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Edited by HENRY R. STILES, A.M., M.D. 

The Grafton Historical Series 
Edited by Henry R. Stiles.A. M., M.D. 

In Olde Connecticut 

By Charles Burr Todd 
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Historic Hadley 

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King Philip s War 
By George W. Ellis and 

John E. Morris 

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OF THE i."-tj 5/tf 1 " 1 HISTORICAL SOOETY 


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Copyright, 1906, 


THE period marked by the Indian wars of 1675 and 
1676, known as King Philip s War, is one of the 
most interesting and epochal in the early history of the 
New England colonies. 

It was the first great test to which the New England 
Commonwealths were subjected, and it enforced upon 
them in blood and fire the necessity of a mutual policy 
and active co-operation. The lesson that union is strength 
was learned at that time and was never forgotten. New 
England after the war, free from fear of any Indian 
attacks, was able to turn her attention to her own peace 
ful industrial and political development undisturbed. 

However much we must condemn the arbitrary ag 
gressions which drove the Indian tribes into revolt, the 
historic fact must be accepted that between peoples the 
fittest only survive, and that as between races ethics 
rarely exist. 

The importance of this conflict in the minds of the 
early New England people is attested by the great atten 
tion paid to it by contemporary New England historians 
like Mather and Hubbard, and by the voluminous cor 
respondence of the chief men in the colonies. 

The correspondence between the Governors and Coun 
cils and the commanders in the field in the records and 
archives of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Con- 


vi Preface 

necticut, serve as a vast mine for careful exploration of 
the conflict in almost all its details. 

We do not claim for this work that it is an absolutely 
true history; no absolutely true history is possible on any 
subject. All the authors claim is that it is the result 
of a wide and discriminative study of the published and 
unpublished archives of the New England colonies, and 
of the contemporary letters found in the Massachusetts 
and Rhode Island Historical Society collections. 

Among other works consulted have been the contem 
porary accounts of Hubbard, Mather, and the Old In 
dian Chronicle, Captain Church s Narrative, the Journals 
of Mrs. Rowlandson and John Easton, Major Gookin s 
Christian Indians, Wheeler s True Narrative of the 
Lord s Providence, etc. Liberty has been taken occa 
sionally to abridge involved and verbose quotations. 

The authors wish to acknowledge their great indebted 
ness to the work of Rev. George Bodge, the late Sam 
uel Drake, Sydney S. Rider, and the constant courtesy 
and help of Mr. Albert C. Bates, librarian of the Con 
necticut Historical Society, and to the authors of many 
of the valuable town histories. 

The narrative and references are the work of Mr. 
George W. Ellis, while the biographical and local notes 
have been supplied by Mr. John E. Morris. Acknowl 
edgment is herewith made to many local antiquarians 
for their co-operation and courtesy. 



Survey of New England in the year 1675. The course of settlement 
social and economic aspects of the English settlements. Topography 
of the scene of war. The Indian tribes, their customs and divisions. 

CHAPTER II ............. 19 

Intercourse and relations between English and Indians. Irrecon 
cilable points of view. Unsympathetic attitude of the English. Their 
harsh and high-handed interference. The result of Christian proselytiz 
ing. The question of lands of minor importance. Growing estrange 
ment between the races. The Tripartite Treaty. 


Miantonoinah and Uncas. The alliance betwegn Connecticut and 
UflCaflt Attitude of Massachusetts Toward MiantonomaE MTn^nTv. 

man becomes involved in the quarrel between Mas&adauset 
Gortonlsts through the sale of the Shawamut lands. Mi; 
makes war on Uncas and is captured. The commissioners of New 

KnOTanf^hand^ojyjjLf i^l ?ir l^ f>r nn H3ih Jte VJB!QML.lft JbKmBlttff Hpatfi . A 
riMinrvjiidipiql tniirdp. Tta far-rwir^fng isganfta. Conficfcrifp in Eng 
lish justice shattered among the tribes. 

CHAPTER III ............ 36 

A1eyandpr T _g<">n pf IVTa^saiSoit- His death. Philro 


of the Wampamngs. Aggressive attitude of Plymouth. Many coin- 
plaints. A conference at Taunton. Continued suspicions. The 
interference of Massachusetts. The charges against Philip and his de 
fense. A dangerous situation. The arbitrary aggressiveness of Plym 
outh continues. The sullen distrust of the Wampanoags. Philip no 
longer subservient. 

CHAPTER IV ............. 47 

Jndia.n tmiyftrt and- infnrrnsr. His character. He is 
found .dead, Philip s subjects accused of murder. Their declaration 
as to the evidence. Their trial and execution. Indignation of the 



viii Contents 

Wampanoags. Rhode Island s proposal of arbitration. The Indian 
reply. Captain Church visits Awashonks. Alarming news. The 
comparative numbers and advantages of the two races. The o|- 
break at Swansea. The call to arms. The concentration of the 
outn and Massachusetts forces at Swansea. The first 
English march toward Mt. Hope. Philip outmaaeuvers 
over to the eastern shore. 

CHAPTER V ............. 69 

Failure of the campaign. The English become suspicious of the 

Narragansetts. Tpva-sipp <tf jflffi ffiflJTagflflflCtt _f* umfa8 f- ^ -** no tj fti 

horted by force. Ehilip devastates Plymouth colony. The adventures 
of Captain Church. Concentration of the English forces against Philip- 
He slips away to the north. The fight at Nipsacliick. Energetic 
fcken bv 

CHAPTER VI ............. 84 

The conditions in foe Connecticut valley- The embassy of Ephraim 
Curtis. His adventures.^. of Hutchinson and Wheeler 
against the Quabaugs. The fatal ambuscade of \Yinnimisset. The 
sjege^ of Brookfield Brookfield relieved by Major WjllaroT Philip 
joins Ihe Quabaugs. Brookfield abandoned. The English concentra 
tion at Hadley. Harsh treatment of the Christian Indians by Mosley. 
The English at Hadley. Attempt to disarm, the Non&tu_cksL Escape 
of the Nonatueks. Pursuit by Lathrop and Beers. The English 
ambushed at Wequomps". Revolt of the Pocumtucks at Deerfield. 
Panic in the vallev. 


The alarm at Hadley. Legendary appearance of General Goffe, 
the regicide. JSLprthfieJd surprised b^ the. Nashaways. Captain Beers 
sets out from Hadley to the rescue. His inexcusable lack of precau 
tions. HL. marches into an ambuscade. The last stand. His force 
wiped~<jut Tne survivors reach Hadley. Major Treat with Jthe. Con 
necticut forces to the rescue. He reaches Northfield,. His abandon 
ment of Northfield and demoralized retreat. Perilous condition of the 
English settlements in tHe Connecticut valley. Conflict of opinions. 
Captain LaJhrop at Deerfield- He sets out with convoy of corn for 
Hadley. His carelessness. The Battle of Bloody Brook. The anni 
hilation of Lathrop s force. fhTaririvaT of Mosley and Treat too late. 
The abandonment of Dpprfipld. Confusion and demoralization of the 
EnglisR commanders. Depredations of the Indians. Springfield 
threatened. A warning at the last moment. Springfield attacked 

Contents ix 

and burned. Majojr_Pynchon and Captain Appleton to the rescue. 
Discouragement and gloom. Major Eyjichon resigns as commander- 
in-chief ja tlje valley. Governor Andros of New York warns Con 
necticut that Hartford is to be attacked. 

CHAPTER VIII ............ 125 

^ppfcfrnn-Jn. fvimmnn^ His unavailing marches. No safety with 
out the stockades. The attack on Hatfield. The Indians driven off. 
Widespread devastation. The English in the valley face famine. Cap 
tain Henchman at Mendon. Disastrous failure of the valley campaign 
through lack of co-operation, hampering commands from the commis 
sioners and the absence of a definite plan of operation. The distressful 
position of the friendly Indians. Their wigwams plundered, their 
women and children murdered. Torture of Indian prisoners. Captive 
women and children sold into slavery by the English. The demand 
of Major Gookin and Rev. John Elliot for humane treatment. Their 
lives are threatened. The disbandment of the friendly Indian com 
panies. Its evil consequences. The Narragansetts. They wish to 
remain neutral. Testimony as to their attitude. The English recog 
nize no neutrality. Their demands. Canonchet s refusal. 


Serious searching of heart and conscience. The general court of 
Massachusetts enumerates the offenses that have incurred the Divine 
displeasure. Preparations for a campaign against the Narragansetts. 
A declaration of war. Invasion of the Narragansett country. Concen 
tration of the Massachusetts and Plymouth men at Wickford. They 
ravage the Narragansett country. The embassy of Stone-layer John. 
The Narragansetts surprise the garrison house of Jirah Bull, and ex 
terminate the garrison. Arrival of the Connecticut force. A bivouac 
in the snow. The Narragansett fort. The attack. A fierce conflict. 
Heavy losses of the English. Their final success. The fort and wig 
wams fired. An indiscriminate massacre. Serious situation of the 
English forces. The fort on fire. A blizzard without. The fort aban 
doned. A night march of eighteen miles in the storm. Terrible suffer 
ing. Many of the wounded die. Losses of the Narragansetts heavy, 
but greatly overestimated by contemporary writers. The destruction 
of their provisions a serious catastrophe. 


Negotiations for peace. Both sides play for time. Arrival of rein 
forcements. Capture of Tifft, a renegade Englishman. His testimony. 
His execution. 1R concentration of the English forces. The "Hungry 

x Contents 

March." Retreat of the Narragansetts into the Nipmuck country. 
Sufferings of the English. They reach Marlboro. The army is dis 
banded. The wanderings of Philip. His movements during the winter 
definitely known. Acrimonious correspondence between the Council of 
Connecticut and Governor Andros of New York. The interesting rela 
tion of Quanapohit, a Natick spy in the service of the Massachusetts 
Council. Disease and famine among the Indians. Their condition. 
Lack of supplies drives them to activity. Fruitless warnings. The 
surprise of Lancaster. The settlement wiped out. The Rowlandson 
garrison. A desperate conflict. The captivity of Mrs. Rowlandson. 
Her adventures. Attack on Medfield. The expedition of Major Savage 
toward Quabaug and the valley. He is outmaneuvered by the Indians. 
The abandonment of Groton. 


Northampton attacked. Major Savage in the valley. The last great 
Indian council, all of the tribes represented, takes place at Northfield. 
Probable plans. They intend to carry the war to the East and draw 
off the English forces to that quarter in order that they may raise their 
crops without molestation in the upper valley. It is all but successful. 
Savage s march to the valley leaves the eastern frontier of the Bay settle 
ments and the country toward Plymouth and Narragansett open to 
attack. Canonchet sets out to the Narragansett country for seed corn. 
The Clark garrison near Plymouth exterminated. Weymouth, Provi 
dence and Warwick given to the flames. Simsbury, near Hartford, 
burned. A gloomy day the 26th of March. Marlboro attacked. Cap 
tain Peirse of Scituate, with fifty English and a score of friendly Indians, 
drawn into ambush and annihilated near Seekonk by Canonchet. Savage 
recalled from the valley, as was hoped for by the Indians. Governor An 
dros of New York and the Connecticut council. Their correspondence 
discreditable to both. Negotiations of the Connecticut Council with the 
valley Indians. 


Major Savage leaves the valley. Captain Turner remains with a 
small force. Canonchet returning from the Narragansett country is 
surprised by Captain Denison near Lonsdale, R. I. His fight and 
capture. He is offered his life if he will persuade his people to make 
peace. His refusal and lofty bearing. Hubbard compares him with 
Attilius Regulus. His defiance. He is executed and his body bar 
barously mutilated. His character. Effect of his death upon the In 
dian cause. Philip leaves the Connecticut valley and joins the bands 
of the Narragansetts and Nashaways at Wachusett. Operations in 
Plymouth colony. Massachusetts makes preparations to guard the 
eastern frontier against an attack from Wachusett. The attack on Sud- 
bury. A relieving force from Concord is exterminated. Captain Wads- 

Contents xi 

worth and company, coming from Marlboro, is lured into an ambuscade 
and his force decimated. Reinforcements pour in from the bay towns. 
The Indians withdraw. The lesson of Indian warfare at last grasped. 
Indian scouts added to the Massachusetts forces. 


The Council of Massachusetts begins negotiations for peace and the 
release of English prisoners. Mrs. Rowlandson again. Unexplainable 
obstinacy and distrust of the Indians. No peace, "fhe captives ran 
somed against the protest of Philip, who would have held them for 
hostages. Their release due to Sagamore Sam. The fate of his family. 
Operations in Plymouth colony. Captain Henchman s expedition. 
Settlers in the Connecticut valley demand aggressive operations. The 
Connecticut Council, still negotiating for peace, objects. Condition of 
the Indians. Their encampments at Turners Falls. Raiding the 
settlers cattle. Catching fish and sowing the crops. The escape of 
John Gilbert and Thomas Reed. Valuable information. 

CHAPTER XIV ............ 229 

Gflpfain Turn** 1 " dpffrminpq tr> attack thp TprHnns pncaTTipPfJ TuTr. "7~* 

nets frails. Concentration of the English at Hatfield. A long night 
march. SH but discovered. The ruins of Deerfield. A thunderstorm. 
The Indian camp unguarded. The attack. No quarter. The wig 
wams fired. Turner s fatal delay. The Indiana rally and are rein 
forced. The- English ..become demoraliy^d. Death of Turner. The 

retreat to Hatfield. feuddgll-CQlIgpSfi of Indian rpsiatanng ...... Their lack_ 

of resources both in men and supplies. Weakened by privations, disease 
sweeps them away. Their lack of organization. No individual sacrifices 
for the general good. Their crops destroyed. They begin to leave the 
valley. Operations of Captain Brattle. Hatfield attacked. T^st rally 
nf tho TndlW? a " *Ni yftfley- T h*\Y nttflpk Northampton. Henchman A/ 
and Talcott reach Hadley and Northampton. They march by both 
sides of the river and destroy the Indian crops. 


Major Talcott returns to Connecticut. Henchman marches toward 
Boston. His operations. He hears that Philip has left Wachusett 
and has turned again toward the Wampanoag country. Philio s des 
perate plight. Informed by a renegade Wampanoag of his position, the 
Massachusetts Council sends information to Captain Brattle to hunt him 
down. Philip escapes. Major Talcott raids the Narragansett coun 
try. He falls in with Saunk Squaw Magnus and her people. No 
resistance is offered. An indiscriminate massacre. The death of Saunk 

xii Contents 

Squaw Magnus and Stone-layer John. Talcott hands over a captive 
Indian to his Indian allies. Terrible tortures. Captain Church .cedux. 
His quarrels with the Plymouth authorities. He goes on a mission to 
Awashonks, squaw sachem of the Saconets. She tenders her submis 
sion. The wanderings of Philip. He endeavors to surprise Bridge- 
water. The English close in upon him. Despair of the Indians. 
Massachusetts and Plymouth offer conditional pardon for submission 
within a fortnight. Piteous petition of Sagamore Sam, Muttaump, and 
others of the Nipmucks for peace and pardon. It is refused. The 
death of Pumham. Matoonas betrayed into the hands of the English 
by Sagamore John. His execution. The activities of Captain Church 
in hunting down the Wampanoags. Battles in the swamps. Capture 
of Philip s wife and child. 


The grief and despair of Philip over the loss of his wife and child. 
The controversy as to their disposal. Scriptural precedent sought. 
The plea of Rev. John Elliot and Reverend Mr. Keith of Bridgewater for 
mercy and humane treatment. They are finally sold into slavery. The 
death of the Squaw Sachem Weetamoo. The fate of Totoson. Cap 
tain Church renews the pursuit of Philip. An Indian traitor. The 
death of Philip. His character. The capture of Annawon and the 
surrender of Tuspaquin. Church promises them their lives. Their 


Major Talcott s expedition. The refusal of Governor Andros of 
New York to surrender the fugitives seeking refuge in New York. The 
fate of Monoco and old Jethro, Sagamore Sam, and Muttaump. The 
practical extermination of the Indian tribes. The cost of the war. 


The war in Maine. News of the uprising. Settlements along the 
coast. Tribes inhabiting the district. The first depredations. Attack 
on the house of Major Philips. Captain Wincoll s victory. Squando. 
Attack on Salmon Falls. Destruction of Plaisted s force. Indians 
withdraw to winter quarters. Estimate of losses. Sufferings of Indians. 
Armistice. Treaty of peace signed. Broken by Squando. The rea 
son. Attack upon Falmouth. Flight of the inhabitants. Madocka- 
wando offended. John Earthy. Temporary peace through his means. 
Peace terminated through an act of treachery. William Hammond 
killed. Francis Card captured. Attack and capture of Fort at Arrowsick. 
Captain Lake killed. Number of casualties. Indians discomfited at 

Contents xiii 

Jewell s Island. Foraging on Munjoy s Island. The old stone house. 
George Felt killed. Gathering at Major Walderne s. Expedition to 
the East. It proves futile. Attack on Black Point. Desertion of the 
garrison. Capture of Captain Jocelyn. Futile expedition to Ossipee. 
Treaty of peace signed at Boston. Outwitted by Mogg. Recovery of 
Thomas Cobbett from captivity. Another expedition to the eastward. 
Return of the expedition. Mischief at Wells and York. Expedition 
under Captain Swett. Battle at Black Point. Failure to enlist the 
Mohawks. Termination of hostilities. Commission of peace ap 
pointed. Articles of agreement. Losses estimated. Cost to the 


Narragansett Swamp Frontispiece 


Miles Garrison House 64 

Site of Philip s Village 66 

Smith s Landing 70 

The Pocasset Country 74 

Menameset Lower Village 86 

Old Hadley Street 96 

Hopewell Swamp 100 

Place of Beer s Defeat 108 

Deerfield North Meadows 112 

Bloody Brook 114 

Site of Pynchon s Mill and House 116 

Old Queen s Fort 146 

Site of Rowlandson Garrison 170 

Mount Wachusett 198 

Scene of the Sudbury Fight 210 

Site of the Block House, Scituate 222 

River Bank at Turner s Falls 232 

House of Reverend James Keith, Bridgewater 256 

Place of Philip s Death 274 

Plaisted s Battlefield 298 

Site of Clark and Lake s Garrison House 304 

The Old Jail at York 308 

Black Point Battlefield . 312 




IN the opening years of the seventeenth century, Ver- 
razzano and Champlain in their explorations along the 
New England coast, found the land inhabited by a nu 
merous and warlike population. Many a wigwam village 
with its waving fields of ripening maize and garden patches 
of beans and squash, lay stretched along the sheltered 
coves, and the frail barks of the Indian fishermen thronged 
the inlets of the shore. 

Scarcely a generation later Pilgrim and Puritan search 
ing for a habitable site found the coast almost a solitude. 
A pestilence more fatal to the Indian tribes than their 
internecine wars had swept over the land. Wigwams had 
disappeared. Brush and the encroaching forest were fast 
blotting out the once cultivated fields and the remnants 
of the tribes had either retired into the forests or remained 
too broken in power to offer resistance. 1 

In 1675 a traveler following the course of English set 
tlements found no English habitations upon the coast of 
Maine east of the Penobscot and the gloom of mighty for 
ests reigned undisturbed. The straggling cabins of Pema- 

i The Bradford History, page 123, Planters Plea; Forces Hist. Tracts, 
Vol. H. 

2 King Philip s War 

quid amidst the stumps of half-cleared pastures along 
the shore marked the northern limit of English civiliza 
tion in the New World. 

No road as yet traversed the wild hills and forests that 
intervened between the Connecticut and the Hudson. 
South and east, save where Long Island gave to the 
Connecticut shore a narrow strait of quiet water, spread 
the Atlantic, while north of the Merrimac lay a vast 
solitude of rugged mountains and slumbering forest 
reaching to the St. Lawrence. New England was iso 
lated; and was to remain isolated for many a year to 
come, a fact of tremendous importance in the molding of 
New England character. 

The political and social center of New England life 
was Boston, where, beyond the shore edged with docks 
and wharfs, winding streets and crooked alleys, followed 
the base of the hills with many a turn, or climbed the 
slope at the easiest angle. The narrow streets near the 
wharves were paved with cobblestones, and the shops of 
one or two stories, and dwellings, mostly of wood, with 
peaked or gambrelled roofs, presented a medley of shapes 
and colors. 1 

Homespun garments and cloaks of sober hue, set off 
with white collars, steeple-shaped hats, loose breeches 
tied at the knee, everywhere met the eye, the gold laced 
coats of the brighter colors worn by certain individuals, 
bespeaking a higher station or a taste for finery that the 
spirit of Puritanism and the statutes had not entirely 
eliminated. 2 

1 Memorial History of Boston, Vol. I, pages 535-539. 

2 Massachusetts Colony Records, Vol. V, page 59; Connecticut Colony 
Records, Vol. II, page 283. 

King Philip s War 3 

Sailors with skirts hanging to the knees, farm laborers 
in leather or deerskins, Indian converts in English dress 
from the nearby Christian villages, merchants and mag 
istrates, crowded the narrow streets, and if it was train 
ing day the cobblestones awoke to the tread of marching 
companies of foot equipped with muskets and bandoliers, 
or rang under the hoofs of troops of horse armed with car 
bines, pistols, swords, helmets and cuirasses over buff coats. 1 

No card playing or drinking of healths disturbed the 
decorum of the taverns, arbitrary regulations which made 
no distinctions between self-regarded sins and crimes 
against society, were enforced, and liar and idler 2 were 
terms sufficiently defined for legal regulation. 

A democratic theocracy was here building up on its 
own interpretations of scriptural precedents, a Biblical 
commonwealth, "a moral oasis in the midst of a world 
abandoned to sin, " the Canaan of a new Israel, where 
personal calamities were interpreted as the direct judg 
ment of God. 

With the theocracy there was no question of non-con 
formity. It was their purpose, thoroughly carried out, 
that New England should be made altogether impossible 
for those who wished the privilege of thinking or acting 
contraiy to the principles and regulations they themselves 
laid down as necessary for righteousness and social order. 
"Better tolerate hypocrites and tares than thorns and 
briars," affirmed Cotton. 

It was not religious considerations alone, however, that 

1 There were four companies of foot and one of horse. Ed. Randolph 
to Privy Council for the Colony, Prince Soc., Hutchinson Papers, Vol. II, 
page 220. 

2 Connecticut Colony Records, Vol. I, page 538. 

4 King Philip s War 

had caused the people of the old land to seek homes in 
New England. The profits of the seacoast fisheries and 
the lumber trade, the opportunity for securing large tracts 
of fertile land, and the inducement of copartnership in 
the great joint-stock trading corporations, seemingly en 
riched by royal charters and monopolies, encouraged 
many to venture their fortunes in the colonies of New 
England, while the ambitious saw in the new and unde 
veloped land that opportunity of bettering their condition 
denied them by the civil and ecclesiastical aristocracy 
of England. 

From Boston as a radius, like the spokes of a wheel, 
bringing the outlying settlements in touch with the center, 
ran out those rough roads, widened Indian trails cut 
through the forests and made passable along the swamps 
by foundations of logs and earth. Many led through 
forests and meadows only a few miles, but several pushed 
their way to the farther settlements and the Connecticut 
Path (Bay Trail) wended westward to the towns on the 

Within a radius of twenty miles of Boston were a score 
of small settlements 1 scattered along the coast or in the 
bottom lands of the Charles, the Concord and the Ne- 
ponsit, where the soil yielded an abundance of maize, 

1 The settlements in all cases did not occupy the site of the present 
town of the same name. The more recent and larger towns have often 
usurped the original title, prefixing to the old settlement the designation 
north, south, or west. A very considerable number of these settlements 
were townships covering a large tract of country within whose ancient 
boundaries are to be found many thriving towns and villages. This is 
particularly the case in the country around Narragansett Bay, and a 
proper understanding of these changes is of importance in following the 
operations of the war. 

King Philip s War 5 

vegetables and hemp, and the meadows once given over 
to the coarse native grass, grew thick with English hay. 

All these settlements were constantly casting off new 
shoots and reproducing themselves in the still unsettled 
lands to the north and west. The wide shaded common 
running the length of the village, the meeting-house and 
school at one side facing the center; the dingy but often 
commodious homesteads that look out from the retire 
ment of orchard or garden where tall well-sweeps show 
among the trees, are familiar to every traveler in New 
England. Clapboarded houses of two stories, with gam- 
brelled roofs, looked down in 1675 upon rough cabins, 
surviving relics of earlier days, or vied in picturesque ri 
valry with the long, quick-falling roofs that cut their 
neighbor s rear to a single story. 1 Comfort within kept 
company with appearance without. The windows were 
paned with glass, the double or single room of the ground 
floor had developed into a large living room, bedroom, 
kitchen and pantries. Great chimney-places, with the 
crane and swinging kettle, swallowed six-foot logs, and 
high-backed settles protected the back from draughts. 
The twinkling bayberry dips or candlewood aided the 
light of blazing logs, while in the chimney corners were 
the seats for the children, and in the bedrooms feather 
beds tempered the cold of the long winter nights. 

Industries were springing up on every hand and the 
foundation of New England as a manufacturing commu 
nity had already been laid. Iron, linen, leather, and 

1 Description of the houses of this period will be found in Weeden s 
Economic and Social History of New England, Vol. I, pages 213-216; 
Sheldon s Deerfield, etc. 

6 King Philip s War 

household utensils were being manufactured. 1 Each town 
had its saw and grist mill. Ropewalks, breweries, and, 
upon the coast, salt works, were springing into being, and 
every community, besides its common herdsmen had its 
artisans and carpenters, and a considerable commerce was 
rapidly developing with England, the West Indies, and 

West and north, beyond the bay towns, lay the frontier 
settlements, Lancaster, Marlboro, Groton and Billerica, 
beyond whose scattered farms a wilderness of mountain 
and forest, tenantless save for wandering bands of Indians, 
or some adventurous trader, extended for three hundred 
miles to the French settlements on the Chaudiere. 

Along the roads near the settlements every stage in 
the process of reclaiming the wilderness met the eye. By 
some running stream, in a gash cut in the upland wood, 
a cabin reared its rough features amid freshly hewed 
stumps; further along fire had completed the work of 
the axe, and in the fields crops were ripening for harvest. 

The settler s habitation in these clearings, and surviving 
to some extent even in the older communities, were cabins 
of square-hewn logs, 2 made tight with clay and mortised 
at the joints, with irregular exterior chimneys of clay and 
rock rising above a roof thatched with coarse grass. 3 

W T ithin, generally two, but sometimes a single room 
about eighteen feet square, occupied the first story, whose 
floor of beaten earth or split logs merged into the stones 

iWeeden s Economic and Social History of New England, Vol. I, 
pages 306-308. 

2 In Dedham, ninety-five of the original log houses were standing in 
1664. Worthington, page 11. 

s Weeden s Economic and Social History, Vol. I, page 283. 

King Philip s War 7 

of the great hearth, above whose ample breast hung the 
long musket, flitches of bacon, and sheaves of corn. 
Small windows filled with oiled paper and protected with 
heavy shutters, broke the expanse of wall, while at the 
end of the room a rough ladder led upward to the loft 
under the roof. 

Plymouth, encompassed by sand, "the ancient mother 
grown old and deserted by her children," had not been 
favored with prosperity, and, though the oldest of New 
England towns, presented an aspect more rough and 
homely than many of the younger settlements in the 
neighboring colonies. 

Westward, toward Narragansett Bay, lay a country of 
upland and shallow valleys interspersed with wastes of 
sandy plain, of pine barrens, wooded swamps, a sad and 
monotonous landscape, the far flung and scarcely popu 
lated frontier of Plymouth colony, where the traveler s 
horse would probably more than once come to a sudden 
halt, as the half-naked forms of a hunting band of In 
dians stole stealthily in single file across the road, leaving 
a vision of deerskins, of coarse black hair, and eyes full of 
somber fire that belied the habitual stoicism of their faces. 

Along the eastern coast of Narragansett Bay lay the 
territory of the Pocasset and Sagkonate Indians, l while to 
the west, where a broad point of land extending from the 
north lifts itself in wooded slopes across the water, stood 
Mt. Hope, at the north end of which lay the chief village 
of the Wampanoags. 

Across the narrow strait to the south was the island of 
Rhode Island, with its thriving seaport town of Newport, 
at that time under the political control of the Quakers, 

1 Sub-tribes of the Wampanoags. 

8 King Philip s War 

and the Antinomian settlement of Portsmouth, where the 
followers of Mrs. Hutchinson had found the opportunity 
for biblical interpretation and political dissent denied them 
in Massachusetts. 

At the base of the peninsula, in the meadows along the 
Warren River was Swansea, a widely scattered settlement 
of about forty houses on the frontier of Plymouth toward 
the Wampanoag country to which a bridge thrown across 
the river afforded access. 

At the head of Narragansett Bay, on "Salt River," 
was Roger Williams s town of Providence, containing some 
six hundred inhabitants, which with the nearby settle 
ment of old Rehoboth, Warwick, and a few scattered 
hamlets along the west shore of Narragansett Bay, con 
stituted the colony of Providence Plantations, forming, 
with Rhode Island, that "nest of pestilential heretics" 
most abominable in the eyes of the Massachusetts and 
Plymouth theocracies, Providence supremely so, because 
its position at the back door of Massachusetts made it at 
once a sanctuary and a sally port for "every false doc 
trine that stingeth like a viper. " 

Never were such a variety of theological cultures col 
lected in so small an area as were found to be in these 
settlements; * the Mecca of every inspired tanner, tailor 
and woman expounder of Holy Writ, where it was only 
necessary to announce that a new religion "had come to 
town" to make it as welcome "as in ancient days was a 
new philosophy in Athens. " 

Of all the New England colonies those of Providence 

1 Roger Williams himself had by this time embraced the broad liber 
alism of the Seekers; one who seeks but has not found any true church, 
ministry and sacrament. 

King Philip s War 9 

Plantations and Rhode Island were the weakest in pop 
ulation, the most divided in sentiment, and the least 
effectively organized for the carrying out of any public 
policy, yet it was at this point that New England came 
in touch with the most powerful and independent of the 
Indian tribes. Massachusetts and Plymouth faced the 
remnants of broken tribes decimated by pestilence and 
awed by fear of the dreaded Mohawks, while Connecticut, 
marching hand in hand with the Mohegans, was served 
by and unconsciously served the designs of Uncas. But 
Providence Plantations and Rhode Island, excluded from 
the New England confederation, faced in their political 
isolation the powerful Narragansetts and the allied tribes 
of the Wampanoags. Hostilities, occasioned more by the 
faults of their neighbors than themselves, had more than 
once threatened, but had been dispelled by the just and 
conciliatory policy of Roger Williams and his friendship 
with the sachems of the Narragansetts. 

Along the western coast, where stretches of salt marsh 
ran into meadows, and numerous inlets driving into the 
shore provided a lair for many a smuggler and pirate, 1 
lay the country of the Narragansetts. 

Above the navigable waters of the Connecticut River, a 
score of miles beyond the nearest of the three towns that 
constituted the heart of the colony of Connecticut, lay 
Springfield, with over five hundred inhabitants, its situa 
tion at the junction of the Valley Trail and the Bay Path 
giving it an importance in the valley second only to 

Seventeen miles to the north was the settlement of 

1 Weeden s Economic and Social History of New England, Vol. I, 
pages 340-845. 

10 King Philip s War 

Northampton, while across the river in the wide expanse 
of meadow lay Hadley, looking out across the stream on 
the north at the hamlet of Hatfield. 

The meadows, the sloping uplands, and the glades of 
the wood where the fires of many years had cleared away 
the undergrowth, offered good pasturage, and a rich soil 
for cultivation, while the broken trail fit only for riders 
or ox teams, the log cabins clinging closely together for 
protection, and the frequent Indian wigwams were un 
mistakable tokens of frontier life. Throughout these val 
ley settlements the traveler met frequently with Indians; 
now the slovenly squaw selling her corn baskets in the 
villages, or harvesting the crops in the Indian fields; or 
the warriors themselves, relieving the long periods of in 
dolent loafing with hunting and fishing, or a spasmodic 
tilling of the white man s field with an eye to the enjoy 
ment of that firewater, which, despite the stringent regula 
tions as to its sale, was already working the ruin of the race. 

Northwest of Hadley, near the junction of the Green 
and Deerfield Rivers, was Deerfield, a rude community 
of some thirty houses, while a few miles farther up the 
valley, on the uplands, stood the frontier hamlet of North- 
field, amid meadows and fields cleared by former genera 
tions of the Squakheags. 

Here ended the Valley Trail, and the little hamlet, like 
a lonely sentinel, faced the encompassing wilderness 
three hundred miles of tangled forest and rugged moun 
tains, traversed only by adventurous traders or wandering 
bands of Indian hunters, until the French settlements, on 
the St. Francis, were reached. 

Fifty thousand settlers, 1 almost exclusively English, of 

1 Poole, in his preface to the life of Johnson, quotes an address drawn 

King Philip s War 11 

the yeomanry and middle classes, and, with the exception 
of a few merchants and traders from Devon and Dorset, 
representative of the Teutonic stock which predominates 
in the eastern shires of that country, were distributed 
among these towns and hamlets, their leaders were almost 
all men of education, many of them graduates of the 
English universities, particularly of Cambridge. 

The suppression of luxury and the penalty against idle 
ness, the supervision of social and business life, and the 
geographical isolation which virtually compelled New 
England to a life of its own, had already intensified in 
dividuality and concentrated the energies of its people upon 
the cultivation of the land and the development of trade. 

In his journey through New England the traveler would 
have noticed, scattered along the inlets of the coast and 
on the banks of the ponds and rivers, many an Indian 
village surrounded by clearings and cultivated fields. 

Arranged around a center left open for the performance 
of the village games and ceremonies, were the wigwams, 
constructed of saplings, which, set firmly in the ground 
and bent together, were fastened at the top and covered 
with bark or mats. Some were cone-shaped, holding only 
a single family, while others, resembling a covered arbor, 
varied in length from twenty to one hundred feet. 1 

The wigwams were pitched closely together, and the 
village seldom occupied more than from three to four 
acres. Within the wigwams, and arranged around the 

1660 but not sent, congratulating Charles II on his accession, in the 
name of 80,000 of his New England subjects; an exaggeration undoubt 
edly to swell its importance. Ed. Randolph gives 150,000, an enormous 
exaggeration. See Hutchinson Papers, Vol. II, Prince Society. 
1 Gookin, I Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, page 150. 

12 King Philip s War 

walls, were the woven baskets that held the corn, stone or 
earthern household utensils, the bark pails and the low 
raised bunks covered with boughs and skins. 1 In the 
center blazed the fires, which, either for the purpose of 
cooking or for warmth, were kept constantly alight, and 
the smoke from which found its way skyward through a 
hole in the roof. The life of the inmates, what with the 
dirt, the fleas, unruly children, yelping dogs and the blind 
ing smoke, which with every gust of wind filled the in 
terior, was one of extreme discomfort. 

These villages were seldom permanently located in one 
place, the scarcity of fish or game in the vicinity, or 
lack of shelter, of firewood against the winter, leading to 
a prompt removal of the population to a more favored 

On the top of some prominent hill commanding an ex 
tensive prospect of the surrounding country, or some 
swamp-surrounded hillock in the midst of the woods, of 
fering shelter in the severe winter and a refuge in time of 
war, were the stockaded villages, the headquarters of the 

The men were tall, straight, and admirably propor 
tioned, but the women, short, clumsy, and seldom hand 
some even in youth, were quickly deprived of every trace 
of feminine grace by a life of hard labor and mental and 
moral degradation. The force of natural selection left few 
weaklings, but the strength of the Indian was that of the 
hunter rather than the sinewy power of the husbandman. 

Smallpox swept their crowded and dirty villages at in 
tervals, with fearful result, the smoke caused blindness to 
many, and rheumatism and diseases of the lungs were 

i Gookin, I Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, page 150. 

King Philip s War 13 

common. Their medicines were concoctions made from 
roots and herbs, and vapor baths. But even more effect 
ive in their eyes were the gorging feasts and the incanta 
tions of the medicine men. All manual drudgery, ex 
cept the cultivation of tobacco, was left to the women, 
who tilled the fields, cooked the food, cured and fashioned 
the deerskins and wove the mats, while the warriors, save 
when engaged in hunting, fishing, or warfare, passed their 
time at indolent ease, 1 gorging themselves with food, if 
foov was plenty, or gambling with rushes, rude painted 
pebbles, or in field sports. 

Intellectually they were well developed, but being gov 
erned by their emotions were as changeful in purpose as 
children. Poets and artists by nature, their artistic side 
was well worthy of development. Their sense of humor, it 
may be safely said, was more developed than their white 
neighbor s. 

In warfare they bore themselves as did the Greek heroes 
of the Homeric Age, boasted of their own exploits and 
taunted the foe with sarcastic reflections on his skill and 
courage. Generosity or chivalrousness toward a discom 
fited enemy were qualities unknown, and, like Achilles, 
their triumph was never complete unless they dragged 
their fallen enemies in the dust, or forced upon them the 
bitterest dregs of humiliation. 

"Their virtues, like their vices, were the product of 
the state of society in which they lived." Proud, dig 
nified and courteous, they were grateful for favors, nor 
was kindness ever forgotten. Hospitable to friends and 
strangers, they were generous to improvidence, and if, 
despite coolness of temperament, their morals were free 

* Gookin, I Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, page 149. 

14 King Philip s War 

and easy and their treatment of their women unchiv- 
alrous, they were devoted fathers. Parental authority, 
however, was little more than a name, and the boys particu 
larly, were trained to independence rather than restraint. 1 

Dressed in moccasins and small breeches of tanned 
deerskin, fringed and embroidered with wampum, the 
body left bare above the waist was greased, and, on the 
warpath, adorned with grotesque and startling designs in 
black, yellow and vermilion, the totemic emblem of their 
clan, the bear, wolf, or tortoise being featured o, ie 
breast. The sachems were distinguished by heavy belts 
and caps of wampum, and the Indian dandies adorned 
themselves with long mantles of multi-colored feathers. 
In fall and winter, mantles of fox and beaver, deer and. 
bearskin, with the hair turned in, were worn. 

The hair was arranged in a variety of fashions accord 
ing to the taste of the individual. Some shaved one side of 
the head and let the hair grow long on the other. Some 
left only a ridge in the middle extending from the fore 
head to the neck, which, kept short and stiffened with 
paint and grease, resembled the crest of a Roman helmet, 
while still others shaved all but a small tuft, the scalp- 
lock, on the back of the skull. 

Their diet consisted chiefly of fish, wild fowl and game, 
corn, beans and squash, ground nuts and berries, pre 
pared in a variety of ways without regard to the niceties 
of life, the bones and entrails of fish and the smaller ani 
mals being seldom removed before cooking. 2 

i Gookin, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, page 149; Roger Williams 
Key, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. Ill, page 211. 

2De Forest Hist, of the Indians of Conn, page 11. The Narra- 
gansetts were an exception in this respect. A party invited by the 

King Philip s War 15 

Two of their dishes were early adopted by the whites. 
Corn mush or samp, consisting of corn meal and currants 
boiled with water to a paste and served plain or fried in 
fat. The other was succotash, made of boiled corn, beans 
and fat, to which fish was sometimes added. The great 
dish, however, in times of abundance, was a stew of all 
manner of flesh, fish and vegetables boiled in a common 
pot and thickened with powdered nuts. The clambake 
was a favorite way of cooking shell fish, and was early 
? 0v ^ted by the whites. 

While on the warpath or engaged in hunting, parched 
corn and maple sugar were carried, and on this coarse 
food, moistened by water from a spring, they covered 
long distances. Against the winter they provided stores 
of parched corn, maize and dried fish, stored in pits (the 
so-called Indian barns) dug in the slope of a hill and 
covered with mats and earth. 

The Indian mind rarely grasped the essential elements 
of the Christian faith. Their own gods were not moral 
preceptors but mere dispensers of good or evil fortune, 
the last much more to be appeased and regarded than 
the spirit naturally benign. 1 

Every inanimate as well as animate thing had its spirit. 
There was the spirit of the deep woods and the flowing 
river; the spirit of the waterfall, of fire, of cold, of the 
sea and the tempest. 

Said an Indian to Roger Williams, "Fire comes out of 
the cold stone, it saves us from dying of hunger; if a 

Nipmucks to attend a feast of lampreys were murdered by their hosts 
for expressing disgust at the manner of cooking. De Forest s Indians 
of Conn., page 267. 
1 Gookin, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, page 154. 

16 King Philip s War 

single spark falls in the dry wood it consumes the whole 
country. Can anything which is so powerful be any 
thing but a deity ? " l 

They believed in the immortality of the soul which 
found beyond the grave a land lying in the southwest 2 
flowing with milk and honey, bright with sunshine, and 
where neither disease, old age, nor want were known. 

Their Government was monarchial from father to son; 
but the mother must be noble, for if the mother is noble 
the son is at least half noble. If the mother is ignoble, 
the son may not have a drop of noble blood in him. 

At the head was the sachem. Attending him, a coun 
cil of sagamores, distinguished for warlike deeds or wis 
dom. The authority of the sachems was both loose and 
strong, as was natural in a state of society where custom 
and tradition take the place of law. 

The Indian tribes were divided into a number of great 
clans or families, each distinguished by a symbolic totem, 
like the bear, the wolf, the tortoise. Each clan had its 
separate ward in the village, and its warriors marched 
together on the warpath. All members of the totemic 
clan were as brothers and sisters, to injure one was to 
injure all, but intermarriage was forbidden. 

White law demands that brother shall give evidence 
against brother in behalf of the State, but the totemic 
law exalted the individual. Understanding this we shall 
immediately recognize the fundamental divergence of the 

1 Roger Williams Key, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pages 226-229. 

2 Roger Williams Key, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. HI, page 218. 
Heaven was in the southwest because the wind from that quarter was 
the warmest and pleasantest that blows, and brings fair weather. 

King Philip s War 17 

savage and civilized points of view. The importance, 
therefore, of the individual under the totemic system, 
created among the Indians a closely knit democracy in 
which all were essentially equal. Insults were never 
borne except by those too physically weak to revenge 
them, and the offensive air of superiority assumed by 
the English settlers stung the Indians to the quick. 

Southern New England in the seventeenth century was 
occupied by five great agricultural tribes of the generic 
race of the Algonquins, in numbers and lands the greatest 
of the Indian races of North America, but far inferior in 
political and military organization to the Five Nations, 
or Iroquois confederacy, whose hand lay heavy on all the 
tribes from Hudson Bay to Tennessee. 

Of the New England Indians the Massachusetts were 
broken, enfeebled and largely converted to Christianity, 
and occupied the country around the Bay towns, many 
of them living in the stockaded villages 1 established by 
the Rev. John Eliot. 

Along the east coast of Narragansett Bay were the 
Wampanoags, considerably reduced by pestilence from 
their former strength when their confederacy comprised 
the whole Plymouth peninsula, but still numbering about 
five hundred warriors, while along the west shore of the 
Bay, and extending to the Pawcatuck River, lay the ter 
ritory of the formidable Narragansetts who w r ere able to 
bring about a thousand warriors into the field. 2 

Between the Connecticut River and the Thames were 
the scattered tribes of the old Pequot confederacy, on 
whose ruins, Uncas, the son-in-law of the Pequot 

1 Gookin, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, page 180. 

2 Gookin, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coli., Vol. I, pages 147-148. 


18 King Philip s War 

sachem, Sassacus, had built up the supremacy of the 
Mohegans. 1 

From Northfield, and extending south and east into 
Connecticut and Providence Plantations (Rhode Island), 
were the Nipmucks, or Nipnets (fresh water Indians), 
whose numerous villages supplied about a thousand war 
riors, Nashaways, Squakheags, Pocumtucks, Nonotucks, 
Agawams and Quabaugs. 

Each village was politically independent, and the bonds 
of the old confederacy which had once loosely united them, 
had completely broken; indeed, even among the Narra- 
gansetts, the political adhesion of the different tribal units 
were falling apart and each local Sagamore had begun 
to act his own pleasure without reference to his sachem. 

Along Cape Cod were the Nausets who formerly owed 
fealty to the Wampanoags, but whose conversion to Chris 
tianity had made them dependent upon the English. 
I They probably numbered less than four hundred men, 
women, .and children. The Pennacooks, tributary to the 
Nipmucks, held the country along the banks of the Mer- 
rimac in northeastern Massachusetts arid New Hampshire, 
while to the east, between the Piscataqua and the Ken- 
nebec and stretching northward into Canada were the 
wandering hunting tribes of the Abenakis or Tarratines. 
The boundaries of the lands of all these tribes were not 
set, but overlapped, and the semi if not complete inde 
pendence of the petty sachem of each village and the 
lack of political cohesion into which the tribes had 
fallen, present a confusion of village communities and 
tribes which it is impossible to disentangle and reduce 
to accuracy. 

1 De Forest s Indians of Connecticut, page 62. 


THE intercourse between the Indians and the English 
had been advantageous to both. The Indians had 
taught the early settlers to enrich their fields with fish and 
to raise corn, and had during almost the whole of the first 
generation been the actual producers of food-stuffs. By 
the time the industry and improved agricultural methods 
of the settlers had freed them from this form of depend 
ence, the increased demand for furs still held the Indian 
temporarily on an economic level with his white neighbor, 
for furs, fish and lumber were the means by which the 
colonists made return to the joint-stock corporations and 
paid for their imports. 

The economic relation between the races can be clearly 
traced by the rise and fall of the value of wampum. 
Thirty years after the landing of the Pilgrims it had be 
come the accepted currency of New England. 1 It figures 
in old wills in place of coin. It was made by law legal 
currency 2 and colonial records are full of acts regulating 
its value. 

About 16C2 the fur trade had largely declined and fish 
had become the great article of export. Silver received 
from the Indies and Europe in exchange for fish and 

1 Weeden, Vol. I, pages 39-44. Wampum made from the whelk shell 
pierced and polished (black double the value of white), was not only a 
medium of exchange, but served as a recalling to memory of events, 
and as an ornament. 

2 Connecticut Colony Records (1649), Vol. I, pages 179, 546. 

20 King Philip s War 

lumber had come into the colonies, and between 1662 and 
1670 wampum gradually ceased to be the medium of ex 
change. When the Indian had ceased to be either a pro 
ducer of food or a supplier of furs, the old economic rela 
tions perished. No longer necessary to the English he 
was soon regarded by them as an encumbrance. 

The Indian had both profited and been injured by his 
contact with the English. Civilization increased his com 
forts but degraded him. The white man s blanket or the 
gun which made hunting easy, and in the handling of 
which he early became an expert, had become necessi 
ties. He had learned better methods of agriculture 
and the use of the domestic cattle, while the vicinity of 
the settlements to the Indian villages mitigated the peri 
odical famines which had fallen so often upon the tribes 
during the hard New England winters. 

The Indian, always an opportunist, was quick to absorb 
and exaggerate in himself all the vices of the white man, 
unchecked by religious scruples or civil authority. Gookin 
draws the sad picture of the general effect of their contact 
with civilization: "And though all strong drink is pro 
hibited to be sold . . . yet some ill-disposed people, 
for filthy lucre s sake, do sell unto the Indians secretly, 
whereby they are made drunk very often, and being 
drunk they are many times outrageous and mad. This 
beastly sin of drunkenness could not be charged upon the 
Indians before . . . the Christian nations came to 
dwell in America, which nations, especially the English 
in New England, have cause to be greatly humbled before 
God. " 1 

i Gookin, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, page 151. 

King Philip s War 21 

The conduct of the New England settlers and the au 
thorities was marked by an evident intention of just deal 
ing. The sale of lands was regulated by law, but unfor 
tunately the Indian s idea of what he sold and the white 
man s idea of what was bought were entirely at variance. 
The result was the usual one, the stronger interpreted 
from its own point of view, and, in the main, to its own 
satisfaction. The Indian believed that the white man 
would make such use of the land as he himself made of 
it; he made free and lavish gifts of it on this account, 
and the English authorities in many respects were more 
careful of Indian rights of possession than the Indian 
himself. Sometimes its transfer was under terms that 
"whenever the Indian shall remove from a certain place, 
then and thenceforth the aforesaid settlers shall enter upon 
the same as their proper right and interest, to them, their 
heirs and assigns. " 1 An elastic deed. Some deeds gave 
the right to cut grass and graze stock on land not planted 
by the Indians, while in other cases the Indians retained 
for themselves the privilege of hunting, fishing, and gather 
ing nuts. While "the Indian little appreciated the value 
of land until he felt the pressing want of it, " there is no 
doubt but that the English settler was greedy, for "land 
is one of the Gods of New England, of which the living 
and most high Eternal " will punish the transgressor, 
wrote Roger Williams. 2 

It is not always the thing itself as the way a thing is 
done that leaves the most abiding sense of injustice and 
resentment behind it, and the provocative attitude, the 

1 Baylie s Mem. of Plymouth Col, Vol. II, page 234. 

2 Letter of Roger Williams to Major Mason. Rhode Island Hist. Soc. 
Coll., Vol. Ill, page 162. 

22 King Philip s War 

rough hand and the constant petty interferences in their 
most trivial affairs, did more to ultimately drive the In 
dians into hostility than the loss of landed possessions; 
yet the relations as a whole for many years after the de 
struction of the Pequots, were friendly. The Indian 
greeting, "What cheer, friend?" was familiar in every 
village. The Indian boys and the settler s children played 
in the village streets, and the squaws, during certain sea 
sons, stored their valuables in the settler s house. "We 
have found the Indians very faithful to their covenants 
of peace," wrote Edward Winslow. 

Little by little, however, the two races were beginning 
to approach the narrow causeway where one would have 
to give way before the other. The point of view of the 
two races was too far apart for them ever to agree, and, 
grounded in suspicion, irreconcilable causes, both social 
and economic, were hurling them into collision. The 
differences over land have, as a rule, been given too much 
importance, though the land question was a contributory 
cause to a growing estrangement, for when the Indian 
saw that things which, in his own possession, were of little 
value, as soon as they were transferred to the Englishmen 
became valuable, it led him naturally to the embittered 
conclusion, " It is the Indian s property in the white man s 
hands that gives the white man importance, makes him 
arrogant and covetous, and he despises the Indian as soon 
as his ends are met and the Indian has no more to part 
with. " 

The Puritan was not of a character, either individually 
or collectively, with whom men of any other race could 
be expected to maintain harmonious relations. Amiabil 
ity was not one of his characteristics, and he was totally 

King Philip s War 23 

lacking in that great gift of humor so essential to friendly 
association and broad understanding, and, lacking it, he 
remained devoid of that sympathetic temper necessary to 
live at peace with and to understand the nature of the 
savage, so closely akin to that of a child. 

The French cherished the Indian and made the fierce 
hunting tribes of New France an instrument in the build 
ing up of French power; the English, failing to make an 
agricultural laborer out of the more pliable New England 
Indian, treated him with indifference or contempt and 
turned him into a sullen enemy. 

The narrow determination to regulate the actions of 
others by their own ideas of what was well ordered led 
the authorities to interfere even in the most trivial affairs 
of the tribes and individuals, regardless of Indian tradi 
tions and customs, held him to a strict observance of 
their laws, and constantly punished him for offenses he 
did not understand. 1 Cotton Mather admirably sums up 
the general attitude of the English towards the Indians 
by the unconscious confession, "The heathen people, 
whose land the Lord God has given to us for a rightful 
possession, have at sundry times been plotting mischiev 
ous devises against that part of the English Israel. " 

Among the causes which inflamed the Indian mind one 
of the most potent was the well-meant attempt of the 
just-minded Eliot, and others, 2 to convert them to Chris- 

1 We read in the Connecticut Records of one fined forty shillings for 
breach of the peace in traveling from Springfield to Hartford on Sunday; 
another for stealing apples and firing a gun on Sunday. 

2 Rev. John Eliot, of Roxbury in 1604, was born at Nazing, England. 
He matriculated as a pensioner of Jesus College, Cambridge, where he 
took his degree of A. B. He came in the Lion to Boston, 1631, and 

24 King Philip s War 

tianity. It was customary among the Indians to aug 
ment their numbers by the adoption of individuals and 
even of smaller tribes. Whoever had lost a brother, son 
or husband, possessed the right, sanctioned by immemo 
rial usage, of extending mercy to a prisoner of war by 
adopting him. The Christianizing of these Indians there 
fore, when associated with their separate settlements, as 
sumed a sinister significance, and appeared to the Indian 
as a form of adoption devised to weaken and break up 
their tribal relations, while it strengthened the whites. 
Nor did the English, actuated by a sincere desire to bene 
fit and uplift their neighbors, fail to see a material ad 
vantage in that very possibility which so excited the 
apprehension of the Indians. 

The broken tribes around the Bay and on the Cape 
received Christianity as a passport to the white man s 
favor, but the others would have none of it. Philip told 
^KfjgeT~Williainj3 he cared no more for Christianity than 
the button on his coat, while Ninigret told those who 
came to him that " as long as the English could not agree 
as to what was religion, among themselves, it ill became 
them to teach others. " Even Uncas, subservient in 
all else, desired no missionaries among his people. 

They listened courteously. "It is good for the white 
man, but we are another people with different customs, " 
they said. 

In Massachusetts, fourteen villages, many of them 
stockaded, told the success of Eliot s efforts among the 
broken tribes of the Massachusetts and the Nipmucks, 

was settled as a teacher, and afterwards pastor, in the Roxbury church. 
He labored for forty years to spread among the aborigines the sentiments, 
in some degree, of his religion. He died May 20, 1690. Savage. 

King Philip s War 25 

while other villages of converts, built up by Mayhew l and 
Bourne, 2 were to be found within the jurisdiction of Plym 
outh colony and at Martha s Vineyard and Nantucket. 

Many of these Christian Indians did credit to their pro 
fessions, but there were some among the independent tribes 
who curried favor by playing the role of the informer upon 
the actions of their own people, or took advantage of their 
position as Christian proteges to escape the consequences 
of their own evil behavior, 3 and in the frequent bickerings 
between the Indians on the one hand and the traders on 
the other, punishment was often meted out with little 
regard to the source from whence the provocation came. 

Traders of the stamp of Stone 4 and Oldham 5 probably 

1 Thomas Mayhew, Watertown, born 1591, came to this country in 
1631. He was a merchant, active in trade, first at Medford and after 
wards at Watertown, but in 1647 removed to Martha s Vineyard where 
he became a preacher to the Indians and labored in this field more than 
thirty-three years. He died in 1681 and his work was continued by 
several generations of his descendants. Savage. 

2 Richard Bourne of Lynn, 1637, removed to Sandwich and was the 
first instructor of the Indians at Marshpee, beginning in 1658. He died 
in 1682. Savage. 

3 British State Papers, 1665, No. 63: Report of King s Commissioners 
to the Colonies. 

4 John Stone, captain of a trading vessel from Virginia, was a man 
of violent temper and intemperate habits. September 3, 1633, he was 
forbidden by the General Court of Massachusetts to come again within 
the jurisdiction under penalty of death, "for his outrage committed in 
confronting authority, abusing Mr. Ludlowe both in words and behav 
ior," etc. Shortly after, he entered the Connecticut River with his 
vessel, and, being in need of a pilot seized two Pequot Indians, whom 
he bound and in this condition compelled them to take his vessel to the 
point he desired to reach. Having been watched through this proceed 
ing by other Indians, that night, when all were asleep, they entered the 
ship and murdered Stone and his comrades. 

5 John Oldham came to Plymouth in the Ann in 1623. He shortly 

26 King Philip s War 

drew their fate upon themselves by their dishonest and 
treacherous conduct, and the Pilgrims had punished with 
death the Indians who had resented the pilfering and 
the aggressive insolence of Walton s profligate colony at 
Weymouth. The Puritan temper had not mellowed in 
fifty years; tares had been mixed with the wheat among 
the later arrivals and the civil and religious conflict in 
England and the ecclesiastical quarrels in the colonies 
had made them more intolerant among themselves. That 
a serious outbreak had been postponed for so many years 
was due to the influence of Massasoit, Canonicus l and 
Roger Williams, the memory of the dire fate of the Pe- 
quots, the economic benefits of the trade carried on be 
tween them and that traditional enmity among the tribes 
which made concerted action impossible. 

Of the sachems of New England, Uncas, 2 the Mohegan, 

after gave offense through the expression of his religious opinions and 
was driven to Nantasket and thence went with Roger Conant to Cape 
Ann. He returned to Plymouth in 1628 and became reconciled with 
the government and was made freeman May 18, 1631. He removed 
to Watertown and engaged actively in trade with the Indians, chiefly 
by means of his shallop, upon which he was killed by the natives near 
Manisses (Block Island) in July, 1636. 

1 Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts, was contempo 
rary with Miantonomah who was his nephew. He sold the island of 
Rhode Island to Roger Williams and others, and was the firm friend of 
Williams. At the time of the Pequot war, great pains were taken to 
strengthen the friendship between this sachem and the English. " June 4, 
1647. Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts died, a very 
old man. " Drake s Book of the Indians. 

2 Uncas was born in the Pequot settlement in Connecticut about 1588. 
He was Pequot by birth but by reason of rebellion against his chief, 
Sassacus, he was banished from the tribe, and, gathering about him a 
band of malcontents, became their head, calling his followers Mohegan s, 
after an ancient name of the Pequot tribe. His lands lay to the north 

King Philip s War 27 

and Canonicus, who divided the power and sachemship 
of the Narragansetts with Miantonomah, were the only 
ones to recognize the full meaning of the English settle 
ments in relation to the fate of their own people. Uncas 
made use of them to build up his power; Canonicus 
sought to play off the Dutch against the English and to 
keep the peace, whereas Massasoit, a thoroughgoing op 
portunist, welcomed them for the peace they enforced 
upon his neighbors, the Narragansetts. 

In the Mohegans and their chief, Uncas, the Con 
necticut colony had a constant ally who knew how to 
make his personal quarrels appear in the eyes of the 
authorities as drawn upon himself solely as their friend. 
With rare foresight he had recognized the possibil 
ities of a policy based on an alliance with the whites. 
Fearless and subtle, uniting in a rare degree the char 
acter of statesman and warrior, he had built up the 
power of the Mohegans on the ruins of the Pequot 
confederacy, and while constantly provoking the other 
tribes by his aggressions, he was never at a loss to prove 
himself the injured party to the satisfaction of his 
Connecticut allies. However valuable in its results to 
the Connecticut settlers, this alliance was to be one of 
the most toward circumstances in destroying the confi 
dence of the tribes in the good faith and justice of the 

So important is this fact that some explanation of 
the cause is necessary. A quarrel between the Mohegans 

and east of Lyme. In the expedition against the Pequots commanded 
by Captain John Mason, Uncas with his followers accompanied him as 

28 King Philip s War 

and Narragansetts, arising originally over a division of 
the Pequot captives on the destruction of that tribe, 
soon assumed the character of a personal vendetta be 
tween Uncas and Miantonomah, 1 and the ears of the 
authorities were clamorously assailed by their conflicting 
claims and accusations. 

So numerous were the complaints and so constantly 
did hostilities threaten, that the commissioners of the 
colonies compelled both sachems to present themselves 
at Hartford, September 21, 1638, and to enter upon what 
was known as the tripartite treaty. 2 

"I perceive you have received many accusations and 
hard conceits of this poor native Miantonomah, " 3 wrote 
Roger Williams to Governor Winthrop. 

In 1640, Miantonomah was accused of conspiring with 
the Mohawks, and, obeying the orders of Governor Thomas 
Dudley, presented himself at Boston, where, in punish 
ment for objecting to a Pequot as an interpreter, he was 
treated as an ill-behaved child. "We would show him 
no countenance nor admit him to dine at our table as 
formerly he had done, until he had acknowledged his 

1 Miantonomah, sachem of the Narragansetts, was the nephew of 
Canonicus and associated with him in the government of the tribe, suc 
ceeding to full authority in 1636, and from him and his uncle, Roger 
Williams received the deed to land for his colony at the head of Narra- 
gansett Bay. 

2 Its principal clause was as follows: 

" If there fall out injuries and wrongs, each to the other or their men, 
they shall not presently revenge it, but they are to appeal to the English 
and they are to decide the same, and if one or the other shall refuse to 
do it, it shall be lawful for the English to compel him and take part if 
they see cause against the obstinate or refusing party. " R. I. Hist. Soc. 
Coll., Vol. in, page 177. 

3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. 3, Vol. I, page 166. 

King Philip s War 29 

failing. " His rebuke, " When your people come to me 
they are permitted to use their own fashions and I expect 
the same liberty when I come to you, " should have 
shamed them into courtesy. Such childish treatment of 
a powerful sachem was an act of inexcusable folly. The 
charge was easily refuted and Miaritonomah allowed to 
return home. 

He continued, however, to be regarded with suspicion, 
and two years later a widespread belief that he was plan 
ning a general conspiracy caused him to be again sum 
moned to Boston. 1 

Clothed in his robes of state, he made his defense be 
fore the grim elders of New England so successfully that 
Governor Winthrop wrote of him as having " shown good 
understanding in the principles of justice and equity, and 
to have accommodated himself to our understanding. " 2 
Most of the charges against the Narragansetts were pre 
ferred by Connecticut, and display the deft touch of Un- 
cas turning his influence with the Connecticut authorities 
to good account. 3 Uncas had cause to fear his rival; it 
was six of one and half a dozen of the other so far as the 
desire to injure each other was concerned. That the 
Massachusetts authorities were not blinded is made evi 
dent by their refusal to assent to the request of Connecti 
cut that war be declared against Miantonomah. "All 
this might have come out of the enmity of Miantonomah 
and Uncas, who continually sought to discredit each 
other 4 . . . " and they (Connecticut) were not pleased 

1 Winthrop, Vol. II, page 81. 

2 Ibid., page 81. 

3 Ibid., page 82. 

4 Ibid., page 80. 

30 King Philip s War 

with Massachusetts for refusing, was the comment of 
Winthrop. 1 

The next year, unfortunately for himself, the Narra- 
gansett, by selling the Shawamut peninsula to Samuel Gor 
ton, 2 that " arch heretic, beast and miscreant, whose spirit 
was struck dumb with blasphemies and insolences, " in 
volved himself in the quarrel between Massachusetts and 
the Gortonists. 3 

Massachusetts , then engaged " in drawing in the last 
of those parts who now live under another government, 
but grow very offensive, " greatly desired the acquisition 
of the territory of Narragansett Bay. Urged by the 
enemies of Gorton, Pumham, the local sachem, laid claim 
to the ownership of Shawamut and pleaded the inability 
of Miantonomah and Canonicus to give valid title to 

1 Winthrop II., page 83. 

2 Samuel Gorton, born in Gorton, England, about 1600, settled ih 
Boston in 1636. He remained there until religious disputes drove him 
to Plymouth, where he fared still worse, being fined, imprisoned, and 
finally expelled. No better fate was in store for him at Newport, where 
he was publicly whipped, and he moved from place to place until 1642 
when he bought lands at Shawamut on the west side of Narragansett 
Bay. His title to this was disputed by some of the Indians and on the 
appeal to the authorities at Boston, a military force was sent to arrest 
him and with ten of his followers he was taken to Boston and tried as 
"damnable heretics, " sentenced to imprisonment and hard labor in irons. 
After his release in 1644, Gorton went to England to obtain redress and 
having procured from the Earl of Warwick an order that he should be 
allowed the peaceable possession of his lands at Shawamut, he returned 
to his colony in 1648 and renamed it Warwick in honor of the earl. 
Gorton s religious beliefs were very peculiar, but the sect he founded 
survived him for about one hundred years. He has been ably defended 
by the late Chief Justice Brayton of the Rhode Island Supreme Court. 
Rhode Island Hist. Tracts, No. 17. 

a Winthrop, Vol. II, page 120. 

King Philip s War 31 

the lands they had sold. 1 This scheme was successful, 
and a syndicate composed of Benedict Arnold 2 and 
other citizens 3 of Rhode Island, standing ready to 
purchase the land in question it was conveyed to them by 
Pumham and Sacononoco, who at once offered their alle 
giance to the Massachusetts colony. 

Miantonomah summoned to Boston, could not prove, 
in the opinion of the authorities, his paramountcy over 
Pumham and Sacononoco, despite the declaration of 
Roger Williams, that the authority of the Narragansett 
sachems over the lands and chiefs in question, had ex 
isted as far back as the settlement of Plymouth. 

Miantonomah on his return home, learning that one of 
his subordinates, Sequassen, had been roughly handled by 
Uncas, took up the quarrel and complaining to Connecti 
cut, received for answer that "the English had no hand 
in it. " He next turned to Massachusetts and " was de 
sirous to know if we would not be offended if he made 
war upon Uncas. " To which Winthrop replied : " If 
Uncas had done him or his friends harm and would not 

1 Clarence S. Brigham in "State of Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, " Vol. I, pages 35, 36. 

2 Benedict Arnold was born in England, December 21, 1615. In 1663 
he was made by the Royal Charter President of the Rhode Island colony 
and was continued in this office for eight years. He was reported to be 
the wealthiest man in the colony. About 1676 he built the "old mill" 
still standing at Newport, about which traditions of a Norse origin have 
been thrown. He died in 1678. 

3 The Shawamut lands were held by the Arnold coterie for some years, 
when, circumstances rendering it desirable for Arnold to again own 
fealty to Rhode Island, by a petition of his party to the authorities they 
were granted a discharge from the Massachusetts jurisdiction and Shaw 
amut once again became Rhode Island territory. 

32 King Philip s War 

give satisfaction, we shall leave him to take his own 
course. " l 

Believing that he had complied with the terms of the 
tripartite treaty and was free to make war, he marched 
upon Uncas, met his surprised rival, who could rally but 
an inferior force, on the outskirts of the town of Norwich. 
Uncas, stepping out from the lines, engaged Miantonomah 
in a parley and challenged him to decide the quarrel by 
personal combat. On the challenge being refused, in 
accord with a previously arranged plan, he threw himself 
on the ground, and his warriors, firing over his body, 
charged and routed the surprised Narragansetts. In the 
pursuit, Miantonomah, hampered by a coat of mail, 
said to have been the gift of Samuel Gorton, was cap 

In accordance with Indian usage his life was forfeited, 
but Uncas, not knowing how Connecticut and Massachu 
setts would regard such an act, puzzled by the threat of 
Gorton forbidding him to injure his captive, and dreading 
to embroil himself with the Narragansetts unless assured 
of support, carried his prisoner to Hartford. 

On the appeal of Miantonomah, the commissioners of 
the colonies, brushing aside the communications that had 
passed between Miantonomah and both Connecticut and 
Massachusetts, whereby they had themselves failed in 
their duty under the tripartite treaty, found that the Narra 
gansetts had violated its terms by attacking Uncas sud 
denly " without denouncing war. " Finally, deciding that, 
though it was not safe to set him at liberty, there was not 
sufficient ground to put him to death, they turned over 

i Winthrop, Vol. II, page 129. 

King Philip s War 33 

the matter for advice to a convocation of ministers l then 
in assembly at Boston, five of whose number as a com 
mittee, advised that "Uncas, the Englishman s friend, 
could not be safe while Miantonomah lived, and that he, 
Uncas, might justly put such a fierce and bloodthirsty 
enemy to death. " 

The commissioners therefore ordered Miantonomah 
to be turned over to Uncas for execution, but if Uncas 
refused to kill him he was to be sent to Boston by water. 2 

Roger Williams was at this time in England and un 
able to speak in behalf of the unfortunate sachem, and 
Uncas, attended by a guard of musketeers, took his cap 
tive to Windsor 3 where one of the Mohegans, stepping 
behind the prisoner, clove his skull with a tomahawk. 

1 "Who always to our magistrates 
Must be the eyes to see. " 

Peter Folger. Looking glass for the times. (About 1670). 

2 The details as to Miantonomah and the action of the commissioners 
will be found in Hazzard State Papers, Vol. II, page 6; Winthrop, Vol. II, 
page 131. Acts of the Commissioners of the United Colonies. Plymouth 
Colony Records, Vol. IX, page 10. 

sTrumbull, says Norwich, accepted the local tradition. Governor 
Winthrop of Massachusetts, however gives a very different spot as the 
place of Miantonomah s execution. When the decision to put him to 
death had been reached, the commissioners directed that Uncas should 
conduct his captive "Into the next part of his own government, and 
there put him to death, provided that some discreet and faithful person 
of the English accompany them and see the execution, for our more full 
satisfaction. " Uncas promptly obeyed the directions given, taking with 
him two Hartford men as witnesses. Winthrop continues: "Taking 
Miantonomah along with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor, 
(where Onkus hath some men dwell) Onkus brother, following after 
Miantonomah, clave the head with a hatchet." Winthrop who records 
the event understood, evidently, that the execution took place in this 
Mohegan claim between Hartford and Windsor, that is, the present 
East Hartford and East Windsor, and he probably derived his informa- 

34 King Philip s War 

The commissioners undoubtedly found themselves on 
the horns of a dilemma. Uncas enjoyed the right con 
ferred on a conqueror by Indian usage, of putting his 
captive to death, but such a course, unsupported by the 
English, was dangerous in view of the numerical superi 
ority of the Narragansetts. 

To free Miantonomah, however, was to take sides 
against Uncas, and court a continuance of the old quarrel. 
Connecticut was insistent that their ally should be pro 
tected from Miantonomah, and in fact the alliance of the 
Mohegans seemed more valuable to both Connecticut and 
Massachusetts than that of the more distant Narragan 
setts, yet, Roger Williams had informed the general 
court of Massachusetts some years before, " the Narragan 
setts have been true in all of the Pequot wars to you. 
. I cannot learn that ever it pleased the Lord to 
let the Narragansetts stain their hands with any English 
blood. " J 

The necessity of defending Uncas, whom they believed 
endangered by Miantonomah s intrigues, the general sus 
picion that the Narragansetts w r ere dangerous to the peace 
of New England, were undoubtedly the most potent factors 

tion from the Englishmen that were designated to witness the act. Miss 
Frances M. Caulkins, the historian of Norwich, thinks that tradition has 
become confused between the place of Miantonomah s capture on 
"Sachem s Plain" near the Shetucket, and the place of his execution, 
but that the contemporary account of Governor Winthrop must be re 
liable. The narrative of Winthrop is explicit in stating that Uncas 
led his captive to this district, and that he was executed suddenly 
on the way, probably as soon as they had passed the English boundary. 
Caulkin s History of Norwich, pages 34-38; Winthrop s History of New 
England, Vol. II, page 134; Stiles History of Windsor, Vol. I, page 118. 
i Roger Williams to General Court of Massachusetts. R. I. Hist. 
Soc. Coll., Vol. Ill, pages 156, 157. 

King Philip s War 35 

in deciding the fate of the Narragansett sachem. There 
is little doubt but that his relations with Gorton weighed 
heavily in the balance against him. Not only do almost 
all the Rhode Island historians take this view, but it is 
supported by the researches of Judge Savage, 1 and by 
such careful collaborators as Drake and Bodge. 


The condemnation and execution of Miantonomah was 
a clerico-judicial murder. 2 He was judg 

to death by the white allies of Uncas. On that day con- 
fidence in the white man s justice received its death blow 
among the Narragansetts who, impotent to save or re 
venge, could only nourish their wrath with all the passion 
ate remembrance of Indian nature; nor did it pass with 
out notice among the other tribes that Uncas, the hated of 
all nations had his lips to the ear of the English, who 
heard no other voice than his. 

1 Winthrop s Hist, of New England, Vol. II, page 133; Judge Savage 
note with reference to Governor Stephen Hopkins (1765), Second Mass. 
Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. IX, page 202. 

2 Means would have been found for his preservation had he not en 
couraged the sale of Shawamut to Gorton and his heterodox associates. 
Judge Savage (Winthrop s History). 

All that he and old Canonicus had ever done for the English was 
made but as dust in the balance by his countenance of Gorton. Reich- 
man s Rhode Island, Vol. I, page 191. 


TN 1662, Massasoit, 1 Sachem of the Wampanoags, the 
-* old and faithful friend of the Pilgrims, was gathered 
to his rest. Forty-one years had passed since he had 
drunk the great draught of rum that had made him sweat 
all over and had pledged himself to peace and friendship. 
Two sons survived him, Wamsutta and Metacom, who, 
having declared their friendship for the English, had 
asked that English names be given them, and received 
those of the Greek conquerors, Alexander and Philip. 

The eldest, Alexander, became sachem in the place of 
his father. He was naturally inclined to continue the 
policy established by Massasoit towards the English but 
circumstances, not the least of which was his constant 
opposition to all attempts to Christianize the Wampa 
noags, made a continuance of the old relations difficult. 

Since the economic dependence of the whites upon the 
Indians had ceased, the two races had been steadily drift 
ing apart. The Wampanoags, who in former years had 
exercised sovereignty over the territory stretching south 
from Plymouth and the head of Narragansett Bay, saw 

1 Massasoit, chief of the Wampanoag tribe, was born about 1580. 
This tribe occupied the country in what is now Massachusetts, between 
the ocean and Narragansett Bay. It is supposed that the tribe was once 
numerous but before the landing of the Pilgrims it had been greatly re 
duced by disease. The residence of Massasoit was at Sowams upon 
what is now the Warren River. Morton says " he was a very lusty man 
in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance and spare of speech." 

King Philip s War 37 

the ruin of their confederacy and power in the gradual 
Christianizing of the kindred tribes along Cape Cod, 
while they themselves were being slowly separated and 
crowded into the peninsulas. 

Complaints of trespass, the loss of lands, the effect of 
which they had begun to realize, and a feeling of resent 
ment at the constant interference of the English with 
their internal affairs, had sown a sullen bitterness in the 
Indian breast, which had troubled the last years of Massa- 

Reports of the unrest and resentment of the Wampa- 
noags, which lost nothing in the telling, were not long in 
reaching the ears of the authorities at Boston and Ply 
mouth, borne on the tongues of Christian proteges and 
spies, and enhanced whenever the quarrels of the tribes 
or chiefs led to mutual accusations of conspiracy in the 
endeavor to win the assistance of the English. 

Rumors from Boston of his unf riendliries^ jmdjrf nego 
tiations on his part for an alliance with the Narragansetts, 
soon found credence in Plymouth, and Alexander was 
summoned to appear before the court and explain his 
intention. On his failure to attend, an armed force un 
der Major Winslow l and Major Bradford was sent to 
compel 2 his compliance. Winslow took only ten men, 

1 Josiah Winslow of Marshfield, was the son of Governor Edward, 
and was born in Plymouth in 1629. He was commissioner of the colo 
nies for thirteen years, was deputy, and many years assistant, till 1673, 
when he was elected Governor of Plymouth and held that office until 
his death. Gen. Register, Vol. IV, page 299. 

2 Hubbard says that Major Bradford and his force seized the arms of 
the Indians to prevent resistance and compelled Alexander to accompany 
them to Plymouth at the muzzle of their guns. We have preferred the 
account given in a letter by John Cotton to Increase Mather, who quotes 

38 King Philip s War 

expecting to recruit more from the towns on the way, 
but midway between Plymouth and Bridgewater, observ 
ing a hunting lodge on Monponsit Pond they rode up to 
it and found it occupied by Alexander and a number of 
his men and women. He agreed to return with them 
giving as his reason for lack of promptness that he had 
wished first to confer with a friend, Mr. Willet, 1 who 
was absent in New York. 

His explanation seems to have been satisfactory, but, 
seized with a fever while staying at Major, Josiah Wins- 
low s house at Marshfield, he was sent home at his own 
request and died during the journey, 1662, his sudden 
death giving birth to a belief among the Indians of his 
having been poisoned. 

His brother Philip, then about twenty-three years of 
age and by nature less inclined than his brother to accept 
a position of dependence, succeeded him. A policy of 
conciliation might have won his good will, but the con 
stant nagging to which he was subjected increased his 
resentment and nurtured in him a sullen distrust. 

Summoned to Plymouth at the beginning of his sachem- 
ship, he had renewed the old covenant of peace and 
friendship. Five years later one of his own subjects ac 
cused him of a willingness to join the Dutch and French 
in order to recover his lands and enrich himself with the 
goods of the English. 2 

Philip declared the story was a fabrication of Ninigret, 3 

the testimony of Major Bradford. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. VIII, 
page 233, Fourth Series. 

1 Captain Thomas Willet of Wannamoiset (Riverside, R. I.), after 
wards first English Mayor of New York. 

2 Plymouth Records, Vol. IV, pages 151, 164-166. 

3 Ninigret was sachem of the Niantics, a tribe of the Narragansetts 

King Philip s War 39 

sachem of the Niantics. Both chiefs were consequently 
summoned to appear at Rehoboth before two commis 
sioners appointed by Plymouth, and though the tale 
bearer boldly repeated his accusations, Philip was not 
held, and at the next meeting of the court the arms he 
had surrendered were returned to him. In 1669, Gov 
ernor Lovelace of New York warned Rhode Island that 
Philip was carrying on an intrigue with Ninigret, but the 
Niantic cleared both Philip and himself of the charge. 1 
Most^of these accusations seem to have been based on 
suspicions inspired by Tineas, and evidence of a trust 
worthy character is lacking. 

The attitude and measures of Plymouth throughout 
these transactions and those following were arbitrary and 
high-handed and were admirably adapted to bring about 
the very state of affairs they were intended to forestall. 
Three years later the Plymouth authorities, hearing of 
warlike preparations among the Wampanoags, the sharp 
ening of hatchets, " the repairing of guns, "suspicious as 
semblings and impertinent bearing towards Englishmen 
in divers parts of the country, " called peremptorily upon 
Philip to appear before them. Philip was at first uncom 
promising in his refusal. He demanded hostages as a 
guarantee for his own safety and even requested that 
Governor Prince 2 should come to him; finally, on Richard 

whose principal residence was at Wekapaug, now Westerly, R. I. He 
was cousin to Miantonomah. At the time of Philip s war he was an 
old man and took no part in the hostilities, but always professed friend 
ship for the English. 

1 Rhode Island Records, Vol. II, pages 263, 267, 284. 

2 Governor Thomas Prince (Prence) was bora in England in 1601. 
He came to New England, and settled in Duxbury about 1634, but a 
year previous to that time he was appointed "master" of a trading house 

King Philip s War 

Williams and James Brown remaining as hostages Philip 
consented to go, but on approaching Taunton, and" noting 
military preparations on the part of the English, he took 
up his position near a mill on the outskirts with a large 
and well-armed following, but sent no messengers into 
the town. The commissioners sent from Massachusetts, 
William Davis, William Hudson and Thomas Brattle, to 
mediate between the parties, however, went out to meet 
him and, after an extended conference, induced him to 
meet Governor Prince and the Plymouth authorities on the 
12th of April, 1671. On that date Philip and his chiefs 
entered the church at Taunton. "Both parties were 
armed: the Indians with their faces and bodies painted 
after their savage manner, with their long bows and 
quivers of arrows at their backs, with here and there a 
gun in the hands of those best skilled in the use of them; 
the English in the Cromwellian habit, slouched hats with 
broad brims, bandoliers, cuirasses, long swords and un 
wieldy guns. " 

Charged with warlike designs, the Wampanoag de 
clared that his preparations were made against the Narra- 
gansetts and were entirely defensive, thereby strengthen 
ing the suspicions against him, as his relations with the 
Narragansetts were believed to be friendly. 

After a long conference, a partial confession as to his 
failings and " naughtiness " was wrung from him and he 
agreed to renew the old covenant of peace and to sur 
render all firearms into the custody of the English so long 

then established near Sowams, the home of Massasoit. He was sev 
eral times chosen Governor and occupied that office at the time of his 
death, March 29, 1673. 

King Philip s War 41 

as any suspicion against him remained. 1 This pledge was 
^|u^^s^e^couId^imYe no intention of performing it and 
placing himself entirely at the mercy of the English, and 
he could not have carried out such a measure if he had 
desired. Muskets had become a necessity to the Indian 
and as the laws in the different colonies against the selling 
of arms had been gradually relaxed, and in Plymouth had 
been abolished altogether, the Indians had come in pos 
session of large numbers and regarded them as the most 
valuable and necessary of their possessions. It is not sur 
prising, therefore, that few arms were handed over; the 
council took measures to enforce compliance. The arms 
of the Assowomsett and Middleboro Indians were seized 
by force and declared to have been * just forfeited, " and 
an order was issued to distribute them among the Eng 
lish towns " proportionately. " Here was an end to 
Philip s hope of their restoration as provided by the 
Tauriton treaty. Whether or not the English would have 
lived up to this agreement had the Indians quietly deliv 
ered up their arms cannot, of course, be determined. 

The Sagkonate (Saconet) Indians were also threatened 
with war unless they complied with the demands made 
upon them, and finally submitted themselves by treaty. 

By September only seventy guns had been handed in 
and~ the PfymoHth^authorities, alaFi4 at their 4ai hi re to 
receive their surrender, and the general attitude of the 
Indians, again summoned Philip to appear before them 
on the 13th of that month to give an account of his actions* 
threatening to employ force unless he complied with their 

1 Plymouth Records, Vol. V, page 63. 

2 Plymouth Records, Vol. V, pages 63-74. 

42 King Philip s War 

demands and observed his agreements. The towns were 
ordered to make preparations for furnishing troops and 
supplies, and the people were bidden to carry their arms 
to meeting. 

Secretary Morton l sent word to Massachusetts and 
Rhode Island of the action taken, requesting advice and 
assistance, 2 but adding that unless Philip submitted him 
self they " would send out forces to reduce him to reason, " 
alone if necessary. 

Philip, w r ho had no doubt received information of their 
intentions, arrived at Boston on the same day as this 
letter and appealed to Massachusetts against the demands 
and threats of Plymouth, with temporary success. When 
the letters from Plymouth were read to him he expressed 
himself before the governor and council as follows: 
"That his predecessors had been friendly with Plymouth 
governors and an engagement of that nature was made 
by his father and renewed by his brother, and (when he 
took the government) by himself, but they were only 
agreements for amity and not for subjection. He desired 
to see a copy of the engagement they spoke of and that 
the Governor of Massachusetts would procure it for him. 
He knew not that they were subjects. Praying Indians 
were subject to Massachusetts and had magistrates and 

1 Nathaniel Morton of Plymouth, born in England about 1613, came 
with his father in the Ann in 1623. He became secretary of the colony 
December 7, 1647, and held that office until his death, June 29, 1685. 
Almost all of the records of Plymouth colony are in his handwriting. 
He wrote a valuable history called "New England s Memorial, a brief 
relation of the most memorable and Remarkable passages of the Provi 
dence of God manifested to the Planters of New England. " Printed at 
Cambridge in 1699. Pope. 

2 Plymouth Records, Vol. V, page 76. 

King Philip s War 43 

officers appointed; they had no such thing with them and 
therefore they were not subject. " 

Massachusetts proposed that the difference be referred 
to commissioners from Massachusetts and Connecticut. 
They also took occasion to inquire into the nature of 
Philip s subjection to the government of Plymouth, and 
expressed themselves as unable to adopt Plymouth s idea 
of the matter. 

" We do not understand how far he hath subjected him 
self to you, but the treatment you have given him and 
proceedings toward him do not render him such a sub 
ject as that if there be not a present answering to sum 
mons there should presently be a proceeding to hostilities: 
and the sword once drawn and dipped in blood may 
make him as independent upon you as you are upon 
him. " 

Governor Leverett 2 of Massachusetts, Governor Win- 
throp 3 of Connecticut, and others of the commissioners, 

1 Hutchinson, Vol. I, page 281 note. 

2 Governor John Leverett of Boston was born in England in 1616. 
He came with his father, Thomas, arriving in Boston September 4, 1633. 
He was many times chosen delegate and assistant, and on the 7th of 
May, 1673, was elected Governor and remained in that office until his 
death, March 16, 1678-79. See New England Register, Vol. IV, page 

3 Governor John Winthrop of Connecticut was the eldest son of Gov 
ernor John of Massachusetts. He was born at Groton, County Suffolk, 
and bred at Dublin University, 1622-25. He assisted his father in the 
work of colonizing Massachusetts; came in the Lion, arriving at Boston, 
November 3, 1631. In 1632 he was chosen an assistant. He was the 
founder of New London (Conn.) in 1645, though he was for a number 
of years thereafter an assistant of the Massachusetts Court. He was 
elected Governor of Connecticut in May, 1657, and every year until his 
death, April 5, 1676. Savage. 

44 King Philip s War 

finally went to Plymouth at the request of Governor 
Prince and his council, to inquire into the matters. 1 
The charges against Philip were as follows: 

1. He had neglected to bring in his arms. 

2. He carried himself insolently and proudly, refusing 
to come down to our court when sent for. 

3. He harbored and abetted divers Indians, not his own 
men, but vagabonds and our professed enemies. 

4. That he had endeavored to insinuate himself unto 
the Massachusetts magistrates and misrepresented matters 
to them. 

5. He had shown great incivility, especially unto Mr. 
James Brown and Mr. Hugh Cole. 2 

Philip claimed that he and his people were subjects to 
the king equally with the Plymouth colonists, but were 
not subjects of Plymouth colony, whereas Plymouth 
claimed that his acknowledgment of himself as subject to 
the king made him a subject to the colony. The claim 
that his refusal to obey his neighbors whenever they had 
had a mind to command him, and into the justice of 
whose mandate he was not to inquire, was a hostile act 
and against the treaties, was a sorry one. Philip s appeal 
to Massachusetts was in accordance with the terms of 
the Taunton treaty which had made the Massachusetts 
council the arbitrator of future misunderstandings. These 
questions, in view of the practice among all the colonies 
except Providence Plantations, are largely academical, 
and Massachusetts and Connecticut were not likely to 

1 Plymouth Records, Vol. V, page 78. 

2 Mr. Cole having come upon Philip during a dance is said to have 
called him to account for some offense, whereupon Philip knocked off 
his hat. Letter of James Walker to Governor Prince. 

King Philip s War 45 

take issue with Plymouth over a self-conferred preroga 
tive that they were themselves continually making use of. 
On September 29th a new treaty was entered into and 
Philip humbled himself to the court and agreed to pay 
tribute of one hundred pounds value in kind, and five 
wolves heads a year, if he could get them, to go to Ply- 
in case any differences arose and not to engage in 

war with the other Indians or sell any lands without the 
consent of the Plymouth government. 1 The question of 
guns was allowed to drop, but he was told that "if he 
went on his refractory way he must expect to smart for 

During the next three years the relations between them 
were interrupted by no event of importance, and Narra- 
gansetts, Wampanoags and Nipmucks seemed to have 
resigned themselves to the inevitable domination of the 
English. There were those who suspected that the calm 
was that which comes before the storm. Hunters and 
Christian Indians spoke of the sullen demeanor of the 
independent Indians, but the great body of the colonists 
seemed to have been lulled into security; many of the 
exposed towns on the frontier had been left unstockaded, 
and so low had the interest in military matters fallen in 
Massachusetts that the election of military officers had 
given place some time before to appointment by the gen 
eral court. 

It is impossible to trace Philip s actions during these 
years, but contemporary historians imply that he endeav 
ored to reach some agreement with the sachems of the 
Narragansetts and the tribes of the Nipmucks. 

To the Narragansetts and Canonchet he could recall 

i Ply-mouth Records, Vol. V, pages 77-79. 

46 King Philip s War 

the death of Miantonomah, awakening the thirst for ven 
geance. To Weetamoo, queen of the Pocassets and widow 
of his brother Alexander, he could appeal to the memory 
of bitter suspicion. With the Nipmucks there were other 
chords to be touched, and if long-continued feuds and 
suspicions made any definite or formal alliance almost im 
possible, yet the voice of an Indian sachem, even of an 
other tribe, calling to mind the high-handed interference, 
the stern threats, the loss of lands, and their own de 
clining power could not fail to touch a sympathetic 
chord and inflame the passions of his hearers on subjects 
long brooded over. 

No general conspiracy certainly was entered into. 
Doubts as to their own power and suspicions of each 
other made each tribe hesitate to commit itself before 
the others. Philip himself lacked those personal qualities 
of leadership which made Pontiac and Tecumseh formid 
able, and the Indian nature, liable to alternate outbursts 
of passion and despondency, lacked the genius for com 
bined and concerted effort. Inflammable substances were 
plentiful, however, and it needed but a spark to fire the 



E least suspicion of intrigue could not long escape 

the notice of those Indian converts who kept the au 
thorities well informed of all that went on. There had 
been living among the Wampanoags at Nemasket, 1 the 
daughter of whose chief he had married, an Indian convert 
of Eliot s, named Sassamon, a Natick, " a cunning and 
plausible man" Hubbard calls him. This man had ac 
companied Philip to Boston as interpreter 2 after the death 
of Alexander and served him for some time thereafter, 
but having, it is said, been found guilty of some offense, 
had returned to Natick arid again professed Christianity. 
Associated with Philip on familiar terms, he claimed to 
have received the sachem s confidences and betrayed them 
to the settlers under pledge of secrecy; his life would be in 
danger, he declared, if his connection with the matter 
were made known. His information (because it had an 
Indian origin "and one can hardly believe them when 
they speak truth") was not at first much regarded, but 
Philip, learning in advance of a summons, of the charges, 
made haste to Plymouth to free himself from suspicion, 
and, having given renewed assurances of his friendly in 
tentions, was allowed to return. 3 

1 The Indian village of Nemasket was located about a mile and a half 
southeasterly from the center of the present village of Middleborough, 
on the river of that name. 

2 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 60. 

s Mather s Brief History, page 218. 

48 King Philip s War 

In the spring of the following year the dead body of 
Sassamon was discovered in Assowomset Pond. 1 An In 
dian named David, having discovered some bruises on 
the body, suspicions were aroused and an investigation 
led to the belief that Sassamon had been killed while fish 
ing during the winter and his body thrown under the ice. 
Three Indians, Tobias, Mattaschunanamoo and Wam- 
papaquin, Tobias son, were arrested on the evidence of 
an Indian who claimed to have been an eyewitness of 
the affair. 2 The Indians claimed that Sassamon had been 
drowned while fishing and that the marks on his body 3 
were caused by contact with the ice. They declared that 
the informer who claimed to have been an eyewitness, 
" had gambled away his coat and, on its being returned and 
payment demanded, he had, in order to escape the debt, 
accused them of the murder knowing it would please the 
English and cause them to think him the better Chris 
tian. " 4 

Mather, ever on the watch for the marvelous, declared 
that the body bled afresh when Tobias approached, a 
sign then and to a much later day credited as a proof of 
guilt. The three Wampanoags were convicted by a white 
jury to which had been added several friendly Indians, 
and executed, 5 "and though they were all successfully 

1 Assowomset Pond is located about four miles south of the present 
village of Middleborough in Plymouth County in the town of Lakeville. 
Its neighborhood was a favorite resort of the natives. A few survivors 
of the Nemasket tribe reside upon the shores of the pond to-day. 

2 Plymouth Records, Vol. V, page 159. 

3 The wounds were enumerated in the Record as bruises, twisted neck, 
etc. No gunshot or arrow or knife wounds are mentioned. 

4 Easton s Relation, page 4. 

5 Plymouth Records, Vol. V, pages 167, 168. Hubbard declares that 

King Philip s War 49 

turned off the ladder at the gallows utterly denying the 
fact, yet the last of them, hoping to break ox slip the rope, 
did before his going off the ladder again confess that the 
other Indians did really murder John Sassamon, and that 
he himself, though no actor in it, was yet a looker-on. " l 
Wampapaquin was reprieved but shot within the month. 
No direct proof was produced at the trial to connect 
Philip with Sassamon s death, but it was widely be 
lieved that it had been decreed, according to Indian law, 
by Philip and his council, as a punishment for his 

The trial and execution of the three Indians aroused 
the Wampanoag warriors to madness. From all sides 
came reports to the authorities of excesses on the part of 
the Wampanoags. Cattle were shot, corn stolen, houses 
robbed; in some places outbuildings were fired. The 
attitude of the warriors had become defiant, while spies 
reported that strange Indians were swarming into Philip s 
villages and the women and children were being sent to 
the Narragansetts. Alarm and terror spread among the 
outlying settlements. Men saw portents that foreboded 
evil days. Comets in the form of blazing arrows shot 
athwart the skies, and the northern lights took on strange 
and awful shapes. Many heard the thunder of hoofs of 
invisible horsemen, and bullets fired from no earthly 
weapons whistled through the air. 2 

The authorities held back from all aggressive action, 
in the belief that such a course would allow the excite- 

Wampapaquin confessed that Sassamon had been murdered by his fa 
ther, and implicated Philip, but there is no other contemporary evidence. 

1 Mather s Magnalia, Book VII, page 560. 

2 Mather, Brief History, page 52. 


50 King Philip s War 

ment among the warriors time to abate, 1 but as Philip 
made no attempt to clear himself, James Brown of Swan 
sea, who had been on friendly terms with him, solicited 
and obtained permission to inform Philip that the Ply 
mouth authorities disclaimed all injurious intentions and 
urged him to discontinue hostile preparations. 2 

Rhode Island, alarmed at the state of affairs, made 
ineffectual attempts to compromise the matter and bring 
Philip to an agreement. Deputy Governor Easton 3 of 
that colony, and five others, including Samuel Gorton, 
met Philip and his chiefs at Bristol Neck Point on the 
17th of June, and proposed that the quarrel and all mat 
ters in contention should be arbitrated. It might be well, 
was the reply, but that all the English agreed against 
them. Many square miles of land were taken from them 
by English arbitrators. They then went on to recite their 
grievances. If they surrendered their arms jealousy might 
be removed, but the Englishmen would not deliver them 
again as promised until they had paid a fine. They said 
they had been the first to do good, the English the first 
to do wrong. When the English first came the king s 
father was as a great man and the English as a little child. 
He constrained other Indians from raiding the English, 
gave them seed, showed them how to plant and was free 
to do them good, and let them have one hundred times 
more land then than now the king had for his own people, 

1 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 65. 

2 Hazzard State Papers, Vol. II, page 333. 

s Governor John Easton lived in Newport He was born in England 
in 1621 and came with his father in the Mary and John in 1634. He 
became Deputy Governor of Rhode Island in 1666 and was Governor of 
the colony for five years, 1690-94. He died December 12, 1705. 

King Philip s War 51 

but the king s brother, when he was king, came miserably 
to die, being forced to court, and, as they judged, poisoned. 
Another grievance : that if twenty of them testify that the 
English had done them wrong, it was nothing, but if ever 
one of their worst Indians testified against any Indian or 
the king, when it pleased the English it was sufficient. 
Englishmen made Indians drunk and cheated them in 
bargains. English cattle and horses increased. The In 
dians could not keep their corn from being spoiled, they 
never being used to fences. The English were so eager 
to sell Indians liquor that most of the Indians spent much 
in drunkenness and then raided upon the sober Indians, 
and they did believe often hurt the English cattle and 
their king was obliged to sell more land to pay the fines. 

The white delegates endeavored to persuade them to 
lay down their arms and not to make war, for the Eng 
lish were too strong for them. They said the English 
should do to them as they did when they were strong to 
the English. 1 

The conference broke up without any agreement having 
been reached. Easton states as his belief that the Indians 
would have accepted the Governor of New York and an 
Indian king as arbitrators and that peace might still have 
been preserved. It is more than doubtful. That the 
Wampanoags had broken loose from all restraint seems 
certain. Philip would at any rate have been glad to gain 
time in order to have procured arms and ammunition and 

1 Easton s Relations, Hough Edition, page 7. Palfrey questions 
whether Governor Easton wrote this narrative ascribed to him on ac 
count of its illiteracy. There seems no doubt of it, however. Illiterate 
spelling and construction were common. It was not published until 
many years after the war. Mather knew of its existence and of some 
of its allegations and rushed his own history into print. 

52 King Philip s War 

to involve more definitely the other tribes, but in the state 
of mind of his followers no such course was possible; the 
pent-up passions of many years, fanned into flame, were 
past suppression. 

Captain. Benjamin ChurchJLnf Little .Compton, in the 
territory of the Saconet Indians, attending by invitation of 
the squaw sachem, Awashonks, 2 a ceremonious dance, 
June 15th, found on his arrival that it had been given in 
honor of six ambassadors from Philip, her overlord, to 
make sure of her co-operation. On her explanation of 
Philip s overtures he boldly advised her in their presence 
to knock them on the head and seek refuge with the 
English. Two days later, near Pocasset, he met Peter 
Nunnuit, 3 who had married Alexander s widow, Weeta- 
moo. Peter said he had just come from Mount Hope 
where Philip had been holding a dance in which Indians 
from all the Wampanoag tribes had participated; that 
war was certain, 4 and that Philip had been forced to 
promise the young men "that on the next Lord s day 

1 Captain Benjamin Church was born at Plymouth in 1639 and was 
a carpenter by trade. He probably lived in Duxbury after his marriage 
in that town, but later removed to Little Compton, R. I., and afterwards 
lived for a time in Bristol in the same colony. He subsequently returned 
to Little Compton and died there January 17, 1717-18. His services 
during the war are recorded in his " Entertaining History, " written by 
his son from dictation by himself in his last years. 

2 Awashonks, squaw sachem of Sagkonate, was the wife of an Indian 
called Tolony, of whom but little is known. Book of the Indians, 
Vol. Ill, page 65. 

3 Peter Nunnuit, the husband of Weetamoo, did not concern himself 
against the English, but, abandoning his wife, joined the enemy against 
her. After the war he was given command over the prisoners who were 
permitted to reside in the country between Sepecan and Dartmouth. 
Drake s Book of the Indians. 

4 Church s Entertaining History, page 3. 

King Philip s War 53 

when the English were gone to meeting, they should level 
their house and from that time forw r ard kill their cattle. " 
He also told them that Samuel Gorton and James Brown 
of Swansea were at that time at Mount Hope, 1 and that 
one of the young warriors wanted to kill Brown, but that 
Philip prevented it saying that his fatlier had charged him 
to show kindness to Mr. Brown. Church, at the request 
of Peter, had an interview with Weetamoo, who was near 
by, and advised her to go over to Rhode Island for secu 
rity and to send a messenger to the governor immediately. 
He then hastened with the information he had acquired 
to Plymouth. 

On the afternoon of June 21st, Governor Leverett of 
Massachusetts received a letter from Governor Winslow 
informing him of the situation. It was determined in 
view of the attitude of the Wampanoags, to immediately 
send a commission consisting of Captain Edward Hutch- 
inson, 2 Seth Perry, and William Powers, to the Narragan- 
setts to find out their intentions and to put them on their 
good behavior. 3 Acting upon their instructions they 
stopped at Providence and induced Roger Williams to 
accompany them to the chief village of the Narragansetts. 

At this conference Pessacus, 4 Canonchet and Ninigret 
seem to have assented to the desires of the Massachusetts 
"authorities and promised to be neutral. The_commission- 

1 Probably arranging for the conference with the Rhode Island Com 

2 Seth Perry was of Boston, a tailor, and was made freeman in 1666. 

3 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 67, page 201. 

< Pessacus was born about 1623 and was about twenty years of age 
when his brother, Miantonomah, was killed. He was killed by the Mo 
hawks beyond the Piscataqua River in 1677-78. 

54 King Philip s War 

ers departed apparently satisfied with the success of their 
mission, but Williams, who knew the Indian character 
well, seems to have been suspicious and, on June 27th, 
wrote to Winthrop that he believed their friendly answers 
were empty " words of falsehood and treachery. " Pessa- 
cus, one of the sachems of the Narragansetts, is said to 
have confessed to several of the men of Newport, that 
while his heart sorrowed he could not rule the youth or 
common people or persuade the chiefs. Even before the 
Massachusetts commission had started on its journey two 
houses had been burned by the Wampanoags at Matta- 
poiset, June 19th. 

Philip, driven to bay and forced into conflict by the 
passions he now found himself unable to control, could 
hardly have plunged into the conflict confident of success. 
He knew the bitter resentment and the desire of his own 
warriors for war. The independent tribes of. the Nip- 
mucks were ripe for revolt. Initial successes on his part 
were all that were needed to bring them to his aid, but he 
knew equally well that sympathy, the sense of common 
wrongs, and a tentative understanding, were but feeble 
reeds on which to lean if disaster threatened. 1 

Events had rushed forward faster than his plans or 
preparations. No general conspiracy had been organized, 
no concerted action arranged for, and as the old Warn- 
panoag confederacy had fallen into ruins under the pres 
sure of the whites, he could depend with certainty only 
on his personal following. The Indians, however, did 
not lack advantages and if once the pent-up fury of the 

1 If they (the Pequots) doubt the victory " they would be in hazard 
of joining with the stronger. " Letter of Rev. James Fitch of Norwich 
to the Council of Connecticut. Conn. Records, Vol. II, page 337. 

King Philip s War 55 

different tribes should be loosed upon the long frontier 
the contest was certain to be long continued. They had 
become expert~m~ the use~of~fireamw; They knew the 
fording places of the rivers and every trail, and were 
acquainted with the daily habits of the settlers. They 
were adepts in a method of warfare admirably suited to 
the character of the country. To turn every cover and 
position to advantage, to strike quickly, to lie patiently in 
ambuscades, and to draw off rapidly on the failure of an 
attack with a fleetness in which the heavily armed settler, 
unaccustomed to forest warfare, could not compete, were 
formidable tactics in a broken and wooded country of long 
distances sparsely settled and traversed only by rough 

The martial spirit which had distinguished the early 
generation of colonists had ceased to inspire the new 
generation. 1 The very spreading out of the settlements 
offered a wide-flung and weakly settled frontier to the 
swift moving warriors, while the contempt which had 
grown up among the settlers in respect to the Indian, both 
from the result of the Pequot war and the long subser 
vience of the race in later dealings, made it certain that 
for a time at least, over-confidence and lack of military 
training would lead to catastrophies. 

There were among the settlers, however, many traders 
well acquainted with Indian ways, and if the great mass 
of the settlers were untrained to warfare, yet there were 
those among them who had served as under-officers and 
captains under Cromwell, in the most perfect army the 
century had seen. Material for good soldiers was in 

i Conn. Records, Vol. II, page 217. Report on Condition in 1673. 
The same was true of Massachusetts. 


56 King Philip s War 

abundance, arms and equipment plentiful, their stock 
aded towns offered a protection and a base of supplies 
which the Indian villages could not possibly afford. 
Many individual Indians were certain to join them and 
the whole of the Mohegans would be their effective allies, 
while the numbers, resources and character of the popu 
lation once brought into the field and trained, made the 
result of a prolonged campaign certain. 

Tradition had attributed to the Indians engaged in the 
war, between seven and eight thousand fighting men. 
The swift movements of the war parties, some of whom 
were able to cover forty miles a day, made their forces 
appear far greater than was actually the case, and neither 
the fears of the settlers nor the reports of friendly Indians 
desirous of enhancing the value of their services were 
likely to underestimate the number. Their actual num 
ber probably did not at most exceed thirty^five hundred. 
Of these the Wampanoags and their kindred mustered 
about five hundred; the Nipmucks and the Connecticut 
River tribes not over eleven hundred ; the Abenakis and 
Tarratines about six hundred; the Narragansetts about 
one thousand. In addition there were probably some three 
hundred scattered warriors, roving Indians, small parties 
from the northern tribes and Christian Indians, throwing 
in their lot with their kindred either from choice, or, as 
occurred in more than one instance, driven into revolt 
by the harsh treatment of the suspicious settlers. 

The Wampanoags, in the belief it is said, that the first 
party to shed blood would be vanquished, had been pro 
voking the settlers by daily outrages to commence hos 
tilities, and on the 18th of June one of a number of 
Indians was shot and wounded by an irate settler at Swan- 

King Philip s War 57 

sea. 1 According to John Easton some Indians at Swansea 
were seen by an old man and a lad, pilfering from houses 
whose owners were at church, whereupon the old man 
bade the young one shoot, and one of the Indians fell 
but got away. Later in the day some of the neighboring 
Indians came to one of the garrison houses, either Miles s 
or Bourne s, and asked why they had shot the Indian. In 
reply to the English question whether he was dead, the 
Indian said, " yea, " on which one of the English remarked 
that " it was no matter. " The other endeavored to con 
vince the Indians that it was but a young man s idle words, 
but the Indians, returning no answer, went hastily away. 2 

Plymouth colony had already taken precautions in 
view of the existing conditions. Captain Benjamin 
Church, at the request of Winslow, had some time before 
induced the Governor of Rhode Island to provide boats 
for the patrol of the northern shore in case of an outbreak, 
and the towns had been warned to be on their guard and 
prepared to send their contingents into the field at a mo 
ment s notice. 

Now, on the 20th of June, a messenger brought news 
to Plymouth that the house of Job Winslow 3 at Swansea 
had been plundered by Indians on the 18th, and that on 

1 Hubbard (Hubbard says the Indian was only wounded, not killed), 
Vol. I, page 64. 

2 Easton s Relation, page 17. 

3 Job Winslow was the son of Kenelm Winslow. At the outbreak of 
the war he was living at Swansea and his house was "broken up and 
rifled " by the Indians. After the close of the war he erected a dwelling- 
house near the "wading place" at Kickemuit on what is now the farm 
of Mr. Edward Ennis. It is probable that the house destroyed occupied 
this same site. Savage. "Massasoit s Town; Sowams in Pokanoket," 
by Miss Virginia Baker, page 19. 

58 King Philip s War 

the 19th several houses, among them that of Hugh Cole, 
had been burned while the people were attending wor 
ship. 1 Captain Church was immediately ordered to col 
lect a force of twenty horsemen at Bridgewater and 
to proceed to Swansea by way of Taunton, which 
was appointed as the rendezvous of the Plymouth 

The troops were already assembling under Majors 
James Cudworth 2 and William Bradford 3 and Captains 
Gorham and Fuller, when Church marched into the place 
on the 21st, and the next day the whole force proceeded 
towards Swansea, Church leading the van with his horse 
men and a number of friendly Indians, 4 " and to keep so 
far before as not to be in sight of the army, and so they 

1 Records of Commissioners of New England. Plymouth Colony 
Record, Vol. X; Vol. II, pages 362-364. (Letters of Josiah Winslow 
and Thomas Hinckley.) 

2 Major James Cudworth came probably from London to Boston in 
1632. In 1652 he was captain of the militia at Scituate. In 1649 he 
was made deputy to the colony court at Plymouth; assistant from 1656 
to 1658 and again from 1674 to 1680. In 1675 he was chosen "General 
and Commander-in-chief of all forces that are or may be sent forth 
against the enemy," which commission he declined. He was chosen 
Deputy Governor in 1681 and appointed agent for the colony to England. 
He died in London of smallpox in 1682. See Deane s History of Scit 
uate, page 245. 

3 Major William Bradford, son of Governor William of Plymouth, 
was born in Plymouth, June 17, 1624. In 1656-57 he was deputy from 
Plymouth to the General Court and 1658 became an assistant, in which 
office he served for twenty-four successive years, and for the remaining 
ten years of the colony s existence filled the new office of Deputy Gov 
ernor, save for the years of Andros reign. For twelve years he was 
colonial commissioner. He died March 1, 1704. "Governor William 
Bradford and his son Major William Bradford," by James Shepard, 
page 78. 

* Church, page 5. 

King Philip s War 59 

did for by the way they killed a deer, flayed, roasted, and 
eat the most of him before the army came up with them. " 

Panic already reigned among the scattered farmhouses 
that stretched along the eastern shore, and Major Brad 
ford, with the company from Bridgewater, leaving Swansea 
on the 23d, marched down to Jared Bourne s l stone house 
at Mattapoiset where nearly seventy people had collected. 
Everywhere along the march were to be met people flying 
from their homes, wringing their hands and bewailing their 
losses. A part of the relieving force was dispatched the 
next day to escort Mr. John Brown, who had acted as 
guide, to his home at Wanamoiset, with orders to act 
strictly on the defensive. Meeting, on their return, a 
party from the garrison going out with carts to bring in 
corn from the deserted and outlying houses, they warned 
them that the Indians were out in force and urged them 
not to proceed. Confiding in their numbers, however, 
the foragers continued on their way only to fall into an 
ambuscade, where, attacked and routed, they were driven 
back to the garrison with a loss of six killed. 2 The settle 
ment was abandoned the following week, the inhabitants 
seeking refuge on the island of Rhode Island. 

June 24th was the day appointed by the authorities for 
humiliation and prayer, and as the settlers of Swansea 

1 Gerard (Jared) Bourne was of Boston in 1634; made freeman May 6, 
1635. He resided at Muddy River (Brookline) and was there a con 
stable. Savage says he removed to Rhode Island in 1665. He was in 
1675 the owner of the stone garrison house in Swansea on Mattapoiset 
(now Gardner s) Neck. This was located one-half mile north of the 
railway station at South Swansea, on the farm now owned (1904) by 
Mr. William H. Green, and a few rods in the rear of Mr. Green s dwell 
ing. The old garrison spring may still be found in the meadow. 

2 Old Indian Chronicle, page 109. 

60 King Philip s War 

were returning from service they were fired upon. 1 One 
was killed and several wounded. Two of the settlers 
were dispatched for assistance, to Plymouth. They were 
never to reach it, for the commissioners, Major Savage 2 
and Captain Thomas Brattle, 3 who had been sent by 
Governor Leverett and the council to treat with Philip, 
on approaching Swansea in the evening, came upon their 
bodies weltering in blood upon the highway, and turned 
back to Boston. 4 

Philip, realizing, it is said, that the first blow, if the war 
riors took matters into their own hands, would be struck 
at Swansea and the neighboring towns, ordered no harm 
should be done to James Brown, 5 Captain Thomas Willet 6 

1 Mather s Magnalia, Vol. VII, page 561. 

2 Major Thomas Savage was born in Taunton, Somerset County, 
England, and came in the Planter to Boston, April, 1635. He was an 
original member of the Artillery Company and chosen its captain in 1651. 
He served as representative to the General Court from Boston, Hingham 
and Andover; he was speaker for a number of terms and assistant from 
1680 until his death, which occurred February 14, 1682. Bodge. 

3 Captain Thomas Brattle was born about 1624. He was a merchant 
in Boston in 1656, and was of the Artillery Company in 1675. He 
owned valuable iron works at Concord and was deputy from that town 
from 1678 to 1681, as he had been from Lancaster in 1671 and 1672. 
In 1671 he was one of the commissioners sent to treat with Philip at 
Taunton. He was appointed cornet in the Suffolk troop in 1670, lieu 
tenant in 1675 and captain May 5, 1676. He died April 5, 1683, and 
left, it is said, the largest estate in New England at that time. Bodge, 
page 261. Savage. 

4 Connecticut Records (War Council). Letter of Massachusetts Coun 
cil to Governor Winthrop, Vol. II, page 336. 

5 James Brown, son of John, was made freeman at Plymouth in 1636. 
He was of Rehoboth, 1658. He was for a number of years deputy from 
Swansea. He twice went to Philip in 1675 "to persuade him to be 
quiet," but both times found his men in arms and "Philip very high 
and not persuadable to peace." History of Barrington, page 580. 

e Captain Thomas Willet came to Plymouth from Leyden in the spring 

King Philip s War 61 

and James Leonard. 1 He also sent word to Hugh Cole, 2 
who had befriended him to remove lest it should be out 
of his power to prevent harm befalling him, and extended 
protection to two small children because "their father 
sometime showed me kindness. " 

The news of the attack reached Plymouth before night 
and messengers were immediately dispatched to Boston 
for assistance. Both governments took prompt meas 
ures. At Boston the drums were beat to assemble the 
companies and in the late afternoon of the 26th, Captain 
Daniel Henchman 3 with a company of foot, and Captain 

of 1030. He was intrusted with the command of the Plymouth trading- 
house at Kennebec in 1639, from which office he was forcibly ejected by 
D Aubrey, the French Lieutenant Governor of Acadia. He was a mag 
istrate in Plymouth from 1651 to 1664, when he accompanied Colonel 
Nicholson in the reduction of New York, of which city he was the first 
English mayor. In 1673, the Dutch having again come into posesssion, 
Mr. Willet retired to Wannamoisett. He died the next year. His wife 
was the sister of James Brown. New England Register, Vol. H, page 

1 James Leonard, of Providence, 1645, and Taunton, 1652, came from 
Pontypool in Wales. The first iron works in the colonies were estab 
lished in Taunton by his brother Henry, Ralph Russell and himself. 
Philip was on very friendly terms with the Leonards, visiting them and 
being received with great consideration. He depended upon Leonard 
for the repair of his guns and tools. Leonard died before 1691. Bay- 
lie s History of Plymouth. 

2 Hugh Cole, bora about 1627, was of Plymouth in 1653. In 1669 
Philip sold to him and others five hundred acres of land on the west 
side of Cole s River in Swansea. During the war his house was de 
stroyed and he removed to Rhode Island. He returned in 1677 and lo 
cated on the west side of Touiset Neck on the Kickemuit River in Warren. 
The farm he owned and the well he dug are still in the possession of his 
lineal descendants. History of Barrington, page 574. 

3 Captain Daniel Henchman was of Boston. He was appointed cap 
tain of the 5th Boston Company Colonial Militia, May 12, 1675. He 
died in Worcester, October 15, 1675. Bodge, page 45. 

62 King Philip s War 

Thomas Prentice 1 with a troop of horse, set forth. 2 The 
infantry were armed with muskets and long knives fitted 
with handles to fix in the muzzles, and carried a knap 
sack, six feet of fuse, a pound of powder, a bandoleer 
passing under the left arm and containing a dozen or 
more cylinders holding a measured charge of powder, a 
bag containing three pounds of bullets and a horn of 
priming powder. The troopers were equipped with a 
sword and either two pistols or a carbine. All carried in 
addition a few articles of wearing apparel, a day s provi 
sions and a pound of tobacco. 

Prolonging their march well into the evening they were 
nearing the town of Dedham on the Neponset River, 
twenty miles from Boston, when the moon was darkened 
by an eclipse (in Capricorn) " which caused them to halt 
for a little repose until the moon recovered her light. " 
Some among them imagined they discerned in the moon 
a black spot resembling the scalp of an Indian, others 
made out the form of an Indian bow, ominous signs, 
"but both," writes the chronicler, "might rather have 
thought of what Marcus Crassus, the Roman general 
going forth with an army against the Parthians, once 
wisely replied to a private soldier that would have dis 
suaded him from marching because of an eclipse of the 
moon in Capricorn, that he was more afraid of Saggi- 
tarius (the archer) than of Capricornus, meaning the 
arrows of the Parthians. " 

1 Captain Thomas Prentice was commander of the Middlesex troop 
of horse. He was born in England about 1620, and settled in Cambridge, 
N. E. He was appointed captain of the special troop in June, 1675. 
He died July 7, 1709. Bodge, page 89. 

2 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 67. 

King Philip s War G3 

"When the moon had again borrowed her light," and 
the road once more became distinct, they resumed the 
march, reaching Attleboro, 1 thirty miles from Boston, early 
in the morning. Here they rested until the afternoon 
when Captain Samuel Moseley, 2 with a rough company 
of volunteers composed of sailors, privateersmen, and sev 
eral paroled pirates accompanied by a number of hunt 
ing dogs, joined them. 

The combined force of two hundred and fifty fighting 
men, besides the teamsters, pushing rapidly on, reached 
Swansea 3 early in the evening of the 28th and pitched 
their camp alongside of Major Cudworth, and the Plym 
outh men near the fortified house of the Rev. Mr. Miles, 

1 The march ended at Woodcock s garrison, located nearly a mile 
north of the center of the present village of North Attleboro, opposite a 
small burying ground. John Woodcock was the pioneer of Attleboro, 
and his house was built for defense against the Indians and was also 
a house of entertainment. It was the only dwelling at the time of its 
erection between Dedham and Rehoboth (Seekonk). The old house 
remained until 1806 when it gave way to a large tavern built by Colonel 
Hatch upon the same site. The cellar hole of the Woodcock garrison 
may still be seen, as the Hatch tavern has been removed. Daggett s 
History of Attleboro. 

2 Captain Moseley was of Boston and by trade a cooper. "This 
Captain Moseley hath been an old privateer at Jamaica." Bodge, 
page 59. 

3 This was at what is now the village of Barneyville, about three miles 
northerly from the village of Warren, R. I., and Miles bridge crossed 
the Warren River at that place. The garrison house, or rather what is 
so considered by some, is still standing, though other antiquarians think 
this is of a later date than that occupied by the Rev. Mr. Miles in 
1675. The population of Swansea was scattered over a wide area of 
farming territory. There were distinct hamlets and many isolated 
houses, the whole extending over an irregular trail some ten miles 
from one extreme to the other. 

64 King Philip s War 

a Baptist clergyman, 1 which stood a short distance from 
the bridge leading toward Mount Hope. 

Immediately on the arrival, a dozen of Prentice s 
troopers, impatient of delay, under the command of 
Quartermaster Joseph Belcher and Corporal John Gill, 2 
with Captain Church as a volunteer, sallied over the bridge 
to explore the country beyond. Hardly had they cleared 
the bridge when a party of Indians in ambush poured 
in a volley upon them, killing William Hammond, 3 a 
guide, wounding Gill and Belcher, and driving the rest 
back in confusion 4 to the barricade which had been erected 
around the house of the Rev. Mr. Miles. 

Made confident by this success, a number of Indians 
the next morning showed themselves at the end of the 
bridge, shouting derisively, while some, more bold than 

1 Rev. John Miles (Myles), a Baptist clergyman, was born in Wales 
and settled in Swansea in the year 1662. The church in Swansea, Mass., 
is supposed to have been organized in Swansea, South Wales, Mr. 
Miles simply removing the church organization from that country. Mr. 
Miles settled in Rehoboth, now Swansea, hi that part known as Barn- 
neyville and his meeting house is said to have been near the One 
Hundred Acre Cove on the Barrington River. This was included in 
the destruction of Swansea and after the war Mr. Miles returned to his 
old field and a church was erected for him at Tyler s Point, New 
Meadow Neck, opposite Warren, R. I., and in the cemetery at that 
place Mr. Miles was probably buried. 

2 John Gill was of Dorchester, 1640, and lived in that part of the town 
which became Milton. He removed to Boston and died in 1678. Quar 
termaster Joseph Belcher, who was also of Milton, was his son-in-law, 
having married Gill s daughter Rebecca. Savage. Dorchester Church 

3 William Hammond went to Swansea with Captain Thomas Pren 
tice s troop, and having been a resident of that town was competent to 
act as " pilot, " or guide, to the troops. His body was taken to Water- 
town for burial. See The Hammond Genealogies, Vol. I, page 477. 

* Church, page 5. 

King Philip s War 65 

the rest, even ventured upon the bridge itself. The whole 
force was immediately drawn up and while the infantry 
advanced toward the bank of the stream, a troop of horse 
and a party of volunteers under Moseley rushed furiously 
down the road upon them and drove them off with loss, 1 
losing, however, one of their own number, Ensign Savage, 2 
wounded, it is said, by the fire from the infantry on the 

On the evening of the 29th which was spent skirmish 
ing with the Indians, came Major Thomas Savage, ac 
companied by Captain Paige and sixty horse and as 
many foot, to take over the command of the Massachu 
setts forces. 3 The force assembled at Swansea now num 
bered over five hundred men, and, at noon on the following 
day, leaving a small guard in the garrison, the little army, 
with Major Cudworth in command, crossed over the 
bridge, and, throwing out horsemen on the flanks to pre 
vent an ambuscade, pushed on toward Mount Hope. 4 

Here and there, within the boundaries of the Indian 
country, they saw groups of empty wigwams and fields 
of corn, the smoking ruins of what had once been the 
homes of the settlers, and " Bibles torn in pieces in defi- 

1 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 69. 

2 Ensign Perez Savage, son of Major Thomas, was born February 17, 
1652. He was ensign of Captain Moseley s company, " a noble, heroic, 
youth," as Church calls him. In addition to the wound received at 
Swansea he was again badly wounded at the Narragansett Swamp fight, 
at which time he was a lieutenant. He never married, but removed to 
London, from which he carried on trade with Spain. His death occurred 
at Mequinez in Barbary, where he was held in captivity by the Turks. 

a Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 67, page 209. 
* Hubbard, Vol. I, page 71. 

66 King Philip s War 

ance of our holy religion, " while ghastly heads l and 
hands stuck upon stakes bore witness to the fate of the 
occupants. But, while Philip s wigwam 2 was discovered 
and the trail of his warriors followed to the shore, not an 
Indian was to be seen. 

Throughout the day the rain had fallen steadily, soak 
ing the troops to the skin, and as evening drew on the 
Plymouth men, passing over the strait, found shelter on 
the island of Rhode Island, but Major Savage, with the 
Massachusetts division, bivouaced in the open fields amid 
the storm. 3 

With the dawn came rumors that the Indians were in 
force near Swansea, and Savage, after laying waste the 
fields of growing corn, hastened back over the route of the 
day before, but though the force met many Indian dogs 
deserted by their masters, and saw at times burning dwell 
ings, they came upon no Indians, and the infantry, tired 

1 Church, in his narrative, says, in connection with the march under 
Cudworth to Mount Hope, " They marched until they came to the narrow 
of the neck at a place called Keekamuit where they took down the heads, 
of eight Englishmen that were killed at the head of Mattapoiset Neck, 
and set upon poles after the barbarous manner of these Savages. " This 
spot is on the west bank of the Kickemuit River, just above the ancient 
"wading place," and directly east of Belchers Cove which sets in from 
the Warren River behind the village of Warren, thus narrowing the 
Mount Hope Neck to the width of half a mile. The spot is exactly a 
mile east of Warren. 

2 The term " Mount Hope " was applied to the peninsula between 
the W 7 arren and Kickemuit Rivers and not to the mountain alone. 
Philip s Village was not located, as many writers have erroneously 
stated, upon the mount itself, but about a mile and a half north of it 
near the " Narrows " of the Kickemuit River where evidences of Indian 
occupation are still plentiful. See Massasoit s Town, page 24. 

3 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 72. 

King Philip s War 67 

and discouraged, made halt at Swansea. 1 The cavalry, 
however, under Prentice, proceeded to scour the country 
towards Seekonk and Rehoboth, 2 but discovering no trace 
of the enemy finally encamped for the night. 

The next morning Prentice, having placed a portion of 
his command under Lieutenant Oakes 3 with orders to 
march parallel with the main force along another road 
in order to cover a wider extent of territory, set out on 
his return to Swansea. They had advanced only a short 
distance when they came in sight of a party of Indians 
burning a house. Prentice was unable to reach them on 
account of several intervening fences, but Oakes, contin 
uing along the road, charged upon and put them to flight, 
killing several, among them Phoebe, 4 one of their leaders, 
and losing one of his own men, John Druce. 

Information in the meantime had reached Swansea 

1 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 72. 

2 The Rehoboth of King Philip s time was situated about six miles 
west of the present village, and very nearly identical with the present 
village of East Providence Center. Its western boundary was the See 
konk River, and Seekonk Cove pushed its way inland to a point near the 
settlement. On the bank of this cove at one time lived Roger Williams. 
The site of an early garrison house is still identified, which was one of 
the two houses remaining after the destruction of the town by the Indians. 

3 Lieutenant Edward Oakes was made freeman in Cambridge, May 18, 
1642. He was a native of England. He was selectman of Cambridge 
for twenty-six years and deputy to the General Court from Cambridge 
and Concord for eighteen years. He became lieutenant of Captain Pren 
tice s troop in June, 1675. He died at Concord October 13, 1689. 
Bodge, page 81. 

4 Phoebe, Pebee or Thebe, was a petty Wampanoag sachem, one of 
Philip s councilors. He lived at Popanomscut in the southerly section 
of Harrington, R. I. This was called Phoebe s Neck by the English 
and was located directly opposite the village of Warren and separated 
from it by the river. 

68 King Philip s War 

that Philip had been discovered at Pocasset, 1 but Savage, 
instead of marching directly toward this point with his 
whole force, divided his command, sending Henchman 
and Prentice to scour the woods and swamps along the 
mainland, while he himself with the commands of Cap 
tains Paige 2 and Moseley, marched down to Mount Hope. 
No signs of Indians were discovered at Mount Hope, and 
leaving a party to build a fort, 3 despite the earnest en 
treaty of Church that the whole force should go over 
to Pocasset and drive Philip from cover, Savage again 
returned to Swansea. 

1 Pocasset was the territory now occupied by the town of Tiverton in 
Rhode Island, and the city of Fall River in Massachusetts. Its western 
border rests upon the Taunton River and the arm of Narragansett Bay, 
known as the Sakonet River. 

2 Captain Nicholas Paige came from Plymouth, England, and was in 
Boston as early as 1665. June 27, 1675, he was appointed captain of 
a troop to accompany Major Thomas Savage. He was active in busi 
ness and in civil affairs; was of the Artillery Company in 1693; later 
its commander, and a colonel. He died in 1717. Bodge. 

3 This fort was erected very near Philip s Indian village and in full 
sight of it, at the Narrows of the Kickemuit. It was built upon the 
brow of a bluff facing the water, and a comparatively few years ago its 
remains were visible, but the action of the waves upon the bluff has 
washed away the site. 


THE Massachusetts forces, reinforced by a body of 
Christian Indians raised by Major Gookin and sent 
down from Boston under Captain Isaac Johnson, 1 were 
once more at Swansea, where Cudworth and the main 
body of the Plymouth men soon joined them. 

The whole plan of campaign had completely broken 
down, every movement had been marked by doubt and 
hesitation and the failure of the authorities to promptly 
suppress the outbreak was soon to be seen in the growing 
disaffection of the Nipmucks. 

Suspicious of the Narragansetts, among whom it was 
said the women and children of the Wampanoags had 
found a refuge, 2 and stirred by the warning letter of 
Roger Williams before quoted, Governor Leverett and 
the Council now sent Captain Edward Hutchinson 3 to 

1 Captain Isaac Johnson was of Roxbury where he was admitted free 
man March 4, 1635. He was of the Artillery Company in 1645 and its 
captain in 1667. He was early in the service of King Philip s war and 
is heard of at Mount Hope and Mendon. 

2Uncas supplied this information. Rev. James Fitch of Norwich 
quotes him as authority for the statement in a letter to the Connecticut 
Council. Conn. Records, Vol. II, page 336. Age had not abated his 
cunning or his enmities. 

3 Captain Edward Hutchinson born about 1608, came to America 
from Alford in Lincolnshire in 1633. He early settled in Newport but 
removed to Boston. He soon entered service in the Artillery Company 
and held a captain s commission in 1657. In 1658 he was elected rep 
resentative to the General Court. He owned a large farm in the Nip- 
muck country and he and his family were widely known among the 

70 King Philip s War 

take the Massachusetts force into the Narragansett coun 
try and compel Canonchet to make a treaty and give 
hostages for the good behavior of his people. 

Immediately on the arrival of Hutchinson and Joseph 
Dudley, 1 a council of war was held and it was resolved 
to " go make peace with a sword in their hands. " 

Savage at once began his march by way of Providence, 
while Moseley and Hutchinson and a party of volunteers 
accompanied by Roger Williams and Dudley, sailed 
down the bay to Smith s Landing 2 on the Narragansett 

Both parties found the country of the Narragansetts 
deserted. The wigwams stood empty, and though the 

Indians witn whom he was popular. New England Register, Vol. I 
page 299. 

1 Joseph Dudley of Roxbury was the son of Governor Thomas and 
was born September 23, 1647. Graduated from Harvard College in 
1665; was representative 1673-75; Artillery Company in 1677; assistant 
from 1676 to 1685. He was of Andros Council and Chief Justice of 
an unconstitutional Superior Court. After a long imprisonment he went 
in 1689 to England and became Deputy Governor of the Isle of Wight 
under Lord Cutts, and came home in 1702 with a commission as Gov 
ernor in which office he served until 1715. He died April 2, 1720. Sav 

2 Smith s Landing. Richard Smith came from Gloucestershire, Eng 
land, and became a leading man in Taunton. " On account of matters 
of conscience" he left that place and settled in the Narragansett country, 
purchasing from the Indians a large tract of land. He built on the 
banks of the Annoquatucket River a large trading house where he gave 
free entertainment to travelers. This was located about one mile north 
of the present village of Wickford, R. I. At this place he had a wharf. 
His son Richard inherited this property in 1664 and became his father s 
successor as a trader and prominent citizen. It was burned during the 
war, but was rebuilt, some of the timbers of the original house being used 
in the construction of the new. It still stands, in an excellent state of 
preservation and is known as the Updike house. Rhode Island Hist 
Soc. Coll., Vol. HI, page 166. 

King Philip s War 71 

crops were showing above the soil, men, women and 
children in fear or hostility had withdrawn into the swamps. 
Again and again Hutchinson sent for the sachems, but, 
as Roger Williams wrote to Waite Winthrop 1 at New 
London, July 7th, a meeting had not been agreed upon, 
and if it were he feared it " would end in blows and blood 
shed. " 

A few days later Waite Winthrop with a company of 
Connecticut troops and a number of Mohegans after a 
march across country, during which Winthrop having 
met old Ninigret had secured a promise of neutrality, 2 
arrived at Smith s Landing and joined the Massachusetts 

By the 15th a few aged and unimportant Indians had 
been gathered together and forced to sign a treaty. The 
totemic marks appearing on the document although des 
ignated by the signers of the treaty as counselors and 
attorneys to Canonicus, Ninigret and Pumham, 3 are those 

1 Waitstill Winthrop, sometimes written Waite, was the son of Gov 
ernor John Winthrop of Connecticut, and was born February 27, 1042. 
He was one of the commissioners of the New England colonies in 1G72 
and during the years of Philip s war. He was chosen an assistant in 
1692 under the old form of government, ten days before the arrival of 
Sir William Phips with the new charter, in which he was named by the 
King one of the Council. He died November 7, 1717. Savage. 

2 Letter of Waite Winthrop to Governor Winthrop. Conn. Records, 
Vol. II, page 338. 

3 Pumham was sachem of Shawamut, a part of Narragansett territory, 
and disputed the deed given by Miantonomah to Samuel Gorton, ap 
pealing to Massachusetts for protection. There may still be seen on 
the banks of Warwick Cove the remains of an earthwork erected by the 
authorities of the Massachusetts colony as an aid in the resistance of 
the colony to the demands of Rhode Island, and known as Pumham s 
fort. See Narragansett Historical Register, Vol. VI, page 137. 

72 King Philip s War 

of obscure individuals. Not a name of importance ap 

By the terms of this one-sided treaty (here given only 
in part) the signers on behalf of the Narragansetts agreed : 

"I. That all and every of the said sachems shall from 
time to time carefully seize, and living or dead deliver 
unto one or other of the above-said governments, all and 
every one of Sachem Philip s subjects whatsoever, that 
shall come, or be found within the precincts of any of 
their lands, and that with the greatest diligence and 

"II. That they shall with their utmost ability use all 
acts of hostility against the said Philip and his subjects, 
entering his lands or any other lands of the English, to 
kill and destroy the said enemy, until a cessation from 
war with the said enemy be concluded by both the above- 
said colonies. 


" VI. The said gentlemen in behalf of the governments 
to which they do belong, do engage to the said Sachems 
and their subjects, that if they or any of them shall seize 
and bring into either the above English governments, or 
to Mr. Smith, inhabitant of Narragansett, Philip Sachem, 
alive, he or they so delivering, shall receive for their pains, 
forty trucking cloth coats; in case they bring his head 
they shall have twenty like good coats paid them. For 
every living subject of said Philip s so delivered, the de 
liverer shall receive two coats, and for every head one 
coat, as a gratuity for their service herein . . . etc. 
" PETTAQUAMSCOT, 1 July 15, 1675. " 

i Pettaquamscot was that section of country lying in the southeasterly 
part of what is now the town of South Kingstown, R. I. It was sepa- 

King Philip s War 73 

Well might the unfortunate Narragansetts as they con 
templated the forceful invasion of their territory and the 
terms of this treaty extorted by force, which, signed by 
no sachem, would be held binding upon them, feel that 
the burden of past wrongs and present injuries was 
almost too great to be borne. 

Of all the New England tribes they indeed were the 
most deserving of sympathy. The whole conduct of 
Massachusetts and Connecticut against the Narragansetts 
had from the first been often unjust, and always aggres 
sive and high-handed. It had never been a wise policy, 
and now that the bold and warlike Canonchet had suc 
ceeded the pacific Canonicus the results were soon to be 

In the meantime Philip, relieved from pressure by the 
Massachusetts men and the partial inactivity of the Plym 
outh forces, found refuge in the wooded swamps and 
thickets that lay in the interior of the Pocasset territory. 1 
The Indians along the eastern shore had been forced to 
join him, and numerous war parties sallying forth ranged 
the country in all directions, burning solitary farms, shoot 
ing at the settlers from ambush and killing the cattle. 

Middleboro 2 was devastated and the inhabitants forced 

rated from Boston Neck by the Pettaquamscot River and Cove. Tower 
Hill at the southerly end, was the portion of this territory settled by the 

1 Although the land of Pocasset along its water front is broken and 
hilly, behind this ridge and extending the whole length of the territory 
is an extent of swamp and meadow surrounding Watuppa Pond, among 
the thickets of which the natives could find shelter from which they 
could not easily be driven. 

2 Middleboro in Plymouth colony, was so named from the fact that 
Nemasket, the Indian village of the town, was the halfway or middle 
place between the settlement at Plymouth and Sowams, the seat of 

74 King Philip s War 

to take refuge in a mill on the Nemasket River; a few 
days and this too was deserted and the settlers, abandon 
ing all their possessions, removed to Plymouth. Dart 
mouth 1 was beset and partly burned during the latter 
part of July. Taunton also was threatened and travel 
along the highways ceased, except under escort. Men 
feared to work in the fields and the inhabitants of all the 
border towns sought refuge at night in the largest and 
strongest houses, which were extemporized as garrisons. 
Cudworth, unmindful of Church s persistent advice to 
strike vigorously and with full force at the main body of 
the Indians, who, he declared, were with Philip at Pocas- 
set, had moved towards Taunton the better to protect that 
side of the country from the activities of the war parties. 
Like most of the commanding officers he possessed no 
experience in warfare and failed to realize that against 
the Indians a vigorous offensive was the surest means of 

Massasoit. The English settlement grew up around the "Four Cor 
ners" a mile or two above Nemasket, and is still the central portion of 
the village. A short distance to the north, on what is now the main 
street, stood the fort, overlooking the valley of the Nemasket, and oppo 
site the fort lot still stands an ancient house, said to be a survivor of 
the destruction of the place in Philip s war. The mill, in which the 
inhabitants took refuge from the Indians, stood on the river at a spot 
which now forms the northeastern corner of the village and known as 
the lower factory. 

1 The portion of Dartmouth that suffered most was that located about 
five miles southwest from New Bedford and called by the Indian name 
of Apponagansett, on the river still called by that name. At Russell s 
Orchard, a short distance north of the bridge spanning the river, there 
stood on the east bank, Russell s garrison house, into which the inhabi 
tants of that section securely retired. This portion of the town is now 
known as South Dartmouth or Padanaram. The ruined cellars of the 
garrison were traceable a few years ago. 

King Philip s War 75 

In the hope, however, that Church, who was known 
to possess considerable influence with the Pocasset In 
dians, would be able to persuade or force them into peace, 
he dispatched him with a small force of thirty-six men, 
with Captain Fuller in command, to Pocasset. Unable 
to get in touch with them, though informed by his Indian 
scouts that they were in force close by, the captain placed 
his men along a well-trodden trail and sat down to wait. 

Fuller s men were unfortunately seized with an intense 
desire to smoke, and " this epidemical plague of lust after 
tobacco " l betrayed their presence to a party of Indians 
coming down the path who instantly turned back. 

On their return to the rendezvous certain of the men 
began to twit Church on his failure to show them any 
Indians, whereupon he offered to show such as would 
volunteer to accompany him as many as they desired to 

It was now determined to divide the force, Fuller 
marching along the coast, while Church, with nineteen 
men, moved into the swamp. Fuller had marched only 
a few miles when he discovered a band of Indians, who 
had evidently been watching the force for some time, 
closing in upon him. Urging his men forward he took 
possession of a deserted house near the water s edge and 
held his own stoutly until the evening when, a sloop ap 
proaching the shore, he embarked his force and passed 
over to the island of Rhode Island. 

Church s party in the meantime marching along the 
rocky but deeply wooded ground soon came upon a 
" fresh plain trail, " but so infested with rattlesnakes that 

1 Church, page 7. 

76 King Philip s War 

the men were unwilling to proceed. " Had they kept on, " 
says the chronicle, "they would have found enough (In 
dians) but it is not certain they would have returned to 
tell how many. " 1 The desire of the men to turn back 
must have been welcome to Church who knew the peril 
of their position. Retracing their steps a short distance 
they turned off into a pea field in two divisions. Suddenly 
two Indians appeared. Church and those with him threw 
themselves on the ground, but the others discovered them 
selves and the Indians fled. Deeming their position criti 
cal the captain drew his men together and marched 
toward the shore as the glitter of gun barrels in the sun 
light showed them a large force of Indians who soon 
opened a fierce fire. 2 The little force, keeping well to 
gether and taking advantage of the ground, made their 
way without loss to the beach, 3 and here, burrowing in 
the sand and lying behind the rocks, they kept the Indians 
at bay. 

For over twenty-four hours the force had been without 
food, and the boats which they had expected to follow 
along the shore were seen aground towards Rhode Island. 
Hard pressed by numbers Church ordered his men to 

1 Church, page 8. 

2 Church, page 9. 

3 The scene of Church s exploit is located on Punkatees Neck, some 
times called Pocasset Neck. It is about five miles south of the village 
of Tiverton and shoots out from the mainland directly opposite the 
little village of Tiverton Four Corners. The immediate scene of the 
conflict was on the shore directly opposite Fogland Point, a spur of land 
pushing out westwardly and then turning to the north, thus forming a 
cove of which the point is the western boundary. The spring at which 
Church records himself as quenching his thirst, has disappeared, and 
it is most probable that the shore on which Church s force actually 
stood has been encroached upon and swallowed up by the sea. 

King Philip s War 77 

throw off their outside garments in order that the Rhode 
Islanders, watching the fight from the opposite shore, 
might distinguish his meager force by their white shirts, 
and send assistance. 1 

The Indians had now taken possession of the ruins of 
a stone house near by, but the English lay close in shelter 
and their fire accomplished little. The fight continued 
all of a sultry afternoon, until near evening a sloop, com 
manded by Captain Golding, came in close to shore and 
brought them off two at a time in a canoe. 

Philip having been definitely located amid the swamps 
about Pocasset, the Massachusetts troops on their return 
from the Narragansett country proceeded through Re- 
hoboth to Taunton. On the 18th they were joined by 
the Plymouth forces under Cudworth and the whole army 
proceeded into the Pocasset swamp, 2 which they reached 
after an eighteen-mile march. 3 

Pushing forward in haste and without caution they 
were met by a murderous volley from a large number of 
Indians lying in wait for them in a thicket. Five of their 
number were instantly killed and many were wounded. 

1 Church, page 11. 

2 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 84. 

3 The "swamp" here mentioned was rather a thick growth of woods 
and tangled underbrush than a wet and miry lowland. There is evi 
dence that the encounter was at a point on the eastern shore of the 
Taunton River directly opposite the present village of Somerset, between 
the Assonet River and the railroad track leading to Middleboro, and 
hemmed in on the east by the highway from Fall River to Assonet village. 
This section of country is rolling, watered by several streams, with oc 
casional marshes. Hubbard characterizes the Pocasset swamp as being 
seven miles in length, but this only lends probability to the statement 
made above that the term applied to a tangled and difficult wooded 
country rather than to a marsh, there being nothing of the latter sort, 
of anything like that extent, in this whole region. 

78 King Philip s War 

Before they could rally and assume the offensive, the In 
dians, leaving their wigwams at the mercy of the English, 
withdrew farther into the swamp. 

Hearing from an old Indian found in one of the wig 
wams that Philip was near by, the English attempted to 
follow, but the night was coming on and in the dusk the 
soldiers began to fire at every stump and waving bush, 
and many, made nervous and confused by the darkness, 
shot in the gloom even at their comrades. Orders were 
given to halt, and the force retreated out of the swamp. 

It was now decided, from the belief that Philip and his 
Wampanoags were finally cornered, to leave Captain 
Henchman and his company, supported by the Plymouth 
forces to build a fort which it was supposed would pre 
vent the egress of the Indians and lead eventually to their 
being starved into submission. 

Considering that Philip was as good as taken the main 
army now disbanded, 1 while Captain Prentice marched 
towards Mendon where five or six of the inhabitants had 
been killed while laboring in the fields by a war party of 
Nipmucks. 2 

Philip was very far from being taken, and, while Hench 
man was building his fort, evaded the outposts during the 
night of the 31st of July, and, crossing the Taunton River 
at low tide by swimming and by rafts, 3 made his escape. 

1 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 86. 

2 This was the first attack on any place in the Massachusetts colony, 
and was led by Matoonas, a Nipmuck chieftain. The wife and son of 
Matthias Puffer were slain as was also one William Post, and these are 
the only ones that can now be identified among the victims. The site 
of the slaughter is marked by a monument. 

3 Hubbard says, " About a hundred or more of the women and chil 
dren, which were like to be rather burdensome than serviceable, were 

King Philip s War 79 

He had turned the flank of the colonists and was well on 
his way to the Nipmuck country before the sun was high. 
He had outgeneraled his opponents, and could he once 
pass unmolested through the plains about Rehoboth the 
whole undefended frontier would be at his mercy. 

Fortunately for the settlements Philip s force was dis 
covered while crossing Seekonk Plain by a scouting party 
from Taunton. 

The Reverend Mr. Newman l of Rehoboth gathered a 
company of volunteers, and, reinforced by fifty Mohegans 
and some Natick Indians returning from Boston under 
the command of Oneco and two other sons of Uncas, 2 
rushed in pursuit. The troops towards Mount Hope 
and Swansea were notified and the pursuers were soon 
joined by Lieutenant Thomas 3 with a small force, in 
cluding some Providence volunteers. Night had fallen, 
but they continued the chase until notified by the Mohe- 
gan scouts that the Wampanoags were near by. 

Just before dawn, leaving their horses, the whole force 
stole upon the Indian encampment and surprised the in 
mates. It was Weetamoo s camp, and the Indians fled, 

left behind, who soon after resigned up themselves to the mercy of the 
English. " 

1 Rev. Noah Newman was the son of Rev. Samuel Newman, and 
succeeded his father in the pastorate of the church at Rehoboth. He 
died April 26, 1678. Savage. 

2 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVII, page 215. Curtis Return 
and Relation. 

3 Lieutenant Nathaniel Thomas lived at Marshfield, of which town 
he was representative for eight years from 1672. At the time of Philip s 
escape from the Pocasset swamp he was stationed at the Mount Hope 
garrison with twenty men, eleven of whom he took with him on his chase 
after the other forces, which he overtook at sundown. He died Octo 
ber 22, 1718, in his 76th year. Bodge. Savage. 

80 King Philip s War 

leaving several dead. The settlers were following hard 
upon the heels of the fugitives when suddenly they found 
themselves confronted by Philip s fighting menGy 

The fight raged fiercely for some time, both sides losing 
several killed, among the Wampanoag dead being Woo- 
nashun, 2 one of the signers of the treaty of Taunton, but 
finally the Indians withdrew and the Mohegans, finding 
the plunder of Weetamoo s camp to their liking, could 
not be induced to continue the pursuit. 

Captain Henchman was still building his fort at Po- 
casset when the news reached him that Philip had es 
caped. Embarking his force he crossed the water and 
soon came up with the Rehoboth men who were returning 
for their horses left in the rear. 

Henchman failed to energetically pursue the retiring 
Indians although furnished with supplies by Edmonds 3 
and Brown. 4 He failed to grasp the importance of an- 

lace oj ,tbi&^ooo]j|itor_was known as Nipsachick. It is located 
in the northwest corner of the town of Smitnfield, K. L, a mile and a 
half south from the Tarkiln station of the Providence & Springfield 
R. R. It is in the midst of a hilly country with the swamp Nipsachick 
lying in a valley southward of the hill of that name. This was the first 
encounter upon the soil of Rhode Island. 

2Nimrod, alias Woonashun, was a great captain and counselor. 
Book of the Indians. 

3 Captain Andrew Edmonds of Providence commanded the Providence 
company which took part in the affair at Nipsachick. He was after 
wards granted the privilege of operating a ferry where the red bridge 
crosses the Seekonk River, by the men whom, he said in his petition, 
"fought with me at Nipsatteke," as compensation for his valiant services 
in the war. In 1696 the ferry privilege was continued to his widow. 
The State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations (Edward Field), 
Vol. I, page 403. 

* Lieutenant John Brown was the son of John of Wannamoiset. He 
was an early settler of Swansea of which town he was a leading citizen. 

King Philip s War 81 

nihilating or turning Philip back toward Mount Hope, 
though even now the Nipmucks were rising and the un 
suspecting settlers along the western frontier were in peril 
of massacre. Henchman continued his pursuit leisurely 
until his provisions were exhausted. Near Mendon the 
Mohegans left him and soon after, meeting Captain Mose- 
ley who was bringing up supplies, he gave over the pur 
suit. 1 

Philip s force nevertheless had been scattered. Wee- 
tamoo and her people turned again to their own territory. 
Many of the Wampanoags deserted, or, prevented from 
joining Philip through ignorance of his whereabouts, wan 
dered around in small parties, falling upon the homes of 
solitary settlers and isolated hamlets. 

Negotiations had already been commenced with the 
Indians left by Philip in the vicinity of Pocasset. By the 
persistence of Captain Benjamin Church and Captain 
Eels, 2 many were induced to surrender themselves and 
were taken to Plymouth, but, notwithstanding the terms 
on which they had submitted and the indignant remon 
strances of Church and the other captains, the whole to 
the number of one hundred and sixty were ordered by 
the government to be sold into slavery. 3 

1 Letter of Captain Nathaniel Thomas to Thomas Winslow. Mather s 
History (Appendix), page 231. 

2 Samuel Eels of Milford, Conn., was a military officer in Philip s 
war and was afterwards at Fairfield, in 1687, but settled later in Hing- 
ham from which place he was representative in 1705. He died in 1709. 

3 Church, page 13. 

A letter written by the Rev. Mr. Fitch of Norwich to the Connecticut 
Council records the capture by Mohegans of 111 women and children 
about this time, who were afterwards sold into slavery. Conn. Rec 
ords, Vol. II, page 355. 

82 King Philip s War 

Before we follow the developments which were rapidly 
unfolding during the month of July toward the western 
frontier of the Bay towns, let us turn for the moment to 
the state of affairs in the colony of Connecticut. Here 
we shall find a prompt realization of the dangers of the 
warfare which had broken out and an energy and deci 
siveness in marked contrast with the hesitation and blind 
ness of both Massachusetts and Plymouth. That colony, 
though engaged in a fierce dispute with Governor Andros of 
New York, as soon as the first alarm of war was sounded 
took energetic measures, and, secure in the friendly dis 
position and active alliance of Uncas, was able not only 
to guard her eastern frontier but to lend valuable assist 
ance to her neighbors. 

The towns were ordered to set themselves in a position 
of defense, and on the first day of July, when Savage was 
marching into Mount Hope peninsula, Connecticut troops 
were being sent to New London, Stonington and Say- 
brook under Captains Waite Winthrop and Thomas Bull. 1 
The Mohegans were encouraged to don their war paint 
by the promise of rewards for every scalp and prisoner 
taken, and scouting parties scoured the country from Nor 
wich to the Narragansett frontiers. Winthrop, a few days 
after his arrival at New London, had invaded the Narra- 

i Thomas Bull of Hartford came in the Hopewell, embarking at Lon 
don in September, 1635. He was first of Boston or Cambridge, but ac 
companied Hooker to Hartford. He served in the Pequot war in 1637, 
and in 1675 was in command of the fort at Saybrook when Sir Edmond 
Andros attempted unsuccessfully to gain the place for the Duke of 
York. He was appointed lieutenant of a company raised in 1653, by 
order of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, to fight the Dutch. 
He died in 1684. Memorial History of Hartford County, Vol. I, 
page 232. 

King Philip s War 83 

gansett country and joined Hutchinson in forcing the 
Pettaquamscot treaty on the Narragansetts. 

Uncas, though an old man, had not lost his cunning, 
and the suspicions in regard to the Narragansetts offered 
too valuable an opportunity for the sagacious sachem to 
overlook. The report that the Narragansetts were shel 
tering the women and children of the Wampanoags was 
certainly spread by him, and there is more than a sus 
picion that his warriors did not discriminate too care 
fully between the scalps of neutral Narragansetts and the 
hostile Wampanoags. 

Connecticut realized to the full the value of the Indian 
auxiliaries as scouts and guides, while the Massachu 
setts authorities yielded to public clamor which held all 
the Indian race to be treacherous enemies. Connecticut, 
whose people tasted little of the bitterness of burned vil 
lages and slain settlers, associated the Mohegans with all 
their expeditions and by their assistance escaped those 
ambuscades so often fatal to the Massachusetts forces. 

While desolation and terror prevailed in the isolated 
settlements towards Rhode Island and the Plymouth 
frontier, and Connecticut lay safe in the security of re 
moteness and the Mohegan alliance, the settlers to the 
west of the Bay towns and in the Connecticut Valley pur 
sued their customary occupations, disturbed by occasional 
rumors, yet generally confident in the neutrality of the 
neighboring Nipmucks. 

The Nipmuck and the valley tribes had planted their 
fields as usual and no unwonted movement had been 
noticed among them. Warnings, however, had come to 
the ears of the authorities early in June before Philip 
had plunged into the conflict. 


ONE Waban, 1 a Christian Natick, and several Chris 
tian Indians had early reported that the Nipmucks 
were disaffected. In fact all the Indian tribes seemed to 
have reached a state of excitement and concealed hostility 
which only needed such a spark as was furnished by 
Philip s example to break into flame, and there is con 
siderable evidence that these tribes, formerly closely con 
nected with the Wampanoags, had been visited by emis 
saries of Philip in the spring. 

In accordance with their usual custom the Governor 
and Council of Massachusetts, though with no full reali 
zation of the great danger, sent Ephraim Curtis 2 of Wor 
cester to the Nipmuck country on the 13th of July, in 
the dual capacity of negotiator and spy. Journeying 
through the country, particularly that part lying toward 
Brookfield, he visited many of the Nipmuck villages and 

1 Wauban, commonly written Waban, was supposed to be from Con 
cord, and was an old man when Philip s war broke out. He was one 
of Eliot s converts; resided at Noantum (Newton), and later at Natick 
where he was "a ruler over fifty," and a justice of the peace. He was 
among those sent to Deer Island, October 30, 1675, and among the sick 
that returned in May, 1676, and it is particularly mentioned that he was 
one that recovered. The time of his death is unknown. Drake s Book 
of the Indians, Vol. II, page 115. 

2 Ephraim Curtis was the son of Henry of Sudbury, and was 33 years 
of age at the breaking out of Philip s war. He was a notable scout and 
hunter, well versed in Indian ways and intimately acquainted with many 
of the tribes. He was also a trader and had a house at Quamsigamug 

King Philip s War 85 

received promises of good behavior. Hardly had he 
reached Boston when the Council, now seriously alarmed 
by the conditions at Swansea, bade him return to the 
Nipmucks. On reaching Brookfield, 1 Curtis was informed 
that Matoonas, 2 with Sagamore John and certain others, 
leaders of the party among the Nipmucks friendly to 
Philip, had robbed his house at Worcester and was given 
to understand by some Indians with whom he had traded 
for many years, that it would be dangerous for him to 
continue his journey. Securing two men and horses from 
Marlboro, however, with a friendly Indian for a guide, he 
set out for the Indian encampment at Quabaug^ one of 
the Indian villages of which there were several near by. 
On approaching the site of the village neither Indians 
nor wigwams were to be seen. He determined, however, 
to follow on toward one of the upper villages. A few 
miles to the west, coming upon an Indian path newly 
made he followed it for a considerable distance until they 
came by the abandoned lead mines on the old road to 
Springfield. A short distance farther on they came upon 
two Indians, one of whom they managed to overtake. He 
informed them that the others were encamped a short 
distance away, which led Curtis to send a Middleboro 
Indian to announce that he came as a messenger from 
the Governor of Massachusetts with peaceable word and 
no intention to hurt or fight them. 

1 The location of old Brookfield was upon Foster Hill at a point about 
halfway between the present villages of Brookfield and West Brook- 
field. At present there are but few houses in this locality. 

2 Matoonas was a Nipmuck chief whom Hubbard calls "An old, ma 
licious villian." His son had been executed for having murdered a 
young Englishman in Dedham. 

86 King Philip s War 

The guide soon returned with the information that 
they would not believe the message sent them. Unde 
terred by their hostile attitude, which to an old trader 
acquainted with them conveyed its own warning, he went 
on towards their encampment and found the main body 
on an island of a few acres surrounded by a swamp and 
the river. 1 A party of warriors whom they found on the 
road cocked their guns at him. None who knew him 
would speak or return his salutation. Disturbed by these 
evidences of hostility his companions urged that it was 
too perilous to continue, but silencing them with the ar 
gument that their only safety lay in going boldly among 
them, he pushed on. On reaching the river bank he 
called out that he came peaceably to remind them of 
their engagements, at which a great uproar arose. Guns 
were aimed at him and many of the young men would 
have killed him had not the older men withheld them. 
Ordering the sachems to come over the river, they re- 

1 This was Menameset where the old turnpike road from Furnace 
village through Oakham crosses the Wenimisset Brook in New Brain- 
tree. The topography of the country has greatly changed and drainage 
and tillage has removed practically all traces of the swamp except im 
mediately along the borders of the brook. The site of the encampment 
was about twenty rods from Ware River and may be reached by a walk 
of perhaps a third of a mile from the New Braintree station of the Massa 
chusetts Central Division of the Boston and Maine R. R. This vil 
lage was the most southerly of three, all known by the name of Mena 
meset, and was perhaps a mere temporary lodging place. The other 
villages were located farther up the Ware River, the first about a mile 
from the former and the last two miles beyond the middle village. The 
two last were permanent abiding places, so far as any Indian dwell 
ing could have that term applied, and evidence of this is still to 
be seen. The middle village has the distinction of having been the 
one to which Mrs. Rowlandson was brought after her capture at 

King Philip s War 87 

fused, and bade him come over to them. As he forded 
the river the Indians continued to threaten him and he 
requested them to lay down their arms. They demanded 
that he lay down his arms and that he and his companions 
come off their horses, a command with which he was 
compelled to comply. Many said they would not be 
lieve him or his masters unless two or three bushels of 
powder were sent them. 1 Among the chiefs were Mut- 
taump, 2 chief of the Quabaugs, and Sagamore Sam 3 of 
the Nashaway Indians. 

The feeling against him finally quieted down and they 
bade him stay with them over night saying that their hos 
tile attitude had been due to the report that the English 
had killed a man of theirs on the Merrimac River a few 
days before and had an intention to destroy them all. 
Assuring them of the friendship of the authorities he left 
them apparently appeased. j^ujdn^.,h^.r^tuj-n to Boston 
news reached him that war had broken out along.,.tlie 
Plyjnojith^ frontier. 

The jtttflpk nn JjflfipHnn again aroused the authorities 
to the threatening danger from the Nipmuck tribes, and, 
combined with the news which had reached them of the 
attitude of the eastern Indians, led them to consider the 
necessity of keeping the Nipmucks under control. In 
consequence Curtis was again dispatched from Boston 
to make a perfect discovery of the motions of the Nip- 

1 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVII, page 215. Curtis Return and 

2 Muttaump or Mattawamppe, was the sachem of the Quabaugs. He 
was interested in the sale of Brookfield lands to the settlers. 

3 Sagamore Sam of the Nashaway tribe was one of the party which 
sacked Lancaster February 10, 1676. He was also known by the name 
of Uskatuhgun. Drake s Book of the Indians. 

88 King Philip s War 

mucks, and with a declaration under the public seal that 
the English had no intention to disturb them or any other 
Indians who remained peaceable. 

After delivering a message to the constable at Marl 
boro to forward to Major Pynchon at Springfield, he fol 
lowed his old trail and came upon the Indians at the 
place where he had found them encamped before. As 
he waved his hand to them across the stream they gave 
a great shout. Muttaump was away, but several minor 
chiefs spoke to him. The warriors seemed calmer and 
less sullen than before and listened to the Governor s 
letter quietly. 

He told them if Muttaump and others would come to 
Boston they would be well treated, their bellies filled and 
their questions answered, and received their promise to 
send one or more of their chiefs to Boston within five 
days. Asked why they had been so abusive during his 
former visit they replied that Black James, 1 one of the 
leaders of the Quabaug Indians, had told them that the 
English would kill them all because they were not pray 
ing Indians. 2 They also informed him that one of Philip s 
men had been among them with plunder from Swansea 
at the time of his first visit. 

The Council waited in vain for the embassy. None 
came, and, thoroughly alarmed, they determined to force 
matters to an issue. Captains Hutchinson and Wheeler, 3 

1 Black James was a Quabaug, a dweller at Chabanakongkomun, 
near what is now Webster, Mass. He was constituted a constable of 
all the praying towns. "He is a person that hath approved himself 
dilligent and courageous, faithful and zealous to suppress sin. " Gookin. 

2 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVH, page 223. 

s Captain Thomas Wheeler was of Concord where he was admitted 
freeman May 18, 1642. He was early engaged in military affairs and 

King Philip s War 89 

with twenty troopers, were accordingly sent from Boston, 
July 28th, to demand the reasons why the promised em 
bassy had not been sent, and to warn them that unless 
they delivered up Matoonas, his accomplices and all hos 
tile Indians who came among them, the Council would 
hold them as aids and abettors. 

Marching leisurely by way of Cambridge and Sudbury 
the English came upon several Indian villages, but all 
were silent and deserted. Hearing on their arrival at 
Brookfield, August 1st, that the Indians were ten miles 
to the northwest, they sent Curtis with some other young 
men to inform them that they had not come to do them 
injury but to deliver a message. Curtis reported on his 
return that the chief sachems had promised to meet them 
at a place three miles from Brookfield on the morrow at 
eight o clock, but that the younger warriors seemed surly 
and hostile. 

On the next day they set out for the rendezvous, but 
no Indians came to meet them. Encouraged, however, 
by several Brookfield settlers who had accompanied them, 
and who relied upon the influence of one David, 1 a saga- 

upon the organization of a troop of horse in Concord, became its cap 
tain. He was in this command when the company was called to active 
service in Philip s war, July, 1675. He died December 16, 1686. 

1 David was ruler of the Quabaug village in the southeasterly part of 
Brookfield, and was a trusted friend of the first Brookfield settlers. 
During the war he was charged with being privy to a murder committed 
at Lancaster and an attempt was made to wring confession from him 
through torture. In this situation, in order to avert immediate death, 
as well as to be avenged for the death of a brother captured by friendly 
Indians and by them delivered over to the English and shot, he accused 
eleven Indians of the act, which accusation he subsequently acknowl 
edged to have been false, and in punishment for this treachery, as well 
as for shooting at a boy in Marlboro, he was condemned to slavery, and 
accordingly sold. Book of the Indians, page 265. 

90 King Philip s War 

more of the Quabaugs, who had long been a friend of 
the English and to whose tribe a majority of the Indians 
belonged, they determined to proceed despite the warning 
of their Indian guides. Riding in single file along the 
trail they entered a narrow path where a wooded hill 
rose abruptly from the edge of a swamp covered with 
thick brush and tall grass. 1 Here, when they had well 
entered, from all sides a murderous volley was poured in 
upon them and several fell. Unable to retreat by the 
way they had come or to enter the swamp, a few of the 
party, dismounting, held the savages from rushing and 
overpowering them, in a hand-to-hand conflict, until the 
rest had had time to rally. Wheeler s horse was shot 
and he himself wounded, but his son coming to the rescue 
placed him on his own horse and, though himself wounded 
in the abdomen, was able to catch a riderless horse and 
join the rest of the force. 

Skillfully directed by their three Indian guides, the sur 
vivors fought their way step by step up the steep side 
of the hill and finally broke through, leaving eight of 
their number, including all the Brookfield men, dead on 
the field. The survivors, five of them badly wounded, 
Captain Hutchinson mortally, taking a circuitous route, 
reached Brookfield in safety. It is a sad commentary to 
add that the Indian guides, to whose skill and loyalty the 
survivors owed their lives, were soon afterwards driven 
by harsh treatment to join the hostiles. One Sampson is 

i The place of ambush in the Wenimisset fight was in the valley of 
that brook about a mile south of the lower Menameset village. The 
swamplike character of the ground has been reclaimed by drainage, but 
the steep and rocky hillside still remains. The old Indian path is sup 
planted by a traveled highway. 

King Philip s War 91 

known to have been killed soon after while fighting against 
the English, and his brother Joseph taken prisoner and 
sold into slavery in Jamaica was to be released afterwards 
through the efforts of Eliot. From the other, Memecho, 
a Christian Natick, we obtain information of Philip s meet 
ing with the Quabaugs. 

The return of the defeated troopers made clear the 
deadly peril which now hovered over the little settlement 
of Brookfield. Abandoning their homes the people flocked 
to the house of Sergeant John Ayres, 1 the largest and 
strongest in the settlement, with such provisions and house 
hold goods as they were able to take with them. 

Hardly had the necessary preparations been completed 
when the victorious Quabaugs poured into the village, 
plundering and burning the deserted houses and encom 
passing the garrison on all sides. 

Curtis, and Henry Young of Concord, attempting to 
leave for the purpose of procuring aid from the other 
towns, after reaching the further end of the street were 
driven back, and the attack upon the garrison began in 
earnest. That evening Young, looking out of a loophole 
in the garret window, was shot and mortally wounded. 
A son of Sergeant Pritchard, 2 venturing out of the garri- 

1 John Ayres was of Haverhill in 1645, Ipswich, 1648, a petitioner for 
Quabaug in 1660, whither he removed with the first settlers and was a 
leading man in the new plantation. He was killed at Wenimisset 
August 2, 1675, and his sons received a grant of land on account of their 
father s services. Temple s History of North Brookfield, page 65. 

2 Sergeant William Pritchard was of Lynn, 1645, and of Ipswich, 1648, 
He removed to Quabaug in 1667 where he was "clerk of the writs," 
and second sergeant in the Brookfield company. He was killed at 
Wenimisset fight August 2, 1675. His home lot in Brookfield was the 
one first east of Sergeant Ayres tavern, and it was there that his son 
Samuel was killed during the siege. History of North Brookfield. 

92 King Philip s War 

son to his father s house near by, in order to bring in 
some valuables forgotten in the confusion of flight, was 
shot, his head cut off and set upon a pole. Fagots and 
hay were piled up at the corner of the house and fired, 
but the fire was put out and the garrison, standing to their 
posts, drove off the Indians with some loss. Curtis was 
again sent out but could not pass, but, going forth the 
third time, August 3rd, crept on his hands and knees 
through the lines of the besiegers and got safely away to 

Through the third and fourth of August the siege con 
tinued. Blazing arrows were shot upon the roof of the 
house, but holes were cut through and water poured from 
buckets quenched the flames. Finally a wheeled contri 
vance loaded with hay and fagots was set on fire and 
pushed against the door while the warriors, sheltering 
themselves behind the trees and outhouses, fired at the 
settlers whenever they exposed themselves, but a down 
pour of rain quenched the fire and gave the defenders 
renewed hope. Thomas Wilson, 1 going out to fetch 
water, was shot through the jaw, and a woman killed by 
a bullet that entered through a loophole. But though the 
bullets occasionally pierced the walls they inflicted few 
casualties among the fifty women and children and the 
thirty-two men within. 2 

1 Thomas Wilson was among the earlier settlers of Brookfield. In 
the division of lands he received lot No. 7, but a short distance west 
of the meeting-house lot, which was No. 10, that of Sergeant John 
Ayres upon which stood the tavern, being next east of the meeting 

2 The best contemporary account of the ambuscade and the defense 
of Brookfield, is given in Captain Wheeler s "True Narrative of the 
Lord s Providences." 

King Philip s War 93 

In the meanwhile, Judah Trumble l of Springfield, who 
had set out for Brookfield, saw the flames and, cautioned 
by the sound of guns and the shouts of the besiegers, 
crept up within forty rods of the burning houses. Imme 
diately recognizing the desperate state of affairs he rode 
home in haste. 

Preparations for the relief of the beleaguered town were 
at once made, couriers dispatched to Hartford and Boston 
asking for assistance, while warnings of the danger to 
which they were exposed were spread through the valley 
towns, and a force from Springfield under the command 
of Lieutenant Cooper, 2 reinforced by a company of troop 
ers and Mohegans from Connecticut, Captain Thomas 
Watts 3 in command, was immediately sent forward. 
Major Simon Willard, 4 however, who had been dispatched 

1 Judah Trumble removed from Rowley to Suffield, now in Connecti 
cut but then within the jurisdiction of Springfield, in 1676. At Suffield 
he was constable and held other town offices. He died April 1, 1692. 

2 Lieutenant Thomas Cooper came from England to Boston in 1635 
when he was eighteen years of age. He settled in Windsor, Conn., in 
1641, and two years later removed to Springfield. He was a man of 
varied accomplishments; practical carpenter and farmer, practicing at 
torney before the county court, bonesetter and surveyor. He built the 
first meetinghouse in Springfield in 1645, and was chosen on the first 
board of selectmen and served seventeen years, and was for one year 
deputy to the General Court. See First Century of Springfield, by 
H. M. Burt, Vol. II, page 553. 

3 Thomas Watts, son of Richard, was born about 1626. He lived in 
Hartford and was called sergeant in the list of freemen in 1669. He 
served as ensign, lieutenant, and captain of the Hartford trainband, 
and led his company in the desperate fight at Narragansett December 19, 
1675. He also commanded the forces that went up the Connecticut 
River in 1676. He died in 1683. Savage. Memorial History of Hart 
ford County, Vol. I, page 266. 

4 Major Simon Willard was born in Hosmonden, Kent, England. He 
arrived in Boston in May, 1634, and soon settled in Cambridge. He 

94 King Philip s War 

against some Indians near Groton, had fortunately been 
informed of the plight of the garrison by the Marlboro 
authorities as he was leaving Lancaster and immediately 
turned aside and marched toward Brookfield. 

Soon after nightfall of the third, his company of forty- 
six men passed through the town and reached the garrison, 
now well-nigh worn out by loss of sleep and lack of pro 
visions. His approach was known to the Indians, an out 
lying party of whom had allowed him to pass in the belief 
that the besiegers would ambuscade his force, but a large 
body of deserted cattle following his men misled the In 
dians as to the strength of the relieving force and caused 
them to draw off after setting fire to the remaining build 
ings. The anxious occupants of the Ayres house, hearing 
the confusion in the darkness, suspected it was another 
force of the enemy until English voices calling out in the 
night brought the welcome assurance that succor had 
come. 1 With the usual exaggeration the Indian losses 
were estimated at over eighty, a not unfamiliar measure 
of consolation. 

Reinforcements were now pouring into Brookfield. 
Beers and Lathrop marched in from the east; on the same 
day, from Springfield and Hartford, came Cooper and 

became one of the first settlers of Concord in 1637; entered into military 
affairs and in 1655 reached the rank of major, the highest at that time. 
He served as representative to the General Court for many sessions until 
1654, and from 1657 until his death was an assistant of the colony. 
About 1659 he removed to Lancaster and to Groton in 1671. At the 
opening of King Philip s war he was the chief military officer of Middle 
sex County, and was then seventy years of age, and his services until the 
time of his death were full and efficient. He died at Charlestown, 
April 24, 1676. Bodge, page 119. Savage. 

i Two pairs of twins were born in the Ayres tavern during the siege. 
Old Indian Chronicle, page 145. 

King Philip s War 95 

Watts with mounted men, and Mohegans under Uncas 
son Joshua, and the arrival of Captain Moseley with his 
own and most of Henchman s company from Mendon, 
on the 9th, brought the strength of the force under Major 
Willard to about 350 men exclusive of Mohegans. Wil- 
lard proceeded to patrol the country but with little suc 
cess. Cooper then returned to Springfield but Moseley, 
Lathrop, Watts, and Beers marched to the deserted vil 
lage at Menameset and, having burnt its fifty wigwams, 
separated, Watts marching to Springfield by way of Had- 
ley, Beers and Lathrop scouring the country along the 
Bay Path, while Moseley reconnoitered the country to the 
north. 1 All alike failed to get in touch with the Indians 
and none could tell where or when the next blow might 
fall. The widely separated settlements throughout the 
Connecticut Valley, it was evident, were in great danger, 
and an immediate concentration in some stragetic position 
in the valley was necessary. 

Hadley, halfway up the valley, whose position in a 
bend of the river afforded easy access to both banks, 
was decided upon. There a stockade, having the river at 
each end, was built, supplies were gathered and the 
forces concentrated. Brookfield was soon abandoned by 
all. Some months afterwards we hear that the aban 
doned cattle had returned to their old home and were 
grazing among the ruined houses. The other settlements 
up the river had, meanwhile, placed themselves in a state 
of defense; stockades were built, the best situated and 
strongest houses were fortified, and small garrisons were 
left to assist the settlers in case of attack. 

1 Moseley to Governor Leverelt, August 16th. Massachusetts Ar 
chives, Vol. LXVII, page 239. 

96 King Philip s War 

All knowledge of the Indians was lost, yet they were 
within easy striking distance. Their success at Weni- 
inisset had drawn the waverers to arms and kindled the 
warlike temper of the tribes. Philip, too, was among 
them. He had met the Quabaugs retiring from the siege 
of Brookfield in a nearby swamp, on the 5th of August, 
and, giving them wampum as a pledge, praised their suc 
cess. He told their chiefs how narrow had been his es 
cape from capture or death in the fight at Nipsachick. 
Two hundred and fifty men had been with him including 
Weetamoo s force, besides women and children, but 
they had left him; some were killed and he was reduced 
to forty warriors and some women and children. 1 After 
this, save for vague rumors we hear little of Philip for 
some months. Tradition has named after him caves 
where he lived and mountains from which he watched 
the burning of the hamlets in the valley below, but his 
hand is hard to trace in the warfare of the valley. 

Major Pynchon wrote to the Council of Connecticut, 
August 12th, that he was alone and wanted advice. Major 
Talcott was immediately sent to him with a recommen 
dation to dispatch an agent to Albany to secure aid from 
the Mohawks. 

The policy of the Iroquois did not favor the active alli 
ance, however. The English were valuable allies against 
the French but the Iroquois were valuable to the English 
for much the same reasons. They had their own wars 
to wage without losing men for the English in a quarrel 
that did not concern them. It was no advantage to 

i Testimony of George Memicho, a Christian Natick and one of 
Hutchinson s guides. Hutchinson s History of Massachusetts, Vol. I, 
pages 293, 294. 

King Philip s War 97 

them to help the English become too strong, and they 
disliked the English ally, Uncas, even more than the hos- 
tiles. They would be neutral, they informed Governor 
Andros of New York, and Pynchon in sending the news 
to Governor Leverett besought him to authorize the use 
of friendly Naticks as scouts. 

On the 22d Pynchon wrote to John Allyn 1 of Hartford, 
saying that the greater part of the forces had returned to 
Brookfield, Captain Watts was at Hadley, and a weak 
garrison had been established at Northfield. He was 
troubled at the thought of Watts being recalled and he 
suspected the Mohegan auxiliaries " to be fearful or false, 
or both. " 

While Captains Lathrop, Beers, and Watts were march 
ing up the valley, and leaving men and supplies in the 
valley towns from Westfield to Northfield, Moseley, who 
had been sent to reconnoiter the country towards Lan 
caster, had been doing his best to turn the friendly Indians 
in that vicinity into enemies. News having reached him 
soon after his arrival at Chelmsford that seven people had 
been killed by Indians at Lancaster on the 22d of August, 
he immediately marched to that place. On his arrival 
some of the townspeople actuated, as Gookin declares, by 
a desire for the land of the Christian Indians at Marlboro, 

1 John Allyn, son of Matthew, was born in England and married, 
November 19, 1651, Ann, daughter of Henry Smith of Springfield and 
granddaughter of William Pynchon. He resided in Hartford, was towns 
man 1655, town clerk 1659-96, deputy, many years magistrate, secretary 
of the colony 1663-65, again elected 1667, and held this office until 1695. 
He was of the committee of three chosen in 1662 to take the charter into 
their custody and safe keeping. In the military service he rose from 
cornet to rank of lieutenant-colonel. He died November 11, 1696. 
Savage. Memorial History of Hartford County, Vol. I, page 228. 

98 King Philip s War 

told him the attack had been made by them, a statement 
seemingly confirmed by an Indian named David, about 
to be executed. Moseley immediately raided this village 
of the Christian Indians, who had already been disarmed 
by Captain John Ruddock, 1 and, seizing eleven of their 
number tied them together by their necks and sent them 
to Boston for trial. 2 Continuing his march into the Pen- 
nacook country he burned the village and supplies of 
sachem Wannalancet, 3 near Concord, a friendly Indian 
who, fearing the same treatment that had been meted 
out to the Marlboro Indians, deserted his village at the 
approach of Moseley and withdrew into the woods. 4 

1 Captain John Ruddock became freeman of the colony in 1640. He 
was actively engaged in forming the plantation of Marlboro. He built 
one of the first frame houses in the town, and was one of its first select 
men, first town clerk and deacon of the church. His second wife was 
the sister of Rev. William Brinsmead, the minister of Marlboro. Hud 
son s History of Sudbury, page 40; also Hudson s History of Marlboro. 

2 Among these prisoners was old Jethro, who, confined at Deer Island, 
escaped, and, angered by his treatment, joined the hostiles. 

3 Wannalancet, in obedience to the advice of his father, always kept 
peace with the English. He resided at the ancient seat of the sagamores 
upon the Merrimac, called at that time Naamkeke, and his house stood 
near the Pawtucket Falls, but at the time of the war with Philip he took 
up his quarters among the Pennacooks, who were also his people. W T an- 
nalancet and his company were among those who came to Cochecho at 
the invitation of Major Walderne, September 6, 1676, were tricked, 
captured, some executed and others sold into slavery by the Massachu 
setts authorities. He was, however, among those that were set at lib 
erty and returned to his home at Naamkeke to find his lands seized by 
the whites and he himself looked upon as an intruder, and, after an un 
comfortable year among them, he accepted the invitation of a party of 

r Indians from Canada who visited him, to accompany them home, and 

^^P-with all his people, reduced to less than fifty in number, went to that 

/ region and is not heard of after. Book of the Indians, Vol. Ill, page 95. 

4 Gookin. Christian Indians. American Antiquarian Society Collec 
tions, Vol. H, page 463. 

King Philip s War 99 

Moseley was censured for these acts but his course was 
approved by public opinion. 

He then set out on his return to the valley. The pris 
oners sent down to Boston were acquitted with the ex 
ception of one, who was sold to appease public clamor, 
but was afterwards released, and the Governor and Coun 
cil immediately sent Henchman to Wannalancet to make 

During the summer the Npnatuck village on the bluff 
along the river above Northampton had become the ren 
dezvous of a large number of Indians, and though they 
had committed as yet no overt act, and indeed had of 
fered their services to the English, their temper was dis 
trusted as it was reported they had celebrated the success 
of the Quabaugs at Wenimisett, 1 and the Mohegans scouts 
declared they warned the hostiles to look out for them 
selves by shouts. It seemed probable that they were only 
awaiting a favorable opportunity to strike at one of the 
nearby settlements. Their arms had once been taken 
from them but afterwards returned, and a second demand 
put them on their guard. They had protested and the 
Council of Connecticut was even then drawing up a letter 
to Major Pynchon that the disarming of the Indians 
should be foreborne at the present. 2 Whether the Non- 
atucks were forced into hostilities at this time by fear is 
uncertain, but the advice in view of later events was bad, 
and, at any rate, in this case came too late. 

At a council of war held at Hatfield on the 24th of 
August, it was determined to surprise and disarm them 

1 Letter of Rev. Solomon Stoddard to Increase Mather. Mather s 
Brief History. 

2 Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 356. 

100 King Philip s War 

immediately, and a force of one hundred men, com 
manded by Captains Lathrop * and Beers who had come 
in from Brookfield two days before, was consequently 
dispatched late at night with instructions to co-operate 
with a force from Northampton going up on the other 
side of the river. 

The dawn was upon the troops at they reached the 
Indian encampment. It was silent and deserted, but the 
fires were still smoldering and amid the embers lay the 
body of an old sachem, probably one of those appointed 
by the English, who was believed to have spoken too 
energetically for submission. A part of the force was 
sent back to protect the towns but the pursuit was vigor 
ously taken up by the remainder, and the fugitives, en 
cumbered with their women and children, were overtaken 
a mile south of the present village of South Deerfield and 
under the shadow of ^lount Wequomps. 2 Finding flight 
no longer possible, the warriors, concealing themselves in 
what is now known as Hopewell Swamp, turned at bay 
and poured a volley into the pursuing English. 3 The 

1 Captain Thomas Lathrop was made freeman at Salem, May 14, 1634. 
He became captain of the Artillery Company in 1645 and served in the 
expedition against Acadia. He represented Salem and Beverly in the 
General Court for a number of sessions, and after that part of Salem in 
which he lived became Beverly he was a prominent actor in all its affairs. 
In August, 1675, he was given command of a company raised princi 
pally in Essex County. Bodge, page 133. Savage. 

2 Wequomps was the Indian name of the sightly elevation near the 
banks of the Connecticut in South Deerfield, now known as Sugar Loaf 
Mountain. It rises abruptly from the plain to a height of about seven 
hundred feet. It looks down upon the Hopewell Swamp which lies to 
the southward, its northern boundary being perhaps a quarter of a mile 
distant from the mountain. 

3 A letter of Rev. Solomon Stoddard to Increase Mather gives what 
is probably the most reliable account. Mather s Brief History. 

5? OJ 

CH o 



5 o 


King Philip s War 101 

troops kept their presence of mind, and rushing into the 
swamp sought cover behind the trees, and after three 
hours fighting and the loss of nine of their number killed 
or fatally wounded, drove the Indians into flight. It was 
stated by an Indian squaw that the Nonotucks had lost 
twenty-six warriors, but all such tales of Indian losses 
are of little or no value, being generally invented to put the 
English in good humor and win their favor. The Indian 
losses in all cases where the English were ambushed were 
probably very much less than those they inflicted. It 
must be remembered that they not only enjoyed the ad 
vantage of surprise, but were sheltered and hidden. 

Somewhat over halfway between Northampton and 
the frontier town of Northfield stands Deerfield, then a 
settlement of some one hundred and twenty-five souls, 
whose situation at the foot of Pocumtuck Mountain made 
it easily accessible to sudden attacks. Three of the houses 
had been fortified with palisades, 1 and ten men of Cap 
tain Watts company were in garrison. 

As after the siege at Brookfield, a strange calm seemed 
to have fallen upon the valley in the week following the 
fight at Wequomps, but it was a calm fraught with fear 
and anxiety and occupied with fruitless marches after a 
vanished foe; yet contempt of the Indians and careless 
confidence in their own power over those so long sub 
servient and submissive, were in the ascendant; but 
what could be done against those who, like will-o -the- 
wisps, could seldom be found or forced to stand, but 
struck at the settlers in the field, descended by night on 
the lonely hamlets and fought only at an advantage. It 

Sheldon s History of Deerfield, Vol. I, page 92. 

102 King Philip s War 

was upon Deerfield that the next blow fell. For many 
years the Pocumtucks had found in the protection of the 
colonists, peace and safety from their old foes, the Mo 
hawks, whose vengeance they had brought down upon 
themselves by the murder of Mohawk ambassadors some 
years previously; but here as elsewhere safety had been 
purchased at the loss of their independence. Drink had 
taken hold of them, and they saw themselves sinking in 
degradation and subservience before the rising power of 
their white neighbors, who with little sympathy and less 
suavity gave them the law. Wounded pride had rankled 
into hatred and the news of Indian successes enkindled 
in them the old passion for war, plunder and vengeance. 

In August they had left their village on the mountain 
for the woods near the town, and were watching for a 
favorable opportunity. On the first day of September a 
Connecticut trooper l of the garrison, while looking for 
his horse which had strayed away, came by accident upon 
a body of some sixty warriors and paid for the discovery 
with his life. 

The alarm, however, had been given and the people 
fled to the shelter of the garrisons. After a sharp fusilade 
the Pocumtucks drew off and turned their attention to 
the buildings and barns outside the range of the settlers 
rifles, who, not daring to venture out, saw the labor of long 
years go up in smoke, and their cattle driven away. 

i James Eggleston of Windsor, according to Savage and Sheldon, but 
this is denied by Miss Mary K. Talcott of Hartford. See Stiles History 
of Ancient Windsor, Vol. II, page 199 


was consternation in the settlements down 
* the valley at the news (which rumor did not fail to 
exaggerate) and Mather says that the people of Hadley 
were driven from a holy service by a most violent and 
sudden alarm. 

It was this alarm which gave rise to one of those ro 
mantic legends with which history abounds for, in the 
midst of the panic-stricken people, a man, venerable and 
unknown, with long white beard, is said to have appeared 
and led them against the foe. It was the fugitive regicide, 
General Goffe. 1 

Historians have credited the legend because of the sanc 
tion it obtained from Governor Hutchinson, 2 on the 
strength of some papers that were destroyed by a Boston 
mob just before the Revolution. Romantic as the story 
is it is certainly a myth, and arose from the fact that 
Goffe was in the village at that time, hiding in the house 

1 Major-General William Goffe was the son of Rev. Stephen Goffe 
of Stanmer, County Sussex, England. He was a member of the pre 
tended High Court of Justice selected by a minority of the Long Parlia 
ment to sentence Charles I to death. Compelled to flee for safety he 
arrived at Boston, July 27, 1660, and in February following went to 
New Haven in company with his fellow judge and father-in-law, Lieu- 
tenant-General Edward Whalley. They lived in concealment in and 
near New Haven for some time, but in October, 1664, they took up 
their residence with the Rev. Mr. Russell at Hadley; Goffe outlived 
Whalley a number of years and died probably in Hartford, Conn., about 

2 Hutchinson s History of Massachusetts, Vol. I, page 219. 

104 King Philip s War 

of the Reverend Mr. Russell, 1 but no record of this dra 
matic appearance exists in any contemporary letters or 
narratives. The alleged furious attack on Hadley, which 
made it necessary for Goffe to take command of the panic- 
stricken settlers, never occurred. 2 No Indians were near, 
and when the town was actually attacked in the following 
spring it contained, unknown to the Indians, a force of 
nearly five hundred troops. 

A few miles north of Deerfield, on the far frontier, lay 
the little settlement of Northfield. 3 Some seventeen 
thatched cabins, a palisade of rough logs eight feet high 
set upright in the ground and pierced with loopholes, 
and a log fort and church, composed this infant settle 
ment born but three years before. A small garrison had 
been left here, but both settlers and troopers seem to 
have been careless of danger. 

On the day following the attack on Deerfield, while the 
settlers and the troopers, ignorant of what had occurred 
down the valley, were working in the meadows, the Po- 
cumtucks, reinforced by a band of Nashaways under 
Sagamore Sam and Monoco or "One-Eyed John," fell 
upon them. Some were killed in their houses, and a party 

1 Rev. John Russell graduated from Harvard College in 1645, and 
was ordained about 1649 as pastor of the church in Wethersfield, Conn., 
where he remained until the settlement of Hadley, 1659 or 1660, when 
he removed thither and was pastor of the church there imtil his death, 
December 10, 1692. Judd s History of Hadley. 

2 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. XXVIII, 
page 379. Researches of the well-known antiquarian of the Connecti 
cut Valley, Honorable George Sheldon. 

3 The original settlement of Northfield lay, as does the present village, 
on the plateau separated from the Connecticut River by a broad stretch 
of fertile meadow. The stockade and fort were at the south end of the 
village and their site is marked by a monument. 

King Philip s War 105 

of men retreating at the alarm from the meadows, were 
shot down as they made their way toward the settlement. 
Women and children rushed to the stockaded inclosure 
and the surviving men held it safe against the rush of 
Indians, but the anxious people, more affected than those 
in Deerfield, had not only to contemplate the flames 
destroying their homes, but to mourn the loss of eight of 
their number. 1 

Even before this attack the commanders at Hadley, 
alarmed for the safety of the town, had determined to 
succor it and Captain Beers, 2 in ignorance of the condi 
tion of affairs, left Hadley on the third day with thirty- 
six mounted men and an ox-team loaded with supplies, 
intending to make a forced march and enter the town at 
night. Progress was, however, slow, and the night fell 
while the little force was struggling through the woods, 
some four miles from its destination. Vague rumors of 
the attack or of the presence of Indians must have reached 
them, for at dawn the main guard left the horses under a 
small guard and pushed on. 

Their way lay for some distance along the plateau until 
they reached what is now known as Sawmill Brook. Dis 
regarding the lesson of Wenimisset and Wequomps, care 
lessly, without flankers or scouts thrown out, they turned 
and followed it as it fell away toward the valley. The 
leaves were thick upon the trees, the ground was covered 

1 Rev. Solomon Stoddard to Rev. Increase Mather. Mather s Brief 

2 Captain Richard Beers was made freeman at Watertown, March 9, 
1637. He served in the Pequot war. He was representative to the 
General Court from Watertown from 1663 to 1675, and was for thirty- 
one years selectman of his town, holding both offices at the time of the 
breaking out of Philip s war. Bodge, page 127. Savage. 

106 King Philip s War 

with rank growth of grass and bush, while the trees shut 
out the sunlight and east the trail in deep shadow. Fol 
lowing the left bank of the brook they came finally to 
where the path following a depression offered a fordable 

Here, concealed in front and along the steep bank above 
the stream the Indians had laid their ambuscade, and 
into it, unconscious of danger, marched Beers and his 
men. They were in the act of crossing the brook when 
a murderous volley smote them in van and rear. Thrown 
at first into confusion they finally rallied and fought their 
way out of the ravine and up to the high ground. The 
Indians were pressing them hard and many of their num 
ber were down, but the rest fought desperately on, and, 
after an ineffectual stand upon the plain, the remnant 
finally gained a position in a small ravine three-quarters 
of a mile away. Here, upon the southern spur of what 
is now known as Beers Mountain, fell Beers and most 
of his men. 1 That evening, the guard left with the horses, 
and the survivors of the main body, staggered wearily 
into Hadley. 2 Hubbard gives the number of Indians in 
the fight as many hundreds; Temple and Sheldon with 
, more accuracy place them at about one hundred and 

The Indians, replenishing their ammunition from the 
cart, got drunk from the keg of rum which was one of 

1 Sawmill Brook crossed the path or trail to the southward about a 
mile from the stockade, while the level plain on which Beers made his 
desperate stand, borders the brook on the south. The point at which 
the stand was made is indicated by a suitable monument and is little 
more than half a mile south of the brook, near the foot of what is now 
known as Beer s Mountain. 

2 Temple and Sheldon s History of Northfield, pages 73-77. 

King Philip s War 107 

the spoils of their victory. The ox-cart abandoned in the 
retreat is said to have remained upon the field for many 
years thereafter, and one hundred and fifty years later 
two Northfield men digging by a rough stone where Beers 
was said to have been buried came upon the crumbled 
remnants of his body. 

Several of Beers men were captured, one of whom, 
Robert Pepper l of Roxbury, was succored by Sagamore 
Sam and accompanied him on a visit to Philip near Al 
bany in the winter. He fell in with Mrs. Rowlandson 
during her captivity and finally made his way home hav 
ing been not unkindly treated. 

Major Treat 2 with ninety mounted troopers marching 
up the valley by way of Westfield with instructions to use 
his own good judgment and to press forward to such 
towns where he might be directed to quarter, 3 had reached 
Northampton when the reports of the refugees from 
Beers defeat and the dark fate which seemed about to 
threaten the frontier towns caused him to set out early 
the next morning, Sunday, September 6th, with one hun 
dred men. Darkness fell upon them before they could 
reach their destination and they camped in the woods, 

1 James Quannapohit s Relation. A full copy may be found in the 
Connecticut Archives, War Doc. 356. 

2 Major Robert Treat settled in Milford, Conn., when a young man, 
going thither from Wethersfield. He early became captain of the train 
band of Milford. In 1672 he was placed in command of the New Haven 
colony forces. In September, after the outbreak of Philip s war, he 
was commissioned as commander-in-chief of the Connecticut military 
forces and served actively until after the death of Philip. On his re 
turn home he was elected Deputy Governor and afterwards Governor. 
He died in Milford, July 13, 1710. Genealogy of the Treat Family, by 
J. Harvey Treat. 

3 Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 357. 

108 King Philip s War 

probably on the site of Beers camp. The trail led them 
across the line of Beers retreat and they saw with horror, 
stuck up on poles along the traveled path, the heads of 
many of the slain. Treat found the Northfield people 
safe within the stockade but worn out with constant 
anxiety. No Indians had been seen along the way, but 
as the settlers were burying the body of one of their num 
ber killed on the second, they were fired upon by lurking 
foes, and Treat himself was wounded. 

The service of burying the dead was given over and 
it was determined to abandon Northfield immediately. 1 
That night, accompanied by the settlers, the whole force 
marched away leaving the standing crops and all their 
belongings save horses and a few cattle, at the mercy of 
the Indians, and fire soon wiped out the once flourishing 
settlement. Treat s troopers, convoying the settlers, 
made their toilsome way down the valley, but though 
strongly reinforced on the march by Appleton, who urged 
Treat to return with him and make some spoil upon the 
enemy, the retreat was continued, the forces entering Had- 
ley in a state of demoralization. 2 The fear of ambush, 
into which almost every force had walked and suffered, 
the constant strain of watching for lurking foes, the sight 
of those ghastly heads along the way and the decompos 
ing bodies in the meadow, had completely unnerved them. 
Under these conditions a council of war held at Hadley 
on the 8th decided to give up operations in the field and 
garrison the towns. Treat also received orders from the 

1 Letter of Rev. Solomon Stoddard to Rev. Increase Mather. 
Mather s Brief History. 

2 Hubbard says the majority of Treat s force decided against Apple- 
ton s proposal. Vol. I, page 112. 

King Philip s War 109 

Connecticut Council to return, scouring both banks of 
the river on his way down. 1 

With the abandonment of Northfield the plan of oper 
ations had fallen through and the fertile lands and fishing 
grounds in the upper valley came into possession of the 
Indians. The bad news made clear to the authorities 
both in Connecticut and Massachusetts that all the towns 
along the frontier were in serious danger. The settlers 
were ordered not to go into the- fields to harvest except 
in companies. Patrols were sent out along the roads 
and all able-bodied men not in the field were organized 
into companies "to keep watch and ward by night and 
day." Henchman and Brattle were sent from Boston 
to protect the country around Chelmsford, Groton and 
Lancaster, and preparations were made to reorganize the 
forces in the valley and increase their numbers. Apple- 
ton was sent to garrison Deerfield, but the Connecticut 
Council, on the decision of the council of war to give up 
active operations in the field, recalled all the Connecticut 
contingent with the exception of small garrisons at West- 
field and Springfield. They were urgent for active prep 
arations and their views finally prevailed. The Commis 
sioners of the United Colonies on the 16th of September 
recalled the former orders and ordered new forces to be 
levied. 2 Major Pynchon was appointed commander-in- 
chief and Connecticut named Treat for second in com 
mand. Bolder council had prevailed at Hadley in the 
meantime. Captain John Mason 3 of Connecticut with 

1 Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 359. 

2 Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 367. Letter from Commission 
ers of the United Colonies to Governor and Council of Connecticut. 

3 Captain John Mason of Norwich, son of the famous Major John, 

110 King Philip s War 

a large body of Mohegans was already on the march, and 
Pynchon at Hadley was preparing to move when the In 
dians assumed the offensive. 

Deerfield was greatly exposed and from the neighbor 
ing hills every movement in the village could be seen. 
On the 12th as some twenty men of the garrison were 
passing from one garrison house to another to attend 
meeting, they were attacked from ambuscade, but repelled 
the attack without loss. The north fort, however, was 
plundered and a sentinel, one Nathaniel Cornbury, on 
duty, was captured and never heard from. Two houses 
were burnt and a large quantity of pork and beef fell 
into the hands of the Pocumtucks. 1 

The next night volunteers from Northampton and Had 
ley reinforced Captain Appleton, 2 who was in command, 
and the whole force marched to the Indian encampment 
on Pine Hill but found it deserted. Reinforcements were 
marching into the valley in the meantime, for Captain 
Moseley had arrived at Deerfield on his return from the 
east, and on the same day Major Treat, with the Connecti- 

was freeman 1671, representative 1672 and 1674. He was a merchant. 
Served as a captain in Philip s war and was severely wounded at the 
Narragansett Swamp fight, December 19, 1675. He was chosen an 
assistant in May, 1676, but the 18th of September following, died of 
his wounds. Savage. 

1 Sheldon s History of Deerfield, Vol. I, page 99. 

2 Samuel Appleton was born in Waddingfield, England, in 1624. At 
eleven years of age he came with his father and settled in Ipswich. He 
was many times chosen representative to the General Court before and 
after the war. His commission as captain was issued September 24, 
1675, although at that time he had been in active duty in the Connecticut 
Valley several weeks. Soon after the Narragansett fight he retired from 
the military service and assumed his duties as deputy until 1681, when 
he was chosen an assistant and remained in that office until the coming 
of Andros in 1686. He died May 15, 1696. Bodge, page 142. 

King Philip s War 111 

cut forces and a body of Mohegans, reached Northamp 

The ripened corn in the Deerfield north meadows had 
been stacked, but still offered as it stood in the field a 
tempting prize to the Indians, with whom winter was 
ever a season of more or less semi-starvation. The troops 
now pouring into Hadley from all directions would need 
a large supply of food, and Major Pynchon, Septem 
ber 15th, ordered Captain Lathrop, who was scouting 
around Deerfield in company with Moseley, to load the 
grain in sacks and convey it down the valley. Moseley 
had been beating the country for several days and had 
discovered no considerable force of Indians, and the road 
seemed clear when in the early morning of the 18th, 
Lathrop with his company of young men from Essex 
County, accompanied by seventeen Deerfield settlers as 
teamsters, set out for Hadley. 

Down the street of the village, across the south meadows, 
up Bars long hill and over the plain, they took their 
way, marching but slowly, for the heavy laden teams 
moved with difficulty over the rough road. The day was 
warm, and Lathrop without interference saw many of his 
men cast their arms upon the carts and stop to pluck the 
bunches of ripe wild grapes that grew abundantly along 
the way. No scouts marched in front of the force, no 
flankers searched the woods that lay on either side; care 
less of danger, unmindful of the lessons taught so con 
stantly throughout the last two months, they marched at 
their ease. Little did they suspect that while they had 
slept the night before, a large body of warriors, Pocum- 
tucks, Nonatucks, Nashaways and Squakheags, under 
Sagamore Sam, Monoco, Muttaump and possibly Philip, 

112 King Philip s War 

had crossed the river and now lay waiting for the careless 
English along the edge of a morass six miles south of 
Deerfield, where the road with a gentle fall passes over 
a marsh made by the waters of Muddy (ever since called 
Bloody) Brook. 

Lathrop and the main body came carelessly on, strag 
gled across the brook and halted on the farther side 1 to 
wait for the teams to drag their heavy loads through the 
mire. Then the bushes burst into flame and a volley 
smote them. Many fell, Lathrop probably among the 
first. Some of the survivors rushed back to the wagons 
for their arms, while others, paralyzed with fear and sur 
prise, stood still and were immediately shot down. The 
whole force was deep in the toils and retreat or advance 
were alike impossible. 

Henry Bodwell of Andover, a man of great strength 
and courage, clubbing his musket, fought his way out, 
and John Tappan of Newbury, wounded in the leg, 
threw himself into the bed of the brook and, pulling the 
bushes over him, escaped the notice of the savages, though 
more than one of them stepped upon him as he lay hid. 
For the greater number there was no escape. The seven 
teen teamsters died to a man among their sacks, and the 
whole escort, save for a few stragglers in the rear, was 
destroyed. 2 * : 

It was the saddest day in the early history of New 
England. Fifty-four young men "the flower of Essex 

1 Hoyt s Indian Wars, page 106. 

2 A letter of the Massachusetts Council to Richard Smith gives the 
loss as, teamsters, 17, Lathrop s company, 41, and Moseley s men, 11. 
Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVII, page 262. 

The Rev. John Russell says 71. 

King Philip s War 113 

County, " and nearly half of the male population of Deer- 
field, had been wiped out. 

Moseley, with some sixty men, was scouting near Deer- 
field when the sound of the heavy firing fell upon his ear. 
He pushed on rapidly only to see the victorious warriors 
ripping open the grain sacks and plundering the dead. 
" Come on, Moseley, come on. You want Indians. Here 
are enough Indians for you," they shouted; 1 and it is 
said he recognized many Christian Indians among them. 
Keeping his force well together he charged through them, 
but several of his men fell and he could not drive them 
from their plunder. His force in turn would have fared 
ill had not Major Treat, with one hundred Connecticut 
men and sixty Mohegans, marching toward Northfield, 
been attracted by the firing and relieved him as evening 

The Indians were driven from the field, but darkness 
was now settling down, and Treat and Moseley, leaving 
the dead where they had fallen, took up their wounded 
and retired sadly to Deerfield. On the following day, 
Sunday, returning to the battlefield, they drove off the 
Indians, who had returned to strip the slain, and buried 
the bodies of the seventy-one victims of Lathrop s ill- 
fated force and Moseley s men who had fallen, in a com 
mon grave, now marked by a slab, to the south of the 

Hubbard eulogizes Moseley s course in keeping his men 
together instead of stationing them behind trees, and 
blames Lathrop for not having led his men in the same 
way. The real faults, however, of the English command- 

Drake s Book of the Indians, Vol. Ill, page 216. 

114 King Philip s War 

ers lay in their continual neglect of the simplest precau 
tions against surprise. It was not because of Moseley s 
dispositions that he escaped the fate of Lathrop but be 
cause circumstances rendered an ambuscade in his case 
impossible. With the natural exaggeration of a defeated 
party the loss of the Indians was placed at ninety. The 
figure is purely fanciful. 

The defeat of the 18th sealed the fate of Deerfield. 
Amidst the anxiety and depression caused by the annihi 
lation of Lathrop s command came the disheartening news 
that the northern tribes, provoked by harsh treatment 
and encouraged by the successes of the southern Indians, 
were harrying the remote settlements from the Merrimac 
to Pemaquid with fire and sword. On that remote fron 
tier, where the enforcement of law was weakened by 
divided claims to ownership, and the rough character 
of many of the population, the Indians had much to 
complain of. Their people had been kidnapped and sold 
into slavery, they had been plundered and abused, while 
Moseley s conduct and the actions of the English settlers 
had convinced them that it was as dangerous to be a 
friend as a foe since the same punishment was meted 
out to both. Squando, sachem of the Saco Indians, had 
once been a friend of the English, but a brutal outrage 
committed against his wife and child had made him an 
implacable enemy who had long bided his time. It had 
come now, and the day that witnessed Lathrop s defeat 
saw also the murder of English settlers and the destruc 
tion of their homes at Casco. 

At Deerfield, the victorious Indians flaunted from 
across the river, in the faces of the garrison, the garments 
of the slain at Bloody Brook, and soon its remaining in- 

King Philip s War 115 

habitants were scattered in the towns to the south; the 
Indian s torch wiped out the empty dwellings and the 
fertile valley was left in desolation. The defeat meant 
more than the mere abandonment of a thriving hamlet; 
it brought the frontier down to Hatfield and Hadley and 
completely upset the plan to make Northfield the head 
quarters of the Connecticut troops for active operations 
down the valley in co-operation with the force assembled 
at Hadley. The Indians, flushed with success, were 
threatening all the settlements in the valley with destruc 
tion. Expedition after expedition had been lured into 
ambush and defeated with heavy loss, and no effective 
blow had been struck in return. 

The commissioners of the colonies at Boston acted 
vigorously and a new levy of men was ordered. Major 
Pynchon l of Springfield, as commander-in-chief in the 
valley, wished to garrison the towns by a force sufficient 
to insure their safety, while a considerable force of mounted 
men and Indian scouts should strike at the hostiles wher 
ever they could be found. "The English are awkward 
and fearful in scouting,* he wrote to the Council, but 
" they would do the best they could. We have no Indian 
friends here to help us. 2 

1 Major John Pynchon was born in England in 1621. He was the 
only son of William Pynchon, the founder of Springfield, and when the 
father returned to England in 1652, succeeded to his affairs and was 
elected in his place as magistrate. He was an officer of the trainband 
and later major of the local cavalry troop. He took an active part in 
King Philip s war, having the command of the entire army in the valley, 
until after the destruction of Springfield, when his request to be relieved 
of his command was granted. He died January 17, 1703. First Cen 
tury of the History of Springfield, by Henry M. Burt, page 625. 

2 Letter of Major Pynchon to Governor and Council. Massachu 
setts Archives (September 30), vol. 67, page 274. 

116 King Philip s War 

The commissioners bade him denude the towns of their 
garrisons and send every available man to active service 
in the field. In issuing hampering orders to the captains 
in the field they bent to popular prejudice against the 
employment of friendly Indians. This was their fatal 
error; without Indian auxiliaries the troops were well- 
nigh helpless and no aggressive campaign possible. 

No better opportunity could have been afforded the 
fast-moving tribesmen. Avoiding the columns in search 
of them and refusing all open conflict, they hovered near 
the settlements, shooting the unwary settlers who ven 
tured out to till their fields, or lay in wait around the 
columns to cut off stragglers and scouts. A house and 
mill of Major Pynchon on the west side of the river 1 at 
Springfield, were burned on the 26th, and two days later 
two Northampton settlers were killed while cutting wood. 2 
"The Indians cut off their scalps, took their arms, and 
were gone in a trice. " 

It was not until the 4th of October that Major Pyn 
chon, having assembled a large force at Springfield, set 
out to join the troops already at Hadley. It was his in 
tention, having collected the army at that point, to leave 
before daybreak on the following morning and attack a 
large force of Indians who were reported encamped about 
five miles to the north. The sachems, however, had their 

1 The house and mill of Major Pynchon " on the west side of the river, " 
were located on Stony Brook in what is now Suffield, Conn., but then a 
part of Springfield territory, about half a mile above its entrance into 
the Connecticut River. 

2 Praisever Turner and Unzakaby Shakspere were cutting wood just 
back of Turner s house when attacked, near what is now the corner of 
Elm Street and Paradise Road. 


CO 4_< 


O ^ 


c c 



o ,* 


King Philip s War 117 

own plans and the fact that Springfield was denuded of 
troops was well known among them. 

On Long Hill, just below the town, near the river bank, 
there had been for many years a village of the Agawams. 
It had existed when the first settlers of Springfield selected 
the site for their town, and its inhabitants had lived on 
friendly terms with the settlers for forty years. The dis 
quiet and suspicions of the other tribes had, however, 
not failed of an effect upon these old neighbors, and 
Major Pynchon had informed the Connecticut Council 
that he intended to disarm them, but the Council suggested 
hostages, 1 whose delivery the Indians delayed. The de 
parture of the troops from Springfield gave them an op 
portunity of which they were not slow to take advantage. 
They had been harboring now for some time wandering 
parties of hostiles, and a deadly blow might have been 
inflicted upon the unsuspicious settlement had not the 
plot been revealed by Toto, an Indian employed by an 
English settler at Windsor. 2 Noticing his uneasiness dur 
ing the evening they pressed him for the cause and finally 
wrung the secret from him. The night was already far 
spent and the fate of Springfield hung on the minutes. 
Messengers riding in hot haste sped to Springfield, knock 
ing fiercely in the darkness at the doors of the silent 
houses to awaken the sleeping inmates. The settlers at 
once took shelter in the three fortified houses, 3 and mes- 

1 Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 356. 

2 Hutchinson s History of Massachusetts, Vol. I, page 295. 

3 It is generally thought that the well-known brick house of Major John 
Pynchon, which stood until 1831 on the corner of what is now known 
as Main and Fort Streets, was the principal fortified house of the town, 
but there is reason for doubting this. The common belief that the brick 
house was erected in 1GG1 appears to be based upon the record of an 

118 King Philip s War 

sengers were sent in haste to the forces at Hadley for 

The night passed without attack, confidence revived, 
and some of the people returned to their homes. Lieu 
tenant Cooper, who was well known to the Indians, and 
put little faith in the reports of the hostile attitude of the 
Agawams, determined to go down to the Indian fort with 
constable Miller l and investigate. They had gone but 
a short distance toward their destination, however, when 
they were shot at from the woods near Mill River "by 
those bloody and deceitful monsters. " Miller was in 
stantly killed, but Cooper, shot through the body, man 
aged to keep his saddle until he reached the nearest 
garrison house, where he fell from his horse dead. The In- 

order from John Pynchon to Francis Hacklington of Northampton for 
50,000 bricks, but what seems to be good proof of a later date for the 
building of the house appears in the records where, on June 3, 1678, 
a period of more than two years after the destruction of the town, Pyn 
chon desires leave of the selectmen "to set up a flanker in the street at 
the east end of his new house ncnv building, on the north side of his 
home lot. " As it is known that Pynchon built no house subsequent to 
the erection of the brick edifice, it leaves little room for doubt that the 
fortified house used as a refuge during the war, was the frame dwelling 
built in the earliest days by William Pynchon, inherited and occupied 
by his son, Major John. See Selectmen s Records (MSS.), Vol. II, 
page 131. 

Of the other fortified houses one was the house of Jonathan Burt 
which stood near the southwest corner of the present Main and Broad 
Streets, and the third was the well-known "Ely Tavern," built about 
1665 and then located on Main a little south of Bliss Street. This was 
removed about 1843 to Dwight Street a few rods wggt of State, where it 
remained until 1900 when it was pulled down on account of its unsafe 
condition. See Bi-Centennial Address by Hon. Oliver B. Morris, 1836. 

i Thomas Miller was constable and surveyor of highways. His son 
Thomas took part in the Falls fight the next spring, May 19th, and the 
John Miller who was killed in the same fight was probably his son. 

King Philip s War 119 

dians following closely behind, tried to rush the garrisons. 
One savage advanced, sheltering himself behind a large 
pewter plate, but two bullets pierced it and he fell. 1 
Several others were shot, and, finding their attempt at a 
surprise a failure, the rest withdrew. A woman and two 
settlers had been killed, 2 and thirty-two houses (including 
"saddest to behold the house of Rev. Peletiah Glover 
furnished with a brave library newly brought back from 
the garrison and now made fit for a bonfire for the proud 
insulting enemy ") and " not even a bible saved, " these 
and twenty-five barns were in flames by the time Major 
Treat, marching from Westfield, reached the west bank 
of the river which he was prevented from crossing by 
the fierce fire of the Indians. 

Late in the afternoon came Major Pynchon and the 
companies of Captains Sill 3 and Appleton, who, hearing 
in the early morning that an attack was contemplated, 
had ridden furiously from Hadley to the relief with two 
hundred men. The enemy, however, had retired to In 
dian Orchard 4 and escaped punishment, all save an old 

1 Hoyt s Indian Wars, page 110. 

2 Pentecost Matthews, the wife of John, was killed at her home a 
quarter of a mile north of the Burt garrison. Edmund Pryngrydays 
and Nathaniel Brown were severely wounded and both died soon after 

3 Captain Joseph Sill was born in Cambridge about 1639. He was 
called into military life early in King Philip s war and served almost 
continually in important times and places, in the campaign of 1675 
in the Connecticut Valley. He was removed by the General Court of 
Massachusetts from his command, in October, for offensive conduct; 
later he was conspicuous in the eastern towns. Some time after the 
close of the war he removed to Lyme, Conn., where he died August 6, 

4 A locality on the Chicopee River six miles east of Springfield. Now 
a busy manufacturing village in the Eighth Ward of Springfield. 

120 King Philip s War 

squaw taken prisoner, who, if we are to believe Moseley, 
"was ordered to be torn in pieces by doggs and was so 
dealt withall. " The number of Indians concerned in the 
attack was variously estimated at from 100 to 500. Rev. 
John Russell of Hadley gives the former figure which, 
if correct, is evidence that few beside the Agawam or 
Springfield Indians were concerned. 

Discouragement and gloom settled heavily upon men s 
minds when the news from Springfield became known. 
Large quantities of provisions had been destroyed; a 
town, the most important and the most removed from 
danger in the upper valley had been devastated, and its 
inhabitants, but for a warning at the eleventh hour, had 
been massacred. "The Lord will have us in the dust 
before him, " wrote Pynchon sadly to Rev. John Russell. 
Months of warfare, the sacrifice of valuable lives, the 
levying of large bodies of troops, and the expenditure of 
considerable sums of money, all seemed to have been in 
vain. The field of operations was spreading over a wider 
area, while the Indians, their numbers augmented by 
wandering bands from the northern tribes and from vil 
lages formerly neutral, were encouraged by their suc 
cesses to fiercer aggressions. 

Men sought to evade military service and it was be 
coming increasingly difficult to keep up the companies in 
the field to their full complement, 1 and the reports sent 
to the Connecticut Council of the captures of old men, 
women and children by the Mohegans operating from 
Norwich, offered but little compensation for the disasters 

1 Secretary Rawson to Major Pynchon, September 30. 

King Philip s War 121 

Major Pynchon had, as before noticed, taken issue 
with the plan of campaign worked out by the commission 
ers at Boston. He had repeatedly urged upon them the 
danger of leaving the towns ungarrisoned while the troops 
followed the fast-moving warriors into the thickets. " To 
speak my thoughts all these ought to be garrisoned. To 
go out after the Indians unless we know where they keep 
is to hazazd our men, " he wrote. l He urgently asked 
again to be relieved of his command, which he had never 
desired. "I would not" he had written some time be 
fore, "willingly sin against God nor offend you, and I 
entreat you to ease me of my (trust)." "Pursue and 
destroy," they had replied, expressing their confidence in 

The attack on Springfield strengthened Pynchon s dis 
satisfaction with the plan of the commissioners. An 
estimable man and magistrate he was fitted neither by 
nature nor training for a military command. He felt 
helpless and worried over the conduct of the campaign, 
the loss inflicted upon Springfield and the care of its 
destitute people weighed heavily upon his mind ; and now, 

i Letter of Pynchon to Governor and Council October 8. Massachu 
setts Archives, Vol. LXVII, page 287. 

NOTE. The correspondence in regard to the attack on Springfield 
and events in the valley during the last of September and early October 
will be found in the Massachusetts Archives: 
Maj. Pynchon to Gov. and Council, Sept. 30, Vol. 67, page 274. 
Gov. and Council to Maj. Pynchon, Sept. 30, Vol. 67, page 270. 
Gov. and Council to Maj. Pynchon, Oct. 4, Vol. 67, page 280. 
Maj. Pynchon to Rev. John Russell, Oct. 5, Vol. 67, page 283. 
Rev. John Russell to Gov. Leverett, Oct. 6, Vol. 67, page 289. 
Letters of Maj. Pynchon to Gov. " Oct. 8-12, Vol. 67, page 287-290. 
Capt. Moseley to Gov. Leverett, Oct. 5, Vol. 68, page 17. 

122 King Philip s War 

for the third time, he requested that he be relieved from 
command. He wrote that he was still opposed to the 
policy of the commissioners, felt his own unfitness for 
command and must devolve the command to Appleton 
unless Treat, who had been summoned away to Con 
necticut by the report of a body of Indians having been 
seen near Wethersfield, returned. 

The request conveyed in his former letter had already 
been granted and Captain Appleton had been appointed 
October 4th to succeed him. He, too, shared Pynchon s 
view as to the need of garrisoning the towns and urged 
upon the Council the advisability of leaving the question 
discretionary with the commander, and complained of 
Treat s long absence, 1 but the Council held firm to their 
original plan and Appleton reached Hadley on the night 
of the 12th to begin operations in the field, having left 
small garrisons in certain of the towns despite the orders 
of the Council. A few days later he again writes to the 
Massachusetts authorities. He knows not when Treat 
will return, the scouts are timorous and accomplish little 
and he finds it difficult to know what to do. He realizes, 
too, both the strength and weakness of the commissioners 
position in regard to active operations. "To leave no 
garrisons and concentrate all for active service in the 
field, is to expose the towns to manifest hazard. To sit 
still and do nothing is to tire us and spoil our soldiers 
and ruin the country by the unsupportable burden and 
charge. " 2 

1 Appleton to Governor Leverett, October 12. Massachusetts 
Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 3. 

2 Appleton to Governor Leverett, October 17. Massachusetts 
Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 23. 

King Philip s War 123 

Dissatisfaction and dissension made his task difficult 
from the start, for a conflict of opinions had existed for 
some time between the Massachusetts and Connecticut 
officers. Summoning Moseley and Seeley from their 
posts at Hartford and Northampton, October 15th, in 
order to concentrate his troops for the offensive, the latter 
came tardily and alone and, pleading lack of orders, was 
with difficulty persuaded to bring in his troops. On his 
return to Northampton, finding orders from Treat not to 
leave the town, he notified Appleton, who felt himself 
powerless to enforce his commands, for, though the com 
missioners of the United Colonies had made the Connecti 
cut force part of the confederate army and taken it out of 
the control of the Connecticut authorities, the commis 
sioners were not present and Appleton lacked the strength 
of character to arbitrarily enforce their decrees. 

Alarmed by the report of Indians having been seen 
near Glastonbury, the Connecticut Council had recalled 
Treat and the greater part of the Connecticut forces to 
Hartford, and information from Governor Andros of 
New York that an Indian, pretending to be friendly, had 
warned him that the hostiles intended to attack Hartford 
" this light moon, " 1 caused them to retain the troops 
until the middle of the month. "We have news of the 
recalling of Major Treat from you with a great part of 
the Connecticut men, and the disobedience of those who 
were left behind, " wrote the Council of Massachusetts 
to Appleton, and they bade him organize garrisons and 
security for the towns and prepare the force for return, 

i Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 377. Governor Andros to Con 
necticut Council. 

124 King Philip s War 

for the burden of providing for so many men, lack of pro 
visions and the need of men elsewhere were heavy upon 
them 1 

Massachusetts Colony Records, Vol. V, page 53. 


THE enforced withdrawal of the Connecticut troops 
was a blow to the new commander. They alone were 
accompanied by a band of Mohegans, whose presence 
had saved them repeatedly from running into ambuscades, 
and Appleton had depended upon these Mohegans for his 
guides and scouts in the coming campaign. Notwith 
standing the refusal of Seeley l to join him, Appleton, hav 
ing concentrated the bulk of his command, set out for 
Northfield on the 15th of October. He had but started, 
however, when information reached him that a large force 
of Indians was encamped on the west bank of the river. 
He hastened back to Hadley, and, crossing the river to Hat- 
field in the evening, struck the Deerfield trail and pushed 
forward in the hope of effecting a surprise, but the flash 
of a gun and the shouts of the Indians soon made clear 
that his movement had been discovered. A tempestuous 
night was setting in, and, fearful for the unguarded towns 
of Hadley and Hatfield in his rear, he turned back. 

Hardly had he arrived at Hadley than Seeley at North 
ampton asked for reinforcements, as the Indians were 
near by. The air was full of rumors. Indians were here, 
there, everywhere, but Appleton, marching from one place 

i Lieutenant Nathaniel Seeley, son of Robert of Wethersfield, was of 
New Haven in 1646 and later removed to Fairfield. He early entered 
upon military duty in the service of Connecticut, and fell in the Narra- 
gansett Swamp fight at the head of his company, December 19, 1675. 

126 King Philip s War 

to another, could not get in touch with them. Vague 
unrest prevailed throughout the towns and insubordina 
tion grew more rife among the troops as their long and 
hurried marches proved ever fruitless. The Connecticut 
troops were unwilling to remain in garrison at Westfield 
and among the captains jealousies and misunderstand 
ings were frequent. 

Across the river, a mile through the meadows from its 
north bank, and opposite Hadley, stands the little village 
of Hatfield. Here, on the 19th of October, Captains 
Poole l and Moseley were resting their companies, when, 
about noon, several large fires were observed to the north 
of the village. Moseley immediately sent out a party of 
men to reconnoiter. The building of these fires was a 
trap such as the Indians delighted to set and in which 
the colonial forces were only too prone to be caught. 
There is little doubt but that the ambuscade was laid 
with full expectation that the whole garrison would march 
out and fall into it, for the scouting party had progressed 
but a short two miles beyond the stockade when a fierce 
volley fired from the brush practically exterminated them. 
Six were killed, three captured, and a lone survivor found 
his way back. 2 

1 Captain Jonathan Poole was of Reading. In October, 1671, he 
was appointed quartermaster, and in May, 1674, cornet of the "Three 
County Troop," and held that office when the war broke out in 1675. 
He served at Quabaug and Hadley and when Major Appleton was given 
command of the army of the west he appointed Poole to a captaincy. 
The Council refused for a time to confirm the appointment, but, later, 
when the main army was withdrawn for the Narragansett campaign 
Captain Poole was placed in command of the garrison forces in the 
valley towns. He served as representative to the General Court in 1677, 
and died December 24, 1678. Bodge, page 258. Savage. 

2 Drake s " Old Indian Chronicle," page 166. 

King Philip s War 127 

Moseley was too well acquainted with the Indian char 
acter to believe this ambuscade the work of any but a 
large and aggressive force, who meant to attack the vil 
lage. Sending word to Appleton who soon joined him, 
having left only twenty men at garrison at Hadley, the 
arrangements for defense were quickly completed. Sev 
eral hours passed and no Indian had yet appeared, 
w r hen suddenly, about four o clock, a large body of war 
riors made their appearance at the edge of the meadows, 
rushing toward the stockade. Several heavy volleys, how 
ever, told them that the force on guard was large and 
well prepared, and after killing Freegrace Norton, l a ser 
geant of Appleton s company, and sending a bullet through 
Appleton s hat, "by that whisper telling him that death 
was very near, " 2 they retired, as Treat, who had at last 
returned to Northampton, appeared upon the scene. 
Hatfield had escaped the intended stroke, but no safety 
existed outside the stockade. The crops, ungathered in 
the fields, afforded subsistence to the Indians, and the 
scattered farms throughout the valley and to the east 
ward lay in ruins or deserted. 

From Springfield northward the warriors lay in wait 
for any too venturesome settler or small body of troops 
and watched patiently for any opportunity to surprise 
the towns themselves. 

The mill at Springfield had been destroyed and the 
people found it necessary to carry their corn to the mill 
at Westfield. 3 On the 27th Major Pynchon and a small 

1 Freegrace Norton was the son of George of Salem. He was first of 
Saco but removed to Ipswich. 

2 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 125. 

3 The original location of Westfield was at the junction of the West- 

128 King Philip s War 

force, having ground the corn they were escorting, were 
fired upon from ambush and three of the party were 
killed. 1 

The previous day a party of seven or eight Northamp 
ton settlers, gathering their crops from the Pynchon 
meadow, 2 had been surprised by a small force of Indians. 
No sentinels had been posted; their arms were deposited 
under the carts, but, cutting the traces, they mounted 
their horses and fled, followed almost up to the stockade 
by the Indians, who retired only after having burned 
four or five houses and several barns. The next day 
the same band surprised and killed two men and a boy 
in the meadows in Northampton opposite the town mill, 3 

field and Little Rivers. Here was the log fort, under which a cellar had 
been provided for the retreat of the women and children in case of an 
attack. The ground on which this stood has disappeared through the 
encroachment of the river. Close upon the present highway stood the 
church, built of logs, "barn fation with a bell coney." The settlement 
was surrounded by a stout palisade. The original saw and gristmill 
was built upon the brook in the easterly part of the town, probably near 
the present village of "Little River," two and a half miles east of the 
center of the present Westfield. 

1 These were John Dumbleton, and William and John Brooks. 

2 Pynchon s meadow was a tract of 120 acres of ground granted to 
Major John Pynchon, situated at the most northerly turn of the "Ox 
Bow, " and bounded on the south by Hurlburt s Pond, into and through 
which the Mill River at that time flowed. The Indians followed the 
fleeing settlers along what is now South Street, and the houses and barns 
destroyed by them were located not far from the present iron bridge over 
Mill River, and were at that time the most southerly buildings of the 
town. See TrumbulPs History of Northampton. 

3 Northampton Town Mill, built in 1671 at "Red Rocks," was lo 
cated on the bend of Mill River between what is now College Lane and 
Paradise Road, and upon the land of Praisever Turner, who had been 
murdered and scalped on the 28th of the previous month (September) 
while cutting wood on the hill just above the mill. Opposite the mill 

King Philip s War 129 

but in an attempt to destroy the mill were driven 
off. 1 

Operations conducted in other parts of the field in a 
more or less perfunctory manner had brought but little 
result and the end of the war seemed farther off than 
ever and the Council found fault with Appleton for his 
failure. "I am not without feeling some smart in your 
lines, though I would not be over tender," he wrote 
them in reply, and the fault was as much theirs as 
his. 2 

Captain Henchman, marching from Boston, Novem 
ber 1st, to reconnoiter the country around Hassamenesit, 
came, November 3d, on some fires recently kindled by 
the Indians and, urged by his officers, continued on 
to the Indian encampment. No Indians were found, 
but the scouts, under Captain Sill, early in the morn 
ing discovered a miller s lad who, recently captured 
near Marlboro, had been abandoned on their ap 

A few days later Henchman, drawing near to Mendon, 
received information of Indian wigwams about ten miles 
off. Mounting twenty-two of the company, Henchman 
and Philip Courtice, 3 his lieutenant, set out in the hope 
of surprising them. Having come within a short distance 

on the west side of the river was the meadow, now known as Paradise 
meadow, where the Indians had killed two men and a boy just before 
the attack on the mill. 

1 Appleton to Governor Leverett, November 10th. Massachusetts 
Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 52. 

2 Appleton to Governor Leverett, November 17th. Massachusetts 
Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 63. 

3 Philip Curtis, born in England, was of Roxbury. 

NOTE. Other correspondence of Governor I^everett and Council, 

130 King Philip s War 

of the Indian encampment they tied their horses and di 
vided, Henchman taking one-half the company and Cour- 
tice the remainder. Henchmen s men were closing in 
upon the village when the Indian dogs began to bark. 
All halted, then slowly moved forward ; but " the captain s 
foot slipping, he could hardly recover himself and sud 
denly looking behind him he saw no man following him." 
Courtice, however, had pushed on and coming upon 
the wigwams was met by a sharp and sudden fire. Cour 
tice himself was shot as he reached the door of a wigwam, 
one of his men also fell dead, while the remainder took to 
flight. Henchman called upon them to shoot into the 
wigwams and "they replied that they only went back to 
fall on and charge, yet left the field entirely. " l 

"Winter was near at hand, the trees were shedding their 
foliage, the naked forests no longer offered opportunities 
for ambuscades, and as November progressed hostilities 
Ceased and the Indians vanished. 

In the valley operations also had come to a close. 
Treat, who had maintained a friendly attitude toward 
Appleton during the campaign at the instance of the 
Connecticut Council, finally returned to Connecticut, and 
Appleton, having destroyed the Indian crops wherever he 
could find them in the valley, left small garrisons in Had- 

and of Major Appleton, with each other, during October and Novem 
ber 17, will be found in the Massachusetts Archives: 

Oct. 4th, Vol. 67, page 245. 

Oct. 15th, Vol. 68, page 14. 

Oct. 16th, Vol. 68, page 19. 

Oct. 17th, Vol. 68, page 23. 

Nov. 16th, Vol. 68, page 58. 

1 This account is taken from Henchman s letter in Massachusetts 
Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 80, and Hubbard. 

King Philip s War 131 

ley, Northampton and Springfield, and departed with 
most of the troops for Boston, where plans were already 
prepared for a blow at the Narragansetts in their winter 

The campaign in the Connecticut Valley had been a 
disastrous failure through lack of harmony, hampering 
commands from the Council and commissioners, and the 
absence of a definite plan of operations. The anxious 
inhabitants settled down with meager supplies to face 
the hard winter, while houses were strengthened against 
attack, and the burned out settlers of Springfield crowded 
the houses of their friends or covered over their cellars 
for a winter refuge. The Indians, their crops destroyed, , 
their powder scarce, and without their winter supply of 
dried fish, faced winter in the recesses of the swamps or 
wandered to remote parts in search of sustenance. The 
constant defeats, the wiping out of settlements where 
destruction and death struck so near and poignantly to 
all, aroused the stern but latently emotional New Eng- 
landers to vengeance. With the spread of the war from 
one end of the land to the other, the conflict assumed a 
religious and racial character that could have no other 
outcome than the extermination of one or the other of the 
combatants. The fury of fire and sword, without mercy, 
was to sweep alike over cabin and Indian village. Sus 
picion and hatred of all Indians became intense through 
out Massachusetts. Though many of the Christian In 
dians remained faithful, there were others who joined the 
hostiles and distinguished themselves by their cruelty. It 
was but natural that the settlers, knowing not whom to 
trust and suspicious of all, should include innocent and 
guilty in the same condemnation. It is unnecessary to 

132 King Philip s War 

enumerate the results born of this attitude. Even a year 
later when peace had come in the south, the women_pf 
Marblehead, coming from church, massacred Indian pris 
oners from Maine who were being convoyed through the 
town. 1 The rough element of the community plundered 
the wigwams of the neighboring friendly Indians and in 
several cases wounded and murdered the women and chil 
dren. 2 Indian prisoners were tortured for the purpose of 
eliciting information and women, children and old men 
were sold into slavery. Christian Indians who had served 
successfully as scouts were driven to join the hostiles. 
The Indians in the stockaded towns near Boston were 
ordered by the General Court not to be received in any 
town except in the prison, and were finally removed to 
Deer Island where, ill supplied with the necessaries of 
life, they suffered great hardships during the winter. 3 A 
mob called upon Captain Oliver 4 to lead them in an at 
tack on the jail where Indians were confined, but Oliver, 
though an exponent of the harsh policy, belabored the 

1 Letter of Increase Mather, May 23, 1677. 

2 Gookm s Christian Indians. American Soc. Coll., Antiquarian Vol. 
II, page 482. 

3 Ibid, page 485. 

4 Captain James Oliver came to New England from the mother 
country with his parents, March 9, 1632. He was admitted freeman 
of Boston, October 12, 1640; became a merchant; was of the Artillery 
Company, ensign 1651, lieutenant 1653, captain 1656 and again in 1666. 
He was of the First Military Company of Boston and elected captain 
about 1763. His appointment to the command of a company for the 
Narragansett campaign was dated November 17, 1675. He was one 
of the few officers commanding companies that came out from the 
Swamp Fight unscathed. After this campaign his company returned 
to Boston where it was dismissed February 5, 1675, 1676. He died in 
1682. Bodge. 

King Philip s War 133 

ringleaders with a stick. 1 It became necessary for the 
time being for the authorities to bend to the popular 
tempest and disband the companies of Indians organized 
by Gookin, 2 and the courts appeased popular clamor by 
convicting prisoners whom they afterwards released. " O 
come, let us go down to Deer Island and let us kill all 
these praying Indians," was the cry of the irresponsible. 
But the Council, informed of the plot of about thirty 
men to pull out to the Island from Pullings Point to kill 
the Indians, sent for two or three of the ringleaders and 
warned them to attempt it at their peril. 3 

Whoever adopted most repressive measures won popu 
lar approval, and the appeals of men like Major Gookin 
and Rev. John Eliot for humane treatment, and their 
representations as to the folly of estranging the friendly 
Indian, alike fell upon deaf ears. "The error of selling 
away such Indians unto the islands for perpetual slaves" 
wrote Eliot to the commissioners, " may produce we know 
not what evil consequences upon all the land, . . . 
this usage of them is worse than death. Christ hath said, 
Blessed be the merciful. ... All men (of reading) 
condemn the Spaniards for cruelty ... in destroy 
ing men and depopulating the land. Here is land enough 
for them and us too. " 4 

Gookin and Eliot were threatened by angry mobs, and 
the former was defeated at the election for magistrate. 

1 Old Indian Chronicle, page 152. 

2 Order dated August 30th. 

3 American Antiquarian Soc. Coll., Vol. II, page 494. Gookin s 
Christian Indians. 

4 Letter from Rev. John Eliot to Commissioners of the United Colo 
nies. Acts of Commissioners, Vol. II, page 451. Plymouth Colony 
Records, Vol. X. 

134 King Philip s War 

Several curious depositions show the feelings of the baser 
element toward him. One Rie Scott called him an " Irish 
dog, never faithful to his king or his country, ... a 
rogue, God confound him, he is the devil s interpreter. 
I and a few more designed to cut off all Gookin s 
brethren on the island and some English dog discovered 
it." 1 

Warnings were sent both to Gookin and Eliot purport 
ing to be from a secret society, calling them traitors and 
warning them to prepare for death. 2 The men of Cap 
tain Henchman refused to serve under him on account 
of his moderate views, and even Major Savage and Cap 
tain Prentice were held up to popular hatred as friends 
of the " incarnate devils. " 

These measures cost Massachusetts dear; it left her 
forces helpless to carry on a successful campaign. Many 
a company was ambushed because of the lack of Indian 
scouts, and many a town was burned because of the re 
fusal to credit the reports of friendly Indians and their 
own Indian spies. Connecticut, comparatively free from 
Indian attacks, was naturally able to take a broader view, 
and, by employing the Mohegans, did not suffer a reverse 
or surprise in the whole campaign. 

For some time the mutual suspicion between the Nar- 
ragansetts and the settlers had been drawing to a head. 
It was believed that numerous women and children of the 
Wampanoags had taken refuge in Canonchet s domains, 
and Uncas had spread the story that many young war 
riors were to be found in the Narragansett villages re- 

1 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. XXX, pages 192-193. 

2 Ibid. 

King Philip s War 135 

covering from wounds received in the conflicts in the 

The unprovoked invasion of the Narragansett country 
at the beginning of the campaign had added fresh fuel to 
the bitter remembrance of Miantonomah s fate and the 
harsh and arbitrary acts of Massachusetts constantly re 
peated in the intervening years; nor can Canonchet have 
been blind to the fact that, whatever Philip s failings 
might be, every hope of Narragansett independence would 
fall with him. 

The treaty, wrung by Captains Moseley and Savage at 
the sword s point from the old men, requiring the sur 
render of all Philip s subjects, even women and children 
who should take refuge with the Narragansetts, was for 
a long time openly flouted by Canonchet, yet on the 
demand of the commissioners of the United Colonies he 
confirmed, on the 18th of October, the terms of the treaty 
of July to deliver all the men, women and children to 
the Governor or Council at Boston before October 28th 
and was presented with a coat trimmed with silver, and 
dismissed. 1 

The sachems would have remained neutral if possible. 
They had kept aloof from any alliance with Philip and 
were held by both Philip and his allies to be friendly to 
the English. Such was the testimony of James Quana- 
pohit, an Indian spy in the service of the English among 
the Quabaugs and Nashaways, who, questioned by Cap- 

!The signers on behalf of the English include no members of the 
Massachusetts Council, but Samuel Gorton, James Brown and Richard 
Smith, all neighbors of the Narragansetts. 

Acts of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, Vol. II, page 361. 
Plymouth Records, Vol. X. 

136 King Philip s War 

tain Nathaniel Davenport as to "whether the Narragan- 
setts had aided or assisted Philip and his company in the 
summer, against the English," replied that they had not 
and that the hostiles "regarded them as friends of the 
English all along, and their enemies. " This view of the 
Narragansetts was also held by the Indians around Ply 
mouth, for when Peter, Awashonk s son, who had warned 
Church of Philip s designs just previous to the outbreak 
of hostilities, was examined at Plymouth in June, 1676, 
he testified that the Saconet Indians when the English 
had fired their houses, "understanding that the Narra 
gansetts were friends to the English, we went to them. " 
No hostile actions marked their course, but in the excited 
state of mind that existed among both magistrate and 
people of New England at the time, neutrality was im 

If the friendly Indians were objects of keen distrust 
and suspicion, a neutral tribe could only be regarded as 
hostile, harboring evil intention and waiting only a favor 
able opportunity for war and massacre. 

The policy of peace at any price among the Narragan 
setts, so diligently pursued by Canonicus and Pesascus, 
had broken down. Submission and subserviency had 
neither mitigated the white man s suspicions nor made 
the English less diligent in furthering their own interests 
and those of Uncas. The lesson taught by the Pequot 
war had grown dim in memory, and the young warriors 
found in Canonchet a leader who represented far more 
than his father or uncles, the warlike spirit of their tra 
ditionary leaders. 

Swayed by such influence the Narragansetts were in no 
mood to commit so great an outrage against the traditions 

King Philip s War 137 

of Indian hospitality as to surrender the women and chil 
dren who sought their protection, among them, no doubt, 
many from the sub-tribes of the Wampanoags who feared 
the resentment both of the English and their own 

The attitude of reserve and suspicion assumed by the 
Narragansetts and the sullen temper of the young war 
riors had not passed unnoticed by those who knew them 
best. Pessacus, soon after the signing of the Pettaquam- 
scat treaty in July had told several of the Rhode Islanders 
that the young warriors would not listen to his words of 
peace, and were desirous of war. Roger Williams had 
warned the authorities late in July that their words of 
peace were treacherous. He knew only too well the hu 
miliations to which the whole tribe had been subjected, 
and weighed the desire for vengeance which burned in 
their hearts. 

Immediately after the signing of the October treaty, 
Williams, while carrying one of the sachems (probably 
Canonochet, returning from Boston) in his canoe to 
Smith s Landing, took the opportunity to warn him 
against breaking the treaty. 

"I told him and his men that Philip was his looking- 
glass, and how Philip was dead to all advice and now 
was over set. 

"He asked me in a consenting, considering kind of a 
way * Philip over set ? . . . and I told him that if 
they were false to his engagements we would pursue them 
with a winter s war when they should not, as mosquitoes 
and rattlesnakes in warm weather, bite us. They gave 
me leave to say anything, acknowledging loudly your 
great kindness in Boston, and mine, and yet Captain 

138 King Philip s War 

Fenner l told me yesterday he thinks they will prove our 
worst enemies at last. " 2 

The warning did not fall upon deaf ears. The 28th of 
October came and the anxious but resolute commissioners 
knew that the treaty had been in vain. 

It was believed at the time that Philip was Canonchet s 
evil counselor, but there exists no doubt that the Narra- 
gansett had himself determined to submit no more to 
every demand and threat Massachusetts might see fit to 
make, for his was a nature imbued with a strength and 
temper more certain to act on its own initiative than on 
the persuasion of others. 

One more attempt at persuasion the English are re 
ported by a popular tradition of the time to have made, 
only to meet in the stern, inclusive reply, "No, not a 
Wampanoag nor the paring of a Wampanoag s nail, " 3 
a refusal that bade them do their worst. 

The commissioners, as well as public opinion, racked 
with the anxiety and depression over the disasters in the 
valley and the failure of the plan of campaign, felt it was 
safer to strike at the Narragansetts immediately, while 
concentrated in winter quarters, than to be hampered by 
fear of their rising in the spring. 

On the refusal of Canonchet to keep the terms of the 
treaty, the commissioners of the United Colonies as 
sembled at Boston, November 2d, and, without further 

1 Captain Arthur Fenner of Providence was born in England in 1622. 
He was made freeman in 1655. He was commissioned captain of the 
trainband in 1672 and when a garrison was established at Providence 
he was appointed commander, and is sometimes called " the Captain of 
Providence. " 

2 Roger Williams to Gov. Leverett, Mass. Archives, Vol. 67, 296. 
a See Hubbard s account of Canonchet s Trial, Vol. 2, page 60. 

King Philip s War 139 

negotiations, practically declared war in the following 
proclamation : 

"For as much as the Narragansett Indians are deeply 
accessory in the present bloody outrages of the barbarous 
Indians that are in open hostilities with the English, this 
appearing by their harboring the actors thereof, relieving 
and succoring their women and children and wounded 
men, and detaining them in their custody notwithstand 
ing the covenant made by their sachems to deliver them 
to the English, and as is creditably reported, have killed 
and taken away many cattle from the English, their neigh 
bors, and did for some days seize and keep under a strong 
guard Mr. Smith s house and family, and at the news of 
the said lamentable mischief that the Indians did at or 
near Hatfield, did in a most reproachful and blasphemous 
manner triumph and rejoice. . . . The commission 
ers do agree to raise one thousand men beside the number 
of soldiers formerly agreed upon, and the commander- 
in-chief shall with the said soldiers march into the Narra 
gansett country, and in case they be not permitted by 
the Narragansett sachems the actual performance of their 
covenant made with the commissioners, by delivering up 
those of our enemies that are in their custody, as also 
making reparation for all damages sustained by their 
neglect hitherto, together with security for their further 
conduct, then to compel them thereunto by the best means 
they may. " 1 

The commissioners appointed Governor Josiah Wins- 
low of Plymouth commander-in-chief, referred the ap 
pointment of a second in command to the Council or 

i Acts of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, Vol. II, page 357. 
(Not literal). Plymouth Colony Records, Vol. X. 

140 King Philip s War 

General Court of Connecticut, fixed the allotment of men 
to be furnished by each of the colonies and advised that 
all troops be picked men, well equipped, warmly clothed, 
and supplied with a week s provisions in knapsacks and 
a supply in reserve. The 2d of December was named 
as a day of humiliation and prayer. 

The fact that the Rhode Islanders, within whose bound 
aries the Narragansett country lay, were opposed to hos 
tilities, and the contemplated invasion was in defiance of 
the royal charter of that colony was entirely ignored. 

The hierarchy of the other colonies seldom wasted 
courtesy upon the authorities of heretical Rhode Island, 
and in this case, when they deemed time all important, 
they can hardly be blamed for considering that the safety 
of their people must not be endangered by the attitude 
of a weak government and the terms of a general charter. 


SUCH a situation as obtained throughout the colonies 
during the year 1675 could not exist in the New 
England of the period without a serious searching of heart 
and conscience. In the public mind such trials and tribula 
tions were the punishment inflicted for the wickedness 
and sins of the whole people, and the General Court of 
Massachusetts in setting apart the second day of Decem 
ber as a day of humiliation and public prayer, gives 
voice to the orthodox conscience. 

"Whereas God has not only warned us by his word 
but chastized us with his rods . . . and given permis 
sion to the barbarous heathen to rise up against and be 
come a smart rod, a severe scourge to us, burning and 
depopulating several hopeful plantations . . . hereby 
speaking aloud to us to search and try our ways and turn 
again unto the Lord our God, from whom we have de 
parted with a great backsliding. " 

The court enumerates a few of the offenses that have 
incurred the divine displeasure: The great neglect of 
discipline in the churches as regards the spiritual estate 
and instruction of the children. The sin of manifest 
pride made apparent by the wearing by the women of their 
hair long, " either their own or others hair, " and by some 
women " wearing borders of hair, and their cutting, curling 
and immodest laying out of their hair, especially among 
the younger sort. " A feeling of pride in apparel, " strange 
fashions in both rich and poor, with naked breasts and 

142 King Philip s War 

arms and superfluous ribbons. " Shameful and scandal 
ous sin of excessive drinkings and company keeping both 
of men and women, in taverns and ordinaries. "The 
sin of idleness, which is the sin of Sodom." And the 
court orders that better order be kept in the churches, 
that profanity and idleness and attendance at Quaker 
meetings be punished, that measures be taken to restrict 
the licenses of public houses and that the magistrates be 
more active in the discharge of their duties. 1 

This careful scrutiny of public morals, with its attend 
ant measures of reformation, was accompanied by vigor 
ous action looking to the security of the colonies and the 
organization of the forces for the winter campaign. The 
neutral Indians were ordered confined to the islands in 
Boston Harbor, the exportation of all provisions except 
fish was prohibited, and captains were appointed to 
the command of the various companies ordered for 

Following the lead of Massachusetts, the Council of 
Connecticut issued orders for the levying of three hun 
dred and fifteen men and the accumulation of food, pow 
der, lead and flints, at Norwich, Stonington and New 

Major Treat was named second in command of the 
united forces, the various companies were placed under 
the command of Captain Samuel Marshall, 2 Captain 

1 Massachusetts Records, Vol. V, page 59. 

2 Captain Samuel Marshall of Windsor, 1637, was a tanner. Free 
man, 1654. He had a short but honorable service in the war against 
Philip, and November 30, 1675, was made captain in the place of 
Benjamin Newbury who was disabled. Stiles History of Windsor, 
Vol. II, page 466. 

King Philip s War 143 

Mason, Captain Watts and Lieutenants A very, Seeley and 
Miles, 1 and instructions were sent to the Reverend Mr. 
Fitch 2 of Norwich, to organize a body of Pequots and 
Mohcgans as auxiliaries. 3 

By the 8th of December the Massachusetts and Plym 
outh forces were fully organized and Winslow, after a 
conference at Boston with Governor Leverett, proceeded 
with his staff, which included Benjamin Church, Joseph 
Dudley and a number of ministers, surgeons and volun 
teers, to Dedham, the rendezvous of the Massachusetts 
contingent, where were concentrated the forces called in 
from the valley, and the new levies. Here were Major 
Appleton and Captain Moseley with their veterans, Cap 
tain Isaac Johnson with the levies of Roxbury, Dorchester, 
Weymouth, Hull; and adjacent towns; Davenport 4 with 
the men of Cambridge and Watertown; Oliver with the 
men from Boston ; Gardiner with the Essex County levies, 
and Thomas Prentice with a troop of horse, a total of 

1 Lieutenant John Miles was born October, 1644, and lived in New 
Haven. He was admitted freeman in 1669, made lieutenant 1675, and 
later captain. He died November 7, 1704. Savage. 

2 Rev. James Fitch of Saybrook was born December 24, 1622, at 
Bocking, County Essex, England. He was ordained in the ministry in 
1646. His wife died in 1659 and he removed the next year with a large 
part of his Saybrook church to the settlement of Norwich. He gave 
up his office in 1696 and removed to Lebanon where he died November 18, 
1702. Savage. 

s Connecticut Records, Vol. II, pages 383-387. Allotment 110 men 
to Hartford County; New Haven, 63; Fairfield, 72; New London, 70. 

4 Captain Nathaniel Davenport was a native of Salem. His father 
was for many years commander of the Castle at Boston, and the son 
naturally acquired experience in military matters, and at the time of 
the fitting out of the Narragansett expedition in Philip s war, he was 
summoned to take command of the 5th company in the Massachusetts 

144 King Philip s War 

465 foot, 275 horse, besides volunteers, teamsters and 
servants. 1 

Early on the morning of the 9th, Winslow took over 
the command from Major-General Denison 2 and, having 
promised the troops a gratuity in land, besides their pay, 
if they should drive out the enemy from the Narragansett 
country, gave orders for the advance. 

The evening camp was pitched at Woodcock s garrison, 
Attelboro, 3 and by the evening of the next day they reached 
Seekonk, 4 where Richard Smith s sloop which had sailed 
from Smith s Landing to meet them, lay at anchor in the 
stream. Captain Moseley s command, Benjamin Church, 
Joseph Dudley and a few others, immediately embarked, 
while the remainder of the force, ferrying around to the 
head of the bay, joined Major William Bradford and 
Captain Gorham, with the one hundred and fifty-eight 
men of the Plymouth contingent, at Providence. 

The united force now pushed into Pumham s country, 
marching by night in the hope of surprising and captur 
ing the sachem Pumham, formerly a most submissive 
and servile friend but now a stout-hearted ally of Philip. 
But the night was bitter cold, the guides lost their way 
in the darkness and the troops, worn out with floundering 

1 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 139. 

2 Daniel Denison, Cambridge, 1633, born in England about 1612, 
was freeman April 1, 1634. Removed to Ipswich with the early planters; 
its representative 1635 and seven years after; speaker several years. 
Artillery Company, 1680, and every rank in the militia to the highest. 
Assistant from 1654 till his death September 19, 1682. Savage. 

3 Located at the north end of the present village of North Attleboro, 
and its foundation stones and cellar hole may still be seen. 

4 Seekonk was upon the river of that name in what is now the town 
of East Providence, about a mile or a little more below its northern 
limit. It was practically identical with old Rehoboth. 

King Philip s War 145 

through the deep snow, gave over the quest and, turning 
southward with the thirty-five prisoners they had cap 
tured, reached the appointed rendezvous, Smith s Land 
ing at Wickford, on the 13th. 

Here they found Moseley and Church who, having 
established the camp, had already begun an aggressive 
campaign on their own initiative. Nearly two score pris 
oners, men, women and children (many of whom they 
subsequently sold to Captain Davenport for the sum of 
eighty pounds), had been taken and a number of the 
Narragansetts slain. 

During Winslow s march there had come to him a 
Narragansett Indian named Peter Freeman, who having 
" received some disgust among his countrymen " now re 
venged himself by playing the traitor, acting as a guide 
to the English on several occasions and giving them full 
information of the Narragansett stronghold. 

Nearly ten years later a reward which had been 
promised him was paid and the General Court of Massa 
chusetts ordered that his daughter be sought and redeemed 
from slavery. 1 

The Connecticut contingent had not yet arrived, but 
on the following day Winslow led out his force to the 
nearby village of the squaw-sachem, Matantuck, 2 or the 

1 Mass. Col. Records, Vol. V, page 477. 

2 Queen Magnus was the widow of Mexanno, who was the eldest son 
of Canonicus. She was sister to Ninigret the great Niantic chieftain. 
This squaw sachem had several successive names, thus, Quaiapen, Mag 
nus, Matantuck, the Saunk Squaw (meaning the wife of a sachem), 
and the "Old Queen" of the Narragansetts. She was the mother of 
Quequaganet, the sachem who sold the Pettaquamscot lands to the 
English. She was related by marriage with the most distinguished 
sachems of the Niantic and Narragansett tribes, and succeeding Canon- 


146 King Philip s War 

Satmk Squaw, burnt over one hundred and fifty wigwams, 
and, having killed seven Indians, returned with nine 
prisoners; at the same time a scouting party of thirty 
men sent out by Oliver, who had been left behind to 
guard the stores, killed an Indian warrior and squaw and 
took several prisoners. 

At dawn on the 15th, came an Indian known to the 
whites as Stonewall or Stonelayer John, 1 professing au 
thority to enter into negotiations. He was, however, a 

chet, became the great squaw sachem of the Narragansetts, and her 
last stronghold was the "Queen s Fort." She was killed and her band 
destroyed, July 2, 1676, near Nachek on the Patuxet River, by Major 
Talcott and his forces. William Harris of Providence wrote of her per 
sonal character: "A great woman; yea, ye greatest yt ther was; ye sd 
woman, called ye old Queene. " The Lands of Rhode Island, by Sid 
ney S. Rider, pages 240, 241. 

The Queen s Fort. This rude fortification stands upon an elevation 
exactly on the line separating North Kingston from Exeter. It is two 
miles in a northwest direction from Wickford Junction station on the 
N. Y., N. H. & H. R. R., and about three and one-half miles from the 
Smith garrison house. It occupies the top of the elevation, the hill 
falling away from the walls on all sides. The builders taking advan 
tage of huge bowlders, laid rough stone walls between them, making a 
continuous line. "There is a round bastion or half moon on the north 
east corner of the fort, and a salient or V-shaped point, or flanker, on 
the west side. " It was in this neighborhood, a little to the southeast of 
the fort, near the headwaters of the little river Showatucquere, that the 
Narragansetts had a considerable village, undoubtedly the deserted vil 
lage destroyed by the army on the 14th of December, 1675. (See Bodge, 
Soldiers in King Philip s War, page 180.) The Lands of Rhode Island, 
by Sidney S. Rider, page 236. 

1 Stonewall John is said by Sidney S. Rider to have been the builder 
of the ancient stone fort known as the "Queen s Fort." He quotes 
Mr. Samuel G. Drake (Book of the Indians, Vol. Ill, page 77): "One 
writer of his time observes that he was called the stone layer, for that, 
being an active, ingenious fellow, he had learned the masons trade and 
was of great use to the Indians in building their forts, and" Mr. Rider 
adds that " he and he alone of the Indians could do such things. " Stone- 

King Philip s War 147 

chief of minor importance, and Winslow, believing that 
he came only to gain time and spy out the number of 
the English, dismissed him with the brief reply, "We 
might speak with the sachems. " 

During his visit the Narragansetts were hovering around 
in considerable numbers, and on the departure of the 
ambassador began to pick off the troops, shooting down 
from behind a hill three men of Gardiner s company 
on the outskirts of the camp, and even firing from the 
shelter of a stone wall l upon a considerable force which 
had been sent out under Captains Moseley, Oliver and 
Gardiner to bring in Appleton s company from outpost 
duty; but repulsed here with the loss of one of their lead 
ers they drew off towards evening. 2 

Some eight miles from Winthrop s camp, in a clearing 
on Tower Hill, lay the large stone house of Jirah Bull, 3 

wall John s Indian name has been lost to us. He was killed in Talcott s 
attack on the encampment of Queen Magnus, at Nachek, July 2, 1676. 
Lands of Rhode Island. 

1 Sidney S. Rider says the stone wall here mentioned was probably 
the wall of the Queen s Fort. "It may be stated, with a reasonable 
degree of historical accuracy, that the Queen s Fort was the spot around 
which lay the great town of the Narragansetts in 1675, and from be 
hind the stone walls of which the Indians fired thirty shots upon the 
advance post of the English army on the 15th of December of that year. " 

The fort was just three and a half miles from Smith s garrison, the 
distance at which Appleton s company lay, and it appears to be the 
only place that can be made to fit the description. Lands of Rhode 
Island, page 240. 

2 Hutchinson s History of Massachusetts, Vol. I, page 301. Captain 
Oliver s Letter. 

3 Jirah Bull, son of Governor Henry, born at Portsmouth, R. I., Sep 
tember, 1638. Kept a garrison house on Tower Hill at Pettaquamscut. 
This was about two and a half miles northwest from the present village 
of Narragansett Pier, and perhaps a mile and a hah* east from the village 
of Wakefield. 

148 King Philip s War 

"a convenient large stone house with a good stone wall 
yard before it which is a kind of fortification to it, " * 
and which had been selected as the rendezvous of the 
army on the arrival of the Connecticut troops. Here, 
on the night of the 15th, had assembled some seventeen 
people; careless in the face of danger, and relying on the 
near presence of the troops, no watch was probably set, 
when, in the darkness, the Indians repulsed at Smith s 
Landing in the afternoon stole upon it, broke in the doors 
and massacred all but two of the inmates. 

Captain Prentice, following the trail of the Indians the 
next day, saw smoke rising among the trees in the still 
winter air and the silent smoldering ruins told the tale 
of surprise and massacre. 

Discouragement and humiliation fell heavily on the 
minds of Winthrop s men on the return of Prentice, but 
with the morrow came the welcome news that the Con 
necticut force, three hundred and fifteen troops and one 
hundred and fifty Mohegans and Pequots, had arrived 
and were encamped at Pettaquamscut. 

On the 18th, as the short winter day was drawing to 
its close, Winthrop joined Treat at Pettaquamscut and 
assumed command over the largest army ever assembled 
up to that time in New England. As the weather was 
becoming unsettled and provisions were running low it 
was decided to make the attack on the Narragansett 
stronghold the next day. Fires were built and by this 
light the troops cleaned their guns and completed their 
preparations. The night was cold, the sky overcast, and 

1 Letter of Waite Winthrop to his father, Governor John Winthrop, 
of Connecticut, July, 1675. Connecticut Colony Records, Vol. II, 
page 338. 

King Philip s War 149 

the troops, unprovided with tents, lay out under the open 
sky. Clustered for warmth around the camp fires, whose 
flickering lights in the clearing cast the woods in deeper 
shadow, they heard the trees crackling in the frost and 
the long-drawn sough of the night wind. Sleep was al 
most impossible and before the gray dawn had come the 
camp was astir. 

Sixteen miles to the west, by a circuitous route, lay the 
objective point of the expedition, a fortified winter vil 
lage of the Narragansetts 1 situated on a hillock of some 
five or six acres, in the midst of a cedar swamp, which 
presents to-day much the aspect it then wore. Here were 
collected many warriors and a large number of women 
and children. Their bark wigwams were lined with skins 
and well stored with their winter supplies of corn and 
dried fish. Joseph Dudley states, on the authority of a 
squaw, that there were assembled here, in addition to a 
thousand in the woods in reserve, 3,500 warriors and their 
women and children, which would have made a total of 
about 14,000 souls; a ridiculous estimate. Five or six 
acres would not have accommodated 2,000, and the Nar 
ragansetts could not assemble 1,000 to 1,200 fighting men 
all told. 

Strong as the position was by nature for the only ap- 

!The great Narragansett Swamp is located in the town of North 
Kingston, R. I., and is crossed by the line of the N. Y., N. H. & H. 
R. R. between the stations of Kingston and Kenyon. The island upon 
which the fort was located lies between Usquapaug River and Shicka- 
sheen Brook, now known as Queen s River and Muddy Brook, and may 
be reached by a drive of two and a half miles from Kingston station. 
A causeway has been constructed between a point of elevated land 
reaching out in near proximity to the "island," to the island itself, en 
abling one to reach this point of interest dry-shod. 

150 King Philip s War 

proach was over a fallen tree, save when the severest 
weather *roze the surface of the swamp it had been for 
tified in a manner seldom employed by the Indians. 
They had often fenced in their villages with a stockade 
of logs set on end, but here a stockade more than usually 
stout and strong was reinforced with a hedge and inner 
rampart of rocks and clay, while numerous blockhouses 
and flankers commanded every approach with a cross 
fire. 1 The Narragansetts, according to Hubbard, were 
advised in the erection of their fortifications by a settler 
named Tifie (or Teft 2 ). 

It was five o clock Sunday morning, December 19th, 
when the army began its march along the uplands, a cir 
cuitous route but one less exposed to the possibilities of 
an ambuscade; the Massachusetts division in advance, 
the companies of Moseley and Davenport leading, Plym 
outh men in the center and the Connecticut contingent 
bringing up the rear, while the Mohegans and Pequot 
auxiliaries covered the flanks of the army or scouted 

Keen eyes were watching them as they pushed on, 
guided by Peter, and as they neared the edge of the 
swamp shortly after the noon hour, scattering shots were 
fired upon them by warriors who fled ostentatiously toward 
the log which led to the principal entrance. It has been 
generally believed that the English forced their way in 
at this point. Such was not the case, for, either by chance 
or directed by their guide, the Massachusetts men in the 

1 Old Indian Chronicle, page 181. 

2 Captain Oliver s Letter. Rider thinks that Stonewall John may 
have been the engineer of the Narragansett fort, and says, "We may 
hazard but little in his conjecture. " Lands of Rhode Island, page 242. 

King Philip s War 151 

van inclined their march a little to the right and came 
upon the one weak point in the defenses, where an un 
finished portion of the stockade commanded by a block 
house, but unprotected by abattis, had been filled in with 
a large tree. "Wherefor the providence of Almighty 
God" says Hubbard, "is the more to be acknowledged, 
who, as he led Israel by the pillar of fire and the cloud 
of his presence to light a way through the wilderness, so 
it now directs our forces upon that side of the fort where 
they might only enter. " 

With a rush, the Massachusetts men, running over the 
frozen swamp, charged this entrance, but a deadly fire 
smote them in front and flank. Captain Johnson fell 
dead, with many of his men, at the entrance, while Cap 
tain Davenport, distinguished by a handsome buff coat, 
gained the fort only to face a volley that killed him and 
decimated his company. 

The survivors of the three companies drew back in 
confusion to the edge of the swamp and threw them 
selves on their faces. Moseley and Gardiner reinforced 
them, but Gardiner himself was shot dead near the en 
trance and the men could make no headway until Major 
Appleton, with the remainder of the Massachusetts men, 
dashing forward with the cry "they run, they run," 
gathered them in the rush and the whole mass, storming 
over the tree together, drove the Indians out of the flanker 
on the left. 

They were now somewhat protected from the sharp 
shooters in the nearby blockhouses, but many of them 
continued to fall, and the Narragansetts, rallying again, 
began to press them fiercely, when the Connecticut troops, 
suffering fearfully from the fire directed upon them, made 

152 King Philip s War 

their way in through the breach, though Gallop, 1 Marshall, 
and Seeley, among their leaders, fell dead and Mason 
was mortally wounded. 

A short time later the Plymouth men also made their 
entrance. Little by little the stern and determined at 
tack of the English told, and the Narragansetts fell back, 
foot by foot, though the warriors fought desperately 
from the shelter of the bags and the baskets of grain 
in the wigwams. 

Even yet the issue might have been doubtful, but, 
either through chance or deliberately fired by some Eng 
lish hand, the Indian wigwams caught fire and the wind 
swept the fire in a mighty wave of flame through the 
crowded fort. An indiscriminate massacre must have 
followed "for the shrieks and cries of the women and 
children, the yelling of the warriors, exhibited a most 
horrible and appalling scene, so that it greatly moved 
some of the soldiers. They were in much doubt and 
they afterwards seriously inquired whether burning their 
enemies alive could be consistent with humanity and the 
benevolent principle of the gospel. " 2 

But though the Narragansetts had been driven out of 

1 Captain John Gallop, Boston, 1637. He served in the Pequot war, 
for which Connecticut made him a grant of one hundred acres of land. 
He removed to New London in 1651, but had been in Taunton for a 
short time in 1643. He finally settled in Stonington and was represen 
tative from that town in 1665 and 1667. Savage. 

2 Manuscript of the Rev. W. Ruggles. 

NOTE. Details of this campaign are to be found at considerable 
length in the letters of Captain Oliver given in Hutchinson s History of 
Massachusetts, Vol. I, page 300; the letters of Joseph Dudley to Gov 
ernor Leverett, December 15th, Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVIII, 
page 101 ; and December 21st, Hutchinson s History of Massachusetts, 
Vol. I, page 302. 

King Philip s War 153 

the village they still hung on the outskirts of the swamp, 
firing continuously at the English from the shelter of the 
woods, and Captain Church, who had had little share in 
the storm, sallying out, beat them back but was himself 
wounded. The victory had been won, but the price paid 
had been heavy. 

The short day was fast drawing into a wild winter s 
night when the surviving commanders gathered around 
Winslow in the glare of the blazing wigwams. Their 
figures, turning white in the swift-falling snow, were sil 
houetted against the flames, and among the dead and 
wounded English and warriors around them, lay many 
an Indian woman and child. 

The debate was long and earnest. Church vehemently 
urged that they should camp where they stood, collect 
the wounded in the shelter of the blockhouses and give 
the weary troops needed rest and food. 1 An eighteen- 
mile march through a broken trail, encumbered with the 
wounded and exposed to the fierce blast of the storm, 
was folly. Others saw more clearly than he. Their po 
sition was at the best precarious. They had, it was true, 
inflicted heavy loss on the Narragansetts and destroyed 
their winter shelter and supplies, but their own losses 
had been very heavy. Six captains and over twenty men 
were already dead. One hundred and fifty wounded 
were upon their hands. The blazing village offered little 
shelter or provision, the food and ammunition were well- 
nigh exhausted and the base of communication lay eigh 
teen miles away, and who knew but the Narragansetts, 
rallying on the morrow, might be upon them. Better to 

1 Church s Entertaining History, page 16. 

154 King Philip s War 

expose the wounded to the storm than risk a siege or 
ambuscade in the morning. Now, when the foes were 
dispirited and their plans unformed, was the time to re 
turn. Such was the deciding opinion and the tired and 
weary troops, leaving twenty of the dead in the fort to de 
ceive the Indians as to their loss, and carrying the wounded 
on litters made of muskets and saplings, filed out of the 
smoldering ruins into the woods and storm, lighted for 
three miles of their journey, as the author of the old In 
dian chronicle assures us, by the flames of the burning 

It was a terrible march. The fierce blast blew the snow 
in their faces; sometimes they stumbled over the logs and 
trees that lay across their path and heard the agonized 
groans of their wounded comrades brought to ground, 
twenty-two of them dying on the march. The trail 
was indistinct and often they sank to their knees in the 
drifted snow, while the heavily-laden boughs slashed 
them in the face. Faint from hunger and fatigue, 
weighed down with their wounded, and blinded by the 
storm, well it was for them that the older chiefs turned a 
deaf ear to the appeals of the young warriors that they 
should be followed and attacked on the march. 

It was two o clock in the morning before the main 
body struggled into Wickford. Many lost their way and 
wandered amid the storm all night. Winslow with forty 
men did not reach the camp until seven the next morn 
ing. Seven of their captains and about seventy-five 
of the men were dead or died during the next few 

The number of the Indians killed has been greatly 
exaggerated by the historians. Mather says there were 

King Philip s War 155 

one thousand killed; 1 Hubbard, seven hundred fighting 
men killed, three hundred more died of wounds, besides 
women, old men and children beyond count. No effort 
was made after the fight to count the Indian dead. Tifft, 
on his capture, stated it to have been ninety-eight killed 
and forty-eight wounded, besides women and children. 
The Narragansetts told the Indians at Quabaug that 
they had lost "forty fighting men and a sachem killed, 
and some three hundred old men, women and children 
burnt in the wigwams, which were mostly destroyed. 2 
Considering the fact that the Indians fought from shelter 
and that though there was, according to Hubbard, "but 
one entrance into the fort, the enemy found many ways 
to come out," their own statement seems the most reli 
able. The desire of the young men to pursue the Eng 
lish is very good proof that their losses in men were not 
as great as reported by the English. 

The provisions of the Indians for the winter had been 
destroyed, their shelter burnt and themselves driven out 
into the woods in the dead of winter to face famine. The 
hornet s nest had indeed been scorched, but the hornets 
were loose and the plight of the troops, without shelter 
or provisions, exhausted and exposed to the fury of the 
elements, was little better than that of the Indians, and 
only the fortunate arrival of Captain Richard Goodale 3 

1 " We have heard of two and twenty Indian captains slain, all of them, 
and brought down to hell in one day. " Mather s Prevalency of Prayer, 
page 265. 

2 James Quanapohit s Relation. Conn. War, 1 Doc. 356. 

3 A letter from Joseph Dudley to Governor Leverett, written from 
Smith s garrison, December 21, 1675, credits Captain Goodale with 
bringing the needed relief, though Church in his Entertaining History 
(page 62) states that it was Captain Andrew Belcher whose vessel 

156 King Philip s War 

of Boston with a sloop load of provisions, at Smith s 
Landing the same night, saved them from terrible suffer 
arrived at that time. It is more than probable, however, that Dudley s 
statement, written at the very time of the event, is more reliable than 
that of Church written forty years later. Both Goodale and Belcher 
were contemporary merchants and vessel owners. 


THE wounded of the Massachusetts and Plymouth con 
tingent were sent over to Rhode Island, and the Con 
necticut wounded to Stonington and New London, but 
the Connecticut force was so disabled that Major Treat 
was obliged to withdraw from further operations De 
cember 28th, despite the protest of the other officers. 
Joseph Dudley had already written to Governor Lever- 
ett, requesting two or three hundred more men and cap 
tains, "blunderbusses, hand grenadoes and armours if it 
may be, and at least two armourers, " and until the arri 
val of these reinforcements and other supplies the army 
was tied to its base and incapable of assuming the of 
fensive. 1 The Narragansetts had, in the meantime, re 
turned to their ruined fort without molestation and prob 
ably secured considerable supplies of corn and fish which 
had escaped the conflagration. 

Four days after the battle the Narragansetts, probably 
fencing for time, sent ambassadors to ask for terms, a 
report on the condition of the white forces probably 
being not the least of their duties. The deep snow and 
the intense cold following a sudden thaw, held the main 
body of the army in camp, but scouting parties who were 
sent out almost daily secured from time to time corn 
from the Indian barns, and some prisoners. Supplies of 

* Dudley s letter to the Governor and Council. Hutchinson s History 
of Massachusetts, Vol. I, page 302. 

158 King Philip s War 

food, ammunition and clothing were slowly being brought 
in from Connecticut and Boston by vessels, and the com 
missioners were organizing reinforcements and urging 
Connecticut to hurry forward their reorganized companies. 
On December 27th the ground was again frozen and Cap 
tain Prentice marched upon Pumham s village l (near 
Warwick) and destroyed one hundred wigwams, but 
" found never an Indian in any one of them. " 

Through a captive squaw taken the following day, 
the Narragansetts were informed that the door to peace 
would be opened by the surrender of all the Wampanoags 
who had taken refuge with the Narragansetts, and com 
pliance with such conditions as the authorities deemed 
necessary to impose. The squaw did not return but there 
came a messenger returning thanks for the offer of peace 
and a reply, "It was not we who made war upon the 
English, but the English upon us without notice. " 

The return of Canonchet in the spring for the purpose 
of procuring corn for the spring planting affords strong 
evidence that the destitution of the Narragansetts at this 
time was less severe than the English believed, and the 

1 The Massachusetts colony, claiming the lands of Shawomet (War 
wick), had forbidden their occupation by any person without the per 
mission of the colony, and in order to aid their ally, Pumham, in hold 
ing them, built an earthwork or fort, which they garrisoned with an 
officer and ten soldiers. Tradition locates this fort on the east bank of 
Warwick Cove and what very plainly indicate its remains may still be 
seen there. It commanded the entrance to the cove, while in the rear 
was said to have been an impenetrable marshy thicket to protect it in 
that direction. This feature has now disappeared and the old earth 
work may be reached dry-shod from the track of the electric railway on 
the east. Pumham s village, it is most likely, was at this point. His 
domain covered the territory now occupied largely by the town of War 
wick, R. I. 

King Philip s War 159 

thaw that allowed Prentice to make his expedition afforded 
the Indians an opportunity of securing food by raiding 
the settlers cattle and reaching their stores of buried 

Negotiations continued but each party was suspicious 
of the good faith of the other. On the fourth of January, 
1676, two messengers came to Winslow "to make way, 
as they declared, for a treaty of peace. " They laid the 
blame of hostilities upon Canonchet, who, they said, had 
misinformed them as to the terms of the treaty, having 
told them that the Wampanoags were not to be surren 
dered until Canonchet s brother, held as a hostage at 
Hartford, had been delivered up. On the following day 
a little child, three years old, who had been captured near 
Warwick was sent in as a peace offering and a few days 
thereafter a messenger came from the old sachem Nini- 
gret, recalling his friendship for the English and inform 
ing them that provisions in .the Narragansett camp were 
scarce ; but whatever the wishes of the old man, the power 
had passed into younger and bolder hands " for that young 
and insolent Canonchet and Panoquin l said they would 
fight it out to the last man rather than they would become 
the slaves of the English." 2 

In the meantime the reinforcements raised by the com 
missioners at Boston had been equipped and the first 
company under command of Captain Samuel Brockle- 
bank 3 set out on the sixth of January, but again the 

1 Panoquin, usually called Quinapin, was at one time the husband of 
Weetamoo, Queen of the Pocassets. 

2 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 161. 

3 Captain Samuel Brockelbank was of Rowley. He was a native of 
England and born about 1630. He was elected captain of the first 

160 King Philip s War 

winter storms and cold set in, and before they reached 
Wickford, four days later, sick and disheartened, several 
of their number had perished from exposure. 1 

Several scouts going out on the llth, next day came 
upon an Indian hiding in one of the Indian corn pits 
under the leaves, and brought him into camp, "but he 
would own nothing but what was forced out of his mouth 
by the twisting of a cord around his head; he was there 
fore adjudged to die as a Wampanoag, " says Hubbard, 
a naive confession of torture which he or Mather would 
have embellished with a page of scriptural quotations if 
committed by the Indians. 

Early the next day (the 12th of January) Canonchet 
and the sachems sent a request to Winslow for a month s 
truce for the discussion of a treaty. This request aroused 
Winslow s indignation and caused him to press more en 
ergetically than ever for the return of the reorganized 
Connecticut forces. It is difficult to agree with Winslow 
in the matter of these negotiations. He seems throughout 
obstinate and hot-tempered and unable to make use of 
his opportunities. It was well known that there existed 
among the Narragansetts a considerable party, neither 
uninfluential nor few in numbers, anxious for peace, 
among them Pessacus and Ninigret, sachem of the Nian- 
tics, yet no effort was made to strengthen their influence 
and divide the enemy, which a little diplomacy could 
have advanced. Winslow was still to wait two weeks 

company at Rowley, in 1673, and was active in recruiting for the Narra- 
gansett campaign. He was killed at Sudbury, April 21, 1676. Bodge, 
page 206. 

i Old Indian Chronicle (Present State of New England), page 195. 

King Philip s War 161 

before making any forward movement, and when made 
it was to prove worse than abortive, spreading the war 
over a larger area. 

Four days later a party of Providence settlers under 
Captain Fenner, pursuing some Indians who had seized 
their cattle, wounded and brought in Joshua Tift, the 
renegade Englishman who had joined the Narragansetts. 1 

Roger Williams, who acted as clerk at Tift s court- 
martial, records, in a letter to Governor Leverett, Tift s 
defense. 2 He said that twenty-seven days before the 
battle at the Narragansett fort, the Narragansetts had 
burned his house, seized his cattle and that he himself 
had only escaped death by agreeing to become Canon- 
chet s slave. He had been taken to the fort and there 
held. The Narragansetts had made terms with the Mo- 
hegans and Pequots before the battle, and after the cap 
ture of the fort the sachem had retired to a swamp not 
far away. On the departure of the English they sent to 
ascertain their losses and found ninety-eight dead and 
forty-eight wounded, and five or six bodies of the Eng 
lish. Their powder was nearly gone. Pessacus was for 
peace, but Canonchet was determined on war. The sa 
chems were now about ten miles from Smith s and be 
lieved the English proposal of a truce a trap to catch 
them. Philip, he said, had been at Quabaug in Decem 
ber whither the Narragansetts were now retiring, leaving 
foraging parties and a strong rear guard. 

His defense was of no avail, and the judgment of the 
court soon received vindication from the report of James 

i Hubbard, Vol. I, page 162. 

2\Vinthrop Papers. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 
Vol. XXXVI, page 307. 

162 King Philip s War 

Quanapohit, 1 who was told by the Narragansetts that he 
had killed and wounded several of the English both be 
fore and during the battle at the fort. He was hanged 
and quartered. "A sad wretch, he never heard a ser 
mon but once these fourteen years, " wrote Captain Oliver. 

While the English were making final preparations for 
an offensive movement, Canonchet was not idle; houses 
and barns were burnt and cattle captured and, as late 
as the 27th when the English were about to march upon 
him in force, he raided Warwick and despoiled William 
Carpenter of that place of 200 sheep, 50 cattle and 15 

On January 28th the Connecticut troops to the number 
of about three hundred, marching from New London by 
way of Westerly, reached the rendezvous, and reinforce 
ments from Plymouth and Massachusetts brought the 
strength of the army to over 1,400. Then began what 
was known as the " hungry march. " Winslow moved 
forward through the Narragansett country burning the 
wigwams and seizing supplies wherever they were to be 
found, capturing here and there a few Indian stragglers, 
the sick and the old, women and children, whose strength 
had failed them. 

i "Of the aboriginal possessors of Nashaway (Lancaster), none, un 
less Sholan, better deserves to be honored among us than that Indian 
scout, whose courage, skill and fidelity, should have saved the town 
from the massacre of 1676, James Quanapaug, alias James Wiser, 
alias Quenepenett, or Quanapohit. This Christian Indian was so well 
known for his bravery, capacity and friendship for the English that 
Philip had marked him for martyrdom, and given orders accordingly 
to some of his lieutenants." Early Records of Lancaster, by Hon. 
Henry S. Nourse, pages 99, 100. 

See, also, James Quanapohit s Relation. Conn. Archives, War 
Doc. 356. 

King Philip s War 163 

At times they came upon the still smoking embers of 
the Narragansett camp-fires, and twenty-five miles from 
Warwick found the skeleton heads of sixty horses that 
had been butchered for food. 

Northward through Rhode Island, through Warwick, 
whose inhabitants abandoned it as the army passed on, 
through Woodstock in Connecticut into Massachusetts, 
they pushed their way over frozen streams and swamps 
or along the exposed uplands, foraging for whatever they 
could procure. Their camps were pitched in the snow 
under the shelter of a hill or in the woods, and they 
warmed their numbed bodies over the open fires. Still 
they pressed on, footsore, wet and hungry, in pursuit of 
the Narragansetts ever retreating before them and out of 
reach until, worn out by the dreary march, reduced to 
eating their horses and ground nuts for food, Winslow 
reached Marlboro and there disbanded his forces on the 
3d of February, leaving Captain Wadsworth and a com 
pany of foot in garrison, whom, soon afterwards, Cap 
tain Brocklebank reinforced. 

Marlboro was a position of considerable strategic value. 
It lay on what was called the Connecticut or Bay path, 
and was the last town of importance until the Connecticut 
Valley was reached. It served as a base of operations 
and a rendezvous of the troops from the Bay towns in 
the movements to and from the valley. A small garri 
son had been stationed here. Already it had been threat 
ened in the summer and fall of the previous year, and it 
was believed that it would be the first town to be attacked 
in the coming spring. 

The disbandment of the army which sent the Connecti 
cut troops homeward and most of the Massachusetts con- 

164 King Philip s War 

tingent to Boston, was a blunder of the first magnitude, 
and, in view of the events of the past few months, as 
tonishing in its disregard of the principles of Indian war 
fare as taught by events in the valley. The whole frontier 
toward the east was left at the mercy of the Indians. It 
was no doubt difficult to procure provisions for so large 
a force, but the need of a large body to defend the frontier 
was an imperative necessity which should have been met. 

The Indians to the north, informed by a runner of the 
attack on the Narragansett village, had received the news 
with suspicion, a messenger bringing in the heads of two 
Englishmen was shot at and was informed that the Narra- 
gansetts had been the friends of the English all summer 
and they did not trust him. They even debated putting 
the messenger to death as a spy, but, day by day, fugitives 
and messengers bearing the heads and hands of slaugh 
tered Englishmen came thronging into their camps. 1 The 
Narragansett nation were now among them as allies, and 
their leaders must have had their hopes raised high by 
a reinforcement that more than made up the losses of 
the previous year. 

Around Quabaug, in numerous small colonies, were 
Sagamore Sam, One-Eyed John, 2 Matoonas, Mautaump, 

1 James Quanapohit s Relation. 

2 Monoco, or " One-Eyed John, " as he was called by the English be 
cause of a defect in his vision, lived near Lancaster. He was active in 
the attack on that town, principal in the assault on Groton, and on his 
own word, the destroyer of Medfield. At the close of Philip s war he 
gave himself up, with others, to Major Walderne at Cochecho (Dover), 
and was sent to Boston and, with Sagamore Sam, Old Jethro and Mau 
taump, was executed upon the gallows at " the town s end, " September 26, 
1676. He is known to have had a magnanimous disposition and per 
haps no charge can be brought against him that would not comport 

King Philip s War 165 

and two or three hundred Quabaugs and Nashaways. / 
Further north, at Wachusett, a favorite camping ground 
of the Nashaways, was another small settlement, while 
the main body of the valley tribes, Nonotucks, Pocum- 
tucks, Agawams and Squakheags, had established winter 
quarters in the vicinity of Northfield and Peskeompscut. 

The wanderings of Philip, that will-o -the-wisp of con 
temporary chroniclers, are now well known. Roger Wil 
liams believed he had made a visit to the Narragansetts 
during the fall, and Joseph Dudley, in a letter to Gov 
ernor Leverett, stated that he had been seen by many in 
the thick of the battle at the swamp, but both were mis 
taken. Philip, with the remnant of his Wampanoags and 
Pocassets, had spent the late fall and early winter at Qua- 
baug, but late in December, attended by his own follow 
ers and a considerable following from the valley tribes, 
went west toward the Hudson and established winter 
quarters at Schaghticoke in Van Rensselaer County, some 
twenty miles northeast of Albany where he was joined 
by several bands of roving adventurers. 

On January 6th Governor Andros wrote to the Gov 
ernor and Council of Connecticut, "This is to acquaint 
you that late last night I had intelligence that Philip and 
four hundred or five hundred fighting men were come ! 
within forty or fifty miles of Albany, northeasterly, where 
they talk of continuing the winter. Philip is sick." 1 

The report of Andros is confirmed by other testimony, 
for to Schaghticoke also came Robert Pepper 2 and 

with his character as an Indian warrior. Book of the Indians. Old 
Indian Chronicle. 

1 Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 397. 

2 Mrs. Rowlandson s Removes. 

166 King Philip s War 

James Quanapohit. It is also supported by the less 
reliable evidence of Thomas Warren 1 captured in 
October and taken to the Indian encampment who, 
on his return, declared the assembled force, including 
some 500 French Indians, to have exceeded 2,100 men 
and that Philip himself with 400 others was then 
absent; most certainly an exaggeration leading to the 
belief that he was either ingeniously permitted to see 
the same warriors several times, or possessed a wild 

This far removal of Philip from the scenes of opera 
tions possessed several advantages. It was safe under 
all ordinary circumstances from attack. It afforded com 
munication with both French and Mohawks and con 
venient means of access to the Dutch traders from whom 
he desired to procure supplies of powder, of which the 
Indians stood in pressing want. 

It was openly declared by the New England authorities 
at the time that the Dutch traders were actively engaged 
in selling arms and ammunition to Philip, and an acri 
monious correspondence took place in respect to the mat 
ter between Governor Andros and the Governor and 
Council of Connecticut, the irascible Governor replying 
to their reiterated charge January 31st, "I do now 
plainly see that you look upon it as a signal favor 
that that bloody war is removed toward us. I can 
not omit your great reflection on the Dutch in which 
you seem to make me an accomplice, for which I pray 
an explanation, and to name the guilty, there being 

1 Probably Thomas Warren, a soldier in Captain Moseley s company. 
See also The Old Indian Chronicle (Present State of New England), 
page 226. 

King Philip s War 167 

none in this government but his Majesty s subjects 
which obey all his laws. " l 

The traders indeed, warned by Andros, refused to sell 
direct, but the Mohawks, acting as intermediaries, took 
the furs from Philip s warriors and traded them off as 
their own, for powder, lead and guns. 2 Philip was also 
busily engaged in intrigues with both Mohawks and the 
French, guarding negotiations with the latter carefully 
from the former. 

The Mohawks, it is said, told Philip that they would 
gladly strike at the Mohegans but would not take up arms 
against the English. At the same time, according to 
Andros letters to the Connecticut Council, they were 
holding out hopes to the English of an offensive alliance 
against Philip, a species of double dealing negotiations in 
which the Iroquois were perfectly at home. 

A strange story comes down to us to the effect that 
Philip sought to inflame the rage of the Mohawks against 
the settlers by himself destroying a party of Mohawk 
warriors and imputing the outrage to the whites, but that 
the Mohawks, discovering his treachery, fell upon his 
force and drove it to the east. 3 

. The most careful research yields no satisfactory evi 
dence of such treachery on Philip s part. It seems, like 
many other tales, to have been used to color Philip s 
character. The belief, widespread in New England, that 
Philip made a visit to Canada during the winter in per 
son, is also unlikely, for a journey to the French and their 
Indian allies, which could not have been disguised from 

1 Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 404. 

2 James Quanapohit s Relation. Conn. War, Vol. I, Doc. 356. 
s Increase Mather s Brief History, page 168. 

168 King Philip s War 

the Mohawks, would have turned them into deadly ene 
mies. There is no doubt however but that Philip sought 
French aid indirectly. In the fall of the previous year 
he had met Monsieur Normanville who had been at 
Boston, and the Frenchman had aroused his hopes by 
telling him not to burn the best houses as the French 
would come in the spring with three hundred men and 
ammunition. 1 The promise of the boastful Frenchman 
was valueless, but Philip s position at Schaghticoke of 
fered exceptional facilities for procuring the aid they were 
willing to give in supplies of arms and powder. 

Throughout the tribes disease had been rife and had 
cost them more in lives than the warfare of the preceding 
months, 2 but they asked no peace. The old men desired 
it, but Philip and the young leaders and warriors would 
not hear of it. The severity of the whites, the numerous 
executions, the selling of all captives into slavery had 
had their effect. Peace offered nothing better than pun 
ishment, slavery, or complete and humiliating submission 
to every caprice and pleasure of the English. Rather, 
said they, "Let us live as long as we can and die like 
men and not live to be enslaved. " 

The winter was one of great suffering among all the 
Indians; the war had prevented the Connecticut Valley 
tribes from reaping their crops which were even at the 
best seldom sufficient to supply their wants, and the Wam- 
panoags, driven from their fishing grounds into the Nip- 
muck country, and bringing few supplies of their own, 
had added but so many more mouths to feed. 

1 James Quanapohit s Relation. Conn. War, Vol. I, Doc. 35b. 

2 Testimony of James the Printer. Increase Mather s Brief History, 
page 173. 

King Philip s War 169 

Such was the condition of the hostiles when, in the dead 
of winter, several thousand Narragansetts, destitute of 
supplies, poured in upon them. The already slender re 
sources of the Nipmuck tribes were immediately ex 
hausted, and though the trees were bare and the ground 
deep with snow, raids upon the English villages for the 
purpose of securing food became imperative. 

The garrisons at Chelmsford, Billerica, Groton, Lan 
caster and Sudbury had all been withdrawn as early as 
January llth, and, with the exception of the small gar 
rison at Marlboro under Captain Wadsworth, the whole 
frontier lay open to attack. 

Already on the first of February, a small party of Nip- 
mucks, under Netus, had fallen upon the house of Thomas 
Eames on the outskirts of Sudbury, and, after burning it, 
led his family and that of his son into captivity, 1 Eames 
himself being absent in Boston. 

The commissioners of the United Colonies were not 
unmindful of the danger that threatened the western 
towns, and within a week of the disbanding of Winslow s 
army, determined to raise a force of six hundred men for 
an offensive campaign against the Indians at Quabaug 
and Wachusett. To that end, February 8th, they called 
upon Massachusetts to fill out her quota and bade the 
Governor and Council of Connecticut send Major Treat 
and a body of Pequots and Mohegans, 2 but before the 
force could be raised the blow fell upon Lancaster. 

On the evening of the 9th of February, the people at 

*A boy of the family escaped in May and after long wanderings 
reached the English town. All of the family were subsequently ran 
somed or found except a little girl. 

2 Connecticut Records, Vol. II, page 409. 

170 King Philip s War 

Lancaster, with some fourteen soldiers who had been 
stationed in the town, as usual assembled in the fortified 
houses of which there were five in widely separated lo 
calities. 1 The principal one, that of the Reverend Mr. 
Rowlandson, 2 who was himself absent in Boston for the 
purpose of securing from the Governor and Council an 
adequate garrison for the defense of the town, stood in 
the center. 

Warning of the attack had not been wanting. James 
Quanapohit had informed the Governor and Council as 
early as January 24th that the Indians at Quabaug in 
tended to attack the town, and at midnight, February 9th, 
another Indian spy, Job Kattenait, a Christian Natick, 
knocking at Major Gookin s door in Cambridge, in an 
exhausted condition, having traveled over eighty miles 
through the wilderness on snowshoes, told him the blow 

1 See Marvin s History of Lancaster. 

In the History of Worcester County, Vol. I, page 600, it is stated that 
the first garrison was that of Rev. Mr. Rowlandson, located in the center 
of the town. The next was probably that of John White, situated about 
twenty rods north of the present railroad station. Then came that of 
Thomas Sawyer, half a mile south of the Rowlandson garrison, in the 
center of the settlement of South Lancaster. Then that of John Pres- 
cott in Clinton, while the fifth (Wheeler s) was probably in the south 
west part of Bolton. 

2 The Rowland garrison house was located on the western slope of 
the hill, on the top of which, now occupied by the cemetery, stood the 
meetinghouse. The road from Lancaster to the south village passes 
between these two sites about fifty rods southerly of the iron bridge 
over the west branch of the Nashaway River. The settlement of Lan 
caster consisted of farms spread out over a considerable territory, there 
being nothing in the semblance of a village; but the meetinghouse and 
the minister s dwelling may be considered the nucleus of the settlement. 
The exact site of the Rowlandson house is marked by a prominent pine 
tree, planted there as a means of identification. 


MH en 

o H 

King Philip s War 171 

was about to fall. 1 Gookin immediately sent messengers 
to Captain Wadsworth at Marlboro, but it was too late. 

In the Rowlandson garrison were gathered forty-two, 
possibly fifty, men and women, who, awakened by the 
firing of guns and the Indian war cry, rushed to the win 
dows and looked out. The sight that met their eyes was 
terrifying. Several houses were in flames and the Indi 
ans, whose forms could be dimly seen in the gray of the 
morning, were massacring the inmates with rifles and 

Three in one house were knocked on the head, a young 
man falling on his knees begged for mercy "but they 
would not hearken to him." Three others trying to 
reach the garrison were shot down by Indians posted on 
the roof of a barn, and the sound of other and more dis 
tant shots told that the whole settlement was being as 

The inmates of the Rowlandson garrison, barricading 
the doors and windows, repulsed the first attack; 2 the 
house, however, stood on the slope of a hill and the In 
dians lying along the crest poured a continuous fire upon 
it. First one and then others of the defenders were shot 
down. For two hours they held their own, but the fatal 
weakness of the house, the covering of the loopholes in 
the rear by firewood laid up for winter fuel, soon attracted 
the keen eyes of the Indian warriors. A cart filled with 
flax, hemp and hay seized from the barn was wheeled to 
the side and fired. One daring soul sallied out and 
quenched the flames, but the pile was immediately re- 

1 Gookin s Christian Indians. American Antiquarian Soc. Coll., 
Vol. II, page 489. 

2 This account is taken from Mrs. Rowlandson s Narrative. 

172 King Philip s War 

kindled. The roofs and sides caught fire, the house was 
enveloped in flames and soon the blazing roof threatened 
to fall in. Then men, women and children, Mrs. Row- 
landson and her children among them, rushed out in the 
desperate hope of reaching the next garrison, but in vain. 
A shot passing through Mrs. Rowlandson s side pierced 
the hand and bowels of the child she carried in her arms. 

Thomas Rowlandson, 1 her husband s nephew, aged 
seventeen, was killed, her sister s son was struck down, 
and Mrs. Henry Kerley, 2 wringing her hands in the door 
way of the blazing house at the news of her son s death, 
was instantly killed. 

Of the ten or twelve men, only one, Ephraim Roper, 3 
leaving his wife dead behind him, escaped. The rest 
were killed and the women and children were seized. 

1 " Thomas Rowlandson, " says Joseph Willard, on page 39 of his 
History of Lancaster, "was brother to the clergyman," and Mr. Marvin 
perpetuates this error on pages 96 and 106 of his history of the town. 
Rev. Joseph Rowlandson had a brother Thomas who lived in Salisbury, 
and died there in July, 1682. It was his son, Thomas Jr., who perished 
at Lancaster. Even the careful John Langdon Sibley adopts Willard s 
error on page 319, Vol. I, of his Harvard Graduates. Supplement to 
Early Records of Lancaster, by Hon. Henry S. Nourse, page 17. 

2 Henry Kerley married Elizabeth, daughter of John White and sister 
of Mrs. Rowlandson, as above related. His wife, his sons, William, 
aged 17, and Joseph, aged 7, were killed at the attack on the garrison, 
and a son and three daughters carried into captivity. He was probably 
in Boston at the time with Rev. Mr. Rowlandson. Early Records of 

3 Ephraim Roper was, in King William s war, the owner of a garrison 
house situated on the George Hill road. His father, John Roper, was 
killed by the Indians March 26, 1676, the day Lancaster was finally 
abandoned by its inhabitants. Ephraim Roper served as a soldier un 
der Captain William Turner and took part in the Fall Fight, May 18, 
1676. He was killed at Lancaster during King William s war, in the 
massacre of September 11, 1697. Early Records of Lancaster. 

King Philip s War 173 

So in midwinter were carried off the survivors of the 
Rowlandson blockhouse and several other of the towns 
people, accompanied by the captured cattle, while Cap 
tain Wadsworth with forty men, hurrying along the fur 
ther bank found the river swollen in flood and the floor 
of the bridge torn up. He arrived in time to save the 
other garrisons, the Indians drawing off at his approach, 
but too late to rescue the captives. 

A few days later the town was abandoned, its surviv 
ing inhabitants taking refuge in the settlements to the 
east, and its houses, with the exception of the meeting 
house and a garrison, soon fell a prey to the flames. 

The diary kept by Mrs. Rowlandson l in the midst of 
her wanderings affords us an intimate knowledge of the 
movements of Philip and of life among the Indians dur 
ing the winter. It is exceedingly touching in its simplic 
ity and pathos. 

Encamped in a deserted house on the hill 2 above the 
town that night, she heard the Indians, glutted with the 
flesh of the captured cattle, dancing and singing around 
their camp fires. "My children gone," she wrote, "my 
relatives and friends gone, there remained to me but one 
poor wounded babe. " The next day they set out. One 

1 Mrs. Mary Rowlandson was the wife of the Rev. Joseph Rowland- 
son of Lancaster, the first minister there, and daughter of John White 
of that place. Mrs. Rowlandson is well known to the student of King 
Philip s war by the diary she kept through the captivity following the 
destruction of her home February 10, 1676. This she published after 
her return from captivity and the work has passed through many edi 
tions. Rev. Mr. Rowlandson became settled in Wethersfield, Conn., 
in April, 1677, and died there November 23, 1678. Mrs. Rowlandson 
was living at that time but the time and place of her death are unknown. 

2 George Hill, an elevation about one mile from the Rowlandson house. 

174 King Philip s War 

of the Indians carried her wounded child upon a horse, 
"it went moaning all along." At length she took it in 
her arms and carried it until her strength failed and she 
fell. They mounted her upon a horse and at night built 
a fire and a lean-to for her. At Menameset village she 
met her daughter and also Robert Pepper, who had been 
captured at Beer s defeat, and who told her that he had 
been carried to Albany and had seen Philip. 

Her child, badly wounded and lacking medical care, 
was dying, and " a few days afterwards, about two hours 
in the night, my sweet babe like a lamb departed this 
life. " The Indians buried it on a hilltop and in the 
morning showed her the newly-made grave. 

She accompanied her masters in their wanderings, 
sharing their scanty food and at times suffering keen 
privation. They were often destitute of food and driven 
; to boil the hoofs of the dead horses or procure the marrow 
from old bones, eking out their fare with ground nuts, 
the tender buds of trees or a little meal. At times a deer 
or a bear was killed and the long fast gave place to a glut 
tonous feast. But the sight of her children, a girl and 
a lad of sixteen, safe and well treated, consoled her for 
much misery. 

They were constantly moving and covered extensively 
the country east of the Connecticut. She was sold to 
Quinnapin l and his wife Weetamoo, who seem to have 

1 Quinnapin was a noble Narragansett by birth, being the son of 
Coginaquan who was nephew to Canonicus. He was one of the chiefs 
who directed the attack on Lancaster, February 10, 1676, and he pur 
chased Mrs. Rowlandson from a Narragansett Indian who had seized 
her as she came out of the garrison. At this time he was the husband 
of Weetamoo, the widow of Alexander and Queen of the Pocassets. 

King Philip s War 175 

treated her kindly. She mended the worn clothes of the 
Indian children and made a shirt for her master s son. 

Once, invited to eat with Philip because she made a 
shirt for his son, she was given a small cake of corn cooked 
in bear s fat; probably all he had to offer. She offered 
him her money but he bade her keep it and she bought 
some horseflesh therewith. 

A Mrs. Joslyn, 1 with a small child, and who was about 
to become a mother, was killed by her captors, but 
Mrs. Rowlandson and her son and daughter were, in 
general, treated with kindness, as were most of the other 

In connection with the captivity of Mrs. Rowlandson 
it may be said that one party was as forward in the ex 
ercise of cruelty as the other. The torture of Englishmen 
by the Indians was the exception rather than the rule. 
The women and children were not tortured and were 
generally spared if the pursuit pressed not too fast upon 
their captor s heels. The Indian conqueror never low 
ered himself to the level of the European soldiery of the 
time in the sack of captured towns and villages with their 
carnival of rape and murder. 

In all the chronicles of the time the reader finds no 
recorded instance of outrage upon a woman captive or 
the useless torture of children. " And such was the good 
ness of God to those poor captive women and children 

At the Narragansett Swamp fight he was next in command to Canonchet. 
He is described as "a young, lusty sachem and a very rogue." Old 
Indian Chronicle; also Book of the Indians. 

i Mrs. Ann Joslyn was the wife of Abraham Joslyn, Jr. Her hus 
band was killed at the Rowlandson garrison fight and her daughter, 
Beatrice, aged twenty-one months, was killed in captivity. Early Rec 
ords of Lancaster. 

176 King Philip s War 

that several found so much favor in the sight of their 
enemies that they were offered no wrong to any of their 
persons save what they could not help, being in many 
wants themselves, neither did they offer any uncivil car 
riage to any of the females, or any attempt the chastity 
of any of them, either being restricted of God as was 
Abimeleck of old, or by some other external cause 
which withheld them from doing any wrong of that 
kind." 1 

The settlers slew without discrimination as to age or 
sex, and inflicted torture with a stern self-righteousness. 
The former generation had set an example in the destruc 
tion of the women and children in the Pequot fort: the 
present followed it closely; the next was to burn the 
Salem witches. 

The temper of the age and their belief that they were 
the people of the new Israel, their foes the old Canaanites 
and Philistines with new faces, hardened them to mercy. 
In the books of the Old Testament they sought and found 
precedents and divine commands in plenty that spoke 
with the same authority and inspiration for the guidance 
of their Israel of the new dispensation as to the fate to 
be meted out to hostile people, as it had for the old. 
Hence arose more than one instance of bad faith. Hence 
men, women and children were slaughtered or sold into 
slavery in the West Indies; Rhode Island alone, to her 
credit, prohibiting the practice by statute. Hence the ex 
clusion from mercy of the captured sachems at the close 
of the war and the refusal to recognize in the manly char 
acter of men like Canonchet aught but "the obstinate 

i Hubbard, Vol. I, page 167. 

King Philip s War 177 

and perverse spirit of the heathenish and bloodthirsty 
blasphemers who made war on God s people. " 

The same day as the attack on Lancaster a small party 
of Indians made an attack on Concord, 1 in which Abra 
ham and Isaac Shepherd were killed near Nashobah in 
Concord village while threshing grain in their barn. Ap 
prehensive of danger, says tradition, they placed their 
sister Mary, a girl about fifteen years old, on a hill a 
little distance off to watch and forewarn them of the ap 
proach of an enemy. She was, however, suddenly sur 
prised and carried captive into the Indian settlements, 
but, with great heroism, while the Indians were asleep in 
the night, seized a horse and, taking a saddle from under 
the head of her Indian keeper, mounted and rode through 
the forest to her home. 

The attacks on Lancaster and Concord were but the 
beginning of the storm. All was movement among the 
tribes, and attacks fell thick and fast on towns and soli 
tary farms alike. The course of one particular party, 
under One-Eyed John, could be clearly traced by a trail 
of blood southward toward Plymouth colony. 

The alarm occasioned by the attack on Lancaster had 
aroused the authorities to the necessity of dispatching 
troops to the outlying settlements. Captain Jacob 2 and 

1 Hubbard Vol. I, page 223. 

2 Captain John Jacob was born in England about 1630. He resided 
in South Hingham, and his house was fortified as a garrison by order 
of the General Court. He served in King Philip s war as a captain and 
at the Narragansett Swamp fight succeeded Captain Isaac Johnson, 
who was killed, as commander of the company. He died September 18, 
1693, aged about 63 years. His son John, slain by the Indians just 
back of his father s house near "Glad Tidings Rock," April 19, 1676, 
was the only person slain by the enemy in Hingham. See History of 


178 King Philip s War 

Lieutenant Oakes who had been scouring the country 
between Lancaster and Medfield, were now at the latter 
place, but their commands, instead of being kept in their 
entirety, had unwisely been scattered among the different 
houses. In Medfield, as in many of the small towns, the 
settlers in their greed for land had taken more than they 
could possibly cultivate, and large tracts from which the 
timber had been cut had been allowed to grow up so the 
houses seemed "as if they were seated in the midst of a 
heap of bushes. " 

During the night of February 21st, the Indians, under 
One-Eyed John, stealing upon the town, hid themselves 
in this brush, behind the orchard walls, under the sides 
of barns and outhouses, in the midst of the settlement 
itself. Samuel Morse, 2 going out to his barn early in the 
morning to feed his cattle, saw an Indian hiding in the 
hay. With rare presence of mind he affected ignorance 
of the intruder s presence, but left the barn immediately, 
and gathering his family fled to the garrison, beholding 
on the way his house and barn bursting into flames be 
hind him. Then from all sides came the shots, the yell 
ing of Indians, and the cries of the alarmed settlers. 
Many of the houses were burning, and soldiers and set 
tlers coming to their doors were shot down on the thresh 
old; eighteen persons in all were killed, others were taken 
away alive, 3 and an old man of near one hundred was 

Hingham, Vol. II, page 372. Soldiers in King Philip s War, by Geo. 
N. Bodge, page 283. 

1 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 169. 

2 Samuel Morse of Medfield, the son of Joseph, was born January 10, 
1640. Died February 28, 1718. Savage. 

3 John Wilson to Governor Leverett. Massachusetts Archives, 
Vol. LXVIII, page 134. 

King Philip s War 179 

burned to death in his home. Lieutenant Adams l of the 
town was among the slain, and his wife was accidentally 
killed by the discharge of Captain Jacob s gun, the bullet 
piercing the floor and passing through her body as she 
lay sick in bed. 2 

Soon forty or fifty houses were in flames, but the greater 
part of the troops and settlers had now reached the gar 
rison house and the cannon of the garrison was roaring 
the signal of the attack to the people of Dedham. 

Before the soldiers in the town could rally the Indians 
had drawn off across the river to a neighboring hill, burn 
ing the bridge behind them, and were roasting an ox in 
full view of the smoking ruins. The soldiers halted at 
the bridge where the following notice met their eyes: 

"Know by this paper, that the Indians thou hast pro 
voked to wrath and anger will war this 21 years if you 
will. There are many Indians yet. We come 300 at 
this time. You must consider the Indians lose nothing 
but their life. You must lose your fair houses and cat 
tle. " 3 

On the same day as the attack on Medfield, nearly 
two weeks after the call of the commissioners, the Coun 
cil of Massachusetts voted to raise one hundred foot and 

1 Lieutenant Henry Adams was born in England about 1604. He 
lived first at Braintree in New England, then removed to that part of 
Dedham which became JVIedfield, of which place he was the first town 
clerk. He was of the Artillery Company in 1652, representative in 1659, 
1665 and 1764, 1765. He was a lieutenant in the militia. 

2 Drake s Book of the Indians, Book III, page 37. 

3 Written, it is said, by an Indian apprentice of Samuel Green of 
Cambridge, known as James the printer, seventeen years old. He after 
wards surrendered under the terms of the proclamation of July 8th, 
and was pardoned. Gookin s Christian Indians. American Antiqua 
rian Society Collections, Vol. II, page 494. 

180 King Philip s War 

seventy-two troopers to fill the quota levied by the com 
missioners. Major Savage was placed in command. 
John Whipple 1 was made captain of the horse and Cap 
tain William Turner of the foot. To this force was added 
two companies of foot under Captains Moseley and Ben 
jamin Gillam, 2 and at Savage s request John Curtice and 
six friendly Indians as guides, 3 among them James Quan- 
apohit and Job Kattananit. 

The rendezvous had been fixed by the commissioners 
for Quabaug some days before, but it was the first of 
March before the forces of Connecticut and Massachu 
setts assembled at Brookfield, Major General Daniel 
Denison organizing the force, the command of which fell 
to Savage as ranking officer of the contingent in whose 
territory operations were to be conducted. 4 

When the troops reached Quabaug the Indians had 
withdrawn to a swamp some seventeen miles away. 

1 Captain John Whipple was born in Essex, England, about 1626. 
He came with his father to Ipswich before 1638. He was appointed 
cornet of the Ipswich troop before 1675, and captain in 1683 in place of 
Captain John Appleton. He was lieutenant in Captain Paige s troop 
at Mount Hope, June, 1675, and was appointed captain of a troop raised 
for service under Major Savage in March, 1676. He was representa 
tive to the General Court in 1674, 1679 and 1683, in which year he died, 
August 10th. 

2 Captain Benjamin Gillam, born in England in 1634, was of Boston. 
Savage says, "He was probably master of that ship in which Colonel 
Cartwright, one of the royal commissioners, was going home in the 
autumn of 1665, taken by the Dutch, was related by Morton, Mem. 315: 
Hutchinson, I, 250, and Hubbard, 585." He had command of a com 
pany in Philip s war and served under his father-in-law, Major Thomas 
Savage. His will, dated March 28, 1681, was probated June 17, 1686. 
He was buried, says Sewall, June 13, 1685. 

3 Massachusetts Records, Vol. V, page 74. 

4 Hazard, Vol. II, pages 538, 539 (Records of Commanders). 

King Philip s War 181 

"There were" says Mrs. Rowlandson, "many hundred, 
old and young, some sick and some lame, and many had 
pappooses on their backs. " As Savage pushed on, this 
camp too was broken up. "They went as if they had 
gone for their lives, and then made a stop and chose out 
some of the strongest men and sent them back to hold 
the English in play. Then, like Jehu, they marched on 
furiously to the river near Athol. " Reaching the river 
they made rafts of trees, and finally all went over, while 
the party sent back had played with Savage for two days 
and led him on a false scent. When he finally struck 
the trail of the main body they had crossed Miller s 
River in safety, and the English, standing on the banks, 
beheld only the smoking ruins of their deserted wigwams. 1 

It had been the intention of Savage and his command 
ers to strike at the Indian encampment at Wachusett but, 
fearful for the towns on the Connecticut, now that the 
Quabaug Indians had effected a juncture with those who 
had wintered at Northfield, he turned against the advice 
of his guides and marched to Hadley. 2 He had been 
completely outmaneuvered. 

Even as he left Quabaug, the Indians who had win 
tered at Wachusett had stolen upon Groton (March 2d), 
rifling eight or ten houses and carrying away many cattle 
and hogs. Major Willard and Captain Sill, coming up 
the next day, saw nothing of them, but on the 9th, freed 
from the fear of any attack by Savage, they again ap 
peared, and, lurking in the outhouses during the night 
waited for the settlers to appear in the morning. 

1 Mrs. Rowlandson s Narrative. 

2 The guides were so maltreated and insulted by Moseley and his men 
that they returned to Deer Island. Gookin s Christian Indians. 

182 King Philip s War 

They were not disappointed, for at dawn four settlers, 
escorting two carts, appeared going out to the meadows. 
Two of the settlers, spying the Indians, made a difficult 
escape. One of the others was immediately shot down 
and one taken, and the Indians, setting fire to several 
houses and barns, apparently withdrew as suddenly as 
they had come. But on the 13th the lookouts at one of 
the garrisons l saw two Indians against the sky line of one 
of the hills close to the town. Immediately a consider 
able number of soldiers of Captain Parker s 2 company 
who had been sent to protect the town, sallied out to 
capture them. It was the old story of an ambush for, 
as they reached the top of the hill, behind which the In 
dians had disappeared, a volley was poured into them. 
One was killed and several wounded, while at the same 
time another party of Indians was seen making its way 
into the town from the rear. The ambushed pursuers 
turned and ran for the shelter of a nearby garrison, which 
they reached in safety, and where, in helplessness, they 
saw the town burn before their eyes. 

A few days later, a wagon train laden with household 
belongings, women and children, and guarded by all the 
men and by a company of troops under Lieutenant Oakes, 

1 The village of Groton was protected by four garrison houses, while 
a fifth is said to have been a mile distant, and its site is at present un 
known. A view up the main street of the village covers the location of 
the four. The first stood near the present high school, the next just 
north of the townhall, the third on the farther side of James Brook, 
and the fourth at some little distance beyond. 

2 Captain James Parker was of Woburn in 1640; freeman in 1644. 
He first removed to Chelmsford and later to Groton. He held the rank 
of captain and accompanied Major Willard in his relief and reinforce 
ment of the beleagured garrison at Brookfield. He died in 1701 in his 
eighty-fourth year. Savage. 

King Philip s War 183 

who had been sent to bring them off, might have been 
seen toiling over the roads to the east. It was the Groton 
settlers abandoning their homes. Even on the march 
their enemies struck at them, shooting down two of their 
number from ambush, but the troops and settlers held 
fast against the attack and, driving them back, passed 
on in safety. 


TN the early morning of March 14th, a large force of the 
* valley Indians fell upon Northampton, but fortunately, 
in addition to Captain Turner and seventy-eight men of 
the original garrison, Major Treat with two hundred of 
the Connecticut troops, without their knowledge, were 
quartered in the town. Breaking through the stockade 
at the lower end of Pleasant Street, the Indians found 
themselves, in the first flush of triumph, in a trap, and 
were glad to withdraw after losing one of their number 
killed and four wounded. Four men and one woman 
were killed, and several houses and barns, all with one 
exception outside the stockade, were burned. 1 Yet, de 
spite this repulse the Indians still hung around waiting 
for opportunity to strike, and the garrisons at Hatfield 
and Hadley slept on their arms. 

The spring was opening with terror. No man dared 
go out to his fields unless guarded by his neighbors and 
soldiers. Food was scarce. No husbandman stirred 
from his door save with arms in hand, and at night the 
town guards watched upon the stockade. Families on 
the outskirts dared not occupy their houses, and even in 
the villages people left their homes at night for the pro 
tection of the garrison. 

Savage, his pursuit of the Quabaugs having failed as 

1 Rev. John Russell to Governor Leverett. Massachusetts Archives, 
Vol. LXVin, page 163. 

King Philip s War 185 

we have seen, marched over to Hadley where Turner, 
who had been left at Quabaug, joined him, and was 
promptly sent over to garrison Northampton. 

Moseley took up his station at Hatfield, while Major 
Treat came back to his old territory the west bank of 
the Connecticut from Westfield to Northampton. In the 
meanwhile and unknown to the English commanders, an 
event of great importance had taken place near North- 
field. There, on the 9th of March, Canonchet and Philip 
met for the first time during the war and a great council 
of war was held. Besides the two sachems were Pum- 
ham, Quinnapin, Pessacus, Sancumachu of the Pocum- 
tucks, Annawan, several other chiefs of the Wampanoags, 
Queen Weetamoo and representatives of the various tribes 
of the Nipmucks, dressed in all the glory of wampum and 

Now full of hope, yet within six months the bullet, the 
gallows, or slavery were to claim them all, and Increase 
Mather should write of them, "Where are the six Narra- 
gansett sachems and all their captains and councillors? 
Where are the Nipmuck sachems with their captains and 
councillors? Where is Philip and the squaw-sachem of 
Pocasset with all their captains and councillors ? God 
do so to all the implacable enemies of Christ and of his 
people of New England. " l 

No record of their plans has come down in history, 
but the knowledge of the conditions that confronted them 
and the operations that followed the council furnish con 
siderable evidence of its general scope. 

The question of supplies was all important, seed must 

Mather s Prevalency of Prayer, page 265. 

186 King Philip s War 

be secured for the spring sowing and the planted lands 
made secure from attack. 

Above Deerfield, to the north, for miles, lay a safe 
refuge for the women and children if need came. Spring 
was coming and with it the game and fish would be abun 
dant. Between Northfield and Deerfield lay fertile fields 
where corn and maize and beans could be cultivated in 
abundance, while the reaches of the river at Peskeomp- 
skut afforded a rare fishing ground. 

If war could be carried fiercely to the east they believed 
the colonists would concentrate their force in that direc 
tion, and the valley, denuded of troops and held by the 
valley tribes would be left unmolested. If the English 
would only commit the follies that had marked the last 
year s campaign, there was hope. Alas for Indian 
hopes; the plan had not foreseen the employment of the 
friendly Indians by the whites. It underrated the force 
and character of the colonists and it was to receive at the 
beginning a disastrous blow. 

How nearly the plan succeeded, however, and how 
clearly they gauged the measure of the authorities and 
the panic of the eastern communities will soon be made 

By Savage s march to the valley, the eastern frontier 
of the Bay settlements and the countries south of Plym 
outh and Narragansett Bay were again left open to at 
tack, and here the blows fell thick and fast and the war 
parties roamed at will. 

A short time after the breaking up of the Indian council 
at Northfield, Canonchet set out with a small or picked 
body of warriors to his own territory to procure seed 
corn from the supplies hidden in the Indian pits and tree 

King Philip s War 187 

trunks. Monoco, or One-Eyed John, had preceded him 
and the cowed bands of the Wampanoags, left behind 
on Philip s retreat, again arose to arms at their approach, 
while Philip and the gathering forces of the valley tribes 
struck at the valley settlements. 

All the winter the settlers had been fortifying their 
houses and stockading their towns. Now the storm burst 
upon them. No man dared pass alone from one village 
to another, and there were nights when the sentinels saw 
on the outskirts the light of burning farms and houses. 

Throughout the Connecticut Valley eastward, even to 
Plymouth and Providence, the war parties of the tribes 
were spreading death and desolation. On the evening of 
February 2oth several dwellings and other buildings in 
Weymouth * were destroyed, and on March 12th the gar 
rison house of William Clark, 2 near Plymouth, was at 
tacked by Totoson; an Indian who had enjoyed the hos 
pitality of the Clarks a few days before having notified 
him of the careless guard maintained. Totoson and his 
band, coming early in the morning, lay in hiding until 
most of the men had marched forth to church, then they 
fell furiously upon it. 3 Eleven persons were killed and 
the Indians, after plundering the house of provisions, 
eight guns, and thirty pounds of powder, set it on fire and 
retired. 4 

Everywhere there was terror and fear and every day 

1 This was the nearest approach to Boston made by the Indians ; a 
distance of eleven miles. 

2 This garrison was at Eel River, a half mile to the eastward of the 
present village of Chiltonville. Its site is occupied by the house erected 
for the Rev. Benjamin Whitmore, perhaps eighty years ago. 

3 Plymouth Records, Vol. V, page 205. 

< Old Indian Chronicle (Present State of New England), page 220. 

188 King Philip s War 

brought news of buildings burnt and settlers killed. The 
towns around Narragansett Bay were abandoned save by 
the soldiers and the most resolute, who took refuge in 
the garrisons, and even Providence could count but fifty 
of its five hundred inhabitants. 

" Brother Williams, " said one of a band of Narragan 
sett warriors, replying to Roger Williams who, going out 
to parley, leant upon his staff and bade them make peace, 
for their doom was certain in the end if they fought on, 
" Brother Williams, you are a good man, you have been 
kind to us many years, not a hair of your head shall be 
touched. " They told him he must venture no further 
among them for there were strange Indians about, but 
they did not cease to devastate the settlement of which 
he was the founder, and the people of Providence, who 
had taken refuge on the island of Rhode Island, heard, 
before the month was out, of the destruction of their 
homes and belongings left behind, the garrison being un 
able to protect them. "And one Wright was killed, that 
was neither a Quaker nor Anabaptist, but opinionated. " 
The author of the Old Indian Chronicle relates that he 
had a strange conceit that while he held a Bible in his 
hands he was " secure from all kinds of violence, but the 
Indians finding him in that posture, deriding his ground 
less apprehension or folly, ripped him open and put his 
Bible in his belly." 

On the 17th the flames wiped out deserted Warwick, 
down the bay, with the exception of a stone house known 
as Green s stone castle, and a band of straggling Indians 
from the valley tribes, marching down past Pine Meadow 

1 Connecticut Records (Letter from Governor and Council of Massa 
chusetts, quoted), Vol. II, page 433. 

King Philip s War 189 

(now Windsor Locks, Conn.), where they killed Henry 
Denslow, plundered the deserted houses of Simsbury, 1 
across the mountains from Hartford, and gave them over 
to the flames on March 26th. A cave in the hills above 
the town, from which Philip, according to local tradi 
tion, watched the burning of Simsbury, is known as 
Philip s (Phelps) cave, though Philip was never there. 2 

On that most gloomy day of the year, the 26th of March, 
the people of Marlboro 3 were at church; the hymn had 

1 The plantation of Simsbury was spread out over a distance of about 
seven miles in length, and lay on both sides of the Tunxis (Farmington) 
River, an unfordable stream of considerable width, and contained about 
forty houses. 

2 An Indian named Menowniet was taken near Farmington about the 
12th of August, 1676. He said he was "halfe a Moheag and halfe a 
Narragansett. " That he was engaged in hunting, but had taken part 
in the several engagements in the Connecticut Valley. He was exam 
ined by the Council. In reply to the question, "Who killed Henry 
Denslow?" he said, "Wequash, Weawwosse, Whowassamoh, Pawwaw- 
woise and Mawcahwat, Sanchamoise and Wesoncketichen, and these 
were those that burnt Simsbury." Connecticut Records, Vol. II, 
page 472. Three of these were Springfield Indians, the rest were of 
other tribes. Philip s cave and Philip s mountain is undoubtedly a 
corruption of the name of the contemporary owner, " Phelps. " 

3 Marlboro was built very " scatteringly, " and the original town cov 
ered a wide territory. By separating into small companies it was pos 
sible for the enemy to compass and destroy the town dwellings without 
much hindrance from the garrisons. The meetinghouse stood near the 
center of the present city on what are now the high-school grounds and 
immediately in front of that building. The town held a prominent 
place in Philip s war by reason of its being used almost constantly as a 
military garrison. There were at least four garrison houses in the town, 
two of them within the limits of what is now the town of Westboro, one 
situated about two miles west from the center, on the present boundary 
line separating Marlboro from Northboro, and the remaining one was 
located on what is now Hayden Avenue, on land known as "the Daniel 
Hayden farm, " scarcely more than a quarter of a mile from the site of 

190 King Philip s War 

just been sung when the Reverend Mr. Brinsmead, 1 who 
had been compelled to come down from his pulpit and seek 
relief from the extremity of the toothache by walking to 
the door, discovered the Indians and, rushing back to the 
church with the cry, "the Indians are upon us," drove 
the congregation to the garrison. Only one of their num 
ber was cut off, but eleven barns and thirteen dwellings 
were burned and the cattle driven away. 2 

The evening brought some satisfaction, for Lieutenant 
Jacob, setting out in pursuit, fell upon a part of the ma 
rauders in the woods that night as they slept around 
their camp-fire and claimed to have killed and wounded 
nearly forty of their number, among the slain, -according 
to Hubbard, being Netus, leader of the Indians who 
had attacked the Eames house in Sudbury. 

It was a day, however, fated with misfortunes, for Can- 
onchet, returning homeward with a large band of war 
riors, had near Seekonk, on the 25th fallen in with Cap 
tain Michael Peirse 3 of Scituate, who had been sent from 
Plymouth with some fifty soldiers and a score of friendly 
Indians under Captain Amos. 

That night Peirse and his men slept at the garrison 

the old meetinghouse. It was probably to this that the people fled when 
driven from the meetinghouse by the attack of March 26, 1676. 

1 Rev. William Brinsmead was bred at Harvard College but left be 
fore graduation. He preached 1660-65, at Plymouth, and thence went 
to the new town of Marlboro, where he was ordained October 3, 1666. 
He never married and died July 3, 1701. Savage. 

2 Massachusetts Council to Major Savage, April 1. Massachusetts 
Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 191. 

a Captain Michael Peirse was of Scituate and has a record of useful 
ness in public affairs. He served in the Narragansett fight in Decem 
ber, 1675, and fell in the fierce battle on the Pawtuckat River, March 26, 
1676. See Deane s History of Scituate, page 325. 

King Philip s War 191 

house at Seekonk, setting out in pursuit early the next 
morning; they soon encountered the Indians who, lead 
ing them on, fell slowly back. 

Canonchet had divided his force into two parties, one 
circling around the flanks to a selected position while 
the other, some of them "limping along to make believe 
they were lame" or had been wounded, lured the im 
petuous captain over the Pawtucket into a position un 
favorable for defense. 

In vain Peirse, realizing too late the numbers confront 
ing him, fell back to the river bank. 1 Unable to draw 
off across the river, and galled by the fire from the oppo 
site side, he formed his men in a circle, according to 
some chroniclers, or in two lines, back to back, and 
fought on 2 in the vain hope that Captain Edmunds, 
whose co-operation he had requested that morning, would 
come up from Providence, only eight miles distant, and 
relieve him. But it was Sunday, and while the messenger 
waited for Edmunds at the church door, not wishing to 
disturb the meeting, 3 Pierse, cut off from all retreat, fell, 
and almost the whole of his command were killed or cap 
tured, 4 nine of the latter, it is said, being led by a cir- 

1 Mr. Welcome Arnold Greene of Providence, has located the scene of 
Peirse s fight at a point a few rods west of the railroad bridge across the 
Pawtucket River, just north of Central Falls, R. I. Peirse proceeding 
from Seekonk marched a few miles in a northwesterly direction, and 
crossed the river at a wading place diagonally under the present bridge. 
His stand was made on the west bank of the river within a few rods of 
the water. This spot is now in the street between two manufacturing 
buildings. Mr. Greene remembers the spot before it had been touched 
by the hand of improvement. 

2 Deane s History of Scittiate, page 121. 

3 Backus Hist. New Eng., Vol. I, page 423. 

* Letter of Rev. Mr. Newman to Rev. John Cotton. Deane s Scituate, 

192 King Philip s War 

cuitous route to a swamp ever since known as "Nine 
Men s Misery, " some miles to the north, where they were 
tortured and killed. Only eight whites and a few friendly 
Indians survived to tell the fate of the party and relate 
their own marvelous achievements. 

The loss of the Indians, set by both Hubbard and 
Mather at one hundred and forty slain, is palpably an 
exaggeration, for, taking the wounded at the conservative 
figure of two wounded to one killed, the Indian casual 
ties would have reached four hundred and twenty, or 
six times the total number of Peirse s party, who, drawn 
into an ambuscade and exposed to a flanking fire, were 
at a most fatal disadvantage. Their losses were prob 
ably considerable, however, as Tom Nepanet, a Christian 
Indian, employed by Massachusetts in negotiations with 
the Indians, in April, reported that in the fight they had 
lost many score. The high figures claimed must be 
regarded merely as a customary measure of consola 
tion. Two days after the destruction of Captain Peirse 
the victorious Indians descended upon and burned 
Seekonk. 1 

On the same day, a party of settlers and soldiers un 
der Captain Whipple, sixteen or eighteen men, and a 
number of women and children from Longmeadow, jour 
neying to Springfield on their way to church, were at- 

page 122. The original is in possession of the Antiquarian Society of 
Worcester, Mass. Council to Major Savage, April 1. Massachusetts 
Archives, Vol. LXVHI, page 192. 

iThis town was built in a semi-circular form around what is now 
Seekonk Common, with the meetinghouse in the center. This circle is 
alluded to in the records as "The Ring of the Town." The garrison 
house which stood on the southerly side of the Common, and one other, 
were the only dwellings not destroyed. 

King Philip s War 193 

tacked. 1 John Keep 2 and a maid, riding in the rear, 
were killed, and Sarah Keep with another woman and 
two children captured. Thrown into a panic the settlers 
and their guard, who far outnumbered their assailants, 
fled with the other women and children to Springfield, 
"a matter of great shame and humbling to us," wrote 
the Council on receipt of the news. 

Soldiers and settlers, under Major Pynchon, hurried to 
the scene of the attack and the next day overtook the 
Indians who struck down the women and children and 
escaped into a swamp where the miry ground forbade 
pursuit. Sarah Keep died from her injuries, but the other 
woman survived and gave considerable information. 
Their captors, she said, were Springfield Indians, who, 
until their pursuers came up had treated them kindly. 
They told her two Dutch traders, named Jacob and Jar- 
rard, had supplied them with four bushels of powder; 
that there were three hundred Indians at Deerfield, three 
hundred above that place (probably at Turners Falls), 
and three hundred at Northfield; that Frenchmen had 
been among them and there had been a quarrel with the 
Mohawks, but peace was now made again. 3 

As early as the 14th of March, the Council of Massa 
chusetts, alarmed by the activity of the Indians in the 
east, had set out to do the very thing the Indians ex- 

1 It is commonly believed that the attack on the Longmeadow people 
was made at the point where the path crossed Pecowsic Brook, now in 
Forest Park at the southern end of Springfield. 

2 John Keep was of Springfield, 1660, living in that part of the town 
now Longmeadow. He was freeman 1669. His wife Sarah, was the 
daughter of John Leonard. Keep Genealogy. 

3 Major Savage to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts, 
March 28. Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 189. 


194 King Philip s War 

pected of them, writing Savage that they deemed it wise, 
on account of the appearance of the Indians on the fron 
tier towns the day before, to retain one hundred and fifty 
men whom they had intended to send him. 1 A few days 
later they advised him to withdraw his command from 
the valley, abandoning all the towns but Hadley and 
Springfield. "The lesser towns must gather to the 
greater, " they wrote, " for unless they come together and 
well fortify the large towns all will be lost, the enemy 
being so many in these parts (the eastern townships) 
that the army must remove from the (valley). " 2 

Both these letters reached Savage on the same day, 
March 26th, but the settlers refused to abandon their 
goods and houses to destruction and Savage did not ac 
cept the advice proffered him. 

Compelled to break up his force in order to guard the 
towns, deprived of expected reinforcements, and weak 
ened by the withdrawal of Major Treat, who, recalled 
by Connecticut to co-operate with the forces operating 
in the Narragansett country, 3 had been retained at Hart 
ford on the burning of Simsbury, Savage felt himself 
powerless to assume the offensive. A more resolute and 
capable commander would have marched with the greater 
part of his troops against their villages, but Savage was 
cautious and held his men to the towns, while war parties 
roamed at will throughout the length of the valley, watch- 

1 Council of Massachusetts to Major Savage, March 14. Massachu 
setts Archives, Vol. LXVIIT, page 166. 

2 Council of Massachusetts to Major Savage, March 20. Massachu 
setts Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 166. 

a Connecticut Records (Journal of the Council of War), Vol. n, 
page 423. 

King Philip s War 195 

ing their opportunities to surprise and attack the settlers 
who should attempt to break ground for the spring sow 
ing, and constantly seizing cattle and sheep to supply 
their wants, which, Mrs. Rowlandson records, were so 
pressing that "many times they would eat that that a 
hog or dog would hardly touch. " 

In the meantime, the Connecticut Council was engaged 
in a spirited correspondence, far from creditable to either 
party, with Governor Andros of New York, for the pur 
pose of securing the co-operation of the Mohawks. They 
owed him more than they ever gave him credit for, but 
the art of conciliatory expression and tactfulness was as 
wanting in one as in the other, and the pious expressions 
and constant accusations and advice of the Council kept 
the irascible soldier in constant ill-temper. 

In reply to their request that he should induce the 
Mohawks to help them by attacking the valley tribes, he 
asked whether they would provide these savage allies with 
food and receive them in their own towns. Their reply 
implied a suspicion that the Mohawks, if once in the 
field, would strike at the Mohegans as readily as at the 
hostiles, and their request for permission to send their 
own representatives to confer with the Mohawks aroused 
Andros wrath as an impertinent interference in the af 
fairs of his governorship. He did not intend to have the 
war spread in his own province if he could help it, and 
told them that they seemed as ignorant in respect to the 
Mohawks as they did in regard to their own Indians. 1 

The Mohawks were of considerable assistance to them, 
however, for the fear of their hostility hung heavily upon 

1 Connecticut Records (Journal of the Council of War, February to 
August, 1676), Vol. II, page 404. 

196 King Philip s War 

the valley tribes, and in March or April their war parties 
attacked the New England Indians who were encamped 
near the Hudson, and drove them westward. 

The Connecticut Council entered into negotiations with 
the Indians above Deerfield, declaring in a letter to Pes- 
sacus, the Narragansett, and the chiefs of the valley 
tribes, that they had done them no injury but had been 
obliged, by treaty, to succor Massachusetts and Plymouth, 
and if the Indians could show that any of them had been 
wronged they would endeavor to have that wrong righted. 
They had some Indian captives and were willing to ex 
change prisoners, and if the sachems desired to negotiate 
a treaty they should have liberty to come and go without 
molestation. 1 

The Narragansett sachems, Pessacus and Pumham, 
were among the valley Indians exhorting the young men 
to defiance, and even those most inclined to peace were 
probably suspicious that the object of the negotiations 
was not so much to establish peace as to secure the re 
lease of the captives. Their answers were, therefore, un 
satisfactory; they accepted nothing; they proposed noth 

The expectations of the war party, from the plans 
formed early in March, seemed near to fulfillment, and, in 
connection with the belief that these negotiations had been 
opened for the purpose of securing the release of the 
English captives, and that the English were discouraged, 
utterly discredited the little influence possessed by the 
older sachems who hoped for peace. Among the Wam- 
panoags and the Narragansetts there was no desire for 

1 Connecticut Records (Journal of the Council of War), Vol. II, pages 
425, 439. 

King Philip s War 197 

peace. Philip had never wavered from his determination 
of war to the death. He knew, that for him at least, 
there was no mercy. Canonchet, too, was firm, and 
would have no peace such as the English would give. 


T IMMEDIATELY after the attack on Northampton, a 
considerable force of Narragansetts had left the valley 
for the Indian rendezvous at Wachusett Hill, from whence 
Canonchet almost immediately set forth with a picked 
band of warriors, toward his own territory. 

Here, in the midst of the unknown land, was a secure 
base of operations within easy distance of both the valley 
towns and frontier of the Bay settlements. Here, if the 
worst came to the worst, they could seek a refuge among 
the Pennacooks and Tarratines in the wilderness to the 

The attack on Northampton had failed, yet the whites 
were idle in the valley; along the eastern frontier the 
tribes had left a swath of blood and fire from Groton 
to Warwick. They derided the slowness and dullness of 
the English, and asked Mrs. Rowlandson when they 
should come after them. " I could not tell, " said she. 
"It may be they will come in May," 1 they said with fine 

But if the English in the valley could not move they 
would, and, April 1st, a party of them, encompassing a 
small body of Hadley settlers as they made their way 
under escort to the meadows at Hockanum, three miles 
south of Hadley, killed Deacon Goodman 2 as he was 

1 Mrs. Rowlandson s Narrative. 

2 Deacon Richard Goodman was of Cambridge in 1632. He removed 
early to Hartford, and went with others to the founding of Hadley. 

King Philip s War 199 

examining his boundary fence, and two guards who had 
set out to make an ascent of Mount Holyoke; a third, 
Thomas Reed 1 (of whom we shall hear more hereafter), 
was captured. 

The burning of Providence, Rehoboth (Seekonk), Marl 
boro and Simsbury, the practical annihilation of Peirse s 
force, and the serious condition of affairs in Maine, had 
so intensified the alarm and terror in the eastern towns 
that the Council of Massachusetts wrote to Major Savage, 
April 1st, ordering his immediate return. They noted 
his advice as to the unwillingness of the settlers to concen 
trate for defense, and the peril to which the towns would 
be exposed by the withdrawal of the army. They would 
allow him to leave one hundred and fifty men, all single, 
under Captain Turner, to protect the valley, " but we ex 
plicitly command you to draw homeward with the re 
mainder and endeavor on your return to visit the enemy 
about Wachusett and be careful not to be deceived by 
their lapwing strategems by drawing you off from the 
nest to follow some men. " 2 He was at liberty before his 
return, however, to attack the Indians at Deerfield if 
Major Treat returned in time. 

Treat did not return, and on the 7th of April, despite 
the protests of the valley towns, leaving Captain Turner 
with a nondescript force of one hundred and fifty men, with 
headquarters at Hadley, he started homeward. On reach- 

iThe writer believes this Thomas Reed to have been the son of 
Thomas of Sudbury, and that one who married, May 30, 1677, Mary, 
daughter of John Goodrich of Wethersfield. Both families came from 
Levenham in England. Thomas Reed served under the immediate 
command of Captain Gillam. 

2 Council of Massachusetts to Major Savage. Massachusetts Ar 
chives, Vol. LXVIII, page 192. 

200 King Philip s War 

ing Quabaug, a council of war was held as to the advisa 
bility of a dash and attack on Wachusett as ordered by 
the Council, but though the chaplain, the Reverend Sam 
uel Nowell, 1 voted in the affirmative, Captains Moseley, 
Gillam, Whipple, and Lieutenant Drinker 2 decided 
against the plan on account of the scarcity of provisions, 3 
and Savage continued his journey homeward. 

With the departure of Major Savage and his army 
vanished every prospect for the negotiation of a peace 
opened by the overtures of Connecticut. The Indians 
up the valley saw with delight the opportunity for plant 
ing their crops and catching fish without molestation. 
Their joy was short-lived, for Savage had not reached 
Boston when there came the news that Canonchet had 
fallen into the hands of the English and was dead. 

On the 30th of March, Major Palmes 4 of Connecticut, 

1 Rev. Samuel Nowell of Charlestown was a chaplain in Philip s war, 
both on Connecticut River and in the Narragansett campaign. He was 
freeman 1677; assistant 1680, and October, 1685, was chosen treasurer 
of the colony, but was relieved the next year. He died in London in 
September, 1688. Mather says of him, " At this fight (Narragansett) 
there was no person more like a true son of Abraham in Arms, or 
that with more courage and hazard fought in the midst of a shower 
of bullets from the surrounding savages." Mather s Magnalia, Book 
VII, chapter 6. 

2 Lieutenant Edward Drinker of Charlestown was a potter, and con 
stable in 1652. He removed to Boston and was one of the founders of 
the first Baptist church. A lieutenant in Captain Turner s company, 
though at first refused a command by the bigoted government of the 
day. He preached in 1678 in Boston, and died in 1700. Savage. 

3 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 235. 

4 Major Edward Palmes was of New Haven in 1659. A merchant. 
He removed in 1660 to New London and married Lucy, daughter of 
Governor John Winthrop. He was representative 1671 and 1674 and 
1677, and major in Philip s war. He was named in the royal commis- 

King Philip s War 201 

in charge of the forces operating toward the Narragansett 
country, had sent from Norwich some seventy-nine sol 
diers, under the command of Captains George Denison, 1 
James A very 2 and John Stanton, 3 accompanied by a 
mixed force of Niantics, Pequots and Mohegans, the 
latter under Uncas son, Oneko. Passing through the 
Narragansett country they reached the Pawtucket on the 3d 

sion, 1683, to adjust claims in the King s Province, or Narragansett 
country. He died March 21, 1715. Savage. 

1 Captain George Denison came from England in the Lion at thirteen 
years of age. Lived with his father at Roxbury, and in 1649 moved with 
his family to the Pequot settlement, now New London, Conn., but in 
1654 settled at Stonington. He was early a military leader and from 
1671 to 1694 represented Stonington. He held a commission as captain 
and participated in the Narragansett Swamp fight, and later was asso 
ciated with Captain James Avery in a series of forays against the In 
dians in Philip s war. He also served under Major Talcott in the ex 
pedition up the Connecticut Valley at the time of the termination of the 
troubles in that section. He died at Hartford, October 23, 1694. See 
Descendants of George Denison, by John D. Baldwin and William 
Clift, page 297. 

2 Captain James Avery, born in England about 1620, came to Amer 
ica with his father and lived at Gloucester, but removed to New London 
in 1651. In 1656 he built a house at the head of Poquonnock Plain in 
Groton, where he passed the remainder of his life. This house remained 
standing until within a few years, when it was destroyed by fire caused 
by a spark from a passing locomotive. Its site is commemorated by a 
handsome monument. He was much interested in military affairs and 
became a captain in the militia. At the Narragansett Swamp fight the 
Pequot allies were commanded by Captain Avery, and he was promi 
nent in the subsequent forays into the Indian territory which occurred 
in the latter part of Philip s war. In civil life he served many years as 
representative to the General Court and as a judge upon the bench. He 
died April 18, 1700. See The Averys of Groton, by H. D. L. 

3 Captain John Stanton of Stonington was sent to Harvard College 
at the desire of the Connecticut authorities, that he might be educated 
for an Indian teacher and interpreter. He was made freeman in 1666. 

202 King Philip s War 

of April, and fell in with a fat Indian, whom they slew, 
and two squaws, one of whom informed them that Can- 
onchet was encamped near by. Pushing forward with 
all speed they came upon two Narragansett sentinels, 
on the crest of a small hill, 1 who fled in panic down the 
further slope, past the place where Canonchet and a few 
of his men, were lying at ease. The English, following 
close at their heels, were almost upon the camp when 
another sentinel, rushing among the startled Narragan- 
setts, called out that the English were upon them. In a 
moment the warriors were flying in all directions. Can 
onchet himself ran swiftly around the back of the hill 
to get out of sight on the opposite side, but, seeing the 
Niantics and Mohegans in close pursuit, he threw off his 
blanket, then his silver trimmed coat and the royal belt 
of wampum. Recognizing immediately from these ar 
ticles that the fugitive "was the right bird" the friendly 
Indians and a few of the English followed with renewed 

Forced by his pursuers toward the river, through which 
his only way to safety lay, he rushed into the stream, but 
his foot slipped, and falling heavily into the water he wet 
the priming of his gun. His pursuers were upon him 
before he could recover himself, and Monopoide, a Mo- 
hegan Pequot, seized him " within thirty rods of the river 
side. " 

Defenseless, and finding escape impossible, he faced 

A captain in Philip s war and much employed in everything relating to 
the Indians. Savage. 

iThis hill is recognized by some as the "Study Hill" of William 
Blackstone in Lonsdale, R. I. There is no vestige of it now remaining, 
it having been leveled for the purpose of filling and grading the railroad 

King Philip s War 203 

his foes and yielded himself with dignity. A young man, 
Robert Stanton, 1 the first of the whites to reach him, 
ventured to ask him a question. " Looking with a little 
neglect upon his youthful face" the sachem answered: 
"You much child, no understand matters of war. Let 
your brother or chief come, him I will answer. " 

Having put to the sword all the stoutest of their pris 
oners to the number of forty-three, the English set out 
with their prize for Stonington. Offering him his life if 
he could persuade his people to make peace, he indig 
nantly refused and told them his death would not end 
the war. 2 

"The heir of all his father s pride and insolence and 
also of his malice toward the English. " " A most per 
fidious villian, " says Hubbard, " for he was as good as 
his word, acting herein as by a Pythagorean metamor 
phosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed the body 
of this western pagan, and like Attilius Regulus he would 
not accept his own life when it was tendered to him upon 
that (in his account) low compliance with the English, 
refusing to send an old councillor of his to make any 
motion that way, saying he knew they would not yield. " 

Charged, as the Old Chronicle tells us, with his breach 
of faith in making war, and twitted with his boast that 
he would "not give up a Wampanoag nor the paring of 
a Wampanoag s nail, but would burn the English alive 
in their houses, " he replied that " Others were as forward 

1 Robert Stanton, son of Thomas of Stonington, "was" says Savage, 
"that youthful soldier, 1676, to which the Indian captive, Prince Nauun- 
teno made reproachful answer, as Hubbard tells. " He died October 25, 
1724, aged seventy. 

2 Hubbard, Vol. II, page 59. 

204 King Philip s War 

for the war as himself and that he desired to hear no 
more thereof. " 1 

Asked " why he did foment that war, " he would make 
no other reply than this, "That he was born a prince, 
and if princes came to speak with him he would answer, 
but none present being such, he thought himself obliged 
in honor to hold his tongue. " 2 He told them he would 
rather die than remain a prisoner and requested that 
Oneko might put him to death as he was of equal rank. 

The author of the Old Indian Chronicle tells us that 
the Mohegans "and most of the English soldiers, declar 
ing to the commanders their fear that the English should, 
upon conditions, release him, and that then he would 
(though the English might have peace with him) be very 
pernicious to those Indians that now assisted us;" it 
was determined to put him to death. 

When told his sentence was to die, he "liked it well 
that he should die before his heart was soft or he had 
spoken words unworthy of himself. " 3 

They carried out the sentence at Anguilla, near Ston- 
ington, all the Indians being encouraged to inculpate 
themselves equally in his death and mutilation " the more 
firmly to engage the said Indians against the treacherous 
Narragansetts, whereby they are become most abomi 
nable to all the other Indians. " The Pequots shot him ; 
the Mohegans cut off his head and quartered his body, 
and the Niantics built a fire, burned his quarters and sent 
his head to the Council at Hartford as a token of love 
and fidelity (acknowledged April 8th). "This was the 

iHubbard, Vol. II, page 60. 

2 Old Indian Chronicle (Present State of New England), page 231. 

3 Hubbard, Vol. H, page 60. 

King Philip s War 205 

confusion of a damned wretch that had often opened his 
mouth to blaspheme the name of the living God, and 
those that made profession thereof. " 1 

So perished Canonchet, the most romantic figure that 
we know among the New England Indians; the unfortu 
nate son of a most unfortunate father, both worthy of a 
kinder fate. Young and impetuous, he lacked the far- 
sighted craft and subtilty that distinguished Philip, but 
as a leader of men and a warrior, the younger man was 
the superior, and his death was a terrible blow to the 
Indian cause. His death was as honorable to him as 
its infliction and the shameful mutilation of his body 
was disgraceful to his enemies. Something of his lofty 
and dignified character seems to have impressed itself 
upon the grudging minds of his foes, but it called up no 
corresponding chivalry of action. 

Before the middle of the month, Philip, after a month 
spent with the valley tribes, left his quarters near North- 
field, with his Wampanoags, and joined the bands of the 
Narragansetts and Nipmucks assembled at Wachusett 

The death of Canonchet had left him, through the 
support of the Narragansetts, the chief figure of the war, 
and his removal to Wachusett was more for the purpose 
of directing operations against the Bay towns than through 
fear for his personal safety from the disaffection of the 
valley tribes, among whom Pessacus and Pumham, Nar- 
ragansett sachems, friendly to his interests, still remained. 

Like all leaders of a confederation ill organized and 
ill equipped among people so susceptible to sudden ex- 

i Hubbard Vol. II, page 60. 

206 King Philip s War 

tremes, Philip s influence no doubt had its ups and downs, 
but it should be borne in mind that neither Hubbard nor 
Mather, who were the principal contemporary historians 
of the war, are safe guides either to Philip s character or 
his standing among the tribes. 

Canonchet s death, as he had warned his captors, 
brought no overtures of peace from the Narragansetts. 
The blow they had suffered was not fully realized, nor 
was its effect immediately felt. 

April 9th, a small party of the Wampanoags, probably 
under Tuspaquin, 1 came upon Bridgewater, destroying a 
few houses and barns before they were driven off. The 
same day the Indians at Wachusett fell upon Billerica. 
On the 15th, fourteen houses were burnt at Chelmsford, 
where, on the 18th of the previous month, the two sons 
of Samuel Varnham had been killed and several houses 
destroyed. Two days later the remaining houses at Marl 
boro were given over to the flames. The next day but 
one the Indians applied the torch to Weymouth, and in 
Hingham, 2 young John Jacob, who had served against 
the Indians in the Narragansett Swamp fight, on going 
into the field back of his father s house to shoot deer 
that had been disturbing the crops, was shot and killed. 
Wrentham was raided the same month, its deserted houses 
were fired and only two dwellings, which sheltered vic 
tims of the smallpox, a disease greatly feared by the 
Indians, were left unmolested. 

1 Tuspaquin, sachem of Assowamset, was one of Philip s most faithful 
captains and very active in the war, doing much mischief in the Plym 
outh colony. 

2 An old fort on Cemetery Hill in Hingham, built for defense in those 
days, is still preserved. 

King Philip s War 207 

From Casco Bay to Stonington the flames of burning 
buildings lit the sky; death lay in every bush. So great 
was the alarm that even towns as near to Boston as Cam 
bridge applied and received permission from the court to 
erect stockades. 

Philip s appearance at Wachusett was soon followed by 
one of the fiercest conflicts of the war. By the abandon 
ment of Groton, Billerica, Lancaster and Marlboro, Sud- 
bury had become the frontier town of the Bay settlements. 
Situated, with the exception of a few houses, on the east 
bank of the Sudbury River it was a point of considerable 
importance, since from it as a center, the roads radiated 
to the settlements, east, south and west. 1 

Small parties of soldiers with supplies were continually 
passing through it on the way to and from the valley, 
finding shelter along the way at night in the military gar 
risons maintained at Marlboro and Quabaug. 

The concentration of the Indians at Wachusett was 
known early in the month, and among the forces ordered 
out was that of Captain Wadsworth, who was dispatched 
by the Council with a company of foot to relieve the gar 
rison at Marlboro. As was the case too often in the latter 
part of the conflict, the full force assigned to him could 
not be collected. 2 Many of those impressed failed to 
appear and he began his march with only seventy troops, 
many of them boys. 

The advance parties of the warriors were already in 
the woods about Sudbury when Wadsworth, in the even 
ing of the 20th of April, passed through the town un- 

1 The eastern part of Sudbury, now the town of Wayland, was origi 
nally known as "The five paths." 

2 Massachusetts Colony Records, Vol. V, page 78. 

208 King Philip s War 

mindful of the large number of Indians near by, for dur 
ing the day, some of the Sudbury settlers had been fired 
upon and a house or two upon the distant outskirts had 
been burned, a warning sufficient to drive the settlers 
into the garrison. It was believed, however, that this 
was the work of only a small party, and Wadsworth, ig 
norant that over five hundred warriors, Philip probably 
among them, were lying in wait to fall upon the town, 
continued on to Marlboro, his destination, which he 
reached about midnight. 

Knowing well the layout of the town the Indians crept 
upon it before the dawn of the 21st and many of the 
houses, whose occupants had sought refuge in the gar 
risons, were in flames before the settlers knew the town 
was in danger. 

Near the west bank of the Sudbury River was a small 
isolated garrison, known as the Deacon Haynes house, 1 
well fortified but badly situated. It was at this point 
that their first efforts, continuing from dawn to noon, 
were directed. The attack, however, was not vigorously 
pressed, being probably in the nature of a feint, and 
the garrison even made several successful sallies. 

Captain Edward Cowell 2 marching by the north road 
from Quabaug to Boston, with eighteen troopers, had 
reached the outskirts of the town early in the morning, 

1 The Haynes garrison stood on the "Water-Row Road" by the mar 
gin of the river meadow. It was about one-eighth of a mile northerly 
from the Wayland and Sudbury Center highway, two or three rods 
from the road, and fronted south. It was standing in 1876 but has 
since been demolished. 

2 Captain Edward Cowell was of Boston in 1645, and was a cord- 
wainer. He served as captain in King Philip s war, and died Sep 
tember 12, 1691. Savage. 

King Philip s War 209 

when the sound of intermittent firing and the appearance 
of small bodies of Indians at different points warned him 
of the danger. Keeping his men well in hand he aban 
doned the main road and set out by a circuitous route to 
approach it from another direction. 

An ambush had evidently been prepared for him and 
the Indians hung upon his flanks and rear, firing on his 
men and endeavoring to bring on a decisive action. Cow- 
ell wisely refused to commit himself to battle, but ordered 
his men to hold their fire and keep the Indians at a dis 
tance by constantly raising their guns as if about to shoot. 
By skillful maneuvering he was able to reach Sudbury 
with the loss of only four men who, lagging behind, had 
been cut off. 

The news of the attack on Sudbury was soon known 
in Boston, Watertown and Concord. A small party of 
eleven men from the latter town, coming down the west 
bank of the river, were the first to arrive, and the occu 
pants of Haynes garrison saw them lured into an am 
buscade in the river meadows where a large body of the 
enemy lying hidden in the grass rose up and closed in 
upon them, massacring all but one of their number. 

Soon after, Captain Hugh Mason, 1 with a company 
from Watertown, reached the east bank of the river, then 
in flood, drove the Indians out of the village and passed 
over the bridge to the west bank, attracted by the sound 

1 Captain Hugh Mason was one of the first settlers of Watertown. 
He was admitted freeman March 4, 1634-35. He was a tanner by trade, 
selectman of the town twenty-nine years, representative to the court ten 
years. He was a commissioner to determine small causes, or what 
would now be a justice of the peace. He was commissioned as captain 
May 5, 1652, and died October 10, 1678, aged 73. See Bond s Gene 
alogies and History of Watertown, page 356. 


210 King Philip s War 

of heavy firing from Green Hill. In vain Mason and his 
men endeavored to force their way toward the hill which 
lay not far away, but the Indians held them sternly at 
bay, and, beginning to circle around their flanks, com 
pelled them to retreat to Captain Goodnow s garrison. 1 
All the afternoon the sound of firing at Green Hill con 
tinued, gradually growing fainter and dying down with 
the sun, and there was foreboding among all that some 
great disaster had taken place. 

In the evening the worst was confirmed. Captain 
Wadsworth had learned, soon after his arrival at Marl 
boro, of the storm gathering in the rear. Leaving the 
least efficient of his command in garrison, and taking 
with him Captain Brocklebank and the troops who had 
been relieved, he marched back without delay. He was 
expected. As he neared Sudbury by the south road, a few 
warriors appearing across the path ahead amid the trees, 
fled before him toward Green Hill. Experienced soldier 
though he was he believed that the main body of the foe 
had been seized with a panic on his approach, and, leav 
ing the road, in eager pursuit rushed into the woods. 
The flitting of dusky forms and the roar of musketry 
from all sides soon undeceived him. The troops rallied 
and fought their way to the crest of the hill and, shelter 
ing themselves behind the trees and rocks, held their own 
until the evening fell. Then the Indians fired the bushes 
and grass to windward, and as Wadsworth s weary men 
fell back in the dusk, blinded by the smoke, and their 

1 The Goodnow garrison stood a few rods northeast of the East Sud 
bury R. R. station, and perhaps twenty or thirty rods from the South 
Sudbury and Wayland highway. This house was standing about ninety 
years ago. 


King Philip s War 211 

nerves shaken by the loss of many of their comrades, a 
panic seized them, the Indians closed in, there was a 
brief hand to hand conflict, and all was over. 

Few details of the death struggle of Wadsworth l and 
his men have come down to us, but, wrote the author of 
the Old Indian Chronicle, I am creditably informed, 
that in that Fight an elderly Englishman endeavoring an 
escape from the Indians by running into a swamp, was 
overtaken by an Indian, and, being destitute of weapons 
to defend himself, the Indian insulted over him with the 
Blasphemous Expression, " Come, Lord Jesus, save this 
poor Englishman if thou canst, whom I am about to kill." 
This (I even tremble to relate it) was heard by another 
Englishman hiding in a bush close by. Our Patient, 
Long-suffering Lord permitted that Bloody Wretch to 
knock him down and leave him dead. 

Thirteen or fourteen of the fifty escaped to Noyes 
stone mill, 2 a quarter of a mile away, barricaded the doors 
and windows and waited with anxious hearts for attack 
or rescue. 

1 Captain Samuel Wadsworth came with his father to Duxbury and 
about 1656 removed to Milton. In December, 1675, Captain Wads- 
worth, with his company, took part in the "hungry march" from Narra- 
gansett to Marlboro. He was of service in dispersing the enemy at 
Lancaster, but is better known by his brave but fruitless efforts at de 
fense at Sudbury, where, with the greater part of his command, he was 
killed April 21, 1676. A monument erected by the State of Massachu 
setts and the town of Sudbury, stands upon the burial place of Wads- 
worth and his men at the foot of the battlefield. See Bodge, page 218. 

2 The stone mill was located at what is now South Sudbury village, 
on the site of the present Parmenter mill. The distance from the top 
of Green Hill is from a quarter to half a mile. This mill was erected in 
1659 by Thomas and Peter Noyes. In 1699 the mill property was given 
to the town by Mr. Peter Noyes for the benefit of the poor. 

King Philip s War 

Captain Mason, reinforced in the meantime, by Cowell 
and small parties from the nearby towns had repelled 
successfully and with some loss the Indians opposed to 
him. The night was coming on, the firing from Green 
Hill had died away, and as the Indians withdrew in the 
gathering darkness, Mason assumed the offensive and 
set out to Noyes mill.- 

No people were dwelling there but the mill was known 
to be easy of defense, and, lying as it did, in the near 
vicinity of Green Hill, it was believed that if any of Wads- 
worth s men escaped they would find refuge there. 

Late that night they reached it without opposition and 
found that the survivors of Wadsworth s party l had al 
ready been rescued by Captain Hunting 2 with a com 
pany of Indian scouts and a body of Prentice s horse. 
This force had been on the eve of setting out from Charles- 
town to establish a fort at the fishing grounds on the Merri- 
mac, but when the news of the attack on Sudbury became 
known, Major Gookin, in charge of the party, dispatched 
them immediately to the scene, and on reaching the mill 
they were soon joined by Cowell and his command. 3 

1 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 224. Petition of Dan 
iel Warren and Joseph Pierce. 

2 Captain Samuel Hunting was born at Dedham, July 22, 1640. He 
settled first at Chelmsford and later at Charlestown. He commanded 
a company of friendly Indians during Philip s war; did good service at 
Sudbury, and this fact aided greatly to abate the hostility felt by Massa 
chusetts toward Indian allies. In the summer of 1676 this company 
destroyed or captured a very large number of the enemy and performed 
most effective work in the closing operations of the war. He was killed 
by the accidental discharge of his gun, August 19, 1701. Bodge, 
page 289. 

3 Gookin s Christian Indians. American Antiquarian Society Coll., 
Vol. H, page 512. 

King Philip s War 213 

Early on the following morning Captain Mason found 
and buried the bodies of the Concord men slain in the 
river meadow, and the united forces, confident in their 
numbers, soon after marched to Green Hill, where they 
gathered and buried the stripped bodies of Wadsworth, 
Brocklebank, and twenty-seven others of the ill-fated 
company. In the thickets, doubtless, there remained un 
discovered the bodies of several others killed in their 
flight to the mill. 

A few of the whites, probably of the Concord men, 
since of the eleven believed to have been slain the bodies 
of only five had been found, were taken prisoners and 
were said to have been put to the torture. 

The Indians, after annihilating Wads worth s force, 
drew off to the westward, and Lieutenant Jacob, in com 
mand of the garrison at Marlboro, saw them the next 
morning, two hours after sunrise, firing their guns, shout 
ing "seventy-four times to signify to us how many were 
slain," and, after firing the remaining houses and seiz 
ing all the cattle, they departed. 1 

The loss of the Indians is not known. Gookin says 
that four dead Indians were found hidden in the brush 
but their losses were undoubtedly considerably greater. 
They boasted of their victory to Mrs. Rowlandson and 
one of them told her he had killed two Englishmen whose 
clothes were behind her. "I looked behind me and then 
I saw the bloody clothes behind me with bullet holes in 
them. " They seemed very pensive after they came to 
their quarters, showing no such signs of rejoicing as they 
were usually wont to do in like cases, "but I could not 

1 Lieutenant Jacobs to Governor and Council. Massachusetts Ar 
chives, Vol. LXVin, page 223. 

214 King Philip s War 

perceive that it was from their own loss of men as I missed 
none except from one wigwam." 

The appearance of Captain Hunting s force of Indian 
scouts on this occasion, was an event of great significance. 
The representations of Eliot, Gookin, Savage, Henchman 
and Prentice, strengthened by the example of Connecti 
cut, had at last prevailed, 1 and their enlistment by the 
direct order of Governor Leverett and the Council marked 
a radical departure from the suspicious attitude so long 
maintained toward the friendly Indians and which had 
occasioned so many injustices and injuries. It meant 
that the lesson of Indian warfare had at last been grasped. 
The days of disastrous ambuscades had come to an end 
and their employment contributed not a little to the sud 
den collapse of the Indian resistance that soon followed. 

Massachusetts Colony Records, Vol. V, pages 85, 92. 


FOLLOWING the lead of Connecticut the Council of 
Massachusetts, urged by Reverend Mr. Rowlandson 
and Major Gookin, had, on the 3d of April, sent Tom Ne- 
panet, 1 a Christian Indian, with a letter to Philip, Saga 
more Sam and others, expressing the hope that terms of 
peace might be arranged, but more specifically, for the 
purpose of reclaiming the considerable number of cap 
tives that had fallen into their hands. 2 On the 12th, the 
messenger returned with their reply. 3 

" We now give answer by this one man, but if you like 
my answer send one more man besides this one, Tom 
Nepanet, and send with all true heart and with all your 
mind, by two men, because you and we know your heart 
great sorrowful with crying for your lost many, many 
hundred men, all your house and all your land, and 
women, child, and cattle, and all your thing that you 
have lost and on your back side stand. 

(Signed) "SAM SACHEM, 

"KuTQUEN, and 
"QUANOHIT, Sagamores, 

1 Nepanet, commonly called Tom Doublet, was a Christian Natick 

2 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 194. 

3 The original of this letter cannot be found but it is printed in full in 
Drake s Book of the Indians, Vol. Ill, page 90. 

216 King Philip s War 

(Then follow messages to individuals.) 

"MR. ROWLANDSON. Your wife and all your child is 
well, but one child dye. Your sister is well and her three 
child. " 

"JOHN KETTELL. Your wife and all your child is all 
well, and them prisoners taken at Nashaway is all well. " 

"MR. ROWLANDSON. Se your loving sister his hand. 
C. Hanah, and old Kettle wif his hand. X. " 

"BRO. ROWLANDSON. Please send thre pounds To 
bacco for me, and if you can, my loving husband, pray 
send thre pound of tobacco for me. 

"This writing by your enemies, 


" GUNRASHIT, two Indian Sagamores. " 1 

While Nepanet was journeying to Boston, Mrs. Row- 
landson was on her way with Philip and his warriors 
from the Connecticut River to Wachusett. They had 
forded Miller s Rvier, when an Indian came up to them 
saying she must go to W T achusett to her master as there 
was a letter come from the Council to the Sagamores 
about redeeming the captives, and that there would be 
another in fourteen days. "After many weary days" 
she writes, "I saw Wachusett Hill, but many miles off 
. . . going along having indeed my life, but little 
spirit, Philip came up and took my hand, and said, two 
weeks more and you shall be mistress again. I asked 
him if he spoke true ? Yes, and quickly you shall come 
to your master again. . . . And after many weary 
days we came to Wachusett, and glad I was to see him. " 2 

1 Drake s Book of the Indians. 

2 Massachusetts Archives. Hutchinson Papers, Vol. II, page 282. 

King Philip s War 217 

A few days later, Nepanet, accompanied by Peter Con- 
way, another friendly Indian, arrived with a second letter 
from the Council, and a conference was held to which 
Mrs. Rowlandson was bid. 

They bade her stand up and told her they were the 
General Court, and asked her what she thought her 
husband would give. She told them " twenty pounds, " 
and the Christian Indians set out for Boston with the 
tentative offer from the Indians to ransom her for 
that sum, and expressing themselves sorry for the wrong 
done and that when the quarrel began with the Plym 
outh men they did not think there would be so much 

On the 2d of May, in the early Sunday morning, they 
returned to Wachusett Hill accompanied by John Hoar. 1 
The Indians treated him with rude horseplay, firing over 
and under his horse, and pushed him about. 

After a conference, at which Mrs. Rowlandson s re 
lease was agreed upon, Hoar asked the sagamores to 
dinner, but " when we went to get it ready we found they 
had stolen the greater part of the provisions Mr. Hoar 

1 Mr. John Hoar of Boston met the Indian sachems for the purpose 
of negotiating for the redemption of the captives, particularly that of 
Mrs. Rowlandson, at a well-known gathering place of the tribes known 
since that event as "Redemption Rock." It lies near the northern 
boundary of the town of Princeton, Mass., and but a short distance 
east of the southerly end of Wachusett Pond. It is an isolated rock of 
large size lying upon the side of a cleared hill and close to the highway 
passing through the little hamlet of Everettville. From its summit a 
beautiful view of Mount Wachusett and the surrounding country may 
be had. Upon its western face it bears an inscription commemorative 
of the redemption. It may be reached by electric cars from Fitchburg 
or Gardner to Wachusett Park, and thence from the northern end of 
the pond by a walk of something less than a mile. 

218 King Philip s War 

had brought with him, and we may see the wonderful 
Providence of God in that one passage in that when 
there was such a number of them together and all so 
greedy for a little good food . . . that they did not 
knock us on the head and take what we had, but instead 
of doing us any mischief they seemed to be ashamed 
of the fact and said it was the bad Indians that did 
it. " * 

Negotiations for the release of other captives, and for 
peace, still continued after her release, and on the 5th 
of May we find the Council again writing to the sachems, 
Philip, John, Sam, etc., "Received your letter by John 
Hoar sent up with John and Peter, " and they expressed 
their disappointment that no answer was returned as to 
the terms upon which they would release all the pris 
oners. "You desire not to be hindered by our men in 
your planting, promising not to do damage to our towns. 
This is a great matter and cannot be ended by letters 
without speaking one with another. " " If you will send 
us home all the English prisoners it will be a true tes 
timony of a pure heart in you for peace ; " and they prom 
ised that if the councilors and sachems would come to Bos 
ton, Concord or Sudbury, the Council would speak to them 
about their desires and they should safely come and go. 2 
Further correspondence 3 was carried on. John Hoar, 
Seth Perry, Reverend Mr. Rowlandson, Peter Gardiner, 4 

1 Mrs. Rowlandson s Narrative. 

2 Massachusetts Colony Records, Vol. V, page 83; also pages 93, 94. 

3 Ibid. 

* Peter Gardiner of Roxbury embarked in April, 1635, on the Eliza 
beth, at London. He died November 5, 1698. His son Samuel was 
killed by the Indians April 2, 1676. Savage. 

King Philip s War 219 

Jonathan Prescott l and others acting as intermedi 

There is no doubt but that, while the main object was 
to secure the release of the captives, the authorities would 
gladly at this time, have made peace and held in abey 
ance the active prosecution of the war. The first object 
was finally accomplished and almost all the captives re 
turned to their homes. 2 The negotiations as to peace 
failed utterly. What reason held the Indians aloof it is 
difficult to judge, for the suffering among them from the 
lack of food was now great, and their ammunition scarce. 

It may be that they prolonged the negotiations for the 
sole purpose of gaining time, or from the belief that the 
English would pay but scant regard to the terms of any 
treaty, or that they relied on their own prowess and the 
prospect of the replenishment of their supplies from the 
crops planted in the valley and the opening of the fishing 
season, to achieve success. Possibly Philip was obstinate 
and the Narragansetts eager to revenge the death of 
Canonchet; all is conjectural. 

It was commonly believed at the time, that these ne 
gotiations and the release of the captives, occasioned 
strained relations between Philip and the Narragansetts, 
on the one hand, and the Nipmuck tribes on the other. 

Sagamore Sam and One-Eyed John declared later that 
they were inclined toward peace, and the former that he 

1 Jonathan Prescott was of Lancaster and driven thence to Concord 
by the Indians. His second wife was the daughter of John Hoar. He 
was a man of prominence, captain, and representative in 1692 at the 
first court under the new charter. He died after February, 1707. Sav 

2 New England Deliverances, by Rev. Thomas Cobbet of Ipswich. 
New England Register, Vol. VII, pages 209-219. 

220 King Philip s War 

was the chief advocate of the release of the English cap 
tives, which Philip opposed. 

Sam may have believed it would make for peace and 
more lenient terms for his own people if the worst came 
to pass, while Philip, with better judgment, declared that 
they would make better terms for their own people by 
retaining the English captives as hostages. 

Sagamore Sam s family, like Philip s, was captured 
and sold into slavery and Sagamore Sam was hanged, 
his release of the captives serving him not a whit. 

The negotiations into which both Connecticut and Mas 
sachusetts had entered, led to a policy of inaction, and, 
save for movements of convoys and reliefs, and the send 
ing out of a force under Henchman, Brattle and Prentice, 
toward Mendon and Seekonk, the month of April and the 
early weeks of May were unmarked by any active organi 
zation of forces or aggressive movements on a large scale, 
an inactivity, however, which, when considered in rela 
tion to the Sudbury disaster is not without suspicion that 
the authorities, in view of the constant ambuscade and 
lack of success, were at their wits end. Yet among the 
Indians, also, many were wavering, and some who had 
been actively hostile were already in communication with 
the English and professing friendship. "Tell James the 
Printer and others, to bring in the heads of Indians as a 
proof of this fidelity," wrote the Council to Major 
Gookin. 1 

While, throughout New England, the English held their 
hands during these negotiations, the Indians continued 
their attacks and depredations without cessation. 

Massachusetts Archives, Vol. XXX, page 207. 

King Philip s War 221 

April 26th, while John Woodcock, 1 with his sons and 
several laborers were at work in a cornfield near Wood 
cock s garrison house, 2 a party of Indians concealed in 
a wooded swamp near the edge of the field fired upon 
them, killing Nathaniel Woodcock and one of the labor 
ers and wounding John Woodcock and the other son. 

Fleeing to the garrison the survivors barred the doors, 
and though the inmates of the house were but few, they 
succeeded in driving off the enemy after they had burned 
a nearby house. 

On the 2d of May, Ephraim Kingsbury, a young un 
married man, was killed at Haverhill, and the same day 
the house of Mr. Kimball 3 at Bradford was burned, 
Kimball himself being killed and his wife and children 
carried away into captivity. 4 

It was to the south, within the confines of Plymouth 
colony, however, that the war parties were the most ac 
tive. There, on May 8th, Tuspaquin and his band, to 
whom much of the mischief done in that region may be 
ascribed, fell upon Bridgewater, but the settlers, fore- 

1 John Woodcock is found at Springfield as early as 1635, before the 
settlement of the town by Pynchon, and built a house in the Agawam 
meadows on the west side of the river, which he abandoned on account 
of the freshets. He removed to Dedharn in 1642 and thence perhaps to 
Rehoboth before 1673. His garrison house was within the bounds of 
Wrentham. Under date of July 5, 1670, he was allowed by the court 
"to keep an ordinary at the Ten Mile River (so called) which is on the 
way from Rehoboth to the Bay." He was representative from Reho 
both in 1691 and was living in 1694. 

2 Woodcock s garrison was a well-known place of rendezvous in the 
great Indian war, situated on what became the stage road running from 
Boston to Providence. 

3 Thomas Kimball was an early settler in that part of Rowley that 
was afterwards called Bradford. Savage. 

< This was the work of the eastern Indians. 

222 King Philip s War 

warned of the coming attack, were found prepared, and 
the marauders were driven off; not, however, until they 
had burned thirteen dwelling houses. Three days later 
a party of warriors assaulted Halifax, an outlying part 
of Plymouth town, and destroyed some eleven houses 
and five barns, but the inhabitants, aroused by the sud 
den alarm, precipitately fled and reached a haven of 
safety. The Indians still continued in the neighborhood 
and a few days later returned, burning seven more houses 
and two barns. About the same time the remaining 
houses of Middleboro, then Nemasket, were destroyed. 

May 20th, the Indians came into Scituate from the 
north, first burning the mill of Cornet Robert Stetson, 1 
on the Third Herring Brook, about a mile north of the 
present village of Hanover Four Corners. They avoided 
the garrison of Joseph Barstow, and followed the general 
course of the North River into South Scituate (Norwell). 
They attacked the blockhouse located on the bank of 
the river, but were repulsed. Marching on they reached 
the garrison at Charles Stockbridge s 2 where a large force 
of the townsmen were assembled, and after a desperate 
fight, were driven off and no more seen in the town. 

With the exception of several small forces from Con- 

1 Robert Stetson was of Scituate in 1C34 and came from County Kent, 
England. He was a man of great public spirit, cornet of the first body 
of horse in Plymouth colony; representative 1654-62, and often after 
wards. His service as one of the council of war during Philip s hos 
tilities was active. Savage. 

2 The Stockbridge garrison was in the present village of Greenbush, 
and the house at present occupying its site contains some of the old gar 
rison timbers. It stands close to the border of the mill pond made 
famous in the song of the "Old Oaken Bucket," the mill being on the 
opposite side of the road a few rods distant. 


King Philip s War 223 

necticut, who were constantly beating up the Narragan- 
sett country, and in Plymouth, where, as it has been seen, 
the Indians, divided into numerous parties, were occa 
sioning widespread ruin, little was accomplished by the 
English during April and the early part of May. 

Captain Denison of Connecticut returned to New Lon 
don after an expedition into the Narragansett country, 
and reported that he had killed seventy-six hostiles, 1 but 
in general the inclement weather, the rough roads deep 
with mud, and considerable sickness, combined with the 
hope that peace might result from the negotiations, held 
the troops to the garrisons. 

Only in the southeast, between Medfield and Provi 
dence, was there any considerable force of English en 
gaged in active operations, whither on April 27th, the 
Council of Massachusetts had dispatched a considerable 
force under Henchman, consisting of three companies of 
foot commanded by Captains Sill, Cutler 2 and Holbrook, 3 
and an equal number of horse under Brattle, Henchman 
and Prentice. 

1 Connecticut Archives. War, Vol. I, Doc. 66. 

2 Captain John Cutler, blacksmith, was of Charlestown. He was a 
deacon of the church. In 1681 he was a member of the Artillery Com 
pany, and was representative in 1680 and 1682. In Philip s war he 
was a captain and engaged on various occasions in conducting supply 
trains to the garrisons, and at the time of the destruction of Wadsworth 
at Sudbury, April 21, 1676, narrowly escaped being cut off with his 
company returning from Marlboro. He died September 12, 1694. 
Bodge, page 285. Savage. 

3 Captain John Holbrook was of Weymouth in 1636. He was an 
enterprising man of business and a large dealer in real estate. He held 
the rank of lieutenant in the home company and was its commander at 
the time of Philip s war. He died November, 23, 1699, leaving a large 
estate. Bodge, page 280. 

224 King Philip s War 

On May 5th, near Mendon, the Natick Indian scouts 
accompanying the force came suddenly on a large party 
of Indians engaged in a bear hunt. The English horse 
immediately pushed forward, and, rushing upon the ex 
cited hunters while still intent upon the chase, killed and 
captured sixteen of them. 1 

At night the troops returned to their quarters at Med- 
field, "from whence they saw two hundred fires in the 
night, yet they could not afterwards come upon the In 
dians " who kept carefully out of their way, and the whole 
force soon after being "visited by an epidemical cold, at 
that time prevailing throughout the country, " were 
(May 10th) temporarily disbanded. 

By the middle of May it had become evident that ne 
gotiations for a general peace had accomplished nothing, 
and in the Bay towns and in the Connecticut valley, 
public opinion was beginning to press for aggressive 
operations. In the valley of the Connecticut, particu 
larly, the troops and settlers were becoming restive under 
repeated and annoying attacks by small parties of In 
dians from the upper valley, whose constant presence 
around the towns prevented the planting of the crops and 
whose frequent seizures of cattle threatened the settlers 
with scarcity of food. 

Captain Turner, left by Savage in command of the 
valley, had divided his meager force and lay, himself, 
with fifty-one men, at Hadley. Nine had been sent to 
Springfield, and at Northampton were forty-six. Many 
of his command were mere lads, and the whole force 
was so ill-armed and ill-equipped that Turner wrote to 

Massachusett Colonial Records, Vol. V, page 96. Hubbard. 

King Philip s War 225 

the Council of Massachusetts (April 25th) complaining 
of the great distress from want of proper clothing. He 
himself, he declared, was weak and sickly, but he left it 
for their consideration whether he should be continued 
in command or another, more able-bodied, be appointed 
to succeed him. 1 

As the spring came on public opinion in the valley 
became more and more urgent for an attack upon the 
encampment at Peskeompskut (Turners Falls), but the 
Connecticut Council of War still believed in the possibil 
ity of a successful termination of the negotiations into 
which they had entered with the valley Indians, and 
urged the Rev. John Russell and Captain Turner to 
refrain from all aggressive movements until after the 
5th of May. 2 

A petition of the Rev. John Russell to the Gov 
ernor and Council of Massachusetts marks the eager de 
sire of the men, both troops and settlers, to go out against 
the Indians. "We understand from Hartford some in 
clination to allow some volunteers to come up hither. 
We believe it is time to distress the Indians. Could we 
drive them from fishing and keep out small parties to 
harass them, famine would soon subdue them. " 

The Indians, in the meantime, relieved of anxiety by 
the withdrawal of Savage and by the failure of Turner 
to make any aggressive movement, had grown careless. 
They were in desperate need of food, their supplies of 
dried fish and corn had long since been exhausted. Game 
was scarce and the ground nuts were no longer fit for food. 
Planting for the new year had but just begun, and until 

1 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXVIII, page 228. 

2 Connecticut Colony Records, Vol. II, page 440. 


226 King Philip s War 

the crops were ripe they must depend upon fishing, hunt 
ing and the spoil of English corn and cattle for existence. 

The negotiations with Connecticut had tended to in 
crease the sense of security. They were willing to bar 
gain over the price to be paid for the redemption of 
captives and they took full advantage of the English 
willingness to negotiate, to gain time. 

Their main strength, divided into three villages, was 
now concentrated about Peskeompskut, the great fishing 
ground of the valley Indians. One of these villages oc 
cupied the high ground on the right bank at the head 
of the falls, another was on the opposite bank, and a 
third on Smead s Island, a mile below. Here were gath 
ered promiscuously not only many of the valley Indians 
but also considerable numbers of the Wampanoags, the 
Narragansetts, Nashaways, Quabaugs and a few of the 
far eastern Indians. Here also, besides the sachems of 
the valley tribes, were Pessacus and Pumham of the 
Narragansetts, and even the distant Tarratines of Maine 
were represented by a Minor sachem, Megunneway. 

The greater number were undoubtedly women, chil 
dren and old men, engaged in fishing and planting, while 
the warriors were continually coming and going in small 

Farther up the river, in the cleared fields of what had 
once been Northfield, was another settlement of the 
Squakheags, and in the country between still other small 
parties were planting their crops. Supplies of seed corn 
for the planting had been obtained, fish were abundant 
and the cattle plundered from the English by the roving 
parties of warriors afforded a welcome addition of milk 
and flesh. 

King Philip s War 227 

So careless had they grown in their fancied security 
that John Gilbert, 1 who had been taken prisoner at 
Springfield the month before, had already escaped out 
of their hands and brought considerable information as 
to their doings and their attitude to Turner at Hadley. 

Throughout the valley the desire to strike an aggres 
sive blow was growing; when, on the 12th, learning that 
the English had turned their cattle out to graze in the 
meadows, a war party from Peskeompskut pushed rap 
idly down the valley and seized the whole herd, amount 
ing to seventy head of horse and cattle, and were gone 
in safety with their booty before the English could reach 
the scene. So great a seizure of their property lashed 
the settlers into rage, and operations were already under 
way, when, three days later, as Rev. John Russell wrote 
to the Connecticut Council of War, " This morning about 
sunrise, came into Hatfield, one Thomas Reed, who was 
taken captive when Deacon Goodman was slain. He 
relates that they are now planting at Deerfield and have 
been so these three or four days or more; saith further 
that they dwell at the Falls on both sides of the river; 
and are a considerable number most of them old men 
and women. He cannot judge that there are on both 
sides of the river above sixty or seventy fighting men; 
they are secure but scornful, boasting of the great things 
they have done and will do. There is Thomas Eames 
daughter and child hardly used; one or two belonging 
to Medfield, and I think, two children belonging to Lan 
caster. The night before last they came down to Hat- 

1 John Gilbert, aged eighteen, was the son of Thomas Gilbert of 
Springfield. Mrs. Rowlandson found him above Northfield, sick and 
turned out into the cold. She befriended him and got him a fire. 

228 King Philip s War 

field upper meadow and have driven away many horses 
and cattle, to the number of four score and upwards as 
they judge. Many of these this man saw in Deerfield 
meadow and found the bars put up to keep them in. 
This being the state of things we think the Lord calls 
us to make some trial which may be done against them 
suddenly, without further delay; and therefore the con 
curring resolution of men here seems to be to go out 
against them to-morrow night, so as to be with them, 
the Lord assenting, before break of day. " * But the 
Connecticut Council, though it promised to send a com 
pany up the valley in support, stated its belief that an 
attack while so many English captives remained in the 
hands of the Indians, and negotiations were still pending, 
was inadvisable. 

i Connecticut Archives. War, Vol. I, Doc. 67a. 


TURNER, well acquainted with Indian habits, realized 
that such a favorable condition for attack would not 
long continue, and that as soon at they had finished their 
planting and dried their fish, they would be on the warpath 
down the valley. 

Help or no help, he resolved to wait no longer, and, 
calling for volunteers, determined to hazard the venture 
on the evening of the 18th. Nearly one hundred and 
eighty mounted men, one-half of them settlers who had 
supplied their own horses, gathered at Hatfield, and soon 
after sunset the gates of the stockade were thrown open 
and the force filed out. 

Turner, himself, just arisen from his sick bed could 
hardly keep his saddle, and among his motley force, ill- 
equipped and ill-disciplined, were many young boys. It 
was an expedition fraught with great promises and 
great dangers. Success depended upon the complete sur 
prise of the Indian encampment, for if the Indians should 
discover the movement and lead them into an ambush, 
then the character of the force under his command prom 
ised a terrible catastrophe, and the valley, left defense 
less, would be harried from end to end. 

Their path led them through the depths of the forest 
and along the meadows, past the ill-omened fields of 
Wequomps and Bloody Brook. It was near midnight 
when they entered the broad street of Deerfield and saw, 

230 King Philip s War 

on either hand, in the gloom, the skeleton outlines of 
blackened beams and tumbling walls that had once been 
the settlement of Pocumtuck. The moon, overcast with 
clouds, and the distant roll of thunder, proclaimed an 
approaching storm. They crossed the Pocumtuck River 
at the northerly end of the meadows, near the mouth of 
Sheldon s Brook, narrowly escaping discovery by an In 
dian fishing outpost at what is now Cheapside. They 
had made a detour to avoid it, but the noise of their 
passage, not far away, aroused the Indians who could 
be seen with flaring torches gathered at the fording 
place. Finally concluding that the noise was made by a 
herd of moose crossing the river, they withdrew and the 
English continued their march. The storm overtook 
them, drenching them to the skin, and they feared lest 
the lightning flashes should reveal them to the prying eye 
of some Indian scout, but the thunder and rain deadened 
the noise of their passage, and the Indians, unsuspicious 
of danger, had placed no outpost. 

Pushing on they crossed Green River, and skirting the 
great ash swamp to the east, reached the high ground 
just under Mount Adams, at daybreak. Picketing their 
horses they forded the Falls River near its confluence with 
the Connecticut and climbed the steep hill above the 
upper encampment of the Indians. 

Wet and tired, but full of hope, they had arrived in 
time. The storm had driven the Indians to shelter, and 
the camp, its occupants gorged with fish and the milk and 
flesh of captured cattle, lay silent below them. Neither 
guards nor dogs were stirring as they rushed in among the 
wigwams, firing through the frail bark or into the open 

King Philip s War 231 

The attack, fierce and sudden, allowed no time for the 
Indians to rally. Confused and terrified they made but 
a feeble resistance. Many fell within the wigwams; 
others, shouting that the Mohawks were upon them, 
plunged into the river. "Many" says the writer of the 
Old Indian Chronicle, "got into canoes to paddle away, 
but the paddlers being shot, the canoes overset with all 
therein, and the stream of the river being very violent 
and swift . . . were carried upon the falls of water 
and from thence tumbling down were broken in pieces. " 
Many sought refuge among the rocks under the banks, 
where Captain Holyoke, 1 discovering some old persons 
and children, set. the example of indiscriminate massacre 
by " slaying five of them, old and young, with his sword." 
No discrimination was made, the same fate was dealt 
out alike to warriors, women and children. After the 
first confusion of surprise, the warriors were able to es 
cape, but the women and children fell easy prey and were 
put to the sword or forced into the rushing river and 
swept over the falls. "The river Kishon swept them 
away, that ancient river, the river Kishon. O! my soul, 
they have trodden down strength," wrote Mather in ex 

The wigwams were fired, with all the dried fish and 
ammunition, and two forges, used by the Indians for the 
repairing of their guns, were demolished. Only one of 

1 Captain Samuel Holyoke was the son of Elizur Holyoke of Spring 
field, and grandson of William Pynchon, the founder of the town. He 
was born June 9, 1647, and died October 21, 1676, soon after the Falls 
fight, his health having become impaired by the hardships of the cam 
paign. See First Century of the History of Springfield, by Henry M. 
Burt, page 591. 

232 King Philip s War 

the English had fallen, shot accidentally by a comrade. 
It seemed as if the victory had been cheaply won but 
the roar of the muskets and the cries of the assault 
had already aroused the other Indian camps, and on the 
other side of the river and on Smead s Island the warriors 
were astir and hastening to the assistance of their ill- 
fated comrades. Turner s men, tired with their long 
march, and carried away with the excitement of the as 
sault, were now out of hand. No guards had been 
stationed at the ford where the Indians from Smead s 
Island could cross, and the delay in retreating gave the 
warriors an opportunity to come up. Swarming in on 
both flanks, they pressed upon the English in ever in 
creasing numbers, a party even attacking the guard left 
in charge of the horses, until the approach of the main 
body of the English caused them to draw off. Turner 
led the van while Holyoke, in command of the rear guard, 
kept the Indians in check until the horses were gained. 

The attack of the Indians meanwhile was growing 
every moment fiercer and more determined as they swept 
around the rear and left flank of the English and en 
deavored to break the column in two, while the confusion 
in the English ranks was intensified by the cry of a lad 
that Philip with a thousand warriors was coming down 
upon them. Holyoke s horse was shot and several war 
riors rushed in upon the captain, but he shot the fore 
most, and his men, hastening to his assistance, drove back 
the rest. 

The rear guard was early cut off and Jonathan Wells, 1 
a lad of seventeen, appealed to Turner to return to their 

i Jonathan Wells was the son of Thomas of Hadley. An interesting 
account of his experiences at this time may be found on page 161 of the 

King Philip s War 233 

aid, but the captain refused. "Better lose some than 
all," he replied and pushed forward; but the rear guard 
fought its way out in safety. 

As the head of the column reached the Green River, 
at the mouth of Ash Swamp Brook, it was met by a fire 
from both banks, and Turner, 1 shot through the back 
and thigh, fell dead at the river s edge. The guides grew 
panic-stricken, each calling out to the troops to follow 
him to safety. The flight and pursuit continued through 
the woods and among the ruined houses of Deerfield to 
the place known as the Bars, in Deerfield South Meadow, 
the Indians easily keeping up with the troopers in the 
dense woods, firing upon the column from behind the 
trees and cutting off the stragglers. 

Only the self-possession and courage of Captain Holy- 
first volume of Sheldon s History of Deerfield. He was commander of 
the military forces of Deerfield in Queen Anne s war and at the time of 
the attack upon that town by the French and Indians, February 29, 
1704,1705, occupied a fortified house a few rods south of the stockade, in 
which those inhabitants who escaped capture or slaughter in the attack 
on the stockade, took refuge. Captain Wells led the relief force in the 
attack upon the retreating Indians in the North Meadow. He was, 
until his death, which occurred January 3, 1738-39, a leader in the civil 
and military affairs of the town. He was representative; selectman for 
thirteen years, and the first justice of the peace in Deerfield. See Shel 
don s History of Deerfield, Vol. II, page 357 of Genealogies. 

1 Captain William Turner came from South Devonshire to Dorchester, 
in Massachusetts, and was admitted freeman May 10, 1643. He re 
moved to Boston, probably in 1664, and was there a member of the 
Baptist church. During this period of religious intolerance he was 
twice imprisoned. Early in Philip s war he raised a company of vol 
unteers, but their services were refused and he denied a commission on 
the ground that most of the members were " Anabaptists. " As early as 
February, 1676, however, the demand for soldeirs being then greater 
than before, Turner had taken the field with a company. Bodge, 
page 232. 

234 King Philip s War 

oke, who assumed command on Turner s death, saved 
the force from a terrible disaster. Forty-five were miss 
ing when they reached Hatfield late in the morning. Six 
of these, however, returned in the course of the next few 
days, among them Jonathan Wells, who, having attached 
himself in the retreat to one party, continued with them 
until they entered the swamp, when, seeing the Indians 
closing in, he left this company, who were all lost, and 
joined a small party taking another course. Wounded 
and exhausted he was obliged, soon after, to fall out of 
the ranks and spent several days hiding in the woods, 
and, though the Indians at times came close to his hiding- 
places, he fortunately escaped discovery. 

The loss of the Indians has been variously estimated, 
some of the contemporary writers placing it as high as 
three or four hundred. 

The Reverend Mr. Russell, a man not prone to ex 
aggerate, declared that eyewitnesses said that there were 
one hundred dead Indians among the wigwams and along 
the banks. 1 William Drew, 2 and others, give the Indian 
loss as six score and ten. Their reports, however, should 
be received with caution, for it is not likely that, in the 
heat of such an engagement and the confusion into which 
the English forces fell, any accurate enumeration was 
possible. Indians who were afterwards taken, wrote 
Mather, affirmed that many of the Indians, driven down 
the falls, got safe on shore again, and that they lost not 
more than three score men in the fight, also that they 

1 Letter of Rev. John Russell to the Governor and Council of Con 
necticut (War, I, Doc. 74) contains an account of the expedition. 

2 William Drew of Hadley, and Robert Bard well, afterwards of Hat- 
field, soldiers of Turner s company, are referred to here. 

King Philip s War 235 

killed thirty-eight Englishmen, which was the exact num 
ber of the latter slain. 1 The author of the Old Indian 
Chronicle states "the English did afterwards find of 
their bodies, some in the river and some cast ashore, 
about two hundred. " 2 

The Indian loss can reasonably be placed, therefore, 
at about one hundred, many of them women and children. 
The blow was a severe one to the Indians, not so much in 
the loss of life as in its physical and moral effect. 

The flight of Turner s men before the furious onslaught 
of the Indians, marks the last partial success of the latter 
in the war. The war cry was again to be heard before 
the stockades of Hatfield and Hadley; a few more Eng 
lish were to fall in desultory conflicts about Narragansett 
Bay and in the Connecticut valley, but these record only 
the expiring efforts of a dying cause, the last impotent 
protest of a doomed race against extinction. 

The sudden collapse of the Indian resistance came as 
a surprise to the whites, who looked forward to a pro 
longed and bloody struggle. The reasons, however, were 
not far to seek. Numerically much weaker than the 
English at the beginning, and more poorly armed and 
equipped, the Indians lacked the resources, which the 
English possessed in abundance. 

Their hope of terrorizing into inaction the settlers in 
the valley, while they themselves planted and reaped 
their crops and laid in stores of fish for themselves and 
their confederates, had vanished. Their confidence in 
their own prowess had been rudely shaken and the plan, 
from which they had hoped so much, had failed. The 

1 Mather s Brief History, page 149. 

2 Old Indian Chronicle, page 261. 

236 King Philip s War 

fallen warriors could not be replaced, and arms and am 
munition could be obtained only in meager quantities and 
with great difficulty from adventurous traders, or from their 
opponents, as the spoil of victories; precarious sources of 
supply certainly, for such a life and death struggle as they 
were now waging. They were improvident and wasteful at 
best; and, unprovided with strongly fortified depots, their 
supplies were easily at the mercy of foes, who, though they 
might themselves be at times in want, found in the neigh 
boring colonies all they could not themselves provide. 

Disease, as before noted, had been rife during the 
winter, and the Indians, weakened by privations, had 
fallen easy victims to colds and the malignant fevers, to 
whose ravages even among the settlers Mather bears 
mournful testimony. 

A not less important factor in the collapse of Indian 
resistance was their total lack of organization. Their 
variable temperament, traditional feuds and jealousies, 
combining to make concerted action impossible ; not one, 
but many heads, essayed to direct the operations and every 
petty chief had his own plans and ambitions to further, 
and would sacrifice nothing for the common good. 

The dissensions among the Nipmucks on the one hand, 
and the Wampanoags and Narragansetts on the other, 
had, during the last few months of the war, grown apace, 
and Philip had openly quarrelled with the Nipmuck 
chiefs over the surrender of the English captives. To 
add to the general demoralization the Mohawks had 
become openly hostile. 

The English towns, palisaded and garrisoned, no longer 
offered an easy booty to their sudden raids, and the Eng 
lish commanders had learned the lesson of Indian tactics. 

King Philip s War 237 

When, therefore, in the spring, the colonies put forth 
their full force and enlisted the friendly Naticks, Mo- 
hegans and Niantics, the weakened tribes were doomed. 

May drew to a close amid active operations for a cam 
paign in force. Conscious of the necessity of ending the 
war before the whole country should be brought to ruin, 
and no longer held back by apprehension .as to the fate 
that might befall the captives, the authorities worked 
energetically levying men and impressing food and trans 

In the Connecticut valley guards and scouts were 
watching the trails against a counterstroke of the Indi 
ans, and Captain Newberry 1 with eighty men, sent by 
Connecticut at the request of Holyoke, marched up the 
valley and, leaving three troopers at Westfield as a rein 
forcement, for the Westfield volunteers had suffered heavily 
in the Falls fight, took up his quarters at Northampton 
on the 24th of May. 

From here, a few days later, he wrote to the Connecti 
cut Council of War that there were three hundred In 
dians at Quabaug; that if Major Talcott 2 would come 
or if the Council would send him a reinforcement of fifty 
men he would willingly go himself against them, and 

1 Captain Benjamin Newberry was of Windsor and commanded the 
military department of the Connecticut colony. He was representative 
at twenty-two sessions of the General Court; assistant in 1685, and 
member of the Council of War; captain of dragoons, and in November, 
1675, was made second in command to Major Treat. His service in 
the field during Philip s war consisted of operations at Northampton 
and vicinity in the spring of 1676. He died September 11, 1689. See 
Ancient Windsor, Conn., by Henry R. Stiles, page 518. Colonial Rec 
ords of Connecticut. Savage. 

2 Major John Talcott was a native of Braintree, England, and came 
to America in the ship Lion in 1632. He settled in Hartford where he 

238 King Philip s War 

suggested that Samuel Cross dogs l could be used ad 
vantageously. 2 

In the southeast, in the meantime, parties from Plym 
outh and Massachusetts were scouring the country be 
tween Plymouth, Rehoboth and Marlboro, and the Con 
necticut and Indian forces, under Captain Denison and 
Major Talcott, were constantly raiding the Narragansett 
country from their bases at Stonington and Norwich. 

In Massachusetts Captain Brattle had again taken the 
field with a troop of horse and a large body of Natick 
Indians under Tom Nepanet. On the 24th, the same 
day that Newberry reached Northampton, Brattle, march 
ing along the Pawtucket River "being on the Seaconck 
side," saw a considerable body of Indians on the oppo 
site bank. Pushing forward with his troopers he forded 
the river above their camp and put them to flight with 
a loss of several killed and a number of prisoners. 

In the letter in which the Massachusetts Council an 
nounced the success of Captain Brattle to Connecticut, 
they gave notice of their intention to send an expedition 
of five hundred men to attack the Indian encampments 
at Quabaug, Wachusett and Squakheag, by the 1st of 
June, and requested that Major Talcott with a consid- 

became in 1654 deputy to the court at New Haven. He was elected 
treasurer of the colony May 17, 1660, which office he held until 1675, 
when he resigned the office and was appointed to the command of the 
army with the rank of major, and in June of that year took the field at 
its head. He received promotion to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, 
and died in Hartford July 23, 1688. See Talcott Pedigree, by S. V. 
Talcott, page 32. See Memorial History of Hartford County, Vol. I, 
page 263. 

1 Samuel Cross was of Windsor. He is called captain in the records. 
He died November 6, 1707. 

Connecticut Archives. War, Vol. I, Doc. 76. 

King Philip s War 239 

erable force of troops and Indians should act with them. 
Talcott was already at Norwich preparing to march 
through the Narragansett country, when, in response to 
this letter, the Connecticut Council bade him leave Deni- 
son with seventy men at Norwich, and march with the 
rest of his force to Quabaug, where it was expected that 
Henchman would meet him. 

While Massachusetts and Connecticut were making 
these preparations, which it was hoped would crush the 
Indians in Northern Massachusetts, the Indians in the 
valley, who had suddenly vanished toward the north after 
the Falls fight, had again taken the initiative. The scouts 
had reported no movements among them, but on the 30th 
of May they appeared before Hatfield in large numbers, 
burning some twelve outlying barns and houses and driv 
ing away a multitude of sheep and cattle. Twenty-five 
settlers and soldiers from Hadley immediately rowing 
across the river to the Hatfield side, in the face of a severe 
fire, pushed on across the meadows to the aid of the town. 
The Indians, sheltered behind trees and hidden in the 
long grass, poured in an unremitting fire, but with little 
effect, and the little band had almost reached the shelter 
of the stockade in safety when the Indians closed rapidly 
in, and firing at close range, endeavored to cut them off 
from both the stockade and the river. 1 Within the space 
of a few minutes five of their number fell, " among whom 
was a precious young man whose name was Smith (John 
Smith 2 of Hadley), that place having lost many in losing 

1 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 235. 

2 John Smith was the son of Samuel, and was the ancestor of Oliver 
and Sophia Smith, the founder of the "Smith Charities" and Smith 
College at Northampton. 

240 King Philip s War 

that one man, " 1 and all would soon have been lost, 
when the gates of the stockade were thrown open and 
the Hatfield garrison, sallying out, drove back the Indi 
ans and saved the survivors. 

Newberry in Northampton was early informed of the 
attack, and, fearful that an ambuscade awaited him on 
the direct road to Hatfield (and such was actually the 
case), crossed the river below Northampton, and march 
ing up to Hadley, sought to cross the Connecticut 
River at that point, as had been done by the Hadley 

It was not a very certain way to bring relief as his pas 
sage across the river would expose him to a heavy fire 
without opportunity to reply, but it at least denoted a 
change from the usual haphazard rush into an ambus 
cade. Unfortunately for Newberry the lack of boats and 
the increased vigilance of the Indians prevented his re 
peating the feat of the Hadley men, and his force was 
still waiting on the bank 2 when the Indians, finding it 
impossible to break into the stockade, drew off with the 
approach of evening. Seven whites had fallen in the 
fight and five were wounded. The Indian loss was set 
down as twenty-five killed, but was undoubtedly less. 

The news of the attack on Hatfield was already known 
throughout Connecticut, when, on the 2d of June, Major 
Talcott with two hundred and fifty whites and two hun 
dred Mohegans, set out from Norwich with the expecta 
tion of effecting a juncture with Captain Henchman and 
the Massachusetts forces, at Quabaug. On the 4th he 

1 Mather s Brief History, page 151. 

2 Letter of Captain Newberry. Connecticut Colonial Records, Vol. II, 
page 450. 

King Philip s War 241 

reached the Indian village of Wabaquasset. 1 Everywhere 
the country was deserted, no Indians were to be seen, 
but the green shoots of the young corn were showing in 
the cultivated clearings by the deserted wigwams, and, 
after trampling it down and firing the village, Talcott 
continued his march. 

The next day he came suddenly upon a small encamp 
ment of Indians at Chabanakongomun, near the present 
town of Webster, and, killing nineteen of its occupants 
and capturing thirty-three others without loss to himself, 
passed on to Quabaug where he believed Henchman was 
awaiting his arrival. Henchman was not there, nor any 
news of him, but a small body of Indians, the scouts told 
Talcott, had encamped, unaware of his approach, only 
three miles away, and at midnight twelve of the English 
and a body of Indians marched out and succeeded in 
capturing two of them, both well supplied with fish and 
powder. 2 

The morning brought no news of Henchman, and Tal 
cott, believing his own force not sufficient to attack the 
Indians at Wachusett, waited no longer but pushed on 
to Hadley which he reached the next day (June 8th). 
His march had been through a country made bare of sup 
plies, and his force suffered severely, but Captain Denison 
with a convoy of powder and stores, sent at his request 

1 Wabbaquasset, "the mat producing country," so called from some 
marsh or meadow that furnished reeds for mats and baskets, was a tract 
west of the Quinnebaug River, north of a line running northwesterly 
from the junction of the Quinnebaug and Assawage Rivers, not far 
from Southbridge in Massachusetts. Trumbull s Indian Names in Con 
necticut. Miss Larned s History of Windham County, Vol. I, page 1. 

2 Talcott s Letter to the Governor and Council of Connecticut. Con 
necticut Archives. War, Vol. I, Doc. 88. 


242 King Philip s War 

from Hartford, joined him on the 10th and relieved his 
necessity. In the meantime, Captain Henchman with 
five hundred foot and horse and a party of friendly In 
dians, had left Concord in time to effect a junction with 
Major Talcott at Quabaug, but his progress was slow 
and information brought to him by Tom Nepanet and 
his Indian scouts who had come upon the trail of a party 
of Indians making for the fishing grounds at Washakim 
Ponds near Lancaster, caused him to turn aside in pur 
suit. He came upon them while fishing, killed seven 
and captured twenty-nine, most of the latter women and 
children, among them the wife of Muttaump and the 
wife and children of Sagamore Sam, who had gone, if 
we are to believe his own testimony, to secure the re 
lease of the English captives in the hands of the valley 

The pursuit had taken Henchman considerably out of 
his way and he marched to Marlboro to replenish his 
ammunition and supplies, and then set out for Hadley. 

The Indians, carefully watching Henchman s progress, 
had, strange to say, entirely missed touch with Talcott, 
and, confident that Henchman could not reach Hadley 
for several days, and ignorant of Talcott s arrival, massed 
their forces and came down the valley on the night of 
the llth of June. 

Dividing their forces they placed a strong party in the 
meadows at the north end of the stockade to intercept 
any English going out or any force attempting to enter 
the town from Hatfield. The remainder stationed them 
selves near the south end of the stockade with the inten 
tion of attacking from that direction and calling the at 
tention of the garrison away from the north. 

King Philip s War 243 

In the early morning three soldiers, having been warned 
not to go far afield, were finally allowed by the sergeant 
in charge to go out of the south gate. They had gone 
but a short distance when a warwhoop was heard and 
the men on guard saw them running back with a score 
of Indians at their heels. All three fell before the stock 
ade was gained, but the alarm was given, and when the 
Indians at the north, thinking the garrison had been 
withdrawn to meet the attack at the south gate, rushed 
forward to take advantage of the confusion, they found 
the stockade lined with troops and friendly Indians. Ig 
norant as they were that five hundred men were within 
the stockade, the appearance of so large a force, which 
was evidently ready to sally out against them, so alarmed 
and disconcerted them that they hastily withdrew up the 

General Hoyt and Dr. Holland ascribe the appearance 
of General Goffe to the occasion of this attack. 

It was the last action in the valley. Their counter- j 
stroke had failed, and, witR the massing of such a large I 
force of trained troops and friendly Indians, their posi- \\ 
tion in the valley was rendered untenable. From that 
day they were seen no more in force. 

Henchman arrived on the 14th, and two days later the 
combined force swept up the valley to Peskeqmpskut, 
Henchman along the east and Talcott along the west bank 
of the Connecticut. The weather was cold and chill, 
and three miles out of town a thunderstorm overtook 
and followed them up the valley. The Indian villages at 
the Falls were deserted but they found, along the banks 
of the river and in the neighboring swamps, the bodies 
of Turner and many of his men, and gave them decent 

244 King Philip s War 

burial. The rain continued to fall in torrents, they were 
wet to the skin, much of the ammunition was ruined, 
the bread grew musty in the dampness, it was all but 
impossible to make fire with the wood sodden with con 
stant rain, and, after searching the woods to the east 
and west, the whole force returned down the valley. 1 

The terror that had hung over the settlers so long was 
lifted, the war was drifting back to the starting point, 
and along the shores of Narragansett Bay the Indian 
cause was entering on its death agony. The valley In 
dians, disheartened by their constant repulses and loss of 
supplies, and threatened by their old enemies the Mo 
hawks, scattered, some far to the north, while others fled 
for refuge to the tribes in New Hampshire and Maine, 
who were still holding their own against the English. 

i Connecticut War, Vol. I, Doc. 93. 


BEFORE the end of the month a force of thirty men, 
under Captain Swaine, 1 who had been left in com 
mand of the valley, marched up to the old Indian en 
campment on Smead s Island and destroyed the stockaded 
fort, one hundred wigwams and thirty canoes, and large 
quantities of supplies found buried in the Indian barns. 2 

On the 20th of June, Talcott was recalled by the Con 
necticut authorities and a week later, Henchman also 
left the valley for Boston, whither Brattle and Moseley 
had preceded him. On the 30th while on the march, he 
wrote to the Massachusett Council : " Our scouts brought 
intelligence that all the Indians were in continual motion, 
some towards the Narragansetts,, others toward Wachu- 
sett, shifting gradually and taking up each others quar 
ters and lay not above a night in a place. The twenty- 
seven scouts have brought in two squaws, a boy and a 
girl, giving account of five slain. Yesterday they brought 

1 Captain Jeremiah Swaine was of Reading. When the forces for 
the Narragansett campaign were organized, he commanded, in lieu of 
Captain Appleton who was also major of the regiment, the First Com 
pany of the Massachusetts Line, as lieutenant. At the Narragansett 
fight he was wounded. In 1677 he commanded a company sent to 
Black Point in the Province of Maine, as part of a force to establish 
there a base of supplies, and in 1679 he was captain of the foot company 
in Reading. He also served as representative to the General Court. 
In 1733 his heirs received a grant of land in the Narragansett Township 
No. 3. (now Westminster, Mass.), in recognition of his services in Philip s 
war. Bodge. Massachusetts Colony Records. 

2 Mather s Brief History, page 163. 


246 King Philip s War 

in an old fellow, brother to a sachem, six squaws and 
children, having killed five men and wounded others. 
These and others inform that Philip and the Narragan- 
setts were gone several days before to their own places. " * 

The information given to Henchman by his captives 
in respect to the departure of Philip, was correct. Ac 
companied by the remnant of the Wampanoags and 
many Narragansetts he had turned in desperation again 
toward his own country. Safety was no longer possible, 
either in the valley or at Wachusett. The Mohawks were 
threatening the valley Indians to the north, and the Nash- 
aways, accusing him as the author of all their misfortunes, 
would doubtless purchase their safety with his head if 
the opportunity arose, and in the hope of regaining the 
fishing grounds and the corn buried in the Indian barns, 
and finding refuge in the wooded swamps along the coast, 
he had turned to the south. 

His appearance in the south had already been made 
known to the Council of Massachusetts before the re 
ceipt of Henchman s letter, by a renegade Indian, the 
first of many traitors, sure indication of a dying cause, 
who had come into Rehoboth on the 28th and offered to 
conduct the English to the place not far distant where 
Philip with about thirty followers were encamped. 

On receipt of this news the Council immediately dis 
patched Brattle toward Mount Hope with orders to pick 
up various forces along the way, and to be at Wood 
cock s garrison by midnight of the first. "There you 
shall meet with an Indian pilot and two file of musketeers, 
which pilot has agreed to bring you upon Philip who 

1 Letter of Captain Henchman, June 30. Hubbard, Vol. I, page 238. 

King Philip s War 247 

hath not but thirty men, as he sayeth, and not ten miles 
from Woodcock s. In case the enemy should be past 
Mt. Hope and you can meet with the Plymouth forces 
you are to join with them. " * 

Brattle obeyed his orders to the letter, and with seventy- 
six men, and accompanied by Moseley and the Rev. 
William Hubbard, 2 followed their Indian pilot "only to 
find Philip newly gone. " 

Affairs had come to a desperate pass with him now 
and Philip s heart must have failed him as he took note 
of the growing weakness and disaffection of the tribes, 
but, whatever his failures as a leader may have been, he 
went on, neither faltering nor seeking peace, to the end. 

Harassed and hunted as they were, there still remained 
opportunities for them to surprise and strike at isolated 
and outlying garrisons, or a careless settler, and even 
while Brattle and Moseley were searching for Philip, a 
small band, hovering on the outskirts of Swansea, shot 
down Hezekiah Willet 3 within sight of his father s 

1 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXIX, pages 24, 25. 

2 The Rev. William Hubbard was the author of "The History of The 
Indian Wars in New England, " a contemporaneous record which is the 
chief basis of all accounts of those times. He was born in England, 
came to this country with his father, and was made freeman of Ipswich 
in 1653. He graduated in the first class from Harvard College, and 
November 17, 1658, was ordained in the ministry as colleague with 
the Rev. Thomas Cobbett of Ipswich. " He was many years the most 
eminent minister in the County of Essex; equal to any in the Province 
for learning and candour, and superior to all his contemporaries as a 
writer. " He was held in the highest esteem and was appointed by the 
General Court to write the account of the Indian wars above mentioned, 
for which a grant of money was made him. He died September 24, 1704, 
aged eighty-three. See I Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. X, pages 33, 34. 

a Hezekiah Willet, born November 17, 1653, was the son of Thomas, 

248 King Philip s War 

house, and striking off his head, carried it away as a 

Hubbard, in recounting this exploit, says that the 
family frequently kept a sentinel in a watch tower built 
on the top of the house, whence they could discover any 
Indians before they came near, but not hearing of the 
enemy in those parts for a considerable time they grew 
careless, and within a quarter of an hour after young 
Willet went out of the door he was killed and a negro 
servant of the family who accompanied him, carried 
away into captivity. 

Mather says there were omens of coming events. " On 
the 15th of June a bow had been seen in the sky and many 
strange and unnatural events occurred presaging great 
events, " for " common observation verified by experience 
of many ages, show that great and public calamity has 
seldom come upon any place without religious warning. " 

The Connecticut forces left behind by Talcott had, 
during his absence, continually raided the Narragansett 
country "taking above thirty, the most of which being 
men are said to have been slain by them," in one expe 
dition, and soon after capturing a party of forty-five 
"most of which probably were women and children but 
being all young serpents of the same brood, the subdu 
ing and taking so many ought to be acknowledged as 
another signal victory and pledge of Divine pleasure." 

Supplies were pouring in from the neighboring colonies 

an early settler of the Indian lands at Wannamoiset in Swansea (now 
Riverside, R. I.). He married, January 7, 1676, his first cousin Ann, 
daughter of John Brown the second, and was killed by the Indians 
July 1st following. "As hopeful a young gentleman as any in these 

King Philip s War 249 

of Connecticut and New York, and even distant Ireland 
sent a shipload of provisions. June 21st had been set 
apart as a day of humiliation and prayer; the 29th was 
proclaimed a day of public thanksgiving. 

Major Talcott, recalled from the Connecticut Valley 
in the latter part of June, had reorganized his command 
at Norwich and before the 1st of July was again abroad 
in the Narragansett country accompanied by Captains 
Denison and Newberry with three hundred English and 
Indians. On July 2d, it being the Sabbath, and the sun 
about an hour high, the scouts from the top of a hill 
discovered a large Indian encampment in a cedar swamp 
at Nachek. 1 The English, who were all mounted, mak 
ing a circuit, closed in upon the swamp from both sides 
and the rear, while the Pequots and Mohegans rushed 
down the hill. There was no escape from the trap. 
The Mohegans, joined by Captain Newberry and his 
men, sword in hand, glutted themselves with slaughter 
in the fastnesses of the swamp, while the Narragansetts, 
who sought safety in flight, were pursued and cut down by 
the troopers. Forty-five women and children were taken, j 
and one hundred and twenty-six, including thirty-four / 
warriors, were slain. Among the slain, Talcott reported, / 
was "that old piece of venom, Sunk squaw Magnus," 
and "our old friend Watawaikeson, 2 Pessacus his agent, 
and in his pocket Captain Allyn s ticket for his free pas- 

1 This was on the south bank of the Pawtuxet River, below Natick. 
The exact place of this massacre is not known. It was seven miles from 
Providence. Rider. 

2 The messenger between the Connecticut Council of War and Pessa 
cus, in the peace negotiations. Major Talcott to Connecticut Council, 
Connecticut Colony Records, Vol. II, page 458. 

250 King Philip s War 

sage up to headquarters." Among the dead also was 
Stonewall John. 1 

No Englishman lost his life in this conflict, and only 
one friendly Indian. Resistance there had been none, 
and the whole affair was emphatically an indiscriminate 
massacre of those who possessed no means of resistance, 
and were mostly women, children and old men. 

On the next day Talcott marched to Providence and 
received information that the enemy were there to make 
peace with some of the Rhode Islanders, "upon which 
information, being willing to set our seal to it, we posted 
away and drest Providence s necks, killing and captur 
ing sixty-seven of the Indians we found there," among 
them Potuck, a minor sachem of the Narragansetts whose 
village was located on Point Judith. 

Informed by one of his captives that Philip was at 
Mount Hope, Talcott would have gone in pursuit but 
could not persuade his Indians to accompany him. On 
account of the scarcity of provisions and the terms of 
some of his men having expired; he therefore turned 
homeward on the 4th, marching along the Bay by way 
of Point Judith to Stonington. 

On this march an Indian prisoner, who had taunted 
his captors with the number of English and friendly 
Indians he had killed, was turned over by Talcott to the 
mercy of the Mohegans. "He boldly told them that he 
had with his gun dispatched nineteen English and that 
he had charged it for the twentieth, but not meeting with 
another, and unwilling to lose a fair shot, he had let fly 
at a Mohegan and killed him, with which, having made 

Drake s Book of the Indians, Book III, page 78. 

King Philip s War 251 

up his number, he was satisfied. . . . This cruel 
monster has fallen into their power which will repay him 
seven fold. " 

" In the first place therefore making a great circle they 
placed him in the middle that all their eyes might at the 
same time be pleased with the utmost revenge upon him. 
They first cut one of his fingers round in the joint at the 
trunk of his hand, with a sharp knife and then brake 
it off, as men do with a slaughtered beast before they 
uncase him; then they cut off another and another till 
they had dismembered one hand of all its digits, the blood 
sometimes spurting out in streams a yard from his hand, 
which barbarous and unheard of cruelty the English were 
not able to bear, it forcing tears from their eyes, yet did 
not the sufferer ever relent or show any sign of anguish, 
for being asked by some of his tormentors how he liked 
the war . . . this unsensible and hard-hearted mon 
ster answered, he liked it very well and found it as sweet 
as Englishmen did their sugar. In this frame he con 
tinued until his executioners had dealt with the toes of 
his feet as they had done with the fingers of his hands, 
all the while making him dance round the circle and sing, 
till he wearied both himself and them. At last they brake 
the bones of his legs, after which he was forced to sit 
down which tis said he silently did, till they knocked out 
his brains " 1 Then, continues Hubbard, " Instances of 
this nature should be incentive to us to bless the Father 
of Lights who hath called us out of the dark places of 
the earth. " 

The blame for this act of barbarous cruelty does not 

Hubbard, Vol. II, page 64. 


252 King Philip s War 

lie upon the Mohegans, with whom the torture of a pris 
oner was a custom sanctioned by immemorial usage, but 
upon Talcott himself who, having the power to prevent 
such a barbarity, lent to it the approval of his presence, 
and as an Englishman had no excuse whatever. 

In the meantime Captain Church, than whom no one 
was more fitted by experience for the particular duties of 
a partisan leader, had again appeared on the scene after 
many months of inaction. He had not been on good 
terms with the Plymouth authorities during the winter, 
the fault lying as much with their constant interference 
as in his own infirmities of temper, but his services had 
now become invaluable for the partisan warfare into 
which the conflict had degenerated. Some time before 
they had asked him for advice as to the best means of 
protecting the colony from the marauding bands who were 
committing great destruction of property, and he had 
proposed the raising of a body of volunteers and a large 
number of Indians as scouts. They refused with asper 
ity and contempt to employ any Indians, and Church, 
angry at the treatment accorded him, removed his family 
to Duxbury despite the advice of his friends who had 
urged him to leave his wife and family at Clark s garri 
son house at Plymouth. 1 Fortunate it was for them that 
he refused, or they would have shared the fate of that 
unfortunate family at the hands of Tatoson. 

Late in June, while returning from Plymouth to Narra- 
gansett Bay around the Cape, he discovered, near Fal- 
mouth, two Indians personally known to him, engaged in 
fishing. Calling them to go to a point clear of bushes 

Baylie s Memoirs of Plymouth, Part III, page 128. 

King Philip s War 253 

near by, he landed and entered into conversation with 
them, and was told by one named George, that the Sa- 
conet tribe was weary of war and would gladly give up 
their arms if assured of amnesty. 

Church proposed Richmond s Farm, near Falmouth, 
as a place of meeting in two days, and hastening to Plym 
outh returned with permission of the Governor to enter 
into negotiations with the Saconet queen, Awashonks. 
On reaching the place of meeting, the warriors, decked 
in their war paint, arose from the grass in a fierce man 
ner. Turning quietly he asked them to lay aside their 
arms, which they did. When all were seated he poured 
some rum in a shell and drank it, and, to calm the sus 
picion of the queen, who suspected poison, poured out 
more and drank it from his hand as a cup. 

After some mutual recriminations an agreement was 
reached, and though Major Bradford assumed an arbi 
trary attitude toward both Church and the Saconets, the 
Plymouth authorities, after an examination of Peter 
(Awashonk s son), and other Indian delegates, appointed 
a commission, consisting of Captain Church, Jabez How- 
land l and Nathaniel Southworth, 2 to confer with the 
Saconets. Church and Southworth, leaving the remainder 
of the commission at Sandwich, soon came to the shores 
of Buzzard s Bay, and hearing a great noise at a consid- 

1 Jabez Rowland, son of John of the Mayflower, was of Duxbury 
and served during Philip s war as lieutenant in Captain Benjamin 
Church s company. After the war he settled in Bristol and became an 
innkeeper. He was representative in 1689-90. Savage. 

2 Nathaniel Southworth, born in 1648, was first of Plymouth, then of 
Middleboro. He was a lieutenant in Philip s war. He was represen 
tative in 1696, and died January 14, 1711. His sister Alice was the wife 
of Captain Benjamin Church. Savage. 

254 King Philip s War 

erable distance from them upon the bank, were presently 
in sight of a "vast company of Indians of all ages and 
sexes, some on horseback running races, some at football, 
some catching eels and flatfish in the water, some clam 
ming, " etc. Church called and two of them rode up to 
see who it was. They were Awashonk s people, and, 
feasting with the queen and her councilors that night, 
they offered him their services against Philip. 1 

Plymouth accepted their submission, and a short time 
thereafter we find many of their number serving under 
Church, the offer of whose services as a leader of a force 
of volunteers and Indian scouts was accepted soon after 
the close of the negotiations with the Saconets. Thence 
forth we find him the most active commander in the 
field, the runner to earth of the hostile sachems, tracking 
them into the deep recesses of the swamp with the unfail 
ing keenness of a wolfhound, and recruiting Indians 
from the hostile forces by flattery and the promise of 
good pay. He played his part with skill and effect, but 
the task was no longer difficult, for traitors and deserters 
were saving their own lives by betrayals of their chiefs, 
and kept the whites well informed of the movement of 
every considerable body of their countrymen. Philip, 
worried and distressed by the numerous forces of the 
English in the field, had been driven for safety to the 
fastnesses of the great swamps that spread over all that 
part of Plymouth colony from Monponsit and Rehoboth 
on the north to Dartmouth on the south. He dodged 
his pursuers hither and thither, making no stand but 
seeking refuge in the inaccessible hiding places which the 

1 Church s Entertaining History, pages 21-30. 

King Philip s War 255 

Indians knew so well. He was still able to strike, how 
ever, and in order to encourage his disheartened warriors 
he endeavored to surprise Taunton on the llth of July, 
but the negro servant of Hezekiah Willet of Wannamoiset, 
who had been taken prisoner at the time of his master s 
death, and was acquainted with the Indian tongue, es 
caped and made known their design, and the inhabitants 
drove off the attacking force before they had accom 
plished other mischief than the destruction of two houses. 1 

Three days later Bridgewater 2 was attacked, the In 
dians coming upon the north side of the town, but after 
killing a few cattle they retired. The next day they came 
again but with no better success, for though much ex 
posed, Bridgewater was inhabited largely by a colony of 
young men, who, from the outbreak of the conflict, had 
refused to retire into Plymouth and give up their homes 
when they had been solicited to do so. 

It was the last feeble stroke for a lost cause. From 
all sides the whites and large bands of Indians were hunt 
ing him down; traitors were many and Philip knew no 
longer whom to trust. Powder and provisions were gone, 
no shelter was secure from the eyes of the Mohegans, 
Naticks and the renegades (and all who had hope of 

1 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 241. See also Mather s Prevalency of Prayer, 
page 261. 

2 The house built for the first minister of the town, the Rev. James 
Keith, almost directly opposite the north end of the most westerly bridge 
across the river, is still standing, and not far from this was located the 
church and cemetery, on what is now known as Howard Street, the site 
being marked by a monument. Nearly a mile easterly from the- minis 
ter s house, was one of the garrison houses, the location of this being 
the only one that can now be identified. The village of that day was 
identical with the present village of West Bridgewater and lay chiefly 
along the north side of the Nunketetest or Town River. 

256 King Philip s War 

mercy were seeking only an opportunity to give them 
selves up). 

Moseley and Brattle and the other forces kept close 
upon his heels, searching out his hiding places and by 
their unflagging pursuit compelling him to constantly 
change his camp, while Major Bradford held the fording 
places of the Taunton River. 

Through all the country around Rehoboth, through 
the great morass known as the Night Swamp, a marshy 
tract of some three thousand acres covered with tall 
marsh grass and wood, along the confines of the Meta- 
poiset peninsula, amid the swamps that border on the 
Taunton River and around Assowomset Pond the Eng 
lish followed him. In a swamp near Dartmouth they 
came suddenly upon his camp; the fires were still burn 
ing and food was cooking in the kettles, the blankets and 
arms abandoned in wild haste, and the bodies of several 
of his warriors who had died of their wounds and lay 
unburied, told them how close they had been to him. 1 

On the 22d of July the Massachusetts forces returned 
to Boston, some to be disbanded, others to be sent to 
Maine and New Hampshire where the eastern war was 
raging with unabated fury. They had killed and wounded 
nearly one hundred and fifty Indians and their services 
were no longer required in the south, or in Massachusetts, 
where the Nipmucks had given way to despair. 

The Councils of Massachusetts and Plymouth, in order 
to paralyze resistance, early in July offered an opportu 
nity of surrender to those who might reasonably hope 
for pardon, by a proclamation that whatever Indians 

i Hubbard, Vol. I, page 257. 

Q ^ 

O ^ 

H J 


King Philip s War 257 

within fourteen days next ensuing come into the English, 
might hope for mercy. By many the opportunity was 
gladly accepted, and the 6th of July witnessed the sur 
render of over three hundred of the Plymouth and Cape 
Indians, with several of their sachems. 

Sagamore Sam of Nashaway, through whose efforts 
there is but little doubt that many of the English captives 
had been redeemed, was among those who offered sub 
mission, and with him Muttaump, John the Pakachooge, 
and other of the Nipmucks, and on the 6th of July these 
sachems entreated them piteously in the following letter : 1 

"Mr. John Leveret, my Lord, Mr. Waban, and all 
the chief men our brethren Praying to God: We beseech 
you all to help us: my wife she is but one, but there be 
more Prisoners, which we pray you keep well; Matta- 
muck his wife we entreat you for her, and not only that 
man, but it is the Request of Two Sachems, Sam Sachem 
of Weshakum, and the Pakashoag Sachem. 

"And that further you will consider about the making 
Peace: We have spoken to the People of Nashobah (viz. 
Tom Dubler and Peter) that we would agree with you, 
and make a Covenant of Peace with you. We have been 
destroyed by your Souldiers, but still we Remember it 
now to sit still; Do you consider it again: We do ear 
nestly entreat you, that it may be so by Jesus Christ. 
O ! let it be so ! Amen, Amen. " 

Sagamore Sam in the hope of mercy, wrote them again 
recalling his efforts in behalf of the English captives, but 
no word of hope was sent him or the others. The appeal 

i Drake s Book of the Indians, Book, III. The original letter is not 
to be found. 

258 King Philip s War 

fell upon ears deaf to all mercy, and Sagamore Sam and 
the rest in despair fled to the Tarratines. 

If the English were ready to extend mercy to some 
it was not to the chiefs and those most active in war, 
and their reply that "Treacherous persons that began 
the war and those that have been barbarously bloody 
must not expect to have their lives spared, but others 
that have been drawn into the war and acted only as 
soldiers and submit to be without arms and live quietly 
and peaceably in the future shall have their lives spared," 
closed the door of hope in the face of all the chief sachems 
of the tribes. They could make but little resistance, and 
the war had already degenerated into the hunting down 
of hostiles who, with but little food and ammunition, had 
hidden themselves in the thickets. 

Amid the general rack and faint-heartedness some 
sterner natures fought resolutely to the end. Pumham, 
starved and surprised with a handful of warriors (many 
of them his relatives), near Dedham, by Captain Hunt 
ing and a mixed force of whites and Indians, July 27th, 
asked no quarter, but, mortally wounded by a shot in 
the back and unable to stand, retained his hatchet and 
fought to the death, for, catching hold of an Englishman 
who came upon him as he lay in the bushes, whither he 
had crawled for safety, he would have slain him had not 
another Englishman come to the rescue. His son was 
with him, says Hubbard, "a likely youth and one whose 
countenance would have besought favor for him had he 
not belonged to so barbarous and bloody an Indian as 
his father was. " Fifteen of the band perished with their 
chief, and thirty-four others fell into the hands of the 

King Philip s War 259 

Fugitive bands were constantly coming into the English 
lines. Some were seized by the way while others not only 
gave themselves up but brought in some chief known to 
be obnoxious to the whites, as a peace offering. In this 
way Matoonas was delivered into the hands of the Eng 
lish by Sagamore John, a sachem of the Nipmucks, who, 
with one hundred and eighty of his followers, gave him 
self up on the 27th, 1 and sought to ingratiate himself 
with the English by acting as executioner of Matoonas. 

Pursued by the whites and friendly Indians, and, in 
some cases, attacked by their allies of a few days back, 
the plight of the tribes was pitiful in the extreme. It 
had become for the English merely a matter of " exter 
minating the rabid animals, which, by a most unac 
countable condition from heaven, had now neither 
strength or sense left them to do anything for their own 
defense. " 

With the departure of the Massachusetts troops the 
task of stamping out the last embers of the war in Plym 
outh colony fell to the regular forces of Major Bradford 
and Captain Church s volunteers, while the Connecticut 
forces crushed all resistance among the Narragansetts. 

Major Bradford s plan of campaign seems to have been 
limited to holding the fording places along the Taunton 
River and covering the towns, a strictly defensive policy 
of no value in bringing the war to a close. But if Brad 
ford was inactive, not so Church. Doubtless Church 
magnified his own exploits, for his narrative, dictated 
forty years after the occurrence, is not remarkable for 
modesty, and the length of time which transpired between 

Hubbard, Vol. I, page 260. 

260 King Philip s War 

the events and their narration did not lend itself to accu 

On the 25th of July, Church received his commission 
from Plymouth colony, and in command of some eighteen 
picked English volunteers and twenty-two Indians 
marched to Middleboro. 

At dawn the next day, seeing the bivouac fires of a 
party of Narragansetts, he surrounded their camp and 
captured them all. Learning from his captives that an 
other party of Narragansetts was near Monponsit Pond, 
he hastened back to Plymouth only to be foiled in his 
quest by the Plymouth authorities who bade him guard 
a convoy of supplies being sent to Major Bradford. On 
the march information reached him that Tuspaquin was 
encamped at Assawomset Pond, and sending the convoy 
on with a small guard, he marched with all speed to come 
upon him unawares. Leaving a small guard at the cross 
ing of the Acushnet River, the remainder of the force 
pushed on a short distance and encamped, but, tired out 
with the labors of the last few days, the sentinels and all 
fell asleep. Church himself awoke before daybreak, and, 
alarmed by the danger to which they had exposed them 
selves, he sent a party to bring in the guards at the river, 
who came upon a party of Indians examining the trail 
over which Church had marched the day before. Find 
ing the guards at the ford also asleep, they roused them, 
and in the course of the morning met and captured a 
number of Saconet Indians who had abandoned their 
countrymen when peace was made. 

Ascertaining from a captured squaw that Philip and 
Quinnapin were only two miles away in a great cedar 
swamp, Church followed, and, concealing himself with 

King Philip s War 261 

one comrade and an Indian in the meadows, saw the whole 
body of the Indians defile before him. Church now di 
vided his command, the Indians taking the road to the 
west around the swamp and Church and his volunteers 
setting out to the east, with the agreement that both par 
ties should meet at John Cook s house at Acushnet. 
When they met at the rendezvous it was found that the 
English had killed three of the enemy and taken sixty- 
three prisoners, mostly women who had been surprised 
while gathering berries, and the Indians had killed and 
captured the same number, among them Tyask s wife 
and son, and secured many guns. 1 

Bradford was still at Taunton guarding the fords, and 
Philip, harried by Church and unable to cross the river, 
took refuge in the country bordering on the Taunton 
River, moving up towards Bridgewater. The men of 
Bridgewater were on the alert and a small party of them 
ranging the woods discovered one of Philip s scouts and, 
judging that a considerable force was near at hand, re 
treated in all haste to Bridgewater. On the next day 
(the Sabbath) messengers were dispatched to Plymouth 
to inform the authorities that the Indians were evidently 
designing to cross the river near Bridgewater. Church 
was at Plymouth at the time and, begging what provi 
sions were necessary, immediately marched out and 
reached Monponset Pond as the evening fell; his men 
worn out by their rapid march in the heat of the day 
could go no further. The messengers, however, pushed 
on to Bridgewater with notice of his approach. 

Early the next morning, July 31st, a force of twenty- 

1 Church s Entertaining History, page 32-37. 

262 King Philip s War 

one men marched out from Bridgewater to meet him but, 
as fortune would have it, fell in with Philip and a mixed 
company of Wampanoags and Narragansetts in the act 
of crossing the Taunton River on a tree which had been 
felled for a bridge. 1 

A sharp conflict followed, but the Indians, fully ex 
posed to the fire of the English, drew off, having lost 
several of their number, among them Akkompoin, 2 Philip s 
uncle. A number of captives also fell into the hands of 
the English, including, according to Mather, Philip s 
sister. Church, who was probably reconnoitering along 
the northern edge of the cedar swamp that extended 
towards Middleboro, heard the firing but as it lasted 
only a short time missed the direction, and as night was 
falling went on to the town. 

On the following day, August 1st, he marched out 
very early in the morning with his own company of thirty 
English and twenty Indians, and accompanied by many 
of the townsmen, and soon came "very still to the top 
of the great tree which the enemy had fallen across the 
river, and the captain spied an Indian sitting upon the 
stump of it on the other side of the river and he clapped 
his gun up and had doubtless dispatched him but that 
one of his own Indians called hastily to him not to fire 
for he believed it was one of his own men, upon which 
the Indian upon the stump looked about and Captain 
Church s Indian seeing his face perceived his mistake 

1 This tree probably lay over the stream somewhere between what 
are now known as Covington s and Woodbury s bridges. 

2 H Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. VII, page 157. This account was 
supposed to have been written by Comfort Willis, one of those who dis 
covered the first Indian and who went as a messenger to Plymouth. 

King Philip s War 263 

for he knew him to be Philip, clapped up his gun and 
fired, but it was too late, for Philip immediately threw 
himself off the stump, leaped down a bank on the side of 
the river and made his escape. " l 

Church, crossing the river, 2 threw out his men in a 
long line and marched swiftly forward, the Indians fly 
ing before him, but he picked up many of the women and 
children in the pursuit, among them Philip s wife, Woo- 
lonekanuske, and his only child, a son nine years of age. 
Following a newly made trail, Church and his men pushed 
forward, and after fording the river, in a short time over 
took the women and children of Quinnapins Narragan- 
setts, who, faint and tired, had fallen behind. Learning 
from these captives that Philip was near by he resumed 
the pursuit and about sunset heard the Indians chopping 
wood for their camp fires in the midst of a swamp. When 
the night had fallen he drew his force up in a ring and 
sat down in the swamp without any noise or fire, and 
before dawn sent forward two scouts to reconnoiter ; but 
Philip had done the same and his Indians, seeing Church s 
men, fled shouting to the Indian camp. Church pushed 
forward with all haste, but before he could come up with 
them Philip and his warriors had fled deeper into the 
swamp, leaving their kettles boiling and meats roasting 
upon the wooden spits. Confident that they would at 
tempt to leave the swamp in some other direction, he 

1 Church s Entertaining History, page 38. 

2 The pursuit of Church after Philip, commencing at the fallen tree 
over the Taunton River not far from the present railway station at 
Titicut, passed westerly to the southward of Nippenicket Pond, through 
the northern part of Taunton, past Winniconnet Pond in Norton, then, 
bearing southwesterly, came into a swamp in the northern part of Re- 
hoboth, where they came upon Philip as above related. 

264 King Philip s War 

sent Lieutenant Rowland with a party around one side 
of the swamp while he himself, after leaving a guard at 
the place where Philip had entered, in the hope that if 
he discovered Rowland s force he would return on his 
tracks, marched around on the other side and joined 
Rowland at the further end. 

Philip, believing the English would follow him in the 
swamp, had laid an ambush also, at the same time 
sending a band of warriors, with most of the women and 
children, to make their way out in the opposite direction. 
The latter, however, came upon Rowland and Church 
unexpectedly and one of the Christian Indians, at 
Church s bidding, shouting to them that "if they fired 
one gun they were all dead men," the English rushed 
forward and seized the guns out of their hands. 

Having secured these prisoners, they then advanced 
and came upon Philip. Here a desperate fight was 
maintained for some time but Philip finally fled, and 
the English following fell into the ambuscade Philip 
had placed and one of their number, Thomas Lucas l 
of Plymouth was slain. Philip, Totoson and Tuspa- 
quin, continuing their retreat, fell in with the party left 
at the entrance, but finally broke through and got safely 

During the conflict, Church, with two companions, met. 
three of the enemy, two of whom surrendered themselves 
and were seized by the captain s guard, but the other, a 
great stout, surly fellow, with his two locks tied up with 
red and a great rattlesnake s skin hanging to the back 

1 Thomas Lucas had a bad record for drunkenness, abusing his wife 
and reviling deceased magistrates. His name figures constantly in the 
court records. 

King Philip s War 265 

of his head (whom they concluded to be Totoson) ran 
from them into the swamp. 

The necessity of looking after his prisoners who now 
numbered over one hundred and seventy, and of pro 
curing supplies, compelled Church to give over the pur 
suit. The prisoners were marched to Taunton where 
they "were well treated with food and drink and had a 
merry night of it." l 

1 Church s Entertaining History, page 38-41. 


" XT OU have made Philip ready to die, you have made 

* him as poor and miserable as he used to make the 
English, for you have now killed and taken all his rela 
tions, but this bout almost broke his heart," said the 
Indian prisoners taken in this engagement, to Church. 

That the arch enemy, who, in their eyes, more than 
any other individual, had been instrumental in bringing 
about this most devastating war, should at last experi 
ence the utmost misery and mental torture through his 
affections, could not fail to be a source of abundant sat 
isfaction to the generation which saw in Philip nothing 
but a fiend. The old chronicles give us abundance of 
testimony on this point. 

"Philip was forced to leave his treasures, his beloved 
wife and only son, to the mercy of the English. . . . 
Such sentence sometime passed upon Cain made him cry 
out that his punishment was greater than he could bear. 
This bloody wretch had one week or two more to live, 
an object of pity, but a spectacle of Divine vengeance, 
his own followers beginning now to plot against his life. " 1 

"It must be as bitter as death to him to lose his wife 
and only son, for the Indians are marvelously fond and 
affectionate towards their children. " 2 

The question as to the disposal of Philip s son and 
wife whether they should be executed or sold into sla- 

i Hubbard, Vol. I, page 263. 

a Mather s Brief History, page 189. 

King Philip s War 267 

very was widely debated, the clergy (with a few excep 
tions), proving themselves, as usual, the most relentless 
of judges. Precedents of severity were diligently searched 
for in the Scriptures, and duly found. "We humbly 
.conceive that children of notorious traitors, rebels and 
murderers, especially of such as have been principals and 
leaders in such horrid villainies, and that against a whole 
nation, yea, the whole Israel of God, may be involved 
in the guilt of their parents and may be adjudged to 
death, as to us seems evident by the scriptural instances 
of Saul, Achan, and Haman, the children of whom were 
cut off by the sword of justice for the transgressions of 
their parents, although concerning some of those children 
it be manifest that they were not capable of being co- 
actors therein, " * was the grim statement of Rev. Samuel 

"Philip s son makes me think of Hadad, who was a 
little child when his father, chief sachem of the Edom- 
ites, was killed by Joab, and had not others fled away 
with him I am apt to think that David would have taken 
a course that Hadad should never have proved a scourge 
to the next generation, " 2 wrote Increase Mather. 

But there were some who were inclined to be merciful to 
Philip s son, and whose hearts were troubled, among them 
Eliot and Reverend Mr. Keith of Bridgewater, the latter 
of whom quotes II Chron. xxv, 4 : " But he slew not their 
children, but did as was written in the law in the Book 
of Moses, where the Lord commanded, saying, the fathers 
shall not die for the children, neither shall the children 

1 Samuel Arnold, pastor of Marshfield, to John Cotton, September, 

2 Increase Mather to John Cotton, October 30, 1676. 

268 King Philip s War 

die for the fathers, but every man shall die for his own 

A letter of the Rev. John Cotton, written in the fol 
lowing March, contains the brief statement, "Philip s 
boy goes now to be sold. " Sent to Bermuda or the Span 
ish Indies the boy and his mother disappear from the 
pages of history. 1 

With them vanished the race of Massasoit, the remem 
brance of whose friendship of forty long years, and their 
own innocence, should have pleaded for them, and their 
fate arouses a just indignation at the lack of manly gen 
erosity, which could stoop, in all self-righteousness, to such 
an act of barbarity against this child and his mother. 

Weetamoo, flying with a small remnant of her people, 
took refuge in a dense swamp near Taunton early in 
August, but an Indian deserter, in order to ingratiate 
himself with the whites, carried the news to the people 
of that place on the 6th, and offered to lead a force to the 
encampment, which he declared was but a few miles dis 
tant. Twenty men immediately set out, and, surprising 
the encampment, took over a score of prisoners, but 
Weetamoo herself escaped. Attempting to cross the 
Taunton River near its mouth, on a raft or some pieces 
of broken wood, and either "tired or spent with rowing, 
or starved with cold and hunger," her strength failed 
and her naked body was brought to the shore by tide or 
current. Some days later, "someone of Taunton finding 
an Indian squaw in Metapoiset, newly dead, cut off her 
head, and it happened to be Weetamoo, squaw sachem, her 

!The discussion in regard to the disposal of Philip s wife and son, 
and the ultimate outcome is to be found in full in Davis Notes to Mor 
ton s New England Memorial. Appendix, page 454. 

King Philip s War 269 

head, " 1 which, placed on a pole and paraded through 
Taunton, was greeted by the lamentations of the captive 
Indians who knew her, crying out that it was their queen s 
head. " A severe and proud dame she was, " says Mrs. 
Rowlandson, "bestowing every day in dressing herself 
near as much time as any gentry in the land. " Such 
treatment meted out to the dead body of a white woman 
would have sent Mather searching the Scriptures for a 
proper characterization of the barbarity and wickedness 
of the act. 

On the 7th of August, Church again left Plymouth, 
and, falling in with Tatoson s band, dispersed them, and 
captured Sam Barrow, 2 who had participated in the mas 
sacre of the Clark family. They told him that " because 
of his inhumane murders and barbarities" the court al 
lowed him no quarter. Stoically asking that he be allowed 
a whiff or two of tobacco it was given him, and after 
puffing away a moment or two he told them he was ready, 

1 Mather s Brief History, page 191. 

Winanimoo, or Weetamoo, it is supposed was the daughter of Cor- 
bitant, sachem of Mattapoiset. In 1651 she was known as Nummum- 
paum, and was the wife of an Indian called Wecquequinequa, and en 
joyed the title of squaw-sachem or "queen" of Pocasset. In 1656 she 
had become the wife of Massasoit s eldest son, Wamsutta, and called 
herself Tatapanum. After the death of Alexander, as he was then 
called, she married Quiquequanchett, and after his departure contracted 
a matrimonial alliance with Petownonowit, a man of considerable abil 
ity but who espoused the cause of the whites in Philip s war while she 
firmly allied herself to the Indian cause. She abandoned her husband 
and married Quinnapin, a Narragansett, cousin to Canonchet, chief of 
that tribe. With him she was present at the destruction of Lancaster 
and throughout the march which Mrs. Rowlandson accompanied as a 
captive, and from whose pen we have learned much of Weetamoo. New 
England Register, Vol. LIV, page 261. 

2 He was said to have been Totoson s father. 

270 King Philip s War 

whereupon one of Church s Indians dashed out his brains 
with a hatchet. Tatoson escaped the fate of most of his 
followers and fled with his son, a lad about eight years 
old, and an old squaw, to Agawom (in Rochester). Here, 
a short time after, " his son which was the last which was 
left of his family, fell sick" (and died), and "the wretch 
reflecting upon the miserable condition he had brought 
himself unto, his heart became as a stone and he died. 
The old squaw flung a few leaves and bushes over him 
and came into Sandwich, " where she also died a few 
days after. Philip s hiding places around Assowomset 
Pond had now become untenable. Numerous bodies of 
mounted troops and friendly Indians guarded the fords 
and trails toward the north and scoured the country in 
all directions, and Philip, hunted for everywhere, fled 
southward in the hope, it is said, of reaching the Narra- 
gansett country. Church, who had left Plymouth on the 
9th, was once again in pursuit, but lost the trail, and at 
fault as to Philip s whereabouts, after beating the woods 
around Pocasset, finally ferried his men across the east 
arm of Narragansett Bay into Rhode Island on the llth. 
Leaving them encamped near the landing place, he took 
horse to Major Sanford s house, 1 some eight miles away, 
to see his wife, "who no sooner saw him than she fainted 
with surprise," and by the time she had revived, they 
espied two horsemen (Major Sanford 2 and Captain 

1 Major Sanford lived about half a mile south of the present Ports 
mouth line, in what is now Middletown, then Newport. 

2 Major Peleg Sanford was born at Newport, R. I., May 10, 1639. 
He was appointed captain of a troop of horse July 24, 1667, and be 
came major in 1679 and later lieutenant-colonel. He was deputy to 
the General Court two years and for eight years assistant. He was 

King Philip s War 271 

Goulding) riding rapidly up the road. They called out 
to him, "What would he give to hear some news of 
Philip ? " They had ridden hard in the hope of overtak 
ing him, for a Wampanoag had come down from Philip s 
camp to Sand s Point where, by signals and shouting, he 
attracted the attention of the English who rowed over 
and took him off. He told them that a short time pre 
viously Philip had killed his brother for giving advice 
that displeased him, and he had fled in fear of meeting 
the same fate. 

Riding immediately to the camp where the Wampa 
noag had been taken they found him willing to guide 
them to Philip s hiding place. The whole force, march 
ing with great rapidity, crossed the water at Bristol Ferry 
(then called Tripp s Ferry) which was at that point half 
a mile wide, and arrived shortly after midnight at their 
destination, a little upland in the north end of a miry 
swamp at the foot of Mount Hope. Church gave Cap 
tain Goulding l command of a small force, with orders, 
as soon as it was daybreak, to beat up Philip s hiding 
place and drive him into flight, and bade him pursue, 
shouting, in order that the Indians who fled silently might 

general treasurer from 1G78 to 1681, and Governor from 1680 to 1683. 
In 1687 he was member of the council of Sir Edmond Andros. He died 
in 1701 and his will was proved September 1st of that year. See Austin s 
Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, page 171. 

1 Captain Roger Goulding was of Newport, R. I. It was he that 
came with his vessel to the rescue of Captain Church at Punkatees Neck 
early in the war. Plymouth colony granted him one hundred acres of 
land on the north side of Saconet as a reward for his helpfulness in the 
transportation of the military forces across the water. In 1685 he was 
deputy to the court, and from 1685 to 1691, with the exception of one 
year, he was " Major for the Island. " He died before 1702. See Aus 
tin s Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, page 84. 

272 King Philip s War 

be known as enemies. Captain Williams 1 of Scituate 
was stationed on one side of the swamp, a soldier and an 
Indian being placed behind the trees at short intervals 
so as to cover the trails and paths leading out, with orders 
to fire at anyone that should come silently through the 
swamp. Church and Major Sanford then spread the re 
maining force on the other side and took their stand 
together. "I have so placed them it is scarce possible 
Philip should escape them," said Church to his com 
panion. The same moment a shot whistled over their 
heads, then the noise of a gun towards Philip s camp 
followed immediately by the sound of a volley. 

Goulding and his men, crawling along on their bellies, 
had advanced cautiously in the gray of the morning, and 
were close upon the sleeping camp when the captain 
came suddenly upon an Indian who appeared to be look 
ing full at him. He fired immediately and the camp 
awoke to life in wild confusion. 

Philip, seizing his pouch, gun and powderhorn, plunged 
at once into the swamp, clad in his small-breeches and 
moccasins, and running along one of the paths came di 
rectly upon Caleb Cook 2 and an Indian named Alder 
man (not the traitor, as has so often picturesquely been 
declared), but a subject of Awashonks. Cook s gun hung 
fire, for the morning air was heavy with mist, but the 
Indian sent one bullet through the heart and another two 
inches above it, "where Joab thrust his darts into rebel 
lious Absolom, " and Philip fell upon his face in the mud. 

1 Captain John Williams was of Scituate in 1643. He served in Philip s 
war in command of a company. He died June 22, 1694, aged seventy. 
He left no family. Savage. 

2 II Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. IV, page 63. 

King Philip s War 273 

The greater part of the Indians escaped, for, perceiv 
ing that they were waylaid on the west side of the swamp 
they tacked short about. One of the enemy who seemed 
to be a great, surly fellow, shouted with a loud voice and 
often called out " lootash, lootash. " In answer to 
Church s inquiry as to who it was that called out so, 
Peter (the Saconet) said that it was old Annawon, Philip s 
great captain, calling on his soldiers to stand to it and 
fight stoutly. The Indian whose shot had laid the sachem 
dead in the mire rushed to Church with the news, and 
when the whole force assembled Church informed them 
of Philip s fate. They greeted the news with cheers, and 
the friendly Indians, grasping the body by the leggings 
and small of the breeches, drew it out of the mud to the 
upland. "A doleful great naked dirty beast he looked 
like," says Church, "and for as much as he had caused 
many English to lie unburied and rot above ground, not 
one of his bones shall be buried. " An Indian executioner, 
first addressing the dead Philip to the effect that he had 
been a very great man and made many a man afraid of 
him, beheaded and quartered the body in the manner of 
one executed according to the laws of England, for high 
treason. 1 Five of his men had fallen with him. 

The troops, returning to Plymouth, brought the good 
tidings that the arch enemy was dead, and received each 
his four shillings sixpence. 

Philip s dismembered body had been hung in quarters 

1 This account of Philip s surprise and death is taken mainly from 
Church s narrative. Entertaining History, pages 42 to 45. The event 
was made known to the Governor and Council of Connecticut by a let 
ter from Mr. Wm. Jones of New Haven. Connecticut Colony Records 
(Journal of the Council of War), Vol. II, page 471. 

274 King Philip s War 

upon four trees, but his head, carried through the streets 
of Plymouth on the 17th of August, was set upon a pole 
where it remained for nearly a quarter of a century, and 
about the year 1700, Dr. Mather, upon an occasion, " took 
off the jaw from the exposed skull of that blasphemous 
leviathan, " while a hand, given to the Indian, Alderman, 
and preserved in rum, was shown through the settlements 
and won for its possessor many a penny. "He, like as 
Agog, was hewn to pieces before the Lord. So let all 
thine enemies perish, O Lord," 

His history and biography were written by contempo 
rary enemies who regarded him as a Caananite and them 
selves as the elect of God. They were manifestly incap 
able of weighing testimony under such circumstances, 
nor were they, individually, men from whom cool consid 
eration or an impartial conclusion could be expected. 
The records and the voluminous correspondence of the 
time shed abundant light upon the events that led up to 
the Indian war and those that attended it, and the reader 
to-day, far removed from the narrow theological and ra 
cial standpoint of the contemporary writers, can lend 
himself to fairer judgment. 

Numerous legends, as little deserving of credence as 
tales of Philip s cruelty and cowardice, abound; but much 
has come to light of late years from which we can arrive 
at some approximation as to his real character. Pride 
and resentment against the English, and a sullen mis 
trust of their intentions, must have been as fire in his 
breast under the nagging tyranny and the proclaimed 
policy of stamping out the independence of the tribes, 
and the systematic subversion of his authority by their 
interference with every tradition and usage of Indian 

King Philip s War 275 

life. No man with self-respect could defy the sentiment 
of his own people in such circumstances. As a statesman 
he had abilities of no small order. A man mean, cowardly 
and of a weak and treacherous character could never 
have won the sympathies of those tribes with whom his 
own people had waged feuds of many generations, and, 
until near the close of the war when despair seized them, 
his influence remained strong and respected among the 
chiefs, and particularly among the Narragansetts. 

The weight of evidence is against the idea of a general 
conspiracy, but Philip undoubtedly negotiated with many 
of the tribes when it became evident that the conflict 
could not be averted. As chief of the Wampanoags and 
an independent sachem, Philip, if he deemed war with 
the whites the only possible salvation for his race and 
people, was fully justified in waging it and forming such 
alliances as should insure its success. 

As a warrior and a leader in battle he was probably 
inferior to Canonchet and several other leaders. His abil 
ities were rather those of an organizer and director. In 
farsightedness, prudence and tenacity he was undoubtedly 
superior to all, save possibly Pessacus. Had he been 
able to win over all the tribes and hold his young men 
in check until the plan of a simultaneous attack on the 
outlying settlements could have been arranged, the war 
would have assumed a far more formidable and dangerous 

The accusations of cowardice frequently made against 
him are backed by no proof save the indefinite statement 
that he was seldom recognized in the various conflicts. 
Of cruelty no specific case has ever been cited, while it 
is known that several families owed their lives to his 

276 King Philip s War 

friendship, and while Mrs. Rowlandson wrote bitterly of 
the Indians in general she mentions Philip not unkindly. 
That he was abandoned by so many of his tribe at the 
last and that there were not found wanting traitors among 
his own people, does not prove that he was held in con 
tempt or hatred by them, as has often been stated, but 
that human nature is much the same among all races; 
and the death agonies of a lost cause breeds traitors and 
informers anxious to save their own lives and build their 
fortunes on the ruin of their former comrades. Neither 
the hero that sentimentalists, nor the fiend that Mather 
and Hubbard have painted for us, he was, from the 
Indian standpoint, a patriot. He fought uncompromis 
ingly to the end against a fate that was certain and 
against a foe, which, representing a higher order of civ 
ilization than his own had attained, deserved to be vic 
torious. The defeat of his cause and the doom of his 
people when it came in touch with European civilization 
was certain, whether by the quicker means of war or the 
slower process of decay. The circumstances that led up 
to the war and its conduct in many particulars were de 
plorable and were undoubtedly brought on more by the 
aggressions and petty tyrannies of the English than through 
any premeditated aggression of the Indians. At the same 
time it should not be forgotten that the point of view, 
social, economical and political, of the two races were so 
completely at variance that a conflict was almost inevi 
table, and that the colonists, harsh and repellant as their 
measure undoubtedly was, were more to be excused than 
their descendants. It was reserved for Andrew Jackson, 
President of the United States, to set an example of gross 
breach of faith and cynical violation of treaty rights be- 

King Philip s War 277 

yond anything that can be urged against the New Eng- 
landers of Philip s time. Four days after Philip s death, 
Quinnapin, the Narragansett, who had married Weeta- 
moo after her last husband s apostacy of the Indian 
cause, was captured, and, being taken to Newport, was 
tried on the 24th and was shot the next day in company 
with his brother. 

Though resistance had ceased and the disbandment of 
the forces was already begun, there were other remnants 
and chiefs to be hunted down, and none so competent as 
Church with his scouts and Indians to do it. A few days 
rest after the destruction of Philip, and Church was again 
in the field in pursuit of Annawon, Philip s chief captain, 
who had escaped from the Mount Hope swamp and was 
reported to be near Rehoboth. Marching along the shore 
Church s notice was attracted by some Indians paddling 
a canoe from Prudence Island toward the promontory on 
which the town of Bristol now stands. Following them 
to their destination he captured them that night, and 
learned that Annawon was encamped in the midst of 
Squannakonk swamp a few miles north of Mattapoiset. 

Church, with a few men, and an Indian who had re 
quested liberty to go out and fetch his father, who, he 
said, was about four miles away in the swamp with a 
young squaw, set out at daybreak (August 28th). On 
reaching the swamp the Indian was sent ahead, while the 
remainder of the party hid themselves on either side of 
the path. "Presently they saw an old man coming up 
with a gun on his shoulder and a young woman follow 
ing in his track. They let them come between them and 
then started up and laid hold upon them both." The 
young woman told Church that she belonged to Anna- 

278 King Philip s War 

won s company, which numbered between fifty and sixty, 
and the old man, confessing the same, told Church that 
if he started presently and traveled stoutly he might reach 
Annawon s camp by sunset. It was just sunset when 
they at last saw the gleam of camp fires among the trees. 
The Wampanoags had built their fires at the bottom of 
a steep and rocky ledge, 1 and the pots and kettles were 
boiling and meat was roasting on the spits, while their 
guns, resting against a pole supported by forked sticks, 
were protected from the weather by a mat. 

Church watched them from the top of the ledge, in 
doubt as to the course to be followed. He asked his cap 
tives if they could not get at the camp from the other 
side, but they answered, no; they had been warned to 
come over the rock, for anyone entering the camp 
from the other side would be shot. Finally, sending the 
old man and the girl down the rock to cover the noise 
of his own approach, he followed closely. The ruse 
succeeded and Church, stepping over Annawon s son 
who lay crouched upon the ground, secured the guns. 
The young Annawon, discovering him, whipped his blan 
ket over his head and shrunk up in a heap, while the 
old captain, Annawon, started up and cried welcome. 
There was no resistance; Annawon, after an ejaculation 
of surprise and despair, asked them to share his food. 

During the night, Church s men, worn out with fatigue, 

i Annawon s Rock is located in the town of Rehoboth at the head of 
the great Squannakonk Swamp. It lies only a few rods south of the 
Providence and Taunton turnpike at a point about six miles from Taun- 
ton. The turnpike crosses the ledge of which this rock forms a part, 
and through which a cut has been blasted out to make a passage for the 
electric road. It may easily be reached by trolley from Taunton and 

King Philip s War 279 

fell asleep, but the Indians made no attempt to escape. 
It was full moon and by its light Church watched Anna- 
won pace moodily back and forth. Finally the old chief 
disappeared in the darkness of the swamp, but returned 
and, falling on his knees, offered Philip s royal belts of 
wampum, saying, "You have killed Philip and captured 
his country, for I believe that I and my company are the 
last that war against the English, so I suppose the war 
is ended by your means; these things belong to you." 

Throughout the night they conversed in a friendly way, 
Annawon relating "what mighty success he had had for 
merly in wars against many nations when he served un 
der Philip s father," and Church promised him his life. 

On bringing his prisoners into Plymouth, Church was 
again requested to take the field for the purpose of effect 
ing the capture of a well-known chief, Tuspaquin, 1 the 
"Black Sachem," Philip s brother-in-law, who was re 
ported to be in hiding near by. 

The directions given were erroneous, but Church, act 
ing on information furnished by his own spies, and the 
reports that a large body of Indians were near Lippican 
doing great damage to the English in killing their cattle, 
horses and swine, searched them out and finding them 
" sitting round their fire in the thick brush, " crept quietly 
upon and seized them all. Tuspaquin s wife and chil 
dren were among the captives, some of whom told him 
that the sachem had gone down to Pocasset with a party 
to kill horses. Church said "he would not have him 
slain for there was a war broke out in the eastern part 

i Tuspaquin was the sachem of Assowompset, and was at the head of 
the party who in the spring of 1676 so greatly annoyed the towns of 
Plymouth colony. 

280 King Philip s War 

of the country and he would have him saved to go with 
them to fight the eastern Indians. " 

"The captain s leisure would not serve him to wait 
until they came in (though the Indians said they might 
come that night), therefore he thought upon this project: 
to leave two old squaws upon the place with victuals, 
and bid them offer Tuspaquin his own life as well as his 
family s if he would submit himself and bring in the 
two others with him and they should be his soldiers. 1 

We will let Hubbard narrate the event and the pretext 
for the breach of faith that followed. "Within a day or 
two after, the said Tuspaquin, upon the hopes of being 
made a captain under Church, came after some of the 
company and submitted himself in the captain s absence 
(Church had gone to Boston), and was sent to Plymouth; 
but upon trial (which was the condition on which his 
being promised a captain s place under Captain Church 
did depend) he was found penetrable by the English 
guns, for he fell down at the first shot, and thereby re 
ceived the just reward for his wickedness. " 2 

No wonder that Church, on his return, heard with 
"great grief" and indignation that both Annawon and 
Tuspaquin, "which were the last of Philip s friends," 
had been condemned by the court at Plymouth, and had 
been executed. He had pledged his word for their lives, 
and his authority to do so was not denied. 

1 Church s Entertaining History, page 52 and 53. 

2 Hubbard, Vol. I, page 275. 


THE drift of the war into the Wampanoag and Narra- 
gansett country, and the constant activity of the 
eastern Indians in northeastern Massachusetts and along 
the New Hampshire and Maine coasts, had drawn away 
the troops from the Connecticut Valley and left an oppor 
tunity for the escape of many of the Indians toward the 
west. All through July and August straggling bands, 
remnants of the Nipmuck and valley tribes, were mak 
ing off in that direction seeking a refuge along the lower 
Hudson. Two hundred had been seen near Westfield 
on July 19th, and the request of the Rev. John Rus 
sell 1 to the Connecticut Council for troops testified to 
the growing alarm of the settlers, who feared hostilities 
might again break out in the valley and their crops be 
again destroyed. 

After his successful campaign along the western shore 
of Narragansett Bay, Major Talcott had reorganized his 
force, and on the 18th of July again started out from 
New London over the same route, swinging to east around 
the head of the Bay. He searched the country around 
Taunton where Major Bradford and a large force had 
for some time lain more or less inactive, and then in 
obedience to orders marched north toward Quabaug 

1 Letter of Rev. John Russell to Connecticut Council of War. Con 
necticut Colony Records (Journal of the Council of War), Vol. II, page 


282 King Philip s War 

where he destroyed a considerable amount of corn stored 
in pits. Striking the trail of a large body of Indians 
making for the west, he followed toward the Con 

On the day before Philip s death, August llth, these 
Indians, over two hundred and fifty in number, crossed 
the Connecticut at Chicopee on rafts and passed West- 
field the next day. A small body of settlers attempted 
to oppose them, but were driven off and the Indians 
continued their march, but Major Talcott, following fast 
in pursuit, finally overtook them August 15th, as they 
lay encamped on the bank of the Housatonic River within 
the limits of the present town of Great Barrington. 1 It 
was evening when he saw their camp fires blazing among 
the trees, and in the gathering darkness he determined 
to divide his force and to surround the whole party and 
attack them while they slept; but while Talcott and the 
troopers with him were making their way along the bank 
they came unexpectedly upon an Indian who had gone 
down to the river to fish. Lifting his head he looked 
into the faces of the English closing in upon him, and 
springing to his feet he shouted a warning to the camp 
that the English were upon them. One of Talcott s 
troopers immediately fired and killed him as he stood; 
the other division, hearing the shot and seeing the In 
dians leap up to fly, fired into them. Thirty-five of the 
Indians were killed, among them the sachem of the Qua- 
baugs, and twenty were captured, but the meshes of the 

1 The Indian encampment was upon the western bank of the Housa 
tonic River near the central bridge and within a quarter of a mile of the 
business center of Great Barrington. The spot is marked by a monu 

King Philip s War 283 

net were loose and the remainder, to the number of nearly 
two hundred, escaped to the Hudson. 1 

Many of the fugitives, though at first set upon by the 
Mohawks, were afterwards received and incorporated 
with them. Only one of Talcott s force, a Mohegan In 
dian, was killed in the conflict. Talcott followed the 
Indians no further, as he lacked supplies, but turned 

While Talcott was following the scattered remnants of 
the valley tribes to the west, Captain Swaine, in accord 
ance with orders from the Council of Massachusetts, 
collected a force from among the garrisons, and the set 
tlers of Hadley, Hatfield and Northampton, marched up 
the valley to Deerfield and Northfield, and destroyed the 
growing corn. 

In the north and east the conflict continued to flame 
well into the following year, but throughout the country 
where Philip s war had been waged, fighting had ceased. 
A few half -famished and hopeless vagrants, fearful of 
punishment, continued to roam the woods, and bands of 
friendly Indians continued to hunt them down through 
out the year. As late as December, a band of sixty were 
run down and captured near Rehoboth, mainly through 
the efforts of Peter Ephraim, a friendly Natick, 2 and the 
punishments were continued well into the next year. 

The Indians who had fled from New England to New 
York, including several chiefs, among them several 
chiefs of the Springfield Indians, and several Nonotuck 
and Pocumtuck chiefs, were the subjects of considerable 

1 TrumbulFs History of Connecticut, New Edition, Vol. I, pages 292, 
293. The information is from the manuscripts of Rev. Thomas Ruggles. 

2 Hubbard, Vol. 1, page 285. 

284 King Philip s War 

negotiations l between Andros and the Connecticut and 
Massachusetts authorities, who requested Andros to either 
send a force against those who were still at liberty or to 
allow them to do so, and they urged him to turn over to 
them for punishment those who had taken refuge in that 
colony and were in his hands. Andros was not overfond 
of the New Englanders, and little inclined to conceal his 
opinions, regarding them as constant and impertinent in- 
terferers in the affairs of his province. He did not ap 
prove of a New England expedition coming into New 
York in pursuit of the fugitives, as the Connecticut au 
thorities desired. He had secured them, he wrote, but 
to all requests that they be surrendered he turned a deaf 

He may have thought that punishment enough had 
been inflicted. He certainly felt that his services in per 
suading the Mohawks to adopt a threatening attitude 
toward the New England Indians had received little 
recognition. A rough, choleric but honest soldier, his 
character has been persistently misrepresented by the 
majority of New England historians. His was a tempera 
ment certain to strike sparks when rubbed against the 
New Englander. In fact their mutual disposition, ob 
stinate, recriminative and self-centered, was too near akin 
for cordial understanding or co-operation. 

Of the remainder of the Nipmucks, their crops de 
stroyed, their country overrun by the English and threat 
ened by the Mohawks, many sought shelter among the 
Pennacooks and the Abenakis. 

In July, Squando and Wannalancet had made a treaty 

i Connecticut Colony Records, Vol. II, pages 469, 478, etc. 

King Philip s War 285 

of friendship with the English and in the following month, 
as the other eastern Indians continued aggressive, carne 
to Major Walderne 1 at Dover, to show the English that 
they had not re-engaged in hostilities. 

Many of the Nipmucks, who considered it an admir 
able opportunity to accept, under the countenance of the 
other Indians, the terms of the proclamation made by 
the General Court in May, came with them, including 
Muttaump and Sagamore Sam, who hoped that in the 
company of those who were friends of the English, they 
might be overlooked or mercy extended. Vain hope, for 
the authorities knew of their presence, and Hathorne, 
Walderne and Captain Frost 2 of Kittery, had mutually 
agreed to seize all that " were met about Major Walderne s 
dwelling. " 

The details of what followed are obscure; the contem 
porary historians tersely describe the plan followed as a 
" contrivement. " At any rate it succeeded and all the 
Indians were disarmed and seized on the 6th of Sep 
tember. The Rev. Jeremy Belknap 3 furnishes consider 
able detail as from eyewitnesses, to the effect that the 
Indians were induced to join in a sham fight, and, af 
ter considerable maneuvering, led to deliver the first 
fire, whereupon, their guns being empty, they were sur 
rounded and disarmed. 

1 Major Walderne s report of the matter sheds little light on the de 
tails. Massachusetts Archives, Vol. XXX, page 218. 

2 Charles Frost, born in Tiverton, England, came with his father, 
Nicholas, about 1637 and settled in Kittery. He was representative, 
captain and major, and chosen a counselor at the first election under 
the new charter. He was killed by Indians in ambush as he was going 
home from public worship on Sunday, July 4, 1697. 

3 Rev. Jeremy Belknap s History of New Hampshire, Vol. I, page 142. 

286 King Philip s War 

The strategem adopted for the capture of these people 
was applauded by the colonists, but among the Indians, 
even by those friendly disposed, it was considered as a 
breach of faith and was not forgotten. Thirteen years 
later and Walderne paid the debt of vengeance for this 
and other acts as soldier and trader, and as they slashed 
his face and breast with their knives and weighed his 
severed hands in the scales as he had been wont to do 
in buying their beaver skins they told the dying man 
that thus they crossed out their old accounts. 

A few days later Monoco and Old Jethro were cap 
tured, by what means we know not, only that "that 
abominable Peter Jethro betrayed his own father and 
other Indians of his special acquaintance, unto death. " 1 
" The vile and the wicked were separated from the rest, " 
and, two hundred in number, were sent down to Boston 
where the General Court turned them over to the Coun 
cil, declaring it to be "their sense that those who had 
killed Englishmen should be put to death, and not trans 
ported. " On the 26th of September, Hubbard saw Mo 
noco "with a few more Bragadozios like himself, Saga 
more Sam, Old Jethro and the sagamore of Quabaug 
(Muttaump), going through Boston streets toward the 
gallows, " with halters about their necks with which they 
were hanged " at the town s end. " And with them, 2 to 
the death, in stern justice, went Samuel and Daniel Goble 
of Lancaster, condemned for the wanton murder of In 
dian women and children. 3 

As the war drew to a close, orders were given the con- 

1 Mather s Prevalency of Prayer, page 257. 

2 Judge SewalPs Diary. 

3 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. XXX, pages 209-211, 222. 

King Philip s War 287 

stables to seize the bodies of all Indians remaining in the 
colonies after July, and the treasurers of the various col 
onies were to dispose of them for the benefit of the re 
spective governments. All who had been concerned in 
the death of a colonist or the destruction of property 
(and to be suspected was often held to be concerned), 
were summarily executed. Most of those taken captive 
were sold as permanent bondsmen and the receipts from 
this source distributed to each colony proportionately, 
hundreds being shipped into slavery to the Spanish West 
Indies, to Spain, Portugal, Bermuda and Virginia. There 
is record of more than five hundred being sold into sla 
very from Plymouth alone. 1 Rhode Island, to her credit, 
abstained from this cruelty, and limited their bondage 
within the confines of the colony for a limited term of 
years. Some who had surrendered under the proclama 
tion were given lands to dwell on, while young and single 
persons, particularly in Connecticut, were in many cases 
settled in English families as apprentices. 2 

Uncas had made hay while the sun shone, and many a 
hostile native had been added as warrior or servant to 
his tribe. He had rendered far greater service than he 
was ever given credit for, and to stand before the court 
at Hartford and be told that the success of the war was 
with the English, and that they meant to dispose of all the 
captives and enjoy its results, must have been as worm 
wood. 3 Suspected by the whites, he had aided in the 
ruin of his own race, and thenceforward he and his 

1 Baylie s Memoirs of Plymouth. 

2 Connecticut Colony Records, Vol. II, pages 481, 482. Massachu 
setts Colony Records, Vol. V, page 136. 

3 Connecticut Colony Records, Vol. H, page 473. 

288 King Philip s War 

tribe had to accept with humility and subservience the 
rewards which ultimately fall to those weak allies who 
take the part of the conquering invader against their 
own people. A few generations and the Mohegans had 
disappeared as completely as their old foes the Narra- 

The loss suffered by the colonies was appalling. Con 
necticut alone had escaped the devastation that left vast 
tracts in the other colonies a wilderness, but even Con 
necticut had to mourn a fearful list of slain soldiers. In 
the four colonies, Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
Island and Connecticut, over six hundred men had per 
ished, or one in eleven of the population able to bear 
arms, in addition to many women and children. Over 
six hundred dwellings had been destroyed, with innu 
merable cattle, sheep and horses, and the greater part of 
a year s harvest. Thirteen settlements had been com 
pletely wiped out, and a great number had been partly 
destroyed, and the wilderness had again closed on many 
a scattered farm and hamlet; but the harvest, threatened 
with failure in the early summer, was abundant, and the 
suffering was not severe. No assistance had been asked 
for or given by the motherland; of men there had been 

The war cost the four colonies heavily. The commis 
sioners reported that Plymouth colony had been put to 
an expense of not less than .100,000, an immense sum 
if we consider the feeble resources of the colony at that 
time. But if the whites had suffered, the Indians had 
been practically exterminated; their lands had passed to 
the whites; a few scantily inhabited villages were all that 
was left of the mighty tribe of the Narragansetts. The 

King Philip s War 289 

valley Indians had disappeared and were seen no more 
save for a raid by some fugitive valley Indians, sallying 
forth from Canada, who over a year later, September 19, 
1677, fell upon the inhabitants of Hatfield while they 
were building a house outside the stockade, and killing 
several, carried away as captives to Canada some twenty- 
four of the English, men, women and children, including 
several from Deerfield, most of whom were ransomed a 
few months later. 

Never again did the southern New England tribes men 
ace the people of these colonies. Their submission was 
that of death, and the feeble remnants lay quiescent amid 
the forays of the French and their Indian allies in the 
years to come, while New England rose rapidly from her 



THE war waged along the coast of Maine, although 
contemporary with the outbreak in the southern 
colonies, was not directly a part of that conflict, but by its 
coincidence and the engagement in it of those who par 
ticipated as contestants in the struggle in the lower colo 
nies, it has come to be known as a part of that historic 
event, and its story may briefly be related in connection 
with it. 

Within a few weeks after the uprising of the Indians 
in the Plymouth colony, news of events had been carried 
to the country lying to the northeast, now known as 
Maine, but at that time held under a patent issued to 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and ruled by a commission ap 
pointed by the king. This sparsely settled fringe of coast 
differed materially from the well-governed United Colo 
nies. In extent it reached from Exeter and Dover (now 
in New Hampshire) to Pemaquid, a little plantation upon 
John s Bay just east of the Damariscotta River. The 
settlements or plantations within its confines were York, 
Wells, Cape Porpoise, Saco, Black Point (now Scar 
borough), Falmouth (now Portland), Arrowsick, Dam 
ariscotta, and a few scattered hamlets, all reached by 
the tides and practically connected for purposes of travel 
by the water, though Indian trails led along the coast. 
The Indians inhabiting this territory were the Penobscot, 
Kennebec, Pequacket and Ammoscoggin, commonly in 
cluded under the general title of Abenakis or Tarra- 
tines, well equipped and hardy hunters. In New Hamp 
shire were the Pennacook Indians, professed friends of 
the English. 

During the continuance of the war in the United Colo 
nies the local eastern Indians maintained a hostile atti- 

294 King Philip s War 

tude and committed many depredations from the Pisca- 
taqua to the Kennebec, and by the summer of 1676 had 
been reinforced by numbers of refugee Nipmucks who, 
having lost their all and despairing of mercy, cast in their 
lot with their northern neighbors, and inciting them to 
further carnage and pillage, prolonged hostilities in the 
north long after they had ceased elsewhere. 

The English settlers of the northern border included 
many of the rough and lawless element always to be found 
in a frontier community governed by little other than the 
laws of expediency; bent on immediate gain and heed 
less of the future. The same arbitrary and insolent in 
terference with Indian rights and customs prevailed here 
as in the north. The guns which had become a necessity 
were continuously being demanded on the slightest pre 
text and suspicion, while in matters of trade the Indians, 
without doubt, were constantly cheated and imposed upon. 
Even Major Walderne, magistrate and austere Puritan, 
tradition declares, used to place his hand in the scale 
against the beaver skins, telling the Indians it weighed 
a pound, and often failed to cross off their accounts when 
paid him. 

Acts of violence against the natives, particularly kid 
napping and selling them into slavery at the West Indies 
were not uncommon, and these outrages were tenaciously 
stored in Indian memories against the day of reckoning. 
No wonder that when that day arrived with its afforded 
opportunity, the score was settled to the fullest extent of 
Indian ingenuity. The story as it has come down to us 
is one of isolated border fights, a warfare of the woods and 
thickets, in which the Indians, sometimes punished and 
scattered, were more often successful. 

The first depredation upon the northeastern frontier 
began early in September, 1675, by a raid of the Indians 
on the house of Thomas Purchase l in Pegypscot (Bruns- 

1 Thomas Purchase, says Savage, "was an adventurer of good dis 
cretion and perseverance, and was principal of the Pegypscot settlement 

Appendix 295 

wick), when some of his cattle were killed but no violence 
offered to the inmates of the house. September 12th, the 
isolated house of Thomas Wakeley, 1 a resident of Fal- 
mouth on the Prescumpscut River about three-fourths of 
a mile below the falls, was attacked, and Wakeley, his 
son and his daughter-in-law, with three of their children 
were killed, their charred bodies being found in the ruins 
by a relieving party the following day. One daughter, 
about eleven years old, was carried into captivity, but 
after long wandering among the tribes, even as far south 
as the Narragansetts, was finally restored to the English 
by Squando. Three days before this attack a party of 
Englishmen going up the north shore of Casco Bay in 
a sloop and two boats to gather Indian corn came upon 
three Indians who were beating on the door of a house, and 
fired upon them killing one and wounding another. The 
third escaped, and, while the whites were scattered heed 
lessly about the field at their labors, rallied his friends, 
and attacking the settlers, drove them to their sloop and 
secured two boats loaded with the corn they had gathered. 
These Indians were followers of Madockawando, sachem 
of the Penobscots, and the attack upon them was de 
clared by the Penobscot Indians to have been without 
provocation. This same month an attack was made upon 
Oyster River (now Durham, N. H.), where two houses 
belonging to settlers by the name of Chesley were burned. 
Two men passing along the river in a canoe were killed 
and two others carried into captivity. 

These raids were quickly followed by attacks upon 
Exeter and Salmon Falls, and a little later houses were 
destroyed at Oyster River and two men killed. Small 
parties of Indians now prowled the woods in every di 
rection, burning barns and houses, killing men and cattle 
and goading the English to desperation. 

on both sides of the Androscoggin near its mouth. " After the plunder 
ing of his house he removed to Lynn where he died in April, 1678. 
i Thomas Wakeley was of Hingham when the house lots were drawn 

296 King Philip s War 

On the 18th of September, Captain Bonython, 1 who 
lived on the east bank of the Saco River, warned by a 
friendly Indian of the approach of Squando s people, 
fled with his family, his house bursting into flames be 
hind him. Warned by the flames, Major Phillips, 2 who 
lived on the opposite bank, immediately warned his 
neighbors, who fled to his garrison house to the number 
of fifty, and prepared for defense. 

Setting fire to the neighboring houses, the Indians 
closed around the garrison calling out, "You cowardly 
English dogs, come out and put out the fire, " but although 
Phillips himself was wounded, the garrison held them 
at bay and finally repulsed their attack with considerable 
loss, 3 but as the people would not remain, the garrison 
house was soon abandoned and a short time thereafter 
was burned. About the same time all the dwellings at 
Winter Harbor, abandoned by their owners, were plun 
dered by the Indians and then given over to the flames, 
and five settlers going up the Saco River were attacked 
and killed. 

Hearing of the defenseless condition of the settlers of 
Saco, Captain Wincoll of Newichawonock, with a com 
pany of sixteen men, proceeded by water around the 
coast to their assistance. On landing at Winter Harbor 
they were instantly fired upon from ambush and several 
of the party killed. These Indians gave the alarm to a 

by the settlers, September 18, 1635, and he was made freeman March 3, 
1636. He removed to Falmouth in 1661. 

1 Captain John Bonython was the son of Richard, who was a very 
early settler of Saco. His house, which was destroyed by the Indians, 
was located on the east side of the Saco River, not far from the present 
tracks of the Boston & Maine railroad. He died before 1684. 

2 Major William Phillips was of Charlestown where he was admitted 
to the church September 23, 1639, and made freeman May 13, 1640. 
He removed to Boston, then to Saco, where he had mills, a mansion house, 
and a thriving settlement about him. He was a magistrate and an of 
ficer in the militia. After the destruction of his property he returned 
to Boston. 

s Letter of Major Richard Walderne. Massachusetts Archives, 
Vol. LXVII, pages 26, 27. 

Appendix 297 

larger number in the rear, and Wincoll s party l was at 
once surrounded by one hundred and fifty well-armed 
warriors. Taking refuge behind a pile of shinglebolts, 
the English fought with such desperation that the Indians 
were forced to retire with considerable loss, 2 but eleven 
inhabitants of Saco who attempted to aid Wincoll were 
utterly destroyed. 3 About this time an attack was also 
made upon Black Point, in which seven houses were 
burned and a number of the inhabitants killed. 

The general leader of the Indians was Squando, 4 a 
sagamore of Saco, whose old friendship for the whites 
had been changed to hatred by several acts of insolence 
and injustice, but particularly by an outrage perpetrated 
by sailors from a vessel harbored in the Saco River. Per 
ceiving the wife of Squando, with her infant child, cross 
ing the river in a canoe, it seemed to these men a fitting 
opportunity to test the general belief that the young of 
the savages, like those of wild animals, would instinctively 
swim if thrown into the water. Upsetting the canoe the 
occupants were cast into the flood, but the mother, div 
ing to the bottom, recovered the child, which, however, 
was shortly seized with an ailment and died. Squando 
never forgave the act. 

1 Captain John Wincoll, or Wincoln, was first of Watertown, where 
he was freeman in 1646, but he soon removed to Kittery, for which town 
he was representative to the General Court at Boston in 1653, 1654, 1655. 
In 1665 he was at Newichawanock (South Berwick), and was made a 
justice by the royal commissioners. He was representative again in 
1665, 1667, 1667 and the holder of other honorable offices. He was in 
jured by a fall from his horse and died October 22, 1694. Savage. 

2 Saco Valley Settlements and Families, page 21. 
sHubbardVol. II, p. 126. 

4 Squando, a Tarrantine sachem of the Socokis, was commonly called 
the Sagamore of Saco. Mather calls him "a strange, enthusiastical 
sagamore," who saw visions, while the historian Williamson says, "his 
conduct exhibited at different times such traits of cruelty and compas 
sion as rendered his character difficult to be portrayed." Hubbard 
speaks of him as " that enthusiastical or rather diabolical miscreant, who 
hath yet put on a Garbe of Religion, and orders his people to do the 
like; performing religious worship amongst the Indians in his way, yet 
is supposed to have very familiar converse with the Devil, that appears 
to him as an Angel of Light, in some shape or other very frequently. " 

298 King Philip s War 

About the 1st of October, a large body of Indians at 
tacked the house of Richard Tozer 1 at Salmon Falls, 
about a third of a mile north of the Plaisted garrison. Fif 
teen persons were in the house, most of whom succeeded in 
escaping to the garrison through the heroic efforts of a 
young girl of eighteen who held the door while the rest 
fled by the rear. She was finally struck down by the 
savages, who succeeded in entering, and left for dead, 
but recovered, and lived many years. A small child was, 
however, killed, and a girl of seven, who had been unable 
to keep up with the fugitives, was led away into captivity 
but shortly afterward restored. 

The next day after burning Captain Wincoll s house 
and barn well stocked with corn, they drew away. On 
the 16th day of October, however, they returned in force 
and again fell on the house of Richard Tozer, killing 
Tozer and taking his son captive. 

Lieutenant Roger Plaisted, 2 who commanded the small 
force at the garrison, hearing the sound of the firing, sent 
out seven men to reconnoiter and aid the inmates of the 
Tozer house. They had proceeded but a short way from 
the garrison, however, when they fell into an ambush 
which the Indians had prepared in the expectation of 
such an attempt, and were badly cut up. The following 
day Plaisted with twenty men set out with an ox team 
to bring in the bodies, exercising no precaution against 

1 Richard Tozer was first of Boston but removed to Kittery. He had 
a grant of land at Newichawonock of sixty acres, above the Salmon Falls. 
Here he built a garrison house. The site of this is now occupied by the 
dwellings of Mr. Charles Collins. Hubbard says this was a third of a 
mile north of the Plaisted garrison. 

2 Roger Plaisted of Kittery was intrusted with civil commissions as 
early as 1661. He was representative to the General Court in 1663-64, 
and again in 1673. He was made lieutenant in 1668 and was a brave 
and trustworthy officer. Savage. 

His garrison house was built on land purchased in 1669 from Captain 
John Wincoll and in a deed is called the " Birchen Point Lot. " It was 
located in that part of Kittery known as Newichawonock, on the east 
side of the Salmon Falls River and just north of Salmon Falls Brook. 
His neighbors, Tozer and Wincoll, lived farther up the hill to the north. 
See Old Kittery and her Families. 

Appendix 299 

surprise. Tozer s body was recovered and the party was 
returning to the swamp near the garrison where the other 
bodies lay, when the Indians, hidden among the rocks 
and trees, fired upon them from an ambuscade. 

Plaisted, disdaining to fly, threw away his life in a vain 
endeavor to fight, almost singly, against overwhelming 
odds. Two of his sons and a number of his men were 
killed at the same time, and the survivors were able to 
cut their way out with only the greatest difficulty. After 
a continuous harassing of the settlements, the Indians 
withdrew, near the close of November, to their winter 
quarters at Ossipee and Pequacket. 1 

It is said that up to this time one hundred and fifty 
persons, Indians and whites, had been killed or captured 
between the Kennebec and Piscatauqua. A projected 
plan to attack the enemy in their winter quarters failed 
through the severity of the winter and the lack of suffi 
cient snowshoes, but the neglect of the Indians to suit 
ably provide for their winter wants so scourged them 
with famine and disease that they were driven to seek 
for a reconciliation. Accordingly they came to Major 
Richard Walderne 2 at Dover, early in January, 1676, 

1 Ossipee is located in Carroll County on the eastern border of New 
Hampshire, and still bears the same name. Pequacket is now Fryeburg, 
Maine, on the western border of Cumberland County and nearly on the 
line separating that state from New Hampshire, and about twenty- 
three miles in a northeasterly direction from Ossipee. 

2 Major Richard Walderne was born in Alcester, County of Warwick, 
England, September 2, 1615. He came to this country first in 1635, 
remaining two years, then returned to England. He settled perma 
nently at Cochecho, now Dover, N. H., in 1640. He was a man of great 
influence, many times representative to the General Court, and often 
speaker. He was a captain in 1672 and in 1674 was made sergeant- 
major of the military forces of the province. In 1680 he became major- 
general. He was one of the councilors under the new form of govern 
ment of New Hampshire in 1680, and the following year, after the death 
of President John Cutts, was at the head of the Province until the arrival 
of the Royal Governor. He was largely engaged in trade with the In 
dians and was a Puritan of the most austere type, which did not prevent 
him, if widespread tradition is to be believed, from cheating them in 

trade at every opportunity. He was an indifferent commander and 
negotiator. His trading and 

garrison house stood on the north side of 

300 King Philip s War 

and entered into an armistice, bringing in some English 

July 3, 1676, a treaty of peace 1 was signed at Cocheco 
(Dover) between a committee of the whites and several 
sagamores, the most important of whom was Squando, 
sagamore of the Sacos. Among those who came in were 
Simon and Andrew, the Christian Indians who, in the 
previous May, had attacked the house of Thomas Kimbal, 
of Bradford, killing him and carrying his wife and five 
children into captivity. They had, however, previously 
taken several other women whom they had treated not 
unkindly, and hearing of the negotiations, came in with 
the captives. Instead of improving the opportunity and 
securing their friendship, the English seized and threw 
them with others into the prison at York, 2 from which 
they speedily managed to escape. 

The Indians living at the east of the Kennebec River, 
whose chief, Madockawando, 3 had been friendly to the 
settlers until the wanton destruction of his corn fields and 

the Cochecho River on the west side of what is now known as Central 
Avenue in Dover, a little south of Second Street, and a suitable inscrip 
tion noting its site is attached to the business block occupying its place. 
He was killed by the Indians in a most barbarous manner, June 27, 

1 Massachusetts Archives, Vol. XXX, page 206. 

2 The prison at York was built in 1653, an addition being made some 
time after. The whole of the original structure still exists in an excellent 
state of preservation. 

3 Madockawando was chief of the Penobscot tribe. He was a great 
"Pow Wow," and Hubbard says of him, in connection with Squando, 
sagamore of the Saco tribe, "They are said to be by them that know 
them, a strange kind of moralized savages. Grave and serious in their 
speech and carriage and not without some show of a kind of Religion, 
which no doubt but they have learned from the Prince of Darkness 
(by the help of some Paptists in those parts), that can transform him 
self into an Angel of Light; under that shape the better to carry on the 
designes of his Kingdom. " The historians of the war have all observed 
that the prisoners under Madockawando were remarkably well treated. 
After the close of Philip s war no more is heard of him until 1691 when 
he again appears as a warrior in King William s war then being waged. 
He died in 1698. A daughter of his married the Baron de St. Casteen 
whose residence was on the Penobscot River where the present town of 
Castine is located. See Book of the Indians. 

Appendix 301 

the attack upon the Indians found at Casco Bay in the 
month of September previous, had, after that event, re 
tired to a fort they had at Totannock, at the confluence 
of the Kennebec with the Sebasticook, in the present 
town of Winslow, where the English also had a trading 

Captain Sylvanus Davis, 1 the agent for Messrs. Clark 
and Lake, traders at Arrowsick, thought it prudent to 
bring down from Totonnock the powder and shot with 
other goods stored there, at the same time sending a 
message to the Indians inviting them in the interest of 
peace, to return to their former habitations near the coast. 

The messenger intrusted with Captain Davis message 
delivered it in an insolent and threatening manner, tell 
ing them if they did not come in and give up their arms 
the English would come and kill them all. Instead of 
complying they began to negotiate with the tribes farther 
east in order to resist any interference. 

In the spring of 1676, John Earthy 2 of Pemaquid, 
had attempted to bring about peace, but the unrestrain- 
able animosity of the settlers made success difficult. 

Another conference had been held in the early spring 
(1676), but the Indians felt they had been hardly dealt 
with. "We were driven from our corn last year, by the 
people about Kennebec," they said, "and many of us 
died. We had no powder and shot to kill venison and 
fowl to prevent it. If you English were our friends as 
you pretend you are, you would not suffer us to starve 

1 Captain Sylvanus Davis was of Sheepscot in 1659 and was wounded 
at Arrowsick at the time Captain Lake was killed. He removed to 
Falmouth in 1680 and had command of the fort there in the next Indian 
war. He was captured and carried to Canada, May 20, 1690, and after 
his return in 1691 entered the Council by the Charter of William and 
Mary. He wrote an account of the conduct of the war which is in III 
Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, page 101. He lived in Hull during the 
latter part of his life and died in 1704. Savage. 

2 John Earthy of Pemaquid kept a public house, but little can be 
found regarding him. He appears as a witness to the treaty with the 
Indians, November 13, 1676. Savage. Williamson states that it was 
Abraham Shurte of Pemaquid who was the negotiator. 

302 King Philip s War 

as we did. " However, a temporary peace was patched 
up and a promise obtained from these Indians that their 
influence should be exerted with the Androscoggins to 
bring about peace. 

Unfortunately, during the winter, the cupidity of one 
Laughton, the master of a vessel harboring in those parts, 
who held a general warrant from Major Walderne to 
seize any Indians to the eastward, had induced him to 
carry away, for the purpose of selling into slavery, some 
of the natives he had invited on board his ship, and this 
act coming to the knowledge of the Penobscots, when 
they visited those parts, inflamed them to wrath. John 
Earthy and Captain Davis, seeking to pacify them, again 
visited Madockawando, and, among others, Assiminas- 
qua 1 and Mugg, sachem of the Androscoggins, whose 
friendship had given place to hatred, in August, 1676, 
and endeavored to undo the mischief. Angry and dis 
trustful they made bitter complaints of the wrongs they 
had suffered. 

"It is not our custom when messengers come to treat 
of peace to seize upon their persons, as sometimes the 
Mohawks do; yea, as the English have done, seizing upon 
fourteen Indians, our men, who went to treat with you 
setting a guard over them, and taking away their guns, 
and demanding us to come down unto you, or else you 
would kill us. This was the cause of our leaving both 
our fort and our corn, to our great loss." 

An accusation that, Hubbard says, considerably em 
barrassed the English, who could only reply that they 
would do their best to find and return those Indians who 
had been kidnapped, and that the Indians should not 
blame the Government for the acts of irresponsible in 

" What shall we do, " they asked, " in the winter, when 
our corn is gone unless we have guns and powder? 
Answer yes or no ; shall we have them ? " The commis- 

1 Madockawando was his adopted son. 

Appendix 303 

sioners could give no direct answer. They would confer 
with the Governor and Council, and the chiefs grew angry, 
and as the negotiations continued there came the news 
that Squando had broken the treaty of July, 1676, and 
had fallen on Cleve s Neck, Falmouth, now the city of 
Portland. This action commenced on the llth of Au 
gust at the house of Anthony Brackett, 1 the day preced 
ing that of Philip s death at Mount Hope, and was con 
tinued the following day, to the utter desolation of the 
place. Brackett, with his wife and five children, was 
carried into captivity, and Mrs. Brackett s brother was 
killed. Several other settlers near by were killed and 
their houses burned. 

Immediately following the destruction of Falmouth, the 
war advancing eastward into the Kennebec country, the 
house of William Hammond, 2 a trader not much liked 
by the Indians, was attacked, August 13th, and Ham 
mond and fourteen of its inmates slain, the only person 

1 Anthony Brackett is found in Falmouth in 1662. Upon the renewal 
of hostilities in the summer of 1676 he was living at his home on the 
west side of the Back Bay at Falmouth (now Portland), and was, with 
his family, captured on the llth of August. His brother-in-law, Na 
thaniel Mitton, who resisted capture, was slain. While being conveyed 
to the eastward, his captors being eager to share in the plunder of Arrow- 
sick of which they had word, Brackett and his family with a colored 
servant, managed to evade their captors; repairing an old birch canoe 
which they found upon the shore with a needle and thread, they escaped 
across Casco Bay to Black Point where they found a vessel bound for 
the Piscataqua. Brackett served during the war, and afterwards as 
lieutenant and captain, and was finally killed at his home during King 
William s war, September 21, 1689. The cellar hole of his house still 
remains and is located on Deering Avenue, a few rods beyond the rail 
road crossing just north of Deering s Oaks, one of the pleasure parks of 

2 The sight of Hammond s fort and trading house, long in dispute, 
has been definitely settled by the researches of Rev. Henry O. Thayer. 
See Collections of Maine Historical Society, Second Series, Vol. I, page 
261. He says, "It can be rebuilt in fancy upon that northeastern curve 
of Long Reach where are now grouped the village dwellings of Day s 
Ferry. " Day s Ferry is recorded on the map as West Woolwich and is 
three miles north of the ferry connecting Woolwich with Bath. " Ham 
mond s Head, " the site of the trading house, lies directly opposite Tele 
graph Point in North Bath. 

304 King Philip s War 

escaping being a young woman. Distrusting the Indians, 
who had come as if to make a visit, she hid in the corn; 
hearing the shrieks and blows and divining their cause, 
she fled across country some ten miles, to Sheepscot, and 
gave the alarm. 

The Indians then marched up the river and captured 
Francis Card l and his family, and passing down the 
Kennebec, crossed over to Arrowsick Island. 

The cruelties attendant upon this attack are attributed 
to Simon, who had been lodged in the prison at York 
and had escaped. This attack resulted in the death and 
capture of over thirty of the English. The remainder of 
the inhabitants fled from the mainland to James Andrews, 
now Gushing Island in the Bay. Among them George 
Felt, 2 whose residence was at Mussel Cove two miles 
eastward from the neck. 

Arrowsick Island 3 is a large tract of land some four 

1 See Francis Card s statement relative to the capture of Hammond s 
and Arrowsick, and the subsequent movements of the Indians. Hub- 
bard, 1865 Edition, Vol. II, page 202. There is also a copy in Vol. 
LXIX of the Massachusetts Archives. 

2 George Felt was from Charlestown and in 1660 was a dweller at 
Casco Bay having in 1670 a residence at Mussel Cove. He was the 
owner of Lower Clapboard Island, the Brothers and Little Chebeague 
Islands in the Bay. Hubbard in his Indian Wars, says, "He had been 
more active than any man in those parts against the Indians." He was 
killed by them in the summer of 1676 on Peak s Island. Felt Genealogy. 
History of Peak s Island. 

3 The long-lost site of the busy and populous trading house of Clark 
and Lake has been discovered by the Rev. Henry O. Thayer, and treated 
of in a paper read by him before the Maine Historical Society, and pub 
lished in the first volume of the second series of their collections. This 
site may be reached by a drive of but little more than two miles from 
Woolwich, opposite Bath, and lies but a short distance to the north of 
Mill Island, on the west shore of the Back River. Traces of its build 
ings are still distinct. Thayer thus describes its discovery: "If Hub- 
bard was correct the fortified post should have been within a mile of 
Mill Island. Search discloses it five-eighths of a mile from the present 
mill dam, a field by a cove, bearing notable traces of ancient occupation. 
Here relics have been gathered, implements found, bones exhumed, 
flagstones of old pathways uncovered. Here are cellars close by the 
water, a famed well of unknown antiquity. This place, made myste 
rious by curious relics and proof of early settlement, and long an enigma 
to the writer because not adjustable to the acquired history of the island, 

o -| 

"w =: ^ 


h ^ 
o -- 

Appendix 305 

miles in length, lying in the Kennebec River, between 
the main channel and the Back River, so called, its north 
ern extremity being directly opposite the city of Bath. 
Upon it was the fortified trading house of Clark and Lake, 
two merchants of Boston. The Indians concealed them 
selves under the walls of the fort and behind a great rock 
near by. Early in the morning of August 14th, when, 
for some reason, the sentinel left his post, the gate of the 
fort being open, they rushed in and seized or killed the 
garrison. Captain Sylvanus Davis, who was in the fort, 
and Captain Lake, 1 with two others, secured a canoe at 
the water s edge in which they embarked, hoping to reach 
a neighboring island and escape, but they were quickly fol 
lowed by four Indians in a canoe, who fired upon them 
just as they touched the rocky shore of Mill Island. 
Davis, badly wounded, managed to conceal himself in 
the crevices of the rocks and was overlooked by the pur 
suers. Lake was killed by a musket-shot while the two 
others eluded their pursuers and escaped unhurt. Before 
their departure the Indians destroyed everything of value 
in the neighborhood, including a mill and a number of 
buildings outside the fortification. A large amount of 
plunder was secured and the news of their success quickly 
spread abroad. 

The number of persons killed or taken into captivity 
here and at Hammond s was fifty- three. About a dozen 
persons got away from Arrowsick in safety. 

From Arrowsick the Indians proceeded to Sheepscot 

is at the so-called Spring Cove, on the northeastern border. When 
found and its certified story told, it harmonized all parts of evidence, 
and completed the proof. Step by step, the lines of history followed, 
led hither to the mansion house of Clark and Lake. " 

i Captain Thomas Lake came from London to New Haven, where 
he married, before 1650, the daughter of Deputy Governor Goodyear. 
He removed to Boston and was an eminent merchant there. In 1654 
he purchased half of Arrowsick Island in the Kennebec River, and for 
many years had a trading house there with large transactions with the 
Indians. His body found by the expedition under Major Walderne in 
February following in a perfect state of preservation, was removed to 
Boston and buried in the Copp s Hill Burying Ground. 


306 King Philip s War 

and Pemaquid, while a part of the force went over to 
Jewell s Island, which was the refuge of a large number 
of the inhabitants from the mainland and considered a 
place of safety owing to its distance from the shore. The 
sudden invasion of this supposed stronghold by the enemy, 
caused great consternation among the refugees, who, how 
ever, though inadequately armed and not provided with 
a suitable shelter, managed to beat them off. 

Shortly after this on September 3d, a party of men 
having gone upon Munjoy s Island, 1 to obtain sheep 
which were required by their distressed families for food 
(though forbidden to adventure themselves, by their com 
mander), were set upon by a party of Indians in ambush, 
driven into the ruins of an old stone house 2 and there 
destroyed to a man, among them George Felt, "much 
lamented, " says Hubbard, " who had been more active 
than any man in those parts against the Indians, but at 
the last he lost his own life among them, in this too des 
perate an adventure. " 

In this month of September, the Pennacook and Wam- 
esit Indians came in to Major Walderne at Dover, to the 
number of four hundred, and with them many of the 
southern refugees, and that " contrivement " or sham 
fight strategem followed which has been related in the 
previous chapter. 3 

The authorities regarded the entertainment of the south 
ern Indians by the Pennacooks and other tribes as a viola 
tion of the terms of the treaty, but the Indians themselves 

1 Munjoy s Island is now known as Peak s Island. It contains seven 
hundred and twenty acres and lies about three miles off Portland in Casco 
Bay. A narrow channel separates it from Gushing s Island. 

2 The stone house upon Munjoy s Island (now Peak s) was located at 
its southwest point, about four rods northeast of the Brackett family 
cemetery fence as it now exists. It was but a few rods from the shore 
of the channel separating Munjoy s from James Andrews Island, upon 
the northern end of which the refugees from Falmouth first congregated. 
It was built by George Munjoy and was occupied for several years by 
John Palmer and his family until they were driven off by the Indians 
in 1675. History of Peak s Island. 

3 An account of what followed has been given on page 286. 

Appendix 307 

were influenced by no other motive than hospitality, and be 
lieved the treaty embraced all who should accept its terms. 
September 8th the authorities at Boston sent in to the east 
ern country one hundred and thirty soldiers and forty Natick 
Indians, under Captains Sill, Hathorne l and Hunting, 2 
which force was to be augmented by such troops as could be 
raised in the province. They marched by land from Dover 
to Black Point, thence went by vessel as far east as Casco 
without discovering the enemy, although the work of des 
truction was going on all about them, 3 and they were com 
pelled to retrace their steps without accomplishing anything. 
A week later, October 12th, the Indians, one hundred strong, 
under the leadership of Mugg, 4 attacked Jocelyn s 5 garrison 

1 Captain William Hathorne was born in Salem, April 1, 1645. In 
the Narragansett campaign he was lieutenant under Captain Joseph 
Gardiner and when that officer fell at the Swamp fight, succeeded to 
the command. He died before 1679. Savage. 

2 Captain Samuel Hunting, born July 22, 1640, was first of Chelms- 
ford and later of Charlestown. He served during the war "with great 
reputation as captain of the praying Indians who took up arms in our 
cause against their countrymen. " He and his men were of much serv 
ice at the Sudbury fight and their conduct there did much to overcome 
the popular prejudice against the friendly Indians as soldiers. He was 
killed by the accidental discharge of his gun, August 19, 1701. Savage. 
Bodge, page 289. 

3 During the period covered by this expedition the Indians several 
times assaulted Wells and Cape Neddeck, killing a number of settlers 
and burning their dwellings. These places were directly on the line of 
march of the expedition. 

4 Mugg, Mogg, Mogg Heigon, deeded in 1664 a tract of land lying 
between the Kennebunk and Saco Rivers to Major William Phillips. In 
the deed of conveyance he describes himself as "Mogg Heigon of Saco 
River in New England, sunn and heyer of Walter Heigon sagamore of 
sayd river. " He was the subject of Whittier s poem, " Mogg Megone. " 
There appears to be some dispute as to his position. Drake (Book of 
the Indians) says he was chief of the Androscoggins. Hubbard says, 
"He was the principal minister of Madockawando. " W T illis calls him 
"Prime Minister of the Penobscot sachem." He was alternately friend 
or foe of the English settlers along the coast, and was killed at Black 
Point (Scarborough), May 13, 1677, during an attack upon the garrison 
there. See paper of Horatio Hight, read before the Maine Historical 
Society, May 31, 1889, and published in the fifth volume of the second 
series of their collections, page 345. Another Mogg Heigon was killed 
with the Jesuit father, Rasle, by the English at Norigwok, August, 1724. 

s Captain Henry Jocelyn, son of Sir Thomas of County Kent, came 

308 King Philip s War 

at Black Point, but while Jocelyn, who was well acquainted 
with the savage leader, went forward to parley with them, 
the entire garrison, with such of the inhabitants as were 
within the fort, decamped by water, leaving Captain 
Jocelyn and his family at the mercy of the Indians. 
They were, however, kindly treated and soon liberated. 

The winter of 1676-77 set in very early, and the au 
thorities, supposing that the Indians were collecting at 
their fort at Ossipee, thought it best to attempt their 
capture. Accordingly Captains Hathorne and Sill were 
directed to march to that point. They set out from 
Newichawonock on the 1st of November; the snow was 
deep and the streams, not yet frozen, were crossed with 
difficulty. No Indians were found at Ossipee nor in the 
adjoining region, and the expedition returned having ac 
complished nothing but the destruction of the fort. 

Immediately after the capture of Black Point, the Eng 
lish at Piscataqua had sent a small expedition under a 
young Mr. Fryer to Richmond Island to bring away 
whatever goods had escaped destruction. As they were 
loading their vessel, some being on shore and some aboard, 
they were surprised by the Indians and, unable to sail on 
account of the wind, and the cable being cut so that the 
vessel drifted ashore they were compelled after a short 
resistance, in which Fryer was wounded, to surrender. 
They were, however, kindly treated and allowed to send 
two of their number to Piscataqua to arrange for the 
ransom of the rest. 

Unfortunately the party who bore the ransom, arriving 
a few days before the date set, fell in with another party 
of Indians who seized the goods and, through a mistake, 

to Scarborough, probably in 1634, and entered into the service of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges. He was one of the most active and influential men 
in the Province of Elaine. After the loss of his garrison (which he was 
temporarily commanding in the absence of Captain Joshua Scottow), 
and his short captivity, he removed to Pemaquid where he was a justice 
and much engaged in public affairs, and where he died in the latter part 
of 1682 or early in the following year. See New England Register, 
Vol. II, page 204; Vol. XI, page 31. 

Appendix 309 

killed one of the English, but on learning what the goods 
were for dismissed the two surviving English in safety. 

On the 1st of November, Mugg came to Piscataqua, 
bringing in Fryer, who shortly afterwards died of his 
wounds. Mugg declared that the Indians were desirous 
of peace, and that the attack on the party bearing the 
ransom was a mistake committed by a party of Indians 
not acquainted with their mission. 

Major-General Dennison, who was at Piscatauqua, 
alleging that he had not the power to make a treaty, 
immediately seized Mugg who was supposed to represent 
both the Androscoggin and the Penobscot Indians, and 
sent him to Boston, where, on the 6th of November, a 
treaty was signed between the Governor and Council on 
the one hand and Mugg, presumably acting for Madock- 
awando and probably for the Androscoggins, on the 
other. 1 

On the 21st, two vessels sailed for the Penobscot for 
the purpose of conveying back the captives released by 
the terms of the treaty, together with such arms and goods 
as were to be given in ransom. Madockawando was 
found ready to confirm the action of his subordinate, but 
he had with him only two prisoners. 

Mugg, held as a hostage for the fulfillment of the terms 
agreed upon, learning that no captives, beyond the two 
held by his chief, were near by, offered to attempt a 
journey into the wilderness for the purpose of securing 
a number of captives that would probably be found there. 
The commander of the expedition agreed to wait for his 
return at the end of four days, that being the limit of 
the time required for the undertaking, and if at its ex 
piration he had not appeared it should be assumed that 
he had either been killed by the natives or detained by 
them. The vessels awaited his appearance for a week 
beyond the allotted time, and then, fearing that wintry 

i Hubbard, Vol. II, page 189. Also Drake s Book of the Indians, 
Book I. 

310 King Philip s War 

conditions would prevent their return to Boston, sailed 
without him, stopping at Pemaquid where they found 
Thomas Cobbett, 1 the son of the Rev. Thomas Cob- 
bett of Ipswich, who had long been mourned by his 
friends, and with this small number of captives returned 
to Boston. Mugg was not again seen by the English 
for some time, but it is reported that he greatly boasted 
of the trick by which he had outwitted the English and 
repaid them in their own coin. 

Early in February, 1677, a force raised by the Council 
at Boston, consisting of two hundred men of whom sixty 
were Natick Indians, under the command of Major Wal- 
derne, 2 was sent by water to the eastward in the expecta 
tion that a systematic and organized attempt looking to the 
reduction of the enemy would meet with successful ac 
complishment. The expedition reached Arrowsick (after 
a stop or two, at one of which, near Falmouth, they had 
a skirmish with the sagamore, Squando, about the 21st. 
The country was clothed in its winter aspect and the ice 
in the bays and streams frustrated the major s plans. 
He decided, however, to leave a party at the lower end 
of Arrowsick to establish a garrison while he pushed on 
to Pemaquid, 3 having learned from some Indians at 

1 For an account of Thomas Cobbett s release from captivity see "A 
Narrative of New England s Deliverances, " by his father, Rev. Thomas 
Cobbett of Ipswich, to be found in the New England Register, Vol. VII, 
page 215. Also Hubbard, Vol. II, pages 193-198. 

2 Hubbard & Williamson s History of Maine. 

3 Pemaquid is historically one of the most interesting localities of the 
Maine coast. It is the most easterly point touched by Philip s war. 
Its soil was the first on the mainland of New England to be pressed by 
English feet. In 1605 Captain George Weymouth, in his ship Arch 
angel, landed here and took back with him to England five of the native 
Indians, one of whom, Squanto, was to play an important part in 
the history of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Here in 1607 the settlement 
of the colony under the auspices of Sir John Popham was accomplished, 
only a few months later than the beginning of the settlement at James 
town, Virginia. Here Captain John Smith in 1609 attempted the found 
ing of a colony to succeed the Popham settlement, but none of the settle 
ments remained permanent by reason of the many troubles between the 
English, Indians and French, the latter claiming it as a part of their 

Appendix 311 

Arrowsick that the captives would be brought in later 
but were now near Pemaquid. Sailing on to that place, 
Walderne met Mattahando, one of Madockawando s 
lieutenants, with about twenty-five of his followers, who 
declared himself desirous of peace. Suspicious of his 
intentions, it was decided at a council to attempt to get 
possession of the captives and then to attack the Indians 
by surprise. The major finally went ashore with part 
of the ransom and while looking around found a lance- 
head under a board. Seizing it, he brandished it before 
their faces and accused them of treachery, and, waiving 
his hand to the men on the vessel to come to his assistance, 
he fell upon the Indians killing seven, among them the 
old chief, and seizing four others. 

In April the noted Simon wrought mischief in Wells 
and York and in May a party of Indians laid siege to the 
garrison at Black Point, then commanded by Lieutenant 
Bartholomew Tippen, 1 which was obstinately defended 
for three days and resulted in the death of Mugg by 
Lieutenant Tippen, who, noting an Indian who was par- 

territory of Acadia. A fort, called Shurt s Fort, was built here perhaps 
as early as 1624, succeeded by a new structure on the same site in 1677 
called Fort Charles. The first must have been the scene of the fracas 
between Major Walderne and the Indians during Philip s war. This 
was followed by a third fort erected by Sir William Phips, and still later 
a fortification of stone erected on the same site in 1729, called Fort 
Frederick, was destroyed by the inhabitants during the Revolutionary 
war to prevent its falling into the hands of the British. 

But the most interesting subject connected with the history of Pema 
quid is the ancient city, whose very existence has been forgotten, and 
upon the site of which the small settlement of to-day stands. The evi 
dence of ancient buildings in some four hundred cellar holes, still to some 
extent visible; remains of shipyards, docks, an old burying ground, and 
streets regularly paved with cobblestones and found about two feet be 
low the present surface of the ground, are cause for speculation. This 
interesting spot lies upon a projecting point of land between John s Bay 
on the west and the ocean on the east, in the town of Bristol. Ten 
Years at Pemaquid, by J. Henry Cartland. 

1 Lieutenant Bartholomew Tippen (commonly found recorded as ser 
geant) was of Exeter in 1675 and was commissioned in October, 1676, 
to command the forces in re-establishing the settlement of Scarborough. 
In 1680 he was representative. 

312 King Philip s War 

ticularly bold in the attack, fired upon and killed him 
under the belief that he was Simon. On the death of 
Mugg the Indians hastily withdrew, a part of them going 
in the direction of York and killing several settlers in that 

June 22d, a force of two hundred friendly Indians and 
forty soldiers, was sent under command of Captain Ben 
jamin Swett 1 of Hampton, and Lieutenant James Rich 
ardson, 2 on an expedition to the Piscataqua. Anchoring 
off Black Point information was received of a force of 
the enemy in that vicinity and Captain Swett went on 
shore with a detachment of his men, and being joined 
by some of the inhabitants, marched some two miles 
from the fort in pursuit of an apparently fleeing band, 
which suddenly turned and gave furious battle, closing 
in and firing upon the English from an encompassing 
swamp as they climbed a hill, driving in turn the young 
and inexperienced soldiers of Swett s command before 
them. Twenty friendly Indians and forty of the English 
were left upon the ground, including Lieutenant Richard 
son and Captain Swett, who fell covered with wounds. 
This was the most sanguinary battle of the eastern coast. 

During this season the Indians attacked many vessels 

1 Captain Benjamin Swett, born in England about 1626, came to New- 
bury with his father where they were living as early as 1642. He mar 
ried there the daughter of Peter Weare. He was early chosen to fill 
places of trust in town and county and was appointed ensign of the 
Newbury Military Company as early as 1651. He removed to Hampton 
and was influential in civil and military affairs in Old Norfolk County. 
In 1675 he held the rank of lieutenant. In June, 1677, he was commis 
sioned captain and ordered " to Goe forth on the Service of the Country 
agt the Eastern Indian Ennemy." New England Register, Vol. VI, 
page 54. Massachusetts Archives, Vol. LXIX, page 132. 

2 Lieutenant James Richardson was first of Woburn but in 1659 re 
moved to Chelmsford. He was with Captain Wheeler in the defense 
of Brookfield. He removed to Charlestown, May 1, 1676, and served 
with Captain Hunting in his mixed English and Indian Company in 
the summer and fall of that year at Pawtucket Falls (Lowell), where 
they built a fortification and maintained a garrison, of which Lieutenant 
Richardson was left in charge, as well as of the Christian Indians at 
Chelmsford. He was well acquainted with Indian ways and had great 
influence with the natives. Bodge, page 346. 


U C/5 

5 S 

Appendix 313 

lying apparently secure in the harbors, and more than 
twenty of them were taken. "Thus" says Hubbard, 
"was the summer spent in calamities and miserable oc- 
currents among the eastern parts. " 

An attempt, made somewhat earlier than the time of 
the events now reached, to enlist the Mohawk tribes 
against the eastern Indians, by the advice of Governor 
Andros of New York, did not succeed, through the re 
luctance of the Mohawks to proceed to such a distance 
from their homes. It is probable that had it been pos 
sible to have accomplished this plan, the insane dread 
held by the New England Indians against this warlike 
tribe, would have speedily put an end to the war. 

The disturbances in the east having dragged along 
until August, 1677, a sudden termination of hostilities 
was reached by an enterprise entirely unforeseen. Fear 
ful that the Sagadahock province, which was a possession 
of the Duke of York, might, in its deserted condition, be 
seized upon by the French, Sir Edmond Andros, Gov 
ernor of New York, sent an armed expedition to Pema- 
quid with orders to take possession of the country, build 
a fort, engage in trade with the natives and encourage 
intercourse between them and the English. By an agree 
ment with the sagamores the release of fifteen captives 
was secured, as well as the release of all the vessels which 
had been detained by them. It is reasonable to conclude 
that the Indians were tired of the long-drawn-out hos 
tilities and were glad to embrace an opportunity to re 
tire without too great embarrassment. 

No attempt to relate in detail all the incidents of the 
war along the Maine coast has here been made; some 
known to the writer have been omitted and undoubtedly 
many occurrences of these times are now absolutely un 
known to any person. There were in this region but few 
of the conditions existing in the United Colonies. No 
well-fortified and defended towns to be set upon in warlike 
fashion by a furious enemy. No well-equipped force to 

314 King Philip s War 

surprise the Indian fastness in a moment of unwatchful- 
ness. Here was border warfare only. The sharp and 
unexpected attack upon the undefended cabin of the set 
tler; the still more unexpected surprise upon the little 
garrison, and always, common to all sections in which 
the English fought, the deadly ambush, offering a lesson 
which was apparently never learned. 

The peace and tranquillity which prevailed throughout 
the following autumn and winter and the enjoyment of 
consequent harmony and safety throughout the eastern 
portion of the province, induced the other tribes to seek 
a like condition for themselves, and in the spring of 1678, 
the Government of Massachusetts appointed a commis 
sion, consisting of Major Nicholas Shapleigh l of Kittery, 
Captain Francis Champernoon 2 and Captain Nathaniel 
Fryer 3 of Portsmouth, to settle a peace between Squando 
and all the sagamores of the eastern country. The com 
missioners met the Indians at Casco 4 and entered into 
Articles of Peace, April 12, by which all captives were to 
be returned without ransom, all inhabitants in returning 
to their homes were to enjoy their possession unmolested, 
but as an acknowledgment of the Indian rights in the 
lands, they were to pay to them, year by year, as a quit- 

1 Major Nicholas Shapleigh, son of Alexander who built the first 
house at Kittery Point, was born about 1610, and after coming to this 
country lived first at Portsmouth, but became one of the most prominent 
citizens of Old Kittery. He served as selectman, deputy to the Gen 
eral Court, Provincial Councilor, County Treasurer, and was one of the 
commissioners to hold the first term of court in York County in June, 
1653. He was appointed major in the militia in 1656, and was also a 
justice. He was extensively engaged in lumbering and milling. He 
was killed by an accident during the launching of a vessel, April 29, 
1682. Old Kittery and her Families, page 112. 

2 Captain Francis Champernoon was a nephew of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges. He was of Kittery, 1639, Portsmouth, 1646, and York, 1665. 
He was captain in 1640 and afterwards major. He was one of the 
councilors of the Province of New Hampshire in 1684. His will 
was probated December 28, 1687. Savage. 

3 Captain Nathaniel Fryer, mariner, was of Boston but removed to 
Portsmouth. He was representative in 1666, captain, and councilor 
in 1683. His death occurred August 13, 1705. Savage. 

4 See Williamson s History of Maine, Vol. I, page 552. 

Appendix 315 

rent, a peck of corn for every English family, and for 
Major Phillips of Saco, who was a great proprietor, one 

The losses throughout the country east of the Piscata- 
qua had been very great. About two hundred and sixty 
were known to have been killed or carried into captivity, 
and there were probably many others of whom no record 
was kept. Some of the settlements had been utterly 
destroyed and in others many dwellings burned, domestic 
animals killed and a great amount of property plundered 
and destroyed. The cost to the colony government 
amounted to over eight thousand pounds. 



Adams, Lieutenant Henry 179 

Akkompoin 62 

Alderman (Indian) 272, 274 

Alexander 6, 38, 46, 52, 174, 269 

Allyn, Captain 249 

John 97 

Matthew 97 

Amos, Captain (Indian) 190 

Andros, Sir Edmond 82, 97, 110, 

123, 165, 166, 167, 195, 284, 313 

Anguilla, Execution of Canon- 

chet at 204 

Annawan 185, 273, 277, 278, 279, 
Annawan s Rock, Capture of 

Annawan at 278 

Appleton, Captain Samuel 

108, 109, 110, 119, 122, 
123, 125, 126, 127, 129, 
130, 143, 147, 151, 245 
Arnold, Benedict 31 

Rev. Samuel 267 

Arrowsick Island, Capture of 
Clark & Lake s trad 
ing house and fort at 304 
Assiminasqua 302 

Attleboro, Woodcock s Garri 
son at 63 
A very, Captain James 201 
Lieutenant 143 
Awashonks 52, 253, 254, 272 
Ayers, Sergeant John 91, 92 


Baker, Virginia 57 

Bardwell, Robert 234 

Barrow, Sam (Indian) 269 

Barstow, Joseph 222 

Beers, Captain Richard 94, 95, 
97, 100, 105, 106, 107, 108 

Belcher, Captain Andrew 155, 156 
Belcher, Quartermaster Jo 
seph 64 
Belknap, Rev. Jeremy 285 
Billerica, Attack upon 206 
Black James (Indian) 88 
Black Point, Attack on Joce- 
lyn s Garrison at, 307, 
Death of Mugg at, 311, 
Captain Swett s battle 312 
Blackstone, William 202 
Bloody Brook, Surprise at 112 
Bodwell, Henry 112 
Bonython, Captain John 296 
Richard 296 
Boston, Description of 2 
Bourne, Jared (Gerrard) 59 
Richard 25 
Brackett, Anthony 303 
Bradford, Major William 37, 58, 
59, 144, 253, 256, 259, 260, 
261, 281 

Brattle, Captain Thomas 40, 60, 
109, 220, 223, 238, 245, 256 
Brayton, Chief Justice 30 

Bridgewater, Attacked by Tus- 

paquin 206 

Brigham, Clarence S. 31 

Brinsmead, Rev. William 98, 190 

Brocklebank, Captain Samuel 159, 

163, 210, 213 

Brooks, John 128 

William 128 

Brown, Ann 248 

James 40, 44, 50, 53, 60, 

61, 135 

John 248 

Lieutenant John 59, 60, 80 

Nathaniel 119 

Bull, Governor Henry 147 

Jirah 147 

Captain Thomas 82 

Burt, Henry M. 115, 231 

Jonathan 118 



Canonchet 45, 53, 70, 73, 134, 

135, 136, 137, 138, 158, 159, 160, 

161, 162, 175, 185, 186, 190, 191, 

197, 200, 202, 205, 206, 219, 269, 


Canonicus 26, 27. 30, 35, 71, 
73, 136, 145, 174 

Card, Francis 304 

Carpenter, William 162 

Cartland, J. Henry 311 

Cartwright, Colonel 180 

Casco, Settlement of peace at 314 
Caulkins, Frances M. 34 

Champernoon, Captain Fran 
cis 314 
Champlain 1 
Charles the First 103 
Chelmsford, Houses burned 

at 206 

Chesley 295 

Church, Captain Benjamin 52, 

53, 57, 58, 68, 74, 75, 76, 81, 136, 

143, 144, 145, 153, 252, 253, 254, 

259, 260, 261, 263, 264, 265, 266, 

270, 271, 272, 273, 277, 278, 279, 


Clark 301, 305 

William 187 

Cobbett, Rev. Thomas 219, 247, 


Cochecho (Dover), Treaty of 300 
Coginaquan 174 

Cole, Hugh 44, 58, 61 

Collins, Charles 298 

Conant (Roger) 26 

Concord Village, Attack upon 177 
Conway, Peter (Indian) 217 

Cook, Caleb 272 

John 261 

Cooper, Lieutenant Thomas 

93, 94, 95, 118 

Corbitant 269 

Cornbury, Nathaniel 110 

Cotton, John 37 

Rev. John 191, 267, 268 

Courtice (Curtis), Philip 129, 130 

Cowell, Captain Edward 208, 

209, 212 

Cromwell (Oliver) 55 

Cross, Samuel 238 

Cudworth, Major James 58, 63, 
65, 69, 74, 77 

Curtis, Ephraim 84, 85, 87, 89, 
91, 92 

Henry 84 

(Courtice), Philip 129, 130 

Cutler, Captain John 223 

Cutts, Governor John 299 

Davenport, Captain Nathan 
iel 136, 143, 145, 150, 151 
David (Indian) 48, 89, 98 

Davis, William 40 

Captain Sylvanus 301, 302, 
D Aubrey, Lieut. Governor of 

Acadia 61 

Deerfield, Location of, 10 

Attack on 101, 110 

Dennison, Major General 309 

General Daniel 144 

Captain George 201, 223, 

238, 239, 241, 249 

Denslow, Henry 189 

Doublet Tom (Indian) 215, 257 

Drake, Samuel G. 146 

Drew, William 234 

Drinkei, Lieutenant Edward 250 

Druce, John 67 

Dudley, Joseph 70, 143, 144, 149, 

152, 155, 157, 165 

(Governor Thomas) 28, 70 

Dumbleton, John 128 


Eames, Thomas 169, 227 

Earthy, John 301, 302 

Easton, Governor John 50, 51, 57 
Edmonds, Captain Andrew 80, 191 
Eels, Captain Samuel 81 

Eggleston, James 102 

Eliot, Rev. John 17, 23, 24, 47, 

133, 134, 214/3 7 
Ennis, Edward 5T 

Falmouth, Attack upon An 
thony Brackett s house 303 



Felt, George 304, 300 

Fenner, Captain Arthur 138, 161 
Field, Edward 80 

Fitch, Rev. James 54, 69, 81, 143 
Freeman, Peter (Indian) 145 

Frost, Captain Charles 285 

Fryer, Mr. 308, 309 

Captain Nathaniel 314 

Fuller, Captain 58, 75 

Gallop, Captain John 
Gardiner, Captain 143, 147, 



George (Indian) 
Gilbert, John 

Gill, Corporal John 

Gillam, Captain Benjamin 

Glover, Rev. Peletiah 
Goble, Daniel 

Goffe, General William 103, 

Rev. Stephen 
Goodale, Captain Richard 

Goodman, Deacon Richard 

Goodrich, John 


Goodyear, Governor 
Gookin, Major (Daniel) 69, 
133, 134, 170, 171, 212, 

214, 215, 
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando 293, 

Grorham, Captain 58, 

Gorton, Samuel 30, 32, 35, 

53, 71, 

Goulding, Captain Roger 77, 

Great Barrington, Indians 

surprised at 
Green, Samuel 
Greene, Welcome Arnold 
Gunrashit (Sagamore) 





Hacklington, Francis 118 

Hadley, Location of, 10, Se 
lected as headquarters, 
95, Surprised 243 

Halifax Assaulted 222 

Hammond, William 64, 303 

Hammond s Head, Attack up 
on William Hammond s 
house at 303 

Hatch, Colonel 63 

Hatfield, Location of, 10, 
alarm at, 125, Attack 
upon 239 

Hathorne, Captain William 285, 
307, 308 

Hayden, Daniel 189 

Heigon, Walter (Sagamore) 307 

Henchman, Captain Daniel 

61, 68, 78, 80, 81, 95, 99, 109, 

129. 130. 134, 214, 220, 223, 

239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 245, 246 

Right, Horatio 307 

Hoar, John 217, 218, 219 

Holbrook, Captain John 223 

Holland, Dr. J. G. 243 

Holyoke, Elizur 231 

Captain Samuel 231, 232, 

233, 237 

Hopewell Swamp, Fight at 100 

Hopkins, Governor Stephen 35 

Rowland, Jabez 253, 264 

John 253 

Hoyt, General 243 

Hubbard, Rev. William 113, 247 

Hudson, William 40 

Hunting, Captain Samuel 212, 

214, 258, 307 

Hutchinson, Mrs. (Anne) 8 

Captain Edward 53, 69, 70, 

71, 83, 88, 90 

Jackson, Andrew (President) 276 
Jacob (Dutch trader) 193 

John 177 

Captain John 177, 179 

Lieutenant 190, 213 

John, Jr. 206 



James, The Printer 168, 
Jarrard (Dutch Trader) 
Jethro, Old (Indian) 98, 

Jocelyn, Captain Henry 

Sir Thomas 

John (The Pakachooge) 
Johnson, Captain Isaac 

Jones, William 
Joseph (Indian) 
Joshua (Uncas Son) 
Joslyn, Abraham, Jr. 




179, 220 

164, 286 
215, 286 
307, 308 


Kattenait (Indian) 170 

Keep, John 193 

Sarah 193 

Keith, Rev. James 255, 267 

Kerley, Elizabeth 172 

Henry 172 

Mrs. Henry 172 

Joseph 172 

William 172 

Kettell, John 216 

Kimball, Thomas 221, 300 

Kingsbury, Ephraim 221 

Kutquen 215 

Lake, Captain Thomas 301, 305 

Lathrop, Captain Thomas 94, 

95, 97, 100, 111, 112, 113, 114 

Lancaster, Attack upon 170 

Laughton 302 

Leonard, Henry 61 

John 193 

Leverett, Governor John 43, 53, 

60, 69, 97, 121, 122, 129, 138, 

143, 152, 155, 157, 161, 165, 

178, 214, 257 

London, James 61 

Longmeadow, Attack upon 

people of 192 

Lovelace, Governor 39 

Lucas, Thomas 264 

Ludlowe (Roger) 25 


Madockawando 295, 300, 302, 
307, 309, 310 

Magnus (Queen) 145, 147 

(saunk squaw) 249 

Manantuck 145 

Marlboro, Attack upon 189 

Marshall, Captain Samuel 142, 


Mason, Captain Hugh 209, 210, 
212, 213 

Captain John 27, 109, 143, 

Major John 109 

Massasoit 26, 27, 36, 40, 74, 268 

Mather, Cotton 23 

Rev. Increase 37, 99, 100, 

105, 108, 132, 167, 168, 

185, 267 

Matoonas (Indian) 78, 85, 89, 
164, 259 

Mattahando 311 

Mattamuck 257 

Mattapoiset, Bourne s Garri 
son at 59 
Mattaschunanamoo 48 
Matthews, John 119 
Pentecost 119 
Mautaump 164, 242, 257, 285 
Mawcahwat 189 
Mayhew, Thomas 25 
Medford, Attack upon 178 
Megunneway 226 
Memecho, George 91, 96 
Menameset, Mission of Curtis 

to 86, 89 

Metacom (Philip) 36 

Mexanno 145 

Miantonomah 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 

31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 46, 53, 

71, 135 

Miles (Myles), Rev. John 63, 64 
Miller, John 118 

Thomas 118 

Mitton, Nathaniel 
Mogg, Heigon 307 

Megone 307 

Monoco (One-Eyed John) 

104, 111, 164, 187, 286 
Monopoid (Indian) 202 

Morris, Hon. Oliver B. 118 



Morse, Joseph 178 

Samuel 178 

Morton, Secretary Nathaniel 42 

Moseley, Captain Samuel 63, 68, 

81, 95, 97, 98, 99, 110, 113, 114, 

120, 121, 123, 126, 127, 135, 143, 

144, 145, 147, 150, 151, 166, 180, 

185, 200, 245, 247, 256 

Mount Hope, Advance upon, 

65, Death of Philip at 272 

Mugg (Mogg Mogg Heigon) 302, 

307, 309, 310, 311, 312 

Munjoy, George 306 

Muttaump (Mattawamppe) 87, 

88, 111 

Myles (Miles), Rev. John 63 


Nachek (Natick), Slaughter at 249 
Nanunteno (Canonchet) 203 

Narraganset Swamp, Battle of 149 
Nemasket, Home of Sassamon 47 
Nepanet Tom (Indian) 192, 215, 
216, 217, 238, 242 
Netus 169, 190 

Newbury, Captain Benjamin 

142, 237, 240, 249 
Newichawonock (South Ber 
wick), Attack upon 298 
Newman, Rev. 191 

Rev. Noah 79 

Rev. Samuel 79 

Nicholson, Colonel 61 

Nimrod 80 

Ninigret 24, 38, 39, 53, 71, 145, 
159, 160 

Nipsachick, Fight at 79 

Norman ville, Monsieur 168 

Northampton, Location of, 10, 
Disarmament of In 
dian Fort at, 99, Sur 
prise in Pynchon s 
Meadow, 128, Attack 
upon 184 

Northfield, Location of, 10, 

Destruction of 104 

Norton, Freegrace 127 

George 127 

Nowell, Rev. Samuel 200 

Noyes, Peter 211 

Noyes, Thomas 211 

Nunnuit, Peter 


Oakes, Lieutenant Edward 67, 
178, 182 

Oldham, John 25 

Oliver, Captain James 132, 143, 

146, 147, 150, 152, 162 
Oneco (Indian) 79, 201 

One-Eyed John (Monoco) 104, 

164, 177, 178, 187, 219 
Ossipee, Expedition to 308 

Paige, Captain Nicholas 65, 68, 

Palmer, John 306 

Palmes, Major Edward 200 


Parker, Captain James 182 

Pawtucket River, Destruction 
of Captain Peirse at, 
191, Capture of Canon 
chet at 202 
Pawwawwoise 189 
Pegypscot (Brunswick), Dep 
redations at 294 
Peirse, Captain Michael 190, 
191, 192, 199 

Pemaquid, Attack upon 311 

Pepper, Robert 107, 165, 174 

Perry, Seth 53, 218 

Peskeompskut (Turners Falls) 

Surprised 229 

Pessacus 53, 54, 136, 137, 160, 

161, 185, 196, 205, 226, 249, 275 

Peter (Awashonk s son) 136, 253 

Ephraim (Indian) 283 

(Indian) 150, 257, 273 

Petownonowit 269 

Pettaquomscot, Treaty of 72 

Phelps 189 

Philip, King 24, 36, 38, 39, 40, 

41, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 

53, 54, 60, 61, 68, 72, 73, 74, 78, 

79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 88, 96, 98, 107, 



Philip, King (cont.) Ill, 135, 
136, 137, 138, 142, 162, 165, 166, 
167, 168, 174, 175, 185, 187, 189, 
197, 205, 206, 207, 208, 215, 216, 
219, 220, 246, 247, 250, 254, 260, 
261, 262, 263, 264, 266, 268, 270, 
271, 272, 273, 275, 276, 277, 282 
Phillips, Major William 296, 307, 


Phips, Sir William 71 

Phosbe (Pebee) 67 

Plaisted, Lieutenant Roger, 298, 
Plymouth, Clark s Garrison 

destroyed at 187 

Pocasset, Philip cornered at 77 

Pontiac 46 

Poole, Captain Jonathan 126 

Popham, Sir John 310 

Post, William 78 

Potuck (Sachem) 250 

Powers, William 53 

Prence, Governor Thomas 39 

Prentice, Captain Thomas 62, 

64, 68, 78, 134, 143, 148, 158, 

159, 212, 214, 220, 223 

Prescott, John 170 

Jonathan 219 

Prescumscut River, Attack 

upon settlers at 295 

Prince (Prence), Governor 

Thomas 39, 40, 44 

Pritchard, Sergeant William 91 
Providence, R. I., Location 

of, 8, Destroyed 188 

Pryngrydays, Edmund 119 

Puffer, Matthias 78 

Pumham 30, 31, 71, 144, 158, 
185, 196, 205, 226, 258 
Punkatee s Neck, Engagement 

of Captain Church at 76 

Purchase, Thomas 294 

Pynchon, Major John 88, 96, 97, 

99, 109, 110, 111, 115, 116, 

117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 127, 

128, 193 

William 115, 118, 231 

Quabuag, Siege of 91 

Quaiapen 145, 159, 174, 185 

Quanapaug, (Quenepenett, 
Quanapohit, James 
Wiser) 107, 135, 162, 166, 
167, 168, 170, 215 
Quequaganet 145 

Quinapin 260, 263, 269, 277 

Quiquequanchett (Weetamoo) 269 


Randolph, Edward 3, 11 

Rasle, Father 307 

Redemption Rock, Liberation 

of Mrs. Rowlandson at 217 
Reed, Thomas 199, 227 

Rehoboth, Capture of Philip s 

Indians in Swamp at 263 

Richardson, Lieutenant James 312 

Rider, Sydney S. 146, 147 

Roper, Ephraim 172 

John 172 

Rowlandson, Mrs. Mary 107, 

170, 172, 173, 174, 175, 181, 

195, 198, 213, 216, 217, 227, 

269, 276 

Rev. Joseph 172, 173, 215, 
216, 218 

Thomas 172 

Thomas, Jr. 172 

Ruddock, Captain John 98 

Ruggles, Rev. W. 152 

Russell, Rev. John 103 104, 120, 

121, 225, 227, 234, 281 

Ralph 61 

Saco, Attack upon Philip s 

Garrison at 296 

Sachamoise 189 

Sacononoco 31 

Sagamore John (Sachem) 85, 259 
Sagamore Sam (Uskatahgun) 87, 
104, 107, 111, 164, 215, 219, 
220, 242, 257, 285 
Sam, Sachem 257 

Sanchumachu 185 

Sanford, Major Peleg 270, 272 
Sassacus 18, 26 

Sassamon, John 47, 48, 49 



Saunk Squaw, The 145, 146 

Savage, Ensign Perez 65 

Judge 35 

Major Thomas 60, 65, 66, 

68, 82, 134, 135, 180, 181, 

184, 186, 190, 193, 194, 199, 

200, 214, 224 

Saw Mill Brook, Beers de 
feat at 106 
Sawyer, Thomas 170 
Scituate, Raid upon 222 
Scott, Rie 134 
Scottow, Captain Joshua 308 
Seeley, Lieutenant Nathaniel 

123, 125, 143, 152 

Robert 125 

Sequassen 31 

Shakspere, Unzakaby 116 

Shapleigh, Major Nicholas 314 

Sheldon, Hon. George 104 

Shepherd, Abraham 177 

Isaac 177 

Mary 177 

Sholan 162 

Shurte, Abraham 301 

Sibley, John Langdon 172 

Sill, Captain Joseph 119, 129, 

181, 223, 307, 308 

Simon (Indian) 304, 311, 312 

Smith, Ann 97 

Henry 97 

Captain John 239, 310 

Oliver 239 

Richard 70, 72, 135, 144, 

147, 161 

Sophia 239 

Southworth, Alice 253 

Nathaniel 253 

Sowams, Home of Massasoit 36 

Springfield, Location of, 9, 

Surprised 117 

Squando (Indian) 114, 284, 296, 

297, 300, 303, 310, 314 

Squanto 310 

Stanton, Captain John 201 

Robert 203 

Thomas 203 

Stetson, Cornet Robert 222 

St. Casteen, Baron de 300 

Stockbridge, Charles 222 

Stoddard, Rev. Solomon 99, 100, 

105, 108 

Stone, John 25 

Stonewall, John (Indian) 146, 

147, 150, 250 

Sudbury, Attack upon 208 

Swaine, Captain Jeremiah 245, 
Swansea, Commencement of 

hostilities at 57 

Swett, Captain Benjamin 312 

Talcott, Major John 96, 201, 

237, 238, 240, 241, 242, 243, 

245, 248, 249, 250, 252, 281, 

282, 283 

Mary K. 102 

Tappan, John 112 

Tattapanum (Weetamoo) 269 
Taunton, Head of Weetamoo 
exhibited at, 269, Meet 
ing at 40 
Tecumseh 46 
Teft (Tiffe) 150 
Thayer, Rev. Henry O. 303, 304 
Thebe (Phoebe, Pebee) 67 
Thomas, Captain Nathaniel 79, 


Tifft, Joshua 155, 161 

Tippen, Lieutenant Bartholo 
mew 311 
Tobias (Indian) 48 
Tolony (Indian) 52 
Toto (Indian) 117 
Totoson 187, 252, 264, 265, 
269, 270 

Tozer, Richard 298, 299 

Treat, J. Harvey 107 

Major Robert (Gov.) 107, 

108, 109, 110, 113, 119, 122, 

123, 127, 130, 142, 148, 157, 

169, 184, 185, 194, 199 

Trumble, Judah 93 

Turner, Praisever 116, 128 

Captain William 172, 180, 

184, 185, 199, 200, 224, 225, 

229, 232, 233, 234, 235 

Tuspaquin 206, 221, 260, 264, 

279, 280 

Tyask 261 



Uncas 9, 17, 24, 26, 27, 29, 31, 

32, 33, 34, 35, 69, 79, 82, 83, 95, 

97, 134, 136, 287 

Uskatahgun 87, 216 

Varnham, Samuel 206 

Verrazzano 1 


Waban (Wauban) 84 

Wadsworth, Captain 163, 169, 

171, 173, 207, 208, 210, 211, 
212, 213 

Wakeley, Thomas 295 

Walderne, Major 98, 164, 285, 

286, 294, 296, 299, 302, 306, 310 
Walker, James 44 

Walton (Richard) 26 

W ampapaquin (Indian) 48, 49 
W 7 amsutta 36, 269 

W T annalancet 98, 99, 284 

Warren, Thomas 166 

Warwick, Earl of 30 

Washakim Ponds, Indians sur 
prised at 242 
W atawaikeson 249 
Watts, Richard 93 
Captain Thomas 93, 95, 97, 
101, 143 

Wauban 257 

Weare, Peter 312 

Weawosse 189 

Wecquequinequa 269 

Weetamoo 46, 52, 53, 79, 81, 96, 
159, 174, 185, 268, 277 
Wells, Jonathan 232, 234 

Thomas 232 

Wequash 189 

W T esoncketichen 189 

Weymouth, Captain George 310 
Whalley, General Edward 103 
Wheeler s Garrison 170 

Wheeler, Captain Thomas 88, 
90, 312 

Whipple, Captain John 180, 192, 

White, John 170, 172, 173 

Whitmore, Rev. Benjamin 187 

Whowassamoh 189 

Wianimoo (Weetamoo) 269 

Willard, Joseph 172 

Major Simon 93, 95, 181, 182 

Willet, Hezekiah 247, 255 

Captain Thomas 38, 60, 247 

Williams, Captain John 272 

Richard 40 

Roger 8, 9, 15, 21, 24, 26, 28, 

31, 33, 34, 53, 54, 67, 69, 70, 

71, 137, 138, 161, 165, 188 

Wilson, John 178 

Thomas 92 

Wincoll, Captain John 296, 297, 


Winslow 145, 147, 154, 159, 160, 
162, 163 

Governor Edward 22, 37, 
53, 57 

Job 57 

Josiah 37, 139 

Kenelm 57 

Thomas 81 

Winter Harbor attacked 296 

Winthrop (Governor) 28, 29, 31, 

33, 54, 148 

Governor John, of 

Connecticut 43 

Governor John, of Mas 
sachusetts 43 
Lucy 200 
Waite 71, 82, 147, 148 
Woodcock s Garrison, Attack 

upon 221 

Woodcock, John 63, 221 

Nathaniel 221 

Woolonekamuske (Philip s 

Wife) 263 

W T oonashun 80 

Wright 188 

Young, Henry 

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