protective acts of
various other states will now be cited,
merely as specimens of the spirit of legisla-
tion.
In South Carolina, the act of 1740 pun-
ished the wilful, deliberate murder of a
- J _ rt slave by disfranchisement, and by
Stroud, p. 39. ^ ' ^
2 Brevard's a line ol seven hundred pounds
i g est,p.2 . curren j. m0 ney, or, in default of
payment, imprisonment for seven years.
But the wilful murder of a slave, in the sense
contemplated in this law, is a crime which
would not often occur. The kind of murder
which was most frequent among masters or
overseers was guarded against by another
section of the same act, — how adequately
the reader will" judge for himself, from the
following quotation :
If any person shall, on a sudden heat or pas-
sion, or by undue correction, kill his
S p°4<r f^ own slave > or the slave of an y other
vard's Digest, person, he shall forfeit the sum of
241. James' three hundred and fifty pounds current
Digest, 392. -.. J J y r
5 ' money.
In 1821 the act punishing the wilful
murder of the slave only with fine or im-
prisonment was mainly repealed, and it was
enacted that such crime should be punished
by death ; but the latter section, which re-
lates to killing the slave in sudden heat or
passion, or by undue correction, has been
altered only by diminishing the pecuniary
penalty to a fine of five hundred dollars,
authorizing also imprisonment for six months.
The next protective statute to be noticed
is the following from the act of 1740, South
Carolina.
In case any person shall wilfully cut out the
tongue, put out the eye, * * * or cruelly scald,
Stroud, t>. 40. burn, or deprive any slave of any limb,
2 Brevard's or member, or shall inflict any other
Digest. 241. crue i punishment, oth^r than by whip-
ping or beating with a horse-whip, cowskin, switch
or small stick, or by putting irons on, or confining
or imprisoning such slave, every such person shall,
for every such offence, forfeit the sum of one hun-
dred pounds, current money.
The language of this law, like many other
of these protective enactments, is exceedingly
suggestive ; the first suggestion that occurs
is, What sort of an institution, and what
sort of a state of society is it, that called
out a law worded like this 1 Laws are
generally not made against practices that
do not exist, and exist with some degree of
frequency.
The advocates of slavery are very fond
of comparing it to the apprentice system of
England and America. Let us suppose
that in the British Parliament, or in a New
England Legislature, the following law is
proposed, under the title of An Act for the
Protection of Apprentices, &c. &c.
In case any person shall wilfully cut out the
tongue, put out the eye, or cruelly scald, burn, or
deprive any apprentice of any limb or member, or
shall inflict any other cruel punishment, other
than by whipping or beating with a horse- whip,
cowskin, switch or small stick, or by putting irons
on or confining or imprisoning such apprentice,
every such person shall, for every such offence,
forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds, current
money.
What a sensation such a proposed law
would make in England may be best left
for Englishmen to say ; but in New Eng-
land it would simply constitute the proposer
a candidate for Bedlam. Yet* that such a
statute is necessary in South Carolina is
evident enough, if we reflect that, because
there is no such statute in Virginia, it has
been decided that a "wretch who perpetrates
all these enormities on a slave cannot even
be indicted for it, unless the slave dies.
But let us look further : — What is to be
the penalty when any of these fiendish
things are done 1
Why, the man forfeits a hundred pounds,
current money. Surely he ought to pay as
much as that for doing so very unnecessary
an act, when the Legislature bountifully
allows him to inflict any torture which re-
vengeful ingenuity could devise, by means
of horse-whip, cowskin, switch or small stick.
or putting irons on, or confining and im-
prisoning. One would surely think that
here was sufficient scope and variety of
legalized means of torture to satisfy any
ordinary appetite for vengeance. It would
appear decidedly that any more piquant
varieties of agony ought to be an extra
charge. The advocates of slavery are fond
of comparing the situation of the slave with
88
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
that of the English laborer. We are not
aware that the English laborer has been so
unfortunate as to be protected by any enact-
ment like this, since the days of villeinage.
Judge Stroud says, that the same law,
substantially, has been adopted in Louisiana.
, A , 01 . . It is true that the civil code of
binud's Sketch, _ , . - .
p. 41. i Mar. Louisiana thus expresses its hu-
Dizest, 054. ,• x
mane intentions.
The slave is entirely subject to the will of his
master, who may correct and chastise him, though
not with unusual rigor, nor so as to maim or
mutilate him, or to expose him to the danger of
loss of life, or to cause his death. — Civil Code of
Louisiana, Article 173.
The expression "unusual rigor" is sug-
gestive, again. It will afford large latitude
for a jury, in states where slaves are in the
habit of dying under moderate correction ;
where outlawed slaves may be killed by any
means which any person thinks fit ; and
where laws have to be specifically made
against scalding, burning, cutting out the
tongue, putting out the eye, &c. What
will be thought unusual rigor? This is a
question, certainly, upon which persons in
states not so constituted can have no means
of forming an opinion.
In one of the newspaper extracts with
which we prefaced our account, the following
protective act of Louisiana is alluded to, as
">eing particularly satisfactory and efficient.
We give it, as quoted by Judge Stroud in
his Sketch, page 58, giving his reference.
No master shall be compelled to sell his slave,
but in one of two cases, to wit: the first, when,
being only co-proprietor of the slave, his co-pro-
prietor demands the sale, in order to make parti-
tion of the property ; second, when the master
shall be convicted of cruel treatment of his slave,
AND THE JUDGE SHALL DEEM IT PROPER TO PRONOUNCE,
besides the penalty established for such cases, that
the slave shall be sold at public auction, in order
to place him out of the reach of the power which
his master has abused. —Civil Code, Art. 192.
The question for a jury to determine in
this case is, What is cruel treatment of a
slave '] • Now, if all these barbarities which
have been sanctioned by the legislative acts
which we have quoted are not held to be
cruel treatment, the question is, What is
cruel treatment of a slave ?
Everything that fiendish barbarity could
desire can be effected under the protection
of the law of South Carolina, which, as we
have just shown, exists also in Louisiana.
It is true the law restrains from some par-
ticular forms of cruelty. If any person has
a mind to scald or burn his slave,— -and it
seems, by the statute, that there have been
such people, — thi»c statutes merely pro-
vide that he shall do it in decent privacy ;
for, as the very keystone of Southern juris-
prudence is the rejection of colored testi-
mony, such an outrage, if perpetrated most
deliberately in the presence of hundreds of
slaves, could not be proved upon the master.
It is to be supposed that the fiendish
people whom such statutes have in view will
generally have enough of common sense not
to perform it in the presence of white wit-
nesses, since this simple act of prudence
will render them entirely safe in doing what-
ever they have a mind to. We are told, it
is true, as we have been reminded by our
friend in the newspaper before quoted, that
in Louisiana the deficiency caused by the
rejection of negro testimony is supplied by
the following most remarkable provision of
the Code Noir :
If any slave be mutilated, beaten, or ill treated,
contrary to the true intent and meaning of this
section, when no one shall be present, in such
case the owner, or other person having the charge
or management of said slave thus mutilated, shall
be deemed responsible and guilty of the said
offence, and shall be prosecuted .without further
evidence, unless the said owner, or other person
so as aforesaid, can prove the contrary by means
of good and sufficient evidence, or can clear him-
self by his own oath, which said oath every court
under the cognizance of which such offence shall
have been examined and tried is by this act
authorized to administer. — Code Noir. Crimes and
Offences, 56. xvii. Rev. Stat. 1852, p. 550, § 141.
Would one have supposed that sensible
people could ever publish as a law such a
specimen of utter legislative nonsense — so
ridiculous on the very face of it !
The object is to bring to justice those
fiendish people who burn, scald, mutilate.
&c. How is this done 1 Why, it is enacted
that the fact of finding the slave in this con-
dition shall be held presumption against the
owner or overseer, unless — unless what 7
Why, unless he will prove to the contrary,
— or swear to the contrary, it is no matter
which — either will answer the purpose.
The question is, If a man is bad enough
to do these things, "will he not be bad
enough to swear falsely 7 As if men who
are the incarnation of cruelty, as supposed
by the deeds in question, would not have
sufficient intrepidity of conscience to com-
pass a false oath !
What was this law ever made for ? Can
any one imagine?
Upon this whole subject, we may quote
the language of Judge Stroud, who thus
sums up the whole amount of the protective
laws for the slave, in the United States of
America :
KEY TO UNCLE TOW S CABIN.
89
Upon a fair review of what has been written on
the subject of this proposition, the result is found
to be — that the master's power to inflict corporal
punishment to any extent, short of life and limb,
is fully sanctioned by law, in all the slave-holding
states ; that the master, in at least two states, is
expressly protected in using the horse-whip and
cowskin as instruments for beating his slave ;
that he may with entire impunity, in the same
states, load his slave with irons, or subject him
to perpetual imprisonment, whenever he may so
choose ; that, for cruelly scalding, wilfully cut-
ting out the tongue, putting out an eye, and for
any other dismemberment, if proved, a fine of one
hundred pounds currency only is incurred in South
Carolina ; that, though in all the states the wil-
ful, deliberate and malicious murder of the slave
is now directed to be punished with death, yet, as
in the case of a white offender none except whites
can give evidence, a conviction can seldom, if
ever, take place. — Stroud's Sketch, p. 43.
One very singular antithesis of two laws
of Louisiana will still further show that
deadness of public sentiment on cruelty to
the slave which is an inseparable attendant
on the system. It will be recollected that
the remarkable protective law of South
Carolina, with respect to scalding, burning,
cutting out the tongue, and putting out the
eye of the slave, has been substantially en-
acted in Louisiana ; and that the penalty for
a man's doing these things there, if he has
not sense enough to do it privately, is not
more than five hundred dollars.
Now, compare this other statute of Louisi-
ana, (Rev. Stat., 1852, p. 552, $ 151) :
If any person or persons, &c, shall cut or break
any iron chain or collar, which any master of
slaves should have used, in order to
ktrou ' ' p ' ' prevent the running away or escape of
any such slave or slaves, such person or persons so
offending shall, on conviction, &c, be fined not
less than two hundred dollars, nor exceeding one
thousand dollars ; and suffer imprisonment for a
term not exceeding two years, nor less jthan six
months.-— Act of Assembly of March 6, 1819.
1 amp'hlet, page 64.
Some Englishmen may naturally ask,
' : What is this iron collar which the Legis-
lature have thought worthy of being pro-
tected by a special act? " On this subject
will be presented the testimony of an unim-
peachable witness, Miss Sarah M. Grimke,
a personal friend of the author. "Miss
Grimke is a daughter of the late Judge
Grimke, of the Supreme Court of South
Carolina, and sister of the late Hon. Thomas
S. Grimke." She is now a member of the
Society of Friends, and resides in Bellville,
New Jersey. The statement given is of a
kind that its author did not mean to give,
nor wish to give, and never would have
given, had it not been made necessary to
illustrate this passage in the slave-law.
The account occurs in a statement which
Miss Grimke furnished to her brother-in-
law, Mr. Weld, and has been before the
public ever since 1839, in his work entitled
Slavery as It Is, p. 22.
A handsome mulatto woman, about eighteen or
twenty years of age, whose independent spirit
could not brook the degradation of slavery, was in
the habit of running away : for this offence she had
been repeatedly sent by her master and mistress to
be whippedby the keeper of the Charleston work-
house. This had been done with such inhuman
severity as to lacerate her back in a most shocking
manner ; a finger could not be laid between the
cuts. But the love of liberty was too strong to
be annihilated by torture ; and, as a. last resort,
she was whipped at several different times, and
kept a close prisoner. A heavy iron collar, with
three long prongs projecting from it, was placed
round her neck, and a strong and sound front tooth
was extracted, to serve as a mark to describe her 7
in case of escape. Her sufferings at this time
were agonizing ; she could lie in no position but
on her back, which was sore from scourgings, as
I can testify from personal inspection ; and her
only place of rest was the floor, on a blanket.
These outrages were committed in a family where
the mistress daily read the Scriptures, and as-
sembled her children for family worship. She
was accounted, and was really, so far as alms-
giving was concerned, a charitable woman, and
tender-hearted to the poor ; and yet this suffering
slave, who was the seamstress of the family, was
continually in her presence, sitting in her chamber
to sew, or engaged in her other household work,
with her lacerated and bleeding back, her muti-
lated mouth, and heavy iron collar, without, so
far as appeared, exciting any feelings of compas-
sion.
This iron collar the author has often
heard of from sources equally authentic*
That one will meet with it every day in
walking the streets, is not probable ; but
that it must have been used with some great
degree of frequency, is evident from the
fact of a law being thought necessary to
protect it. But look at the penalty of the
two protective laws ! The fiendish cruel-
ties described in the act of S^uth Carolina
cost the perpetrator not more than five
hundred dollars, if he does them before
white people. The act of humanity costs
from two hundred to one thousand dollars,
and imprisonment from six months to two
years, according to discretion of court !
What public sentiment was it which made
these laws ?
* The iron collar was also in vogue in North Carolina, as
the following extract from the statute-book will show.
The wearers of this article of apparel certainly have some
reason to complain of the " tyranny of fashion.".
" When the keeper of the said public jail shall, by di-
rection of such court as aforesaid, let out any negro or
runaway to hire, to any person or persons whomsoever, the
said keeper shall, at the time of his delivery, cause an
iron collar to be put on the neck of such negro or runaway,
with the letters P. G. stamped thereon; aud thereafter
the said keeper shall not be answerable for any escape of
the said negro or runaway." — Potters Revival, i. 1G2.
90
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
CHAPTER VI.
PROTECTIVE ACTS WITH REGARD TO FOOD
AND RAIMENT, LABOR, ETC.
Illustrative Drama of Tom v. Legree, under the Law of
South Carolina. — Separation of Parent and Child.
Having finished the consideration of the
laws which protect the life and limb of the
slave, the reader may feel a curiosity to
know something of the provisions by which
he is protected in regard to food and clothing,
and from the exactions of excessive labor.
It is true, there are multitudes of men in the
Northern States who would say, at once, that-
such enactments, on the very face of them,
must be superfluous and absurd. ' ' What ! ' 5
they say, "are not the slaves property?
and is it likely that any man will impair
the market value of his own property by not
giving them sufficient food or clothing, or
by overworking them ') ' ' This process of
reasoning appears to have been less con-
vincing to the legislators of Southern States
than to gentlemen generally at the North ;
since, as Judge Taylor says, ' ' the act of
wheeler, P . 1786 (Iredell's Ilevisal, p. 588)
220. state v. does, in the preamble, recognize
Sue, Cameron . -. r» , , ■> , ' 1
k Norwood's the tact, that many persons, by
c. Rep. 54. crue i treatment of their slaves,
cause them to commit crimes for which
they are executed ; " and the judge further
explains this language, by saying, " The
cruel treatment here alluded to must consist
in withholding from them the necessaries of
life ; and the crimes thus resulting are such
as are necessary to furnish them with food
and raiment."
The State of South Carolina, in the act
of 1740 (see Stroud's Sketch, p. 28), had
a section with the following language in its
O DO
preamble :
Whereas many owners of slaves, and others who
have the care, management, and overseeing of
slaves, do confine them so closely to hard
u labor that they have not sufficient time
for natural rest ; —
And the law goes on to enact that the
slave shall not work more than fifteen hours
a day in summer, and fourteen in winter.
Judge Stroud makes it appear that in
three of the slave states the time allotted for
work to convicts in prison, whose punish-
ment is to consist in hard labor, cannot ex-
ceed ten hours, even in the summer months.
This was the protective act of South
Carolina, designed to reform the abusive
practices of masters who confined their
slaves so closely that they had not time for
natural rest ! What sor : of habits of thought
do these humane provisions show, in the
makers of them? In order to pr:tect the
slave from what they consider undue exac-
tion, they humanely provide that he shall
be obliged to work only four or five hours
longer than the convicts in the prison of the
neighboring state ! In the Island of Jamaica,
besides many holidays which were accorded
by law to the slave, ten hours a day was the
extent to which he was compelled by law
ordinarily to work. — See Stroud, p. 29.
With regard to protective acts concerning
food and clothing, Judge Stroud gives the
following example from the legislation of
South Carolina. The author gives it as
quoted by Stroud, p. 32.
In case any person, &c, who shall be the
owner, or who shall have the care, government or
charge, of any slave or slaves, shall deny, neglect
or refuse to allow, such slave or slaves, &c,
sufficient clothing, covering or food, it shall and
may be lawful for any person or persons, on behalf
of such slave or slaves, to make complaint to the
next neighboring justice in the parish where such
slave or slaves live, or are usually employed, * * *
and the said justice shall summons the party
against whom such complaint shall be made, and
shall inquire of, hear and determine, the same ;
and, if the said justice shall find the said complaint
to be true, or that such person will not exculpate
or clear himself from the charge, by his or her own
oath, which such person shall be at liberty to do in
all cases where positive proof is not given of the
offence, such justice shall and may make such
orders upon the same, for the relief of such slave
or slaves, as he in his discretion shall think fit;
and shall and may set and impose a fine or
penalty on any person who shall offend in the
premises, in any sum not exceeding twenty
pounds current money, for each offence. — 2 Brev-
ard's, Dig. 241. Also Cobb's Dig. 827.
A similar law obtains in Louisiana. —
Rev. Stat. 1852, p. 557, § 166.
Now, would not anybody think, from the
virtuous solemnity and gravity of this act,
that it was intended in some way to amount
to something ? Let us give a little sketch,
to show hovr much it does amount to. Ange-
lina Grimke Weld, sister to Sarah Grimke,
before quoted, gives the following account
of the situation of slaves on plantations : *
And here let me say, that the treatment of
plantation slaves cannot be fully known, except by
the poor sufferers themselves, and their drivers
and overseers. In a multitude of instances, even
the master can know very little of the actual con-
dition of his own field-slaves, and his wife and
daughters far less. A few facts concerning my
own family will show this. Our permanent resi-
dence was in Charleston ; our country-seat (Belle-
mont) was two hundred miles distant, in the
* Slavery as It Is ; Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses.
New York, 1839. pp. 52, 53.
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
91
north western part of the state, where, for some
years, our family spent a few months annually.
Our plantation was three miles from this family
mansion. There all the field-slaves lived and
worked. Occasionally, — once a month, perhaps,
— some of the family would ride over to the planta-
tion ; but I never visited the fields where the slaves
were at work, and knew almost nothing of their
condition ; but this I do know, that the overseers
who had charge of them were generally unprin-
cipled and intemperate men. But I rejoice to
know that the general treatment of slaves in that
region of country was far milder than on the
plantations in the lower country.
Throughout all the eastern and middle portions
of the state, the planters very rarely reside per-
manently on their plantations. They have almost
invariably two residences, and spend less than
half the year on their estates. Even while spend-
ing a few months on them, politics, field-sports,
races, speculations, journeys, visits, company,
literary pursuits, &c, absorb so much of their
time, that they must, to a considerable extent,
take the condition of their slaves on trust, from
the reports of their overseers. I make this state-
ment, because these slaveholders (the wealthier
class) are, I believe, almost the only ones who
visit the North with their families ; and Northern
opinions of slavery are based chiefly on their tes-
timony.
With regard to overseers, Miss Grimke's
testimony is further borne out by the uni-
versal acknowledgment of Southern owners.
A description of this class of beings is fur-
nished by Mr. Wirt, in his Life of Patrick
Henry, page 34. "Last and lowest," he
says, [of different classes in society] " a
feculum of beings called overseers, — a most
abject, -degraded, unprincipled race." Now,
suppose, while the master is in Charleston,
enjoying literary leisure, the slaves on some
Bellemont or other plantation, getting tired
of being hungry and cold, form themselves
into a committee of the whole, to see what
is to be done. A broad-shouldered, courage-
ous fellow, whom we will call Tom, declares
it is too bad, and he won't stand it any
longer ; and, having by some means become
acquainted with this benevolent protective
act, resolves to make an appeal to the horns
of this legislative altar. Tom talks stoutly,
having just been bought on to the place,
and been used to better quarters elsewhere.
The women and children perhaps admire,
but the venerable elders of the plantation, —
Sambo, Cudge, Pomp and old Aunt Dinah,
— tell him he better mind himself, and keep
clar o' dat ar. Tom, being young and pro-
gressive, does not regard these conservative
maxims; he is determined that, if v there is
such a thing as justice to be got, he will have
it. After considerable research, he finds
some white man in the neighborhood verdant
enough to enter the complaint for him.
Master Legree finds himself, one sunshiny,
pleasant morning, walked oif to some Justice
Dogberry's, to answer to the charge of not
giving his niggers enough to eat and wear.
We will call the infatuated white man who
has undertaken this fool's errand Master
Shallow. Let us imagine a scene : — Le-
gree, standing carelessly with his hands in
his pockets, rolling a quid of tobacco in his
mouth ; Justice Dogberry, seated in all the
majesty of law, reinforced by a decanter of
whiskey and some tumblers, intended to
assist in illuminating the intellect in such
obscure cases.
Justice Dogberry. Come, gentlemen,
take a little something, to begin with. Mr.
Legree, sit down \ sit down, Mr. — a'
what 's-your-name 1 — Mr. Shallow.
Mr. Legree and Mr. Shallow each sit
down, and take their tumbler of whiskey and
water. After some little conversation, the
justice introduces the business as follows :
' ■ Now, about this nigger business. Gentle-
men, you know the act of
um
um.
where the deuce is that act ? [Fumbling an
old law-book.] How plagued did you ever
hear of that act, Shallow ? I'm sure I 'm
forgot all about it ; — ! here 't is. Well,
Mr. Shallow, the act says you must make
proof, you observe.
Mr. Shallow. [Stuttering and hesitat-
ing.] Good land ! why, don't everybody
see that them ar niggers are most starved ?
Only see how ragged they are !
Justice. I can't say as I ve observed it
particular*. Seem to be very well con-
tented.
Shallow. [Eagerly.] But just ask
Pomp, or Sambo, or Dinah, or Tom !
Justice Dogberry. [With dignity.] I'm
astonished at you, Mr. Shallow ! You
think of producing negro testimony? I
hope I know the law better than that ! We
must have direct proof, you know.
Shallow is posed; Legree significantly
takes another tumbler of whiskey and water,
and Justice Dogberry gives a long ahe-a-
um. After a few moments the justice
speaks :
"Well, after all, I suppose, Mr. Legree,
you would n't have any objections to swarm'
off; that settles it all, you know."
As swearing is what Mr. Legree is rather
more accustomed to do than anything else
that could be named, a more appropriate
termination of the affair could not be sug-
gested ; and he swears, accordingly, to any
extent, and with any fulness and variety
of oath that could be desired ; and thus the
92
KEY TO UNCLE TOiM'iS CABIN.
little affair terminates. But it does not
terminate thus for Tom or Sambo, Dinah,
or any others who have been alluded to for
authority. What will happen to them, when
Mr. Legree comes home, had better be left
to conjecture.
It is claimed, by the author of certain
paragraphs quoted at the commencement of
Part II., that there exist in Louisiana
ample protective acts to prevent the separa-
tion of young children from their mothers.
This writer appears to be in the enjoyment
of an amiable ignorance and unsophisticated
innocence with regard to the workings of
human society generally, which is, on the,
whole, rather refreshing. For, on a certain
incident in " Uncle Tom's Cabin," which
represented Cassy's little daughter as hav-
ing been sold from her, he makes the fol-
lowing naif remark :
Now, the reader will perhaps be surprised to
know that such an incident as the sale of Cassy
apart from Eliza, upon which the whole interest
of the foregoing narrative hinges, never could have
taken place in Louisiana, and that the bill of sale
for Eliza would not have been worth the paper it
was written on. — Observe. George Shelby states
that Eliza was eight or nine years old at the time
his father purchased her in New Orleans. Let
us again look at the statute-book of Louisiana.
In the Code Noir we find it set down that
" Every person is expressly prohibited from
selling separately from their mothers the children
who shall not have attained the full age of ten
years.''''
And this humane provision is strengthened by
a statute, one clause of which runs as follows :
"Be it further enacted, that if any person or
persons shall sell the mother of any slave child or
children under the age 'of ten years, separate from
said child or children, or shall, the mother living,
sell any slave child or children of ten years of age or
under, separate from said mother, such person or
persons shall incur the penalty of the sixth sec-
tion of this act."
This penalty is a fine of not less than one
thousand nor more than two thousand dollars,
and imprisonment in the public jail for a period
of not less than six months nor more than one
year. — Vide Acts of Louisiana, 1 Session, 9lh
'Legislature, 1828-9, No. 24, Section 16. {Rev.
Stat. 1852, p. 550, § 143.)
What a charming freshness of nature is
suggested by this assertion ! A thing could
not have happened in a certain state, be-
cause there is a law against it !
Has there not been for two years a law
forbidding to succor fugitives, or to hinder
their arrest ? — and has not this thing been
done thousands of times in all the Northern
States, and is not it more and more likely
to be done every year? What is a law,
against the whole public sentiment of
society 1 — and will anybody venture to say
that the public sentiment of Louisiana
practically goes against separation of fami-
lies?
Bat let us examine a case more minutely,
remembering the bearing on it of two
great foundation principles of slave juris-
prudence : namely, that a slave cannot
bring a 1 * suit in any case, except in a suit
for personal freedom, and this in some
states must be brought by a guardian ; and
that a slave cannot 'bear testimony in any
case in which whites are implicated.
Suppose Butler wants to sell Cassy's
child of nine years. There is a statute for-
bidding to sell under ten years ; — what is
Cassy to do ? She cannot bring suit. Will
the state prosecute? Suppose it does, —
what then ? Butler ^says the child is ten
years old ; if he pleases, he will say she is
ten and a half, or eleven. What is Cassy to
do ? She cannot testify ; besides, she is
utterly in Butler's power. He may tell her
that if she offers to stir in the affair, he will
whip the child within an inch of its life; and
she knows he can do it, and that there is no
help for it; — he may lock her up in a dun-
geon, sell her on to a distant plantation, or
do any other despotic thing he chooses, and
there is nobody to say Nay.
How much does the protective statute
amount to for Cassy? It may be very
well as a piece of advice to the public, or
as a decorous expression of opinion ; but
one might as well try to stop the current of
the Mississippi with a bulrush as the tide of
trade in human beings with such a regula-
tion.
We think that, by this time, the reader
will agree with us, that the less the defend-
ers of slavery say about protective statutes,
the better.
CHAPTER VII.
THE EXECUTION OF JUSTICE.
State v. Eliza Rowand. — The " iEgis of Protection " to
the Slave's Life.
" We cannot but regard, the fact of this trial as a salu-
tary occurrence." — Charleston Courier.
Having given some account of what sort
of statutes are to be found on the law-books
of slavery, the reader will hardly be satisfied
without knowing what sort of trials are held
under them. We will quote one specimen of
a trial, reported in the Charleston Courier
of May 6th, 1847. The Charleston Courier
is one of the leading papers of South Caro-
lina, and the case is reported with the ut-
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
93
most apparent innocence that there was any-
thing about the trial that could reflect in the
least on the character of the state for the
utmost' legal impartiality. In fact, the
Charleston Coifrier ushers it into public
view with the following flourish of trumpets,
as something which is forever to confound
those who say that South Carolina does not
protect the life of the slave :
TIIE TRIAL FOR MURDER.
Our community was deeply interested and ex-
cited, yesterday," by a case of great importance,
and also of entire novelty in our jurisprudence.
It was tjie trial of a lady of respectable family,
and the mother of a large family, charged with
the murder of her own or her husband's slave.
The court-house was thronged 'with spectators of
the exciting drama, who remained, with unabated
interest and undiminished numbers, until the ver-
dict was rendered acquitting the prisoner. We
cannot but regard the fact of this trial as a salu-
tary, although in itself lamentable occurrence, as
it will show to the world that, however panoplied
in station and wealth, and although challenging
those sympathies which are the right and inher-
itance of the female sex, no one will be suffered, in
this community, to escape the most sifting scru-
tiny, at the risk of even an ignominious death,
who stands charged with the suspicion of murder-
ing a slave, — to whose life our law now extends
the eegis of protection, in the same manner as it
does to that of the white man, save only in the
character of the evidence necessary for conviction or
defence. While evil-disposed persons at home are
thus taught that they may expect rigorous trial
and condign punishment, when, actuated by ma-
lignant passions, they invade the life of the hum-
ble slave, the enemies of our domestic institution
abroad will find, their calumnies to the contrary
notwithstanding, that we are resolved, in this
particular, to do the full measure of our duty to
the laws of humanity. , We subjoin a report of
the case.
The proceedings of the trial are thus
given :
State
TRIAL FOR THE MURDER OF A SLAVE.
7. Eliza Rowand. — Spring Term, May 5,
1847.
Tried before his Honor Judge O'Neall.
The prisoner was brought to the bar and ar-
raigned, attended by her husband and mother, and
humanely supported, during the trying scene, by
the sheriff, J. B. Irving, Esq. On her arraign
ment, she pleaded "Not Guilty," and for her
trial, placed herself upon " God and her country."
After challenging John M. Deas, James Bancroft,
H. F. Harbers, C. J. Beckman, E. R. Cowperth-
waite, Parker J. Holland, Moses D. Hyams,
Thomas Glaze, John Lawrence, B. Archer, J. S.
Addison, B. P. Colburn, «B, M. Jenkins, Carl
Houseman, Geo. Jackson, and Joseph Coppen-
berg, the prisoner accepted the subjoined panel,
who were duly sworn, and charged with the case :
1. John L. Nowell, foreman. 2. Elias Whilden.
S. Jesse Coward. 4. Effington Wagner. 5. Win.
Whaley. G. James Culbort. 7. R. L. Baker.
8. S. Wiley. 9. W. S. Chis>hn. 10. T. M.
Howard. 11. John Bickley. i'2. Juhn Y. Stock.
The following is the indictment on which the
prisoner was arraigned for trial :
The State v. Eliza Rowand — Indictment for mur-
der of a slave.
State of South Carolina, ) , .,
Charleston District, § t0 Wlt :
At a Court of General Sessions, begun' and
holclen in and for the district of Charleston, in
the State of South Carolina, at Charleston, in the
district and state aforesaid, on Monday, the third
day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and forty-seven :
The jurors of and for the district of Charleston,
aforesaid, in the State of South Carolina, afore-
said, upon their oaths present, that Eliza Rowand,
the wife of Robert Rowand, Esq., not having the
fear of God before her eyes, but being moved and
seduced by the instigation of the devil, on the 0th
day of January, in the year of our Lord one thou-
sand eight hundred and forty-seven, with force
and arms, at Charleston, in the district of Charles-
ton, and state aforesaid, in and upon a certain
female slave of the said Robert Rowand, named
Maria, in the peace of God, and of the said state,
then and there being, feloniously, maliciously,
wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice afore-
thought, did make an assault ; and that a certain
other slave of the said Robert Rowand, named
Richard, then and there, being then and there in
the presence and by the command of the said Eliza
Rowand, with a certain piece of wood, which he
the said Richard in both his hands then and there
had and held, the said Maria did beat and strike,
in and upon the head of her the said Maria, then
and there giving to her the said Maria, by such
striking and beating, as aforesaid, with the piece
of wood aforesaid, divers mortal bruises on the
top, back, and sides of the head of her the said
Maria, of which several mortal bruises she, the
said Maria, then and there instantly died ; and
that the said Eliza Rowand was then and there
present, and then and there feloniously, mali-
ciously, wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice
aforethought, did order, command, and require,
the said slave named Richard the murder and fel-
ony aforesaid, in manner and form aforesaid, to
do and commit. And as the jurors aforesaid, up-
on their oaths aforesaid, do say, that the said
Eliza Rowand her the said slave named Maria,
in the manner and by the means aforesaid, felo-
niously, maliciously, wilfully, deliberately, and of
her malice aforethought, did kill and murder,
against the form of the act of the General As-
sembly of the said state in such case made and
provided, and against the peace and dignity of
the same state aforesaid.
And the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths
aforesaid, do further present, that the said Eliza
Rowand, not having the fear of God before her
eyes, but being moved and seduced by the insti-
gation of the devil, on the sixth day of January,
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun-
dred and forty-seven, with force and arms, at
Charleston, in the district of Charleston, and
state aforesaid, in and upon a certain other fe-
male slave of Robert Rowand, named Maria, in
the peace of God, and of the said state, then and
there being, feloniously, maliciously, wilfully,
deliberately, and of her malice aforethought, did
make an assault; and that the said Eliza Row-
and, with a certain piece of wood, which she, fclie
said Eliza Rowand, in both her hands then and
94
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
there had and held, her the said last-mentioned
slave named Maria did then and there strike, and
beat, in and upon the head of her the said Ma-
ria, then and there giving to her the said Maria,
by such striking and beating aforesaid, with -the
piece of wood aforesaid, divers mortal bruises, on
the top, back, and side of the head, of her the
said Maria, of which said several mortal bruises
she the said Maria then and there instantly died.
And so the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths
aforesaid, do say, that the said Eliza Rowand
her the said last-mentioned slave named Maria,
in the manner and by the means last mentioned,
feloniously, maliciously, wilfully, deliberately,
and of her malice aforethought, did kill and mur-
d3r, against the form of the act of the General
Assembly of the said state in such case made and
provided, and against the peace and dignity of
the same state aforesaid.
H. Bailey, Attorney-general.
As some of our readers may not have been
in the habit of endeavoring to extract any-
thing like common sense or information
from documents so very concisely and lu-
minously worded, the author will just state
her own opinion that the above document
is intended to charge Mrs. Eliza Rowand
with having killed her slave Maria, in one
of two ways: either with beating her on
the head with her own hands, or having the
same deed performed by proxy, by her slave-
man Richard. The whole case is now pre-
sented. In order to make the reader clear-
ly understand the arguments, it is necessary
that he bear in mind that the law of 1740,
as we have before shown, punished the mur-
der of the slave only with fine and dis-
franchisement, while the law of 1821 pun-
ishes it with death.
On motion of Mr. Petigru, the prisoner was
allowed to remove from the bar, and take her
place by her counsel ; the judge saying he grant-
ed the motion only because the prisoner was a
woman, but that no such privilege would have
been extended by him to any man.
The Attorney-general, Henry Bailey, Esq.,
then rose and opened the case for the state, in
substance, as follows : He said that, after months
of anxiety and expectation, the curtain had at
length risen, and he and the jury were about to
bear their part in the sad drama of real life, which
had so long engrossed the public mind. He and
they were called to the discharge of an import-
ant, painful, and solemn duty. They were to
pass between the prisoner and the state — to take
an inquisition of blood ; on their decision hung
the life or death, the honor or ignominy, of the
prisoner ; yet he trusted he and they would have
strength and ability to perform their duty faith-
fully ; and, whatever might be the result, their
consciences would be consoled and quieted by that
reflection. He bade the jury pause and reflect on
the great sanctions and solemn responsibilities
under which they were noting. The constitution
of the state invested them with power over all
that affected the life and was dear to the .family
of the unfortunate 1 Ay on trial before them.
They were charged, too, with the sacred care of
the law of the land ; and to their solution was
submitted one of the most solemn questions ever
intrusted to the arbitrament of man. They
should pursue a direct and straight-forward course,
turning neither to the right hand nor to the left
— influenced neither by prejudice against the pris-
oner, nor by a morbid sensibility in her behalf.
Some of them mi^ht practically and personally
be strangers to their present duty ; but they were
all familiar with the laws, and must be aware of
the responsibilities of jurymen. It was scarcely
necessary to tell them that, if evidence fixed guilt
on this prisoner, they should not hesitate to record
a verdict of guilty, although they should write that
verdict in tears of blood. They should let no
sickly sentimentality, or morbid feeling on the
subject of capital punishments, deter them from
the discharge of their plain and obvious duty.
They were to administer, not to make, the law ;
they were called on to enforce the law, by sanc-
tioning the highest duty to God and to their coun-
try. If any of them were disturbed with doubts
or scruples on this point, he scarcely supposed
they would have gone into the jury-box. The
law had awarded capital punishment as the
meet retribution for the crime under investiga-
tion, and they were sworn to administer that
law. It had, too, the full sanction of Holy
Writ ; we were there told that " the land cannot be
cleansed of the blood shed therein, except by the
blood of him that shed it." He felt assured,
then, that they would be swayed only by a firm
resolve to act on this occasion in obedience to the
dictates of sound judgments and enlightened con-
sciences. The prisoner, however, had claims on
them, as well as the community ; she was en-
titled to a fair and impartial trial. By the wise
and humane principles of our law, they were
bound to hold the prisoner innocent, and she stood
guiltless before them, until proved guilty, by le-
gal, competent, and satisfactory evidence. Deaf
alike to the voice of sickly humanity and heated
prejudice, they should proceed to their task with
minds perfectly equipoised and impartial; they
should weigh the circumstances of the case with
a nice and careful hand ; and if, by legal evi-
dence, circumstantial and satisfactory, although
not positive, guilt be established, they should un-
hesitatingly, fearlessly and faithfully, record the
result of their convictions. He would next call
their attention to certain legal distinctions, but
would not say a word -of the facts ; he would
leave them to the lips of the witnesses, unaffected
by any previous comments of his own. The pris-
oner stood indicted for the murder of a slave.
This was supposed not to be murder at common
law. At least, it was not murder by our former
statute ; but the act of 1821 had placed the kill-
ing of the white man and the black man on the
same footing. He here read the act of 1821, de-
claring that " any person who shall wilfully, de-
liberately, and maliciously murder a slave, shall,
on conviction thereof, suffer death without beneiit
of clergy." The rules applicable to murder at
common law were generally applicable, however,
to the present case. The inquiries to be made
may be reduced to two : 1. Is the party charged
guilty of the fact of killing? This must be clearly
made out by proof. If she be nut guilty of kill-
ing, there is an end of the case. 2. The charac-
ter of that killing, or of the offence. Was it
done with malice aforethought? Malice is the
KEY TO UNCLE TOM's CABIN.
95
essential ingredient of the crime. Where kill-
ing takes place, malice is presumed, unless the
contrary appear ; and this must be gathered from
the attending circumstances. Malice is a techni-
cal term, importing a different meaning from that
conveyed by the same word in common parlance.
According to the learned Michael Foster, it con-
sists not in " malevolence to particulars," it does
not mean hatred to any particular individual, but
is general in its import and application. But
even killing, with intention to kill, is not always
murder ; there may be justifiable and excusable
homicide, and killing in sudden heat and passion
is so modified to manslaughter. Yet there may be
murder when there is no ill-feeling, — nay, perfect
indifference to the slain, — as in the case of the
robber who slays to conceal his crime. Malicp
aforethought is that depraved feeling of the heart,
which makes one regardless of social duty, and
fatally bent on mischief. It is fulfilled by that
recklessness of law and human life which is indi-
cated by shooting into a crowd, and thus doing
murder on even an unknown object. Such a feel-
ing the law regards as hateful, and visits, in its
practical exhibition, with condign punishment,
because opposed to the very existence of law and
society. One may do fatal mischief without this
recklessness ; but when the act is done, regard-
less of consequences, and death ensues, it is mur-
der in the eye of the law. If the facts to be
proved in this case should not come up to these
requisitions, he implored the jury to acquit the
accused, as at once due to law and justice. They
should note every fact with scrutinizing eye, and
ascertain whether the fatal result proceeded from
passing accident or from brooding revenge, which
the law stamped with the odious name of malice.
He would make no further preliminary remarks,
but proceed at once to lay the facts before them,
from the mouths of the witnesses.
Evidence.
J. Porteous Deveaux sworn. — He is the coro-
ner of Charleston district ; held the inquest, on
the seventh of January last, on the body of the
deceased slave, Maria, the slave of Robert Row-
and, at the residence of Mrs. T. C. Bee (the
mother of the prisoner), in Logan-street. The
body was found in an outbuilding — a kitchen ;
it was the body of an old and emaciated person,
between fifty and sixty years of age ; it was not
examined in his presence by physicians ; saw some
few scratches about the face ; adjourned to the
City Hall. Mrs. Rowand was examined ; her ex-
amination was in writing; it was here produced,
and read, as follows :
" Mrs. Eliza Rowand sworn. — Says Maria is
her nurse, and had misbehaved on yesterday morn-
ing ; deponent sent Maria to Mr. Rowand's house,
to be corrected by Simon ; deponent sent Maria
from the house about seven o'clock, A. M.; she
returned to her about nine o'clock ; came into her
chamber ; Simon did not come into the chamber
at any time previous to the death of Maria ; de-
ponent says Maria fell down in the chamber ; de-
ponent had her seated up by Richard, who was
then in the chamber, and deponent gave Maria
some asafoetida ; deponent then left the room ;
, Richard came down and said Maria was dead ;
deponent says Richard did not strike Maria, nor
did any^ one else strike her, in deponent's chamber.
Richard left the chamber iminedh tely with depo-
nent ; Maria was about nTty-tw( years of age ;
deponent sent Maria by Richard to Simon, to Mr.
Rowand's house, to be corrected; Mr. Rowand
was absent from the city ; Maria died about
twelve o'clock ; Richard and Maria were on good
terms ; deponent was in the chamber all the while
that Richard and Maria were there together.
" Eliza Rowand.
" Sworn to before me this seventh January, 184-7.
"J. P. Deveaux, Coroner, D. C."
Witness went to the chamber of prisoner, where
the death occurred ; saw nothing particular ; some
pieces of wood in a box, set in the chimney ; his
attention was called to one piece, in particular,
eighteen inches long, three inches wide, and about
one and a half inch thick ; did not measure it ;
the jury of inquest did ; it was not ,a light- wood
knot ; thinks it was of oak ; there was some pine
wood and some split oak. Dr. Peter Porcher was
called to examine the body professionally, who
did so out of witness' presence.
Before this witness left the stand, B. F.Hunt,
Esq., one of the counsel for the prisoner, rose
and opened the defence before thf jury, in sub-
stance as follows :
He said that the scene before them was a very
novel one ; and whether for good or evil, he would
not pretend to prophesy. It was the first time^
in the history of this state, that a lady of good
character and respectable connections stood ar-
raigned at the bar, and had been put on trial for
her life, on facts arising out of her domestic rela-
tions to her own slave. It was a spectacle con-
soling, and cheering, perhaps, to those who owed
no good will to the institutions of our country;
but calculated only to excite pain and regret
among ourselves. He would not state a proposi-
tion so revolting to humanity as that crime should
go unpunished ; but judicial interference between
the slave and the owner was a matter at once of
delicacy and danger. It was the first time he had
ever stood between a slave-owner and the public
prosecutor, and his sensations were anything but
pleasant. This is an entirely different case from
homicide between equals in society. Subordination
is indispensable where slavery exists ; and in this
there is no new principle involved. The same
principle prevails in every country ; on shipboard
and in the army a large discretion is always left
to the superior. Charges by inferiors against
their superiors were always to be viewed with
great circumspection at least, and especially when
the latter are charged with cruelty or crime
against subordinates. In the relation of owner
and slave there is an absence of the usual motives
for murder, and strong inducements against it on
the part of the former. Life is usually taken from
avarice or passion. The master gains nothing,
but loses much, by the death of his slave ; and
when he takes the life of the latter deliberately,
there must be more than ordinary malice to insti-
gate the deed. The policy of altering the old
law of 1740, which punished the killing of a slave
with fine and political disfranchisement, was more
than doubtful. It was the law of our colonial
ancestors ; it conformed to their policy and was
approved by their wisdom, and it continued
undisturbed by their posterity until the year
1821. It was engrafted on our policy in counter-
action of the schemes and machinations, or in
deference to the clamors, of those who formed
plans for our improvement, although not inter-
ested in nor understanding our institutions, and
96
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
whose interference led to the tragedy of 1822.
He here adverted to the views of Chancellor Har-
per on this subject, who, in his able and philosophi-
cal memoir on slavery, said: " It is a somewhat
singular fact, that when there existed in our state
no law for punishing the murder of a slave, other
than a pecuniary fine, there were, I will venture
to say, at least ten murders of freemen for one mur-
der of a slave. Yet it is supposed that they are
less protected than their masters." " The change
was made in subserviency to the opinions and
clamor of others, who were utterly incompetent
to form an opinion on the subject ; and a wise act
is seldom the result of legislation in this spirit.
From the fact I have stated, it is plain they need
less' protection. Juries are, therefore, less wil-
ling to convict, and it may sometimes happen that
the guilty will escape all punishment. Security
is one of the compensations of their humble posi-
tion. We challenge the comparison, that with
us there have been fewer murders of slaves than
of parents, children, apprentices, and other mur-
ders, cruel and unnatural, in society where slav-
ery does not exist."
Such was the opinion of Chancellor Harper on
this subject, who had profoundly studied it, and
whose views had been extensively read on this
cor inent and in Europe. Fortunately, the jury,
he said > were of the country, acquainted with our
policy and practice ; composed of men too inde-
pendent and honorable to be led astray by the
noise and clamor out of doors. All was now as
it should be ; — at least, a court of justice had
assembled, to which his client had fled for refuge
and safety ; its threshold was sacred ; no profane
clamors entered there ; but legal investigation
was had of facts, derived from the testimony of
sworn witnesses ; and this should teach the
community to shut their bosoms against sickly
humanity, and their ears to imaginary tales of
blood and horror, the food of a depraved appetite.
He warned the jury that they were to listen to no
testimony but that of free white persons, given on
oath in open court. They were to imagine none
that came not from them. It was fuf this
that they were selected, — their intelligence
putting them beyond the influence of unfound-
ed accusations, unsustained by legal proof;
of legends of aggravated cruelty, founded on the
evidence of negroes, and arising from weak and
wicked falsehoods. Were slaves permitted to
testify against their owner, it would cut the cord
that unites them in peace and harmony, and
enable them to sacrifice their masters to their ill
will or revenge. Whole crews had been often
leagued to charge captains of vessels with foulest
murder, but judicial trial had exposed the false-
hood. Truth has been distorted in this case, and
murder manufactured out of what was nothing
more than ordinary domestic discipline. Chastise-
ment must be inflicted until subordination is pro-
duced ; and the extent of the punishment is not
to be judged of by one's neighbors, but by himself.
The event in this case has been unfortunate and
sad ; but there was no motive for the taking of
life. There is no pecuniary interest in the owner
to destroy his slave ; the murder of his slave
can only happen from ferocious passions of the
master, filling his own bosom with anguish and
contrition. This case has no other basis but un-
founded rumor, commonly believed, on evidence
that will not venture here, the offspring of that pas-
sion and depravity which make up falsehood.
The hope of freedom, of change of owners, revenge,
are all motives with slave witnesses to malign their
owners ; and to credit such testimony would be to
dissolve human society. Where deliberate, wilful,
and malicious murder is done, whether by male
or female, the retribution of the law is a debt to
God and man ; but the jury should beware lest it
fall upon the innocent. The offence charged was
not strictly murder at common law. The act of
1740 was founded on the practical good sense of
our old planters, and its spirit still prevails. The
act of 1821 is, by its terms, an act only to in-
crease the punishment of persons convicted of
murdering a slave, — and this is a refinement in hu-
manity of doubtful policy . But, by the act of 1821,
the murder must be wilful, deliberate and mali-
cious ; and, when punishment is due to the slave,
the master must not be held to strict account for
going an inch beyond the mark ; whether for doing
so he shall be a felon, is a question for the jury to
solve. The master must conquer a refractory
slave ; and deliberation, so as to render clear the
existence of malice, is necessary to bring the
master within the provision of the act. He bade
the jury remember the words of Him who spake
as never man spake, — " Let him that has never
sinned throw the first stone." They, as masters
might regret excesses to which they have themselves,
carried punishment. He was not at all surprised
at the course of the attorney-general ; it was his
wont to treat every case with perfect fairness. He
(Colonel H.) agreed that the inquiry should be —
1. Into the fact of the death.
2. The character or motive of the act.
The examination of the prisoner showed con
clusively that the slave died a natural death, and
not from personal violence. She was chastised
with a lawful weapon, — was in weak health, ner-
vous, made angry by her punishment, — excited.
The story was then a plain one ; the community
had been misled by the creations of imagination,
or the statements of interested slaves. The negro
came into her mistress' chamber ; fell on the
floor ; medicine was given her ; it was supposed
she was asleep, but she slept the sleep of death.
To show the wisdom and policy of the old act of
1740 (this indictment is under both acts, — the
punishment only altered by that of 1821), he
urged that a case like this was not murder at
common law ; nor is the same evidence applicable
at common law. There, murder was presumed
from killing ; not so in the case of a slave. The
act of 1740 permits a master, when his slave is
killed in his presence, there being no other white
person present, to exculpate himself by his own
oath ; and this exculpation is complete, unless
clearly contravened by the evidence of two white
witnesses. This is exactly what the prisoner has
done ; she has, as the law permits, by calling or.
God, exculpated herself. And her oath is good,
at least against the slander of her own slaves.
Which, then, should prevail, the clamors of oth-
ers, or the policy of the law established by our
colonial ancestors'? There would not be a tittle
of positive evidence against the prisoner, nothing
but circumstantial evidence ; and ingenious com-
bination might be made to lead to any conclusion.
Justice was all that his client asked. She ap-
pealed to liberal and high-minded men, — and she
rejoiced in the privilege of duing so, — to accord
her that justice they would demand for them-
selves.
Mr. Deveaux was not cross-examined.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
97
Evidence resumed.
Dr. E. W. North sworn. — (Cautioned by at-
torney-general to avoid hearsay evidence.) Was
the family physician of Mrs. Rowand. Went on
the 6th January, at Mrs. Rowand's request, to
see her at her mother's, in Logan-street ; found
her down stairs, in sitting-room. She was in a
nervous and excited state ; had been so for a
month before ; he had attended her ; she said
nothing to witness of slave Maria ; found Maria
in a chamber, up stairs, about one o'clock, P. M. ;
she was dead ; she appeared to have been dead
about an hour and a half; his attention was
attracted to a piece of pine wood on a trunk or
table in the room ; it had a large knot on one end ;
had it been used on Maria, it must have caused
considerable contusion ; other pieces of wood were
in a box, and much smaller ones ; the corpse was
lying one side in the chamber ; it was not laid
out ; presumed she died there ; the marks on the
body were, to witness' view, very slight; some
scratches about the face ; he purposely avoided
making an examination ; observed no injuries
about the head ; had no conversation with Mrs.
Rowand about Maria ; left the house ; it was on
the 6th January last, — the day before the in-
quest ; knew the slavfr before, but had never
attended her.
Cross-examined. — Mrs. Rowand was in feeble
health, and nervous ; the slave Maria was weak
and emaciated in appearance ; sudden death of
such a person, in such a state, from apoplexy or
action of nervous system , not unlikely ; her sud-
den death would not imply violence; had pre-
scribed asafoetida for Mrs. Rowand on a former
visit ; it is an appropriate remedy for nervous
disorders. Mrs. Rowand was not of bodily strength
to handle the pine knot so as to give a severe
blow ; Mrs. Rowand has five or six children, the
elder of them large enough to have carried pieces
of the /wood about th& room ; there must have
been a severe contusion, and much extravasation
of blood, to infer death from violence in this case ;
apoplexy is frequently attended with extravasa-
tion of blood ; there were two Marias in the fam-
ily
In reply. — Mrs. Rowand could have raised the
pine knot, but could not have struck a blow with
it ; such a piece of wood could have produced
death, but it would have left its mark ; saw the
fellow Richard ; he was quite capable of giving
such a blow.
Dr. Peter Porcher. — Was called in by the coro-
ner's jury to examine Maria's body ; found it in
the wash-kitchen ; it was the corpse of one feeble
and emaciated ; partly prepared for burial ; had
the clothes removed ; the body was lacerated with
stripes ; abrasions about face and knuckles ; skin
knocked off ; passed his hand over the head ; no
bone broken ; on request, opened her thorax, and
examined the viscera ; found them healthy ; heart
unusually so for one of her age ; no particular
odor ; some undigested food ; no inflammation ;
removed the scalp, and found considerable extrav-
asation between scalp and skull ; scalp bloodshot ;
just under the scalp, found the effects of a single
blow, just over the right ear ; after removing the
scalp, lifted the bone ; no rupture of any blood-
vessel ; some softening of the brain in the upper
hemisphere ; there was considerable extravasation
under the scalp, the result of a succession of blows
on the top of the head ; this extravasation was
general, but that over the ear was a single spot ;
the butt-end of a cowhide would have sufficed for
this purpose ; an ordinary stick, a heavy one,
would have done it ; a succession of blows on the
head, in a feeble woman, would lead to death,
when, in a stronger one, it would not ; saw no
other appearance about her person, to account for
her death, except those blows.
Cross-examined. — To a patient in this wo-
man's condition, the blows would probably cause
death ; they were not such as were calculated to
kill an ordinary person ; witness saw the body
twenty-four hours after her death ; it was winter,
and bitter cold ; no disorganization, and the ex-
amination was therefore to be relied on ; the blow
behind the ear might have resulted from a fall,
but not the blow on the top of the head, unless
she fell head foremost ; came to the conclusion of
a succession of blows, from the extent of the ex-
travasation ; a single blow would have shown a
distinct spot, with a gradual spreading or diffu-
sion ; one large blow could not account for it, as '
the head was spherical ; no blood on the brain ;
the softening of the brain did not amount to mucl
in an ordinary dissection would have passed ,c
over ; anger sometimes produces apoplexy, wl> ;h
results in death ; blood between the scalp and ,ne
bone of the skull ; it was evidently a fresh ej -~/ar-
asation ; twenty-four hours would scarcely liave
made any change ; knew nothing of this .iegro
before ; even after examination, the ca^e of
death is sometimes inscrutable, — not usual, how-,
ever.
In reply. — Does not attribute the softening of
the brain to the blows ; it was slight, and might
have been the result of age ; it was some evidence
of impairment of vital powers by advancing age.
Dr. A. P. Hayne. — At request of the coroner,
acted with Dr. Porcher ; was shown into an out-
house ; saw on the back of the corpse evidences of
contusion ; arms swollen and enlarged ; lacera-
tion of body ; contusions on head and neck ; be-
tween scalp and skull extravasation of blood, on
the top of head, and behind the right ear ; a burn
on the hand ; the brain presented healthy appear-
ance ; opened the body, and no evidences of disease
in the chest or viscera ; attributed the extravasa-
tion of blood to external injury from blows, —
blows from a large and broad and blunt instru-
ment ; attributes the death to those blows ; sup-
poses they were adequate to cause death, as she
was old, weak and emaciated.
Cross-examined. — Would not have caused death
in a young and robust person.
The evidence for the prosecution here closed,
and no witnesses were called for the defence.
The jury were then successively addressed, ably
and eloquently, by J. L. Petigru and James S.
Rhett, Esqrs., on behalf of the prisoner, and H.
Bailey, Esq., on behalf of the state, and by B. P.
Hunt, Esq., in reply. Of those speeches, and
also of the judge's charge, we have taken full
notes, but have neither time nor space to insert
them here.
. His Honor, Judge O'Neall, then charged the
jury eloquently and ably on the facts, vindicating
the existing law, making death the penalty for
the murder of a slave ; but, on the law, intimated
to the jury that he held the act of 1740 so far still
in force as to admit of the prisoner's exculpation
by her own oath, unless clearly disproved by the
oaths of two witnesses ; and that they were,
therefore, in his opinion, bound to acquit, —
although he left it to them, wholly, to say wheth-
98
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
er the prisoner was guilty of murder, killing in
sudden heat and passion, or not guilty.
The jury then retired, and, in about twenty or
thirty minutes, returned with a verdict of " Not
Guilty."
There are some points which appear in
this statement of the trial, especially in the
plea for the defence. Particular attention
is called to the following passage :
«
" Fortunately," said the lawyer, " the jury
w«?re of the country ; — acquainted with our policy
a»* practice ; composed of men too honorable to
be --id astray by the noise and clamor out of doors.
All was now as it should be ; at least, a court of
justice had assembled to which his client had fled
for refuge and safety ; its threshold was sacred ;
no profane clamors entered there ; but legal investi-
gation was had of facts."
From this it plainly appears that the case
was a notorious one ; so notorious and atro-
cious as to break through all the apathy
which slave-holding institutions tend to pro-
duce, and to surround the court-house with
noise and clamor.
From another intimation in the same
speech, it would appear that there was abun-
dant testimony of slaves to the direct fact, —
testimony which left no kind of doubt on the
popular mind. Why else does he thus
earnestly warn the jury 1
He warned the jury that they were to listen
to no evidence but that of free white persons,
given on oath in open court ; they were to imag-
ine none that came not from them. It was for
this that they were selected ; — their intelligence
putting them beyond the influence of unfounded
accusations, unsustained by legal proof; of legends
of aggravated cruelty, founded on the evidence of
negroes, and arising from weak and wicked false-
hoods.
See also this remarkable admission : —
" Truth had been distorted in this case, and
murder manufactured out of what was
nothing more than ordinary domestic
discipline." If the reader refers to the tes-
timony, he will find it testified that the
woman appeared to be about sixty years
old ; that she was much emaciated ; that
there had been a succession of blows on the
top of her head, and one violent one over the
ear ; and that, in the opinion of a sur-
geon, these blows were sufficient to cause
death. Yet the lawyer for the defence
coolly remarks that " murder had been
manufactured out of what was ordinary
domestic discipline." Are we to under-
stand that beating feeble old women on the
head, in this manner, is a specimen of ordi-
nary domestic discipline in Charleston?
What would have been said if any anti-
slavery newspaper at the North had made
such an assertion as this ] Yet the Charles-
ton Courier reports this statement without
comment or denial. But let us hear the
lady's lawyer go still further in vindication
of this ordinary domestic discipline : " Chas-
tisement must be inflicted until subordina-
tion is produced ; and the extent of the pun-
ishment is not to be judged by one's neigh-
bors, but by himself. The event, in this
case, has been unfortunate and sad." The
lawyer admits that the result of thumping
a feeble old woman on the head has, in this
case, been "unfortunate and sad." The
old thing had not strength to bear it, and
had no greater regard for the convenience
of the family, and the reputation of "the
institution," than to die, and so get the
family and the community generally into
trouble. It will appear from this that in
most cases where old women are thumped
on the head they have stronger constitutions
— or more consideration.
Again he says, " When punishment is
due to the slave, the master must not be
held to strict account for going an inch
beyond the mark." And finally, and most
astounding of all, comes this: " He bade
the jury remember the words of him who
spake as never man spake, — ' Let him
THAT HATH NEVER SINNED THROW THE
FIRST stone.' They, as masters, might'
regret excesses to which they themselves
might have carried punishment."
What sort of an insinuation is this ?
Did he mean to say that almost all the jury-
men had probably done things of the same
sort, and therefore could have nothing to
isay in this case 1 and did no member of the
jury get up and resent such a charge ?
From all that appears, the jury acquiesced
in it as quite a matter of course ; and the
Charleston Courier quotes it without com-
ment, in the record of a trial which it says
"will show to the world how the law ex-
tends the gegis of her protection alike over
the white man and the humblest slave."
Lastly, notice the decision of the judge,
which has become law in South Carolina.
What point does it establish? That the
simple oath of the master, in face of all cir-
cumstantial evidence to the contrary, may
clear him, when the murder of a slave is the
question. And this trial is paraded as a
triumphant specimen of legal impartiality
and equity! "If the light that is in thee
be darkness, how great is that darkness !"
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
99
CHAPTER VIII.
THE GOOD OLD TIMES.
" A refinement in humanity of doubtful policy."
B. F. Hunt.
The author takes no pleasure in present-
ing to her readers the shocking details of
the following case. But it seems necessary
to exhibit what were the actual workings
of the ancient law of South Carolina, which
has been characterized as one ■ i conformed
to the policy, and approved by the wisdom,"
of the fathers of that state, and the reform
of which has been called " a refinement in
humanity of doubtful policy."
It is well, also, to add the charge of
Judge Wilds, partly for its intrinsic liter-
ary merit, and the nobleness of its senti-
ments, but principally because it exhibits
such a contrast as could scarcely be found
elsewhere, between the judge's high and
indignant sense of justice, and the shameful
impotence and imbecility of the laws under
which he acted.
The case was brought to the author's
knowledge by a letter from a gentleman of
Pennsylvania, from which the following is
an extract :
Some time between the years 1807 and 1810,
there was lying in the harbor of Charleston a
ship commanded by a man named Slater-. His
erew were slaves : one of them committed some
offence, not specified in the narrative. The cap-
tain ordered him to be bound and laid upon the
deck ; and there, in the harbor of Charleston, in
the broad day-light, compelled another slave-
sailor to chop off his head. The affair was pub-
lic — notorious. A prosecution was commenced
against him ; the offence was proved beyond all
doubt, — perhaps, indeed, it was not denied, —
and the judge, in a most eloquent charge or
rebuke of the defendant, expressed his sincere
regret that he could inflict no punishment, under
the laws of the state.
I was studying law when the case was pub-
lished in " Hall's American Law Journal, vol. i."
I have not seen the book for twenty-five or thirty
years. I may be in error as to names, &c, but
while I have life and my senses the facts of the
case cannot be forgotten.
The following is the " charge" alluded
to in the above letter. It was pronounced
by the Honorable Judge Wilds, of South
Carolina, and is copied from Hall's Law
Journal, I. 67.
John Slater ! You have been convicted by a
jury of your country of the wilful murder of your
own slave ; and I am sorry to say, the short,
impressive, uncontradicted testimony, on which
that conviction was founded, leaves but too little
room to doubt its propriety.
The annals of human depravity might be safely
challenged for a parallel to this unfeeling, bloody
and diabolical transaction.
You caused your unoffending, unresisting slave
to be bound hand and foot, and, by a refinement
in cruelty, compelled his companion, perhaps the
friend of his heart, to chop his head with an
axe, and to cast his body, yet convulsing with the
agonies of death, into the water ! And this deed
you dared to perpetrate in the very harbor of
Charleston, within a few yards of the shore, un-
blushingly, in the face of open day. Had your
murderous arm been raised against your equals,
whom the laws of self-defence and the more effi-
cacious law of the land unite to protect, your
crimes would not have been without precedent,
and would have seemed less horrid. Your per-
sonal risk would at least have proved, that though
a murderer, you were not a coward. But you too
well knew that this unfortunate man, whom chance
had subjected to your caprice, had not, like your-
self, chartered to him by the laws of the land the
sacred rights of nature ; and that a stern, but
necessary policy, had disarmed him of the rights
of self-defence. Too well you knew that to you
alone he could look for protection ; and that your
arm alone could shield him from oppression, or
avenge his wrongs ; yet, that arm you cruelly
stretched out for his destruction.
The counsel, who generously volunteered his
services in your behalf, shocked at the enormity
of your offence, endeavored to find a refuge, as
well for his own feelings as for those of all who
heard your trial, in a derangement of your intel-
lect. Several witnesses were examined to estab-
lish this fact ; but the result of their testimony, it
is apprehended, was as little satisfactory to his
mind, as to those of the jury to whom it was
addressed. I sincerely wish this defence had
proved successful, not from any desire to save
you from the punishment which awaits you, and
which you so richly merit, but from the desire of
saving my country from the foul reproach of hav-
ing in its bosom so great a monster.
From the peculiar situation of this country, our
fathers felt themselves justified in subjecting to a
very slight punishment him who murders a slave.
Whether the present state of society require a
continuation of this policy, so opposite to the
apparent rights of humanity, it remains for a
subsequent legislature to decide. Their attention
would ere this have been directed to this subject,
but, for the honor of human nature, such hardened
sinners as yourself are rarely found, to disturb the
repose of society. The grand jury of this district,
deeply impressed with your daring outrage against
the laws both of God and man, have made a very
strong expression of their feelings on the subject
to the legislature ; and, from the wisdom and jus-
tice of that body, the friends of humanity may
confidently hope soon to see this blackest in the
catalogue of human crimes pursued by appropri-
ate punishment.
In proceeding to pass the sentence which the
law provides for your offence, I confess I never
felt more forcibly the want of power to make
respected the laws of my countiw, whose minister
I am. You have already violated the majesty of
those laws. You have profanely pleaded the law
under which you stand convicted, as a justifica-
tion of your crime. You have held that law in
one hand, and brandished your bloody axe in the
other, impiously contending that the one gave a
license to the unrestrained use of the other.
100
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
But, though you will go off unhurt in person,
by the present sentence, expect not to escape with
impunity. Your bloody deed has set a mark upon
you, which I fear the good actions of your future
life will not eflace. You will be held in abhor-
rence by an impartial world, and shunned as a
monster by every honest man. Your unoffending
posterity will be visited, for your iniquity, by the
stigma of deriving their origin from an unfeeling
murderer. Your days, which will be but few,
will be spent in wretchedness ; and, if your con-
science be not steeled against every virtuous emo-
tion, if you be not entirely abandoned to hardness
of heart, the mangled, mutilated corpse of your
murdered slave will ever be present in your imag-
ination, obtrude itself into all your amusements,
and haunt you in the hours of silence and repose.
But, should you disregard the reproaches of an
offended world, should you hear with callous
insensibility the gnawings of a guilty conscience,
yet remember, I charge you, remember, that an
awful period is fast approaching, and with you
is close at hand, when you must appear before a
tribunal whose want of power can afford you no
prospect of impunity ; when you must raise your
bloody hands at the bar of an impartial omni-
scient Judge ! Remember, I pray you, remem-
ber, whilst yet you have time, that God is just,
and that his vengeance will not sleep forever !
The penalty that followed this solemn
denunciation was a fine of seven hundred
pounds, current money, or, in default of
payment, imprisonment for seven years.
And yet it seems that there have not
been wanting those who consider the reform
of this law ' ' a refinement in humanity of
doubtful policy" ! To this sentiment, so
high an authority as that of Chancellor
Harper is quoted, as the reader will see by
referring to the speech of Mr. Hunt, in the
last chapter. And, as is very common in
such cases, the old law is vindicated, as
being, on the whole, a surer protection to
the life of the slave than the new one.
From the results of the last two trials, there
would seem to be a fair show of plausibility
in the argument. For under the old law it
seems that Slater had at least to pay seven
hundred pounds, while under the new Eliza
Kowand comes off with only the penalty of
"a most sifting scrutiny."
Thus, it appears, tlje penalty of the law
goes with the murderer of the slave.
How is it executed in the cases which
concern the life of the master 7 Look at
this short notice of a recent trial of this kind,
which is given in the Alexandria (Va.)
Gazette, of Oct. 23, 1852, as an extract
from the Charlestown (Va.) Free Press.
TRIAL OF NEGRO HENRY.
The trial of this slave for an attack, with in-
tent to kill, on the person of Mr. Harrison An-
derson, was commenced on Monday and concluded
on Tuesday evening. His Honor, Braxton Daven-
port, Esq., chief justice of the county, with four
associate gentlemen justices, composed the court.
The commonwealth was represented by its at-
torney, Charles B. Harding, Esq., and the ac-
cused ably and eloquently defended by Wm. C.
Worthington and John A. Thompson, Esqs. The
evidence of the prisoner's guilt was conclusive.
A majority of the court thought that he ought to
suffer the extreme penalty of tho law ; but, as this
required a unanimous agreement, he was sen-
tenced to receive five hundred lashes, not more
than thirty-nine at one time. The physician of
the jail was instructed to see that they should not
be administered too frequently, and only when,
in his opinion, he could bear them.
In another paper we are told that the
Free Press says :
A majority of the court thought that he ought
to suffer the extreme penalty of the law ; but, as
this required a unanimous agreement, he was
sentenced to receive five hundred lashes, not more
than thirty-nine at any one time. The physician
of the jail was instructed to see that they should
not be administered too frequently, and only
when, in his opinion, he could bear them. This
may seem to be a harsh and inhuman punishment ;
but, when we take into consideration that it is in
accordance with the law of the land, and the fur-
ther fact that the insubordination among the
slaves of that state has become truly alarming,
we cannot question the righteousness of the judg-
ment.
Will anybody say that the master's life
is in more danger from the slave than the
slave's from the master, that this dispro-
portionate retribution is meted out ? Those
who countenance such legislation will do
well to ponder the solemn words of an an-
cient book, inspired by One who is no
respecter of persons :
" If I have refused justice to my man-servant or maid-
servant,
When they had a cause with me,
What shall I do when God riseth up 1
And when he visiteth, what shall I answer him 1
Did not he that made me in the womb make him 7
Did not the same God fashion us in the womb 1 "
Job 31 : 13—15.
CHAPTER IX.
MODERATE CORRECTION AND ACCIDENTAL
DEATH — STATE V. CASTLEMAN.
The author remarks that the record of
the following trial was read by her a little
time before writing the account of the death
of Uncle Tom. The shocking particulars
haunted her mind and were in her thoughts
when the following sentence was written :
What man has nerve to do, man has not nerve-
to hear. What brother man and brother Christian
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
101
must suffer, cannot be told us, even in our secret
chamber, it so harrows up the soul. And yet,
my country, these things are done under the
shadow of thy laws ! Christ, thy church sees
them almost in silence !
It is given precisely as prepared by Dr.
G-. Bailey, the very liberal and fair-minded
editor of the National Era.
From the National Era, Washington, November 6, 1851.
HOMICIDE CASE IN CLARKE COUNTY, VIRGINIA.
Some time since, the newspapers of Virginia
contained an account of a horrible tragedy, enacted
in Clarke County, of that state. A slave of
Colonel James Castleman, it was stated, had been
chained by the neck, and whipped to death by his
master, on the charge of stealing. The whole
neighborhood in which the transaction occurred
was incensed ; the Virginia papers abounded in
denunciations of the cruel act ; and the people
of the North were called upon to bear witness to
the justice which would surely be meted out in a
slave state to the master of a slave. We did not
publish the account. The case was horrible ; it
was, we were confident, exceptional ; it should
not be taken as evidence of the general treatment
of slaves ; we chose to delay any notice of it till
the courts should pronounce their judgment, and
we could announce at once the crime and its pun-
ishment, so that the state might stand acquitted
of the foul deed.
Those who were so shocked at the transaction
will be surprised and mortified to hear that the
actors in it have been tried and acquitted; and
when they read the following account of the trial
and verdict, published at the instance of the
friends of the accused, their mortification will
deepen into bitter indignation :
From the u Spirit of Jefferson.''''
" Colonel James Castleman. — The following
statement, understood to have been drawn up by
counsel, since the trial, has been placed by the
friends of this gentleman in our hands for publi-
cation :
" At the Circuit Superior Court of Clarke
County, commencing on the 13th of October,
Judge Samuels presiding, James Castleman and
his son Stephen D. Castleman were indicted
jointly for the murder of negro Lewis, property of
the latter. By advice of their counsel, the parties
elected to be tried separately, and the attorney
for the commonwealth directed that James Cas-
tleman should be tried first.
" It was proved, on this trial, that for many
months previous to the occurrence the money-
drawer of the tavern kept by Stephen D. Castleman,
and the liquors kept in large quantities in bis cellar,
had been pillaged from time to time, until the thefts
had attained to a considerable amount. Suspicion
had, from various causes, been directed to Lewis,
and another negro, named Reuben (a blacksmith) ,
the property of James Castleman ; but by the aid
of two of the house-servants they had eluded the
most vigilant watch.
" On the 20th of August last, in the afternoon,
S. D. Castleman accidentally discovered a clue,
by means of which, and through one of the house-
servants implicated, he was enabled fully to de-
tect the depredators, and to ascertain the manner
in which the theft had been committed, lie im-
mediately sent for his father, living near him, and
after communicating what he had discovered, it
was determined that the offenders should be pun-
ished at once, and before they should know of the
discovery that had been made.
" Lewis was punished first ; and in a manner, as
was fully shown, to preclude all risk of injury to
his person, by stripes with a broad leathern strap.
He was punished severely, but to an extent by no
means disproportionate to his offence ; nor was it
pretended, in any quarter, that this punishment
implicated either his life or health. He confessed
the offence, and admitted that it had been effected
by false keys, furnished by the blacksmith, Reu-
ben.
1 ' The latter servant was punished immediately
afterwards. It was believed that he was the
principal offender, and he was found to be more
obdurate and contumacious than Lewis had been
in reference to the offence. Thus it was proved,
both by the prosecution and the defence, that he
was punished with greater severity than his ac-
complice. It resulted in a like confession on his
part, and he produced the false key, one fashioned
by himself, by which the theft had been effected
" It Avas further shown, on the trial, that Lewis
was whipped in the upper room of a warehouse,
connected with Stephen Castleman's store, and
near the public road, where he was at work at the
time ; that after he had been flogged, to secure
his person, whilst they went after Reuben, he was
confined by a chain around his neck, which was
attached to a joist above his head. The length of
this chain, the breadth and thickness of the joist,
its height from the floor, and the circlet of chain
on the neck, were accurately measured ; and it
was thus shown that the chain unoccupied by the
circlet and the joist was a foot and a half longer
than the space between the shoulders of the man
and the joist above, or to that extent the chain
hung loose above him ; that the circlet (which was
fastened so as to prevent its contraction) rested
on the shoulders and breast, the chain being suf-
ficiently drawn only to prevent being slipped over
his head, and that there was no other place in the
room to which he could be fastened, except to one
of the joists above. His hands were tied in front ;
a white man, who had been at work with Lewis
during the day, was left with him by the Messrs.
Castleman, the better to insure his detention, whilst
they were absent after Reuben. It was proved by
this man (who was a witness for the prosecution)
that Lewis asked for a box to stand, on, or for
something that he could jump off from ; that after
the Castlemans had left him he expressed a fear
that when they came back he would be whipped
again ; and said, if he had a knife, and could get
one hand loose, he would cut his throat. The
witness stated that the negro ' stood firm on his
feet,' that he could turn freely in whatever di-
rection he wished, and that he made no complaint
of the mode of his confinement. This man stated
that he remained with Lewis about half an hour,
and then left there to go home.
" After punishing Reuben, the Castlemans re-
turned to the warehouse, bringing him with them ;
their object being to confront the two men, in the
hope that by further examination of them jointly
all their accomplices might be detected.
" They were not absent more than half an hour.
When they entered the room above, Lewis was
found hanging by the neck, his feet thrown behind
](IL
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
him, his knee3 a few inches from the floor, and his
head thrown forward — the body' warm and sup-
ple (or relaxed), but life was extinct.
" It was proved by the surgeons who made a post-
mortem examination before the coroner's inquest
that the death was caused by strangulation by
hanging ; and other eminent surgeons were ex-
amined to show, from the appearance of the brain
and its blood-vessels after death (as exhibited at
the post-mortem examination), that the subject
could not have fainted before strangulation.
" After the evidence was finished on both sides,
the jury from their box, and of their own motion,
without a word from counsel on either side, in-
formed the court that they had agreed upon their
verdict. The counsel assented to its being thus
received, and a verdict of " not guilty" was im-
mediately rendered. The attorney for the com-
monwealth then informed the court that all the
evidence for the prosecution had been laid before
the jury ; and as no new evidence could be offered
on the trial of Stephen D. Castleman, he sub-
mitted to the court the propriety of entering a
nolle prosequi. The judge replied that the case had
been fully and fairly laid before the jury upon the
evidence ; that the court was not only satisfied
with the verdict, but, if any other had been ren-
dered, it must have been set aside ; and that if no
further evidence was to be adduced on the trial of
Stephen, the attorney for the commonwealth
would exercise a proper discretion in entering a
nolle prosequi as to him, and the court would ap-
prove its being done. A nolle prosequi was en-
tered accordingly, and both gentlemen discharged.
" It may be added that two days were consumed
in exhibiting the evidence, and that the trial was
by a jury of Clarke County. Both the parties
had been on bail from the time of their arrest, and
were continued on bail whilst the trial was de-
pending."
Let us admit that the evidence does not prove
the legal crime of homicide : what candid man
can doubt, after reading this ex parte version of it,
that the slave died in consequence of the punish-
ment inflicted upon him ?
In criminal prosecutions the federal constitu-
tion guarantees to the accused the right to a pub-
lic trial by an impartial jury ; the right to be
informed of the nature and cause of the accusa-
tion ; to be confronted with the witnesses against
him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining
witness in his favor ; and to have the assistance
of counsel ; guarantees necessary to secure inno-
cence against hasty or vindictive judgment, — ab-
solutely necessary to prevent injustice. Grant that
they were not intended for slaves ; every master of
a slave must feel that they are still morally bind-
ing upon him. He is the sole judge ; he alone
determines the offence, the proof requisite to es-
tablish it, and the amount of the punishment.
The slave then has a peculiar claim upon him for
justice. When charged with a crime, common
humanity requires that he should be informed of
it, that he should be confronted with the witnesses
against him, that he should be permitted to show
evidence in favor of his innocence.
But how was poor Lewis treated 1 The son of
Castleman said he had discovered who stole the
money; and it was forthwith " determined that
the offenders should be punished at once, and be-
fore they should know of the discovery that had been
made.'''' Punished without a hearing ! Punished
on the testimony of a house-servant, the nature of
which does not appear to have been inquired into
by the court ! Not a word is said which au-
thorizes the belief that any careful examination
was made, as it respects their guilt. Lewis and
Reuben were assumed, on loose evidence, without
deliberate investigation, to be guilty ; and then,
without allowing them to attempt to show their
evidence, they were whipped, until a confession
of guilt was extorted by bodily pain.
Is this Virginia justice 1
Lewis was punished with " a broad leathern
strap," — he was " punished severely :" this we
do not need to be told. A " broad leathern strap"
is well adapted to severity of punishment. " Nor
was it pretended," the account says, "in any
quarter, that this punishment implicated either
his life or his health." This is false ; it was ex-
pressly stated in the newspaper accounts at the
time, and such was the general impression in the
neighborhood, that the punishment did very se-
verely implicate his life. But more of this anon.
Lewis was left. A chain was fastened around
his neck, so as not to choke him, and secured to
the joist above, leaving a slack of about a foot and
a half. Remaining in an upright position, he was
secure against strangulation, but he could neither
sit nor kneel ; and should he faint, he would be
choked to death. The account says that they
fastened him thus for the purpose of securing
him. If this had been the sole object, it could
have been accomplished by safer and less cruel
methods, as every reader must know. This mode
of securing him was intended probably to intimi-
date him, and, at the same time, afforded some
gratification to the vindictive feeling which con
trolled the actors in this foul transaction. The
man whom they left to watch Lewis said that,
after remaining there about half an hour, he went
home ; and Lewis was then alive. The Castle-
mans say that, after punishing Reuben, they re-
turned, having been absent not more than half an
hour, and they found him hanging by the neck,
dead. We direct attention to this part of the
testimony, to show how loose the statements wero
which went to make up the evidence.
Why was Lewis chained at all, and a man left
to watch him ? "To secure him," say the Castle-
mans. Is it customary to chain slaves in this
manner, and set a watch over them, after severe
punishment, to prevent their running away ? If
the punishment of Lewis had not been unusual,
and if he had not been threatened with another
infliction on their return, there would have been
no necessity for chaining him.
The testimony of the man left to watch repre-
sents him as desperate, apparently, with pain and
fright. "Lewis asked for a box to stand on:"
why 1 Was he not suffering from pain and ex-
haustion, and did he not wish to rest himself,
without danger of slow strangulation 1 Again :
he asked for " something he could jump off from ;".
" after the Castlemans left, he expressed a fear
when they came back that he would be whipped
again ; and said, if he had a knife, and could get
one hand loose, he would cut his throat."
The punishment that could drive him to such
desperation must have been horrible.
How long they were absent we know not, for
the testimony on this point is contradictory.
They found him hanging by the neck, dead, " his
feet thrown behind him, his knees a few inches
from the floor, and his head thrown forward," —
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
103
just the position he would naturally fall into, had
he sunk from exhaustion. They wish it to appear
that he hung himself. Could this be proved (we
need hardly say that it is not), it would relieve
but slightly the dark picture of their guilt. The
probability is that he sank, exhausted by suffering,
fatigue and fear. As to the testimony of " sur-
geons,"' founded upon a post-mortem examination
of the brain and blood-vessels, " that the subject
could not have fainted before strangulation," it is
not! worthy of consideration. ' We know some-
thins: of the fallacies and fooleries of such ex-
animations.
From all we can learn, the only evidence relied
on by the prosecution was that white man em-
ployed by the Castlemans. He was dependent
upon them for work. Other evidence might have
been obtained ; why it was not is for the prosecut-
ing attorney to explain. To prove what we say,
and to show that justice has not been done in this
horrible affair, we publish the following commu-
nication from an old and highly-respectable citizen
of this place, and who is very far from being an
Abolitionist. The slave-holders whom he men-
tions are well known here, and would have
promptly appeared in the case, had the prosecu-
tion, which was aware of their readiness, sum-
moned them.
" To the Editor of the Era:
" I see that Castleman, who lately had a trial
for whipping a slave to death, in Virginia, was
4 triumphantly acquitted,'' — as many expected.
There are three persons in this city, with whom I
am acquainted, who staid at Castleman's the
same night in which this awful tragedy was
enacted. They heard the dreadful lashing and
the heart-rending screams and entreaties of the
sufferer. They implored the only white man they
could find on the premises, not engaged in the
bloody work, to interpose ; but for a long time he
refused, on the ground that he was a dependent,
and was afraid to give offence ; and that, more-
over, they had been drinking, and he was in fear
for his own life, should he say a word that would
be displeasing to them. He did, however, ven-
ture, and returned and reported the cruel manner
in which the slaves were chained, and lashed, and
secured in a blacksmith's vice. In the morning,
when they ascertained that one of the slaves was
dead, they were so shocked and indignant that
they refused to eat in the house, and reproached
Castleman with his cruelty. He expressed his
regret that the slave had died, and especially as
he had ascertained that he was innocent of the ac-
cusation for which he had suffered. The idea was
that he had fainted from exhaustion ; and, the
chain being round his neck, he was strangled.
The persons I refer to are themselves slave-holders,
— but their feelings were so harrowed and lace-
rated that they could not sleep (two of them are
ladies) ; and for many nights afterwards their rest
was disturbed, and their dreams made frightful,
by the appalling recollection.
" These persons would have been material wit-
nesses, and would have willingly attended on the
part of the prosecution. The knowledge they had
of the case was communicated to the proper au-
thorities, yet their attendance was not required.
The only witness was that dependent who con-
sidered his own life in danger.
" Yours, &c.j
J. F. :
The account, as published by the friends of the
accused parties, shows a case of extreme cruelty.
The statements made by our correspondent prove
that the truth has not been fully revealed, and
that justice has been baffled. The result of the
trial shows how irresponsible is the power of a
master over his slave ; and that whatever security
the latter has is to be sought in the humanity of
the former, not in the guarantees of law. Against
the cruelty of an inhuman master he has really no
safeguard.
Our conduct in relation to this case, deferring
all notice of it in our columns till a legal investi-
gation could be had, shows that we are not dis-
posed to be captious towards our slave-holding
countrymen. In no unkind spirit have we ex-
amined this lamentable case ; but we must expose
the utter repugnance of the slave system to the
proper administration of justice. The newspapers
of Virginia generally publish the account from the
Spirit of Jefferson, without comment. They are
evidently not satisfied that justice was done ;
they doubtless will deny that the accused were
guilty of homicide, legally ; but they will not
deny that they were guilty of an atrocity which
should brand them forever, in a Christian country.
CHAPTER X.
PRINCIPLES ESTABLISHED. — STATE V. LE-
GREE; A CASE NOT IN THE BOOKS.
From a review of all the legal cases
which have hitherto been presented, and of
the principles established in the judicial
decisions upon them, the following facts
must be apparent to the reader :
First, That masters do, now and then,
kill slaves by the torture.
Second, That the fact of so killing a
slave is not of itself held presumption of
murder, in slave jurisprudence.
Third, That the slave in the act of resist-
ance to his master may always be killed.
From these things it will be seen to fol-
low, that, if the facts of the death of Tom
had been fully proved by two white wit-
nesses, in open court, Legree could not have
been held by any consistent interpreter of
slave-law to be a murderer ; for Tom was
in the act of resistance to the will of his
master. His master had laid a command
on him, in the presence of other slaves.
Tom had deliberately refused to obey the
command. The master commenced chas-
tisement, to reduce him to obedience. And
it- is evident, at the first glance, to every
one, that, if the law does not sustain him in
enforcing obedience in such a case, there is
an end of the whole slave power. No
Southern court would dare to decide that
Legree did wrong to continue the punish-
ment, as long as Tom continued the insub-
ordination. Legree stood by him every
104
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
moment of the time, pressing him to yield,
and offering to let him go as soon as he did
yield. Tom's resistance was insurrection.
It was an example which could not be
allowed, for a moment, on any Southern
plantation. By the express words of the
constitution of Georgia, and by the under-
standing and usage of all slave-law, the
power of life- and death is always left in the
hands of the master, in exigences like this.
This is not a case like that of Souther v.
The Commonwealth. The victim of Souther
was not in a state of resistance or insurrec-
tion. The punishment, in his case ? was a
simple vengeance for a past offence, and not
an attempt to reduce him to subordination.
There is no principle of slave jurispru-
dence by which a man could be pronounced
a murderer, for acting as Legree did, in his
circumstances. Everybody must see that
such an admission would strike at the found-
ations of the slave system. To be sure,
Tom was in a state of insurrection for con-
science' sake. But the law does not, and
cannot, contemplate that the negro shall
have a conscience independent of his mas-
ter's. To allow that the negro may refuse
to obey his master whenever he thinks that
obedience would be wrong, would be to pro-
duce universal anarchy. If Tom had been
allowed to disobey his master in this case,
for conscience' sake, the next day Sambo
would have had a case of conscience, and
Quimbo the next. Several of them might
very justly have thought that it was a sin
to work as they did. The mulatto woman
would have remembered that the command of
God forbade her to take another husband.
Mothers might have considered that it was
more their duty to stay at home and take
care of their children, when they were
young and feeble, than to work for Mr.
Legree in the cotton-field. There would
be no end to the havoc made upon cotton-
growing operations, were the negro allowed
the right of maintaining his own conscience
on moral subjects. If the slave system is a
right system, and ought to be maintained,
Mr. Legree ought not to be blamed for his
conduct in this case ; for he did only what
was absolutely essential to maintain the
system ; and Tom died in fanatical and fool-
hardy resistance to "the powers that be,
which are ordained of God." He followed
a sentimental impulse of his desperately
depraved heart, and neglected those "solid
teachings of the written word," which, as
recently elucidated, have proved so refresh-
ing to eminent political men.
CHAPTER XI.
THE TRIUMPH OF JUSTICE OVER LAW.
Having been obliged to record so many
trials in which justice has been turned away
backward by the hand of law, and equity
and common humanity have been kept out
by the bolt and bar of logic, it is a relief to
the mind to find one recent trial recorded,
in North Carolina, in which the nobler
feelings of the human heart have burst over
formalized limits, and where the prosecution
appears to have been conducted by men,
who were not ashamed of possessing in their
bosoms that very dangerous and most illog-
ical agitator, a human heart. It is true
that, in giving this trial, very sorrowful,
but inevitable, inferences will force them-
selves upon the mind, as to that state of
public feeling which allowed such outrages
to be perpetrated in open daylight, in the
capital of North Carolina, upon a hapless
woman. It would seem that the public
were too truly instructed in the awful doc-
trine pronounced by Judge Ruffin, that
" THE POWER OF THE MASTER MUST BE
absolute," to think of interfering while
the poor creature was dragged, barefoot and
bleeding, at a horse's neck, at the rate of
five miles an hour, through the streets of
Raleigh. It seems, also, that the most
horrible brutalities and enormities that
could be conceived of were witnessed, with-
out any efficient interference, by a numbei
of the citizens, among whom we see the
name of the Hon. W. H. Haywood, of Ra-
leigh. It is a comfort to find the attorney-
general, in this case, speaking as a man
ought to speak. Certainly there can be
no occasion to wish to pervert or overstate
the dread workings of the slave system, 01
to leave out the few comforting and encour-
aging features, however small the encour-
agement of them may be.
The case is now presented, as narrated
from the published reports, by Dr. Bailey,
editor of the National Era ; a man whose
candor and fairness need no indorsing, as
every line that he writes speaks for itself.
The reader may at first be surprised to
find slave testimony in the court, till he
recollects that it is a slave ^hat is on trial,
the testimony of slaves being only null
when it concerns whites.
AN INTERESTING TRIAL.
We find in one of the Raleigh (North Caro-
lina) papers, of June 5, 1851, a report of an
interesting trial, at the spring term of the Su-
perior Court. Mima, a slave, was indicted for
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
105
(he murder of her master, William Smith, of
Johnston County, on the night- of the 29th of
November, 1850. The evidence for the prose-
cution was Sidney, a slave-boy, twelve years
old, who testified that, in the night, he and! a
slave-girl, named Jane, were roused from sleep
by the call of their master, Smith, who had re-
turned home. They went out, and found Mima
tied to his horse's neck, with two ropes, one
round her neck, the other round her hands.
Deceased carried her into the house, jerking the
rope fastened to her neck, and tied her to a post.
He called for something to eat, threw her a piece
of bread, and, after he had done, beat her on her
naked back with a large piece of light- wood,
giving her many hard blows. In a short time,
deceased went out of the house, for a special pur-
pose, witness accompanying him with a torch-
light, and hearing him say that he intended " to
use the prisoner up." The light was extin-
guished, and he reentered the house for the pur-
pose of lighting it. Jane was there ; but the
prisoner had been untied, and was not there.
While lighting his torch, he heard blows outside,
and heard the deceased cry out, two or three times,
"0, Leah ! O v Leah !." Witness and Jane went
out, saw the deceased bloody and struggling, were
frightened, ran back, and shut themselves up.
Leah, it seems, was mother of the prisoner, and
had run off two years, on account of cruel treat-
ment by the deceased.
Smith was speechless and unconscious till he
died, the following morning, of the wounds in-
flicted on him.
It was proved on the trial that Carroll, a white
man, living about a mile from the house of the
deceased, and whose wife was said to be the ille-
gitimate daughter of Smith, had in his possession,
the morning of the murder, the receipt given the
deceased by sheriff High, the day before, for jail
fees, and a note for thirty-five dollars, due deceased
from one Wiley Price, which Carroll collected a
short time thereafter ; also the chest-keys of the
deceased ; and no proof was offered to show how
Carroll came into possession of these articles.
The following portion of the testimony discloses
facts so horrible, and so disgraceful to the people
who tolerated, in broad daylight, conduct which
would have shamed the devil, that we copy it
just as we find it in the Raleigh paper. The
scene, remember, is the city of Raleigh.
" The defence was then opened. James Harris,
0. W. D. Hutchings, and Hon. W. H. Haywood,
of Raleigh ; John Cooper, of Wake ; Joseph Hane
and others, of Johnston, were examined for the
prisoner. The substance of their testimony was
as follows : On the forenoon of Friday, 29th of
November last, deceased took prisoner from Ra-
leigh jail, tied her round the neck and wrist;
ropes were then latched to the horse's neck; he
cursed the prisoner several times, got on his horse,
and started off; when he got opposite the Tele-
graph office, on Fayetteville-street, he pulled her
shoes and stockings off, cursed her again, went
off m a swift trot, the prisoner running after him,
doing apparently all she could to keep up ; passed
round by Peck's store ; prisoner seemed very
humble and submissive ; took down the street east
of the capitol, going at the rate of five miles an
hour: continued this gait until he passed O.
Rork's corner, about half or three-quarters of a
mile from the capitol ; that he reached Cooper's
(one of the witnesses), thirteen miles from Ra-
leigh, about four o'clock, P. M. ; that it was rain-
ing very hard ; deceased got off his horse, turned
it loose with prisoner tied to its neck ; witness
went to take deceased's horse to stable ; heard
great lamentations at the house ; hurried back ;
saw his little daughter running through the rain
from the house, much frightened ; got there ;
deceased was gouging prisoner in the eyes, and
she making outcries ; made him stop ; became
vexed, and insisted upon leaving; did leave in a
short time, in the rain, sun about an hour high ;
when he left, prisoner was tied as she was before ;
her arms and fingers were very much swollen ; the
rope around her wrist was small, and had sunk
deep into the flesh, almost covered with it; that
around the neck was large, and tied in a slip-
knot ; deceased would jerk it every now and then ;
when jerked, it would choke prisoner; she was
barefoot and bleeding ; deceased was met some
time after dark, in about six miles of home, being
twenty-four or twenty-five from Raleigh."
Why did they not strike the monster to the
earth, and punish him for his infernal brutality?
The attorney-general conducted the prosecution
with evident loathing. The defence argued, first,
that the evidence was insufficient to fasten the
crime upon the prisoner ; secondly, that, should
the jury be satisfied beyond a rational doubt that
the prisoner committed the act charged, it would
yet be only manslaughter.
" A single blow between equals would mitigate
a killing instanter from murder to manslaughter.
It could not, in law, be anything more, if done
under the furor brevis of passion. But the rule
was different as between master and slave. It
was necessary that this should be, to preserve the
subordination of the slave. The prisoner's coun-
sel then examined the authorities at length, and
contended that the prisoner's case came within
the rule laid down in The State v. Will (1 Dev.
and Bat. 121). The rule there given by Judge
Gaston is this : ' If a slave, in defence of his
life, and under circumstances strongly calculated
to excite his passions of terror and resentment,
kill his overseer or master, the homicide is, by
such circumstances, mitigated to manslaughter.'
The cruelties of the deceased to the prisoner were
grievous and long-continued. They would have
shocked a barbarian. The savage loves and thirsts
for blood ; but the acts of civilized life have not
afforded him such refinement of torture as was
here exhibited."
The attorney-general, after discussing the law,
appealed to the jury " not to suffer the prejudice
which the counsel for the defence had attempted
to create against the deceased {whose conduct, he
admitted, was disgraceful to human nature) to in-
fluence their judgments in deciding whether the
act of the prisoner was criminal or not, and what
degree of criminality attached to it. He desired
the prisoner to have a fair and impartial trial. He
wished her to receive the benefit of every rational
doubt. It was her right', however humble her condi-
tion ; he hoped he had not that heart, as he certainly
had not the right by virtue of his office, to ask in her
case for anything more than he would ask from the
highest and proudest of the land on trial, that the
jury should decide according to the evidence, and
vindicate the violated law."
These were honorable sentiments.
After an able charge by Judge Ellis, the jury
retired, and, after having remained out several
hours, returned with a verdict of Not Guilty. Of
106
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
course, we see not how they could hesitate to come
to this verdict at once.
The correspondent who furnishes the Register
with a report of the case says :
" It excited an intense interest in the commu-
nity in which it occurred, and, although it devel-
ops a series of cruelties shocking to human
nature, the result of the trial, nevertheless, vindi-
cates the benignity and justice of our laws tow-
ards that -class of our population whose condi-
tion Northern fanaticism has so carefully and
grossly misrepresented, for their own purposes of
selfishness, agitation, and crime."
"We have no disposition to misrepresent the
condition of the slaves, or to disparage the laws
of North Carolina ; but we ask, with a sincere
desire to know the truth, Do the laws of North
Carolina allow a master to practise such horrible
cruelties upon his slaves as Smith was guilty of,
and would the public sentiment of the city of Ra-
leigh permit a repetition of such enormities as
were perpetrated in its streets, in the light of
day, by that miscreant?
In conclusion, as the accounts of these
various trials contain so many shocking in-
cidents and particulars the author desires
to enter a caution against certain mistaken
uses which may be made of them, by well-
intending persons. The crimes themselves,
which form the foundation of the trials, are
not to be considered and spoken of as speci-
mens of the common working of the slave
system. They are, it is true, the logical
and legitimate fruits of a system which
makes every individual owner an irrespons-
ible despot. But the actual number of
them, compared with the whole number of
masters, we take pleasure in saying, is
small. It is an injury to the cause of
freedom to ground the argument against
slavery upon the frequency with which
such scenes as these occur. It misleads the
popular mind as to the real issue of the
subject. To hear many men talk, one
would think that they supposed that unless
negroes actually were whipped or burned
alive at the rate of two or three dozen a
week, there was no harm in slavery. They
seem to see nothing in the system but its
gross bodily abuses. If these are absent,
they think there is no harm in it. They do
not consider that the twelve hours' torture
of some poor victim, bleeding away his
life, drop by drop, under the hands of a
Souther, is only a symbol of that more
atrocious process by which the divine, im-
mortal soul is mangled, burned, lacerated,
thrown down, stamped upon, and suffocated,
by the fiend-like force of the tyrant Slav-
ery. And as, when the torturing work was
done, and the poor soul flew up to the judg-
ment-seat, to stand there in awful witness,
there was not a vestige of humanity left in
that dishonored body, nor anything by
which it could be said, " See, this was a
man!" — so, when Slavery has finished
her legitimate work upon the soul, and
trodden out every spark of manliness, and
honor, and self-respect, and natural affec-
tion, and conscience, and religious sentiment,
then there is nothing left in the soul,
by which to say, " This was a man ! "
and it becomes necessary for judges to con-
struct grave legal arguments to prove that
the slave is a human being.
Such extreme cases of bodily abuse from
the despotic power of slavery are compara-
tively rare. Perhaps they may be paral-
leled by cases brought to light in the crim-
inal jurisprudence of other countries. They
might, perhaps, have happened anywhere ;
at any rate, we will concede that they
might. But where under the sun did such
trials, of such cases, ever take place,
in any nation professing to be free and
Christian ? The reader of English history
will perhaps recur to the trials under Judge
Jeffries, as a parallel. A moment's reflec-
tion will convince him that there is no
parallel between the cases. The decisions
of Jeffries were the decisions of a monster,
who violently wrested law from its legiti-
mate course, to gratify his own fiendish
nature. The decisions of American slave-
law have been, for the most part, the deci-
sions of honorable and humane men, who
have wrested from their natural course the
most humane feelings, to fulfil the mandates
of a cruel law.
In the case of Jeffries, the sacred forms
of the administration of justice were violat-
ed. In the case of the American decisions,
every form has been maintained. Revolt-
ing to humanity as these decisions appear,
they are strictly logical and legal.
Therefore, again, we say, Where, ever, in
any nation professing to be civilized and
Christian, did such trials, of such cases,
take place 7 When were ever such legal
arguments made ? When, ever, such legal
principles judicially affirmed? Was ever
such a trial held in England as that in
Virginia, of Souther v. The Common-
wealth ? Was it ever necessary in Eng-
land for a judge to declare on the bench,
contrary to the opinion of a lower court,
that the death of an apprentice, by twelve
hours' torture from his master, did amount
to murder in the first degree 1 Was such a
decision, if given, accompanied by the af-
firmation of the principle, that any amount
of torture inflicted by the master, short of
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
107
the point of death, ' was not indictable ?
Not beino; read in English law, the writer
cannot say ; but there is strong impression
from within that such a decision as this
would have shaken the whole island of
Great Britain ; and that such a case as
Souther v. The Commonwealth would
never have been forgotten un^er the
sun. Yet it is probable that very few per-
sons in the United States ever heard of the
case, or ever would have heard of it, had it
not been quoted by the New York Courier
and Enquirer as an overwhelming ex-
ample of legal humanity.
The horror of the whole matter is, that
more than one such case should ever need
to happen in a country, in order to make
the whole community feel, as one man, that
such power ought not to be left in the hands
of a master. How many such cases do
people wish to have happen ? — how many
must happen, before they will learn that
utter despotic power is not to be trusted in
any hands? If one white man's son or
brother had been treated in this way, under
the law of apprenticeship, the whole coun-
try would have trembled, from Louisiana to
Maine, till that law had been altered. They
forget that the black man has also a father.
It is " He that sitteth upon the circle of
the heavens, who bringeth the princes to
nothing, and maketh the j udges of the earth
as ^inity." He hath said that " When he
maketh inquisition for blood, he forgettetii
not the cry of the humble." That blood
which has fallen so despised to the earth, —
that blood which lawyers have quibbled over,
in the quiet of legal nonchalance, discussing
in great ease whether it fell by murder in the
first or second degree, — HE will one day
reckon for as the blood of his own child.
He " is not slack concerning his promises,
as some men count slackness, but is long-
suffering to usward;" but the day of ven-
geance is surely coming, and the year of
his redeemed is in his heart.
Another court will sit upon these trials,
when the Son of Man shall come in his glory.
It will be not alone Souther, and such as he,
that will be arraigned there ; but all those in
this nation, north and south, who have abetted
the system, and made the laws which made
Souther what he was. In that court negro
testimony will be received, if never before ;
and the judges and the counsellors, and the
chief men, and the mighty men, marshalled
to that awful bar, will say to the mountains
and the rocks, " Fall on us and hide us
from the face of Him that sitteth on
the throne, and from the wrath of the
Lamb."
The wrath of the Lamb ! Think of it !
Think that Jesus Christ has been present,
a witness, — a silent witness through every
such scene of torture and anguish, — a silent
witness in every such court, calmly hearing
the evidence given in, the lawyers pleading,
the bills filed, and cases appealed! And
think what a heart Jesus Christ has, and
with what age-long patience he has suffered !
What awful depths are there in that word,
long-suffering ! and what must be that
wrath, when, after ages of endurance, this
dread accumulation of wrong and anguish
comes up at last to judgment !
CHAPTER XL
A COMPARISON OF THE ROMAN LAW OF
SLAVERY WITH THE AMERICAN.
The writer has expressed the opinion
that the American law of slavery, taken
throughout, is a more severe one than that
of any other civilized nation, ancient or
modern, if we except, perhaps, that of
the Spartans. She has not at hand the
means of comparing French and Spanish
slave-codes ; but, as it is a common remark
that Roman slavery was much more severe
than any that has ever existed in America,
it will be well to compare the Roman with
the American law. v We therefore present
a description of the Roman slave-law, as
quoted by William Jay, Esq., from Blair's
(: Inquiry into the State of Slavery among
the Romans," giving such references to
American authorities as will enable the
reader to make his own comparison, and to
draw his own inferences.
I. The slave had no protection against the avarice,
rage, or lust of the master, whose authority was
founded in absolute property ; and the bondman
was viewed less as a human being subject to arbitrary
dominion, than as an inferior animal, dependent
wholly on the will of his owner.
See law of South Carolina, in Stroud's
" Sketch of the Laws of Slavery," p. 23.
' Slaves shall be deemed, 'sold, taken, reputed
and adjudged in law to be chattels per- 2 Brev. Di*.
sonal in the hands of their owners and 229. Prince's
possessors, and their executors, admin- ™p; 4 ^"
r , , ' j . , 11 • . Cobb's Dig.
istrators and assigns, to all intents, 971.
constructions, and purposes whatever.
A slave is one who is in the Lon . cmi Code,
power of a master to whom he art. 35. Stroud's
belongs Sketch » p- 2i
108
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
Such obedience is the consequence only
Judge Ruf- of uncontrolled authority over the body.
SttJSTSraiaw is nothin S el8e which ^n op-
The state t>. erate to produce the effect. The power
Mann. Whee- f ^he ma ster must be absolute, to ren-
siaveryf 24G. der the submission of the slave perfect.
II. At first, the master possessed the uncontrolled
power of life and death.
Judge Clarke, in case of . A * a ^J earl y period in
State of Miss. v. Jones. Virginia, the power of life over
Wheeler, 252. slaves was given by statute.
III. He might kill, mutilate or torture his slaves,
for any or no offence ; he might force them to become
gladiators or prostitutes.
The privilege of killing is now some-
what abridged; as to mutilation and tor-
ture, see the case of Souther v. The Com-
monwealth, 7 Grattah, 673, quoted in
Chapter III., above. Also State v. Mann,
in the same chapter, from Wheeler, p. 244.
IV. The temporary unions of male with female
slaves were formed and dissolved at his command ;
families and friends were separated when he pleased.
See the decision of Judge Mathews in
the case of Girod v. Lewis, Wheeler, 199 :
It is clear, that slaves have no legal capacity to
assent to any contract. With the consent of their
master, they may marry, and their moral power
to agree to such a contract or connection as that
of marriage cannot be doubted ; but whilst in a
state of slavery it cannot produce any civil effect,
because slaves are deprived of all civil rights.
. See also the chapter below on ' ' the sep-
aration of families," and the files of any
southern newspaper, passim.
V. The laws recognized no obligation upon the
owners of slaves, to furnish them with food and
clothing, or to take care of them in sickness.
The extent to which this deficiency in
the Roman law has been supplied in the
American, by " protective acts" has been
exhibited above.*
VI. Slaves could have no property but by the suf-
ferance of their master, for whom they acquired
everything, and with whom they could form no en-
gagements which could be binding on him.
The following chapter will show how far
American legislation is in advance of that
of the Romans, in that it makes it a penal
offence on the part of the master to permit
his slave to hold property, and a crime
on the part of the slave to be so permitted.
For the present purpose, we give an extract
from the Civil code of Louisiana, as quoted
by Judge Stroud :
* See also the case of State v. Abram, 10 Ala. 928. 7Z7.
<S. Dig. p. 449. "The master or overseer, and not the
slave, is the proper judge whether the slave is too sick to
be able to labor. The latter canrrot, therefore, resist the
order of the former to go to work."
A slave is one who is in the power of a mastei
to whom he belongs. The master may sell him,
dispose of his person, his industry, Civil Code
and his labor ; he can do nothing, Article 35.'
possess nothing, nor acquire anything Stroud, p. 22.
but what must belong to his master.
According to Judge Ruffin, a slave is
"one doomed in his own person, and his
posterity, to live without khowl- wh'ier's Law
edge, and without the capacity to £[ 6 Sla state ?!
make anything his own, and to Mann -
toil that another may reap the fruits."
With reference to the binding power of
engagements between master and slave, the
following decisions from the United States
Digest are in point (7, p. 449) :
All the acquisitions of the slave in possession
are the property of his master, not-
withstanding the promise of his mas- ® lst v - ^°°"
ter that the slave shall have certain of ' 424. 1C
them.
A slave paid money which he had earned over
and above his wages, for the purchase of his
children into the hands of B, and B purchased
such children with the money. Held that
the master of such slave was entitled to Iblcl "
recover the money of B.
VII. The master might transfer his rights by
either sale or gift, or might bequeath them by will.
Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed
and adjudged in law, to be chattels Law of S. Car-
personal in the hands of their owners oiina. Cobb's
and possessors, and their executors, Dl s est > 97L
administrators, and assigns, to all intents, con-
structions, and purposes whatsoever.
VIII. A master selling, giving, or bequeathing
a slave, sometimes made it a provision that he should
never be carried abroad, or that he should be manu-
mitted on a fixed day ; or that, on the other hand,
he should never be emancipated, or that he should be
kept in chains for life.
We hardly think that a provision that a
slave should never be emancipated, or that
he should be kept in chains for
W i h™ 8 u. A s sh ' life, would be sustained. A pro-
Ecp. 1. 5 u. s. vision that the slave should not
be carried out of the state, or
sold, and that on the happening of either
event he should be free, has been sustained.
The remainder of Blair's account of Ro-
man slavery is devoted rather to the practices
of masters than the state of the law itself.
Surely, the writer is not called upon to
exhibit in the society of enlightened, repub-
lican and . Christian America, in the nine-
teenth century, a parallel to the atrocities
committed in pagan Rome, under the scep-
tre of the persecuting Caesars, when the
amphitheatre was the favorite resort of the
most refined of her citizens, as well as the
great " school of morals" for the multitude.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
109
X few references only will show, as far as
we desire to show, how much safer it is now
to trust man with absolute power over his
fellow, than it was then.
IX. While slaves turned the handmill they were
generally chained, and had a broad wooden collar, to
prevent them from eating the grain. The furca,
which in later language means a gibbet, was, in older
dialect, used to denote a wooden fork or collar, which
was made to bear upon their shoulders, or around,
their necks, as a mark of disgrace, as much as an
uneasy burden.
The reader has already seen, in Chapter
V., that this instrument of degradation has
been in use, in our own day, in certain of
the slave states, under the express sanction
and protection of statute laws ; although the
material is different, and the construction
doubtless improved by modern ingenuity.
X. Fetters and chains were much used for pun-
ishment or restraint, and were, in some instances,
worn by slaves during life, through the sole author-
ity of the master. Porters at the gales of the rich
were generally chained. Field laborers worked for
the most part in irons posterior to the first ages of
the republic.
The Legislature of South Carolina spec-
ially sanctions the same practices, by except-
ing them in the u protective enactment"
which inflicts the penalty of one hundred
pounds u in case any person shall wilfully
cut out the tongue," &c, of a slave, u or
shall* inflict any other cruel punishment,
other than by whipping or beating with
a horse- whip, cowskin, switch, or small stick,
or by ^putting irons on, or confining or
imprisoning such slave."
XI. Some persons v*ade it their business to catch
runaway slaves.
That such a profession, constituted by the
highest legislative authority in the nation,
and rendered respectable by the commenda-
tion expressed or implied of statesmen and
divines, and of newspapers political and re-
ligious, exists in our midst, especially in
the free states, is a fact which is, day by
day, making itself too apparent to need tes-
timony. The matter seems, however, to be
managed in a more perfectly open and busi-
ness-like manner in the State of Alabama
than elsewhere. Mr. Jay cites the follow-
ing advertisement from the Sumpter County
(Ala.) Whig:
NEGRO DOGS.
The undersigned having bought the entire pack
of Negro Dogs (of the Hay and Allen stock) , he
now proposes to catch runaway negroes. His
charges will be Three Dollars per day for hunting,
and Fifteen Dollars for catching a runaway. He
resides three and one half miles north of Living-
ston, near the lower Jones' Bluff road.
William Gambel.
Nov. 6, 1845. — 6m.
The following is copied, verbatim et lit-
eratim, and with the pictorial embellish-
ments, from The Dadeville (Ala.) Ban-
ner, of November 10th, 1852. The
Dadeville Banner is " devoted to politics,
literature, education, agriculture, fyc"
JVOTICE.
The undersigned having an excel- ^--^o
lent pack of Hounds, for trailing and=^S>
catching runaway slaves, informs the public that
his prices in future will be as follows for such
services :
For. each day employed in hunting or
trailing, - - - - - $2.50
For catching each slave, - - - 10.00
For going over ten miles and catching
slaves, - 20.00
If sent for, the above prices will be exacted in
cash. The subscriber resides one mile and a
half south of Dadeville, Ala.
B. Black.
Dadeville, Sept. 1, 1852. Itf
XII. The runaway, when taken, was severely
punished by authority of the master, or by the judge,
at his desire ; sometimes with crucifixion, amputa-
tion of a foot, or by being sent to fight as a gladia-
tor with wild beasts ; but most frequently by being
branded on the brow with letters indicative of his
crime. •
That severe punishment would be the lot
of the recaptured runaway, every one would
suppose, from the " absolute power " of the
master to inflict it. That it is inflicted in
many cases, it is equally easy and needless
to prove. The peculiar forms of punish-
ment mentioned above are now very much
out of vogue, but the following advertise-
ment by Mr. Micajah Ricks, in the Raleigh
(N. C.) Standard of July 18th, 1838,
shows that something of classic taste in tor-
ture still lingers in our degenerate days.
Ran away, a negro woman and two children ;
a few days before she went off, I burnt her with
a hot iron, on the left side of her face. I tried to
make the letter M.
It is charming to notice the naif be-
trayal of literary pride on the part of Mr.
Ricks. He did not wish that letter M to be
taken as a specimen of what he could do in
the way of writing. The creature would
not hold still, and he fears the M may be
ilegible.
The above is only one of a long list of
advertisements of maimed, cropped and
branded negroes, in the book of Mr. Weld,
entitled American Slavery as It Is, p. 77.
110
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
XITI. Crueo masters sometimes hired torturers
by profession, or had such persons in their estab-
lishments, to assist them in punishing their slaves.
The noses and ears and teeth of slaves were often
in danger from an enraged owner; and sometimes
the eyes of a great offender were put out. Crucifix-
ion was very frequently made the fate of a wretched
slave for a trifling misconduct, or from mere
caprice.
For justification of such practices as
these, we refer again to that horrible list of
maimed and mutilated men, advertised by
slaveholders themselves, in Weld's Ameri-
can Slavery as It Is, p. 77. We recall the
reader's attention to the evidence of the
monster Kephart, given in Part I, As to
crucifixion, we presume that there are
wretches whose religious scruples would de-
ter them from this particular form of torture,
who would not hesitate to inflict equal cruel-
ties by other means ; as the Greek pirate,
during a massacre in the season of Lent, was
conscience-stricken at having tasted a drop of
blood. We presume ? — Let any one but read
again, if he can, the sickening details of that
twelve hours' torture of Souther's slave,
and say how much more merciful is Ameri-
can slavery than Roman.
The last item in Blair's description of
Roman slavery is the following :
By a decree passed by the Senate, if a master
was murdered when his slaves might possibly have
aided him, all his household within reach were held
as implicated, and deserving of death ; and Tacitus
relates an instance in whicJi a family of four hundred
were all executed.
To this alone, of all the atrocities of the
slavery of old heathen Rome, do we fail to
find a parallel in the slavery of the United
States of America.
There are other respects, in which Amer-
ican legislation has reached a refinement in
tyranny of which the despots of those early
days never conceived. The following is the
language of Gibbon :
Hope, the best comfort of our imperfect con-
dition, was not denied to the Roman slave ; and if
he had any opportunity of rendering himself either
useful or agreeable, he might very naturally expect
that the diligence and fidelity of a few years would
be rewarded with the inestimable gift of freedom.
* # # Without destroying the distinction of
ranks, a distant prospect of freedom and honors
was presented even to those whom pride and pre-
judice almost disdained to number among the
human species.*
The youths of promising genius were in-
structed in the arts and sciences, and their price
was ascertained by the degree of their skill and
talents. Almost every profession, either liberal
ox mechanical, might be found in the household of
an opulent senator, f
* Gibbon's " Decline and Fall." Chap. n. t H>id.
The following chapter will show, how
"the best comfort" which Gibbon knew for
human adversity is taken away from the
American slave ; how he is denied the com-
monest privileges of education and mental
improvement, and how the whole tendency
of the unhappy system, under which he is
in bondage, is to take from him the conso-
lations of religion itself, and to degrade him
from our common humanity, and common
brotherhood with the Son of God.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE MEN BETTER THAN THEIR LAWS.
Judgment is turned away backward,
And Justice standeth afar off;
For Truth is fallen in the street,
And Equity cannot enter.
Yea, Truth faileth ;
and he that departeth prom evil maketh himself a
prey". Isaiah 59: 14, 15.
There is one very remarkable class of
laws yet to be considered.
So full of cruelty and of unmerciful se-
verity is the slave-code, — such an atrocity
is the institution of which it is the legal
definition, — that there are multitudes of
individuals too generous and too just to be
willing to go to the full extent of its restric-
tions and deprivations.
A generous man, instead of regarding
the poor slave as a piece of property, dead,
and void of rights, is tempted to regara him
rather as a helpless younger brother, or as
a defenceless child, and to extend to him,
by his own good right arm, that protection
and those rights which the law denies him.
A religious man, who, by the theory of his
belief, regards all men as brothers, and con-
siders his Christian slave, with- himself, as a
member of Jesus Christ, — as of one body,
one spirit, and called in one hope of his
calling, — cannot willingly see him " doomed
to live without knowledge," without the
power of reading the written Word, and to
raise up his children after him in the same
darkness.
Hence, if left to itself, individual hu-
manity would, in many cases, practically
abrogate the slave-code. Individual human-
ity Avould teach the slave to read and write,
— would build school-houses for his chil-
dren, and would, in very, very many cases,
enfranchise him.
The result of all this has been foreseen.
It has been foreseen that the result of edu-
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
Ill
cation would be general intelligence ; that
the result of intelligence would be a knowl-
edge of personal rights ; and that an inquiry
into the doctrine of personal rights would
be fatal to the system. It has been foreseen,
also, that the example of disinterestedness
and generosity, in emancipation, might carry
with it a generous contagion, until it should
become universal ; that the example of edu-
cated and emancipated slaves would prove a
dangerous excitement to those still in bondage.
For this reason, the American slave-code,
which, as we have already seen, embraces,
substantially, all the barbarities of that of
ancient Rome, has had added to it a set of
laws more cruel than any which ancient and
heathen Rome ever knew, — laws designed
to shut against the slave his last refuge, —
the. humanity of his master. The master,
in ancient Rome, might give his slave what-
ever advantages of education he chose, or at
any time emancipate him, and the state did
not interfere to prevent .*
But in America the laws, throughout all
the slave states, most rigorously forbid, in
the first place, the education of the slave.
We do not profess to give all these laws, but
a few striking specimens may be presented.
Our authority is Judge Stroud's "Sketch
of the Laws of Slavery."
The legislature of South Carolina, in
1740, enounced the following preamble : —
Stroud's sketch, " Whereas, the having of ' slaves
p- 88 - taught . to write, or suffering
them to be employed in writing, may be at-
tended with great inconveniences ;" and
enacted that the crime of teaching a slave to
write, or of employing a slave as a scribe,
should be punished by a fine of one hundred
pounds, current money. If the reader will
turn now to the infamous "protective"
statute, enacted by the same legislature, in
the same year, he will find that the same
penalty has been appointed for the cutting
out of the tongue,, putting out of the eye,
cruel scalding, &c, of any slave, as for the
offence of teaching him to write ! That is
to say, that to leach him to write, and to put
out his eyes, are to be regarded as equally
reprehensible.
That there might be no doubt of the
"great and fundamental policy" of the
state, and that there might be full security
against the " great inconveniences'''' of
" having of slaves taught to write," it was
* In and after the reign of Augustus, certain restrictive
regulations were passed, designed to prevent an increase
of unworthy citizens by emancipation. They had, how-
ever, nothing like the stringent foroe of American laws.
enacted, in 1800, " That assemblies of slaves,
free negroes, &e.; * * * * for the
purpose of mental instruction, in a con-
fined or secret place, &c. &c, is [are] de-
clared to be an unlawful meeting ; " and the
officers are required to enter such confined
places, and disperse the "unlawful assem-
blage," inflicting, at their discretion, " such
corporal punishment, not exceeding twenty
lashes, upon such slaves, free stroud's sketch, i
negroes, &c, as they may judge ^ &*£
necessary for deterring them pp- 254-5.
from the like unlawful assemblage in
future."
The statute-book of Virginia is adorned
with a law similar to the one last Str oo d ' Qn pp -
quoted.
The offence .of teaching a slave to write
was early punished, in Georgia, as in South
Carolina, by a pecuniary fine. But the
citv of Savannah seems to have found this
penalty insufficient to protect it from ' ' great
inconveniences" and we learn, by a quot-
ation in the work of Judge Stroud from
a number of "The Portfolio," that " the
city has passed an ordinance, by which any
person that teaches any person of color,
slave or free, to read or write, or causes
such person to be so taught, is Stroud , s Sketch>
subjected to a fine of thirty dol- pp- 89 > 90 -
lars for each offence ; and every person of
color who shall keep a school, to teach
reading or writing, is subject to a fine of
thirty dollars, or to be imprisoned ten days,
and whipped thirty-nine lashes."
Secondly. In regard to religious privi-
leges :
The State of Georgia has enacted a law,
" To protect religious societies in the exer-
cise of their religious duties." This law,
after appointing rigorous penalties for the
offence of interrupting or disturbing a con-
gregation of white persons, concludes in the
following words :
No congregation, or company of negroes,
shall, under pretence of divine worship, stroud, p. 92.
assemble themselves, contrary to the Prince's Digest,
act regulating patrols. p *
" The act regulating patrols," as quoted
by the editor of Prince's Digest, empowers
every justice of the peace to disperse any
assembly or meeting of slaves , .
which may disturb the peace, irmce's Digest!
&c, of his majesty's subjects, p "
and permits that every slave found at such
a meeting shall " immediately be corrector!.
without TRIAL, by receiving on the bare
back twenty -five stripes with a whip,
switch, or cowskin."
112
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
The history of legislation in South Caro-
lina is significant. An act was passed in
1800, containing the following section :
It shall not be lawful for any number of
slaves, free negroes, raulattoes or mestizoes, even
in company with white persons, to meet together
Stroud p. 93. an( l assemble for the purpose of men-
2 Brevard's tal instruction or religious worship,
Dig. 254, 255. e ither before the rising of the sun, or
after the going down of the same. And all magis-
trates, sheriffs, militia officers, &c. &c, are hereby
vested with power, &c, for dispersing such
assemblies, &c.
The law just quoted seems somehow to
have had a prejudicial effect upon the reli-
gious interests of the " slaves, free negroes,"
&c, specified in it; for, three years after-
wards, on the petition of certain religious
societies, a " protective act" was passed,
which should secure them this great re-
ligious privilege ; to wit, that it should be
unlawful, before nine o'clock, " to break
into a place of meeting, wherein shall be
assembled the members of any religious so-
ciety of this state, provided a majority of
them shall be white persons, or otherwise
to disturb their devotion, unless such per-
son shall have first obtained * f * *
a warrant, &c."
Thirdly. It appears that many masters,
who are disposed to treat their slaves gen-
erously, have allowed them to accumulate
property, to raise domestic animals for their
own use, and, in the case of intelligent
servants, to go at large, to hire their own
time, and to trade upon their own account.
Upon all these practices the law comes
down, with unmerciful severity. A penalty
is inflicted on the owner, but, with a rigor
quite accordant with the tenor of slave-law
the offence is considered, in law, as that of
the slave, rather than that of the master ;
so that, if the master is generous enough not
to regard the penalty which is imposed upon
himself, he may be restrained by fche fear
of bringing a greater evil upon his depend-
ent. These laws are, in some cases, so con-
structed as to make it for the interest of the
lowest and most brutal part of society that
they be enforced, by offering half the profits
to the informer. We give the following as
specimens of slave legislation on this sub-
ject :
The law of South Carolina :
It shall not be lawful for any slave to buy,
sell, trade, &c, for any goods, &c, without a
license from the owner, &c; nor shall any slave be
permitted to keep any boat, periauger,* or canoe,
* i. e. Periagua.
or raise and breed, for the benefit of such slave,
any horses, mares, cattle, sheep, or hogs, under
pain of forfeiting all the goods, &c, and all the
boats, periaugers, or canoes, horses, mares, cattle,
sheep or hogs. And it shall be law- g . 4fl
ful for any person whatsoever to 47™ a'mes' Di'
seize and take away from any slave get* 385. 386.
all such goods, &c, boats, &c. &c, Actofim
and to deliver the same into the hands of any jus-
tice of the peace, nearest to the place where the
seizure shall be made ; and such justice shall take
the oath of the person making such seizure, con-
cerning the manner thereof; and if the said jus-
tice shall be satisfied that such seizure has been
made according to law, he shall pronounce and
declare the goods so seized to be forfeited, and
order the same to be sold at public outcry, one
half of the moneys arising from such sale to go to
the state, and -the other half to him or them that
sue for the same.
The laws in mauy other states are similar
to the above ; but the State of Georgia has
an additional provision, against per- 2 Cobb's
mitting the slave to hire himself to Dig * 284>
another for his own benefit ; a penalty of
thirty dollars is imposed for every weekly
offence, on the part of the master, unless
the labor be done on his own premises.
Savannah, Augusta, and Sunbury, are places
excepted.
In Virginia, "if the master shall permit
his slave to hire himself out," the
slave is to be apprehended, &c,
and the master to be fined.
In an early act of the legislature of the
orthodox and Presbyterian State of North
Carolina, it is gratifying to see how the judi-
cious course of public policy is made to
subserve the interests of Christian charity,
— how, in a single ingenious sentence, pro-
vision is made for punishing the offender
against society, rewarding the patriotic in-
former, and feeding the poor and destitute :
All horses, cattle, hogs or sheep, that, one
month after the passing of this act, shall
belong to any slave, or be of any slave's s k etch d 47.
mark, in this state, shall be seized and
sold by the county wardens, and by them applied,
the one-half to the support of the poor of the
county, and the other half to the informer.
In Mississippi a fine of fifty dollars is
imposed upon the master who permits his
slave to cultivate cotton for his own
i i . i • i , Stroud, p. 48.
use ; or who licenses his slave to
go at large and trade as a freeman ; or who
is convicted of permitting his slave to keep
" stock of any description."
To show how the above law has been in-
terpreted by the highest judicial tribunal of
the sovereign State of Mississippi, we repeat
here a portion of a decision of Chief Justice
Sharkey, which we have elsewhere given
more in full.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
113
Independent of the principles laid down in ad-
judicated cases, our statute-law prohibits slaves
from owning certain kinds of property ; and it
may be inferred that the legislature supposed
they were extending the act as far as it could be
necessary to exclude them from owning any prop-
erty, as the prohibition includes that kind of
property which they would most likely be per-
mitted to own without interruption, to wit : hogs,
horses, cattle, &c. They cannot be prohibited
from holding such property in consequence of its
being of a dangerous or offensive character, but be-
cause it. ivas deemed impolitic for them to hold prop-
erty of any description.
It was asserted, at the beginning of this
head, that the permission of the master to a
slave to hire his own time is, by law, con-
sidered the offence of the slave ; the slave
being subject to prosecution therefor, not
the master. This is evident from the tenor
of some of the laws quoted and alluded to
above. It will be still further illustrated by
the following decisions of the courts of North
Carolina. They are copied from the Sup-
plement to the U. S. Digest, vol. n. p. 798 :
139. An indictment charging that a certain
negro did hire her own time,
The 5 S i a redeii, C 22i S . Sa ' contrary to the form of the stat-
ute, &c, is defective and must
be quashed, because it was omitted to be charged
that she was permitted by her master to go at large,
which is one essential part of the offence.
140. Under the first clause of the thirty-first
section of the 111th chapterof the Revised Statutes,
prohibiting masters from hiring to slaves their
own time, the master is not indictable; he is only
subject to a penalty of forty dollars. Nor is the
master indictable under the second clause of that
section ; the process being against the slave, not
against the master. — lb.
142. To constitute the offence under section 32
(Rev. Stat. c. cxi. § 32) it is not necessary that
the slave should have hired his time ; it is suffi-
cient if the master permits him to go at large as
a freeman.
This is maintaining the ground that
"the master can do no wrong " with great
consistency and thoroughness. But it is in
perfect keeping, both in form and spirit,
with the whole course of slave-law, which
always upholds the supremacy of the master,
and always depresses the slave.
Fourthly, Stringent laws against eman-
cipation exist in nearly all the slave states.
In four of the states, — South Carolina,
stroud, 147. Prince's Georgia, Alabama, and Mis-
Dig. 456. James' Dig. sissippi, — emancipation can-
39S. Toulmin's Dig. *j r ' „ , * ,
632. Miss. Rev Code, not be effected, except by a
special act of the legislature
of the state.
In Georgia, the offence of setting free
" any slave, or slaves, in any other manner
and form than the one prescribed," was pun-
ishable, according to the law of 1801, by
8
the forfeiture of two hundred dollars, to be
recovered by action or indictment ; the
slaves in question still remaining, " to all
intents and purposes, as much in a state
of slavery as before they were manu-
mitted."
Believers in human progress will be in-
terested to know that since the law of 1801
there has been a reform introduced into this
part of the legislation of the republic of
Georgia. In 1818, a new law was passed,
which, as will be seen, contains a grand
remedy for the abuses of the old. In this
it is provided, with endless variety of spe-
cifications and synonyms, as if to " let sus-
picion double-lock the door " against any
possible evasion, that, l ' All and every will,
testament and deed, whether by way of
trust or otherwise, contract, or agreement,
or stipulation, or other instrument in writing
or by parol, made and executed for the
purpose of effecting, or endeavoring to effect,
the manumission of any slave or slaves,
either directly ... or indirectly, or vir-
tually, &c. &c, shall be, and the same are
hereby, declared to be utterly null and
void." And the guilty author of the out-
rage against the peace of the state, contem-
plated in such deed, &c. &c, " and all and
every person or persons concerned in giving
or attempting to give effect thereto, .
in any way or manner whatsoever, shall be
severally liable to a penalty not exceeding
one thousand dollars."
It would be quite anomalous in slave-law,
and contrary to the " great and fundamental
policy" of slave states, if the negroes who,
not having the fear of God before their eyes,
but being instigated by the devil, should be
guilty of being thus manumitted, were suf-
fered to go unpunished ; accordingly, the law
very properly and judiciously provides
that " each and every slave or slaves in
whose behalf such will or testament, &c.
&c. &c, shall have been made, shall be
liable to be arrested by war- _, • _. •
_ . - J j Stroud's Sketch, pp.
rant, &c. ; and, being there- 147—8. prince's Dig.
of convicted, &c, shall be
liable to be sold as a slave or slaves by pub-
lic outcry ; and the proceeds of such slaves
shall be appropriated, &c. &c."
Judge Stroud gives the following account
of the law of Mississippi :
The emancipation must be by an instrument m,
writing, a last will or deed, &c, stro ud's Sketch 249.
under seal, attested by at least two Miss. KewiCode, 385
credible witnesses, or acknowledged —6 (Act June is,
in the court of the county or cor-
poration where the emancipator resides ; proof
satisfactory to the General Assembly must be aa-
114
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
duced that the slave has done some meritorious act
for the benefit of his master, or rendered some' distin-
guished service to the state; all which circumstances
are but pre-requisites, and are of no efficacy until a
special act of assembly sanctions the emancipation ;
to which may be added, as has been already stated,
a saving of the rights of creditors, and the protec-
tion of the widow" 1 s thirds.
The same pre-requisite of u meritorious
services , to be adjudged of and allowed by
the county court," is exacted by an act of
the General Assembly of North Carolina ;
and all slaves emancipated contrary to the
provisions of this act are to be committed to
the jail of the county, and at the next court
held for that county are to be sold to the
highest bidder.
But the law of North Carolina does not
refuse opportunity for repentance, even after
the crime has been proved : accordingly,
The sheriff is directed, five days before the time
Stroud's Sketch ^ or * ne sa * e °^ ^ ne emanc ip a ted negro,
148. Haywood's' to give notice, in writing, to the per-
Ma ""q 'j?3 526 ' son by whom the emancipation Avas
made, to the end,
and with the hope that, smitten by remorse
of conscience, and brought to a sense of his
guilt before God and man,
such person may, if he thinks proper, renew
his claim to the negro so emancipated by him ; on
failure to do which, the sale is to be made by the
sheriff, and one-fifth part of the net proceeds is to
become the property of the freeholder by whom
the apprehension was made, and the remaining
four-fifths are to be paid into the public treasury.
It is proper to add that we have given
examples of the laws of states whose legis-
lation on this subject has been most severe.
stroud, pp. The la ^s of Virginia, Maryland,
148—154. Missouri, Kentucky and Louisiana,
are much less stringent.
A striking case, which shows how inex-
orably the law contends with the kind de-
signs of the master, is on record in the
reports of legal decisions in the State of
Mississippi. The circumstances of the case
have been thus briefly stated in the New
York Evening Post, edited by Mr. Wil-
liam Cullen Bryant. They are a romance
of themselves.
A man of the name of Elisha Brazealle, a
planter in Jefferson County, Mississippi, was at-
tacked with a loathsome disease. During his ill-
ness he was faithfully nursed by a mulatto slave,
to whose assiduous attentions he felt that he owed
his life. He was duly impressed by her devotion,
and soon after his recovery took her to Ohio, and
had her educated. She was, very intelligent, and
improved her advantages so rapidly that when he
risited her again he determined to marry her. He
executed a deed for her emancipation, and had it
recorded both in the States of Ohio and Missis
sippi, and made her his wife.
Mr. Brazealle returned with her to Missis-
sippi, and in process of time had a son. After a
few years he sickened and died, leaving a will, in
which, after reciting the deed of emancipation, he
declared his intention to ratify it, and devised all
his property to this lad, acknowledging him in the
will to be such.
Some poor and distant relations in North Car-
olina, whom he did not know, and for whom he
did not care, hearing of his death, came on to Mis-
sissippi, and claimed the property thus devised.
They instituted a suit for its recovery, and the
case (it is reported in Howard's Mississippi Re-
ports, vol. ii., p. 837) came before Judge Sharkey,
our new consul at Havana. He decided it, and
in that decision declared the act of emancipation
an offence against morality, and pernicious and
detestable as an example. He set aside the will ,
gave the property of Brazealle to his distant rela-
tions, condemned Brazealle' s son, and his wife, that
son's mother, again to bondage, and made them
the slaves of these North Carolina kinsmen, as
part of the assets of the estate.
Chief Justice Sharkey, after narrating
the circumstances of the case, declares the
validity of the deed of emancipation to be
the main question in the controversy. He
then argues that, although according to
principles of national comity l ' contracts
are to be construed according to the laws
of the country or state where they are
made," yet these principles are hot to be
followed when they lead to conclusions in
conflict with "the great and fundamental
policy of the state." What this " great and
fundamental policy" is, in Mississippi,
may be gathered from the remainder of
the decision, which we give in full.
Let us apply these principles to the deed of
emancipation. To give it validity would be, in
the first place, a violation of the declared policy,
and contrary to a positive law of the state.
The policy of a state is indicated by the gen-
eral course of legislation on a given subject ; and
we find that free negroes are deemed offensive,
because they are not permitted to emigrate to or
remain in the state. They are allowed few privi-
leges, and subject to heavy penalties for offences.
They are required to leave the state within thirty
days after notice, and in the mean time give secu-
rity for good behavior ; and those of them who can
lawfully remain must register and carry with
them their certificates, or they may be committed
to jail. It would also violate a positive law,
passed by the legislature, expressly to maintain
this settled policy, and to prevent emancipation.
No owner can emancipate his slave, but by a deed
or will properly attested, or acknowledged in court,
and proof to the legislature that such slave has
performed some meritorious act for the benefit of
the master, or some distinguished service for the
state ; and the deed or will can have no validity
until ratified by special act of legislature. It is
believed that this law and policy are too essen-
tially important to the interests of our citizens to
permit them to be evaded.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
115
The state of the case shows conclusively that
the contract had its origin in an offence against
morality, pernicious and detestable as an example.
But, above all, it seems to have been planned and
executed with a fixed design to evade the rigor of
the laws of tins suite. The acts of the party in
going to Ohio with the slaves, and there execut-
ing the deed, and his immediate return with them
to this state, point with unerring certainty to hi:»
purpose and object. The laws of this state can-
not be thus defrauded of their operation by one of
our own citizens. If we could have any doubts
about the principle, the case reported in 1 Ran-
dolph, 15, would remove them.
As we think the validity of the deed must
depend upon the laws of this state, it becomes
unnecessary to inquire whether it could have any,
force by the laws of Ohio. If it were even valid
there, it can have no force here. The consequence
is, that the negroes, John Monroe and his mother,
are still slaves, and a part of the estate of Elisha
Brazealle. They have not acquired a right to
their freedom under the will ; for, even if the
clause in the will were sufficient for that purpose,
their emancipation has not been consummated by
an act of the legislature.
John Monroe, being a slave, cannot take the
property as devisee ; and I apprehend it is equal-
ly clear that it cannot be held in trust for him.
4 Desans. Rep. 266. Independent of the princi-
ples laid down in adjudicated cases, our statute
law prohibits slaves from owning certain kinds of
property ; and it may be inferred that the legis-
lature supposed they were extending the act as
far as it could be necessary to exclude them from
owning any property, as the prohibition includes
that kind of property which they would most
likely be permitted to own without interruption,
to wit, hogs, horses, cattle, &c. They cannot be
prohibited from holding such property in conse-
quence of its being of a dangerous or offensive
character, but because it was deemed impolitic
for them to hold property of any description. It
follows, therefore, that his heirs are entitled to
the property.
As the deed was void, and the devisee could
. not take under the will, the heirs might, perhaps,
have had a remedy at law ; but, as an account
must be taken for the rents and profits, and for
the final settlement of the estate, I see no good
reason why they should be sent back to law. The
remedy is, doubtless, more full and complete than
it could be at law. The decree of the chancellor
overruling the demurrer must be affirmed, and the
cause remanded for further proceedings.
The Chief Justice Sharkey who pro-
nounced this decision is stated by the
Evening Post to have been a principal
agent in the passage of the severe law
under which this horrible inhumanity was
perpetrated.
Nothing more forcibly shows the abso-
lute despotism of the slave-law over all the
kindest feelings and intentions of the mas-
ter, and the determination of courts to
carry these severities to their full lengths,
than this cruel deed, which precipitated a
young man who had been educated to con-
sider himself free, and bis mother, m edu-
cated woman, back into the bottomless abyss
of slavery. Had this case been chosen for
the theme of a novel, or a tragedy, the
world would have cried out upon it as a
plot of monstrous improbability. As it
stands in the law-book, it is only a speci-
men of that awful kind of truth, stranger
than fiction, which is all the time evolving,
in one form or another, from the workings
of this anomalous system.
This view of the subject is a very im-
portant one, and ought to be earnestly and
gravely pondered by those in foreign coun-
tries, who are too apt to fasten their con-
demnation and opprobrium rather on the
person of the slave-holder than on the hor-
rors of the legal system. In some slave
states it seems as if there was very little
that the benevolent owner could do which
should permanently benefit his slave, unless
he should seek to alter the laws. Here
it is that the highest obligation of the
Southern Christian lies. Nor will the
world or God hold them guiltless who, with
the elective franchise in their hands, and
the full power to speak, write and discuss,
suffer this monstrous system of legalized
cruelty to go on from age to age.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE HEBREW SLAVE-LAW COMPARED WITH
THE AMERICAN SLAVE-LAW.
Having compared the American law with
the Roman, w T e will now compare it with
one other code of slave-laws, to wit, the
Hebrew T .
This comparison is the more important,
because American slavery has been defended
on the ground of God's permitting Hebrew
slavery.
The inquiry now arises, What kind of
slavery was it that was permitted among the
Hebrews ? for in different nations very dif-
ferent systems have been called by the
general name of slavery.
That the patriarchal state of servitude
which existed in the time of Abraham was
a very different thing from American slav-
ery, a few graphic incidents in the scripture
narrative show ; for we read that w T hen the
angels came to visit Abraham, although he
had three hundred servants born in his
house, it is said that Abraham hasted, and
took a calf, and killed it, and gave it to a
young man to dress ; and that he told Sarah
116
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
to take three measures of meal and knead
it into cakes ; and that, when all was -done,
he himself set it before his guests.
From various other incidents which ap-
pear in the patriarchal narrative, it would
seem that these servants bore more the re-
lation of the members of a Scotch clan to
their feudal lord than that of an American
slave to his master ; — thus it seems that if
Abraham had died without children, his head
servant would have been his heir. — Gen.
i5 : 3.
Of "what species, then, was the slavery
which God permitted among the Hebrews 1
By what laws was it regulated?
In the New Testament the whole Hebrew
system of administration is spoken of as a
relatively imperfect one, and as superseded
by the Christian dispensation. — Heb. 8:13.
We are taught thus to regard the Hebrew
system as an educational system, by which
a debased, half-civilized race, which had been
degraded by slavery in its worst form among
the Egyptians, was gradually elevated to
refinement and humanity.
As they went from the land of Egypt, it
would appear that the most disgusting per-
sonal habits, the most unheard-of and un-
natural impurities, prevailed among them ;
so that it was necessary to make laws with
relation to things of which Christianity has
banished the very name from the earth.
Beside all this, polygamy, war and slav-
ery, were the universal custom of nations.
It is represented in the New Testament
that God, in educating this people, proceeded
in the same gradual manner in which a wise
father would proceed with a family of children.
He selected a few of the most vital points
of evil practice, and forbade them by positive
statute, under rigorous penalties.
The worship of any other god was, by
the Jewish law, constituted high treason,
and rigorously punished with death.
As the knowledge of the true God and re-
ligious instruction could not then, as now, be
afforded by printing and books, one day in the
week had to be set apart for preserving in
the minds of the people a sense of His being,
and their obligations to Him. , The devoting of
this day to any other purpose was also pun-
ished with death ; and the reason is obvious,
that its sacredness was the principal means
relied on for preserving the allegiance of the
nation to their king and God, and its dese-
cration, of course, led directly to high trea-
son against the bead of the state.
With regard to many other practices which
prevailed among the Jews, as among other
heathen nations, we find the Divine Being
taking the same course which wise human
legislators have taken.
When Lycurgus wished to banish money
and its attendant luxuries from Sparta, he
did not forbid it by direct statute-law, but
he instituted a currency so clumsy and un-
comfortable that, as we are informed by Rol- ,
lin, it took a cart and pair of oxen to carry
home the price of a very moderate estate.
In the same manner the Divine Being
surrounded the customs of polygamy, war,
blood-revenge and slavery, with regulations
which gradually and certainly tended to
abolish them entirely.
No one would pretend that the laws which
God established in relation to polygamy,
cities of refuge, &c, have any application
to Christian nations now.
The following summary of some of these
laws of the Mosaic code is given by Dr. C.
E. Stowe, Professor of Biblical Literature
in Andover Theological Seminary :
1. It commanded a Hebrew, even though a mar-
ried man, with wife and children living, to take the
childless widow of a deceased brother, and beget
children with her. — Deut. 25 : 5 — 10.
2. The Hebrews, under certain restrictions, were
allowed to make concubines, or wives for a limited
time, of women taken in war. — Deut. 21 : 10 — 19.
3. A Hebrew who already had a wife was al-
lowed to take another also, provided he still con-
tinued his intercourse with the first as her hus-
band, and treated her kindly and affectionately. —
Exodus 21 : 9—11.
4. By the Mosaic law, the nearest relative of a
murdered Hebrew could pursue and slay the mur-
derer, unless he could escape to the city of refuge ;
and the same permission was given in case of
accidental homicide. — Num. 35: 9 — 39.
5. The Israelites were commanded to extermi
nate the Canaanites, men, women and children. —
Deut. 9 : 12 ; 20 : 16—18.
Any one, or all, of the above practices, can be
justified by the Mosaic law, as well as the practice
of slave-holding.
Each of these laws, although in its time it was
an ameliorating law, designed to take the place of
some barbarous abuse, and to be a connecting link
by which some higher state of society might be
introduced, belongs confessedly to that system
which St. Paul says made nothing perfect.
They are a part of the commandment which he
says was annulled for the weakness and unprofit-
ableness thereof, and which, in the time which he
wrote, was waxing old, and ready to vanish away.
And Christ himself says, with regard to certain
permissions of this system, that they were given on
account of the " hardness of their hearts," — be-
cause the attempt to enforce a more stringent sys-
tem at that time, owing to human depravity,
would have only produced greater abuses.
The following view of the Hebrew laws
ofl slavery is compiled from Barnes' work
on slavery, and from Professor Stowe's
manuscript lectures.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
117
The legislation commenced by making the
great and common source of slavery — kid-
napping — a capital crime.
The enactment is as follows : " He that
stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be
found in his hand, he shall surely be put to
death." —Exodus 21 : 16.
The sources from which slaves were to
be obtained were thus reduced to two : first,
the voluntary sale of an individual by him-
self, which certainly does not come under
the designation of involuntary servitude ;
second, the appropriation of captives taken
in war, and the buying from the heathen.
With regard to the servitude of the
Hebrew by a voluntary sale of himself, such
servitude, by the statute-law of the land,
came to an end once in seven years ; so that
the worst that could be made of it was that
it was a voluntary contract to labor for a
certain time.
With regard to the servants bought of the
heathen, or of foreigners in the land, there
was a statute by which their servitude was
annulled once in fifty years.
It has been supposed, from a disconnected
view of one particular passage in the Mosaic
code, that God directly countenanced the
treating of a slave, who was a stranger and
foreigner, with more rigor and severity than
a Hebrew slave. That this was not the
case will appear from the following enact-
ments, which have express reference to
strangers :
The stranger that dwelleth with you shall be
unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt
love him as thyself. — Lev. 19 : 34.
Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress
him ; for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt.
— Exodus 22: 21.
Thou shalt not oppress a stranger, for ye know
the heart of a stranger. — Exodus 23 : 9.
The Lord your God regardeth not persons. He
doth execute the judgment of the fatherless and
the widow, and loveth the stranger in giving him
food and raiment ; love ye therefore the stranger.
— Deut. 10: 17—19.
Judge righteously between every man and his
brother, and the stranger that is with him. —
Deut. 1 : 16.
Cursed be he that perverteth the judgment of the
stranger. — Deut. 27 : 19.
Instead of making slavery an oppressive
institution with regard to the stranger, it was
made by Gocl a system within which heathen
were adopted into the Jewish state, educated
and instructed in the worship of the true
Gcd, and in due time emancipated.
In the first place, they were protected by
law from personal violence. The loss of an
eye or a tooth, through the violence of his
master, took the slave out of that master's
power entirely, and gave him his liberty.
Then, further than this, if a master's con-
duct towards a slave was such as to induce
him to run away, it was enjoined that no-
body should assist in retaking him, and that
he should dwell wherever he chose in the
land, without molestation. Third, the law
secured to the slave a very considerable por-
tion of time, which was to be at his own
disposal. Every seventh year was to be at
his own disposal. — Lev. 25 : 4 — 6. Every
seventh day was, of course, secured to him.
— Ex. 20 : 10.
The servant had the privilege of attend-
ing the three great national festivals, when
all the males of the nation were required
to appear before God in Jerusalem. — Ex.
34: 23.
Each of these festivals, it is computed,
took up about three weeks.
The slave also was to be a guest in the
family festivals. In Deut. 12 : 12, it is
said, "Ye shall rejoice before the Lord
your God, ye, and your sons, and your
daughters, and your men-servants, and your
maid-servants, and the Levite that is within
your gates."
Dr. Barnes estimates that the whole
amount of time which a servant could have
to himself would amount to about twenty-
three years out of fifty, or nearly one-half
his time.
Again, the servant was placed on an ex-
act equality with his master in all that con-
cerned his religious relations.
Now. if we recollect that in the time of
Moses the God and the king of the nation
were one and the same person, and that the
civil and religious relation were one and the
same, it will appear that the slave and his
master stood on an equality in their civil
relation with regard to the state.
Thus, in Deuteronomy 29, is described a
solemn national convocation, which took
place before the death of Moses, when the
whole nation were called upon, after a
solemn review of their national history, to
renew their constitutional oath of allegiance
to their supreme Magistrate and Lord.
On this occasion, Moses addressed them
thus : — "Ye stand this day, all of you,
before the Lord your God ; your captains of
your tribes, your elders, and your officers,
with all the men of Israel, your little ones.
your wives, and thy stranger that is in thy
camp, from the hewer of thy wood unto the
drawer of thy water ; that thou shouldest
enter into covenant with the Lord thy God,
and b.to his oath, which the Lord thy God
mak'. b with thee this day."
118
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
How different is this from the cool and
explicit declaration of South Carolina with
regard to the position of the American
slave : — " A slave is not generally regarded
as legally capable of being
of slavery, 'p. within the peace of the state.
243. jj e j s no j. a citizen, and is not in
that character entitled to her protection."
In all the religious services, which, as we
have seen by the constitution of the nation,
were civil services, the slave and the master
mingled on terms of strict equality. There
was none of the distinction which appertains
to a distinct class or caste, f* There was
no special service appointed for them at
unusual seasons. There were no particular
seats assigned to them, to keep up the idea
that they were a degraded class. There
was no withholding from them the instruc-
tion which the word of God gave about the
equal rights of mankind."
Fifthly. It was always contemplated that
the slave would, as a matter of course,
choose the Jewish religion, and the service
of God, and enter willingly into all the ob-
ligations and services of the Jewish polity.
Mr. Barnes cites the words of Maimoni-
des, to show how this was commonly un-
derstood by the Hebrews. — Inquiry into
the Scriptural Vieivs of Slavery. By Al-
bert Barnes, p. 132.
Whether a servant be born in the power of
an Israelite, or whether he be purchased from the
heathen, the master is to bring them both into the
covenant.
But he that is in the house is entered on the
eighth day ; and he that is bought with money,
on the day on which his master receives him, un-
less the slave be unwilling. For, if the master
receive a grown slave, and he be unwilling, his
master is to bear with him, to seek to win him
over by instruction, and by love and kindness, for
one year. After which, should he refuse so long,
it is forbidden to keep him longer than a year.
And the master must send him back to the strang-
ers from whence he came. For the God of Jacob
will not accept any other than the worship of a
willing heart. — Maimon. Hilcoth Miloth, chap.
i., sec. 8.
A sixth fundamental arrangement with
regard to the Hebrew slave was that he
could never be sold. Concerning this Mr.
Barnes remarks :
A man, in certain circumstances, might be
bought by a Hebrew ; but when once bought, that
was an end of the matter. There is not the
slightest evidence that any Hebrew ever sold
a slave ; and any provision contemplating that
was unknown to the constitution of the Common-
wealth. It is said of Abraham that he had " ser-
vants bought with money ; ' ' but there is no record
of his having ever sold one. nor is there any ac-
count of its ever having b n done by Isaac or
Jacob. The only instance of a sale of this kind
among the patriarchs is that act of the brothers of
Joseph, which is held up to so strong reprobation,
by which they sold him to the Ishmaelites. Per-
mission is given in the law of Moses to buy a
servant, but none is given to sell him again ; and
the fact that no such permission is given is full
proof that it was not contemplated. When he
entered into that relation, it became certain that
there could be no change, unless it was voluntary
on his part (comp. Ex. 21 : 5, 6), or unless his
master gave him his freedom, until the not dis-
tant period fixed by law when he could be free.
There is no arrangement in the law of Moses by
which servants were to be taken in payment of
their master's debts, by which they were to be
given as pledges, by which they were to be con-
signed to the keeping of others, or by which they
were to be given away as presents. There are no
instances occurring in the Jewish history in which
any of these things were done. This law is posi-
tive in regard to the Hebrew servant, and the
principle of the law would apply to all others.
Lev. 25 : 42. — " They shall not.be sold as bond
men." In all these respects there was a marked
difference, and there was doubtless intended to be,
between the estimate affixed to servants and to
property. — Inquiry, &c, p. 133 — 4.
As to the practical workings of this sys-
tem, as they are developed in the incidents
of sacred history, they are precisely what
we should expect ' from such a system of
laws. For instance, we find it mentioned
incidentally in the ninth chapter of the first
book of Samuel, that when Saul and his ser-
vant came to see Samuel, that Samuel, in
anticipation of his being crowned king, made
a great feast for him ; and in verse twenty-
second the history says : " And Samuel
took Saul and his servant^ and brought
them into the parlor, and made them .sit
in the chiefest place."
We read, also, in 2 Samuel 9 : 10, of a
servant of Saul who had large estates, and
twenty servants of his own.
We find, in 1 Chron. 2 : 34, the follow-
ing incident related : " Now, Sheshan had
no sons, but daughters. And Sheshan had
a servant, an Egyptian, whose name was
Jarha. And Sheshan gave his daughter to
Jarha, his servant, to wife."
Does this resemble American slavery ?
We find, moreover, that this connection
was not considered at all disgraceful, for the
son of this very daughter was enrolled
among the valiant men of David's army. — L
1 Chron. 2 : 41.
In fine, we are not surprised to discover
that the institutions of Moses in effect so
obliterated all the characteristics of slavery,
that it had ceased to exist among the Jews
long before the time of Christ. Mr. Barnes
asks :
On what evidence would a man rely to prove
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
119
that slavery existed at all in the land in the time
of the later prophets of the Maccabees, or when
the Saviour appeared? There are abundant
proofs, as we shall see, that it existed in Greece
and Rome ; but what is the evidence that it ex-
isted in Judea 1 So far as I have been able to
ascertain, there are no declarations that it did to
be found in the canonical books of the Old Tes-
tament, or in Josephus. There are no allusions
to laws and customs which imply that it was prev-
alent. There are no coins or medals which sup-
pose it. There are no facts which do not admit
of an easy explanation on the supposition that
slavery had ceased. — Inquiry, &c, p. 226.
Two objections have been urged to the
interpretations which have been given of two
of the enactments before quoted.
1. It is said that the enactment, " Thou
shalt not return to his master the servant
that has escaped," &c, relates only to ser-
vants escaping from heathen masters to the
Jewish nation.
The following remarks on this passage
are from Prof. Stowe's lectures:
Deuteronomy 23 : 15, 16. — These words
make a statute which, like every other stat-
ute, is to be strictly construed. There is
nothing in the language to limit its mean-
ing ; there is nothing in the connection in
which it stands to limit its meaning; nor
is there anything in the history of the Mo-
saic legislation to limit the application of
this statute to the case of servants escaping
from foreign masters. The assumption that
it is thus limited is wholly gratuitous, and,
so far as the Bible is concerned, unsustained
by any evidence whatever. It is said that
it would be absurd for Moses to enact such
a law while servitude existed among the
Hebrews. It would indeed be absurd, were
it the object of the Mosaic legislation to sus-
tain and perpetuate slavery ; but, if it were
the object of Moses to limit and to restrain,
and finally to extinguish slavery, this statute
was admirably adapted to his purpose.
That it was the object of Moses to extin-
guish, and not to perpetuate, slavery, is per-
fectly clear from the whole course of his
legislation on the subject. Every slave
was to have all the religious privileges
and instruction to which his master's chil-
dren were entitled. Every seventh year
released the Hebrew slave, and every fiftieth
year produced universal emancipation. If
a master, by an accidental or an angry
blow, deprived the slave of a tooth, the
slave, by that act, was forever free. And
so, by the statute in question, if the slave
felt himself oppressed,, he could make
his escape, and, though the master was
not forbidden to retake him if he could.
every one was forbidden to aid his master in
doing it. This statute, in fact, made the
servitude voluntary, and that was what
Moses intended.
Moses dealt with slavery precisely as he
dealt with polygamy and with war : with-
out directly prohibiting, he so restricted as
to destroy it ; instead of cutting down the
poison-tree, he girdled it, and left it to die
of itself. There is a statute in 'regard to
military expeditions precisely analogous to
this celebrated fugitive slave law. Had
Moses designed to perpetuate a warlike
spirit among the Hebrews, the statute would
have been preeminently absurd ; but, if it
was his design to crush it, and to render
foreign wars almost impossible, the statute
was exactly adapted to his purpose. It
rendered foreign military service, in effect,
entirely voluntary, just as the fugitive law
rendered domestic servitude, -in effect,
voluntary.
The law may be found at length in Deu-
teronomy 20 : 5 — 10 ; and let it be care-
fully read and compared with the fugitive
slave law already adverted to. Just when
the men are drawn up ready for the expe-
dition, — just at the moment when even the
hearts of-brave men are apt to fail them, —
the officers are commanded to address the
soldiers thus :
" What man of you is there that hath built a
new house, and hath not dedicated it 1 Let him
go and return to his house, lest he die in the bat-
tle, and another man dedicate it.
" And what man is he that hath planted a vine-
yard and hath not yet eaten of it 1 Let him also
go and return to his house, lest he die in the bat-
tle, and another man eat of it.
" And what man is there that hath betrothed a
wife, and hath not taken her ? Let him go and
return unto his house, lest he die in the battle,
and another man take her."
And the officers shall speak further unto the
people, and they shall say, " What man is there
that is fearful and faint-hearted? Let him go
and return unto his house, lest his brethren's
heart faint, as well as his heart."
Now, consider that the Hebrews were ex-
clusively an agricultural people, that warlike
parties necessarily consist mainly of young
men, and that by this statute every man
who had built a house which he had not
yet lived in, and every man who had plant-
ed a vineyard from which he had not yet
gathered fruit, and every man who had en-
gaged a wife whom he had not yet married,
and every one who felt timid and faint-
hearted, was permitted and commanded to
go home, — how many would there probably
be left ) Especially when the officers, in-
120
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
stead of exciting their military ardor by
visions of glory and of splendor, were com-
manded to repeat it over and over again
that they would probably die in the battle
and never get home, and hold this idea up
before them as if it were the only idea suit-
able for their purpose, how excessively ab-
surd is the whole statute . considered as a
military law, — just "as absurd as the Mosaic
fugitive law, understood in its widest appli-
cation, is, considered as a slave law !
It is clearly the object of this military
law to put an end to military expeditions ;
for, with this law in force, such expeditions
must always be entirely volunteer expedi-
tions. Just as olearly was it the object of
the fugitive slave law to put an end to com-
pulsory servitude ; for, with that law in
force, the servitude must, in effect, be, to a
great extent, voluntary, — and that is just
what the Legislator intended. There is no
possibility of limiting the law, on account
of its absurdity, when understood in its
widest sense, except by proving that the
Mosaic legislation was designed to perpetu-
ate and not to limit slavery ; and this cer-
tainly cannot be proved, for it is directly
contrary to the plain matter of fact.
I repeat it, then, again : there is nothing
in the language of this 'statute, there is
nothing in the connection in which it stands,
there is nothing in the history of the Mo-
saic legislation on this subject, to limit the
application of the law to the case of ser-
vants escaping from foreign masters ; but
every consideration, from every legitimate
source, leads us to a conclusion directly the
opposite. Such a limitation is the arbitrary,
unsupported stet voluntas pro ratione as-
sumption of the commentator, and nothing
else. The only shadow of a philological
argument that I can see, for limiting the
statute, is found in the use of the words to
thee, in the fifteenth verse. It may be said
that the pronoun thee is used in a national
and not individual sense, implying an es-
cape from some other nation to the He-
brews. But, examine the statute imme-
diately preceding this, and observe the use
of the pronoun thee in the thirteenth verse.
Most obviously, the pronouns in these
statutes are used with reference to the indi-
viduals addressed, and not in a collective
or national sense exclusively ; very rarely,
if over, can this sense be given to them
in the way claimed by the argument re-
ferred to.
2. It is said that the proclamation, "Thou
shalt proclaim liberty through the land to
all the inhabitants thereof," related only to
Hebrew slaves. This assumption is based
entirely on the supposition that the slave
was not considered, in Hebrew law, as a
person, as an inhabitant of the land, and a
member of the state; but we have just
proved that in the most solemn transaction
of the state the hewer of wood and drawer
of water is expressly designated as being
just as much an actor and participator as
his master ; and it would be absurd to sup-
pose that, in a statute addressed to all the
inhabitants of the land, he is not included
as an inhabitant.
Barnes enforces this idea by some pages
of quotations from Jewish writers, which
will fully satisfy any one who reads his
work.
From a review, then, of all that relates
to the Hebrew slave-law, it will appear that
it was a very well-considered and wisely-
adapted system of education and gradual
emancipation. No rational man can doubt
that if the same laws were enacted and the
same practices prevailed with regard to
slavery in the United States, that the system
of American slavery might be considered, to
all intents and purposes, practically at an
end. If there is any doubt of this fact, and
it is still thought that the permission of
slavery among the Hebrews justifies Ameri-
can slavery, in all fairness the experiment
of making the two systems alike ought to
be tried, and we should then see what would
be the result.
CHAPTER XV.
SLAVERY IS DESPOTISM.
It is always important, in discussing a
thing, to keep before our minds exactly what
it is.
The only means of understanding pre-
cisely what a civil institution is are an
examination of the laws which regulate it.
In different ages and nations, very different
things have been called by the name of
slavery. Patriarchal servitude was one
thing, Hebrew servitude was another, Greek
and Roman servitude still a third ; and these
institutions differed very much from each
other. What, then, is American slavery,
as we have seen it exhibited by law, and by
the decisions of courts ?
Let us begin by stating what it is not.
1. It is not apprenticeship.
2. It is not guardianship.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
121
8. It is in no sense a system for the
education of a weaker race by a stronger.
4. The happiness of the governed is in no
sense its object.
5. The temporal improvement or the eter-
nal well-being of the governed is in no sense
its object.
The object of it has been distinctly stated
in one sentence, by Judge Ruffin, — "The
end is the profit of the master, his security,
and the public safety."
Slavery, then, is absolute despotism, of
the most unmitigated form.
It would, however, be doing injustice to
the absolutism of any civilized country to
liken American slavery to it. The absolute
governments of Europe none of them pre-
tend to be founded on a property right of
the governor to the persons and entire capa-
bilities of the governed.
This is a form of despotism which exists
only in some of the most savage countries
of the world ; as, for example, in Dahomey.
The European absolutism or despotism,
now, does, to some extent, recognize the
happiness and welfare of the governed as.
the foundation of government ; and the ruler
is considered as invested with power for the
benefit of the people ; and his right to rule
is supposed to be in somewhat predicated
upon the idea that he better understands how
to promote the good of the people than they
themselves do. No government in the civ-
ilized world now presents the pure despotic
idea, as it existed in the old days of the
Persian and Assyrian rule.
The arguments which defend slavery
must be substantially the same as those
which defend despotism of any other kind ;
and the objections which are to be urged
against it are precisely those which can be
urged against despotism of any other kind.
The customs and practices to which it gives
rise are precisely those to which despotisms
in all ages have given rise.
Is the slave suspected of a crime 1 His
master has the power to examine him by
torture (see State v. Castleman). His mas-
ter has, in fact, in most cases, the power of
life and death, owing to the exclusion of the
slave's evidence. He has the power of ban-
ishing the slave, at any time, and without
giving an account to anybody, to an exile
as dreadful as that of Siberia, and to labors
as severe as those of the galleys. He has
also unlimited power over the character of
his slave. He can accuse him of any crime,
yet withhold from him all right of trial or
investigation, and sell him into captivity,
with his name blackened by an unexamined
imputation.
These are all abuses for which despotic
governments are blamed. They are powers
which good men who are despotic rulers are
beginning to disuse ; but, under the flag of
every slave-holding state, and under the flag
of the whole United States in the District
of Columbia, they are committed indiscrim-
inately to men of any character.
But the worst kind of despotism has been
said to be that which extends alike over the
body and over the soul ; which can bind the
liberty of the conscience, and deprive a man
of all right of choice in respect to the man-
ner in which he shall learn the will of God,
and worship Him. In other days, kings on
their thrones, and cottagers by their fire-
sides, alike trembled before a despotism
which declared itself able to bind and to
loose, to open and to shut the kingdom of
heaven.
Yet this power to control the conscience,
to control the religious privileges, and all
the opportunities which man has of acquaint-
anceship with his Maker, and of learning to
do his will, is, under the flag of every slave
state, and under the flag of the United
States, placed in the hands of any men, of
any character, who can afford to pay for it.
It is a most awful and most solemn truth
that the greatest republic in the world does
sustain under her national flas; the worst
system of despotism which can possibly
exist.
With regard to one point to which we
have adverted, — the power of the master to
deprive the slave of a legal trial while accus-
ing him of crime, — a very striking instance
has occurred in the District of Columbia,
within a year or two. The particulars of
the case, as stated, at the time, in several
papers, were briefly, these : A gentleman in
Washington, our national capital, — an elder
in the Presbyterian church, — held a female
slavej who had, for some years, supported a
good character in a Baptist church of that
city. He accused her of an attempt to poi-
son his family, and immediately placed her
in the hands of a slave-dealer, who took her
over and imprisoned her in the slave-pen at
Alexandria, to await the departure of a
coffle. The poor girl had a mother, who
felt as any mother would naturally feel.
When apprized of the situation of her
daughter, she flew to the pen, and, with
tears, besought an interview with her only
child; but she was cruelly repulsed, and told
to be gone ! She then tried to see the elder,
122
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
but failed- She had the promise of money
sufficient to purchase her daughter, but the
owner would listen to no terms of compro-
mise.
In her distress, the mother repaired to a
lawyer in the city, and begged him to give
form to her petition in writing. She stated
to him what she wished to have said, and he
arranged it for her in such a form as she
herself might have presented it in, had not
the benefits of education been denied her.
The following is the letter :
Mr.
Washington, July 25, 1851.
Sir : I address you as a rich Christian freeman
and father, while I am myself but a poor slave-
mother ! I come to plead with you for an only child
whom I love, who is a professor of the Christian
religion with yourself, and a member of a Chris-
tian church ; and who, by your act of ownership,
now pines in her imprisonment in a loathsome
man- warehouse, where she is held for sale ! I
come to plead with you for the exercise of that
blessed law, " Whatsoever ye would that men
should do unto you, do ye even so to them."
With great labor, I have found friends who are
willing to aid me in the purchase of my child, to
save us from a cruel separation. You, as afathcr,
can judge of my feelings when I was told that
you had decreed her banishment to distant as well
as to hopeless bondage !
For nearly six years my child has done for you
the hard labor of a slave ; from the age of sixteen
to twenty-two, she has done the hard work of your
chamber, kitchen, cellar, and stables. By night
and by day, your will and your commands have
been her highest law ; and all this has been unre-
quited toil. If in all this time her scanty allow-
ance of tea and coffee has been sweetened, it has
been at the cost of her slave-mother, and not at
yours.
You are an office-bearer in the church, and a
man of prayer. As such, and as the absolute
owner of my child, I ask candidly whether she
has enjoyed such mild and gentle treatment, and
amiable example, as she ought to have had, to
encourage her in her monotonous bondage ? Has
she received at your hands, in faithful religious
instruction in the Word of God, a full and fair
compensation for all her toil ! It is not to me alone
that you must answer these questions. You ac-
knowledge the high authority of His laws who
preached a deliverance to the captive, and who
commands you to give to your servant " that which
is just and equal." 0! I entreat you, withhold
not, at this trying hour, from my child that which
will cut off her last hope, and which may endanger
your own soul !
It has been said that you charge my daughter
with crime. Can this be really so ? Can it be
that you would set aside the obligations of honor
and good citizenship, — that you would dare to sell
the guilty one away for money, rather than bring
her to trial, which you know she is ready to meet ?
What would you say, if you were accused of guilt,
and refused a trial ? Is not her fair name as pre-
cious to her, in the church to which she belongs,
as yours can be to you ?
Suppose, now, for a moment, that your daugh-
ter, whom you love, instead of mine, was in these
hot days incarcerated in a negro-pen, subject to
my control, fed on the coarsest food, committed
to the entire will of a brute, denied the privilege
commonly allowed even to the murderer — that of
seeing the face of his friends? 0! then, you
would feel! Feel soon, then, for a poor slave-
mother and her child, and do for us as you shall
wish you had. done when we shall meet before
the Great Judge, and when it shall be your great-
est joy to say, " I did let the oppressed free ."
Ellen Brown.
The girl, however, was sent off to the
Southern market.
The writer has received these incidents
from the gentleman who wrote the letter.
Whether the course pursued by the master
was strictly legal is a point upon which we
are not entirely certain ; that it was a course
in which the law did not in fact interfere is
quite plain, and it is also very apparent that
it was a course against which public senti-
ment did not remonstrate. The man who
exercised this power was a professedly reli-
gious man, enjoying a position of importance
in a Christian church ; and it does not ap-
pear, from any movements in the Christian
community about him, that they did not
consider his course a justifiable one.
Yet is not this kind of power the very
one at which we are so shocked when we see
it exercised by foreign despots 1
Do we not read with shuddering that in
Russia, or in Austria, a man accused of
crime is seized upon, separated from his
friends, allowed no opportunities of trial or
of self-defence, but hurried off to Siberia, or
some other dreaded exile 1
Why is despotism any worse in the gov-
ernor of a state than in a private individual ?
There is a great controversy now going
on in the world between the despotic and
the republican principle. All the common
arguments used in support of slavery are
arguments that apply with equal strength
to despotic government, and there are some
arguments in favor of despotic governments
that do not apply to individual slavery.
There are arguments, and quite plausible
ones, in favor of despotic government. No-
body can deny that it possesses a certain
kind of efficiency, compactness, and prompt-
ness of movement, which cannot, from the
nature of things, belong to a republic. Des-
potism has established and sustained much
more efficient systems of police than ever a
republic did. The late King of Prussia, by
the possession of absolute despotic power
was enabled to carry out a much more effi-
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
123
cient system of popular education than we
ever have succeeded in carrying out in
America. He districted his kingdom in the
most thorough manner, and obliged every
parent, whether he would or n6t, to have his
children thoroughly educated.
If we reply to all this, as we do, that the
possession of absolute power in a man qual-
ified to use it right is undoubtedly calcu-
lated for the good of the state, but that there
are so few men that know how to use it,
that this form of government is not, on the
whole, a safe one, then we have stated an
argument that goes to overthrow slavery as
much as it does a despotic government ; for
certainly the chances are much greater of
finding one man, in the course of fifty years,
who is capable of wisely using this power,
than of finding thousands of men every
day in our streets, who can be trusted with
such power. It is a painful and most seri-
ous fact, that America trusts to the hands
of the most brutal men of her country,
equally with the best, that despotic power
which she thinks an unsafe thing even in
the hands of the enlightened, educated and
cultivated Emperor of the Russias.
With all our republican prejudices, we
cannot deny that Nicholas is a man of talent,
with a mind liberalized by education ; we
have been informed, also, that he is a man
of serious and religious character ; — he cer-
tainly, acting as he does in the eye of all
the world, must have great restraint upon
him from public opinion, and a high sense of
character. But who is the man to whom
American laws intrust powers more absolute
than those of Nicholas of Russia, or Ferdi-
nand of Naples ? He may have been a
pirate on the high seas ; he may be a drunk-
ard ; he may, like Souther, have been con-
victed of a brutality at which humanity turns
pale ; but, for all that, American slave-law
will none the less trust him with this irre-
sponsible power, — power over the body, and
power over the soul.
On which side, then, stands the American
nation, in the great controversy which is
now going on between self-government and
despotism ? On which side does America
stand, in the great controversy for liberty of
conscience 1
Do foreign governments exclude their
population from the reading of the Bible ?
— The slave of America is excluded by the
most effectual means possible. Do we say,
" Ah ! but we read the Bible to our slaves,
and present the gospel orally ?." — This is
precisely what religious despotism in Italy
says. Do we say that we have no objection
to our slaves reading the Bible, if they will
stop there ; but that with this there will come
in a flood of general intelligence, which will
upset the existing state of things ? — This is
precisely what is said in Italy.
Do we say we should be willing that the
slave should read his Bible, but that he, in
his ignorance, will draw false and erroneous
conclusions from it, and for that reason we
prefer to impart its truths to him orally ?
— This, also, is precisely what the religious
despotism of Europe says.
Do we say, in our vain-glory, that despotic
government dreads the coming in of any-
thing calculated to elevate and educate the
people ? — And is there not the same dread
through all the despotic slave governments
of America ?
On which side, then, does the American
nation stand, in the great, last question of
the age ?
PART III.
CHAPTER I.
DOES PUBLIC OPINION PROTECT THE SLAVE 1
The utter inefficiency of the law to pro-
tect the slave in any respect has been shown.
But it is claimed that, precisely because
the law affords the slave no protection,
therefore public opinion is the more strenu-
ous in his behalf.
Nothing more frequently strikes the eye,
in running over judicial proceedings in the
courts of slave states, than announcements of
the utter inutility of the law to rectify some
glaring injustice towards this unhappy race,
coupled with congratulatory remarks on
that beneficent state of public sentiment
which is to supply entirely this acknowl-
edged deficiency of the law.
On this point it may, perhaps, be suffi-
cient to ask the reader, whether North or
South, to review in his own mind the judi-
cial documents which we have presented, and
ask himself what inference is to be drawn,
as to the state of public sentiment, from
the cases there presented, — from the pleas
of lawyers, the decisions of judges, the facts
sworn to by witnesses, and the general style
and spirit of the whole proceedings.
In order to appreciate this more fully, let
us compare a trial in a free state with a
trial in a slave state.
In the free State of Massachusetts, a man
of standing, learning and high connections,
murdered another man. He did not torture
him, but with one blow sent him in a
moment from life. The murderer had every
advantage of position, of friends ; it may be
said, indeed, that he had the sympathy of
the whole United States ; yet how calmly,
with what unmoved and awful composure,
did the judicial examination proceed ! The
murderer was condemned to die — what a
sensation shook the country ! Even sover-
eign states assumed the attitude of petition-
ers for him.
There was a voice of entreaty, from Maine
to New Orleans. There were remonstrances,
and there were threats ; but still, with what
passionless calmness retributive justice held
on its way ! Though the men who were
her instruments were men of merciful and
bleeding hearts, yet they bowed in silence
to her sublime will. In spite of all that
influence and wealth and power could do, a
cultivated and intelligent man, from the first
rank of society, suffered the same penalty
that would fall on any other man who vio-
lated the sanctity of human life.
Now, compare this with a trial in a slave
state. In Virginia, Souther also murdered
a man ; but he did not murder him by one
merciful blow, but by twelve hours of torture
so horrible that few readers could bear even
the description of it. It was a mode of
death which, to use the language that Cicero
in his day applied to crucifixion, ' ' ought
to be forever removed from the sight, hear-
ing, and from the very thoughts of man-
kind." And to this horrible scene two
white men were witnesses !
Observe the mode in which these two
cases were tried, and the general sensation
they produced. Hear the lawyers, in this
case of Souther, coolly debating whether it
can be considered any crime at all. Hear
the decision of the inferior court, that it is
murder in the second degree, and appor-
tioning as its reward five years of imprison-
ment. See the horrible butcher coming up
to the Superior Court in the attitude of an
injured man ! See the case recorded as that
of Souther versus The Commonwealth,
and let us ask any intelligent man, North
or South, what sort of public sentiment does
this show !
Does it show a belief that the negro is a
man ? Does it not show decidedly that he is
not considered as a man ? Consider further
the horrible principle which, reaffirmed in
the case, is the law of the land in Virginia.
It is the policy of the law, in respect to
the relation of master and slave, and for
KEJT TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
125
the sake of securing proper subordination
on the part of the slave, to protect the
master from, prosecution in all such cases,
even if the whipping" and punishment be
malicious, cruel and excessive!
When the most cultivated and intelligent
men in the state formally, calmly and
without any apparent perception of saying
anything inhuman, utter such an astounding
decision as this, what can be thought of it ?
If they do not consider this cruel, what is
cruel ? And, if their feelings are so blunted
as to see no cruelty in such a decision, what
hope is there of any protection to the slave?
' This law is a plain and distinct permis-
sion to such wretches as Souther to inflict
upon the helpless slave- any torture they
may choose, without any accusation or
mpeachment of crime. It distinctly tells
Souther, and the white witnesses who saw
his deed, and every other low, unprincipled
man in the court, that it is the policy of
the law to protect him in malicious, cruel
and excessive punishments.
What sort of an education is this for the
intelligent and cultivated men of a state to
communicate to the lower and less-educated
class ? Suppose it to be solemnly announced
in Massachusetts, with respect to free laborers
or apprentices, that it is the policy of the
law, for the sake of producing subordination,
to protect the master in inflicting any pun-
ishment, however cruel, malicious and ex-
cessive, short of death. We cannot imagine
such a principle declared, without a rebel-
lion and a storm of popular excitement to
which that of Bunker Hill was calmness
itself; — but, supposing the State of Massa-
chusetts were so "twice dead and plucked up
by the roots" as to allow such a decision to
pass without comment concerning her work-
ing classes, — suppose it did pass, and be-
come an active, operative reality, what kind
of an educational influence would it exert
upon the commonwealth? What kind of
an estimate of the working classes would it
show in the minds of those who make and
execute the law?
What an immediate development of vil-
lany and brutality would be brought out
by such a law, avowedly made to protect
men in cruelty ! Cannot men be cruel
enough, without all the majesty of law
being brought into operation to sanction it,
and make it reputable ?
And suppose it were said, in vindication
of such a law, "0, of course, no respect-
able, humane man would ever think of taking
advantage of it." Should we nut think the
old State of Massachusetts sunk very low,
to have on her legal records direct assur-
ances of protection to deeds which no decent
man would ever do ?
And, when this shocking permission is
brought in review at the judgment-seat of
Christ, and the awful Judge shall say to its
makers, aiders, and abettors, Where is thy
brother ? — when all the souls that have
called from under the altar, " How long,
Lord, dost thou not judge and avenge our
blood," shall rise around tke judgment-seat
as a great cloud of witnesses, and the judg-
ment is set and the books are opened, — what
answer will be made for such laws and de-
cisions as these ?
Will they tell the great Judge that it was
necessary to preserve the slave system, —
that it could not be preserved without them ?
Will they dare look upon those eyes,
which are as a flame of fire, with any such
avowal ?
Will He not answer, as with a voice of
thunders, "Ye have killed the poor and
needy, and ye have forgotten that the Lord
was his helper"?
The deadly sin of slavery is its denial of
humanity to man. This has been the sin
of oppression, in every age. To tread down,
to vilify and crush, the image of God, in
the person of the poor and lowly, has been
the great sin of man since the creation of
the world. Against this sin all the proph-
ets of ancient times poured forth their
thunders. A still stronger witness was
borne against this sin when God, in Jesus
Christ, took human nature, and made each
human being a brother of the Lord. But
the last and most sublime witness shall be
borne when a Man shall judge the whole
earth — a Man who shall acknowledge for
His brother the meanest slave, equally with
the proudest master.
In most singular and affecting terms it is
asserted in the Bible that the Father hath
committed all judgment to the Son, because
he is the Son of Man. - That human
nature, which, in the person of the poor
slave, has been despised and rejected, scoffed
and scorned, scourged and tortured, shall in
that day be glorified ; and it shall appear
the most fearful of sins to Have made
light of the sacredness of humanity, as these
laws and institutions of slavery have done.
The fact is, that the whole system of slave-
law, and the whole practice of the slave
system, and the public sentiment that is
formed by it, are alike based on the greatest
of all heresies, a denial of equal human
126
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
brotherhood. A whole race has been thrown
out of the range of human existence, their
immortality disregarded, their dignity as
children of God scoffed at, their brotherhood
with Christ treated as a fable, and all the
law and public sentiment and practice with
regard to them such as could be justified
only on supposition that they were a race of
inferior animals.
It is ' because the negro is considered an
inferior animal, and not worthy of any bet-
ter treatment, that the system which relates
to him and the treatment which falls to him
are considered humane.
Take any class of white men, however
uneducated, and place them under the same
system of laws, and make their civil con-
dition in all respects like that of the negro,
and would it not be considered the most
outrageous cruelty'?
Suppose the slave-law were enacted with
regard to all the Irish in our country, and
they were parcelled off as the property of
any man who had money enough to buy
them. Suppose their right to vote, their
right to bring suit in any case, their right
to bear testimony in courts of justice, their
right to contract a legal marriage, their
right to hold property or to make contracts
of any sort, were all by one stroke of law
blotted out. Furthermore, suppose it was
forbidden to teach them to read and write,
and that their children to all ages were
* l doomed to live without knowledge. ' ' Sup-
pose that, in judicial proceedings, it were
solemnly declared, with regard to them, that
the mere beating of an Irishman, "apart
from any circumstances of cruelty, or any
attempt to kill," was no offence against the
peace of the state. Suppose that it were de-
clared that, for the better preservation of
subjection among them, the law would pro-
tect the master in any kind of punishment
inflicted, even if it should appear to be
malicious, cruel and excessive; and suppose
that monsters like Souther, in availing them-
selves of this permission, should occasionally
torture Irishmen to death, but still this cir-
cumstance should not be deemed of sufficient
importance to call for any restriction on the
part of the master. Suppose it should be
coolly said, " yes, Irishmen are occasion-
ally tortured to death, we know ; but it is
not by any means a general occurrence ; in
fact, no men of position in society would do
it ; and when cases of the kind do occur, they
are indignantly frown ed upon."
Suppose it shoull be stated that the rea-
son that the law restraining the power of
the master cannot be made any more strin-
gent is, that the general system cannot be
maintained without allowing this extent of
power to the master.
Suppose that, having got all the Irishmen
in the country down into this condition, they
should maintain that such was the public
sentiment of humanity with regard to them
as abundantly to supply the want of all
legal rights, and to make their condition, on
the whole, happier than if they were free.
Should we not say that a public sentiment
which saw no cruelty in thus depriving a
whole race of every right dear to manhood
could see no cruelty in anything, and had
proved itself wholly unfit to judge upon the
subject? What man would not rather see
his children in the grave than see them
slaves? What man, who, should he wake
to-morrow morning in the condition of an
American slave, would not wish himself in
the grave ? And yet all the defenders of
slavery start from the point that this legal
condition is not of itself a cruelty ! They
would hold it the last excess of cruelty with
regard to themselves, or any white man ;
why do they call it no cruelty at all with
regard to the negro?
The writer in defence of slavery in Fra-
ser's Magazine justifies this depriving of
a whole class of any legal rights, by urging
that " the good there is in human nature
will supply the deficiencies of human legis-
lation." This remark is one most signifi-
cant, powerful index of the state of public
sentiment, produced even in a generous
mind, by the slave system. This writer
thinks the good there is in human nature
will supply the absence of all legal rights
to thousands and millions of human beings.
He thinks it right to risk their bodies and
their souls on the good there is in human
nature ; yet this very man would not send
a fifty-dollar bill through the post-office, in
an unsealed letter, trusting to " the good
there is in human nature."
Would this man dare to place his children
in the position of slaves, and trust them to
" the good in human nature " ?
Would he buy an estate from the most
honorable man of his acquaintance, and have
no legal record of the deed, trusting to "the
good in human nature"? And if "the
good in human nature" will not suffice for
him and his children, how will it suffice for
his brother and his brother's children? Is
his happiness of any more importance in
God's sight than his brother's happiness.
that his must be secured by legal bolts, m i
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
127
bonds, and bars, and his brother's left to
"the good there is in human nature"?
Never are we so impressed with the utter
deadness of public sentiment to protect the
slave, as when we see such opinions as these
uttered by men of a naturally generous and
noble character.
The most striking and the most painful
examples of the perversion of public senti-
ment, with regard to the negro race, are
often given in the writings of men of hu-
manity, amiableness and piety.
That devoted laborer for the slave, the
Rev. Charles C. Jones, thus expresses his
sense of the importance of one African
soul:
Were it now revealed to us that the most ex-
tensive system of instruction which we could
devise, requiring a vast amount of labor and pro-
tracted through ages, would result in the tender
mercy of our God in the salvation of the soul of
one poor African, we should feel warranted in
cheerfully entering upon our work, with all its
costs and sacrifices.
What a noble, what a sublime spirit, is
here breathed ! Does it not show a mind
capable of the very highest impulses 1
And yet, if we look over his whole writings,
we shall see painfully how the moral sense
of the finest mind may be perverted by con-
stant familiarity with such a system.
We find him constructing an appeal to
masters to have their slaves orally instructed
in religion. In many passages he speaks
of oral instruction as confessedly an imper-
fect species of instruction, very much in-
ferior to that which results from personal
reading and examination of the Word of
God. He says, in one place, that in order
to do much good it must be begun very
early in life, and intimates that people in
advanced years can acquire very little from
it ; and yet he decidedly expresses his
opinion that slavery is an institution with
which no Christian has cause to interfere.
The slaves, according to" his own showing,
are cut off from the best means for the sal-
vation of their souls, and restricted to one
of a very inferior nature. They are placed
under restriction which makes their souls as
dependent upon others for spiritual food as
a man without hands is dependent upon
others for bodily food. He recognizes the
fact, which his own experience must show
him, that the slave is at all times liable to
pass into the hands of those who will not
take the trouble thus to feed his soul ; nay,
if we niay judge from his urgent appeals to
masters, he perceives around him many who,
having spiritually cut off the slave's hands,
refuse to feed him. He sees that, by the
operation of this law as a matter of fact,
thousands are placed in situations where the
perdition of the soul is almost certain, and
yet he declares that he does not feel called
upon at all to interfere with their civil con-
dition !
But, if the soul of every poor African is
of that inestimable worth which Mr. Jones
believes, does it not follow that he ought to
have the very best means for getting to
heaven which it is possible to give him ?
And is not he who can read the Bible for
himself in a better condition than he who is
dependent upon the reading of another? If
it be said that such teaching cannot be
afforded, because it makes them unsafe prop-
erty, ought not a clergyman like Mr. Jones
to meet this objection in his own expressive
language :
Were it now revealed to us that the most ex-
tensive system of instruction which we could
devise, requiring a vast amount of labor and pro-
tracted through ages, would result in the tender
mercy of our God in the salvation of the soul of
one poor African, we should feel warranted in
cheerfully entering upon our work, with all its
costs and sacrifices.
Should not a clergyman, like Mr. Jones,
tell masters that they should risk the loss
of all things seen and temporal, rather than
incur the hazard of bringing eternal ruin
on these souls ? All the arguments which
Mr. Jones so eloquently used with masters,
to persuade them to give their slaves oral
instruction, would apply with double force
to show their obligation to give the slave
the power of reading the Bible for himself.
Again, we come to hear Mr. Jones telling
masters of the power they have over the
souls of their servants, and we hear him
sa J>
We may, according to the power lodged^ in our
hands, forbid religious meetings and religious in-
struction on our own plantations ; we may forbid
our servants going to church at ail, or only to such
churches as we may select for them. We may
literally shut up the kingdom of heaven against
men, and suffer not them that are entering to go
in.
And, when we hear Mr. Jones say all this.
and then ^consider that he must see and
know this awful power is often lodged in
the hands of wholly irreligious men, in the
hands of men of the most profligate charac-
ter, we can account for his thinking such a
system right only by attributing it to that
blinding, deadening influence which the
128
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
public sentiment of slavery exerts even over
the best-constituted minds.
Neither Mr. Jones nor any other Christ-
ian minister would feel it right that the
eternal happiness of their own children
should be thus placed in the power of any
man who should have money to pay for them.
How, then, can they think it right that this
power be given in the case of their African
brother ?
Does this not show that, even in case of
the most humane and Christian people, who
theoretically believe in the equality of all
souls before God, a constant familiarity with
slavery works a practical infidelity on this
point ; and that they give their assent to
laws which practically declare that the sal-
vation of the servant's soul is of less con-
sequence than the salvation of the property
relation ?
Let us not be thought invidious or un-
charitable in saying, that where slavery ex-
ists there are so many causes necessarily
uniting to corrupt public sentiment with re-
gard to the slave, that the best-constituted
minds cannot trust themselves in it. In the
northern and free states public sentiment
has been, and is, to this day, fatally infected
by the influence of a past and the proximity
of a present system of slavery. Hence
the injustice with which the negro in many
of our states is treated. Hence, too,
those apologies for slavery, and defences
of it, which issue from Northern presses,
and even Northern pulpits. If even at the
North the remains of slavery can produce
such baleful effects in corrupting public sen-
timent, how much more must this be the
case where this institution is in full force !
The whole American nation is, in some
sense, under a paralysis of public sentiment
on this subject. It was said by a heathen
writer that the gods gave us a fearful power
when they gave us the faculty of becoming
accustomed to things. This power has proved
a fearful one indeed in America. We have
got used to things which might stir the dead
in their graves.
When but a small portion of the things
daily done in America has been told in Eng-
land, and France, and Italy, and Germany,
there has been a perfect shriek and outcry
of horror. America alone remains cool, and
asks, " What is the matter? "
Europe answers back, "Why, we have
heard that men are sold like cattle in your
country."
"Of course they are," says America;
"but what then %"
a
We have heard," says Europe, " that
millions of men are forbidden to read and
write in your country."
" We know that," says America; " but
what is this outcry about ? "
"We have heard," says Europe, "that
Christian girls are sold to shame in your
markets ! "
" That is n't quite as it should be," says
America ; " but still what is this excitement
about ? "
" We hear that three millions of your
people can have no legal marriage ties,"
says Europe.
" Certainly that is true," returns Amer-
ica ; " but you made such an outcry, we
thought you saw some great cruelty going
on."
" And you profess to be a free country ! "
says indignant Europe.
" Certainly we are the freest and most
enlightened country in the world,' — what
are you talking about ? " says America.
" You send your missionaries to Christ-
ianize us," says Turkey ; "and our religion
has abolished this horrible system."
" You ! you are all heathen "over there,
— what business have you to talk 1 " an-
swers America.
Many people seem really to have thought
that nothing but horrible exaggerations of
the system of slavery could have produced
the sensation which has recently been felt in
all modern Europe. They do not know
that the thing they have become accustomed
to, and handled so freely in every discus-
sion, seems to all other nations the sum and
essence of villany. Modern Europe, open-
ing her eyes and looking on the legal theory
of the slave system, on the laws and inter-
pretations of law which define it, says to
America, in the language of the indignant
Othello, If thou wilt justify a thing like
this,
" Never pray more ; abandon all remorse ;
On Horror's head horrors accumulate ;
Do deeds to make heaven weep, all earth amazed ;
For nothing canst thou to damnation add
Greater than this."
There is an awful state of familiarity with
evil which the apostle calls being " dead in
trespasses and sins," where truth has been
resisted, and evil perseveringly defended,
and the convictions of conscience stifled, and
the voice of God's Holy Spirit bidden to
depart. There is an awful paralysis of the
moral sense, when deeds unholiest and
crimes most fearful cease any longer to affect
the nerve. That paralysis, always a fearful
KEY TO. UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
129
indication of the death and dissolution of
nations, is a doubly dangerous disease in a
republic, whose only power is in intelligence,
justice and virtue.
CHAPTER II.
PUBLIC OPINION FORMED BY EDUCATION.
Rev. Charles C. Jones, in his interest-
ing work on the Religious Instruction of
Negroes, has a passage which so peculiarly
describes that influence of public opinion
which we have been endeavoring to illustrate,
that we shall copy it.
Habits of feeling and prejudices in relation to
any subject are wont to take their rise out of our
education or circumstances. Every man knows
their influence to be great in shaping opinions
and conduct, and ofttimes how unwittingly they
are formed ; that while we may be unconscious
of their existence, they may grow with our growth
and strengthen with our strength. Familiarity
converts deformity into comeliness. Hence we
are not always the best judges of our condition.
Another may remark inconveniences, and, indeed,
real evils, in it, of which we may be said to have
been all our lives scarcely conscious. So, also,
evils which, upon first acquaintance, revolted our
whole nature, and appeared intolerable, custom
almost makes us forget even to see. Men passing
out of one state of society into another encounter
a thousand things to which they feel that they
can never be reconciled ; yet, shortly after, their
sensibilities become dulled, — a change passes
over them, they scarcely know how. They have
accommodated themselves to their new circum-
stances and relations, — they are Eomans in Rome.
Let us now inquire what are the educa-
tional influences which bear upon the mind
educated in constant familiarity with the
slave system.
Take any child of ingenuous mind and of
generous heart, and educate him under the
influences of slavery, and what are the things
which go to form his character 1 An anec-
dote which a lady related to the writer may
be in point in this place. In giving an ac-
count of some of the things which induced
her to remove her family from under the
influence of slavery, she related the follow-
ing incident : Looking out of her nursery
window one day, she saw her daughter,
about three years of age, seated in her little
carriage, with six or eight young negro
children harnessed into it for horses. Two
or three of the older slaves were standing
around their little mistress, and one of them,
putting a whip into her hand, said, " There,
Misse, whip 'em well; make 'em go, — they're
all your niggers."
9
What a moral and religious lesson was
this for that young soul ! The mother was
a judicious woman, who never would herself
have taught such a thing ; but the whole
influence of slave society had burnt it into
the soul of every negro, and through them it
was communicated to the child.
As soon as a child is old enough to read the
newspapers, he sees in every column such
notices as the following from a late Rich-
mond Whig, and other papers.
LARGE SALE OF NEGROES, HORSES,
MULES, CATTLE, &c.
The subscriber, under a decree of the* Circuit
Superior Court for Fluvanna County, will proceed
to sell, by public auction, at the late residence of
William Gait, deceased, on Tuesday, the 30th
day of November, and Wednesday, the 1st day
of December next, beginning at 11 o'clock, the
negroes, stock, &c, of all kinds, belonging to the
estate, consisting of 175 negroes, amongst whom are
some Carpenters and Blacksmiths, — 10 horses,
33 mules, 100 head of cattle, 100 sheep, 200 hogs,
1500 barrels corn, oats, fodder, &c, the planta-
tion and shop tools of all kinds.
The Negroes will be sold for cash ; the other
property on a credit of nine months, the purchaser
giving bond, with approved security.
James Galt, Administrator of
Oct. 19. William Gait, deceased
From the Nashville Gazette, Nov. 23,
1852:
GREAT SALE OF NEGROES, MULES, CAT
TLE, &c.
On Tuesday, the 21st day of December next, at
the Plantation of the late N. A. McNairy, on the
Franklin Turnpike, on account of Mrs. C. B.
McNairy, Executrix, we will offer at Public Sale
FIFTY VALUABLE NEGROES.
These Negroes are good Plantation Negroes, and
will be sold in families. Those wishing to pur-
chase will do well to see them before the day of
sale.
Also, ten fine Work Mules, two Jacks and
one Jennet, Milch Cows and Calves, Cattle, Stock
Hogs, 1200 barrels Corn, Oats, Hay, Fodder, &c.
Two Wagons, One Cart, Farming Utensils, &c.
From the Newberry Sentinel :
FOR SALE.
The subscriber will sell at Auction, on the 15th
of this month, at the Plantation on which he
resides, distant eleven miles from the Town of
Newberry, and near the Laurens Railroad, .
22 Young and Likely Negroes;
comprising able-bodied field-hands, good cooks,
house-servants, and an excellent blacksmith ; —
about 1500 bushels of corn, a quantity of fodder,
hogs, mules, sheep, neat cattle, household and
kitchen furniture, and other property. — Term,
made public on day of Sale.
M. C. Gary.
Dec. 1.
(pp Laurensville Herald copy till day of sal<»
130
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
From the South Carolinian, Oct. 21,
1852:
ESTATE SALE OF VALUABLE PROP-
ERTY.
The undersigned, as Administrator of the Estate
of Col. T. Randell, deceased, will sell, on Mon-
day, the 20th December next, all the personal
property belonging to said estate, consisting of
56 Negroes, Stock, Corn, Fodder, &c. &c. The
sale will take place at the residence of the de-
ceased, on Sanay River, 10 miles West of Ches-
terville.
Terms of Sale : The negroes on a credit of 12
months, with interest from day of sale, and two
good sureties. The other property will be sold
for cash. Samuel J. Randell.
Sept. 2.
See, also, New Orleans Bee, Oct. 28.
After advertising the landed estate of Mad-
eline Lanoux, deceased, comes the following
enumeration of chattels :
Twelve slaves, men and women ; a small, quite
new schooner ; a ferrying flat-boat ; some cows,
calves, heifers and sheep ; a lot of household fur-
niture ; the contents of a store, consisting of hard-
ware, crockery ware, groceries, dry goods, etc.
Now, suppose all parents to be as pious
and benevolent as Mr. Jones, — a thing not
at all to be hoped for, as things are ; — and
suppose them to try their very best to
impress on the child a conviction that all
souls are of equal value in the sight of God ;
that the negro soul is as truly beloved of
Christ, and ransomed with his blood, as the
master's ; and is there any such thing as
making him believe or realize it? Will he
believe that that which he sees, every week,
advertised with hogs, and horses, and fod-
der, and cotton-seed, and refuse furniture,
— bedsteads, tables and chairs, — -is indeed
so divine a thing? We will suppose that
the little child knows some pious slave ;
that he sees him at the communion-table,
partaking, in a far-off, solitary manner, of
the sacramental bread and wine. He sees
his pious father and mother recognize the
slave as a Christian brother ; they tell him
that he is an u heir of God, a joint heir with
Jesus Christ ; ' ' and the next week he sees
him advertised in the paper, in company with
a lot of hogs, stock and fodder,. Can the
child possibly believe in what his Christian
parents have told him, when he sees this?
We have spoken now of only the common
advertisements of the paper; but suppose
the child to live in some districts of the
country, and advertisements of a still more
degrading character meet his eye. In the
State of Alabama, a newspaper devoted to
politics, literature and education, has a
standing weekly advertisement of which this
is a copy :
NOTICE.
The undersigned having an excel-
lent pack of Hounds, for trailing
and catching runaway slaves, informs the public
that his prices in future will be as follows for
such services :
For each day employed in hunting or
trailing, - - - - - $2.50
For catching each slave, - 10.00
For going over ten miles, and catching
slaves, 20.00
If sent for, the above prices will be exacted in
cash. The subscriber resides one mile and a half
south of Dadeville, Ala. -n -r,
' X>. .DLAJK.
Dadeville, Sept. 1, 1852. 1-tf
The reader will see, by the printer's sign
at the bottom, that it is a season advertise-
ment, and, therefore, would meet the eye
of the child week after week. The paper
from which we have cut this contains
among its extracts passages from Dickens'
Household Words, from Professor Fel ton's
article in the Christian Examiner on the
relation of the sexes, and a most beautiful
and chivalrous appeal from the eloquent
senator Soule on the legal rights of women.
Let us now ask, since this paper is devoted
to education, what sort of an educational
influence such advertisements have. And,
of course, such an establishment is not kept
up without patronage. Where there are
negro-hunters advertising in a paper, there
are also negro-hunts, and there are dogs
being trained to hunt ; and all this process
goes on before the eyes of children ; and
what sort of an education is it?
The writer has received an account of the
way in which dogs are trained for this busi-
ness. The information has been communi-
cated to the gentleman who writes it by a
negro man, who, having been always accus-
tomed to see it done, described it with as little
sense of there being anything out of the way
in it as if the dogs had been trained to catch
raccoons. It came to the writer in a recent
letter from the South.
The way to train 'em (says the man) is to
take these yer pups, — any kind o' pups will do, —
fox-hounds, bull-dogs, most any ; — but tako the
pups, and keep 'cm shut up, and don't let 'em never
see a nigger till they get big enough to be larned.
When the pups gits old enough to be set on to
things, then make 'em run after a nigger ; and
when they cotches him, give 'em meat. Tell the
nigger to run as hard as he can, and git up in a
tree, so as to lam the dogs to tree 'em ; then take
the shoe of a nigger, and larn 'em to find the nig-
ger it belongs to ; then a rag of his clothes ; and
so on. Allers be earful to tree the nigger, and
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
131
teach the dog to wait and bark under the tree
till you come up and give him his meat.
See also the following advertisement from
the Ouachita Register, a newspaper dated
"Monroe, La., Tuesday evening, June 1,
1852.-"
NEGRO DOGS,
The undersigned would respectfully inform the
citizens of Ouachita and adjacent parishes, that
he has located about 2£ miles east of John
White's, on the road leading from Monroe to Bast-
rop, and that he has a fine pack of Dogs for catch-
ing negroes. Persons wishing negroes caught
will do well to give him a call. He can always
be found at his stand when not engaged in hunt-
ing, and even then information of his whereabouts
can always be had of some one on the premises.
Terms. — Five dollars per. day and found, when
there is no track pointed out. When the track
is shown, twenty-five dollars will be charged for
catching the negro. M a GoFF>
Monroe, Feb. 17, 1852.
15-3m
Now, do not all the scenes likely to be
enacted under this head form a fine educa-
tion for the children of a Christian nation ?
and can we wonder if children so formed see
no cruelty in slavery ? Can children real-
ize that creatures who are thus hunted are
the children of one heavenly Father with
themselves ?
But suppose the boy grows up to be a
man, and attends the courts of justice, and
hears intelligent, learned men declaring
from the bench that " the mere beating of a
slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances
of cruelty, or an attempt to kill, is no breach
of the peace of the state." Suppose he hears
it decided in the same place that no insult or
outrage upon any slave is considered worthy
of legal redress, unless it impairs his prop-
erty value. Suppose he hears, as he would
in Virginia, that it is the policy of the law
to protect the master even in inflicting cruel,
malicious and excessive punishment upon
the slave. Suppose a slave is murdered,
and he hears the lawyers arguing that it
cannot be considered a murder, because
the slave, in law, is not considered a human
being; and then suppose the case is ap-
pealed to a superior court, and he hears
the judge expending his forces on a long
and eloquent dissertation to prove that the
slave is a human being ; at least, that he is
as much so as a lunatic, an idiot, or an
unborn child, and that, therefore, he can be
murdered. (See Judge Clark's speech, on
p. 75 .) Suppose he sees that all the admin-
istration of law with regard to the slave
proceeds on the idea that he is absolutely
nothing more than a bale of merchandise.
Suppose he hears such language as this,
which occurs in the reasonings of the Braze-
alle case, and which is a fair sample of the
manner in which such subjects are ordina-
rily discussed. "The slave has no more
political capacity, no more right to purchase,
hold or transfer property, than the mule in
his plough; he is in himself but a mere
chattel, — the subject of absolute owner-
ship." Suppose he sees on the statute-
book such sentences as these, from the civil
code of Louisiana :
Art. 2500. The latent defects of slaves and ani-
mals are divided into two classes, — vices of body
and vices of character.
Art. 2501. The vices of body are distinguished
into absolute and relative.
Art. 2502. The absolute vices of slaves are lep-
rosy, madness and epilepsy.
Art. 2503. The absolute vices of horses and
mules are short wind, glanders, and founder.
The influence of this language is made all
the stronger on the young mind from the
fact that it is not the language of contempt,
or of passion, but of calm, matter-of-fact,
legal statement.
What effect must be produced on the mind
of the young man when he comes to see
that, however atrocious and however well-
proved be the murder of a slave, the mur-
derer uniformly escapes ; and that, though
the cases where the slave has fallen a vic-
tim to passions of the white are so multi-
plied, yet the fact of an execution for such a
crime is yet almost unknown in the country?
Does not all this tend to produce exactly
that estimate of the value of negro life and
happiness which Frederic Douglass says was
expressed by a common proverb among the
white boys where he was brought up : ' ; It 's
worth sixpence to kill a nigger, and sixpence
more to bury him " ?
We see the public sentiment which has
been formed by this kind of education ex-
hibited by the following paragraph from the
Cambridge Democrat, Md., Oct. 27, 1852.
That paper quotes the following from the
Woodville Republican, of Mississippi. It
seems a Mr. Joshua Johns had killed a
slave, and had been sentenced therefor to
the penitentiary for two years. The Re-
publican thus laments his hard lot :
STATE V. JOSHUA JOHXS.
This cause resulted in the conviction of Johns,
and his sentence to the penitentiary for two years.
Although every member of the jury, together with
the bar, and the public generally, signed a peti-
tion to the governor for young Johns' pardon, yet
132
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
there was no fault to find with the verdict of the
jury. The extreme youth of Johns, and the cir-
cumstances in which the killing occurred, enlisted
universal sympathy in his favor. There is no
doubt that the negro had provoked him to the
deed by the use of insolent language ; but how
often must it be told that words are no justifica-
tion for blows 1 There are many persons — and
we regret to say it — who think they have the same
right to shoot a negro, if he insults them, or even
runs from them, that they have to shoot down a dog ;
but there are laws for the. protection of the slave
as well as the master, and the sooner the error
above alluded to is removed, the better will it be for
both parties.
The unfortunate youth who has now entailed
upon himself the penalty of the law, we doubt not,
had no idea that there existed such penalty ; and
even if he was aware of the fact, the repeated in-
sults and taunts of the negro go far to mitigate
the crime. Johns was defended by I. D. Gildart,
Esq. , who probably did all that could have been
effected in his defence.
The Democrat adds :
We learn from Mr. Curry, deputy sheriff, of
Wilkinson County, that Johns has been pardoned
by the governor. We are gratified to hear it.
This error above alluded to, of thinking
it is as innocent to shoot down a negro as a
dog, is one, we fairly admit, for which young
Johns ought not to be very severely blamed.
He has been educated in a system of things
of which this opinion is the inevitable result;
and he, individually, is far less guilty for it,
than are those men who support the sys-
tem of laws, and keep up the educational
influences, which lead young Southern men
directly to this conclusion. Johns may be,
for aught we know, as generous-hearted and
as just naturally as any young man living ;
but the horrible system under which he has
been educated has rendered him incapable
of distinguishing what either generosity or
justice is, as applied to the negro.
The public sentiment of the slave states
is the sentiment of men who have been thus
educated, and in all that concerns the negro
it is utterly blunted and paralyzed. What
would seem to them injustice and horrible
wrong in the case of white persons, is the
coolest matter of course in relation to slaves.
As this educational influence descends
from generation to generation, the moral
sense becomes more and more blunted, and
the power of discriminating right from
wrong, in what relates to the subject race,
more and more enfeebled.
Thus, if we read the writings of distin-
guished men who were slave-holders about
the time of our American Revolution, what
clear views do wc find expressed of the in-
justice of slavery, what strong language of
reprobation do we find applied to it ! Nothing
more forcible could possibly be said in rela-
tion to its evils than by quoting the language
of such men as Washington, Jefferson, and
Patrick Henry. In those days there were
no men of that high class of mind who
thought of such a thing as defending slavery
on principle ; now there are an abundance of
the most distinguished men, North and
South, statesmen, civilians, men of letters.
even clergymen, who in various degrees
palliate it, apologize for or openly defend
it. And what is the cause of this, except
that educational influences have corrupted
public sentiment, and deprived them of the
power of just judgment? The public
opinion even of free America, with regard
to slavery, is behind that of all other
civilized nations.
When the holders of slaves assert that
they are, as a general thing, humanely
treated, what do they mean ? Not that they
would consider such treatment humane if
given to themselves and their children, — no,
indeed ! — but it is humane for slaves.
They do, in effect, place the negro below
the range of humanity, and on a level with
brutes, and then graduate all their ideas of
humanity accordingly.
They would not needlessly kick or abuse
a dog or a negro. They may pet a dog,
and they often do a negro. Men have been
found who fancied having their horses ele-
gantly lodged in marble stables, and to eat
out of sculptured mangers, but they thought ,
them horses still ; and, with all the indul-
gences with which good-natured masters
sometimes surround the slave, he is to them
but a negro still, and not a man.
In what has been said in this chapter, and
in what appears incidentally in all the facts
cited throughout this volume, there is abun-
dant proof that, notwithstanding there be fre-
quent and most noble instances of generosity
towards the negro, and although the senti-
ment of honorable men and the voice of
Christian charity does everywhere protest
against what it feels to be inhumanity, yet
the popular sentiment engendered by the
system must necessarily fall deplorably
short of giving anything like sufficient pro-
tection to the rights of the slave. It will
appear in the succeeding chapters, as it must
already have appeared to reflecting minds,
that the whole course of educational influence
upon the mind of the slave-master is such as
to deaden his mind to those appeals which
come from the negro as a fellow-man and a
brother.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
133
CHAPTER III.
SEPARATION OF FAMILIES,
** What must the difference be," said Dr. Worthington,
with startling energy, " between Isabel and her servants !
To her it is loss of position, fortune, the fair hopes of life,
perhaps even health; for she must inevitably break down
under the unaccustomed labor and privations she will have
to undergo. But to them it is merely a change of masters " /
** Yes, for the neighbors won't allow any of the families
to be separated."
" Of course not. We read of such things in novels some-
times. But I have yet to see it in real life, except in
rare cases, or where the slave has been guilty of some mis-
demeanor, or crime, for which, in the North, he would
have been imprisoned, perhaps for life." — Cabin and Par-
lor, by J. Thornton Randolph, p. 39.
*********
" But they 're going to sell us all to Georgia, I say.
How are we to escape that 1 "
** Spec dare some mistake in dat," replied Uncle Peter,
stoutly. " I nebber knew of sich a ting in dese parts,
y eept where some niggar 'd been berry bad." — Ibid.
By such graphic touches as the above
does Mr. Thornton Randolph represent to
us the patriarchal stability and security of
the slave population in the Old Dominion.
Such a thing as a slave being sold out of
the state has never been heard of by Dr.
Worthington, except in rare cases for some
crime ; and old Uncle Peter never heard of
such a thing in his life.
Are these representations true ?
The worst abuse of the system of slavery
is its outrage upon the family ; and, as the
writer views the subject, it is one which is
more notorious and undeniable than any
other.
Yet it is upon this point that the most
stringent and earnest denial has been made
to the representations of "Uncle Tom's
Cabin," either indirectly, as by the romance-
writer above, or more directly in the asser-
tions of newspapers, both at the North and
at the South. When made at the North, they
indicate, to say the least, very great igno-
rance of the subject ; when made at the
South, they certainly do very great injustice
to the general character of the Southerner
for truth and honesty. All sections of
country have faults peculiar to themselves.
The fault of the South, as a general thing,
has not been cowardly evasion and deception.
It was with utter surprise that the author
read the following sentences in an article in
Preiser's Magazine, professing to come
from a South Carolinian.
Mrs. Stowe's favorite ill; stration of the master's
power to the injury of the slave is the separation
of families. We are told of infants of ten months
old being sold from the arms of their mothers, and
of men whose habit it is to raise children to sell
away from their mother as soon as they are old
enough to be separated. W ;re our views of this
feature of slavery derived from Mrs. Stowe's book,
we should regard the families of slaves as utterly
unsettled and vagrant.
And again :
We feel confident that, if statistics could be
had to throw light upon this subject, we should
find that there is less separation of families among
the negroes than occurs with almost any other
class of persons.
As the author of the article, however, is
evidently a man of honor, and expresses
many most noble and praiseworthy senti-
ments, it cannot be supposed that these
statements were put forth with any view to
misrepresent or to deceive. They are only
to be regarded as evidences of the facility
with which a sanguine mind often overlooks
the most glaring facts that make against a
favorite idea or theory, or which are un-
favorable in their bearings on one's own
country or family. Thus the citizens of
some place notoriously unhealthy will come
to believe, and assert, with the utmost sin-
cerity, that there is actually less sickness
in their town than any other of its size
in the known world. Thus parents often
think their children perfectly immaculate
in just those particulars in which others
see them to be most faulty. This solution
of the phenomena is a natural and amiable
one, and enables us to retain our respect for
our Southern brethren.
There is another circumstance, also, to be
taken into account, in reading such asser-
tions as these. It is evident, from the
pamphlet in question, that the writer is one
of the few who regard the possession of ab-
solute irresponsible power as the highest of
motives to moderation and temperance in its
use. Such men are commonly associated
in friendship and family connection with
others of similar views, and are very apt to
fall into the error of judging others by
themselves, and thinking that a thing may
do for all the world because it operates well
in their immediate circle. Also it cannot
but be a fact that the various circumstances
which from infancy conspire to degrade and
depress the negro in the eyes of a Southern-
born man, — the constant habit of speaking
of them, and hearing them spoken of. and
seeing them advertised, as mere articles of
property, often m connection with, horses,
mules, fodder, swine, <fcc., as they are almost
daily in every Southern paper, — must tend,
even in the best-constituted minds, to pro-
duce a certain obtuseness with regard to the
interests, sufferings and affections, of such
as do not particularly belong to himself,
134
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
which will pecularly unfit him for estimating
their condition. The author has often been
singularly struck with this fact, in the letters
of Southern friends ; in which, upon one
page, they will make some assertion regard-
ing the condition of Southern negroes, and
then go on, and in other connections state
facts which apparently contradict them all.
We can all be aware how this familiarity
would operate with ourselves. Were we
called upon to state how often our neighbors'
cows were separated from their calves, or
how often their household furniture and
other effects are scattered and dispersed by
executor's sales, we should be inclined to say
that it was not a misfortune of very common
occurrence.
But let us open two South Carolina papers,
published in the very state where this gen-
tleman is residing, and read the advertise-
ments for one week. The author has
slightly abridged them.
COMMISSIONER'S SALE OF 12 LIKELY
NEGROES.
Fairfield District.
R. W. Murray and wife and"]
others I
v. > In Equity.
William Wright and wife
and others.
In pursuance of an Order of the Court of
Equity made in the above case at July Term,
1*852, 1 will sell at public outcry, to the highest
bidder, before the Court House in Winnsboro, on
the first Monday in January next,
12 VERY LIKELY NEGROES,
belonging to the estate of Micajah Mobley, de-
ceased, late of Fairfield District.
These Negroes consist chiefly of young boys
and girls, and are said to be very likely.
Terms of Sale, &c.
W. R. Robertson,
C.E. F.D.
Commissioner's Office, )
Winnsboro, Nov. 30,1852. £
Dec. 2 42 x4.
ADMINISTRATOR'S SALE.
Will be sold at public outcry, to the highest
bidder, on Tuesday, the 21st day of December
next, at the late residence of Mrs. M. P. Rabb,
deceased, all of the personal estate of said de-
ceased, consisting in part of about
2,000 Bushels of Corn.
25,000 pounds of Fodder.
Wheat — Cotton Seed.
Horses, Mules, Cattle, Hogs, Sheep.
There will, in all probability^ be sold at the
Bame time and place several likely Young Negroes.
The Terms of Sale will be — all sums under
Twenty-five Dollars, Cash. All sums of Twenty-
five Dollars and over, twelve months' credit, with
interest from day of Sale, secured by note and
two approved sureties. William S. Rabb,
Administrator.
Nov. 11. 39 x2
COMMISSIONER'S SALE OF LAND AND
NEGROES.
Fairfield District.
James E. Caldwell,
Admr., with the Will
annexed, of Jacob Gibson,
deceased, > In Equity
v.
Jason D. Gibson
and others.
In pursuance of the order of sale made in the
above case, I will sell at public outcry, to the
highest bidder, before the Court House in Winns-
boro, on the first Monday in January next, and
the day following, the following real and personal
estate of Jacob Gibson, deceased, late of Fair-
field District, to wit :
The Plantation on which the testator lived at
the time of his death, containing 661 Acres, more
or less, lying on the waters of Wateree Creek, and
bounded by lands of Samuel Johnston, Theodore
S. DuBose, Edward P. Mobley, and B. R. Cockrell.
This plantation will be sold in two separate tracts,
plats of which will be exhibited on the day of
sale :
46 prime likely negroes,
consisting of Wagoners, Blacksmiths, Cooks, House
Servants, $c. W. R. Robertson,
C. B. F. D.
Commissioner's Office, )
Winnsboro, 29th Nov. 1852. \
ESTATE SALE.-- FIFTY PRIME NEGROES.
BY J. & L. T. LEVIN.
On the first Monday in January next I will sell,
before the Court House in Columbia, 50 of as
Likely Negroes as have ever been exposed to public
sale, belonging to the estate of A. P. Vinson, de-
ceased. The Negroes have been well cared for,
and well managed in every respect. Persons wish-
ing to purchase will not, it is confidently believed,
have a better opportunity to supply themselves.
J. H. Adams,
Executor.
Nov. 18 40 x3
ADMINISTRATOR'S SALE.
Will be sold on the 15th December next, at the
late residence of Samuel Moore, deceased, in York
District, all the personal property of said deceased,
consisting of :
35 LIKELY NEGROES,
a quantity of Cotton and Corn, Horses and Mules,
Farming Tools, Household and Kitchen Furniture,
with many other articles.
Samuel E. Moore,
Administrator.
Nov. 18 40 x4t.
ADMINISTRATOR'S SALE.
Will be sold at public outcry, to the highest
bidder, on Tuesday, the 14th day of December
next, at the late residence of Robert W. Durham,
deceased, in Fairfield District, all of the personal
estate of said deceased : consisting in part as fol-
lows :
50 PRIME LIKELY NEGROES.
About 3,000 Bushels of Corn.
A large quantity of Fodder.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
VYheat, Oats, Cow Peas, Rye, Cotton Seed,
Horses, Mules, Cattle, Hogs, Sheep.
C. H. Durham,
Nov. 23. Administrator.
SHERIFF'S SALE. ,
By virtue of sundry executions to me directed,
I will sell at Fairfield Court House, on the first
Monday, and the day following, in December next,
within. the legal hours of sale, to the highest bid-
der, for cash, the following property. Purchasers
to pay for titles :
2 Negroes, levied upon as the property of Allen
E. Crankfield, at the suit of Alexander Brodie, et al.
2 Horses and 1 Jennet, levied upon as the prop-
erty of Allen R. Crankfield, at the suit of Alexan-
der Brodie.
2 Mules, levied upon as the property of Allen
R. Crankfield, at the suit of Temperance E. Miller
and J. W. Miller.
1 pair of Cart Wheels, levied upon as" the prop-
erty of Allen R. Crankfield, at the suit of Tem-
perance E. Miller and J. W. Miller.
1 Chest of Drawers, levied upon as the property
of Allen R. Crankfield, at the suit of Temperance
E. Miller and J. W. Miller.
1 Bedstead, levied upon as the property of Allen
R. Crankfield, at the suit of Temperance E. Miller
and J. W. Miller.
1 Negro, levied upon as the property of R. J.
Qladney, at the suit of James Camak.
1 Negro, levied upon as the property of Geo.
MoCormick, at the suit of W. M. Phifer.
1 Riding Saddle, to be sold under an assignment
of G. W. Boulware to J. B. Mickle, in the case of
Geo. Murphy, Jr., v. G. W. Boulware.
R. E. Ellison,
Sheriff's Office, > S. F. D.
Nov. 19 1852. (
Nov. 20 37 fxtf
COMMISSIONER'S SALE.
John A. Crumpton,
and others,
In Equity.
Zachariah C. Crumpton. J
In pursuance of the Decretal order made in this
case, I will sell at public outcry to the highest
bidder, before the Court House door in Winnsboro,
on the first Monday in, December next, three
separate tracts or parcels of land, belonging to
the estate of Zachariah Crumpton, deceased.
I will also sell, at the same time and place, five
or six likely Young Negroes, sold as the property
of the said Zachariah Crumpton, deceased, by
virtue of the authority aforesaid.
The Terms of sale are as follows, &c. &c.
W. R. Robetson,
Commissioner's Office, > C. E. F. D.
Winnsboro, Nov. 8, 1852. \
Nov 11 30 x3
ESTATE SALE OF VALUABLE PROPERTY.
The undersigned, as Administrator of the Estate
of Col. T. Randell, deceased, will sell, on Monday
the 20th December next, all the personal property
belonging to said estate, consisting of
56 NEGROES,
STOCK, CORN, FODDER, ETC. ETC.
Terms of sale, &c. &c.
Samuel J. Randell.
Sep. 2 29 xl6
135
The Tri-weekly South Carolinian, pub-
lished at Columbia, S. C, has this motto :
" Be just and fear not ; let all the ends thou
aim'st at be tht Country's, thy God's, and*
Truth's."
In the number dated December 23d,
1852, is found a " Reply of the Women of
Virginia to the Women of England." con-
taining this sentiment :
Believe us, we deeply, prayerfully, study God's
holy word; we are fully persuaded that our in-
stitutions are in accordance with it.
After which, in other columns, come the
ten advertisements following :
SHERIFF'S SALES FOR JANUARY 2, 1853.
By virtue of sundry writs of fieri facias, to me
directed, will be sold before the Court House in
Columbia, within the legal hours, on the first
Monday and Tuesday in January next,
Seventy-four acres of Land, more or less, in
Richland District, bounded on the north and east
by Lorick's, and on the south and west by Thomas
Trapp.
Also, Ten Head of Cattle, Twenty-five Head of
Hogs, and Two Hundred Bushels of Corn, levied
on as the property of M. A. Wilson, at the suit
of Samuel Gardner v. M. A. Wilson.
Seven Negroes, named Grace, Frances, Edmund,
Charlotte, Emuline, Thomas and Charles, levied
on as the property of Bartholomew Turnipseed,
at the suit of A. F. Dubard, J. S. Lever, Bank of
the State and others, v. B. Turnipseed.
450 acres of Land, more or less, in Richland
District, bounded on the north, &c. &c.
LARGE SALE OF REAL AND PERSONAL
PROPERTY.--ESTATE SALE.
On Monday, the (7th) seventh day of February
next, I will sell at Auction, without reserve, at the
Plantation, near Linden, all the Horses, Mules,
Wagons, Farming Utensils, Corn, Fodder, &c.
And on the following Monday (14th), the four-
teenth day of February next, at the Court House,
at Linden, in Marengo County, Alabama, I will
sell at public auction, without reserve, to the
highest bidder,
110 PRIME AND LIKELY NEGROES,
belonging to the Estate of the late John Robinson,
of South Carolina.
Among the Negroes are four valuable Carpen-
tcrs, and a very superior Blacksmith.
NEGROES FOR SALE.
By permission of Peter Wylie, Esq., Ordinary
for Chester District, I will sell, at public auction,
before the Court House, in Chesterville, on the
first Monday in February next,
FORTY LIKELY NEGROES,
belonging to the Estate of F. W. Davie.
W. D. DeSaussure, Executor.
Dec. 23. 56 fids.
ESTATE SALE OF FURNITURE, &c, BY J.
& L. T. LEVIN.
Will be sold, at our store, on Thursday, the 6th
day of January next, all the Household and Kitch
136
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
en Furniture, belonging to the Estate of B. L.
McLaughlin, deceased, consisting in part of
Hair Seat Chairs, Sofas and Rockers, Piano,
Mahogany Dining, Tea, and Card Tables ; Carpets,
Rugs, Andirons, Fenders, Shovel and Tongs, Man-
tel Ornaments, Clocks, Side Board, Bureaus, Ma-
hogany Bedsteads, Feather Beds and Mattresses,
Wash Stands, Curtains, fine Cordial Stand, Glass-
ware, Crockery, and a great variety of articles for
family use.
Terms cash.
ALSO,
A Negro Man, named Leonard, belonging to
same.
Terms, &c.
ALSO,
At same time, a quantity of New Brick, belong-
ing to Estate of A. S. Johnstone, deceased.
Dec. 21. 53 Jtds.
GREAT SALE OF NEGROES AND THE SA-
LUDA FACTORY, BY J. & L. T. LEVIN.
On Thursday, December 30, at 11 o'clock, will
be sold at the Court House in Columbia,
ONE HUNDRED VALUABLE NEGROES.
It, is seldom such an opportunity occurs as now
offers. Among them are only four beyond 45
years old, and none above 50. There are twenty-
five prime young men, between sixteen and thirty ;
forty of the most likely young women, and as fine
a set of children as can be shown ! I
Terms, &c.
Dec. 18, '52.
NEGROES AT AUCTION. — BY J. & L. T.
LEVIN.
Will be sold, on Monday, the 3d January next,
at the Court House, at 10 o'clock,
22 likely negroes, the larger number of which
are young and desirable. Among them are Field
Hands, Hostlers and Carriage Drivers, House Ser-
vants, &c, and of the following ages : Robinson
40, Elsey 34, Yanaky 13, Sylla 11, Anikee 8, Rob-
inson 6, Candy 3, Infant 9, Thomas 35, Die 38,
Amey 18, Eldridge 13, Charles 6, Sarah 60, Baket
§0, Mary 18, Betty 16, Guy 12, Tilla 9, Lydia 24,
Rachel 4, Scipio 2.
The above Negroes are sold for the purpose of
making some other investment of the proceeds ;
the sale will, therefore, be positive.
Terms. — A credit of one, two, and three years,
for notes payable at either of the Banks, with two
or more approved endorsers, with interest from
date. Purchasers to pay for papers. Dec 8 43
fgf 5 " Black River Watchman will copy the above ,
and forward bill to the auctioneers for payment.
Poor little Scip !
LIKELY AND VALUABLE GIRL, AT PRI-
VATE SALE.
A likely girl, about seventeen years old
(raised in the up-country), a good Nurse and
House Servant, can wash and iron, and do plain
cooking, and is warranted sound and healthy.
She may be seen at our office, where she will re-
main until sold. Allen & Phillips,
Dec. 15, '49. Auctioneers & Com. Agents.
PLANTATION AND NEGROES FOR SALE.
The subscriber, having located in Columbia,
offers for sale his Plantation in St. Matthew's
Parish, six miles from the Railroad, containing
1,500 acres, now in a high state of cultivation,
with Dwelling House and all necessary Out-build-
ings.
also,
50 Likely Negroes, with provisions, &c.
The terms will be accommodating. Persons
desirous to purchase can call upon the subscriber
in Columbia, or on his son at the Plantation.
Dec. 6 41. T. J. Goodwyn.
FOR SALE.
A likely negro boy, about twenty-one years
old, a good wagoner and field hand. Apply at
this office. Dec. 20 52.
Now, it is scarcely possible that a person
who has been accustomed to see such adver-
tisements from boyhood, and to pass them
over with as much indifference as we pass
over advertisements of sofas and chairs for
sale, could possibly receive the shock from
them which one wholly unaccustomed to
such a mode of considering and disposing of
human beings would receive. They make
no impression upon him. Hi 3 own family
servants, and those of his friends, are not in
the market, and he does not realize that any
are. Under the advertisements, a hundred
such scenes as those described in "Uncle
Tom" may have been acting in his very
vicinity. When Mr. Dickens drew pictures
of the want and wretchedness of London
life, perhaps a similar incredulity might
have been expressed within the silken cur-
tains of many a brilliant parlor. They
had never seen such things, and they had
always lived in London. But, for all that,
the writings of Dickens awoke in noble and
aristocratic bosoms the sense of a common
humanity with the lowly, and led them to
feel how much misery might exist in their
immediate vicinity, of which they were
entirely unaware. They have never accused
him as a libeller of his country, though he
did make manifest much of the suffering,
sorrow and abuse, which were in it. The
author is led earnestly to entreat that the
writer of this very paper would examine
the "statistics" of the American internal
slave-trade; that he would look over the
exchange files of some newspaper, and, for
a month or two, endeavor to keep some
inventory of the number of human beings,
with hearts, hopes and affections, like his
own, who are constantly subjected to all the
uncertainties and mutations of property rela-
tion. The writer is sure that he could not
do it long without a generous desire being
excited in his bosom to become, not an apol-
ogist for, but a reformer of, these institu-
tions of his country.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
37
These papers of South Carolina are not
exceptional ones; they may be matched by
hundreds of papers from any other state.
Let the reader now stop one minute, and
look over again these two weeks' advertise-
ments. This is not novel-writing — this is
fact. See these human beings tumbled pro-
miscuously out before the public with
horses, mules, second-hand buggies, cotton-
seed, bedsteads, &c. &c; and Christian
ladies, in the same newspaper, saying that
they prayerfully study God's word, and
believe their institutions have his sanction !
Does he suppose that here, in these two
weeks, there have been no scenes of suffering?
Imagine the distress of these families — the
nights of anxiety of these mothers and
children, wives and husbands, when these
sales are about to take place ! Imagine the
scenes of the sales ! A young lady, a friend
of the writer, who spent a winter in Caro-
lina, described to her the sale of a woman
and her children. When the little girl,
seven years of age, was put on the block,
she fell into spasms with fear and excitement.
She was taken off — recovered and put
back — the spasms came back — three times
the experiment was tried, and at last the
sale of the child was deferred !
See also the following, from Dr. Elwood
Harvey, editor of a western paper, to the
Pennsylvania Freeman, Dec. 25, 1846.
We attended a sale of land and other property,
near Petersburg, Virginia, and unexpectedly saw
slaves sold at public auction. The slaves were
told they would not be sold, and were collected
in front of the quarters, gazing on the assembled
multitude. The land being sold, the auctioneer's
loud voice was heard, " Bring up the niggers!"
A shade of astonishment and affright passed over
their faces, as they stared first at each other, and
then at the crowd of purchasers, whose attention
was now directed to them. When the horrible
truth was revealed to their minds that they were
to be sold, and nearest relations and friends parted
forever, the effect was indescribably agonizing.
Women snatched up their babes, and ran scream-
ing into the huts. Children hid behind the huts
and trees, and the men stood in mute despair.
The auctioneer stood on the portico of the house,
and the " men and boys" were ranging in the
yard for inspection. It was announced that no
warranty of soundness was given, and purchasers
must examine for themselves. A few old men
were Sold at prices from thirteen to twenty-five
dollars, and it was painful to see old men, bowed
with years of toil and suffering, stand up to be the
jest of brutal tyrants, and to hear them tell their
disease and worthlessness, fearing that they would
be bought by traders for the southern market.
A white boy, about fifteen years old, was placed
on the stand. His hair was brown and straight,
his skin exactly the same hue as other white per-
sons and no discernible trace of negro features
in 1il» countenance.
Some vulgar jests were passed on his color, and
two hundred dollars was bid for him ; but the audi-
ence said " that it was not enough to begin on for
such a likely young nigger." Several remarked
that they " would not have him as a gift." Some
said a white nigger was more trouble than he was
worth. One man said it was wrong to sell tvhite
people. I asked him if it was more wrong than
to sell black people. He made no reply. Before
he was sold, his mother rushed from the house
upon the portico, crying, in frantic grief, " My
son, ! my boy, they will take away my dear — "
Here her voice was lost, as she was rudely pushed
back and the door closed. The sale was not for a
moment interrupted, and none of the crowd ap-
peared to be in the least affected by the scene.
The poor boy, afraid to cry before so many stran-
gers, who showed no signs of sympathy or pity,
trembled, and wiped the tears from his cheeks
with his sleeves. He was sold for about two
hundred and fifty dollars. During the sale, the
quarters resounded with cries and lamentations
that made my heart ache. A woman was next
called by name. She gave her infant one wild
embrace before leaving it with an old woman, and
hastened mechanically to obey the call ■ but
stopped, threw her arms aloft, screamed and was
unable to move.
One of my companions touched my shoulder
and said, " Come, let us leave here ; I can bear no
more." We left the ground. The man who
drove our carriage from Petersburg had two sons
who belonged to the estate — small boys. He
obtained a promise that they should not be sold.
He was asked if they were his only children ; he
answered, "All that's left of eight." Three
others had been sold to the south, and he would
never see or hear from them again.
As Northern people do not see such things,
they should hear of them often enough to keep
them awake to the sufferings of the victims of
their indifference.
Such are the common incidents, not the
admitted cruelties, of an institution which
people have brought themselves to feel is in
accordance with God's word !
Suppose it be conceded now that "the
family relation is protected, as far as possi-
ble." The question still arises, How far is
it possible ? Advertisements of sales to the
number of those we have quoted, more or
less, appear from Week to week in the same
papers, in the same neighborhood ; and pro-
fessional traders make it their business to
attend them, and buy up victims. Now, if
the inhabitants of a given neighborhood
charge themselves with the care to see that
no families are separated in this whirl of
auctioneering, one would fancy that they
could have very little else to do. It is a
fact, and a most honorable one to our com-
mon human nature, that the distress and
anguish of these poor, helpless creatures
does often raise up for them friends among
the generous-hearted. Southern men often
go to the extent of their means, and beyond
their means, to arrest the cruel operations
138
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
of trade, and relieve cases of individual dis-
tress. There are men at the South who
could tell, if they would, how, when they
have spent the last dollar that they thought
they could afford on one week, they have
been importuned by precisely such a case
the next, and been unable to meet it. There
are masters at the South who could tell, if
they would, how they have stood and bid
against a trader, to redeem some poor slave
of their own, till the bidding was perfectly
ruinous, and they have been obliged to give
up by sheer necessity. Good-natured auc-
tioneers know very well how they have often
been entreated to connive at keeping a poor
fellow out of the trader's clutches ; and how
sometimes they succeed, and sometimes they
do not.
The very struggle and effort which gen-
erous Southern men make to stop the regu-
lar course of trade only shows them the
hopelessness of the effort. We fully con-
cede that many of them do as much or more
than any of us would do under similar cir-
cumstances ; and yet they know that what
they do amounts, after all, to the merest
trifle.
But let us still further reason upon the
testimony of advertisements. What is to be
understood by the following, of the Mem-
phis Eagle and Inquirer, Saturday, Nov.
13, 1852? Under the editorial motto,
" Liberty and Union, now and forever,"
come the following illustrations :
no. r.
T5 NEGROES.
I have just received from the East 75
assorted A No. 1 negroes. Call soon, if
you want to get the first choice.
Benj. Little.
no. n.
CASH FOR NEGROES.
I will pay as high cash prices for a few
likely young negroes as any trader in this
city. Also, will receive and sell on commis-
sion at Byrd Hill's, old stand, on Adams-street,
Memphis. Benj. Little.
NO. III.
500 NEGROES WANTED.
"We will pay the highest cash price
for all good negroes offered. We in
vite all those having negroes for sale
to call on us at our Mart, opposite the lower,
steamboat landing. We will also have a large
lot of Virginia negroes for sale in the Fall. We
have as safe a jail as any in the country, where
we can keep negroes safe for those that wish them
kept. Bolton, Dickins & Co.
Under the head of advertisements No. 1,
let us humbly inquire what " assorted A
No. 1 Negroes" means. Is it likely that
it means negroes sold in families 1 What is
meant by the invitation, " Call soon if you
want to get the first choice " ?
So much for Advertisement No. 1. Let
us now propound a few questions to the
initiated on No. 2. What does Mr. Benja-
min Little mean by saying that he " will
pay as high a cash price for a few likely
young negroes as any trader in the
city " ? Do families commonly consist ex-
clusively of " likely young negroes " ?
On the third advertisement we are also
desirous of some information. Messrs.
Bolton, Dickins & Co. state that they
expect to receive a large lot of Virginia
negroes in the fall.
Unfortunate Messrs. Bolton, Dickins &
Co. ! Do you suppose that Virginia fami-
lies will sell their negroes ? Have you read
Mr. J. Thornton Randolph's last novel,
and have you not learned that old Virginia
families never sell to traders ? and, more
than that, that they always club together
and buy up the negroes that are for sale in
their neighborhood, and the traders when
they appear on the ground are hustled off
with very little ceremony? One would
really think that you had got your impres-
sions on the subject from t! Uncle Tom's
Cabin." For we are told that all who de-
rive their views of slavery from this book
' ' regard the families of slaves as utterly
unsettled and vagrant." *
But, before we recover from our astonish-
ment on reading this, we take up the
Natchez (Mississippi) Courier of Nov.
20th, 1852, and there read:
NEGROES.
The undersigned would respectfully state
to the public that he has leased the stand in
the Forks of the Road, near Natchez, for a,
term of years, and that he intends to keep a large
lot of NEGROES on hand during the year. He
will sell as low or lower than any other trader at
this place or in New Orleans.
He has just armed from Virginia with a very
likely lot of Field Men and Women ; also, House
Servants, three Cooks, and a Carpenter. Call and
see.
A fine Buggy Horse, a Saddle Horse and a
Carryall, on hand, and for sale.
Thos. G. James.
Natchez, Sept. 28, 1852.
Where in the world did this lucky Mr.
Thos. G. James get this likely Virginia
" assortment " ? Probably in some county
which Mr. Thornton Randolph never visited.
And had no families been separated to form
* Article in Fraser's Magazine for October, bj a South
Carolinian.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
139
the assortment ? We hear of a lot of field
men and women. Where are their children ?
We hear of a lot of house-servants, — of
"three cooks," and "one carpenter," as
well as a "fine buggy horse." Had these
unfortunate cooks and carpenters no rela-
tions? Did no sad natural tears stream
down their dark cheeks, when they were
bein<x "assorted" for the Natchez market?
Does no mournful heart among them yearn
to the song of
" 0, carry me back to old Virginny " 1
Still further, we see in the same paper the
following :
SLAVES! SLA VES ! SLAVES !
Fresh Arrivals Weekly. — Having estab-
lished ourselves at the Forks of the Road,
near Natchez, for a term of years, we have
now on hand, and intend to keep throughout the
entire year, a large and well-selected stock of
Negroes, consisting of field-hands, house servants,
mechanics, cooks, seamstresses, washers, ironers,
etc. , which we can and will sell as low or lower
than any other house here or in New Orleans.
Persons wishing to purchase would do well to
call on us before making purchases elsewhere, as
our regular arrivals will keep us supplied with a
good and general assortment. Our terms are
liberal. Give us a call.
Griffin & Pullam.
Natchez, Oct. 15, 1852.-6m.
Free Trader and Concordia Intelligencer copy
as above.
I
Indeed ! Messrs. Griffin and Pullam, it
seems, are equally fortunate ! They are
having fresh supplies weekly, and are going
to keep a large, well-selected stock con-
stantly on hand, to wit, 1 1 field-hands, house-
servants, mechanics, cooks, seamstresses,
washers, ironers, etc."
Let us respectfully inquire what is the
process by which a trader acquires a well-
selected stock. He goes to Virginia to select.
He has had orders, say, for one dozen cooks,
for half a dozen carpenters, for so many
house-servants, &c. &c. Each one of these
individuals have their own ties ; besides
being cooks, carpenters and house-servants,
they are also fathers, mothers, husbands,
wives ; but what of that % They must be
selected — it is an assortment that is wanted.
The gentleman who has ordered a cook does
not, of course, want her five children ; and
the planter who has ordered a carpenter does
not want the cook, his wife. A carpenter
is an expensive article, at any rate, as they
cost from a thousand to fifteen hundred dol-
lars ; and a man who has to pay out this
sum for him cannot always afford himself
the luxury of indulging his humanitv • and
as to the children, they must be left in the
slave-raising state. For, when the ready-
raised article is imported weekly into
Natchez or New Orleans, is it likely that
the inhabitants will encumber themselves
with the labor of raising children ? No, there
must be division of labor in all well-ordered
business. The northern slave states raise
the article, and the southern ones con-
sume it.
The extracts have been taken* from the
papers of the more southern states. If, now,
the reader has any curiosity to explore the
selecting process in the northern states, the
daily prints will further enlighten him. In
the Daily Virginian of Nov. 19, 1852,
Mr. J. B. McLendon thus announces to the
Old Dominion that he has settled himself
down to attend to the selecting process :
XEGROEES WANTD.
The subscriber, having located in Lynchburg, is
giving the highest cash prices for negroes between
the ages of 10 and 30 years. Those having
negroes for sale may find it to their interest to
call on him at the Washington Hotel, Lynchburg,
or address him by letter.
Alftcommunications will receive prompt atten-
tion. J. B. McLendon.
nov. 5-dly.
Mr. McLendon distinctly announces that
he is not going to take any children under
ten years of age, nor any grown people over
thirty. Likely young negroes are what he
is after ; — families, of course, never separ-
ated !
Again, in the same paper, Mr. Seth
Woodroof is desirous of keeping up the
recollection in the community that he also
is in the market, as it would appear he has
been, some time past. He, likewise, wan is
negroes between ten and thirty years of age ;
but his view's turn rather on mechanics,
blacksmiths, and carpenters, — witness his
hand :
NEGROES WANTED.
The subscriber continues in market for Negroes,
of both sexes, between the ages of 10 and 30
years, including Mechanics, such as Blacksmiths,
Carpenters, and will pay the highest market prices
in cash. His office is a newly erected brick build-
ing on 1st or Lynch street, immediately in rear of
the Farmers' Bank, where he is prepared (haying
erected buildings with that view) to board negroes
sent to Lynchburg for sale or otherwise on as
moderate terms, and keep them as secure, as if
they were placed in the jail of the Corporation.
aug 26. Seth "Woodroof.
There is no manner of doubt that this
Mr. Seth Woodroof is a gentleman of hu-
manity, and wishes to avoid the separation
140
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
of families as muck as possible. Doubt-
less he ardently wishes that all his black-
smiths and carpenters would be considerate,
and never have any children under ten years
of age ; but, if the thoughtless dogs have got
them, what 's a humane man to do ? He has
to fill out Mr. This, That, and the Other's
order, — that's a clear case; and therefore
John and Sam must take their last look
at their babies, as Uncle Tom did of his
when he stood by the rough trundle-bed
and dropped into it great, useless tears.
Nay, my friends, don't curse poor Mr.
Seth Woodroof, because he does the horrible,
loathsome work of tearing up the living
human heart, to make twine and shoe-strings
for you ! It 's disagreeable business enough,
he will tell you, sometimes ; and, if you must
have him to do it for you, treat him civilly,
and don't pretend that you are any better
than he.
But the good trade is not confined to the
Old Dominion, by any means. See the fol-
lowing extract from a Tennessee paper, the
Nashville Gazette, Nov. 23, 1852, where
Mr. A. A. McLean, general agent in this
kind of business, thus makes known his
wants and intentions :
WANTED.
I want to purchase immediately 25 likely
NEGROES, — male and female, — between the
ages of 15 and 25 years; for which I will pay
the highest price in cash.
A. A. McLean, General Agent,
nov 9 Cherry Street.
Mr. McLean, it seems, only wants those
between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five.
This advertisement is twice repeated in the
same paper, from which fact we may con-
jecture that the gentleman is very much in
earnest in his wants, and entertains rather
confident expectations that somebody will
be willing to sell. Further, the same gen-
tleman states another want.
WANTED.
I want to purchase, immediately, a Negro man,
Carpenter, and will give a good price.
sept 29 A. A. McLean, GenH Agent.
Mr. McLean does not advertise for his
wife and children, or where this same car-
penter is to be sent, — whether to the New
Orleans market, or up the Red River, or
off to some far bayou of the Mississippi,
jaever to look upon wife or child again. But,
again, Mr. McLean in the same paper tells
us of another want :
WANTED IMMEDIATELY.
A "Wet Nurse. Any price will be given for one
of good character, constitution, &c. Apply to
A. A. McLean, Gen'l Agent.
And what is to be done with the baby of
this wet nurse ? Perhaps, at the moment
that Mr. McLean is advertising for her, she
is hushing the little thing in her bosom, and
thinking, as many another mother has done,
that it is about the brighest, prettiest little
baby that ever was born; for, singularly
enough, even black mothers do fall into this
delusion sometimes. . No matter for all this,
— she is wanted for a wet nurse ! Aunt
Prue can take her baby, and rai§e it on
corn-cake, and what not. Off with her to
Mr. McLean !
See, also, the following advertisement of
the good State of Alabama, which shows
how the trade is thriving there. Mr. S. N.
Brown, in the Advertiser and Gazette ,
Montgomery, Alabama, holds forth as fol-
lows :
NEGROES FOR SALE.
S. N. Brown takes this method of informing his
old patrons, and others waiting to purchase Slaves,
that he has now on hand, of his own selection
and purchasing, a lot of likely young Negroes,
consisting of Men, Boys, and Women, Field Hands,
and superior House Servants, which he offers
and will sell as low as the times will warrant.
Office on Market-street, above the Montgomery
Hall, at Lindsay's Old Stand, where he intends to
keep slaves for sale on his own account, and not
on commission, — therefore thinks he can give
satisfaction to those who patronize him.
Montgomery, Ala., Sept. 13, 1852. twtf (j)
Where were these boys and girls of Mr.
Brown selected, let us ask. How did their
fathers and mothers feel when they were
"selected" ? Emmeline was taken out of
one family, and George out of another. The
judicious trader Ifas travelled through wide
regions of country, leaving in his track
wailing and anguish. A little incident,
which has recently been the rounds of the
papers, may perhaps illustrate some of the
scenes he has occasioned :
INCIDENT OF SLAVERY.
A negro woman belonging to Geo. M. Garrison,
of Polk Co., killed four of her children, by cutting
their throats while they were asleep, on Thursday
night, the 2d inst., and then put an end to her
own existence by cutting her throat. Her master
knows of no cause for the horrid act, unless it be
that she heard him speak of selling her and two
of her children, and keeping the others.
The uncertainty of the master in this
case is edifying. He knows that negroes
cannot be expected to have the feelings of
cultivated people ; — and yet, here is a case
where the creature really acts unaccountably,
and he can't think of any cause except that
he was going to sell her from her children.
But, compose yourself, dear reader ; there
was no great harm done. These were all
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
141
poor people's children, and some of Jhem,
though not all, were black ; and that makes
all the difference in the world, you know !
But Mr. Brown is not alone in Montgom-
ery. Mr. J. W. Lindsey wishes to remind
the people of his depot.
100 NEGROES FOR SALE,
At my depot, on Commerce-street, immediately
between the Exchange Hotel and F. M. Gilmer,
Jr.'s Warehouse, where I will be receiving, from
time to time, large lots of Negroes during the sea-
son, and will sell on as accommodating terms as
any house in this city. I would respectfully
request my old customers and friends to call and
oxamine my stock. Jno. W. Lindsey.
Montgomery, Nov. 2, 1852.
Mr. Lindsey is going to be receiving,
from time to time, all the season, and will
sell as cheap as anybody ; so there 's no fear
of the supply's falling off. And, lo ! in the
same paper, Messrs. Sanders & Foster press
their claims also on the public notice.
NEGROES FOR SAL.E.
The undersigned have bought out the well-known
establishment of Eckles & Brown, where they have
now on hand a large lot of likely young Negroes,
to wit : Men, Women, Boys and Girls, good field-
hands. Also, several good House Servants and
Mechanics of all kinds. The subscribers intend
to keep constantly on hand a large assortment of
Negroes, comprising every description. Persons
wishing to purchase will find it much to their
interest to call and examine previous to buying
elsewhere. Sanders & Foster.
April 13.
Messrs. Sanders & Foster are going to
have an assortment also. All their negroes
are to be young and likely ; the trashy old
fathers and mothers are all thrown aside like
a heap of pig-weed, after one has been weed-
ing a garden.
Query : Are these Messrs. Sanders &
Foster, and J. W. Lindsey, and S. N.
Brown, and McLean, and Woodroof, and
McLendon, all members of the church,
in . good and regular standing ? Does the
question shock you ? Why so ? Why
should they not be ? The Rev. Dr. Smylie,
of Mississippi, in a document endorsed by
two presbyteries, says distinctly that the
Bible gives a right to buy and sell slaves.*
If the Bible guarantees this right, and
sanctions this trade, why should it shock you
to see the slave-trader at the communion-
* " If language can convey a clear and definite mean-
ing at all, I know not how it can more unequivocally or
more plainly present to the mind any thought or idea
than the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus clearly or une-
quivocally establishes the fact that slavery or bondage
was sanctioned by Grod himself ; and that ' buying, selling,
holding and bequeathing ' slaves, as property, arc regula-
tions which were established by himself." — Smylie on
Slavery,
table ? Do you feel that there is blood on
his hands, — the blood of human hearts,
which he has torn asunder ? Do you shud-
der when he touches the communion-bread,
and when he drinks the cup which " who-
soever drinketh unworthily drinketh damna-
tion to himself" ? But who makes the
trader ? Do not you ? Do you think that
the trader's profession is a healthy one for
the soul? Do you think the scenes with
which he must be familiar, and the deeds he
must do, in order to keep up an assortment
of negroes for your convenience, are such
things as Jesus Christ approves ? Do you
think they tend to promote his growth in
grace, and to secure his soul's salvation?
Or is it so important for you to have assorted
negroes that the traders must not only be
turned out of good society in this life, but
run the risk of going to hell forever, for
your accommodation ?
But let us search the Southern papers,
and see if we cannot find some evidence of
that humanity which avoids the separation
of families, as far as possible. In the
Argus, published at Weston, Missouri,
Nov. 5, 1852, see the following :
A NEGRO FOR SALE.
I wish to sell a black girl about 24 years old, a
good cook and washer, handy with^a needle, can
spin and weave. I wish to sell her in the neigh-
borhood of Camden Point ; if not sold there in a
short time, I will hunt the best market ; or I will
trade her for two small ones, a boy and girl.
M. Doyal.
Considerate Mr. Doyal ! He is opposed
to the separation of families, and, therefore,
wishes to sell this woman in the neighbor-
hood of Camden Point, where her family
ties are, — perhaps her husband and chil-
dren, her brothers, or sisters. He will not
separate her from her family if it is possi-
ble to avoid it ; that is to say, if he can get
as much for her without; but, if he can't,
he will " hunt the best market." What
more would you have of Mr. Doyal ?
How speeds the blessed trade in the State
of Maryland ? — Le£ us take the Baltimore
Sun of Nov. 23, 1852.
Mr. J. S. Donovan thus advertises the
Christian public of the accommodations of
his jail :
CASH FOR NEGROES.
The undersigned continues, at his old stand,
No. 13 Camden St., to pay the highest price for
Negroes. Persons bringing Negroes by railroad
or steamboat will find it very convenient to secure
their Negroes, as my Jail is adjoining the Rail-
road Depot and near the Steamboat Landings*
Negroes received for safe keeping.
J. S. Donovan.
142
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
Messrs. B. M. & W. L. Campbell, in the
respectable old stand of Slatter. advertise as
follows :
SLAVES WANTED.
We are at all times purchasing Slaves, paying
the highest cash prices. Persons wishing to sell
will please call at 242 Pratt St. (Slatter's old
stand). Communications attended to.
F. M. & W. L. Campbell.
In another column, however, Mr. John
Denning has his season advertisement, in
terms which border on the sublime :
SOOO NEGROES WANTED.
I will pay the highest prices, in cash, for 5000
Negroes, with good titles, slaves for life or for a
term of years, in large or small families, or single
negroes. I will also purchase Negroes restricted
to remain in the State, that sustain good charac-
ters. Families never separated. Persons having
Slaves for sale will please call and see me, as I
am always in the market with the cash. Com-
munications promptly attended to, and liberal
commissions paid, by John N. Denning, No. 18
S. Frederick street, between Baltimore and Second
streets, Baltimore, Maryland. Trees in front of
the house.
Mr. John Denning, also, is a man of hu-
manity. He never separates families. Don't
you see it in his advertisement 1 If a man
offers him a wife without her husband, Mr.
John Denning won't buy her. 0, no ! His
five thousand are all unbroken families ; he
never takes any other; and he transports
them whole and entire. This is a comfort
to reflect upon, certainly.
See, also, the Democrat, published in
Cambridge, Maryland, Dec. 8, 1852. A
gentleman gives this pictorial representation
of himself, with the proclamation to the
slave-holders of Dorchester and adjacent
counties that he is again in the market :
NEGROES WANTED.
I wish to inform the slave-holders of
Dorchester and the adjacent counties that I
am again in the Market. Persons having
negroes that are slaves for life to dispose
of will find it to their interest to see me before
they sell, as I am determined to pay the highest
prices in cash that the Southern market will jus-
tify. I can be found at A. Hall's Hotel in Easton,
where I will remain until the first day of July
next. Communications addressed to me at Easton,
or information given to Wm. Bell in Cambridge,
will meet with prompt attention.
Wm. Harker.
Mr. Harker is very accommodating. He
keeps himself informed as to the state of the
southern market, and will give the very
highest price that it will justify. Moreover,
he will be on hand till July, and will answer
any letters from the adjoining country on
the subject. On one point he ought to be
spoken to. He has not advertised that he
does not separate families. It is a mere
matter of taste, to be sure ; but then some
weli-disposed people like to see it on a
trader's card, thinking it has a more credit-
able appearance ; and, probably, Mr. Harker,
if he reflects a little, will put it in next time.
It takes up very little room, and makes a
good appearance.
We are occasionally reminded, by the
advertisements for runaways, to how small
an extent it is found possible to avoid the
separation of families ; as in the Richmond
Whig of Nov. 5, 1852 :
$10 REWARD.
We are requested by Henry P. Davis to offer a
reward of $10 for the apprehension of a negro
man named Henry, who ran away from the said
Davis' farm near Petersburg, on Thursday, the
27 th October. Said slave came from near Lynch-
burg, Va., purchased of Cock, and has a
wife in Halifax county, Va. He has recently
been employed on the South Side Railroad. He
may be in the neighborhood of his wife.
Pulliam & Davis, Aucts., Richmond.
It seems to strike the advertiser as possi-
ble that Henry may be in the neighborhood
of his wife. We should not at all wonder
if he were.
The reader, by this time, is in possession
of some of those statistics of which the
South Carolinian speaks, when he says,
We feel confident, if statistics could be had, to
throw light upon the subject, we should find that
there is less separation of families among the
negroes than occurs with almost any other class
of persons.
In order to give some little further idea
of the extent to which this kind of property
is continually changing hands, see the fol-
lowing calculation, which has been made
from sixty-four Southern newspapers, taken
very much at random. The papers were all
published in the last two weeks of the month
of November, 1852.
The negroes are advertised sometimes by
name, sometimes in definite numbers, and
sometimes in " lots," " assortments," and
other indefinite terms. We present the
result of this estimate, far as it must fall
from a fair representation of the facts, in a
tabular form.
Here is recorded, in only eleven papers,
the sale of eight hundred forty-nine slaves
in two iveeks in Virginia ; the state where
Mr. J. Thornton Randolph describes such
an event as a separation of families being a
thins that " we read of in no vels sometimes."
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
143
States where
published.
Virginia,
Kentucky,
Tennessee,
S. Carolina,
Georgia,
Alabama,
Mississippi,
Louisiana,
to
2 -rt
2d
o3
"- 1 2
&*
^ °
. *&
5 °
o ™
£*
»
11
849
7
5
238
1
8
385
4
12
852
2
6
98
2
10
549
5
8
669
5
4
460
4
64
4100
30 •
•si
6
15
7
17
7
5
6
35
i 92
In South Carolina, where the writer in
Fraser's Magazine dates from, we have
during these same two weeks a sale of eight
hundred and fifty- two recorded by one dozen
papers. Verily, we must apply to the news-
papers of his state the same language which
he applies to " Uncle Tom's Cabin :" " Were
our views of the system of slavery to be
derived from these papers, we should regard
the families of slaves as utterly unsettled
and vagrant."
The total, in sixty-four papers, in differ-
ent states, for only two weeks, is four thou-
sand one hundred, besides ninety-two lots,
as they are called.
And now, who is he who compares the
hopeless, returnless separation of the negro
from his family, to the voluntary separation
of the freeman, whom necessary business in-
terest takes for a while from the bosom of
his family 1 Is not the lot of the slave
bitter enough,- without this last of mockeries
and worst of insults ? Well may they say,
in their anguish, " Our soul is exceedingly
filled with the scorning of them that are at
ease, and with the contempt of the proud ! "
From the poor negro, exposed to bitterest
separation, the law jealously takes away the
power of writing. For him the gulf of sep-
aration yawns black and hopeless, with no
redeeming signal. Ignorant of geography,
he knows not whither he is going, or where
he is, or how to direct a letter. To all in-
tents and purposes, it is a separation hope-
less as that of death, and as final.
CHAPTER IV.
THE SLAVE-TRADE.
What is it that constitutes the vital force
of the institution of slavery in this country ?
Slavery, being an unnatural and unhealth-
ful condition of society, being a most waste-
ful and impoverishing mode of cultivating
the soil, would speedily run itself out in a
community, and become so unprofitable as
to fall into disuse, were it not kept alive by
some unnatural process.
What has that process been in America ?
Why has that healing course of nature which
cured this awful wound in all the northern
states stopped short on Mason & Dixon's
line? In Delaware, Maryland, Virginia
and Kentucky, slave labor long ago impov-
erished the soil almost beyond recovery,
and became entirely unprofitable. In all
these states it is well known that the ques-
tion of emancipation has been urgently pre-
sented. It has been discussed in legisla-
tures, and Southern men have poured forth
on the institution of slavery such anathemas
as only Southern men can pour forth. All
that has ever been said of it at the North
has been said in four-fold thunders in these
Southern discussions. The State of Ken-
tucky once came within one vote, in her
legislature, of taking measures for gradual
emancipation. The State of Virginia has
come almost equally near, and Maryland
has long been waiting at the door. There
was a time when no one doubted that all
these states would soon be free states ; and
what is now the reason that they are not ?
Why are these discussions now silenced, and
why does this noble determination now ret-
rograde 1 The answer is in a w T ord. It is
the extension of slave territory, the open-
ing of a great southern slave-market, and
the organization of a great internal slave-
trade, that has arrested the progress of
emancipation.
While these states were beginning to look
upon the slave as one who might possibly
yet become a man, while they meditated
giving to him and his wife and children the
inestimable blessings of liberty, this great
southern slave-mart was opened. It began
by the addition of Missouri as slave territory,
and the votes of two Northern men were
those which decided this great question.
Then, by the assent and concurrence of
Northern men, came in all the immense ac-
quisition of slave territory which now opens
so boundless a market to tempt the avarice
and cupidity of the northern slave-raising
states.
This acquisition of territory has deferred
perhaps for indefinite ages the emancipation
of a race. It has condemned to sorrow and
144
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
heart-breaking separation, to groans and
wailings, hundreds of thousands of slave
families ; it has built, through all the South-
ern States, slave-warehouses, with all their
ghastly furnishings of gags, and thumb-
screws, and cowhides; it has organized
unnumbered slave-coffles, clanking their
chains and filing in mournful march through
this land of liberty.
This accession of slave territory hardened
the heart of the master. It changed what
was before, in comparison, a kindly relation,
into the most horrible and inhuman of trades.
The planter whose slaves had grown up
around him, and whom he had learned to
look upon almost as men and women, saw
on every sable forehead now nothing but its
market value. This man was a thousand
dollars, and this eight hundred. The black
baby in its mother's arms was a hundred-
dollar bill, and nothing more. All those
nQbler traits of mind and heart which should
have made the slave a brother became only
so many stamps on his merchandise. Is the
slave intelligent ? — Good ! that raises his
price two hundred dollars. Is he conscien-
tious and faithful ? — Good ! stamp it down
in his certificate ; it 's worth two hundred
dollars more. Is he religious ? Does that
Holy Spirit of God, whose name we men-
tion with reverence and fear, make that
despised form His temple 1 — Let that also
be put down in the estimate of his market
value, and the gift of the Holy Ghost shall be
sold for money. Is he a minister of God 1 —
Nevertheless, he has his price in the market.
From the church and from the communion-
table the Christian brother and sister are
taken to make up the slave-coffle. And
woman, with her tenderness, her gentleness,
her beauty. — woman, to whom mixed blood
of the black and the white have given graces
perilous for a slave, — what is her accursed
lot, in this dreadful commerce ? — The next
few chapters will disclose' facts on this subject
which ought to wring the heart of every
Christian mother, if, indeed, she be worthy
of that holiest name.
But we will not deal in assertions merely.
We have stated the thing to be proved ; let us
show the facts which prove it.
The existence of this fearful traffic is
known to many, — the particulars and
dreadful extent of it realized but by few.
Let us enter a little more particularly on
them. The slave-exporting states are Mary-
land, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina,
Tennessee and Missouri. These are slave-*
raising states, and the others are slave-con-
suming states. We have shown, in the pre-
ceding chapters, the kind of advertisements
which are usual in those states ; but, as we
wish to produce on the minds of our readers
something of the impression which has been
produced on our own mind by their multi-
plicity and abundance, we shall add a few
more here. For the State of Virginia, see
all the following :
Kanawha Republican, Oct. 20, 1852,
Charleston, Va. At the head — Liberty,
with a banner, " Drapeau sans Tceche."
CASH FOR NEGROES.
The subscriber wishes to purchase a few yo.mg
NEGROES, from 12 to 25 years of age, for which
the highest market price will be paid in cash. A
few lines addressed to him through the Post Om.?e,
Kanawha C, H., or a personal application, -will
be promptly attended to. Jas. L. Ficklin.
Oct. 20, '53. — 3t
Alexandria Gazette, Oct. 28th :
CASH FOR NEGROES'.
I wish to purchase immediately, for the South,
any number of NEGROES, from 10 to 30 years of
age, for which I will pay the very highest ca^h
price. All communications promptly attended to.
Joseph Bruin
West End, Alexandria, Va., Oct. 2G. — tf
Lynchburg Virginian, Nov. 18 :
NEGROES WANTED.
The subscriber, having located in Lynchburg, is
giving the highest cash prices for negroes, between
the ages of 10 and 30 years. Those having negroes
for sale may find it to their interest to call on him
at the Washington Hotel, Lynchburg, or address
him by letter.
All communications will receive prompt atten-
tion. J. B. McLendox.
Nov. 5. — dly
Rockingham Register, Nov. 13 :
CASH FOR NEGROES.
I wish to purchase a number of NEGROES of
both sexes and all ages, for the Southern market,
for which I will pay the highest cash prices.
Letters addressed to me at Winchester, Virginia,
will be promptly attended to;
II. J. McDaniel, Agent
Nov. 24, 1846. — tf for Wm. Crow.
Richmond
Whig,
Nov. 16
PULLIAM & DAVIS,
AUCTIONEERS FOR THE SALE OF NEGROES.
D. M. Pulliam. Hector Davis.
The subscribers continue to sell Negroes, at
their office, on Wall-street. From their experi-
ence in the business, they can safely insure the
highest prices for all negroes intrusted to their
care. They will make sales of negroes in estates,
and would say to Commissioners, Executors and
x\dministrators, that they will make their sales on
favorable terms. They are prepared to board and
lodge negroes comfortably at 25 cents per day.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
145
NOTICE. — CASH FOR SLAVES.
Those who wish to sell slaves in Buckingham
and the adjacent counties in Virginia, by applica-
tion to Anderson D. Abraham, Sr., or his son,
Anderson D. Abraham, Jr., they will find sale, at
the highest cash prices, for one hundred and fifty
to two hundred slaves. One or the other of the
above parties will be found, for the next eight
months, at their residence in the aforesaid county
and state. Address Anderson D. Abraham, Sr.,
Maysville Post Office, White Oak Grove, Buck-
ingham County, Va.
Winchester Republican, June 29 ; 1852 :
NEGROES WANTED.
The subscriber having located himself in Win-
chester, Va., wishes to purchase a large number
of SLAVES of both sexes, for which he will give
the highest price in cash. Persons wishing to
dispose of Slaves will find it to their advantage
t© give him a call before selling.
All communications addressed to him at the
Taylor Hotel, Winchester, Va., will meet with
prompt attention. Elijah McDowel,
Agent for B. M. & Wm. L. Campbell,
Dec. 27, 1851. — 'ly. of Baltimore.
For Maryland:
Port Tobacco Times, Oct., '52:
SLAVES WANTED.
The subscriber is permanently located at Mid-
dle ville, Charles County (immediately on the
road from Port Tobacco to Allen's Fresh) , where
he will be pleased to buy any Slaves that are for
sale. The extreme value will be given at all
times, and liberal commissions paid for informa-
tion leading to a purchase. Apply personally, or
by letter addressed to Allen's Fresh, Charles
County. John G. Campbell.
Middleville, April 14, 1852.
Cambridge (Md.) Democrat, October
27, 1852 :
NEGROES WANTED.
I wish to inform the slave-holders of Dorches-
ter and the adjacent counties that I am again in
the market. Persons having negroes that are
slaves for life to dispose of will find it to their in-
terest to see me before they sell, as I am deter-
mined to pay the highest prices in cash that the
Southern market will justify. I can be found at
A. Hall's Hotel, in Easton, where I will remain
until the first day of July next. Communications
addressed to me at Easton, or information given
to Wm. Bell, in Cambridge, will meet with prompt
attention.
I will be at John Bradshaw's Hotel, in Cam-
bridge, every Monday. Wm. Harker.
Oct. 6, 1852. — 3m
The Westminster Carroltonian, Oct.
22, 1852 :
25 NEGROES WANTED.
The undersigned wishes to purchase 25 LIKELY
YOUNG NEGROES, for which the highest cash
10
prices will be paid. All communications ad-
dressed to me in Baltimore will be punctually at-
tended to. Lewis Winters.
Jan. 2.— tf
For Tennessee the following :
Nashville True Whig, Oct. 20th, 5 52
FOR SALE.
21 likely Negroes, of different ages.
Oct. 6. A. A. McLean, Gen. Agent.
WANTED.
I want to purchase, immediately, a Negro man,
Carpenter, and will give a good price.
Oct. 6. A. A. McLean, Gen. Agent.
Nashville Gazette, October 22 :
FOR SALE.
SEVERAL likely girls from 10 to 18 years old,
a woman 24, a very valuable woman 25 years old,
with three very likely children.
Williams & Glover.
Oct. 16th, 1852. a..b. u.
WANTED.
I want to purchase Twenty-five LIKELY
NEGROES, between the ages of 18 and 25 years,
male and female, for which I will pay the highest
price in cash. A. A. McLean.
Oct. 20. Cherry Street.
The Memphis Daily Eagle and En-
quirer :
500 NEGROES WANTED.
We will pay the highest cash price for all good
negroes offered. We invite 111 those having
negroes for sale to call on us at our mart, opposite
the lower steamboat landing. We will also harve
a large lot of Virginia negroes for sale in the Fall.
We have as safe a jail as any in the country,
where we can keep negroes safe for those that
wish them kept. Bolton, Dickins & Co.
jel3 — d&w
LAND AND NEGROES FOR SALE.
A good bargain will be given in about 400 acres
of Land ; 200 acres are in a fine state of cultiva-
tion, fronting the Railroad about ten miles from
Memphis. Together with 18 or 20 likely negroes,
consisting of men, women, boys and girls. Good
time will be given on a portion of the purchase
money. J. M. Provine.
Oct. 17. — lm.
Clarksville Chronicle, Dec. 3, 1852: .
NEGROES WANTED,
We wish to hire 25 good Steam Boat hands for
the New Orleans and Louisville trade. We wiH
pay very full prices for the Season, commencing
about the 15th November.
McClure & Crozier, Agents
Sept. 10th, 1852. — lm S. B. Bellpoor.
146
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
Missouri :
The Daily St. Louis Times, October
14. 1852:
REUBEN BARTLETT,
On Chesnut, between Sixth and Seventh streets,
near the city jail, will pay the highest price in
cash for all good negroes offered. There are also
other buyers to be found in the office very anxious
to purchase, who will pay the highest prices given
in cash.
Negroes boarded at the lowest rates.
jy 15 — 6m.
NEGROES.
BLAKELY and McAFEE having dissolved co-
partnership by mutual consent, the subscriber
will at all times pay the highest cash prices for
negroes of every description. Will also attend to
the sale of negroes on commission, having a jail
and yard fitted up expressly for boarding them.
jg^* Negroes for sale at all times.
3 A. B. McAfee, 93 Olive street.
ONE HUNDRED NEGROES WANTED.
Having just returned from Kentucky, I wish to
purchase, as soon as possible, one hundred likely
negroes, consisting of men, women, boys and girls,
for which I will pay at all times from fifty to one
hundred dollars on the head more money than any
erther trading man in the city of St. Louis, or the
State of Missouri. I can at all times be found at
Barnum's City Hotel, St. Louis, Mo.
jel2d&wly. John Mattingly.
From another St. Louis paper :
NEGROES WANTED.
I will pay at all times the highest price in cash
for all good negroes offered. I am buying for the
Memphis and Louisiana markets, and can afford
to pay, and will pay, as high as any trading man
in this State. All those having negroes to sell
will do well to give me a call at No. 210, corner
of Sixth and Wash streets, St Louis, Mo.
Tnos. Dickins,
of the firm of Bolton, Dickins & Co.
ol8 — 6m*
ONE HUNDRED NEGROES WANTED.
Having just returned from Kentucky, I wish to
purchase one hundred likely Negroes, consisting
of men and women, boys and girls, for which I
will pay in cash from fifty to one hundred dollars
more than any other trading man in the city of
St. Louis or the State of Missouri. I can at all
times be found at Barnum's City Hotel, St. Louis,
Mo. John Mattingly.
jel4d&wly
B. M. LYNCH,
No. 104 Locust street, St. Louis, Missouri,
Is prepared to pay the highest prices in cash for
good and likely negroes, or will furnish boarding
for others, in comfortable quarters and under se-
cure fastenings. He will also attend to the sale
and purchase of negroes on commission.
Negroes for sale at all times. &w
We ask you, Christian reader, we beg
you to think, what sort of scenes are going
on in Virginia under these advertisements 1
You see that they are carefully worded so as
to take only the young people ; and they are
only a specimen of the standing, season ad-
vertisements which are among the most com-
mon things in the Virginia papers. A suc-
ceeding chapter will open to the reader the
interior of these slave-prisons, and show him
something of the daily incidents of this kind
of trade. Now let us look at the corre-
sponding advertisements in the southern
states. The coffles made up in Virginia
and other states are thus announced in the
southern market.
From the Natchez (Mississippi) Free
Trader, Nov. 20 :
NEGROES FOR SALE.
The undersigned have just arrived, direct from
Richmond, Va., with a large and likely lot of
Negroes, consisting of Field Hands, House
Servants, Seamstresses, Cooks, Washers and
Ironers, a first-rate brick mason, and other me-
chanics, which they now offer for sale at the Forks
of the Road, near Natchez (Miss.), on the most
accommodating terms.
They will continue to receive fresh supplies
from Richmond, Va., during the season, and will
be able to furnish to any order any description of
Negroes sold in Richmond.
Persons wishing to purchase would do well to
give us a call before purchasing elsewhere.
nov20-6m Matthews, Bran ton & Co.
To The Public.
NEGROES BOUGHT AND SOLD.
Robert S. Adams & Moses J. Wicks have this
day associated themselves under the name and
style of Adams & Wicks, for the purpose of buy-
ing and selling Negroes, in the city of Aberdeen,
and elsewhere. They have an Agent who has
been purchasing Negroes for them in the Old
States for the last two months. One of the firm,
Robert S. Adams, leaves this day for North Caro-
lina and Virginia, and will buy a large number of
negroes for this market. They will keep at their
depot in Aberdeen, during the coming fall and
winter, a large lot of choice Negroes, which they
will sell low for cash, or for bills on Mobile.
Robert's. Adams,
Moses J. Wicks.
Aberdeen, Miss . May 7th, 1852.
SLAVES! SLAVES! SLAVES!
FREsn arrivals weekly. — Having established
ourselves at the Forks of the Road, near Natchez,
for a term of years, we have now on hand, and in-
tend to keep throughout the entire year, a large
and well-selected stock of Negroes, consisting of
field-hands, house servants, mechanics, cooks,
seamstresses, washers, ironers, etc., which we can
sell and will sell as low or lower than any other
house here or in New Orleans.
Persons wishing to purchase would do well to
call on us before making purchases elsewhere, as
KEY TO UNtlLE TOJl's CABIN.
147
our- regular arrivals will keep us supplied with a
good and general assortment. Our terms are lib-
eral. Give us a call.
Griffin & Pullum.
Natchez, Oct. 16, 1852. 6m
NEGROES FOR SALE.
I have just returned to my stand, at the Forks
of the Road, with fifty likely young NEGROES
for sale. R. H. Elam.
sept 22
NOTICE.
The undersigned would respectfully state to the
public that he has leased the stand in the Forks
of the Road, near Natchez, for a term of years, and
that he intends to keep a large lot of NEGROES on
hand during the year. He will sell as low, or
lower, than any other trader at this place or in
New Orleans. ».;'..
He has just arrived from Virginia, with a very
likely lot of field men and women and house ser-
vants, three cooks, a carpenter and a fine buggy
horse, and a saddle-horse and carryall. Call and
see. Thos. G. James.
• Daily Orleanian, Oct. 19, 1852 :
W. F. TAOEHILL,
No. 159 Gravier Street.
SLAVES! SLAVES! SLAVES!
Constantly on hand, bought and sold on com-
mission, at most reasonable prices. — Field hands,
cooks, washers and ironers, and general house
servants. City reference given, if required,
oct 14
DEPOT D'ESCLAVES
BE LA NOUVELLE-ORLEANS.
No. 68, rue Baronne.
Wm. F. Tannehill & Co. ont constamment en
mains un assortiment complet d'ESCLAVES bien
ehoisis a vendre. Aussi, vente et achat d'esclaves
par commission.
Nous avons actuellement en mains un grand
nombre de negres alouer auxmois,parmi lesqu Is
Be trouvent des jeunes garcons, domestique^ de
maison, cuisinieres, blanchisseuses e't repas-
seuses, nourices, etc.
REFERENCES I
Wright, Williams & Co. Moon, Titus & Co.
Williams, Phillips & Co. S. 0. Nelson & Co.
Moses Greenwood. E. W. Diggs. 3ms
Nero Orleans Daily Crescent, Oct. 21,
1852 :
SLAVES.
James White, No. 73 Baronne street, New Or-
leans, will give strict attention to receiving, board-
ing and selling SLAVES consigned to him. He
will also buy and sell on commission. References :
Messrs. Robson & Allen, McRea, Coflman & Co.,
Pregram, Bryan & Co. sep 23
NEGROES WANTED.
Fifteen or twenty good Negro Men wanted to
• go on a Plantation. The best of wages will be
given until the first of January, 1853.
Apply to Tiiomas G. Mackey & Co.,
5 Canal street, corner of Magazine,
aepll up stairs.
From another number of the Mississippi
Free Trader is taken the following :
NEGROES.
The undersigned would respectfully state to the
public that he has a lot of about forty-five now
on hand, having this day received a lot of twenty-
five direct from Virginia, two or three good cooks,
a carriage driver, a good house boy, a fiddler, a
fine seamstress and a likely lot of field men and
women ; all of whom he will sell at a small profit.
He wishes to close out and go on to Virginia
after a lot for the fall trade. Call and see.
Thomas G. James.
The slave-raising business of the northern
states has been variously alluded to and re-
cognized, both in the business statistics of
the states, and occasionally in the speeches
of patriotic men, who have justly mourned
over it as a degradation to their country. In
1841, the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery
Society addressed to the executive com-
mittee of the American Anti- Slavery Society
some inquiries on the internal American
slave-trade.
A labored investigation was made at that
time, the results of which were published in
London ; and from that volume are made the
following extracts :
The Virginia Times (a weekly newspaper,
published at Wheeling, Virginia) estimates, in
1836, the number of slaves exported for sale from
that state alone, during " the twelve months pre-
ceding," at forty thousand, the aggregate value
of whom is computed at twenty-four millions of
dollars.
Allowing for Virginia one-half of the whole ex
portation during the period in question, and W6
have the appalling sum total of eighty thousa?ia
slaves exported in a single year from the breeding
states. We cannot decide with certainty what
proportion of the above number was furnished by
each of the breeding states, but Maryland ranks
next to Virginia in point of numbers, North Caro-
lina follows Maryland, Kentucky North Carolina,
then Tennessee and Delaware.
The Natchez (Mississippi) Courier says " that
the States of Louisiana, Mississippi. Alabama
and Arkansas, imported two hundred and fifty thou-
sand slaves from the more northern states in the
year 1836."
This seems absolutely incredible, but it proba-
bly includes all the slaves introduced by the im-
migration of their masters. The following, from
the Virginia Times, confirms this supposition.
In the same paragraph which is referred to under
the second query, it is said :
" We have heard intelligent men estimate the
number of slaves exported from Virginia, within
the last twelve months, at a hundred and twenty
thousand, each slave averaging at least six
hundred dollars, making an aggregate of seventy-
two million dollars. Of the number of slaves
exported, not more than one-third have been sold ;
the others having been carried by their masters,
who have removed."
Assuming one-third to be the proportion of the
148
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
sold, there are more than eighty thousand im-
ported for sale into the four States of Louisiana,
Mississippi, Alabama and Arkansas. Supposing
one-half of eighty thousand to be sold into the
other buying states, — S. Carolina, Georgia, and
the territory of Florida, — and we are brought to
the conclusion that more than r a hundred and
twenty thousand slaves were, for some years pre-
vious to the great pecuniary pressure in 1837, ex-
ported from the breeding to the consuming states.
The Baltimore American gives the following
from a Mississippi paper of 1837 :
" The report made by the committee of the
citizens of Mobile, appointed at their meeting
held on the 1st instant, on the subject of the ex-
isting pecuniary pressure, states that so large
has been the return of slave labor, that purchases
by Alabama of that species of property from
other states, since 1833, have amounted to about
ifr, mil lion dollars annually.''''
" Dealing in slaves," says the Baltimore (Mary-
land) Register of 1829, has become a large busi-
ness ; establishments are made in several places
in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold
like cattle. These places of deposit are strongly
built, and well supplied with iron thumbscrews
and gags, and ornamented with cowskins and
other whips, oftentimes bloody."
Professor Dew, now President of the University
of William and Mary, in Virginia, in his review
of the debate in the Virginia legislature in 1831 —
2, says (p. 120) :
" A full equivalent being left in the place of the
slave (the purchase-money), this emigration be-
comes an advantage to the state, and does not
check the black population as much as at first
view we might imagine ; because it furnishes
every inducement to the master to attend to the
negroes, to encourage breeding, and to cause the
greatest number possible to be raised." Again :
" Virginia is, in fact, a negro-raising state for the
ether stales.''''
Mr. Goocle, of Virginia, in his speech before the
Virginia legislature, in January, 1832, said :
" The superior usefulness of the slaves in the
South will constitute an effectual demand, which
will remove them from our limits. We shall send
them from our state, because it will be our interest
to do so. But gentlemen are alarmed lest the mar-
kets of other states be closed against the introduction
of our slaves. Sir, the demand for slave labor
must increase" <SfC.
In the debates of the Virginia Convention, in
IS 29, Judge Upshur said :
" The value of slaves as an article of property
depends much on the state of the market abroad.
In this view, it is the value of land abroad, and not
of land here, which furnishes the ratio. Nothing
is more fluctuating than the value of slaves. A
late law of Louisiana reduced their value twenty-
five per cent, in two hours after its passage was
known. If it should be our lot, as I trust it will
be, to a* x wire the country of Texas, their price will
rise again."
Hon. Philip Doddridge, of Virginia, in his
speech in the Virginia Convention, in 1829 (De-
bates p. 89), said :
' • The acquisition of Texas will greatly enhance
the value of the property in question (Virginia
slaves)."
Rev. Dr. Graham, of Fayetteville, North Caro-
lina, at a Colonization meeting held at that place
in the fall of 1837. said :
"There were nearly seven thousand slaves
offered in New Orleans market, last winter. From
Virginia alone six thousand were annually sent to
the South, and from Virginia and North Carolina
there had gone to the South, in the last twenty
years, three hundred thousand slaves."
Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, in his speech
before the Colonization Society, in 1829, says :
"It is believed that nowhere in the farming
portion of the United States would slave labor be
generally employed, if the proprietor were not
tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the
southern markets, which keeps it up in his own."
The New York Journal of Commerce of Octo-
ber 12th, 1835, contains a letter from a Virginian,
whom the editor calls " a very good and sensible
man," asserting that twenty thousand slaves had
been driven to the South from Virginia that year,
but little more than three-fourths of which had
then elapsed.
Mr. Gholson, of Virginia, in his speech in the
legislature of that state, January 18, 1831 (see
Richmond Whig) , says :
" It has always (perhaps erroneously) been
considered, by steady and old-fashioned people,
that the owner of land had a reasonable right to
its annual profits ; the owner of orchards to their
annual fruits ; the owner of brood mares to their
product ; and the owner of female slaves to their
increase. We have not the fine-spun intelligence
nor legal acumen to discover the technical dis-
tinctions drawn by gentlemen (that is, the distinc-
tion between female slaves and brood mares) . The
legal maxim of partus sequitur ventrem is coeval
with the existence of the right of property itself,
and is founded in wisdom and justice. It is on the
justice and inviolability of this maxim that the
master foregoes the service of the female slave,
has her nursed and attended during the period of
her gestation, and raises the helpless infant off-
spring. The value of the property justifies the ex-
pense, and I do not hesitate to say that in its in-
crease consists much of our wealth."
Can any comment on the state of public
sentiment produced by slavery equal the
simple reading of this extract, if we re-
member that it was spoken in the Virginia
legislature? One would think the cold
cheek of Washington would redden in its
grave for shame, that his native state had
sunk so low. That there were Virginian
hearts to feel this disgrace is evident from
the following reply of Mr. Faulkner to Mr.
Gholson, in the Virginia House of Dele-
gates, 1832. See Richmond Whig :
"But he (Mr. Gholson) has labored to show
that the abolition of slavery would be impolitic,
because your slaves constitute the entire wealth
of the state, all the productive capacity Virginia
possesses ; and, sir, as things are, / believe he is
correct. He says that the slaves constitute the
entire available wealth of Eastern Virginia. Is
it true that for two hundred years the only in-
crease in the wealth and resources of Virginia
has been a remnant of the natural increase of
this miserable race ? Can it be that on this
increase she places her sole dependence ? Until I
heard these declarations, I had not fully conceived
the horrible extent of this evil These gen-
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
149
tlemen state the fact, which the history and
present aspect of the commonwealth bat too well
sustain. What, sir! have you lived for two hun-
dred years without personal effort or productive
industry, in extravagance and indolence, sustained
alone by the return from the sales of the in-
crease of slaves, and retaining merely such a
number as your now impoverished lands can
sustain as stock V
Mr. Thomas Jefferson Randolph in the Virginia
legislature used the following language {Liberty
Bell, p. 20) :
" I agree with gentlemen in the necessity of
arming the state for internal defence. I will unite
with them in any eflbrt to restore confidence to
the public mind, and to conduce to the sense of
the safety of our wives and our children. Yet,
sir, I must ask upon whom is to fall the burden
of this defence ? Not upon the lordly masters of
their hundred slaves, who will never turnout except
to retire with their families when danger threatens.
No, sir ; it is to fall upon the less wealthy class of
our citizens, chief y upon the non-slaveholder. I
have known patrols turned out where there was not
a slave-holder among them; and this is the practice
of the county. I have slept in times of alarm
quiet in bed, without having a thought of care,
while these individuals, owning none of this prop-
erty themselves, were patrolling under a compul-
sory process, for a pittance of seventy-five cents
per twelve hours, the very curtilage of my house,
and guarding that property which was alike dan-
gerous to them and myself. After all, this is but
an expedient. As this population becomes more
numerous, it becomes less productive. Your
guard must be increased, until finally its profits
will not pay for the expense of its subjection.
Slavery has the effect of lessening the free popu-
lation of a country.
" The gentleman has spoken of the increase of
the female slaves being a part of the profit. It is
admitted ; but no great evil can be averted, no
good attained, without some inconvenience. It
may be questioned how far it is desirable to foster
and encourage this branch of profit. It is a prac-
tice, and an increasing practice, in parts of Vir-
ginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an
honorable mind, a patriot, and a lover of his
country, bear to see this Ancient Dominion, ren-
dered illustrious by the noble devotion and patri-
otism of her sons in the cause of liberty, con-
verted into one grand menagerie, where men are to
reared for the market, like oxen for the shambles ?
Is it better, is it not worse, than the slave-trade ; —
that trade which enlisted the labor of the good
and wise of every creed, and every clime, to
abolish it? The trader receives the slave, a
stranger in language, aspect and manners, from
the merchant who has brought him from the in-
terior The ties of father, mother, husband and
child, have all been rent in twain ; before he re-
ceives him, his soul has become callous. But
here, sir, individuals whom the master has known
from infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the
innocent gambols of childhood, who have been
accustomed to look to him for protection, he tears
from the mother's arms, and sells into a strange
country, among strange people, subject to cruel
taskmasters.
" He has attempted to justify slavery here be-
cause it exists in Africa, and has stated that it
exists all o^er the world.. Upon the same prin-
ciple, he could justify Mahometanism, with its
plurality of wives, petty wars for plunder, rob-
bery and murder, or any other of the abomina-
tions and enormities of savage t'ribes. Does slav-
ery exist in any part of civilized Europe '! — No,
"sir,- in no part of it."
The calculations in the volume from which
we have been quoting were made in the year
1841. Since that time, the area of the
southern slave-market has been doubled, and
the trade has undergone a proportional in-
crease. Southern papers are full of its ad-
vertisements. It is, in fact, the great trade
of the country. From the single port of
Baltimore, in the last two years, a thousand
and thirty-three slaves have been shipped to
the southern market, as is apparent from
the following report of the custom-house
officer :
ABSTRACT OF THE NUMBER OF VESSELS CLEARED IN
THE DISTRICT OF BALTIMORE FOR SOUTHERN PORTS,
HAVING SLAVES ON BOARD, FROM JAN. 1, 1851, TO
NOVEMBER 20, 1852.
Date 1
Denomina's 1
Names of Vessels.
Where Bund. |
Nos.
1851
1
Jan. 6
Sloop, !
Georgia,
Norfolk, Va.
16
" 10
a
u
•'
6
" 11
Bark,
Elizabeth,
New Orleans.
92
" 14=
Sloop,
Georgia,
Norfolk, Va.
9
" 17
u
>(t
u
6
" 20
Bark,
Cora,
New Orleans.
14
Feb. 6
u
E. II . Chapin,
u
31
" 8
u
Sarah Bridge,
a
34
" 12
Sloop,
Georgia,
Norfolk, Va.
5
" 24
Schooner,
H. A. Barling,
New Orleans.
37
" 26
Sloop,
Georgia,
Norfolk, Va.
3
" 28
u
u
"
42
Mar. 10
Ship,
Edward Everett,
New Orleans.
20
" 21
Sloop,
Georgia,
Norfolk, Va.
11
" 19
Bark,
Baltimore,
Savannah.
13
Apr. 1
Sloop,
Herald,
Norfolk, Va.
1
" 2
Brig,
Waverley,
New Orleans.
31
" 18
Sloop,
Baltimore,
Arquia Creek, Va.
4
" 23
Ship,
Charles,
New Orleans.
25
" 28
Sloop,
Georgia,
Norfolk, Va.
5
May 15
U
Herald,
a
27
" 17
Schooner,
Brilliant,
Charleston.
1
June 10
Sloop,
Herald,
Norfolk, Va.
3
" 16
u
Georgia,
u
4
" 20
Schooner,
Truth,
Charleston.
5
" 21
Ship,
Herman,
New Orleans.
10
July 19
Schooner,
Aurora S.,
Charleston.
1
Sept. 6
Bark,
Kirkwood,
New Orleans.
2
Oct. 4
« '
Abbott Lord,
u
1
" 11
u
Elizabeth,
a
70
" 18
Ship,
Edward Everett,
((
12
Oct. 20
Sloop,
Georgia,
Norfolk, Va.
1
Nov. 13
Ship,
Eliza F. Mason,
New Orleans.
57
" 18
Bark,
Mary Broughtons,
u
47
Dec. 4
Ship,
Timalean,
u
22
" 18
Schooner,
H. A. Barling,
a
45
1852.
Jan. 5
Bark,
Southerner,
(C
52
Feb. 7
Ship,
Nathan Hooper,
U
51
" 21
u
Dumbarton,
U
22
Mar. 27
Sloop,
Palmetto,
Charleston.
36
« 4
u
Jewess,
Norfolk, Va.
34
Apr. 24
u
Palmetto,
Charleston;
8
kt 25
Bark,
Abbott Lord,
New Orleans.
36
May 15
Ship,
Charles,
u
2
June 12
Sloop,
Pampero,
M
4
July 3
u
Palmetto,
Charleston.
1
" 6
u
Herald,
Norfolk, Va.
7
" 6
u
Maryland,
Arquia Creek, Va.
4
Sept. 14
((
North Carolina,
Norfolk, Va.
15
" 23
Ship,
America,
New Orleans.
1
Oct. 15
"
Brandy wine,
u •
6
" 18
Sloop,
Isabel,
Charleston.
1
■' 28
Schooner,
Maryland,
u
12
" 29
n
11. M. Gambrill,
Savannah.
11
Nov. 1
Ship,
Jane Henderson,
New Orleans.
13
" 6
Sloop,
Palmetto,
Charleston.
3
1033
150
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
If we 1 •; /; back to the advertisements, we
shall see that the traders take only the
younger ones, between the ages of ten and
thirty. But this is only one port, and only
one mode of exporting ; for multitudes of
them are sent in coffles over land ■ A yet
Mr. J. Thornton Randolph represents the
negroes of Virginia as living in pastoral
security, smoking their pipes under their
own vines and fig-trees, the venerable pa-
triarch of the flock declaring that "he neb-
ber hab hear such a ting as a nigger sold to
Georgia all his life, unless
dat nigger did
someting very bad."
An affecting picture of the consequences
of this traffic upon both master and slave is
drawn by the committee of the volume from
which we have quoted.
The writer cannot conclude this chapter
better than by the language which they
have used.
This system bears with extreme severity upon
the slave. It subjects him to a perpetual fear of
being sold to the " soul-driver," which to the
slave is the realization of all conceivable woes and
horrors, more dreaded than death. An awful ap-
prehension of this fate haunts the poor sufferer by
day and by night, from his cradle to his grave.,
Suspense hangs like a thunder-cloud over his head.
He knows that there is not a passing hour, wheth-
er he wakes or sleeps, which may not be the
last that he shall spend with his wife and chil-
dren. Every day or week some acquaintance is
snatched from his side, and thus the consciousness
of his own danger is kept continually awake.
" Surely my turn will come next," is his harrow-
ing conviction ; for he knows that he was reared
for this, as the ox for the yoke, or the sheep for
the slaughter. In this aspect, the slave's condi-
tion is truly indescribable. Suspense, even when
it relates to an event of no great moment, and
" endureth but for a night," is hard to bear. But
.vhen it broods -over all, absolutely all that is dear,
shilling the present with its deep shade, and cast-
ing its awful gloom over the future, it must break
the heart ! Such is the suspense under which
every slave in the breeding states lives. It poisons
all his little lot of bliss. If a father, he cannot
go forth to his toil without bidding a mental fare-
well to his wife and children. He cannot return,
weary and worn, from the field, with any certainty
that he shall not find his home robbed and desolate.
Nor can he seek his bed of straw and rags with-
out the frightful misgiving that his wife may be
torn from his arms before morning. Should a
white stranger approach his master's mansion, he
fears that the soul-driver has come, and awaits in
terror the overseer's mandate, " You are sold ; fol-
low that man." There is no being on earth whom
the slaves of the breeding states regard with so
much horror as the trader. He is to them what
the prowling kidnapper is to their less wretched
brethren in the wilds of Africa. The master knows
this, and that there is no punishment so effectual
to secure labor, or deter from misconduct, as the
threat of being delivered to the soul-driver.*
* This horribly expressive appellation is in common
«ise among the slaves of the breeding states.
Another consequence of this system is the prev-
alence of licentiousness. This is indeed one of the
foul features of slavery everywhere ; but it is espe-
cially prevalent and indiscriminate where slave-
breeding is conducted as a business. It grows di-
rectly out of the system, and is inseparable from it.
# * # y< k e p ecun i ar y inducement to general pol-
lution must be very strong, since the larger the slave
increase the greater the master's gains, and espe-
cially since the mixed blood demands a considerably
higher price than the pure black.
The remainder of the extract contains spe-
cifications too dreadful to be quoted. We can
only refer the reader to the volume, p. 13.
The poets of America, true to the holy
soul of their divine art, have shed over some
of the horrid realities of this trade the
pathetic light of poetry. Longfellow and
Whittier have told us, in verses beautiful as
strung pearls, yet sorrowful as a mother's
tears, some of the incidents of this unnatural
and ghastly traffic. For the sake of a com-
mon humanity, let us hope that the first ex-
tract describes no common event.
THE QUADROON GIRL.
The Slaver in the broad lagoon
Lay moored with idle sail :
He waited for the rising moon,
And for the evening gale.
Under the shore his boat was tied
And all her listless crew
Watched the gray alligator slide
Into the still bayou.
Odors of orange-flowers and spice
Reached them, from time to time,
Like airs that breathe from Paradise
Upon a world of crime.
The Planter, under his roof of thatch,
Smoked thoughtfully and slow ;
The Slaver's thumb was on the latch,
He seemed in haste to go.
He said, " My ship at anchor rides
In yonder broad lagoon ;
I only wait the evening tides,
And the rising of the moon."
Before them, with her face upraised,
In timid attitude,
Like one half curious, half amazed,
A Quadroon maiden stood.
4
Her eyes were large, and full of light,
Her arms and neck were bare ;
No garment she wore, save a kirtle bright,
And her own long raven hair.
And on her lips there played a smile
As holy, meek, and faint,
As lights in soine cathedral aisle
The features of a saint.
" The soil is barren, .the farm is old,"
The thoughtful Planter said ;
Then looked upon the Slaver's gold,
And then upon the maid.
His heart within him was at strife
With such accursed gains ;
For he knew whose passions gave her life.
Whose blood ran in her veins.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
151
But the voice of natuie was too weak ;
lie took the glittering gold !
Then paio as death grew the maiden's cheek,
Her hands as icy cold.
The Slaver led her from the door,
He led her by the hand,
To be his slave and paramour
In a strange and distant land !
THE FAREWELL
to part with slaves except by emancipation
increase
©E A \ RGISIA. SLAVE MOTHER TO HER DAUGHTERS, SOLD INTO
SOUTHERN BONDAGE.
Gone, gone, — sold and gone,
To the rice-swamp dank and lone.
Where the slave-whip ceaseless swings,
Where the noisome insect stings,
Where the fever demon strews
Poison with the falling dews,
Where the sickly sunbeams glare
Through the hot and misty air, —
Gone, gone, — sold and gone,
To the rice- swamp dank and lone,
Prom Virginia's hills and waters, —
Woe is me, my stolen daughters ! .
Gone, gone, — sold and gone,
To the rice-swamp dank and lone.
There no mother's' eye is near them,
There no mother's ear can hear them ;
Never, when the torturing lash
Seams their back with many a gash,
Shall a mother's kindness bless them,
Or a mother's arms caress them.
Gone, gone, <fec.
Gone, gone, — sold and gone,
To the rice-swamp dank and lone.
0, when weary, sad, and slow,
From the fields at night they go,
Faint with toil, and racked with pain,
To their cheerless homes again, —
There no brother's voice shall greet them,
There no father's welcome meet them.
Gone, gone, &c.
• Gone, gone, — sold and gone,
To the rice-swamp dank and lone.
From the tree whose shadow lay
On their childhood's place of play ;
From the cool spring where they drank ;
Rock, and hill, and rivulet bank ;
From the solemn house of prayer,
And the holy counsels there, —
Gone, gone, &c.
Gone, gone, — sold and gone,
To the rice-swamp dank and lone ;
Toiling through the weary day,
And at night the spoiler's prey.
0, that they had earlier died,
Sleeping calmly, side by side,
Where the tyrant's power is o'er,
And the fetter galls no more !
Gone, gone, <fcc.
Gone, gone, — sold and gone,
To the rice-swamp dank and lone.
By the holy love He beareth,
By the bruised reed lie spareth,
0, may He, to whom alone
All their cruel wrongs are known,
Still their hope and refuge prove,
With a more than mother's love !
Gone, gone, &c.
John G. Whittier.
The following extract from a letter of
Dr. Bailey, in the Era, 1847, presents a view
of this subject more creditable to some Vir-
ginia families. May the number that refuse
The sale of slaves to the south is carried to a
great extent. The slave-holders do not, so far as
I can learn, raise them for that special purpose.
But, here is a man with a score of slaves, located
on an exhausted plantation. It must furnish sup.
port for all ; but, while they increase, its capacity
of supply decreases. The result is, he must eman-
cipate or sell. But he has fallen into debt, and
he sells to relieve himself from debt, and also from
an excess of mouths. Or, he requires money to
educate his children ; or, his negroes are sold un-
der execution. From these and other causes, large
numbers of slaves are continually disappearing
from the state, so that the next census will un-
doubtedly show a marked diminution of the slave
population.
The season for this trade is generally from No-
vember to April ; and some estimate that the aver-
age number of slaves passing by the southern
railroad weekly, during that period of six months,
is at least two hundred. A slave-trader told me
that he had known one hundred pass in a single
night. But this is only one route. Large num-
bers are sent off west wardly, and also by sea,
coastwise. The Davises, in Petersburg, are the
great slave-dealers. They are Jews, who came to
that place many years ago as poor pedlers ; and,
I am informed, are members of a family which
has its representatives in Philadelphia, New York,
&c. ! These men are always in the market, giv-
ing the highest price for slaves. During the sum-
mer and fall they buy them up at low prices, trim,
shave, wash them, fatten them so that they may
look sleek, and sell them to great profit. It might
not be unprofitable to inquire how much North-
ern capital, and what firms in some of the North-
ern cities, are connected with this detestable
business.
There are many planters here who cannot be
persuaded to sell their slaves. They have far
more than they can find work for, and could at
any time obtain a high price for them. The tempt-
ation is strong, for they want more money and
fewer dependants. But they resist it, and noth-
ing can induce them to part with a single slave,
though they know that they would be greatly the
gainers in a pecuniary sense, were they to sell
one-half of them. Such men are too good to be
slave-holders. Would that they might see it their
duty to go one step further, and become emanci-
pators ! The majority of this class of planters
are religious men, and this is the class to which
generally are to be referred the various cases of
emancipation by will, of which from time to time
we hear accounts.
CHAPTER V.
SELECT INCIDENTS OF LAWFUL TRADE, OR
FACTS STRANGER THAN FICTION.
The atrocious and sacrilegious system of
breeding human beings for sale, and trading
them like cattle in the market, fails to pro-
duce the impression on the mind that it
ought to produce, because it is lost in
generalities.
152
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
It is like the account of a great battle, in
which we learn, in round numbers, that ten
thousand were killed and wounded, and
throw the paper by without a thought.
So, when we read of sixty or eighty thou-
sand human beings being raised yearly and
sold in the market, it passes through our
mind, but leaves no definite trace.
Sterne says that when he would realize
the miseries of captivity, he had to turn his
mind from the idea of hundreds of thousands
languishing in dungeons, and bring before
himself the picture of one poor, solitary cap-
tive pining in his cell. In like manner, we
cannot give any idea of the horribly cruel
and demoralizing effect of this trade, except
by presenting facts in detail, each fact being
a specimen of a class of facts.
For a specimen of the public sentiment
and the kind of morals and manners which
this breeding and trading system produces,
both in slaves and in their owners, the writer
gives the following extracts from a recent
letter of a friend in one of the Southern
States.
Dear Mrs. S: — The sable goddess who pre-
sides over our bed and wash-stand is such a queer
specimen of her race, that I would give a good
deal to have you see her. Her whole appear-
ance, as she goes giggling and curtseying about,
is perfectly comical, and would lead a stranger to
think her really deficient in intellect. This is,
however, by no means the case. During our two
months' acquaintance with her, we have seen
many indications of sterling good sense, that
would do credit to many a white person with ten
times her advantages.
She is disposed to be very communicative ; —
seems to feel .that she has a claim upon our sym-
pathy, in the very fact that we come from the
North ; and we could undoubtedly gain no little
knowledge of the practical workings of the "pe-
culiar institution," if we thought proper to hold
any protracted conversation with her. This, how-
ever, would insure a visit from the authorities,
requesting us to leave town in the next train of
cars ; so we are forced to content ourselves with
gleaning a few items, now and then, taking care
to appear quite indifferent to her story, and to cut
it short by despatching her on some trifling er-
rand; — being equally careful, however, to note
down her peculiar expressions, as soon as she has
disppeared. A copy of these I have thought you
would like to see, especially as illustrating the
views of the marriage institution which is a neces-
sary result of the great human property relation
system.
A Southern lady, who thinks " negro senti-
ment" very much exaggerated in " Uncle Tom's
Cabin," assures us that domestic attachments can-
not be very strong, where one man will have -two
or three wives and families, on as many different
plantations. (!) And the lady of our hotel tells us
of her cook having received a message from her
husband, that he has another wife, and she may
s;et another husband, with perfect indifference ;
simply expressing a hope that " she won't find
another here during the next month, as she must
then be sent to her owner, in Georgia, and would
be more unwilling to go." And yet, both of these
ladies are quite religious, and highly resent .any
insinuation that the moral character of the slaves
is not far above that of the free negroes at the
North.
With Violet's story, I will also enclose that of
one of our waiters ; in which, I think, you will be
interested.
Violet's father and mother both died, as she
says, " 'fore I had any sense," leaving eleven
children — all scattered. " To sabe my life, Missis,
couldn't tell dis yer night where one of dem is.
Massa lib in Charleston. My first husband, —
when we was young, — nice man ; he had seven
children ; den he sold off to Florida — neber hear
from him 'gain. Ole folks die. 0, dat's be my
boderation, Missis, — when ole people be dead, den
we -be scattered all 'bout. Den I sold up here —
now hab 'noder husband — hab four children up
here. I lib bery easy when my young husband
'libe — and we had children bery fast. But now
dese yer ones tight fellers. Massa don't 'low us
to raise noting; no pig — no goat — no dog —
no noting ; won't allow us raise a bit of corn.
We has to do jist de best we can. Dey don't gib us
a single grain but jist two homespun frocks — no
coat 'tall.
"Can't go to.meetin, 'cause, Missis, get dis
work done — den get dinner. In summer, I goes
ebery Sunday ebening ; but dese yer short days,
time done get dinner dishes washed, den time get
supper. Gen'lly goes Baptist church."
" Do your people usually go there.!"
" Dere bees tree shares ob clem — Methodist
gang, Baptist gang, Tiscopal gang. Last sum-
mer, use to hab right smart* meetins in our yard,
Sunday night. Massa Johnson preach to us. Den
he said couldn't hab two meetins — we might go
to church."
"Why?"
" Gracious knows. I lubs to go to meetin
allers — 'specially when dere 's good preaching —
lubs to hab people talk good to me — likes to hab
people read to me, too. 'Cause don't b'long to
church, no reason why I shan't."
" Does your master like to have others read to
you ? ' '
"He won't hinder — I an't bound tell him
when folks reads to me. I hab my soul to sabe —
he hab his soul to sabe. Our owners won't stand
few minutes and read to us — dey tink it too great
honor — dey 's bery hard on us. Brack preachers
sometimes talk good to us, and pray wid us, —
and pray a heap for dem too.
" I jest done hab great quarrel wid Dinah, down
in de kitchen. I tells Dinah, ' De way you goes
pn spile all de women's character.'' — She say she
didn't care, she do what she please wid herself.
Dinah, she slip away somehow from her first hus-
band, and hab 'noder child by Sambo (he b'long
to Massa D.) ; so she and her first husband dey
fall out somehow. Dese yer men, yer know, is so
queer, Missis, dey don't neber like sich tings.
" Ye know, Missis, tings we lub, we don't like
hab anybody else hab 'em. Such a ting as dat,
Missis, tetch your heart so, ef you don't mind,
't will fret you almost to death. Ef my husband
* Right smart of ■
of Anglo-Ethiopia.
that is, a great many of — an idiom
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
153
was to slip away from me, Missis, dat ar way, it ud
■wake me right up. I 'm brack, but I would n't do
so to my husband, neider. What I hide behind
de curtain now, I can't hide it behind de curtain
when I stand before God — de whole world know
it den.
" Dinah's (second) husband say what she do
for her first husband noting to him; — now, my
husband don't fuel so. He say he wouldn't do as
Daniel do — he wouldn't buy tings for de oder
children — clem as has de children might buy de
tings for dem. Well, so dere dey is. — Dinah's
first husband come up wheneber he can, to see
his children, — and Sambo, he come up to see his
child, and gib Dinah tings for it.
" You know, Missis, Massa hab no nigger but
me and one yellow girl, when he bought me and
my four children. Well, den Massa, he want me
to breed ; so he say, ' Violet, you must take some
nigger here in C
' • Den I say, ' No, Massa, I can't take any here.'
Den he say, ' You must, Violet ;' 'cause you see
he want me breed for him ; so he say plenty
young fellers here, but I say I can't hab any ob
dem. Well, den, Missis, he go down Virginia,
and he bring up two niggers, — and dey was
pretty ole men, — and Missis say, ' One of dem 's
Ibr you, Violet ;' but I say, ' No, Missis, I can't
take one of dem, 'cause I don't lub 'em, and I
can't hab one I don't lub.' Den Massa, he say,
' You must take one of dese — and den, ef you can't
lub him, you must find somebody else you can lub.' !
Den I say, ' 0', no, Massa ! I can't do clat — 1 can't
hab one ebery day.'' Well, den, by-and-by, Massa
he buy tree more, and den Missis say, ' Now, Vio-
let, ones dem is for you.' I say, 'I do'no —
maybe I can't lub one dem neider ;' but she say,
' You must hab one ob dese.' Well, so Sam and I
we lib along two year — he watchin my ways,
and I watchin his ways.
"At last, one night, we was standin' by de
wood-pile togeder, and de moon bery shine, and
I do'no how 'twas, Missis, he answer me, he
wan't a wife, but he did n't know where he get
one. I say, plenty girls in G. He say, ' Yes —
but maybe I shan't find any I like so well as
you.' Den I say maybe he wouldn't like my
ways, 'cause I 'se an ole woman, and I hab four
children by my first husband ; and anybody marry
me, must be jest kind to dem children as dey was
to me, else I couldn't lub him. Den he say, ' Ef
he had a woman 't had children,' — mind you, he
did n't say me, — ' he would be jest as kind to de
children as he was to de moder, and dat 's 'cordin
to how she dc by him.' Well, so we went on
from one ting to anoder, till at last we say we 'd
take one anodei, and so we 've libed togeder eber
since — and I 's had four children by him — and
he neber slip away from me, nor I from him."
" How are you married in your yard ?"
" We jest takes one anoder — we asks de white
folks' leave — and den takes one anoder. Some
folks, dey 's married by de book ; but den, what 's
de use 1 Dere 's my fus husband, we 'se married
by de book, and he sold way off to Florida, and
I 's here. Dey wants to do what dey please wid
us, so dey don't want us to be married. Dey
don't care what we does, so we jest makes money
for dem.
"My fus husband, — he ymng, and he bery
kind to me, — 0, Missis, he be? y kind indeed. He
set up all night and woi*k, so as to make me com-
fortable. 0, we got 'long bery well when I had
him ; but he sold way off Florida, and, sence
then, Missis, / jest gone to noting. Dese yer
white people dey hab here, dey won't 'low us
noting — noting at all — jest gibs us food, and
two suits a year — a broad stripe and a narrow
stripe ; you '11 see 'em, Missis." —
And we did " see 'em ;" for Violet brought us
the " narrow stripe," with a request that we
would fit it for her. There was just enough to
cover her, but no hooks and eyes, cotton, or
even lining ; these extras she must get as she
can ; and yet her master receives from our host
eight dollars per month for her services. We
asked how she got the " broad stripe" made
up.
"0, Missis, my husband, — he working now
out on de farm, — so he hab 'lowance four pounds
bacon and one peck of meal ebery .week ; so he
stinge heself, so as to gib me four pounds bacon
to pay for making my frock." [Query. — Are
there any husbands in refined circles who would
do more than this 1 ] : > •
Once, finding us all three busily writing, Violet
stood for some moments silently watching the
mysterious motion of our pens, and then, in a
tone of deepest sadness, said,
"0! dat be great comfort, Missis. You can
write to your friends all 'bout ebery ting, and so
hab dem write to you. Our people can't do so.
Wheder dey be 'live or dead, we can't neber
know — only sometimes- we hears dey be dead."
What more expressive comment on the
cruel laws that forbid the slave to be
taught to write !
The history of the serving-man is thus
given :
George's father and mother belonged to some-
body in Florida. During the war, two older sis-
ters got on board an English vessel, and went to
Halifax. His mother was very anxious to go with
them, and take the whole family ; but her hus-
band persuaded her to wait until the next ship
sailed, when he thought he should be able to go
too. By this delay opportunity of escape was
lost, and the whole family were soon after sold
for debt. George, one sister, and their mother,
were bought by the same man. He says, "My
old boss cry powerful when she (the mother) die ;
say he 'd rather lost two thousand dollars. She
was part Indian — hair straight as yourn — and
she was white as dat ar pillow." George married
a woman in another yard. He gave this reason
for it : " 'Cause, when a man sees his wife 'bused,
he can't help feelin' it. When he hears his wife's
'bused, 't an't like as how it is when he sees it.
Then I can fadge for her better than when^she 's
in my own yard." This wife was sold up coun-
try, but after some years became " lame and sick
— could n't do much — so her massa gabe her her
time, and paid her fare to G." — [The sick and
infirm are always provided for, you know.] —
" Hadn't seen her for tree years," said George ;
" but soon as I heard of it, went right down, —
hired a house, and got some one to take care
ob her, — and used to go to see her ebery tree
months." He is a mechanic, and worked some-
times all night to earn money to do this. His
master asks twenty dollars per month for his ser-
vices, and allows him fifty cents per week for
clothes, etc. J. says, if he could only save, by
154
working nights, money enough to buy himself, he
would get some one he could trust to buy him ;
" den work hard as eber, till I could buy my
children, den I 'd get away from dis yer." —
" Where?"
" ! Philadelphia — New York — somewhere
North."
" Why, you 'd freeze to death."
"0, no, Missis ! I can bear cold. I want to go
where I can belong to myself, and do as I want to."
The following communication has been
given to the writer by Captain Austin
Bearse, ship-master in Boston. Mr. Bearse
is a native of Barnstable, Cape Cod. He is
well known to our Boston citizens and mer-
chants.
I am a native of the State of Massachusetts.
Between the years 1818 and 1830 I was, from time
to time, mate on board of different vessels engaged
in the coasting trade on the coa.st of South Carolina.
It is well known that many New England ves-
sels are in the habit of spending their winters on
the southern coast in pursuit of this business.
Our vessels used to run up the rivers for the rough
rice and cotton of the plantations, which we took
to Charleston.
We often carried gangs of slaves to the planta-
tions, as they had been ordered. These slaves were
generally collected by slave-traders in the slave-
pens in Charleston, — brought there by various
causes, such as the death of owners and the division
of estates, which threw them into the market. Some
were sent as punishment for insubordination, or
because the domestic establishment was too large,
or because persons moving to the North or West
preferred selling their slaves to the trouble of car-
rying them. We had on board our vessels, from
time to time, numbers of these slaves, — sometimes
two or three, and sometimes as high as seventy or
eighty. They were separated from their families
and connections with as little concern as calves and
pigs are selected out of a lot of domestic animals.
Our vessels used to lie in a place called Poor
Man's Hole, not far from the city. We used to
allow the relations and friends of the slaves to
come on board and stay all night with their friends ,
before the vessel sailed.
In the morning it used to be my business to
pull off the hatches and warn them that it was
time to separate ; and the shrieks and heart-rend-
ing cries at these times were enough to make any-
body's heart ache.
In the year 1828, while mate of the brig Milton,
from Boston, bound to New Orleans, the follow-
ing incident •occurred, which I shall never forget :
The traders brought on board four quadroon
men in handcuffs, to be stowed away for the New
Orleans market. An old negro woman, more than
eighty years of age, came screaming after them,
" My son, 0, my son, my son ! " She seemed almost
frantic, and when we had got more than a mile
out in the harbor we heard her screaming yet.
When we got into the Gulf Stream, I came to the
men, and took off their handcuffs. They were res-
olute fellows, and they told me that I would see
that they would never live to be slaves in New
Orleans. One of the men was a carpenter, and one
a blacksmith. We brought them into New Or-
leans, and consigned them over to the agent. The
agent told the captain afterwards that in forty-
eight hours after they came to New Orleans they
were all dead men, having every one killed them-
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
selves, as they said they should. One of them, I
know, was bought for a fireman on the steamer
Post Boy, that went down to the Balize. He jumped
over, and was drowned.
The others, — one was sold to a blacksmith, and
one to a carpenter. The particulars of their death
I did n't know, only that the agent told the captain
that they were all dead.
There was a plantation at Coosahatchie, back
of Charleston, S. C, kept by a widow lady, who
owned eighty negroes. She sent to Charleston,
and bought a quadroon girl, very nearly white, for
her son. We carried her up. She was more
delicate than our other slaves, so that she was not
put with them, but was carried up in the cabin.
I have been on the rice-plantations on the river,
and seen the cultivation of the rice. In the fall
of the year, the plantation hands, both men and
women, work all the time above their knees in
water in the rice-ditches, pulling out the grass, to
fit the ground for sowing the rice. Hands sold
here from the city, having been bred mostly to
house-labor, find this very severe. The plantations
are so deadly that white people cannot remain on
them during the summer-time, except at a risk of
life. The proprietors and their families are there
only through the winter, and the slaves are left in
the summer entirely under the care of the over-
seers. Such overseers as I saw were generally a
brutal, gambling, drinking set.
I have seen slavery, in the course of my wander-
ings, in almost all the countries in the world. I
have been to Algiers, and seen slavery there. I
have seen slavery in Smyrna, among the Turks. I
was in Smyrna when our American consul ransomed
a beautiful Greek girl in the slave-market. I saw
her come aboard the brig Suffolk, when she came
on board to be sent to America for her education.
I have seen slavery in the Spanish and French
ports, though I have not been on their plantations.
My opinion is that American slavery, as I have
seen it in the internal slave-trade, as I have seen
it on the rice and sugar plantations, and in the city
of New Orleans, is full as bad as slavery in any
country of the world, heathen or Christian. Peo-
ple who go for visits or pleasure through the
Southern States cannot possibly know those things
which can be seen of slavery by ship-masters
who run up into the back plantations of coun-
tries, and who transport the slaves and produce of
plantations.
In my past days the system of slavery was not
much discussed. I saw these things as others did,
without interference. Because I no longer think
it right to see these things in silence, I trade no
more south of Mason & Dixon's line.
Austin Bearse.
The following account was given to the
writer by Lewis Hayden. Hayden was a
fugitive slave, who escaped from Kentucky
by the assistance of a young lady named
Delia Webster, and a man named Calvin
Fairbanks. Both were imprisoned. Lewis
Hayden has earned his own character as a
free citizen of Boston, where he can find
an abundance of vouchers for his character.
I belonged to the Rev. Adam Runkin, a Pres-
byterian minister in Lexington, Kentucky.
My mother was of mfxed blood, — white and
Indian. She married my father when he was
working in a bagging factory near by. After a
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
155
while my father's owner moved off and took my
father with him, which broke up the marriage.
She was a very handsome woman. My master
kept a large dairy, and she was the milk-woman.
Lexington was a small town in those days, and
the dairy was in the town. Back of the college
was the Masonic lodge. A man who belonged to
the lodge saw my mother when she was about
her work. He made proposals of a base nature
to her. When she would have nothing to say to
him, he told her that she need not be so independ-
ent, for if money could buy her he would have
her. My mother told old mistress, and begged
that master might not sell her. But he .did sell
her. My mother had a high spirit, being part
Indian. She would not consent to live with this
man, as he wished ; and he sent her to prison, and
had her flogged, and punished her in various ways,
so that at last she began to have crazy turns. When
I read in "Uncle Tom's Cabin" about Cassy, it
put me in mind of my mother, and I wanted to
tell Mrs. S about her. She tried to kill her-
self several times, once with a knife and once by
hanging. She had long, straight black hair, but
after this it all turned white, like an old person's.
When she had her raving turns she always talked
about her children. The jailer told the owner
that if he would let her go to her children, per-
haps she would get quiet. They let her out one
time, and she came to the place where we were.
I might have been seven er eight years old, —
don't know my age exactly. I was not at home
when she came. I came in and found her in one
of the cabins near the kitchen. She sprung and
caught my arms, and seemed going to break them,
and then said, "I '11 fix you so they '11 never get
you !" I screamed, for I thought she was going to
kill me ; they came in and took me away. They tied
her, and carried her off. Sometimes, when she was
in her right mind, she used to tell me what things
they had done to her. At last her owner sold her,
for a small sum, to a man named Lackey. While
with him she had another husband and several
children. After a while this husband either died
or was sold, I do not remember which. The man
then sold her to another person, named Bryant.
My own father's owner now came and lived in the
neighborhood of this man, and brought my mother
with him. He had had another wife and family of
children where he had been living. He and my
mother came together again, and finished their
days together. My mother almost recovered her
mind in her last days.
I never saw anything in Kentucky which made
me suppose that ministers or professors of religion
considered it any more wrong to separate the
families of slaves by sale than to separate any
domestic animals.
There may be ministers and professors of re-
ligion who think it is wrong, but I never met with
them. My master was a minister, and yet he
sold my mother, as I have related.
When he was going to leave Kentucky for Penn-
sylvania, he sold all my brothers and sisters at
auction. I stood by and saw them sold. When
I was just going up on to the block, he swapped
me off for a pair of carriage-horses. I looked at
those horses with strange feelings. I had indulged
hopes that master would take me into Pennsyl-
vania with him, and I should get free. How I
looked at those horses, and walked round them,
and thought for them I was sold !
It was commonly reported that my master had
said in the pulpit that there was no more harm in
separating a family of slaves than a litter of pigs.
I did not hear him say it, and so cannot say
whether this is true or not.
It may seem strange, but it is a fact, — I had
more sympathy and kind advice, in my efforts to get
my freedom, from gamblers and such sort of men,
than Christians. Some of the gamblers were very
kind to me:
1 never knew a slave-trader that did not seem
to think, in his heart, that the trade was a bad one.
I knew a great many of them, such as Neal,
McAnn, Cobb, Stone, Pulliam and Davis, &c.
They were like Haley, — they meant to repent
when they got through.
Intelligent colored people in my circle of ac-
quaintance, as a general thing, felt no securiti
whatever for their family ties. Some, it is true,
who belonged to rich families, felt some security ,
but those of us who looked deeper, and knew how
many were not rich that seemed sx>, and saw how
fast money slipped away, were always miserable.
The trader was all around, the slave-pens at
hand, and we did not know what time any of us
might be in it. Then there were the rice-swamps,
and the sugar and cotton plantations ; we had
had them held before us as terrors, by our masters
and mistresses, all our lives. We knew about
them all ; and when a friend was carried off, why,
it was the same as death, for we could not write
or hear, and never expected to see them again.
I have one child who is buried in Kentucky,
and that grave is pleasant to think of. I 've got
another that is sold nobody knows where, and that
I never can bear to think of. Lewis Hayden.
The next history is a long one, and part
of it transpired in a most public manner, in
the face of our whole community.
The history includes in it the whole
account of that memorable capture of the
Pearl, which produced, such a sensation in
Washington in the year 1848. The author,
however, will preface it with a short history
of a slave woman who had six children em-
barked in that ill-fated enterprise.
CHAPTER VI.
Milly Edmondson is an aged woman,
now upwards of seventy. She has received
the slave's inheritance of entire ignorance.
She cannot read a letter of a book, nor write
her own name ; but the writer must say that
she was never so impressed with any presen-
tation of the Christian religion as that which
was made to her in the language and appear-
ance of this woman during the few interviews
that she had with her. The circumstances of
the interviews will be detailed at length in
the course of the story.
Milly is above the middle height, of a
large, full figure. She dresses with the
greatest attention to neatness. A plain
15C
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
Methodist cap shades her face, and the plain
white Methodist handkerchief is folded across
the bosom. A well-preserved stuff gown,
and clean white apron, with a white pocket-
handkerchief pinned to her side, completes
the inventory of the costume in which the
writer usually saw her. She is a mulatto,
and must once have been a very handsome
one. Her eyes and smile are still uncom-
monly beautiful, but there are deep-wrought
lines of patient sorrow and weary endurance
on her face, which tell that this lovely and
noble-hearted woman has been all her life a
slave.
Milly Edmondson w r as kept by her owners
and allowed to live with her husband, w T ith
the express understanding and agreement
that her service and value was to consist in
breeding up her own children to be sold in
the slave-market. Her legal owner was a
maiden lady of feeble capacity, who was set
aside by the decision of court as incompetent
to manage her affairs.
The estate — that is to say, Milly Edmond-
son and her children — was placed in the
care of a guardian. It appears that Milly' s
poor, infirm mistress was fond of her, and
that Milly exercised over her much of that
ascendency which a strong mind holds over
a Weak one. Milly's husband, Paul Ed-
mondson was a free man. A little of her
history, as she related it to the writer, will
now be i^iven in her own words :
" Her mistress," she said, "was always
kind to her ' poor thing ! ' but then she
hadn't sperit ever to speak for herself, and
her friends • would n't let her have her own
way. It always laid on my mind," she said,
" that I was a slave. When I wan't more
than fourteen years old, Missis was doing
"some work one day that she thought she
could n't trust me with, and she says to me,
' Milly, now you see it 's I that am the
slave, and not you.' I says to her, ' Ah,
Missis, I am a poor slave, for all that.' I 's
sorry afterwards -I said it, for I thought it
seemed to hurt her feelings.
" Well, after tt while, when I got engaged
to Paul. I loved Paul very much ; but I
thought it wan't right to bring children
into the world to be slaves, and I told our
folks that I was never going to marry,
though I did love Paul. But that wan't to
be allowed," she said, with a mysterious air.
" What do you mean ?" said I.
u Well, they told me I must marry, or I
should be turned out of the church — so it
was," she added, with a significant nod. —
" Well, Paul and me, we was married, and
we was happy enough, if it had n't been for
that ; but when our first child was born I
says to him, ' There 't is. now, Paul, our
troubles is begun; this child isn't ours.'
And every child I had, it grew worse and
worse. ' 0, Paul,' says I, ' what a thing
it is to have children that is n't ours ! ' Paul
he says to me, ' Milly, -my dear, if they be
God's children, it an't so much matter
whether they be ours or no : they may be
heirs of the kingdom, Milly, for all that.'
Well, when Paul's mistress died, she set him
free, and he got him a little place out about
fourteen miles from Washington ; and they
let me live out there with him, and take
home my tasks; for they had that confi-
dence in me that they always know'd that
what I said I 'd do was as good done as if
they 'd seen it done. I had mostly sewing ;
sometimes a shirt to make in a day. — it was
coarse like, you know,- — or a pair of sheets,
or some such; but, whatever 't was, I always
got it done. Then I had all my house-work
and babies to take care of: and many 's the
time, after ten o'clock, I 've took my chil-
dren's clothes and washed 'em all out and
ironed 'em late in the night, 'cause I
couldn't never bear to see my children
dirty, — always wanted to see "em sweet
and clean, and I brought 'em up and taught
'em the very best ways I was able. But
nobody know T s what - 1 suffered ; I never see
a white man come on to the place that I
didn't think, 'There, now, he 's coming to
look at my children ;' and when I saw any
white man going by, I 've called in my
children and hid 'em, for fear he 'd see 'em
and want to buy 'em. 0, ma'am, mine 's
been a long sorrow, a long sorrow ! I 've
borne this heavy cross a great many years."
" But," said I, " the Lord has been with
you."
She answered, with very strong emphasis,
" Ma'am, if the Lord had n't held me up, I
should n't have been alive this day. 0,
sometimes my heart 's been so heavy, it
seemed as if I must die ; and then I 've
been to the throne of grace, and when I 'd
poured out all my sorrows there, I came
away light, and felt that I could live a little
longer."
This language is exactly her own. She
had often a forcible and peculiarly beautiful
manner of expressing herself, which im-
pressed what she said strongly.
Paul and Milly Edmondson were both
devout communicants in the Methodist Epis-
copal Church at Washington, and the testi-
mony to their blamelessness of life and the
KEY TO UN'CLE TOM S CABIN.
157
consistence of their piety is unanimous from
all who know them. In their simple cot-
tage, made respectable by neatness and
Order, and hallowed by morning and evening
prayer, they trained up their children, to
the best of their poor ability, in the nurture
and admonition of the Lord, to be sold in
the slave-market. They thought themselves
only too happy, as one after another arrived
at the age when they were to be sold, that
they were hired to families in their vicinity,
and not thrown into the trader's pen to be
drafted for the dreaded southern market !
The mother, feeling, with a constant but
repressed anguish, the weary burden of
slavery which lay upon her, was accustomed,
as she told the writer, thus to warn her
daughters :
" Now, girls, don't you never come to the
sorrows that I have. Don't you never marry
till you get your liberty. Don't you marry,
to be mothers to children that aiHt your
own"
As a result of this education, some of her
older daughters, in connection with the young
men to whom they were engaged, raised the
sum necessary to pay for their freedom be-
fore they were married. One of these young
women, at the time that she paid for her
freedom, was in such feeble health that the
physician told her that she could not live
many months, and advised her to keep the
money, and apply it to making herself as
comfortable as she could.
She answered, " If I had only two hours
to live, I would pay down that money to die
free."
If this was setting an extravagant value
on liberty, it is not for an American to
say so.
All the sons and daughters of this family
were distinguished both for their physical
and mental developments, and therefore
were priced exceedingly high in the market.
The whole family, rated by the market prices
which have been paid for certain members
of it, might be estimated as an estate of
fifteen thousand dollars. They were dis-
tinguished for intelligence, honesty and
faithfulness, but above all for the most
devoted attachment to each other. These
children, thus intelligent, were all held as
slaves in the city of Washington, the very
capital where our national government is
conducted. Of course, the high estimate
which their own mother taught them to
place upon liberty was in the way of being
constantly strengthened and reinforced by
such addresses, celebrations and speeches.
on the subject of liberty, as every one knows
are constantly being made, on one occasion or
another, in our national capital.
On the 13th day of April, the little
schooner Pearl, commanded by Daniel
Drayton, came to anchor in the Potomac
river, at Washington.
The news had just arrived of a revolution
in France, and the establishment of a demo-
cratic government, and all Washington was
turning out to celebrate the triumph of
Liberty.
The trees in the avenue were fancifully
hung with many-colored lanterns, — drums
beat, bands of music played, the houses of
the President and other high officials were
illuminated, and men, women and children,
were all turned out to see the procession,
and to join in the shouts of liberty that rent
the air. Of course, all the slaves of the
city, lively, fanciful and sympathetic, most
excitable as they are by music and by daz-
zling spectacles, were everywhere listening,
seeing, and rejoicing, in ignorant joy. All
the heads of department, senators, represent-
atives, and dignitaries of all kinds, marched
in procession to an open space on Penn-
sylvania Avenue, and there delivered con-
gratulatory addresses on the progress of
universal freedom. With unheard-of im-
prudence, the most earnest defenders of
slave-holding institutions poured down on
the listening crowd, both of black and white,
bond and free, the most inflammatory and
incendiary sentiments. Such, for example,
as the following language of Hon. Frederick
P. Stanton, of Tennessee :
"We do not, indeed, propagate our principles with
the sword of power ; but there is one sense in
which we are propagandists. We cannot help
being so. Our example is contagious. In the
section of this great country where I live, on the
banks of the mighty Mississippi river, we have the
true emblem of the tree of liberty. There you
may see the giant cotton-wood spreading his
branches widely to the winds of heaven. Some-
times the current lays bare his roots, and you be-
hold them extending far around, and penetrating
to an immense depth in the soil. "When the sea-
son of maturity comes, the air is filled with a cot-
ton-like substance, which floats in every direction,
bearing on its light wings the living seeds of
the mighty tree. Thus the seeds of freedom have
emanated from the tree of our liberties. They fill
the air. They are wafted to every part of the
habitable globe. And even in the barf en sands
of tyranny they are destined to take root. The
tree of liberty will spring up everywhere, and
nations shall recline in its shade.
Senator Foote, of Mississippi, also, used
this language :
Such has "been the extraordinary course of events
158
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN
in France, and in Europe, within the last two
months, that the more deliberately we survey the
scene which has been spread oat before us, and
the more rigidly we scrutinize the conduct of its
actors, the more confident does our conviction be-
come that the glorious work which has been so
well begun cannot possibly fail of complete ac-
complishment ; chat the age of tyrants and
slavery is rapidly drawing to a close ; and that
the happy period to be signalized by the universal
emancipation of man from the fetters of civil op-
pression, and the recognition in all countries of the
great principles of popular sovereignty, equality,
and brotherhood, is, at this moment, visibly com-
mencing.
Will any one be surprised, after this, that
seventy-seven of the most intelligent young
slaves, male and female, in Washington city,
honestly taking Mr. Foote and his brother
senators at their word, and believing that
the age of tyrants and slavery was drawing
to a close, banded together, and made an
effort to obtain their part in this reign of
universal brotherhood 1
The schooner Pearl was lying in the
harbor, and Captain Drayton was found to
have the heart of a man. Perhaps he. too, had
listened to the addresses on Pennsylvania
Avenue, and thought, in the innocence of
his heart, that a man who really did some-
thing to* promote universal emancipation
was no worse than the men who only made
speeches about it.
At any rate, Drayton was persuaded to
allow these seventy-seven slaves to secrete
themselves in the hold of his vessel, and
among them were six children of Paul and
Milly Edmondson. The incidents of the rest
of the narrative will now be given as ob-
tained from Mary and Emily Edmondson,
by the lady in whose family they have been
placed by the writer for an education.
Some few preliminaries maybe necessary,
in order to understand the account.
A respectable colored man, by the name
of .Daniel Bell, who had purchased his own
freedom, resided in the city of Washington.
His wife, with her eight children, were set
free by her master, when on his death-bed.
The heirs endeavored to break the will, on
the ground that he was not of sound mind
at the time of its preparation. The magis-
trate, however, before whom it was executed,
by his o^n personal knowledge of the com-
petence of the man at the time, was enabled
to defeat their purpose ; — the family, there-
fore, lived as free for some years. On the
death of this magistrate, the heirs again
brought the case into court, and, as it seemed
likely to be decided against the family, they
resolved to secure their legal rights by flight,
and engaged passage on board the vessel of
Captain Drayton. Many of their associates
and friends, stirred up, perhaps, by the recent
demonstrations in favor of liberty, begged
leave to accompany them, in their flight
The seeds of the cotton-wood were flying
everywhere, and springing up in all hearts ;
so that, on the eventful evening of the 15th
of April, 1848, not less than seventy-seven
men, women and children, with beating
hearts, and anxious secrecy, stowed them-
selves away in the hold of the little schooner,
and Captain Drayton was so wicked that he
could not, for the life of him, say " Nay "
to one of them.
Richard Edmondson had loner sought to
buy his liberty; had toiled for it early and
late ; but the price set upon him was so
high that he despaired of ever earning it.
On this evening, he and his three brothers
thought, as the reign of universal brother-
hood had begun, and the reign of tyrants and
slavery come to an end, that they would take
to themselves and their sisters that sacred
gift of liberty, which all Washington had
been informed, two evenings before, it was
the peculiar province of America to give to
all nations. Their two sisters, aged sixteen
and fourteen, were hired out in families in
the city. On this evening Samuel Edmond-
son called at the house where Emily lived,
and told her of the projected plan.
"But what will mother think?" said
Emily.
l - Don't stop to think of her ; she would
rather we 'd be free than to spend time to
talk about her."
" Well, then, if Mary will go, I will."
The girls give as a reason for wishing to
escape, that though they had never suffered
hardships or been treated unkindly, yet they
knew they were liable at any time to be sold
into rigorous bondage, and separated far from
all they loved.
They then all went on board the Pearl,
which was lying a little way off from the
place where vessels usually anchor. There
they found a company of slaves, seventy-
seven in number.
At twelve o'clock at night the silent
wings of the little schooner were spread, and
with her weight of fear and mystery she
glided out into the stream. A fresh breeze
sprang up, and by eleven o'clock next night
they had sailed two hundred miles from
Washington, and began to think that liberty
was gained. They anchored in a place called
Cornfield Harbor, intending to wait for day-
light All laid down to sleep in peaceful
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
159
security, lulled by the gentle rock of the
vessel and the rippling of the waters.
But at two o clock at night they were
roused by terrible noises on deck, scuffling,
screaming, swearing and groaning. A
steamer had pursued and overtaken them,
and the little schooner was boarded by an
infuriated set of armed men. In a moment,
the captain, mate and all the crew, were seized
and bound, amid oaths and dreadful threats.
As they, swearing and yelling, tore open
the hatches on the defenceless prisoners be-
low, Richard Edmondson stepped forward,
and in a calm voice said to them, " Gentle-
men, do yourselves no harm, for we are all
here." With this exception, all was still
among the slaves as despair could make it ;
not a word was spoken in the whole com-
pany. The men were all bound and placed
on board the steamer ; the women were left
on board the schooner, to be towed after.
The explanation of their capture was this :
In the morning after they had sailed, many
families in Washington found their slaves
missing, and the event created as great an
excitement as the emancipation of France
had, two days before. At that time they
had listened in the most complacent manner
to the announcement that the reign of slavery
was near its close, because they had not the
slightest idea that the language meant any-
thing ; and they were utterly confounded by
this practical application of it. More than
a hundred men, mounted upon horses, deter-
mined to push out into the country, in pur-
suit of these new disciples of the doctrine of
universal emancipation. Here a colored man,
by the name of Judson Diggs, betrayed the
whole plot. He had been provoked, because,
after having taken a poor woman, with her
luggage, down to the boat, she was unable to
pay the twenty-five cents that he demanded.
So he told these admirers of universal
brotherhood that they need not ride into the
country, as their slaves had sailed down the
river, and were far enough off by this time.
A steamer was immediately manned by two
hundred armed men, and away they went
in pursuit.
When the cortege arrived with the cap-
tured slaves, there was a most furious ex-
citement in the city. The men were driven
through the streets 'bound with ropes, two
and two. Showers of taunts and jeers rained
upon them from all sides. One man asked
one of the girls if she " didn't feel pretty to
be caught running away," and another asked
her " if she was n't sorry." She answered,
" No, if it was to do again to-morrow, she
would do the same." The man turned to a
bystander and said, " Han't she got good
spunk?"
But the most vehement excitement was
against Drayton and Sayres, the captain and
mate of the vessel. Ruffians armed with
dirk-knives and pistols crowded around them,
with the most horrid threats. One of them
struck so near Drayton as to cut his ear,
which Emily noticed as bleeding. Mean-
while there mingled in the crowd multitudes
of the relatives of the captives, who, looking
on them as so many doomed victims, bewailed
and lamented them. A brother-in-law of
the Edmondsons was so overcome when he
saw them that he fainted away and fell down
in the stre'et, and was carried home insen-
sible. The sorrowful news spread to the
cottage of Paul and Milly Edmondson; and,
knowing that all their children were now
probably doomed to the southern market,
they gave themselves up to sorrow. " !
what a day that was ! " said the old mother
when describing that scene to the writer.
" Never a morsel of anything could I put into
my mouth. Paul and me we fasted and
prayed before the Lord, night and day, for
our poor children."
The whole public sentiment of the com-
munity was roused to the most intense in-
dignation. It was repeated from mouth to
mouth that they had been kindly treated
and never abused ; and what could have in-
duced them to try to get their liberty ? All
that Mr. Stanton had said of the insensible
influence of American institutions, and all
his pretty similes about the cotton-wood seeds,
seemed entirely to have escaped the memory
of the community, and they could see no-
thing but the most unheard-of depravity in
the attempt of these people to secure free-
dom. It was strenuously advised by many
that their owners should not forgive them,
— that no mercy should be shown, but that
they should be thrown into the hands of the
traders, forthwith, for the southern market,
— that Siberia of the irresponsible despots
of America.
When all the prisoners were lodged in
jail, the owners came to make oath to their
property, and the property also was required
to make oath to their owners. Among them
came the married sisters of Mary and Emily,
but were not allowed to enter the prison.
The girls looked through the iron grates of
the third-story windows, and saw their sis-
ters standing below in the yard weeping.
The guardian of the Edmondsons, who
acted in the place of the real owner, apparently
1G0
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
touched with their sorrow, promised their
family and friends, who were anxious to
purchase them, if possible, that they should
have an opportunity the next morning.
Perhaps he intended at the time to give
them one; but. as Bruin and Hill, the
keepers of the large slave warehouse in
Alexandria, offered him four thousand five
hundred dollars for the six children, they
were irrevocably sold before the next morn-
ing. Bruin would listen to no terms which
any of their friends could propose. The
lady with whom Mary had lived offered a
thousand dollars for her; but Bruin re-
fused, saying he could get double that
sum in the New Orleans market. He
said he had had his eye upon the family for
twelve years, and had the promise of them
should they ever be sold.
While the girls remained in the prison
they had no beds or chairs, and only one
blanket each, though the nights were chilly ;
but, understanding that the rooms below,
where their brothers were confined, were
still colder, and that no blankets were given
them, they sent their owbl down to them.
In the morning they were allowed to go
down into the yard for a few moments ; and
then they used to run to the window of
their brothers' room, to bid them good-morn-
ing, and kiss them through the grate.
At ten o'clock, Thursday night, the
brothers were handcuffed, and, with their
sisters, taken into carriages by their new
owners, driven to Alexandria, and put into
a prison called a Georgia Pen. The girls
were put into a large room alone, in total
darkness, without bed or blanket, where
they spent the night in sobs and tears, in
utter ignorance of their brothers' fate. At
eight o'clock in the morning they were
called to breakfast, when, to their great com-
fort, they found their four brothers all in
the same prison.
They remained here about four weeks,
being usually permitted by day to stay be-
low with their brothers, and at night to re-
turn to their own rooms. Their brothers
had great anxieties about them, fearing they
would be sold south. Samuel, in particu-
lar, felt very sadly, as he had been the
principal actor in getting them away. He
often said he. would gladly die for them, if
that would save them from the fate he feared.
He used to weep a great deal, though he
endeavored to restrain his tears in their
presence.
While in the slave-prison they were re-
quired to wash- for thirteen men, though
their brothers performed a great share of
the labor. Before they left, their size and
height were measured by their owners. At
length they were again taken out, the
brothers handcuffed, and all put on board a
steamboat, where were about forty slaves,
mostly men, and taken to Baltimore. The
voyage occupied one clay and a night.
When arrived in Baltimore, they were
thrown into a slave-pen kept by a partner
of Bruin and Hill. He was a man of
coarse habits, constantly using the most
profane language, and grossly obscene and
insulting in his remarks to women. Here
they were forbidden to pray together, as
they had previously been accustomed to do.
But, by rising very early in the morning, they
secured to themselves a little interval which
they could employ, uninterrupted, in this
manner. They, with four or five other
women in the prison, used to meet together,
before daybreak, to spread their sorrows be-
fore the Refuge of the afflicted ; and in these
prayers the hard-hearted slave-dealer was
daily remembered. The brothers of Mary
and Emily were very gentle and tender in
their treatment of their sisters, which had
an influence upon other men in their com-
pany. ;
At this place they became acquainted
with Aunt Rachel, a most godly woman,
about middle age, who had been sold into
the prison away from her husband. The
poor husband used often to come to the
prison and beg the trader to sell her to his
owners, who he thought were willing to pur-
chase her, if the price was not too high. But
he was driven off with brutal threats and
curses. They remained in Baltimore about
three weeks.
The friends in Washington, though hither-
to unsuccessful in their efforts to redeem
the family, were still exerting themselves in
their behalf; and one evening a message
was received from them by telegraph,
stating that a person would arrive in the
morning train of cars prepared to bargain
for the family, and that a part of the money
was now ready. But the trader was in-
exorable, and in the morning, an hour be-
fore the cars were to arrive, they were all
put on board the brig Union, ready to sail
for New Orleans. The messenger came,
and brought nine hundred dollars in money,
the gift of a grandson of John Jacob Astor.
This was finally appropriated to the ransom
of Richard Edmondson, as his wife and
children were said to be suffering in Wash-
ington ; and the trader would not sell the
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
161
gills to them upon any consideration, nor
would he even suffer Richard to be brought
back from the brig, which had not yet sailed.
The bargain was, however, made, and the
money deposited in Baltimore.
On this brig the eleven women were put
in one small apartment, and the thirty or
forty men in an adjoining one. Emily was
very sea-sick most of the time, and her
brothers feared she would die. They used
to come and carry her out on deck and
back again, buy little comforts for their sis-
ters, and take all possible care of them.
Frequently head winds blew them back,
so that they made very slow progress ; and
in their prayer-meetings, which they held
every night, they used to pray that head
winds might blow them to New York ; and
one of the sailors declared that if they
could get within one hundred miles of New
York, and the slaves would stand by him,
he would make way with the captain, and
pilot them into New York himself.
When they arrived near Key West, they
hoisted a signal for a pilot, the captain be-
ing aware of the dangers of the place, and yet
not knowing how to avoid them. As the
pilot-boat approached, the slaves were all
fastened below, and a heavy canvas thrown
over the grated hatchway door, which en-
tirely excluded all circulation of air, and
almost produced suffocation. The captain
and pilot had a long talk about the price,
and some altercation ensued, the captain not
being willing to give the price demanded by
the pilot ; during which time there was great
suffering below. The women became so ex-
hausted that they were mostly helpless ; and
the situation of the men was not much bet-
ter, though they managed with a, stick to
break some holes through the canvas on
their side, so as to let in a little air, but a
few only of the strongest could get there to
enjoy it. Some of them shouted for help
as long as their strength would permit ; and
at length, after what seemed to them an
almost interminable interview, the pilot left,
refusing to assist them ; the canvas was re-
moved, and the brig obliged to turn tack,
and take another course. Then, one after
another, as they got air and strength, crawled
©ut on deck. Mary and Emily were carried
wit by their brothers as soon as they were
able to do it.
Soon after this the stock of provisions
ran low, and the water failed, so that the
slaves were restricted to a gill a day. The
sailors were allowed a quart each, and often
gave a pint of it to one of the Edmondsons
for th&ir sisters ; and they divided it with
11
the other women, as they always did every
nice thmg they got in such ways.
The day they arrived at the mouth of the
Mississippi a terrible storm arose, and the
waves rolled mountain high, so that, when
the pilot-boat approached, it would sometimes
seem to be entirely swallowed by the waves.
and again it would emerge, and again ap-
pear wholly buried. At length they were
towed into and up the river by a steamer,
and there, for the first time, saw cotton
plantations, and gangs of slaves at work on
them.
They arrived at w Orleans in the night,
and about ten the t day were landed and
marched to what they called the show-rooms,
and, going out into the yard, saw a great
many men and women sitting around, with
such sad faces that Emily soon began to cry,
upon which an overseer stepped up and
struck her on the chin, and bade her " stop
crying, or he would give her something to
cry about." Then pointing, he told her
" there was the calaboose, where they
whipped those who did not behave them-
selves ! " As soon as he turned away, a
slave- woman came and told her to look cheer-
ful, if she possibly could, as it would be far
better for her. One of her brothers soon
came to inquire what the woman had been
saying to her; and when informed, en-
couraged Emily to follow the advice, and
endeavored to profit by it himself.
That night all the four brothers had their
hair cut close, their mustaches shaved off.
and their usual clothing exchanged for a
blue jacket and pants, all of which so
altered their appearance that at first their
sisters did not know them. Then, for three
successive days, they were all obliged to stand
in an open porch fronting the street, for
passers by to look at, except, when one was
tired out, she might go in for a little time,
and another take her place. Whenever
buyers called, they were paraded in the auc-
tion-room in rows, exposed to coarse jokes
and taunts. When any one took a liking
to any girl in the company, he would call
her to him, take hold of her, open her
mouth, look at her teeth, and handle her
person rudely, frequently making obscene
remarks ; and she must stand and bear it,
without resistance. Mary and Emily com-
plained to their brothers that they could not
submit to such treatment. Thev conversed
w
about it with Wilson, a partner of Bruin
and Hill, who had the charge of the slaves
at this prison. After this they were treated
with more decency.
Another brother of the girls, named Ham-
162
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
ilton, had been a slxve in or near New Or-
leans for sixteen years, and had j ust purchased
his own freedom for one thousand dollars ;
having once before earned that sum for him-
self, and then had it taken from him. Rich-
ard being now really free, as the money was
deposited in Baltimore for his ransom, found
him out the next day after their arrival at
New Orleans, and brought him to the prison
to see his brothers and sisters. The meet-
ing was overpoweringly affecting.
He had never before seen his sister Emily,
as he had been sold away from his parents
before her birth.
The girls' lodging-room was occupied at
night by about twenty or thirty women, who
all slept on the bare floor, with only a blan-
ket each. After a few days, word was re-
ceived (which was really incorrect}, that
half the money had been raised for the
redemption of Mary and Emily. After
this they were allowed, upon their broth-
ers' earnest request, to go to their free
brother's house and spend their nights,
and return in the mornings, as they had
suffered greatly from the mosquitos and
other insects, and their feet were swollen and
sore.
While at this prison, some horrible cases
of cruelty came to their knowledge, and
some of them under their own observation.
Two persons, one woman and one boy, were
whipped to death in the prison while they
were there, though they were not in the
same pen, or owned by the same trader, as
themselves.
None of the slaves were allowed to sleep
in the day-time, and sometimes little children
sitting- or standing idle all day would become
so sleepy as not to be able to hold up their
eyelids ; but, if they were caught thus by the
oveiseer, they were cruelly beaten. Mary
and Emily used to watch the little ones, and
let them sleep until they heard the over-
seers coming, and then spring and rouse
them in a moment.
One young woman, who had been sold by
the traders for the worst of purposes, was
returned, not being fortunate (?) enough to
suit her purchaser ; and, as is their custom
in such cases, was most cruelly flogged, — so
much so that some of her flesh mortified, and
her life was despaired of. When Mary and
Emily first arrived at New Orleans they saw
and conversed with her. She was then just
beginning to sit up ; was quite small, and
very fine-looking, with beautiful straight
hair, which was formerly long, but had been
cut off short by her brutal tormentors.
The overseer who flogged her said, in their
hearing, that he would never flog another
girl in that way — it was too much for any
one to bear. They suggest that perhaps
the reason why he promised this was be-
cause he was obliged to be her nurse, and
of course saw her sufferings. She was from
Alexandria, but they have forgotten her
name.
One young man and woman of their com-
pany in the prison, who were engaged to be
married, and were sold to different owners,
felt so distressed at their separation that
they could not or did not labor well ; and
the young man was soon sent back, with
the complaint that he would not answer the
purpose. Of course, the money was to be
refunded, and he flogged. He was con-
demned to be flogged each night for a week ;
and, after about two hundred lashes by the
overseer, each one of the male slaves in the
prison was required to come and lay on five
lashes with all his strength, upon penalty of
being flogged himself. The young woman,
too, was soon sent there, with a note from her
new mistress, requesting that she might be
whipped a certain number of lashes, and
enclosing the money to pay for it; which
request was readily complied with.
While in New Orleans they saw gangs of
women cleaning the streets, chained to-
gether, some with a heavy iron ball attached
to the chain ; a form of punishment fre-
quently resorted to for household servants
who had displeased their mistresses.
Hamilton Edmondson, the brother who
had purchased his own freedom, made great
efforts to get good homes for his brothers
and sisters in New Orleans, so that they
need not be far separated from each other.
One day, ' Mr. Wilson, the overseer, took
Samuel away with him in a carriage, and
returned without him. The brothers and
sisters soon found that he was' sold, and
gone they knew no* whither ; but they were
not allowed to weep, or even look sad, upon
pain of severe punishment. The next day,
however, to their great joy, he came to the
prison himself, and told them he had a good
home in the city with an Englishman, who
had paid a thousand dollars for him.
After remaining about three weeks in this
prison, the Edmondsons were told that, in
consequence of the prevalence of the yellow
fever in the city, together with the fact of
their not being acclimated, it was deemed
dangerous for them to remain there longer ;
— and, besides this, purchasers were loth to
give good prices under these circumstances.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
163
Some of the slaves in the pen were already
sick ; some of them old, poor or dirty, and
for these reasons greatly exposed to sickness.
Richard Edmondson had already been ran-
somed, and must be sent back ; and, upon
the whole, it was thought best to fit out and
send off a gang to Baltimore, without delay.
The Edmondsons received these tidings
with joyful hearts, for they had not yet
been undeceived with regard to the raising
of the money for their ransom. Their
brother who was free procured for them
many comforts for the voyage, such as a
mattress, blankets, sheets and different kinds
of food and drink; and, accompanied- to the
vessel by their friends there, they embarked
on the brig Union just at night, and were
towed out' of the river. The brig had
nearly a full cargo of cotton, molasses, sugar,
&c, and, of course, the space for the slaves
was exceedingly limited. The place allotted
the females was a little close, filthy room,
perhaps eight or ten feet square, filled with
cotton within two or three feet of the top of
the room, except the space directly under the
hatchway door. Richard Edmondson kept
his sisters* upon deck with him, though with-
out a shelter ; prepared their food himself,
made up their bed at night on the top of bar-
rels, or wherever he could find a place, and.
then slept by their side. Sometimes a storm
would arise in the middle of the night, when
he would spring up and wake them, and,
gathering up their bed and bedding, conduct
Ihem to a little kind of a pantry, where they
could all three just stand, till the storm
passed away. , Sometimes he contrived to
make a temporary shelter for them out of
bits of boards, or something else on deck.
After a voyage of sixteen days, they
arrived at Baltimore, fully expecting that
their days of slavery were numbered. Here
they were conducted back to the same old
prison from which they had been taken a
few weeks before, though they supposed it
would be but for an hour or two. Presently
Mr. Bigelow, of Washington, came for
Richard. When the girls found that they
were not to be set free too, their grief and
disappointment were unspeakable. But
they were separated, — Richard to go to
his home, his wife and children, and they
to remain in the slave-prison. Wearisome
days and nights again rolled on. In the
mornings they were obliged to march round
the yard to the music of fiddles, banjoes, &c. ;
in the day-time they washed and ironed for
the male slaves, slept some, and wept a great
deal. After a few weeks their father came
to visit them, accompanied by their sister.
His object was partly to ascertain what
were the very lowest terms upon which their
keeper would sell the girls, as he indulged
a faint hope that in some way or other the
money might be raised, if time enough were
allowed. The trader declared he should
soon send them to some other slave-market,
but he would wait two weeks, and, if the
friends could raise the money in that time,
they might have them.
f he night their father and sister spent in
the prison with them, he lay in the room
over their heads ; and they could hear him
groan all night, while their sister was weep-
ing by their side. None of them closed
their eyes in sleep.
In the morning came again the wearisome
routine of the slave-prison. Old Paul
walked quietly into the yard, and sat down
to see the poor slaves marched around. He
had never seen his daughters in such cir-
cumstances before, and his feelings quite
overcame him. The yard was narrow, and
the girls, as they walked by him, almost
brushing him with their clothes, could just
hear him groaning within himself, " 0, my
children, my children ! "
After the breakfast, which none of them
were able to eat, they parted with sad
hearts, the father begging the keeper to send
them to New Orleans, if the money could
not be raised, as perhaps their brothers there
might secure for them kind masters.
Two or three weeks afterwards Bruin &
Hill visited the prison, dissolved partnership
with the trader, settled accounts, and took the
Edmondsons again in their own possession.
The girls were roused about eleven o'clock
at night, after they had fallen asleep, and
told to get up directly, and prepare for going
home. They had learned that the word of
a slave-holder is not to be trusted, and feared
they were going to be sent to Richmond.
Virginia, as there had been talk of it. They
were soon on their way in the care with
Bruin, and arrived at Washington at a little
past midnight.
Their hearts throbbed high when, after
these long months of weary captivity, they
found themselves once more in the city
where were their brothers, sisters and pa-
rents. But they were permitted to see none
of them, and were put into a carriage and
driven immediately to the slave-prison at
Alexandria, where, about two o'clock at
night, they found themselves in the same for-
lorn old room in which they had begun their
term of captivity !
This was the latter part of August Again
they were employed in washing ironing and
164
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
sewing by day, and always locked up by
night. Sometimes they were allowed to
sew in Bruin's house, and even to eat there.
After they had been in Alexandria two or
three weeks, their eldest married sister, not
having heard from them for some time, came
to see Bruin, to learn, if possible, something
of their fate ; and her surprise and joy were
great to see them once more, even there.
After a few weeks their old father came again
to see them. Hopeless as the idea of their
emancipation seemed, he still clung to it; He
had had some encouragement of assistance in
Washington, and he purposed to go North
to see if anything could be done there ; and
he was anxious to obtain from Bruin what
were the very lowest possible terms for which
he would sell the girls. Bruin drew up his
terms in the following document, which we
subjoin :
Alexandria, Va., Sept. 5, 1848.
The bearer, Paul Edmondson, is the father of
two girls, Mary Jane and Emily Catharine Ed-
mondson. These girls have been purchased by
us, and once sent to the south ; and, upon the
positive assurance that the money for them would
be raised if they were brought back, they were
returned. Nothing, it appears, has as yet been
done in this respect by those who promised, and
we are on the very eve of sending them south the
second time ; and we are candid in saying that, if
they go again, we will not regard any promises
made in relation to them. The father wishes to
raise money to pay for them ; and intends to ap-
peal to the liberality of the humane and the good
to aid him, and has requested us to state in writ-
ing the conditions upon which we will sell his
daughters.
We expect to start our servants to the south in
a few days ; if the sum of twelve hundred ($1200)
dollars be raised and paid to us in fifteen days, or
we be assured of that sum, then we will retain
them for twenty-five days more, to give an oppor-
tunity for the raising of the other thousand and
fifty ($1050) dollars ; otherwise we shall be com-
pelled to send them along with our other servants.
Bruin & Hill.
Paul took his papers, and parted from his
daughters sorrowfully. After this, the time
to the girls dragged on in heavy suspense.
Constantly they looked for letter or message,
and prayed to God to raise them up a de-
liverer from some quarter. But day after
day and week after week passed, and the
dreaded time drew near. The preliminaries
for fitting up the gang for South Carolina
commenced. Gay calico was bought for them
to make up into "show dresses," in which
they were to be exhibited on sale. They
made them up with far sadder feelings than
they would have sewed on their own shrouds.
Hope had almost died out of their bosoms.
A few days before the gang were to be sent
off, their sister made them a sad farew T ell visit.
They mingled their prayers and tears, and
the girls made up little tokens of remem-
brance to send by her as parting gifts to
their brothers and sisters and aged father
and mother, and with a farewell sadder than
that of a death-bed the sisters parted.
The evening before the coffle was to start
drew on. Mary and Emily went to the
house to bid Bruin's family good-by. Bruin
had a little daughter who had been a pet and
favorite with the girls. She clung round
them, cried, and begged them not to go.
Emily told her that, if she wished to have
them stay, she must go and ask her father.
Away ran the little pleader, full of her
errand ; and was so very earnest in her im-
portunities, that he, to pacify her, said he
would consent to their remaining, if his part-
ner, Captain Hill, would do so. At this
time Bruin, hearing Mary crying aloud in
the prison, went up to see her. With all the
earnestness of despair, she made her last ap-
peal to his feelings. She begged him to
make the case his own, to think of his own
dear little daughter, — what if she were ex-
posed ta be torn away from every friend on
earth, and cut off from all hope of redemption,
at the very moment, too, when deliverance was
expected ! Bruin was not absolutely a man
of stone, and this agonizing appeal brought
tears to his eyes. He gave some encourage-
ment that, if Hill would consent, they need
not be sent off with the gang. A sleepless
night followed, spent in weeping, groaning
and prayer. Morning at last dawned, and,
according to orders received the day before,
they prepared themselves to go, and even
put on their bonnets and shawls, and stood
ready for the word to be given. When the
very last tear of hope was shed, and they
were going out to join the gang, Bruin's
heart relented. He called them to him, and
told them they might remain ! 0. how glad
were their hearts made by this, as they might
nolo hope on a little longer! Either the
entreaties of little Martha or Mary's plea
with Bruin had prevailed.
Soon the gang was started on foot, — men,
women and children, two and two, the men
all handcuffed together, the right wrist of
one to the left wrist of the other, and a chain
passing through the middle from the hand-
cuffs of one couple to those of the next. The
women and children walked in the same
manner throughout, handcuffed or chained.
Drivers went before and at the side, to take
up those who were sick or lame. They were
obliged to set off singing ! accompanied
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
165
with fiddles and banjoes ! — " For they that
carried us aicay captive required of us a
song, and they that wasted us required
of us mirth" And this is a scene of daily
occurrence in a Christian country ! — and
Christian ministers say that the right to do
these things is given by God himself ! !
Meanwhile poor old Paul Edmondson went
northward to supplicate aid. Any one who
should have travelled in the cars at that
time might have 'seen a venerable-looking
black man, all whose air and attitude indi-
cated a patient humility, and who seemed to
carry a weight of overwhelming sorrow, like
one who had long been acquainted with grief.
That man was Paul Edmondson.
Alone, friendless, unknown, and, worst of
all, black, he came into the great bustling
city of New York, to see if there was any
one there who could give him twenty-five
hundred dollars to buy his daughters with.
Can anybody realize what a poor man's feel-
ings are, who visits a great, bustling, rich
city, alone and unknown, for such an ob-
ject? The writer has now, in a letter
from a slave father and husband who was
visiting Portland on a similar errand, a
touching expression of it :
I walked all day, till I was tired and discouraged.
! Mrs. S , when I see so many people who
seem to have so many more things than they want
or know what to do with, and then think that I
have worked hard, till I am past forty, all my life,
and don't own even my own wife and children, it
makes me feel sick and discouraged !
So sick at heart and discouraged felt
Paul Edmondson. He went to the Anti-
Slavery Office, and made his case known.
The sum was such a large one, and seemed to
many so exorbitant, that, though they pitied
the poor father, they were disheartened
about raising it. They wrote to Washing-
ton to authenticate the particulars of the
story, and wrote to Bruin and Hill to see
if there could be any reduction of price.
Meanwhile, the poor old man looked sadly
from one adviser to another. He was re-
commended to go to the Rev. H. W. Beecher,
and tell his story. He inquired his way to
his door, — ascended the steps to ring the
door-bell, but his heart failed him, — he sat
down on the steps weeping !
There Mr. Beecher found him. He took
him in, and inquired his story. There was
to be a public meeting that night, to raise
money. The hapless father begged him to
go and plead for his children. He did go,
and spoke as if he were pleading for his own
father and sisters. Other clergymen fol-
lowed in the same strain, — the meeting be-
came enthusiastic, and the money was raised
on the spot, and poor old Paul laid his head
that night on a grateful pillow, — not to
sleep, but to give thanks !
Meanwhile the girls had been dragging
on anxious days in the sl&ve-prison. They
were employed in sewing for Bruin's family,
staying sometimes in the prison and some-
times in the house.
It is to be stated here that Mr. Bruin is
a man of very different character from many
in his trade. He is such a man as never
would have been found in the profession of
a slave-trader, had not the most respectable
and religious part of the community defended
the right to buy and sell, as being conferred
by God himself. It is a fact, with regard to
this man, that he was one of the earliest sub-
scribers to the National Era, in the District
of Columbia ; and, when a certain individual
there brought himself into great peril by as-
sisting fugitive slaves, and there was no one
found to go bail for him, Mr. Bruin came
forward and performed this kindness.
While we abhor the horrible system and
the horrible trade with our whole soul, there
is no harm, we suppose, in wishing that such
a man had a better occupation. Yet we can-
not forbear reminding all such that, when
we come to give our account at the judg-
ment-seat of Christ, every man must speak
for himself alone ; and that Christ will
not accept as an apology for sin the word of
all the ministers and all the synods in the
country. He has given fair warning, " Be-
ware of false prophets ; " and if people will
not beware of them, their blood is upon their
own heads.
The girls, while under Mr. Bruin's care,
were treated with as much kindness and con-
sideration as could possibly consist with the
design of selling them. There is no doubt
that Bruin was personally friendly to them,
and really wished most earnestly that they
might be ransomed ; but then he did not see
how he was to lose two thousand five hun-
dred dollars. He had just the same dif-
ficulty on this subject that some New York
members of churches have had, when they
have had slaves brought into their hands as
security for Southern debts. He was sorry
for them, and wished them well, and hoped
Providence would provide for them when
they were sold, but still he could not afford
to lose his money ; and while such men re-
main elders and communicants in churches
in New York, we must not be surprised that
there remain slave-traders in Alexandria.
166
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
It is one great art of the enemy of souls
to lead men to compound for their partici-
pation in one branch of sin by their right-
eous horror of another. The slave-trader
has been the general scape-goat on whom all
parties have vented their indignation, while
buying of him and selling to him.
There is an awful warning given in the
fiftieth Psalm to those who in word have
professed religion and in deed consented to
iniquity, where from the judgment-seat
Christ is represented as thus addressing
them : ' ' What hast thou to do to declare my
statutes, or that thou shouldst take my cove-
nant into thy mouth, seeing thou hatest in-
struction, and castest my words behind
thee ? When thou sawest a thief, then thou
consentedst with him, and hast been par-
taker with adulterers. "
One thing is certain, that all who do these
things, openly or secretly, must, at last,
make up their account with a Judge who
is no respecter of persons, and who will just
as soon condemn an elder in the church for
slave-trading as a professed trader ; nay, He
may make it more tolerable for the Sodom
and Gomorrah of the trade than for them, —
for it may be, if the trader had the means of
grace that they have had, that he would have
repented long ago.
But to return to our history. — The girls
were sitting sewing near the open window
of their cage, when Emily said to Mary,
" There, Mary, is that white man we have
seen from the North. ' ' They both looked, and
in a moment more saw their own dear father.
They sprang and ran through the house and
the office, and into the street, shouting as
they ran, followed by Bruin, who said he
thought the girls were crazy. In a moment
they were in their father's arms, but ob-
served that he trembled exceedingly, and
that his voice was unsteady. They eagerly
inquired if the money was raised for their
ransom. Afraid of exciting their hopes too
soon, before their free papers were signed,
he said he would talk with them soon, and
went into the office with Mr. Bruin and Mr.
Chaplin. Mr. Bruin professed himself sin-
cerely glad, as undoubtedly he was, that they
had brought the money ; but seemed much
hurt by the manner in which he had been
spoken of by the Rev. H. W. Beecher at the
liberation meeting in New York, thinking
it hard that no difference should be made
between him and other traders, when he had
shown himself so much more considerate and
humane than the great body of them. He,
however, counted over the money and signed
the papers with great good will, taking out
a five-dollar gold piece for each of the girls ;
as a parting present.
The affair took longer than they supposed,
and the time seemed an age to the poor girls,
who were anxiously walking up and down
outside the room, in ignorance of their fate.
Could their father have brought the money ?
Why did he tremble so? Could he have
failed of the money, at last? Or could it be
that their dear mother was dead, for they
had heard that she was very ill !
At length a messenger came shouting to
them, " You are free, you are free ! " Emily
thinks she sprang nearly to the ceiling over-
head. They jumped, clapped their hands,
laughed and shouted aloud. Soon their
father came to them, embraced them tenderly
and attempted to quiet them, and told them
to prepare them to go and see their mother.
This they did they know not how, but with
considerable help from the family, who all
seemed to rejoice in their joy. Their father
procured a carriage to take them to the
wharf, and, with joy overflowing all bounds,
they bade a most affectionate farewell to
each member of the family, not even omit-
ting Bruin himself. The " good that there
is in human nature " for once had the up-
per hand, and all were moved to tears of
sympathetic joy. Their father, with sub-
dued tenderness, made great efforts to soothe
their tumultuous feelings, and at length par-
tially succeeded. When they arrived at
Washington, a carriage was ready to take
them to their sister's house. People of every
rank and description came running together
to get a sight of them. Their brothers
caught them up in their arms, and ran
about with them, almost frantic with joy.
Their aged and venerated mother, raised up
from a sick bed by the stimulus of the glad
news, was there, weeping and giving thanks
to God. Refreshments were prepared in
their sister's house for all who called, and
amid greetings and rejoicings, tears and
gladness, prayers and thanksgivings, but
without sleep, the night passed away, and
the morning of November 4, 1848, dawned
upon them free and happy.
This last spring, during the month of
May, as the writer has already intimated,
the aged mother of the Edmondson family
came on to New York, and the reason of
her coming may be thus briefly explained.
She had still one other daughter, the guide
and support of her feeble age, or, as she calls
her in her own expressive language, " the
last drop of blood in her .heart." She had
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
167
also a son, twenty-one years of age, still a
slave on a neighboring plantation. The in-
firm, woman in whose name the estate was
held was supposed to be drawing near to
death, and the poor parents were distressed
with the fear that, in case of this event, their
two remaining children would be sold for
the purpose of dividing the estate, and thus
thrown into the dreaded southern market.
No one can realize what a constant horror
the slave-prisons and the slave-traders are
to all the unfortunate families in the vicinity.
Everything for which other parents look
on their children with pleasure and pride is
to these poor souls a source of" anxiety and
dismay, because it renders the child so much
more a merchantable article.
It is no wonder, therefore, that the light
in Paul and Milly's cottage was overshad-
owed by this terrible idea.
• The guardians of these children had given
their father a written promise to sell them
to him for a certain sum, and by hard beg-
ging he had acquired a hundred dollars tow-
ards the twelve hundred which were neces-
sary. But he was now confined to his bed
with sickness. After pouring out earnest
prayers to the Helper of the helpless, Milly
says, one day she said to Paul, " I tell ye,
Paul, I 'm going up to New York myself,
to see if I can't get that money."
"Paul says to me, • Why, Milly dear, how
can you? Ye an't fit to be off the bed, and
ye 's never iii the cars in your life.'
" ' Never you fear, Paul,' says I; 1 1 shall
fo trusting in the Lord ; and the Lord,
Ee '11 take me, and He '11 bring me, — that I
know.'
" So I went to the cars and got a white
man to put me aboard ; and, sure enough,
there I found two Bethel ministers ; and
one set one side o' me, and one set the other,
all the way ; and they got me my tickets,
and looked after my things, and did every
thing for me. There did n't anything hap-
pen to me all the way. Sometimes, when I
went to set down in the sitting-rooms, peo-
ple looked at me and moved off so scornful !
Well, I thought, I wish the Lord would give
you a better mind."
Emily and Mary, who had been at school
in New York State, came to the city to
meet their mother, and they brought her
directly to the Rev. Henry W. Beecher's
house, where the writer then was.
The writer remembers now the scene
when she first met this mother and daugh-
ters. It must be recollected that they had
uot seen each other before for four years.
One was sitting each side the mother, hold-
ing her hand ; and the air of pride and filial
affection with which they presented her was
touching to behold. After being presented
to the writer, she again sat down between
them, took a hand of each, and looked very
earnestly first on one and then on the other ;
and then, looking up, said, with a smile,
" 0, these children,— how they do lie round
our hearts ! "
She then explained to the writer all her
sorrows and anxieties for the younger chil-
dren. "Now, madam," she says, "that
man that keeps the great trading-house at
Alexandria, that man" she said, with a
strong, indignant expression, "has sent to
know if there 's any more of my children to
be sold. That man said he wanted to see
me ! Yes, ma'am, he said he 'd give twenty
dollars to see me. I would n't see him, if
he 'd give me a hundred! He sent for me
to come and see him, when he had my daugh-
ters in his prison. I would n't go to see
him, — I did n't want to see them there ! "
The two daughters, Emily and Mary,
here became very much excited, and broke
out in some very natural but bitter language
against all slave-holders. " Hush, children !
you must forgive your enemies," she said.
But they 're so wicked ! " said the girls.
Ah, children, you must hate the sin, but
love the sinner." "Well," said one of
the girls, " mother, if I was
and made a slave of, I 'd kill myself.
trust not, child, — that would be wicked.'
I ' But, mother, I should ; I know I never
could bear it." " Bear it, my child?" she
answered, " it 's they that bears the sorrow
here is they that has the glories there."
There was a deep, indescribable pathos of
voice and manner as she said these words,
— a solemnity and force, and yet a sweet-
ness, that can never be forgotten.
This poor slave-mother, whose whole life
had been one long outrage on her holiest
feelings, — who had been kept from the
power to read God's Word, whose whole
pilgrimage had- been made one day of sor-
row by the injustice of a Christian nation,
— she had yet learned to solve the highest
problem of Christian ethics, and to do what
so few reformers can do, — hate the sin, but
love the sinner I
A great deal of interest was excited
among the ladies in Brooklyn by this his-
tory. Several large meetings were held in
different parlors, in which the old mother re-
lated her history with great simplicity and
pathos, and a subscription for the re-
u
a
taken again
> 3 It T
168
KEY* TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
demption of the remaining two of her
family was soon on foot. It may be in-
teresting to know that the subscription list
was headed by the lovely and benevolent
Jenny Lind Goldschmidt.
Some of the ladies who listened to this
touching story were so much interested in
Mrs. Edmondson personally, they wished to
have her daguerreotype taken ; both that
they might be strengthened and refreshed
by the sight of her placid countenance, and
that they might see the beauty of true good-
ness beaming there.
She accordingly went to the rooms with
them, with all the simplicity of a little child.
" 0," said she, to one of the ladies, "you
can't think how happy it 's made me to get
here, where everybody is so kind to me !
Why, last night, when I went home, I was so
happy I could n't sleep. I had to go and
tell my Saviour, over and over again, how
happy I was."
A lady spoke to her about reading some-
thing. " Law bless you, honey ! I can't
read a letter."
" Then," said another lady, " how have
you learned so much of God, and heavenly
things?"
" Well, 'pears like a gift from above."
" Can you have the Bible read to you ?"
" Why, yes ; Paul, he reads a little, but
then he has so much work all day, and
when he gets home at night he's so tired !
and his eyes is bad. But then the Sperit
teaches us."
" Do you go much to meeting?"
u Not much now, we live so far. In
winter I can't never. But, ! what meet-
ings I have had, alone in the corner, — my
Saviour and only me!" The smile with
which these words were spoken was a thing
to be remembered. A little girl, daughter
of one of the ladies, made some rather
severe remarks about somebody in the da-
guerreotype rooms, and her mother checked
her.
The old lady looked up, with her placid
smile. " That puts me in mind," she said,
" of what I heard a preacher say once.
' My friends,' says he, ' if you know of any-
thing that will make a brother's heart glad,
run quick and tell it ; but if it- is some-
thing that will only cause a sigh, i bottle it
up, bottle it up ! ' 0, I often tell my chil-
dren, ' Bottle it up, bottle it up ! ' "
When the writer came to part with the
old lady, she said to her : u Well, good-by,
my dear friend; remember and pray for
me."
" Pray for you /"she said, earnestly.
" Indeed I shall,— I can't help it." She
then, raising her finger, said, in an emphatic
tone, peculiar to the old of her race, " Tell
you what ! we never gets no good bread
ourselves till we begins to ask for our
brethren."
The writer takes this opportunity to in-
form all those friends, in different parts of
the country, who generously contributed fbr
the redemption of these children, that they
are at last free !
The following extract from the letter
of a lady in Washington may be interesting
to them :
I have seen the Edmondson parents, — Paul and
his wife Milly. I have seen the free Edmond-
sons, — mother, son, and daughter, — the very day
after the great era of free life commenced, while
yet the inspiration was on them, while the
mother's face was all light and love, the father's
eyes moistened and glistening with tears, the
son calm in conscious manhood and responsibility,
the daughter (not more than fifteen years old,
I think) smiling a delightful appreciation of joy
in the present and hope in the future, thus sud-
denly and completely unfolded.
Thus have we finished the account of ont
of the families who were taken on board thf
Pearl. We have another history to give,
to which we cannot promise so fortunate %
termination.
CHAPTER VII.
Among those unfortunates guilty of lov-
ing freedom too well, was a beautiful young
quadroon girl, named Emily Russell, whose
mother is now living in New York. The
writer has seen and conversed with her. She
is a pious woman, highly esteemed and re-
spected, a member of a Christian church.
By the avails of her own industry she pur-
chased her freedom, and also redeemed from
bondage some of her children. Emily was &
resident of Washington, D. C, a place which
belongs not to any state, but to the United
^States ; and there, under the laws of the
United States, she was held as a slave. She
was of a gentle disposition and amiable man-
ners ; she had been early touched with a sense
of religious things, and was on the very
point of uniting herself with a Christian
church ; but her heart yearned after her
widowed mother and after freedom, and so,
on the fatal night when all the other poor
victims sought the Pearl, the child Emily
went also among them.
How they were taken has already beeD
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
169
told. The sin of the poor girl was inexpiable.
Because she longed for her mother's arms
and for liberty, she could not be forgiven.
Nothing would do for such a sin, but to throw
her into the hands of the trader. She also
was thrown into Bruin & Hill's jail, in
Alexandria. Her poor mother in New York
received the following letter from her. Read
it, Christian mother, and think what if your
daughter had written it to you !
To Mrs. Nancy Cartwright, New York.
Alexandria, Jan. 22, 1850.
My Dear Mother : I take this opportunity
of writing you a few lines, to inform you that I
am in Bruin's Jail, and Aunt Sally and all of her
cliildren, and Aunt Hagar and all her children,
and grandmother is almost crazy. My dear moth-
er, will you please to come on as soon as you
can? I expect to go away very shortly. 0,
mother ! my dear mother ! come now and see your
distressed and heart-broken daughter once more.
Mother ! my dear mother ! do not forsake me, for
I feel desolate ! Please to come now.
Your daughter,
Emily Russell.
P. S. — If you do not come as far as Alexandria,
oome to Washington, and do what you can.
That letter, blotted and tear-soiled, was
brought by this poor washerwoman to some
Christian friends in New York, and shown
to them. " What do you suppose they will
ask for her? " was her question. All that
she had, — her little house, her little furni-
ture, her small earnings, — all these poor
Nancy was willing to throw in ; but all these
were but as a drop to the bucket.
The first thing to be done, then, was to
ascertain what Emily could be redeemed for ;
and, as it may be an interesting item of
American trade, we give the reply of the
traders in full :
Alexandria, Jan. 31, 1850.
Dear Sir : When I received your letter I had
not bought the negroes you spoke of, but since
that time I have bought them. All I have to say
at>out the matter is, that we paid very high for the
negroes, and cannot afford to sell the girl Emily
for less than EIGHTEEN HUNDRED DOLLARS.
This may seem a high price to you, but, cotton be-
ing very high, consequently slaves are high. We
have two or three offers for Emily from gentlemen
from the south. She is said to be the finest-looking
woman in this country. As for Hagar and her seven
cliildren, we will take two thousand five hundred
dollars for them. Sally and her four children,
we will take for them two thousand eight hundred
dollars. You may seem a little surprised at the
difference in prices, but the difference in the ne-
groes makes the difference in price. We expect to
start south with the negroes on the 8th February,
and if you intend to do anything, you had better
do it soon. Yours, respectfully,
Bruin & Hill.
This letter came to New York before the
case of the Edmondsons had called the atten-
tion of the community to this subject. The
enormous price asked entirely discouraged
effort, and before anything of importance
was done they heard that the coffle had de-
parted, with Emily in it.
Hear, heavens ! and give ear, earth !
Let it be known, in all the countries of
the earth, that the market-price of a
beautiful Christian girl in America is from
EIGHTEEN HUNDRED to TWO THOUSAND
dollars; and yet, judicatories in the
church of Christ have said, in solemn con-
clave, that American slavery as it is
is no evil ! *
From the table of the sacrament and from
the sanctuary of the church of Christ this
girl was torn away, because her beauty was
a salable article in the slave-market in New
Orleans !
Perhaps some Northern apologist for
slavery will say she was kindly treated here
— not handcuffed by the wrist to a chain,
and forced to walk, as articles less choice
are ; that a wagon was provided, and that she
rode ; and that food abundant was given her
to eat, and that her clothing was warm and
comfortable, and therefore no harm was done.
We have heard it told us, again and again,
that there is no harm in slavery, if one is
only warm enough, and full-fed, and com-
fortable. It is true that the slave-woman
has no protection from the foulest dishonor
and the utmost insult that can be offered to
womanhood, — none whatever in law or gos-
pel ; but, so long as she has enough to eat and
wear, our Christian fathers and mothers tell
us it is not so bad !
Poor Emily could not think so. There
was no eye to pity, and none to help. The
food of her accursed lot did not nourish her ;
the warmest clothing could not keep the
chill of slavery from her heart. In the
middle of the overland passage, sick, weary,
heart-broken, the child laid her down and
died. By that lonely pillow there was no moth-
er. But there was one Friend, who loveth at
all times, who is closer than a brother. Could
our eyes be touched by the seal of faith, where
others see only the lonely wilderness and
the dying girl, we, perhaps, should see one
clothed in celestial beauty, waiting for that
short agony to be over, that He might redeem
her from all iniquity, and present her fault-
less before the presence of his Grace with
exceeding joy !
— r . ■
* The words of the Georgia Annual Conference : Re-
solved, " That slavery, as it exists in the United States,
is not a moral evil."
170
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
Even the hard-hearted trader was touched
with her sad fate, and we are credibly in-
formed that he said he was sorry he had
taken her.
' Bruin & Hill wrote to New York that
the girl Emily was dead. The Quaker,
William Harned, went with the letter, to
break the news to her mother. Since she
had given up all hope of redeeming her
daughter from the dreadful doom to which
she had been sold, the helpless mother had
drooped like a stricken woman. She no
longer lifted up her head, or seemed to take
any interest in life.
When Mr. Harned called on her, she
asked, eagerly,
" Have you heard anything from my
daughter? "
" Yes, I have," was the reply, " a letter
from Bruin & Hill."
" And what is the news ? "
He thought best to give a direct answer,
— " Emily is dead."
The poor mother clasped her hands, and,
looking upwards, said, " The Lord be
thanked ! He has heard my prayers at
last!"
And, now, will it be said this is an ex-
ceptional case — it happens one time in a
thousand ? Though we know that this is
the foulest of falsehoods, and that the case is
only a specimen of what is acting every day
in the American slave-trade, yet, for argu-
ment's sake, let us, for once, admit it to
be true. If only once in this nation, under
the protection of our law, a Christian girl
had been torn from the altar and the
communion-table, and sold to foulest shame
and dishonor, would that have been a light
sin? Does not Christ say, "Inasmuch as
ye have done it unto one of the least of
these, ye have done it unto me " ? 0,
words of woe for thee, America ! — words
of woe for thee, church of Christ ! Hast
thou trod them under foot and trampled
them in the dust so long that Christ has
forgotten them ? In the day of judgment
every one of these words shall rise up,
living and burning, as accusing angels to
witness against thee. Art thou, church
of Christ ! praying daily, " Thy kingdom
come" ? Darest thou pray, "Come, Lord
Jesus, come quickly"? 0, what if He
should come ? What if the Lord, whom ye
seek, should suddenly come into his tem-
ple ? If his soul was stirred within him
when he found within his temple of old
those that changed money, and sold sheep
and oxen and doves, what will he say now,
when he finds them selling body, blood and
bones, of his own people ? And is the
Christian church, which justifies this enor-
mous system, — which has used the awful
name of her Redeemer to sanction the buy-
ing, selling and trading in the souk of men,
— is this church the bride of Christ ? Is
she one with Christ, even as Christ is one
with the Father ? 0, bitter mockery !
Does this church believe that every Chris-
tian's body is a temple of the Holy Ghost?
Or does she think those solemn words were
idle breath, when, a thousand times, every
day and week, in the midst of her, is this
temple set up and sold at auction, to be
bought by any godless, blasphemous man,
who has money to pay for it !
As to poor Daniel Bell and his family,
whose contested claim to freedom was the
beginning of the whole trouble, a few mem-
bers of it were redeemed, and the rest were
plunged into the abyss of slavery. It would
seem as if this event, like the sinking of a
ship, drew into its maelstrom the fate of
every unfortunate being who was in its vi-
cinity. A poor, honest, hard-working slave-
man, of the name of Thomas Ducket, had
a wife who was on board the Pearl. Tom
was supposed to know the men who counte-
nanced the enterprise, and his master, there-
fore, determined to sell him. He brought
him to Washington for the purpose. Some
in Washington doubted his legal right to
bring a slave from Maryland for the pur-
pose of selling him, and commenced legal
proceedings to test the matter. While they
were pending, the counsel for the master
told the men who brought action against
his client that Tom was anxious to be sold ;
that he preferred being sold to the man who
had purchased his wife and children, rather
than to have his liberty. It was well known
that Tom did not wish to be separated from
his family, and the friends here, confiding in
the representations made to them, consented
to withdraw the proceedings.
Some time after this, they received letters
from poor Tom Ducket, dated ninety miles
above New Orleans, complaining sadly of
his condition, and making piteous appeals
to hear from them respecting his wife and
children. Upon inquiry, nothing could be
learned respecting them. They had been
sold and gone, — sold and gone, — no one
knew whither ; and as a punishment to
Tom for his contumacy in refusing to give the
name of the man who had projected the
expedition of the Pearl, he was denied
the privilege of going off the place, and was
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABJN.
171
not allowed to talk with the other servants,
his master fearing a conspiracy. In one of
his letters he says, " I have seen more
trouble here in one day than I have in all
my life." In another, " I would be glad
to hear from her [his wife], but I should
be more glad to hear of her death than for
her to come here."
In his distress, Tom wrote a letter to Mr.
Bigelow, of Washington. People who are
not in the habit of getting such documents
have no idea of them. We give a fae
simile of Tom's letter, with all its poor
spelling, all its ignorance, helplessness, and
misery.
fr^U ?2S
W^yC&W
£&?"
/win, 'Mete
^2/?^™*^ ^^t^
^^M^<M^^ma£
172 K£? to uncle tom's cabin.
^*y
lo
o^Cp^^JW 1 /
[February 18, 1852.
Mr. Bigelow. Dear Sir : — I write to let you
know how I am getting along. Hard times here.
I have not had one hour to go outside ttm place
since I have been on it. I put my trust in the
Lord to help me. I long to hear from you all.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM 8 CABIN.
173
I written to hear from you all. Mr. Bigelow, I
hope you will not forget me. You know it was
not my fault that I am here. I hope you will
name me to Mr. Geden, Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Bailey,
to help me out of it. I believe that if they would
make the least move to it that it could be done.
I long to hear from my family how they are get-
ting along. You will please to write to me just
to let me know how they are getting along. You
can write to me.
I remain your humble servant,
Thomas Ducket.
You can direct your letters to Thomas Ducket,
in care of Mr. Samuel T. Harrison, Louisiana,
near Bayou Goula. For God's sake let me hear
from you all. My wife and children are not out
of my mind day nor night.]
CHAPTER vni.
KIDNAPPING.
The principle which declares that one
human being may lawfully hold another as
property leads directly to the trade in hu-
man beings ; and that trade has, anions
its other horrible results, the temptation to
the crime of kidnapping.
The trader is generally a man of coarse
nature and low associations, hard-hearted,
and reckless of right or honor. He who is
not so is an exception, rather than a speci-
men. If he has anything good about him
when he begins the business, it may well be
seen that he is in a fair way to lose it.
Around the trader are continually pass-
ing and repassing men and women who
would be worth to him thousands of dollars
in. the way of trade, — who belong to a
class whose rights nobody respects, and
who, if reduced to slavery, could not easily
make their word good against him. The
probability is that hundreds of free men and
women and children are all the time being
precipitated into slavery in this way.
The recent case of Northrop, tried in
Washington, D. C, throws light on this
fearful subject. The following account is
abridged from the New York Times :
Solomon Northrop is a free colored citizen of
the United States ; he was born in Essex county,
New York, about the year 1808 ; became early a
resident of Washington county, and married there
in 1829. His father and mother resided in the
county of Washington about fifty years, till their
decease, and were both free. With his wife and
children he resided at Saratoga Springs in the
winter of 1841, and while there was employed by
two gentlemen to drive a team South, at the rate
of a dollar a day. In fulfilment of his employ-
ment, he proceeded to New York, and, having taken
out free papers, to show that he was a citizen, he
went on to Washington city, where he arrived the
second day of April, the same year, and put up
at Gadsby's Hotel. Soon after he arrived he felt
unwell, and went to bed. •
While suffering with severe pain, some persons
came in, and, seeing the condition he was in, pro-
posed to give him some medicine, and did so.
This is the last thing of which he had any recol-
lection, until he found himself chained to the floor
of Williams' slave-pen in this city, and hand-
cuffed. In the course of a few hours, James H.
Burch, a slave-dealer, came in, and the colored
man asked him to take th£ irons off from him, and
wanted to know why they were put on. Burch
told him it was none of his business. The colored
man said he was free, and told where he was born.
Burch called in a man by the name of Ebenezer
Rodbury, and they two stripped the man and laid
him across a bench, Rodbury holding him down
by his wrists. Burch whipped him with a pad-
dle until he broke that, and then with a cat-o'-
nine-tails, giving him a hundred lashes ; and he
swore he would kill him if he ever stated to any
one that he was a free man. From that time for-
ward the man saya he did not communicate the
fact from £ear, either that he was a free man, oi
what his name was, until the last summer. He
was kept in the slave-pen about ten days, when
he, with others, was taken out of the pen in the
night by Burch, handcuffed and shackled, and
taken down the river by a steamboat, and then to
Richmond, where he, with forty-eight others, was
put on board the brig Orleans. There Burch left
them. The brig sailed for New Orleans, and on
arriving there, before she was fastened to the
wharf, Theophilus Freeman, another slave-dealer,
belonging in the city of New Orleans, and who in
1833 had been a partner with Burch in the slave-
trade, came to the wharf, and received the slaves
as they were landed, under his direction. This
man was immediately taken by Freeman and shut
up in his pen in that city. He was taken sick
with the small-pox immediately after getting
there, and was sent to a hospital, where he lay
two or three weeks. When he had sufficiently
recovered to leave the hospital, Freeman declined
to sell him to any person in that vicinity, and sold
him to a Mr. Ford, who resided in Rapides Parish,
Louisiana, where he was taken and lived more
than a year, and worked as a carpenter, working
with Ford at that business.
Ford became involved, and had to sell him. A
Mr. Tibaut became the purchaser. He, in a short
time, sold him to Edwin Eppes, in Bayou Beouf,
about one hundred and thirty miles from the
mouth of Red river, where Eppes has retained
him on a cotton plantation since the year 1843.
To go back a step in the narrative, the man
wrote a letter, in June, 1841, to Henry B. Nor-
throp, of the State of New York, dated and post-
marked at New Orleans, stating that he had been
kidnapped and was on board a vessel, but was un-
able to state what his destination was ; but re-
questing Mr. N. to aid him in recovering his free-
dom, if possible. Mr. N. was unable to do any-
thing in his behalf, in consequence of not know-
ing where he had gone, and not being able to find
any trace of him. His place of residence re
inained unknown until the month of September
last, when the following letter was received by
his friends :
174
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
Bayou Beouf, August, 1852.
Mr. William Peny, or Mr. Lewis Parker.
Gentlemen : It having been a long time since I
have seen or heard from you, and not knowing
that you are living, it is with uncertainty that I
write to you ; but the necessity of the case must
be my excuse. Having been born free just across
the river from you, I am certain you know me ;
and I am here now a slave. I wish you to obtain
free papers for me, and forward them to me at
Marksville, Louisiana, Parish of Avovelles, and
oblige Yours, Solomon Northrop.
On receiving the above letter, Mr. N. applied to
Governor Hunt, of New York, for such authority
as was necessary for him to proceed to Louisiana
as an agent to procure the liberation of Solomon.
Proof of his freedom was furnished to Governor
Hunt by affidavits of several gentlemen, General
Clarke among others. Accordingly, in pursuance
of the laws of New York, Henry B. Northrop was
constituted an agent, to take such steps, by pro-
curing evidence, retaining counsel, &c, as were
necessary to secure the freedom of Solomon, and
to execute all the duties of his agency.
The result of Mr. Northrop' s agency was
the establishing of the claim of £olomon
Northrop to freedom, and the restoring him
to his native land.
It is a singular coincidence that this man
was carried to a plantation in the Red river
country, that same region where the scene
of Tom's captivity was laid ; and his ac-
count of this plantation, his mode of life
there, and some incidents which he describes,
form a striking parallel to that history.
We extract them from the article of the
Times :
The condition of this colored man during the
nine years that he was in the hands of Eppes was of
a character nearly approaching that described by
Mrs. Stowe as the condition of " Uncle Tom"
While in that region. During that whole period
his hut contained neither a floor, nor a chair, nor
a bed, nor a mattress, nor anything for him to lie
upon, except a board about twelve inches wide,
with a block of wood for his pillow, and with
a single blanket to cover him, while the walls of
his hut did not by any mearjs protect him from
the inclemency of the weather. He was some-
times compelled to perform acts revolting to hu-
manity, and outrageous in the highest degree.
On one occasion, a colored girl belonging to Eppes,
about seventeen years of age, went one Sunday,
without the permission of her master, to the near-
est plantation, about half a mile distant, to visit
another colored girl of her acquaintance. She re-
turned in the course of two or three hours, and for
that offence she was called up for punishment,
which Solomon was required to inflict. Eppes com-
pelled him to drive four stakes into the ground at
such distances that the hands and ankles of the girl
might be tied to them, as she lay with her face
upon the ground; and, having thus fastened her
down, he compelled him, while standing by him-
self, to inflict one hundred lashes upon her bare
flesh, she being stripped naked. Having inflicted
the hundred blows, Solomon refused to proceed any
further. Eppes tried to compel him to go on, but
he absolutely set him at defiance, and refused to
murder the girl. Eppes then seized the whip, and
applied it until he was too weary to continue it.
Blood flowed from her neck to her feet, and
in this condition she was compelled the next day
to go into the field to work as a field-hand. She
bears the marks still upon her body, although the
punishment was inflicted four years ago.
When Solomon was about to leave, under the
care of Mr. Northrop, this girl came from behind
her hut, unseen by her master, and, throwing her
arms around the neck of Solomon, congratulated
him on his escape from slavery, and his return to
his family; at the same time, in language of de-
spair, exclaiming, " But, God! what will be-
come of me?"
These* statements regarding the condition of
Solomon while with Eppes, and the punishment
and brutal treatment of the colored girls, are
taken from Solomon himself. It has been stated
that the nearest plantation was distant from
that of Eppes a half-mile, and of course there
could be no interference on the part of neigh-
bors in any punishment, however cruel, or how
ever well disposed to interfere they might be.
Had not Northrop been able to write, as
few of the free blacks in the slave states
are, his doom might have been sealed for
life in this den of misery.
Two cases recently tried in Baltimore also
unfold facts of a similar nature.
The following is from
THE CASE OF RACHEL PARKER AND HER SISTER.
It will be remembered that more than a year
since a young colored woman, named Mary Eliza-
beth Parker, was abducted from Chester county
and conveyed to Baltimore, where she was sold as
a slave, and transported to New Orleans. A few
days after, her sister, Rachel Parker, was also
abducted in like manner, taken to Baltimore, and
detained there in consequence of the interference
of her Chester county friends. In the first case,
Mary Elizabeth was, by an arrangement with the
individual who had her in charge, brought back to
Baltimore, to await her trial on a petition for free-
dom. So also with regard to Rachel. Both, after
trial, — the proof in their favor being so over-
whelming, — were discharged, and are now among
their friends in Chester county. In this connec-
tion we give the narratives of both females, ob-
tained since their release.
Rachel Parker's Narrative.
"I was taken from Joseph C. Miller's about
twelve o'clock on Tuesday (Dec. 30th, 1851), by
two men who came up to the house by the back
door. One came in and asked Mrs. Miller where
Jesse McCreary lived, and then seized me by the
arm, and pulled me out of the house. Mrs. Miller
called to her husband, who was in the front porch,
and he ran out and seized the man by the collar,
and tried to stop him. The other, with an oath,
then told him to take his hands off, and if he
touched me he would kill him. He then told Mil-
ler that I belonged to Mr. Schoolfield, in Balti-
more. They then hurried me to a wagon, where
there was another large man, put me in, and drove
off.
"Mr. Miller ran across the field to head the
wagon, and picked up a stake to run through" the
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
17o
wheel, when one of the men pulled out a sword (I
think it was a sword, I never saw one) , and threat-
ened to cut Miller's arm off. Pollock's wagon
being; in the way, and he refusing to get out of
the road, we turned off to the left. After we rode
away, one of the men tore a hole in the back of
the carriage, to look out to see if they were com-
ing after us, and they said they wished they had
given Miller and Pollock a blow.
" We stopped at a tavern near the railroad, and
I told the landlord (I think it was) that I was free.
I also told several persons at the car-office ; and a
very nice-looking man at the car-office was talking
at the door, and he said he thought that they had
better take me back again. One of the men did
not come further than the tavern. I was taken to
Baltimore, where we arrived about seven o'clock
the same evening, and I was taken to jail.
" The next morning, a man with large light-
colored whiskers took me away by myself, and
asked me if I was not Mr. Schoolfield's slave. I
told him I was not ; he said that I was, and that
if I did not say I was he would ' cowhide me and
salt me, and put me jn a dungeon.' I told him
I was free, and that I would say nothing but the
truth."
Mary E. Parker's Narrative.
" I was taken from Matthew Donnelly's on Sat-
urday night (Dec. 6th, or 13th, 1851); was caught
whilst out of doors, soon after I had cleared the
supper-table, about seven o'clock, by two men, and
put into a wagon. One of them got into the
wagon with me, and rode to Elkton, Md., where I
was kept until Sunday night at twelve o'clock,
when I left there in the cars for Baltimore, and
arrived there early on Monday morning.
" At Elkton a man was brought in to see me,
by one of the men, who said that I was not his
father's slave. Afterwards, when on the way to
Baltimore in the cars, a man told me that I must
say that I was Mr. Schoolfield's slave, or he would
shoot me, and pulled a 'rifle' out of his pocket
and showed it to me, and also threatened to whip
me.
" On Monday morning, Mr. Schoolfield called
at the jail in Baltimore to see me ; and on Tues-
day morning he brought his wife and several other
ladies to see me. I told them I did not know
them, and then Mr. 0. took me out of the room,
and told me who they were, and took me back
again, so that I might appear to know them. On
the next Monday I was shipped to New Orleans.
" It took about a month to get to New Orleans.
After I had been there about a week, Mr. C. sold
me to Madame C, who keeps a large flower-gar-
den. She sends flowers to sell to the theatres,
sells milk in market, &c. I went out to sell
candy and flowers for her, when I lived with her.
One evening, when I was coming home from the
theatre, a watchman took me up, and I told him
I was not a slave. He put me in the calaboose,
and next morning took me before a magistrate,
who sent for Madame C. , who told him she bought
me. He then sent for Mr. C, and told him he
must account for how he got me. Mr. C. said that
my mother and all the family were free, except
me. The magistrate told me to go back to Mad-
ame C, and he told Madame C. that she must
not let me go out at night ; and he told Mr. C.
that he must prove how he came by me. The
magistrate afterwards called on Mrs. C, at her
house, and had a long talk with her in the parlor.
I do not know what he said, as they were by them-
selves. About a month afterwards, I was sent
back to Baltimore. I lived with Madame C. about
six months.
" There were six slaves came in the vessel with
me to Baltimore, who belonged to Mr. D., and
were returned because they were sickly.
" A man called to see me at the jail after I
came back to Baltimore, and told me that I must
say I was Mr. Schoolfield's slave, and that if I did
not do it he would kill me the first time he got a
chance. He said Rachel [her sister] said she
came from Baltimore and was Mr. Schoolfield's
slave. Afterwards some gentlemen called on me
[Judge Campbell and Judge Bell , of Philadelphia,
and William H. Norris, Esq., of Baltimore-], and
I told them I was Mr. Schoolfield's slave. They
said they were my friends, and I must tell them
the truth. I then told them who I was, and all
about it.
" When I was in New Orleans Mr. C. whipped
me because I said that I was fres."
Elizabeth; by her own account above, was seized
and taken from Pennsylvania, Dec. 6th or 13th,
1851, which is confirmed by other testimony.
It is conceded that such cases, when
brought into Southern courts, are generally
tried with great fairness and impartiality.
The agent for Northrop' s release testifies to
this, and it has been generally admitted fact.
But it is probably only one case in a hundred
that can get into court ; — of the multitudes
who are drawn down in the ever- widening
maelstrom only now and then one ever comes
back to tell the tale.
The succeeding chapter of advertisements
will show the reader how many such victims
there may probably be.
CHAPTER IX.
SLAVES AS THEY ARE, ON TESTIMONY OF
OWNERS.
The investigation into the actual con-
dition of the slave population at the South
is beset with many difficulties. So many
things are said pro and con, — so many
said in one connection and denied in another,
— that the effect is very confusing.
Thus, we are told that the state of the
slaves is one of blissful contentment; that
they would not take freedom as a gift ;
that their family relations are only now and
then invaded; that they are a stupid race,
almost sunk to the condition of animals :
that generally they are kindly treated, &c.
&c. &c.
In reading over some two hundred South-
ern newspapers this fall, the author has been
struck with the very graphic and circum-
stantial pictures, which occur in all of them,
176
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
describing fugitive slaves. From these de-
scriptions one may learn a vast many things.
The author will here give an assortment of
them, taken at random. It is a comment-
ary on the contented state of the slave
population that the writer finds two or three
always, and often many more, in every one
of the hundreds of Southern papers ex-
amined.
In reading the following little sketches of
"slaves as they are," let the reader no-
tice :
1. The color and complexion of the
majority of them.
2. That it is customary either to describe
slaves by some scar, or to say " No scars
recollected"
3. The intelligence of the parties adver-
tised.
4. The number that say they are free
that are to be sold to pay jail- fees.
Every one of these slaves has a history, —
a history of woe and crime, degradation,
endurance, and wrong. Let us open the
chapter :
South-side Democrat. Oct. 28, 1852.
Petersburgh, Virginia :
REWARD.
Twenty-five dollars, with the payment of all
necessary expenses, will be given for the appre-
hension and delivery of my man CHARLES, if
taken on the Appomattox river, or within the pre-
cincts of Petersburgh. He ran off about a week
ago, and, if he leaves the neighborhood, will no
doubt make for Farmville and Petersburgh. He is
a mulatto, rather below the medium height and
size, but well proportioned, and very active and
sensible. He is aged about 27 years, has a mild,
submissive look, and will, no doubt, show the marks
of a recent whipping, if taken. He must be de-
livered to the care of Peebles, White, Davis & Co.
R. II . DeJarnett,
Oct. 25 — 3t.
Lunenburgh.
Poor Charles ! — mulatto ! — - has a mild,
submissive look, and will probably show
marks of a recent whipping !
Kosciusko Chronicle, Nov. 24, 1852 :
COMMITTED
To the Jail of Attila County, on the 8th in-
stant, a negro boy, who calls his name GREEN",
and says he belongs to James Gray, of Winston
County. Said boy is about 20 years old, yellow
complexion, round face, has a scar on his face, one
on his left thigh, and one in his left hand, is about 5
feet 6 inches high. Had on when taken up a cot-
ton check shirt, Linsey pants, new cloth cap, and
was riding a large roan horse about 12 or 14 years
©Id and thin in order. The owner is requested to
come forward, prove property, pay charges, and
take., him away, or he will be sold to pay charges.
E. B. Sanders, Jailer A. 0.
Oofc. 12, 1842. nl2tf.
Capitolian Vis-a- Vis, West Baton Rouge,
Nov. 1, 1852 :
$100 REWARD.
Runaway from the subscriber, in Randolph
County, on the 18th of October, a yellow boy,
named JIM. This boy is 19 years old, a light
mulatto with dirty sunburnt hair, inclined to be
straight; he is just 5 feet 7 inches high, and
slightly made. He had on when he left a black
cloth cap, black cloth pantaloons, a plaided sack
coat, a fine shirt, and brogan shoes. One hundred
dollars will be paid for the recovery of the above-
described boy, if taken out of the State, or fifty
dollars if taken in the State.
Mrs. S. P. Hall,
Nov. 4, 1852. Huntsville, Mo.
American Baptist, Dec. 20, 1852 :
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD FOR A
PREACHER.
The following paragraph , headed ' ' Twenty Dol-
lars Reward," appeared in a recent number of tfre
New Orleans Picayune ;
" Run away from the plantation of the under-
signed the negro man Shedrick, a preacher, 5 feet
9 inches high, about 40 years old, but looking not
over 23, stamped N. E. on the breast, and having
both small toes cut off. He is of a very dark com-
plexion, with eyes small but bright, and a look
quite insolent. He dresses good, and was arrested
as a runaway at Donaldsonville, some three yeara
ago. The above reward will be paid for his arrest,
by addressing Messrs. Armant Brothers, St. James
parish, or A. Miltenberger & Co., 30 Carondelet-
street."
Here is a preacher who is branded on the
breast and has both toes cut off, — and will
look insolent yet ! There 's depravity for
you!
Jefferson Inquirer, Nov. 27, 1852 :
$100 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN A WAY from my plantation, in Bolivar
County, Miss., a negro man named MAY, aged
40 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, copper
colored, and very straight ; his front teeth ape
good and stand a little open ; stout through the
shoulders, and has some scars on his back that shoiv
above the skin plain, caused by the whip; he fre-
quently hiccups when eating, if he has not got
water handy ; he was pursued into Ozark County,
Mo., and there left. I will give the above reward
for hi_ ^-onfinement in jail, so that I can get him.
JAMES H. Cousar,
Victoria, Bolivar County, Mississippi.
Nov. 13, lm.
Delightful master to go back to, this man
must be !
The Alabama Standard has for its
motto :
"Resistance to tyrants is obedience
to God."
Date of Nov. 29th, this advertisement :
COMMITTED
To the Jail of Choctaw County, by Judge Young,
of Marengo County, a RUNAWAY SLAVE, who
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
177
calls his name BTLLY, and says he belongs to the
late William Johnson, and was in the employ-
ment of John Jones, near Alexandria, La. He
is about 5 feet 10 inches high, black, about 40
years old, much scarred on the face and head, and
quite intelligent.
The owner is requested to come forward, prove
his property, and take him from Jail, or he will
be disposed of according to law.
S. S. Houston, Jailer C. 0.
December 1, 1852. 44-tf
Query : Whether this " quite intelligent"
Billy had n't been corrupted by hearing
this incendiary motto of the Standard?
Knoxville (Tenn.) Register ', Nov. 3d :
LOOK OUT FOR RUNAWAYS ! !
$25 REWARD!
RAN AW AY from the subscriber, on the night
of the 26th July last, a negro woman named
HARRIET. Said woman is about five feet five
inches high, has prominent cheek-bones, large
mouth and good front teeth, tolerably spare built,
about 26 years old. We think it probable she is
harbored by some negroes not far from John My-
natt's, in Knox County, where she and they are
likely making some arrangements to get to a free
state ; or she may be concealed by some negroes
(her connections) in Anderson County, near Clin-
ton. I will give the above reward for her appre-
hension and confinement in any prison in this
state, or I will give fifty dollars for her confine-
ment in any jail out of this state, so that I get
her. H.B. GOENS,
Nov. 3. 4m Clinton, Tenn.
The Alexandria Gazette, November
29, 1852, under the device of Liberty
trampling on a tyrant, motto " Sic sem-
per tyrannis" has the following :
TWEKTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway from the subscriber, living in the
County of Rappahannock, on Tuesday last, Daniel,
a bright mulatto, about 5 feet 8 inches high, about
35' years old, very intelligent, has been a wagoner
for several years, and is pretty well acquainted
from Richmond to Alexandria. He calls himself
DANIEL TURNER ; his hair curls, without shoiv-
ing black blood, or wool; he has a scar on one cheek,
and his left hand has been seriously injured by a pistol-
shot, and he was shabbily dressed when last seen.
I will give the above reward if taken out of the
county, and secured in jail, so that I get him
again, or $10 if taken in the county.
A. M. Willis.
Rappahannock Co.,Va., Nov. 29. — eolm.
Another " very intelligent," straight-
haired man. Who was his father ?
The New Orleans Daily Crescent,
office No. 93 St. Charles-street ; Tuesday
morning, December 13, 1852 :
BROUGHT TO THE FIRST DISTRICT PO-
LICE PRISON.
NANCY, a griffe, about 34 years old, 5 feet 1|
inch high, a scar on left wrist; says she belongs to
Madame Wolf.
12
% CHARLES HALL, a black, about 13 years old,
5 feet 6 inches high ; says he is free, but supposed
to be a slave.
PHILOMONIA, a mulattress, about 10 years
old, 4 feet 3 inches high ; says she is free, but sup-
posed to be a slave.
_ COLUMBUS, a griffe, about 21 years old, 5 feet
5| inches high ; says he, is free, but supposed to be
a slave.
SEYMOUR, a black, about 21 years old, 5 feet
11 inch high ; says he is free, but supposed to be
a slave
The owners will please comply with the law
respecting them. J Worrall, Warden.
New Orleans, Dec. 14, 1852.
What chance for any of these poor fel-
lows who say they are free ?
$50 REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, living in
Unionville, Frederick County, Md., on Sunday
morning, the 17th instant, a DARK MULATTO
GIRL, about 18 years of age, 5 feet 4 or 5 inches
high, looks pleasant generally, talks very quick,
converses tolerably well, and can read. It is sup-
posed she had on, when she left, a red Merino
dress, black Visette or plaid Shawl, and a purple
calico Bonnet, as those articles are missing.
A reward of Twenty-five Dollars will be given
for her, if taken in the State, or Fifty Dollars if
taken out of the State, and lodged in jail, so that
I get her again. G. R. Sappington.
Oct. 13. — 2m.
Kosciusko Chronicle, Mississippi :
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD
Will be paid for the delivery of the boy WALK-
ER, aged about 28 years, about 5 feet 8 or 9
inches high, black complexion, loose make, smiles
when spoken to, has a mild, sweet voice, and fine
teeth. Apply at 25 Tchoupitoulas-street, up
stairs. ol2 6t.
Walker has walked off, it seems. Peace
be with him !
$25 REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, living near
White's Store, Anson County, on the 3d of May
last, a bright mulatto boy, named BOB. Bob is
about 5 feet high, will weigh 130 pounds, is about
22 years old, and has some beard on his upper lip.
His left leg is somewhat shorter than his right,
causing him to hobble in his walk; has a very
broad face, and will show color like a white man.
It is probable he has gone off with some wagoner
or trader, or he may have free papers and be pass-
ing as a free man. He has straight hair.
I will give a reward of TWENTY-FIVE DOL-
LARS for the apprehension and delivery to me of
said boy, or for his confinement in any jail, so
that I get him again. Clara Lockhart,
By Adam Lockhart.
June 30, 1852. G98 : 5
Southern Standaj^d, Oct. 16, 1852 :
$50 reward:::
RANAWAY, or stolen, from the subscriber,
living near Aberdeen, Miss., a light mulatto wo-
man, of small size, and about 23 years old. She
has long, black, straight hair, and she usually keeps
178
KEY TO UNCLE TOMS CABIN.
it in good order. When she left she had on either
a white dress, or a brown calico one with white
spots or figures, and took with her a red handker-
chief, and a red or pink sun-bonnet. She generally
dresses very neatly. She generally calls herself
Mary Ann Paine, — can read print, — has some
freckles on her face and hands, — shoes No.
4, — had a ring or two on her fingers. She is
very intelligent, and converses well. The above
reward will be given for her, if taken out of the
State, and $25 if taken within the State.
U. McAllister.
Memphis (weekly) Appeal will insert to the
amount of $5, and send account to this office
October Gth, 1853.
20 — tf.
Much can be seen of this Mary Ann in
this picture. The black, straight hair,
usually kept in order, — the general neat-
ness of dress, — the ring or two on the
fingers, — the ability to read, — the fact of
being intelligent and conversing well, are
all to be noticed.
#20 REWARD.
Ranaway, on the 9th of last August, my ser-
vant boy HENRY: he is 14 or 15 years old, a
bright mulatto, has dark eyes, stoops a little, and
stutters when confused. Had on, when he went
away, white pantaloons, long blue summer coat,
and a palm-leaf hat. I will give the above re-
ward if he should be taken in the State of Vir-
ginia, or $30 if taken in either of the adjoining
States, but in either case he must be so secured
that I get him again. Edwin C. Fitzhugh.
Oct. 7. — eotf.
Poor Henry ! — only 14 or 15.
COMMITTED
To the Jail of Lowndes County, Mississippi, on
the 9th of May, by Jno. K. Peirce, Esq., and
taken up as a runaway slave by William S. Cox,
a negro man, who says his name is ROLAND, and
that he belongs to Maj. Cathey, of Marengo Co.,
Ala., was sold to him by Henry Williams^ a negro
trader from North Carolina.
Said negro is about 35 years old, 5 feet 6 or 8
inches high, dark complexion, weighs about 150
pounds, middle finger on the right hand off at the
second joint, and had on, when committed, a black
silk hat, black drap d'ete dress coat, and white
linsey pants. '
The owner is requested to come forward, prove
property, pay charges, and take him away, or he
will be dealt with according to law.
L. H. WlLLEFORD,
June 6, 1852. 19— tf. Jailer.
Richmond Semi-weekly Examine!*, Oc-
tober 29, 1852 :
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway from the subscriber, residing in the
County of Halifax, about the middle of last Au-
gust, a Negro Man, Ned, aged some thirty or forty
years, of medium height, copper color, full fore-
head, and cheek bones a little prominent. No
scars recollected, except one of his fingers — the
little one, probably — is stiff and crooked. The
man Ned was purchased in Richmond, of Mr. Rob-
ert Goodwin, who resides near Frederick-Hall,
in Louisa County, and has a wife in that vicinity.
He has been seen in the neighborhood , and is sup-
posed to have gone over the Mountains, and to be
now at work as a free man at some of the Iron
Works ; some one having given him free papers.
The above reward will be given for the apprehen-
sion of the slave Ned, and his delivery to R. II.
Dickinson & Bro., in Richmond, or to the under-
signed, in Halifax, Virginia, or twenty-five if con-
fined in any jail in the Commonwealth, so that I
get him. Jas. M. Chappell,
[Firm of Chappell & Tucker.]
Aug. 10. — tf.
This unfortunate copper-colored article is
supposed to have gone after his vrife.
Kentucky Whig, Oct. 22, '52 :
$200 REWARD.
Ranaway from the subscriber, near Mount
Sterling, Ky., on the night of the 20th of October,
a negro man named PORTER. Said boy is black,
about 22 years old, very stout and active, weighs
about 165 or 170 pounds. He is a smart fellow,
converses well, without the negro accent ; no particu-
lar scars recollected. He had on a pair of coarse
boots about half worn, no other clothing recol-
lected. He was raised near Sharpsburg, in Bath
county, by Harrison Caldwell, and may be lurk-
ing in that neighborhood, but will probably
endeavor to reach Ohio.
I will pay the above-mentioned reward for him,
if taken out of the State ; $50, if taken in any
county bordering on the Ohio river ; or $25, if
taken in this or any adjoining county, and
secured so that I can get him.
He is supposed to have ridden a yellow Horse,
15 hands and one inch high, mane and tail both
yellow, five years old, and paces well.
October 21st, 1852. G. W. Proctor.
" No particular scars recollected " !
St. Louis Times, Oct. 14, 1852 :
NOTICE.
Taken up and committed to Jail in the town of
Rockbridge, Ozark county, Mo., on the 31st of
August last, a runaway slave, who calls his name
MOSES. Had on, when taken, a brown Jeanes
pantaloons, old cotton shirt, blue frock-coat, an
old rag tied round his head. He is about six feet
high, dark complexion, a scar over the left eye,
supposed to be about 27 years old. The owner is
hereby notified to come forward, prove said negro,
and pay all lawful charges incurred on his account,
or the said negro will be sold at public auction
for ready money at the Court House door in the
town of Rockbridge, on MONDiVY, the 13th of
December next, according to law in such cases
made and provided, this 9th of September, 1852.
s23d&w. Robert Hicks, Sh"ff.
Charleston Mercury, Oct. 15, 1852 :
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
Runaway on Sunday the 6th inst., from the
South Carolina Railroad Company, their negro
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
179
man SAM, recently bought by them, with others,
at Messrs. Cothran & Sproull's sale, at Aiken. He
was raised in Cumberland County, North Caro-
lina, and last brought from Richmond, Va. In
height he is 5 feet 6\ inches. Complexion copper
color ; on the left arm and right leg somewhat
scarred. Countenance good. The above reward
will be paid for his apprehension and lodgment in
any one of the Jails of this or any neighboring
State. J. D. Petsch,
June 12. Sup't Transportation.
Kosciusko Chronicle, Nov. 24, '52:
COMMITTED
To the Jail of Attila County, Miss., October
the 7th, 1852, a negro boy, who calls his name
HAMBLETON, and says he belongs to Parson
William Young, of Pontotoc County ; is about 2G
or 27 years old, about 5 feet 8 inches high, rather
dark complexion, has two or three marks on his
back, a small scar on his left hip. Had on, when
taken up, a pair of blue cotton pants, white cotton
drawers, a new cotton shirt, a pair of kip boots,
an old cLoth cap and wool hat. The owner is
requested to come forward, prove property, pay
charges and take him away, or he will be dealt
with as provided in such case.
E. B. Sanders, Jailer A. C.
Oct. 12, 1852. n 12tf.
Frankfort Commonwealth, October
21, 1852:
COMMITTED TO JAIL..
A negro boy, who calls his name ADAM, was
committed to the Muhlenburg Jail on the 24th of
July, 1852. Said boy is black ; about 16 or 17
years old ; 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high ; will weigh
about 150 lbs. He has lost a part of the finger
next to his little finger on the right hand; also the
great toe on his left foot. This boy. says he belongs
to Win. Mosley ; that said Mosley was moving to
Mississippi from Virginia. He further states
that he is lost, and not a runaway. His owner is
requested to come forward, prove property, pay
expenses, and take him away, or he will be dis-
posed of as the law directs.
S. II. Dempsey, J. M. C.
Greenville, Ky., Oct. 20, 1852.
on the 22d ult., in the city of Covington, Kenton
county, Ky., a negro man calling himself
CHARLES WARFIELD, about 30 years old, but
looks older, about 6 feet high ; no particular
marks : had no free papers, but he says he is free,
and was born in Pennsylvania, and in Fayette
county. Said negro was lodged in jail on the said
22d ult., and the owner or owners, if any, are
hereby notified to come forward, prove property,
and pay charges,* and take him away.
C. W. Hull, J. K. C.
August 3, 1852. — 6m.
RUNAWAY SLAVS.
A negro man arrested and pi, iced in the Barren
County Jail, Ky., on the 21st instant, calling
himself HENRY, about 22 years old ; says he ran
away from near Florence, Alabama, and belongs to
John Calaway. lie is about five feet eight inches
high, dark, but not very black, rather thin visage,
pointed' nose, no scars perceivable, rather spare
built ; says he has been runaway nearly three
months. The owner can get him by applying
and paying the reward and expenses; if not, he
will be proceeded against according to law. This
24th of August, 1852. Samuel Adwell, Jailer.
COMMITTED
To the Jail of Graves county, Ky. , on the 4th
inst., a negro man calling himself DAVE or
DAVID. He says he is free, butCormcrly belonged
to Samuel Brown, of Prince William county,
Virginia. He is of black color, about 5 feet 10
inches high, weighs about 180 lbs. ; supposed to
be about 45 years old ; had on brown pants and
striped shirt. He had in his possession an old
rifle gun, an old pistol, and some old clothing.
He also informs me that he has escaped from the
Dyersburg Jail, Tennessee, where he had been
confined some eight or nine months. The owner is
hereby notified to come forward, prove property,
pay charges, &c.
L. B. Holefield, Jailer G. C.
June 28, 1852. — w6m.
Charleston Mercury, Oct. 29, 1852 :
$200 REWARD,
Ranaway from the subscriber, some time in
March last, his servant LYDIA, and is suspected
of being in Charleston. I will give the above
reward to any person who may apprehend her,
and furnish evidence to conviction of the person
supposed to harbor her, or $50 for having her
lodged in any Jail so that I get her. Lydia is a
Mulatto woman, twenty-five years of age, four
feet eleven inches high, with straight black hair,
which inclines to curl, her front teeth defective, and
has been plugged ; the gold distinctly seen when
talking; round face, a scar under her chin, and two
fingers on one hand stiff at the first joints.
June 16. tuths ■ C. T. Scaife.
Aug. 25, 1852.
Om
In the same paper are two more poor
fellows, who probably have been sold to pay
jail-fees, before now.
NOTICE.
Taken up by M. II. Brand, as a runaway slave,
$25 REWARD.
Runaway from the subscriber, on or about the
first of May last, his negro boy GEORGE, about
18 years of age, about 5 feet high, well sit, and
speaks properly. He formerly belonged to Mr. J.
D. A. Murphy, living in Bl'ackville ; lias a mother
belonging to a Mr. Lorrick, living in Lexington
District. He is supposed to have a pass, and is
likely to be lurking about Branchville or Charles-
ton.
The above reward will be paid to any one
lodging George in any Jail in the State, so that I
can get him.
J. J. Andrews, Orangeburg C. II.
Orangeburg, Aug. 7, 1852. ew Sept 11
NOTICE.
Committed to the Jail at Colleton District as a
runaway, JORDAN, a negro man about thirty
years of age, who says he belongs to Dobson
180
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
Coely, of Pulaski County, Georgia. The owner
has notice to prove property and take him away.
L. W. McCants, Sheriff Colleton Dist.
Walterboro, So. Ca., Sept. 7, 1852.
The following are selected by the Com-
monwealth mostly from New Orleans papers.
The characteristics of the slaves are inter-
esting.
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD
"Will be paid by the undersigned for the appre-
hension and delivery to any Jail in this city of
the negro woman MARIAH, who ran away from
the Phoenix House about the 15th of October hist.
She is about 45 years old, 5 feet 4 inches high,
stout built, speaks French and English. Was
purchased from Chas. Deblanc.
H. Bidwell & Co., 16 Front Levee.
attendant expenses, will be paid on his delivery
to me, or for his apprehension and commitment to
any Jail from which I can get him.
A. L. BlXGAMAN.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway about the 25th ult., ALLEN, a bright
mulatto, aged about 22 years, 6 feet high , # very
well dressed, has an extremely careless gait, of
slender build, and wore a moustache when he
left; the property of J. P. Harrison, Esq., of this
city. The above reward will be paid for his safe
delivery at any safe place in the city. For fur-
ther particulars apply at 10 Bank Place.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
We will give the above reward for the appre-
hension of the light mulatto boy SEABOURN,
aged 20 years, about 5 feet 4 inches high ;is stout,
well made, and remarkably active. He is some-
what of a circus actor, by which he may easily
be detected, as he is always showing his gymnastic
qualifications. The said boy absented himself on
the 3d inst. Besides the above reward, all rea-
sonable expenses will be paid.
W r . & H. Stackhouse, 70 Tchoupitoulas.
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
The above reward will be paid for the appre-
hension of the mulatto boy SEVERIN, aged 25
years, 5 feet G or 8 inches high ; most of his front
teeth are out, and the letters C. V. are marked on
cither of his arms with India Ink He speaks French,
English and Spanish, and was formerly owned by
Mr. Courcell,in the Third District. I will pay,
in addition to the above reward, $50 for such in-
formation as will lead to the conviction of any
person harboring said slave.
.Joiin Ermon, corner Camp and Race sts.
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
Ran away from the Chain Gang in New Orleans,
First Municipality, in February last, a negro boy
named STEPHEN. He is about 5 feet 7 inches
in height, a very light mulatto, with blue eyes and
brownish hair, stoops a little in the shoulders, has
a cast- down look, and is very strongly built and
muscular. He will not acknowledge his name or
owner, is an habitual runaway, and was shot some-
where in the ankle while endeavoring to escape from
Baton Houo-e Jail. The above reward, with all
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
The above reward will be given to the persoD
who will lodge in one of the Jails of this city the
slave SARAH, belonging to Mr. Guisonnet, cor-
ner St. John Baptiste and Race streets ; said slave
is aged about 28 years, 5 feet high, benevolent
face, fine teeth, and speaking French and English.
Captains of vessels and steamboats are hereby
cautioned not to receive her on board, under
penalty of the law. Avet Brothers,
Corner Bienville and Old Levee streets.
Lynchburg Virginian, Nov. 6th :
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway from the subscriber on the Virginia
and Tennessee Railroad, in the county of Wythe,
on the 20th of June, 1852, a negro man named
CHARLES, 6 feet high, copper color, with several
teeth out in front, about 35 years of age, rather
slow to reply, but pleasing appearance when spoken
to. He wore, when he left, a cloth cap and a
blue cloth sack coat ; he was purchased in Tennes-
see, 14 months ago, by Mr. M. Connell, of Lynch-
burg, and carried to that place, where he
remained until I purchased him 4 months ago.
It is more than probable that he will make his way to
Tennessee, as he has a wife now living there ; or he
may perhaps return to Lynchburg, and lurk about
there, as he has acquaintances there. The above
reward will be paid if he is taken in the State
and confined so that I get him again ; or I will
pay a reward of $40, if taken out of the State and
confined in Jail. George W. Kyle.
July 1. — d&c2twts
Winchester Republican (Va.) 5 Nov. 26 :
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway from the subscriber, near Culpepper
Ct. House, Va., about the 1st of October, a negro
man named ALFRED, about five feet seven inches
in height, about twenty-five years of age, uncom-
monly muscular and active, complexion dark but
not black, countenance mild and rather pleasant.
He had a boil last winter on the middle joint of
the middle or second finger of the right hand,
which left the finger stiff in that joint, more visi-
ble in opening his hand than in shutting it. He
has a wife at Mr. Thomas G. Marshall's, near
Farrowsvilk, in Fauquier County, and may be in
that neighborhood, where he wishes to be sold, and
where I am willing to sell him.
I will give the above reward if he is taken out
of the State and secured, so that I get him again ;
or $50 if taken in the State, and secured in like
manner. ' W. B. Slaughter.
October 29, 1852.
From the Louisville Daily Journal,
Oct. 23, 1852 :
$100 REWARD.
Ran away from the subscriber, in this city, on
Friday, May 28th, a negro boy named WYATT.
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
181
Said boy is copper colored, 25 or 26 years old,
about 5 feet 11 inches high, of large frame, slow
and heavy gait, has very large hands and feet,
small side-whiskers, a full head of hair which he
combs to the side, quite a pleasing look, and is
very likely. I recently purchased Wyatt from
Mr. Garrett, of Garrett's Landing, Ky., and his
wife is the property of Thos. G. Rowland, Esq., o£«-
this city. I will pay the above reward for the
apprehension and delivery of the boy to me if
taken out of the State, or $50 if taken in the State.
June 2 d&wtf David W. Yandell.
$200 REWARD.
TWO NEGROES. Ranaway from the subscri-
ber, living in Louisville, on the 2d, one negro man
andonrl. The man's name is MILES. He is about
5 feet 8 inches high, dark-brown color, with a
large scar upon his head, as if caused from a burn ;
age about 25 years ; and had with him two carpet
sacks, one of cloth, the other enamelled leather,
also a pass from Louisville to Owen ton, Owen
county, Ky., and back. The girl's name is JULIA,
and she is of light-brown color, short and heavy
set, rather good looking, with a scar upon her fore-
head ; had on a plaid silk dress when she left, and
took other clothes with her ; looks to be about 16
years of age.
The above reward will be paid for the man, if
taken out of the State, or $100 for the girl ;
$100 for the man, if taken in the State, or $50
for the girl. In either event, they are to be se-
cured, so I get them. T tu- t
oct 5 d&wtf John W.Lynn.
The following advertisements are all dated
Shelby Co., Kentucky.
JAILER'S NOTICE.
Was committed to the' Jail of Shelby county
a negro woman, who says her name is JUDA ;
dark complexion ; twenty years of age ; some five
feet high ; weighs about one hundred and twenty
pounds ; no scars recollected, and says she belongs
to James Wilson, living in Denmark, Tennessee.
The owner of said slave is requested to come for-
ward, prove property, pay charges, and take her
away, or she will be dealt with as the law directs.
W. II. Eanes,
oct27 — w4t Jailer Shelby county.
JAILER'S NOTICE.
Was committed to the Jail of Shelby county,
on the 28th ult., a negro boy, who says his name
is JOHN W. LOYD ; of a bright complexion, 25
years of age, will weigh about one hundred and
fifty pounds, about five feet nine or ten inches
high, three scars on his left leg, which was caused by
a dog-bite. The said boy John claims to be free. If
he has any master, he is hereby notified to come
forward, prove property, pay charges, and take
him away, or he will be dealt with as the law
directs. [nov3 — w4t
Also — Committed at the same time a negro
boy, who says his name is PATRICK, of a bright
complexion, about 30 years of age, will weigh
about one hundred and forty-five or fifty pounds ;
about six feet high ; his face is very badly scarred,
which he says was caused by being salivated.
The disease caused him to lose the bobe out of
his nose, and his jaw-bone, also. Says he belongs
to Dr. Wm. Cheathum, living in Nashville, Tenn.
The owner of said slave is requested to come for-
ward, prove property, pay charges, and take him
away, or he will be dealt with as the law directs.
[nov3 — w4t
Also — Committed at the same time a negro
boy, who says his name is CLAIBORNE ; dark
complexion, 22 years of age, will weigh about
one hundred and forty pounds, about five feet
high ; no^scars recollected; says he belongs to Col.
Rousell, living in De Soto county, Miss. The
owner of said slave is requested to come forward,
prove property, pay charges, and take him away,
or he will be dealt with as the law directs.
W. H. Eanes,
nov3 — w4t Jailer of Shelby county.
JAILER'S NOTICE.
Was committed to the Jail of Shelby county a
negro boy, who says his name is GEORGE ; dark
complexion, about twenty-five or thirty years of
age, some five feet nine or ten inches high ; will
weigh about one hundred and forty pounds, no
scars, and says he belongs to Malley Bradford,
living in Issaqueen county, Mississippi. The
owner of said slave is requested to come forward,
prove property, pay charges, and take him away,
or he will be dealt with as the law directs.
W. H. Eanes,
novlO. — w4t Jailer of Shelby county.
JAILER'S NOTICE.
Was committed to the Jail of Shelby county,
on the 30th ult., a negro woman, who says her
name is NANCY, of a bright complexion, some
twenty or twenty-one years of age, will weigh
about one hundred and forty pounds, about five
feet high, no scars, and says she belongs to John
Pittman, living in Memphis, Tenn. The owner
of said slave is requested to come forward, prove
property, pay charges, and take her away, or sho
will be dealt with as the law directs.
W. H. Eanes,
novlO. — w4t Jailer of Shelby county.
Negro property is decidedly " brisk" in
this county.
Natchez (Miss.) Free Trader, Novem-
ber 6, 1852 :
25 DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway from the undersigned, on the 17th
day of October, 1852, a negro man by the name
of ALLEN, about 23 years old, near 6 feet high,
of dark mulatto color, no marks, save one, and that
caused by the bite of a dog ; had on, when he left,
lowell pants, and cotton shirt: reads imperfect,
can make a short calculation correctly, and can
write some few words ; said negro has run away
heretofore, and when taken up was in possession
of a free pass. He is quick-spoken, lively, and
smiles when in conversation.
I will give the above reward to any one who
will confine said negro in any Jail, so that I can
get him. Thos R. Cheatham.
nov6. — 3t
182
KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABTN.
Newberry Sentinel (S. C), Nov. IT, 1852
NOTICE :
R \NAWAY from the subscriber, on the 9th of
July lust, my Boy WILLIAM, a bright mulatto,
about 26 years old, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, of
slender make, quite intelligent, speaks quick when
spoken to, and walks briskly. Said boy was brought
from Virginia, and will probably attempt to get back.
Any information of said boy will be thankfully
received. JoHN M - ^ Iars -
Near Mollohon P. 0., Newberry Dist.,,S. C. .
Nov. 3. 414t. .
^T Raleigh Register and Richmond Enquirer
will copy four times weekly, and send bills to this
office.
Greensboro' Patriot (N. C), Nov. 6 :
lO DOLLARS REWARD.
R ANA WAY from my service, in February,
1851, a colored man named EDWARD WINS-
LOW, low, thick-set, part Indian, and a first rate
fiddler Said Winslow was sold out of Guilford
fail, at February court, 1851, for his prison charges,
for the term of five years. It is supposed that he
is at work on the Railroad, somewhere in Davidson
county. iThe above reward will be paid for his
apprehension and confinement in the jail of Guil-
ford or any of the adjoining counties, so that 1 get
him or for his delivery to me in the south-east
corner of Guilford. My post-office is Long^s Mills,
Randolph, N. C. ?• C. Smith.
October 27, 1852. 702 — 5w.
The New Orleans True Delta, of the
11th ult., 1853, has the following editorial
notice :
The Great Raffle of a Trotting Horse and
a Negro Servant. —The enterprising and go-a-
head Col. Jennings has got a raffle under way
now which eclipses all his previous undertakings
in that line. The prizes are the celebrated trot-
ting horse " Star," buggy and harness, and a valu-
able negro servant, — the latter valued at nine hun-
dred dollars. See his advertisement in another
column.
The advertisement is as follows :
RAFFLE.
MR. JOSEPH JENNINGS
Respectfully informs his friends and the public,
that at the request of many of his acquaintances, ■
he has been induced to purchase from Mr. Osborn,
of Missouri, the celebrated dark bay norse " Star
age five years, square trotter, and warranted sound,
with a new light trotting Buggy and Harness ;
also the stout mulatto girl "Sarah," aged about twen-
ty years, general house servant, valued at nine hun-
dred dollars, and guaranteed ; will be raffled lor at 4
o'clock, P. M., February 1st, at any hotel selected
by the subscribers.
The above is as represented, and those persons
who may wish to engage in the usual practice of
raffling will, I assure them, be perfectly satisfied
with their destiny in this affair.
Fifteen hundred chances, at $1 each.
The whole is valued at its just worth, fifteen
hundred dollars.
The raffle will be conducted by gentlemen se-
lected by the interested subscribers present. Five
nights allowed to complete the raffle. Both of
above can be seen at my store, No. 78 Common-
street, second door from Camp, at from 9 o'clock
A.M., till half-past 2 P.M.
Highest throw takes the first choice ; the lowest
throw the remaining prize, and the fortunate win-
ners to pay Twenty Dollars each, for the refresh-
ments furnished for the occasion.
Jan. 9.2*w. J- Jennings.
Daily Courier (Natchez, Miss.), Nov.
20, 1852 :
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
THE above reward will be given for the appre-
hension and confinement in any jail of the negro
man HARDY, who ran away from the subscriber,
residing on Lake St. John, near Rifle Point, Con-
cordia parish, La. , on the 9th August last. Hardy
is a remarkably likely negro, entirely free from all
marks, scars or blemishes, when he left home ; about
six feet high, of black complexion (though quite
lio-ht), fine countenance, unusually smooth skin,
good head of hair, fine eyes and teeth.
Address the subscriber at Rifle Point, Concordia
Parish, La. Robert Y. Jones.
Oct. 30. — 1m.
What an unfortunate master — lost an
article entirely free from "marks, scars or
blemishes"! Such a rarity ought to be
choice !
Savannah Daily Georgian, 6th bept.,
1852:
ARRESTED,
ABOUT three weeks ago, under suspicious cir-
cumstances, a negro woman, who calls herselt
PHEBE, or PHILLIS. Says she is free, and lately
from Beaufort District, South Carolina. Said
woman is about 50 years of age, stout m stature,
mild-spoken, 5 feet 4 inches high, and weighs
about 140 pounds. Having made diligent inquiry
by letter, and from what I can learn, said woman
is a runaway. Any person owning said slave can
get her by making application to me, properly
Authenticated. Waring Russell
County Constable.
Savannah, Oct. 25, 1852. 6 oot. 26.
250 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AW AY from Sparta, Ga., about the first
of last year my boy GEORGE He is a good car-
penter, about 35 years : a bright mulatto, tall and
quite likely. He was brought about three years ago
from St. Manfs, and had, ivhen he ran away, a
wife there, or near there, belonging to a Mr. Holzen-
dorff I think he has told me he has been about
Macon also. He had, and perhaps still has, a
brother in Savannah. He is very intelligent. 1
will give the above reward for his confinement m
some jail in the State, so that I can get him. Re-
fer, for any further information, to Rabun &
Whitehead, Savannah, Ga. £
W. J. Sassnett.
Oxford, Ga., Aug. 13th, 1852. tuths3m. al7.
From these advertisements, and hundreds
of similar ones, one may learn the following
i things :
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
183
1. That the arguments for the enslaving
of the negro do not apply to a large part
of the actual slaves.
2. That they are not, in the estimation
of their masters, very stupid.
3. That they are not remarkably con-
tented.
4. That they have no particular reason
to be so. _ -
5.' That multitudes of men claiming to
be free are constantly being sold into slavery.
In respect to the complexion of these
slaves, there are some points worthy of con-
sideration. The writer adds the following
advertisements, published by Wm. I. Bow-
ditch, Esq., in his pamphlet " Slavery and
the Constitution."
From the Richmond (Va.) Whig:
100 DOLLARS REWARD
WILL be given for the apprehension of my ne-
gro (?) Edmund Kenney. He has straight hair,
and complexion so nearly white that it is believed a
stranger would, suppose there was no African blood
in him. He was with my boy Dick a short time
since in Norfolk, and offered him for sale, and was
apprehended, but escaped under pretence of being a
white man ! Anderson Bowles.
January 6, 1836.
From the Republican Banner and Nash-
ville Whig of July 14, 1849 :
200 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the 23d of
June last, a bright mulatto woman, named Julia,
about 25 years of age. She is of common size,
nearly white, and very likely. She is a good seam-
stress, and can read a little. She may attempt to
pass for white, — dresses fine. She took with her
Anna, her child, 8 or 9 years old, and considerably
darker than her mother. . . . . She once
belonged to a Mr. Helm, of Columbia, Tennessee.
I will give a reward of $50 for said negro and
child, if delivered to me, or confined in any jail in
this state, so I can get them ; $100, if caught in
any other Slave state, and confined in a jail so that
I can get them ; and $200, if caught in any Free
state, and put in any good jail in Kentucky or
Tennessee, so I can get them.
A. W. Johnson.
Nashville, July 9, 1849.
The following three advertisements are
taken from Alabama papers :
RANAWAY
From the Subscriber, working on the plantation
of Col. II. Tinker, a bright mulatto boy, named
Alfred. Alfred is about 18 years old, pretty well
grown, lias blue eyes, light flaxen hair, skin disposed
to freckle. He will try to pass as free-born.
Green County, Ala. S. G. Stewart.
100 DOLLARS REWARD,
Ran away from the subscriber, a bright mulatto
man-slave, named Sam. Light, sandy hair, blue
eyes, ruddy complexion, — is so white as very easily
to pass for a free while man. Edwin Peck.
Mobile, April 22, 1837.
RANAWAY,
On the 15th of May, from me, a negro woman,
named Fanny. Said woman is 20 years old ; is
rather tall ; can read and write, and so forge
passes for herself Carried away with her a pair
of ear-rings, — a Bible with a red covers is very
pious. She prays a great deal, and was, as sup-
posed, contented and happy. She is as white as
most white women, with straight, light hair, and blue
eyes, and can pass herself for a white woman. I
will give $500 for her apprehension and delivery
to me. She is very intelligent.
Tuscaloosa, May 29, 1845. John Balch.
From the Newbern (N. C.) Spectator:
50 DOLLARS REWARD
Will be given for the apprehension and delivery
to me of the following slaves : — Samuel, and Judy
his wife, with their four children, belonging to
the estate of Sacker Dubberly, deceased.
I will give $10 for the apprehension of William
Dubberly, a slave belonging to the estate. William
is about 19 years old, quite white, and would not
readily be taken for a slave. John J. Lane.
March 13, 1837.
The next two advertisements we cut from
the New Orleans Picayune of Sept. 2,
1846:
25 DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway from the plantation of Madame Fergus
Duplantier, on or about the 27th of June, 1846, a
bright mulatto, named Ned, very stout built, about
5 feet 11 inches high, speaks English and French,
about 35 years old, waddles in his walk. He may
try to pass himself for a white man, as he is of a
very clear color, and has sandy hair. The above
reward will be paid to whoever will bring him to
Madame Duplantier's plantation, Manchac, or
lodge him in some jail where he can be conve-
niently obtained.
200 DOLLARS REWARD.
Ran away from the subscriber, last November,
a white negro man, about 35 years old, height
about 5 feet 8 or 10 inches, blue eyes, has a yellow
woolly head, very fair skin.
These are the characteristics of three races.
The copper-colored complexion shows the In--
dian blood. The others are the mixed races
of negroes and whites. It is known that the
poor remains of Indian races have been in
many cases forced into slavery. It is no
less certain that white children have some-
times been kidnapped and sold into slavery.
Rev. George Bourne, of Virginia, Presbyte-
rian minister, who wrote against slavery
there as early as 1816, gives an account of
a boy who was stolen from his parents at seven
years of age, immersed in a tan-vat to change
his complexion, tattooed and sold, and, after
a captivity of fourteen years, succeeded in,
escaping. The tanning process is not neces-
sary now, as a fair skin is no presumption
against slavery. There is reason to think
184
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
that the grandmother of poor Emily Rus-
sell was a white child, stolen by kidnappers.
That kidnappers may steal and sell white
children at the South now, is evident from
these advertisements.
The writer, within a week, has seen a
fugitive quadroon mother, who had with her
two children, — a boy of ten months, and a
girl of three years. Both were surpassingly
fair, and uncommonly beautiful. The girl
had blue eyes and golden hair. The mother
and those children were about to be sold for
the division of an estate, which was the reason
why she fled. When the mind once becomes
familiarized with the process of slavery, — of
enslaving first black, then Indian, then mu-
latto, then quadroon, and when blue eyes and
golden hair are advertised as properties of
negroes, — what protection will there be for
poor white people, especially as under the
present fugitive law they can be carried
away without a jury trial?
A Governor of South Carolina openly de-
clared, in 1835, that the laboring population
of any country, bleached or unbleached,
were a dangerous element, unless reduced
to slavery. Will not this be the result, then 1
a
CHAPTER VIII.
POOR WHITE TRASH.'
When the public sentiment of Europe
speaks in tones of indignation of the system
of American slavery, the common reply has
been, " Look at your own lower classes.^
The apologists of slavery have pointed Eng-
land to her own poor. They have spoken
of the heathenish ignorance, the vice, the
darkness, of her crowded cities, — nay, even
of her agricultural districts.
Now, in the first place, a country where
the population is not crowded, where the
resources of the soil are more than sufficient
for the inhabitants, — a country of recent
origin, not burdened with the worn-out
institutions and clumsy lumber of past ages.
— ought not to be satisfied to do only as well
as countries which have to struggle against
all these evils.
It is a poor defence for America to say to
older countries, " We are no worse than you
are." She ought to be infinitely better.
But it will appear that the institution of
slavery has produced not only heathenish,
degraded, miserable slaves, but it produces
a class of white people who are, by univer-
sal admission, more heathenish, degraded,
and miserable. The institution of slavery
has accomplished the double feat, in America,
not only of degrading and brutalizing her
black working classes, but of producing,
notwithstanding a fertile soil and abundant
room, a poor white population as degraded
and brutal as ever existed in any of the most
crowded districts of Europe.
The way that it is done can be made ap-
parent in a few words. 1. The distribu-
tion of the land into large plantations, and
this consequent sparseness of settlement,
make any system of common-school, edu-
cation impracticable. 2. The same cause
operates with regard to the preaching of the
gospel. 3. The degradation of the idea of
labor, which results inevitably from en-
slaving the working class, operates to a
great extent in preventing respectable work-
ing men of the middling classes from settling
or remaining in slave states. Where carpen-
ters, blacksmiths and masons, are advertised
every week with their own tools, or in com-
pany with horses, hogs and other cattle,
there is necessarily such an estimate of the
laboring class, that intelligent, self-respecting
mechanics, such as abound in the free states,
must find much that is annoying and disa-
greeable. They may endure it for a time,
but with much uneasiness ; and they are glad
of the first opportunity of emigration.
Then, again, the filling up of all branches
of mechanics and agriculture with slave labor
necessarily depresses free labor. Suppose,
now, a family of poor whites in Carolina, or
Virginia, and the same family in Vermont
or Maine ; how different the influences that
come over them ! In Vermont or Maine,
the children have the means of education at
hand in public schools, and they have all
around them in society avenues of success
that require only industry to make them
available. The boys have their -choice
among all the different trades, for which the
organization of free society makes a steady
demand. The girls, animated by the spirit
of the land in which they are born, think
useful labor no disgrace, and find, with true
female ingenuity, a hundred ways of adding
to the family stock. If there be one mem-
ber of a family in whom diviner gifts and
higher longings seem a call for a more fin-
ished course of education, then cheerfully
the whole family unites its productive indus-
try to give that one the wider education
which his wider genius demands ; and Thus
have been given to the world such men as
Roger Sherman and Daniel Webster.
KEV TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
185
But take this same family and plant them
in South Carolina or Virginia — how differ-
ent the result ! No common school opens
its doors to their children ; the only church,
perhaps, is fifteen miles off, over a bad road.
The whole atmosphere of the country in
which they are born associates degradation
and slavery with useful labor ; and the only
standard of gentility is ability to live without
work. What branch of useful labor opens
a way to its sons 1 Would he be a black-
smith? — The planters around him prefer to
buy their blacksmiths in Virginia. Would
he be a carpenter? — Each planter in his
neighborhood owns one or two now. And
so coopers and masons. Would he be a
shoe-maker 1 — The plantation shoes are made
in Lynn and Natick, towns of New Eng-
land. In fact, between the free labor of the
North and the slave labor of the South,
there is nothing for a poor white to do.
Without schools or churches, these misera-
ble families grow up heathen on a Christian
soil, in idleness, vice, dirt and discomfort
of all sorts. They are the pest of the
neighborhood, the scoff and contempt or pity
even of the slaves. The expressive phrase,
so common in the mouths of the negroes, of
" poor white trash," says all for this luckless
race of beings that can be said. From this
class spring a tribe of keepers of small grog-
geries, and dealers, by a kind of contraband
trade, with the negroes, in the stolen produce
of plantations. Thriving and promising
sons may perhaps hope to grow up into
negro-traders, and thence be exalted into
overseers of plantations. The utmost stretch
of ambition is to compass money enough, by
any of a variety of nondescript measures,
to " buy a nigger or two, ' ' and begin to
appear like other folks. Woe betide the
unfortunate negro man or woman, carefully
raised in some good religious family, when
an execution or the death of their proprie-
tors throws them into the market, and they
are bought by a master and mistress of this
class ! Oftentimes the slave is infinitely
the superior, in every respect, — in person,
manners, education and morals ; but, for all
that, the law guards the despotic authority
of the owner quite as jealously.
From all that would appear, in the case
of Souther, which we have recorded, he
must have been one of this class. We have
certain indications, in the evidence, that the
two white witnesses, who spent the whole
day in gaping, unresisting survey of his
diabolical proceedings, were men of this
order. It appears that* the crime alleged
against the poor victim was that of getting
drunk and trading with these two very men,
and that they were sent for probably by
way of showing them " what' a nigger would
get by trading with them." This circum-
stance at once marks them out as belonging
to that band of half-contraband traders who
spring up among the mean whites, and occa-
sion owners of slaves so much inconvenience
by dealing with their hands. Can any
words so forcibly show what sort of white
men these are, as the idea of their stand-
ing in stupid, brutal curiosity, a whole day,
as witnesses in such a hellish scene ?
Conceive the misery of the slave who falls
into the hands of such masters ! A clergy-
man, now dead, communicated to the writer
the following anecdote: In travelling in
one of the Southern States, he put up for
the night in a miserable log shanty, kept by
a man of this class. All was dirt, discom-
fort and utter barbarism. The man, his
wife, and their stock of wild, neglected chil-
dren, drank whiskey, loafed and predominat-
ed over the miserable man and woman who
did all the work and bore all the caprices of
the whole establishment. He — the gentle-
man — was not long in discovering that these
slaves were in person, language, and in every
respect, superior to their owners; and all
that he could get of comfort in this misera-
ble abode was owing to their ministrations.
Before he went away, they contrived to have
a private interview, and begged him to buy
them. They told him that they had been
decently brought up in a respectable and
refined family, and that their bondage was
therefore the more inexpressibly galling.
The poor creatures had waited oh him with
most assiduous care, tending his horse,
brushing his boots, and anticipating all his
wants, in the hope of inducing him to buy
them. The clergyman said that he never
so wished for money as when he saw the
dejected visages with which they listened to
his assurances that he was too poor to com-
ply with their desires.
This miserable class of whites form, in all
the Southern States, a material for the most
horrible and ferocious of mobs. Utterly
ignorant, and inconceivably brutal, they are
like some blind, savage monster, whicn,
when aroused, tramples heedlessly over
everything in its way.
Singular as it may appear, though slavery
is the cause of the misery and degradation of
this class, yet they are the most vehement
and ferocious advocates of slavery.
The reason is this. They feel the scorn
186
KEF TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
of the upper classes, and their only means
of consolation is in having a class below
them, whom they may scorn in turn. To
set the negro at liberty wpuld deprive them
of this last comfort ; and accordingly no
class of men advocate slavery with such
frantic and unreasoning violence, or hate
abolitionists with such demoniac hatred. Let
the reader conceive of a mob of men as
brutal and callous as the two white witnesses
of the Souther tragedy, led on by men like
Souther himself, and he will have some idea
of the materials which occur in the worst
kind of Southern mobs.
The leaders of the community, those men
who play on other men with as little care
for them as a harper plays on a harp, keep
this blind, furious monster of the MOB, very
much as an overseer keeps plantation-dogs,
as creatures to be set on to any man or thing
whom they may choose to have put down.
These leading men have used the cry of
"abolitionism" over the mob, much as a
huntsman uses the "set on" to his dogs.
Whenever they have a purpose to carry, a
man to put down, they have only to raise
this cry, and the monster is wide awake,
ready to spring wherever they shall send
him.
Does a minister raise his Voice in favofc. of
the slave ] — Immediately, with a whoop and
hurra, some editor starts the mob on him, as
an abolitionist. Is there a man teaching his
negroes to read ? — The mob is started upon
him — he must promise to give it up, or
leave the state. Does a man at a public
hotel-table express his approbation of some
anti-slavery work ? — Up come the police, and
arrest him for seditious language ; * and on the
heels of the police, thronging round the
justice's office, come the ever-ready mob," —
men with clubs and bowie-knives, swearing
that they will have his heart 's blood. The
more respectable citizens in vain try to com-
pose them ; it is quite as hopeful to reason
with a pack of hounds, and the only way is
to smuggle the suspected person out of the
state as quickly as possible. All these are
scenes of common occurrence at the South.
Every Southern man knows them to be so,
and they know, too, the reason why they are
so ; but, so much do they fear the monster,
that they dare not say what they know.
This brute monster sometimes gets be-
yond the power of his masters, and then
results ensue most mortifying to the patriot-
* The writer is describing here a scene of recent occur-
rence in a slave state, of whose particulars she has the
best means of knowledge. The work in question was
« Uncle Tom's Cabin."
ism of honorable Southern men, but which
they are powerless to prevent. Such was
the case when the Honorable Senator Hoar,
of Massachusetts, with his daughter, visited
the city of Charleston. The senator was
appointed by the sovereign State of Massa-
chusetts tp inquire into the condition of her
free colored citizens detained in South Caro-
lina prisons. We cannot suppose that men of
honor and education, in South Carolina, can
contemplate without chagrin the fact that
this honorable gentleman, the representa-
tive of a sister state, and accompanied by
his daughter, was obliged to flee from South.
Carolina, because they were told that the
constituted authorities would not be powerful
enough to protect them from the ferocities
of a mob. This is not the only case in which
this mob power has escaped from the hands
of its guiders, and produced mortifying re-
sults. The scenes of Vicksburg, and the
succession of popular whirlwinds which at
that time flew over the south-western states,
have been forcibly painted by the author of
" The White Slave."
They who find these popular outbreaks
useful when they serve their own turns are
sometimes forcibly reminded of the conse-
quences
* £ Of letting rapine loose, and murder,
To go just so far, and no further ;
And setting all the land on fire,
To burn just so high, and no higher."
The statements made above can be sub-
stantiated by various documents, — mostly
by the testimony of residents in slave states,
and by extracts from their newspapers.
Concerning the class of poor whites, Mr.
William Gregg, of Charleston, South Caro-
lina, in a "pamphlet, called "Essays on Do-
mestic Industry, or an Inquiry into the
expediency of establishing Cotton Manufac-
tories in South Carolina, 1845," says, p. 22 :
Shall we pass unnoticed the thousands of poor,
ignorant, degraded white people amon^ us, who,
in this land of plenty, live in comparative naked-
ness and starvation? Many a one is reared in
proud South Carolina, from birth to manhood, who
has never passed a .month in which he has not,
some part of the time, been stinted for meat.
Many a mother is there who will tell you that her
children are but scantily provided with bread, and
much more scantily with meat ; and, if they be clad
with comfortable raiment, it is at the expense of
these scanty allowances of food. These may be
startling statements, but they are nevertheless true ;
and if not believed in Charleston, the members of
our legislature who have traversed, the state in
electioneering campaigns can attest their truth."
The Rev. Henry Duffner, D.D., Presi-
dent of Lexington College, Va., himself a
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
187
slave-holder, published in 1847 an address
to the people of Virginia, showing that slav-
ery is injurious to public welfare, in which
he shows the influence of slavery in producing
a decrease of the white population. He says :
It appears that, in the ten years from 1830 to
1840. Virginia lost by emigration no fewer than
three hundred and seventy-five thousand of her
people ; of whom East Virginia lost three hun-
dred and four thousand, and West Virginia
seventy-one thousand. At this rate, Virginia
supplies the West, every ten years, with a
population equal in number to the population
of the State of Mississippi in 1840. * * * * *
She has sent — or, we should rather say, she has
driven — from her soil at least one-third of all the
emigrants who have gone from the old states to
the new. More than another third have gone from
the other old slave states. Many of these multi-
tudes, who have left the slave states, have shunned
the regions of slavery, and settled in the free
countries of the West. These were generally in-
dustrious and enterprising white men, who found,
by sad experience, that a country of slaves was
not the country for them. It is a truth, a certain
truth, that slaver?/ drives free laborers — farmers,
mechanics and all, and some of -the best of them, too
— out of the country, and Jills their places with ne-
groes. ***** Even the common mechanical
trades d ) not flourish in a slave .state. Some
mechanical operations must, indeed, be performed
in every civilized country ; but the general rule in
the South is, to import from abroad every fabri-
cated thing that can be carried in ships, such as
household furniture, boats, boards, laths, carts,
ploughs, axes, and axe-helves ; besides innumerable
other things, which free communities are accus-
tomed to make for themselves. What is most
wonderful is, that the forests and iron mines of
the South supply, in great part, the materials out
of which these things are made. The Northern
freemen come with their ships, carry home the
timber and pig-iron, work them up, supply their
own wants with a part, and then sell the rest at a
good profit in the Southern markets. Now, al-
though mechanics, by setting up their shops in
the South, could save all these freights and profits,
yet so it is that Northern mechanics will not settle
in the South, and the Southern mechanics are un-
dersold by their Northern competitors.
In regard to education, Rev. Theodore
Parker gives the following statistics, in his
" Letters on Slavery," p. 65:
In 1671, Sir William Berkely, Governor of Vir-
ginia, said, " I thank God that there are no free
schools nor printing-presses (in Virginia), and I
hope we shall not have them these hundred years."
In 1840, in the fifteen slave states and territories,
there were at the various primary schools 201,085
scholars ; at the various primary schools of the
free states, 1,626,028. The State of Ohio alone
had, at her primary schools, 17,524 more scholars
than all the fifteen slave states. New York alone
had 301,282 more.
In the slave states there are 1,368,325 free white
children between the ages of five and twenty ; in
the free states, 3,536,689 such children. In the
slave states, at schools and colleges, there are
301,172 pupils ; in the free states, 2,212,444
pupils at schools or colleges. Thus, in the slave
states, out of twenty-five free white children be-
tween five and twenty, there are not quite five at
any school or college ; while out of twenty-five
such children in the free states, there are more
than fifteen at school or college.
In the slave states, of the free white population
that is over twenty years of age, there is- almost
one-tenth part that are unable to read and write ;
while in the free states there is not quite one in
one hundred and fifty-six who is deficient to that
degree.
In New England there are but few born therein,
and more than twenty years of age, who are un-
able to read and write ; but many foreigners
arrive there with no education, and thus swell the
number of the illiterate, and diminish the apparent
effect of her free institutions. The South has few
such emigrants ; the ignorance of the Southern
States, therefore, is to be ascribed to other causes.
The Northern men who settle in the slave-holding
states have perhaps about the average culture of
the North, and more than that of the South. The
South, therefore, gains educationally from immi-
gration, as the North loses.
Among the Northern States Connecticut, and
among the Southern States South Carolina, are to
a great degree free from disturbing inQuenees of
this character. A comparison between the two
will show the relative effects of tfre respective in-
stitutions of the North and South. In Connecti-
cut there are 163,843 free persons over twenty
years of age ; in South Carolina, but 111,663. In
Connecticut there are but 526 persons over twenty
who are unable to read and write, while in South
Carolina there are 20,615 free white persons over
twenty years of age unable to read and write. In
South Carolina, out of each 626 free whites more
than twenty years of age there are more than 58
wholly unable to read or write ; out of that num-
ber of such persons in Connecticut, not quite two !.
More than the sixth part of the adult freemen of
South Carolina are unable to read the vote which
will be deposited at the next election. It is but
fair to infer that at least one-third of the adults
of South Carolina, if not of much of the South, are
unable to read and understand even a newspaper.
Indeed, in one of the slave states this is not a
matter, of mere inference ; for in 1837 Gov. Clarke,
of Kentucky, declared in his message to the legis-
lature that "one-third of the adult population
were unable to write their names ;" yet Kentucky
has a " school-fund," valued at $1,221,819, while
South Carolina has none.
One sign of this want of ability even to read, in
the slave states, is too striking to be passed by.
The staple reading of the least-cultivated Ameri-
cans is the newspapers, one of the lowest forms of
literature, though one of the most powerful, read
even by men who read nothing else. In the slave
states there are published but 377 newspapers,
and in the free 1135. These numbers do not ex-
press the entire difference in the case ; for, as a
general rule, the circulation of the Southern news-
papers is 50 to 75 per cent, less than that of the
North. Suppose, however, that each Southern
newspaper has two-thirds the circulation of a
Northern journal, we have then but 225 newspapers
for the slave states ! The more valuable journals —
the monthlies and quarterlies — are published
almost entirely in the free States.
The number of churches, the number and char-
acter of the clergy who labor for these churches,
are other measures of the intellectual and moral
condition of the people. The scientific character
of the Southern clergy has been already touched
on. Let us compare the more external facts.
188
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S CABIN.
In 1830, South Carolina had a population of
581,185 souls; Connecticut, 297,075. In 1830,
South Carolina had 304 ministers ; Connecticut,
498.
In 1834, there were in the slave states but
82,532 scholars in the Sunday-schools ; in the free
states, 504,835 ; in the single State of New York,
161,708.
The fact of constant emigration from
slave states is also shown by such extracts
from papers as the following, from the
Raleigh (N. C.) Register, quoted in the
columns of the National Era :
THEY WILL LEAVE NORTH CAROLINA.
Our attention was arrested, on Saturday last,
by quite a long train of wagons, winding through
our streets, which, upon inquiry, we found to be-
long^ to a party emigrating from Wayne county,
in this state, to the "far West." This is but a
repetition of many similar scenes that we and
others have witnessed during the past few years ;
and such spectacles will be still more frequently
witnessed, unless something is done to retrieve
our fallen fortunes at home.
If there he any one "consummation devoutly
to be wished " in our policy, it is that our young
men should remain at home, and not abandon
their native state. From the early settlement of
North Carolina, the great drain upon her pros-
perity has been the spirit of emigration, which
has so prejudicially affected all the states of the
South. Her sons, hitherto neglected (if we must
say it) by an unparental government, have
wended their way, by hundreds upon hundreds,
from the land of their fathers, — that land, too, to
make it a paradise, wanting nothing but a market,
— to bury their bones in the land of strangers.
We firmly believe that this emigration is caused
by the laggard policy of our people on the subject
of internal improvement, for man is not prone
by nature to desert the home of his affections.
The editor of the Era also quotes the fol-
lowing from the Greensboro (Ala. ) Beacon :
" An unusually large number of movers have
passed through this village, within the past two
or three weeks. On one day of last week, up-
wards of thirty wagons and other vehicles belong-
ing to emigrants, mostly from Georgia and South
Carolina, passed through on their way, most of
them bound to Texas and Arkansas."
This tide of emigration does not emanate from
an overflowing population. Very fur from it.
Rather it marks an abandonment of a soil which,
exhausted by injudicious culture, will no longer
repay the labor of tillage. The emigrant, turning
his back upon the homes of his childhood, leaves
a desolate region, it may be, and finds that he can
indulge in his feelings of local attachment only at
the risk of starvation.
How are the older states of the South to keep
their population ? We say nothing of an increase,
but how are they to hold their own 1 It is use-
less to talk about strict construction, state rights,
or Wilmot Provisos. Of what avail can such
things be to a sterile desert, upon which people
cannot subsist ?
In the columns of the National Era,
Oct. 2, 1851, also is the following article,
by its editor :
STAND YOUR GROUND.
A citizen of Guilford county, N. C, in a letter
to the True Wesleyan, dated August 20th, 1851,
writes :
" You may discontinue my paper for the present,
as I am inclined to go Westward, where I can
enjoy religious liberty, and have my family in a
free country. Mobocracy has the ascendency
here, and there is no law. Brother Wilson had
an appointment on Liberty Hill, on Sabbath. 24th
inst. The mob came armed, according to mob
law, and commenced operations on the meeting-
house. They knocked all the weather-boarding off,
destroying doors, windows, pulpit, and benches ;
and I have no idea that, if the mob was to kill a
Wesleyan, or one of their friends, that they would
be hung.
" There is more moving this fall to the far West
than was ever known in one year. People do not
like to be made slaves, and they are determined
to go where it is no crime to plead the cause of
the poor and oppressed. They have become
alarmed at seeing the laws of God trampled under
foot with impunity, and that, too, by legislators,
sworn officers of the peace, and professors of reli-
gion. And even ministers (so called) are justify-
ing mobocracy. They think that such a course
of conduct will lead to a dissolution of the Urfion,
and then every man will have to fight in defence
of slavery, or be killed. This is an awful state
of things, and, if the people were destitute of the
Bible, and the various means of information which
they possess, there might be some hope of reform.
But there is but little hope, under existing circum-
stances."
We hope the writer will reconsider hi"s purpose.
In his section of North Carolina there are very
many anti-slavery men, and the majority of the
people have no interest in what is called slave
property. Let them stand their ground, and
maintain the right of free discussion. How is
the despotism of Slavery to be put down, if those
opposed to it abandon their rights, and flee their
country? Let them do as the idomitable Clay
does in Kentucky, and they will make themselves
respected.
The following is quoted, without comment,
in the National Era, in 1851, from the col-
umns of the Augusta Republic (Georgia) .
FREEDOM OF SPEECH IN GEORGIA.
( Warrenton (Ga.),
} Thursday, July 10, 1851.
This day the citizens of the town and county
met in the court-house at eight o'clock, A. M. On
motion, Thomas F. Parsons, Esq., was called to
the chair, and Mr. Wm. H. Pilcher requested to
act as secretary.
The object of the meeting was stated by the
chairman, as follows:
Whereas, our community has been thrown into
confusion by the presence among us of one
Nathan Bird Watson, who hails from New Haven
(Conn.) , and who has been promulgating abolition
sentiments, publicly and privately, among our
people, — sentiments at war with our institutions,
and intolerable in a slave community, — and also
been detected in visiting suspicious negro houses,
KEY TO UNCLE TOM S, CABIN.
189
as we suppose for the purpose of inciting our
slaves and free negro population to insurrection
and insubordination.
The meeting having been organized, Wm. Gib-
son, Esq., offered the following resolution, which,
after various expressions of opinion, was unani-
mously adopted, to wit :
Resolved, That a committee of ten be appointed
by the chairman for the purpose of making ar-
rangements to expel Nathan Bird Watson, an
avowed abolitionist, who has been in our village
for three or four weeks, by twelve o'clock this day,
by the Georgia Railroad cars ; and that it shall
be the duty of said committee to escort- the said
Watson to Camak, for the purpose of shipment to
his native land.
The following gentlemen were named as that
committee :
William Gibson, E. Cody, J. M. Roberts, J. B.
Huff, E. II. Pottle, E. A. Brinkley, John C. Jen-
nings, George W. Dickson, A. B. Rogers, and
Dr. R. W. Hubert.
On motion, the chairman was added to that
committee.
It was, on motion,
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting,
with a minute description of the said Watson, be
forwarded to the publishers of the Augusta papers,
with the request that they, and all other pub-
lishers of papers in the slave-holding states, pub-
lish the same for a sufficient length of time.
Description. — The said Nathan Bird Watson
is a man of dark complexion, hazel eyes, black
hair, and wears a heavy beard ; measures five
feet eleven and three-quarter inches ; has a quick
step, and walks with his toes inclined inward,
and a little stooped-shouldered , now wears a
.checked coat and white pants ; says he is twenty-
three years of age, but will pass for twenty-five
or thirty.
On motion, the meeting was adjourned.
Thomas F. Parsons, Chairman.
William II . Pilcher, Secretary.
This may be regarded as a specimen of
that kind of editorial halloo which is de-
signed to rouse and start in pursuit of a
man the bloodhounds of the mob.
The following is copied by the National
Era from the Richmond Times :
LYNCH law.
On the 13th inst. the vigilance committee of
the county of Grayson, in this state, arrested a
man named John Cornutt [a friend and follower
of Bacon, the Ohio abolitionist], and, after ex-
amining the evidence against him, required him
to renounce his abolition sentiments. This Cor-
nutt refused to do ; thereupon, he was stripped,
tied to a tree, and whipped. After receiving a
dozen stripes, he caved in, and promised, not only
to recant, but to sell hie- property in the county
[consisting of land and negroes], and leave the
state. Great excitement prevailed throughout
the country, and the Wytheville Republican of the
20th instant states that the vigilance committee
of Grayson were in hot pursuit of other obnoxious
persons.
On this outrage the Wytheville Repub-
lican makes the folio wins comments :
Laying aside the white man, humanity to the
negro, the slave, demands that these abolitionists
be dealt with summarily, and above the law.
On Saturday, the 13th, we learn that the com-
mittee of vigila 
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