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presented to 



of Toronto 


First published, May, 1921 




Edited by 


(Secretary, International Section, Labour Research Department) 










THE scheme of this Handbook is two-fold. Part I. consists 
of reviews of the leading issues of international affairs and foreign 
policy from a labour standpoint. Part II. is intended as a guide 
to the international labour movement.* The field attempted 
to be covered is wide, in fact too wide for wholly satisfactory 
treatment ; but it was felt that in the absence of any available 
book, some preliminary survey of this nature was needed for 
labour use. Its preparation has only been made possible by the 
willing co-operation of the many contributors who have put 
their special knowledge of particular questions concerned at the 
service of the labour movement. 

It is inevitable that a work of this character should be incom- 
plete and subject to correction. 

Incomplete, because it is not possible in 300 pages to produce 
even a bad reference book of the world in general ; and therefore 
it has been thought better to aim instead at selecting for treat- 
ment a few of the more fundamental issues of general interna- 
tional affairs, even at the expense of serious omissions. Only in 
the second part, in dealing with international labour organisation, 
has a compact survey been attempted. 

Subject to correction, because not only must all surveys of 
foreign affairs from a particular country be subject to the limita- 
tions of the focus of that country and the transmitted character 
of the information, but in particular because, in the primitive 
conditions of the after-war world, records have gone to pieces 
and the chronicling of the international labour movement is 
no longer a simple tabular affair, but an adventure into uncertain 
and changing country. This Handbook is the first post-war 

This division is adhered to throughout and should be borne in mind for purposes of 
reference. Thus Russia as an international question is dealt with in Part I. ; the Russian 
socialist and trade union movements are described in Part II. In the same way Ireland 
and India as national questions are surveyed in Part I. ; the labour movements of Ireland 
and India are given in Part II. Germany in relation to the Treaties is discussed in Part I. 
the story of the German revolution is told in Part II. 


attempt to make a complete survey of the world of international 
labour after the tremendous transformations that have taken 
place. The errors and omissions that it is certain to contain, 
will, it is hoped, arouse so much indignant correction that some- 
thing like a full and accurate picture may eventually be achieved. 
Meanwhile the International Section of the Labour Research 
Department here presents the best that can be obtained for the 
time being. 

One further point. The general issues in Part I. cannot be 
treated without bias, although information and a clear state- 
ment of fact has always been the primary object. For this 
reason a wide latitude has been allowed to contributors, on the 
basis of a common " labour " outlook. No uniformity has been 
imposed, because any such uniformity would be wholly unrepre- 
sentative of the present international outlook of the labour 


April, 1921. 



Editor's Note - - vii 




1. The Armistice ..... g 

2. The Treaties - - 13 


(i.) List of Treaties 17 

(ii. ) Modifications of the German Treaty 18 


1. The League of Nations. By L. S. WOOLF 19 

2. The International Labour Organisation. 


3. Other Organs of International Government 41 


1. Europe After the War. By NORMAN 

ANGELL ... . ^ 

2. The Economic Effects of the Treaties. By 

H. B. LEES-SMITH - - - 47 

3. Statistical Tables 

(i.) National Debts and Budgets - 53 

(ii.) Currency and Prices. By T. E. 

GREGORY - - 55 

(iii.) Production and Trade - 61 


By R. PAGE ARNOT - 65 




1. The Irish War of Independence. By 


2. India. By W. MILNE BAILEY 112 

3. Egypt - 120 


1. The Middle East. By NOEL BUXTON - 125 

2. The Far East. By " DEUCALION " 131 

3. The Servitude of Native Races. By 



The Constitution of the British Common- 
wealth of Nations. By H. DUNCAN HALL 144 


1. The Machinery of Foreign Relations. By 


2. A Labour View of Foreign Policy. By 


3. British Labour Declarations on Foreign 

Policy - - 172 

4. Voluntary Associations concerned with 

International Affairs - 175 





R. PALME Duxx - 197 




Index 313 




1789 French Revolution. 

1796 Babceuf's Conspiracy. 

1819 Peterloo. 

1844 Combination laws repealed. 

1831 Lyons rising. 

1833 Grand National Consolidated Trades Union. 

1836-48 Chartist agitation. 

1844 Rochdale Pioneers. 

1847 The Communist Manifesto. 

1848 Revolution in France, Hungary, Germany and Italy. 
June : Paris Workers' rising. 


1851 Amalgamated Society of Engineers. 

1863 Co-operative Wholesale Society in Britain. 

., German Working Men's Association (Lassalle). 
1864-76 International Working Men's Association. 

1868 British Trades Union Congress. 

1869 German Social Democratic Party. 
American Knights of Labour. 

1871 Paris Commune. 

1871-1876 British Trade Union Acts. 

1875 Gotha Programme of German Social Democrats. 

1877 Northern Union of Russian Labourers. 

Socialist Labour Party of America. 
1878-1890 German Anti-Socialist Laws. 
1883 Fabian Society ; Social Democratic Federation. 
1886 American Federation of Labour. 

1888 International Trade Union Conference at London. 

1889 Second International. 
1891 Erfurt Programme. 
1898 Italian Socialist Party. 

1893 Independent Labour Party of Great Britain. 

1895 French Confederation Generate de Travail (reorganised 1908). 

1898 Russian Social Democratic Party. 


1900 International Socialist Bureau. 

Labour Representation Committee in Britain. 

1901 International Trade Union Secretariat. 
American Socialist Party. 

Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party. 

1904 Amsterdam International Socialist Congress. 

1905 First Russian Revolution. 

Industrial Workers of the World. 

1906 French Unified Socialist Party. 
British Labour Party. 

1907 Stuttgart International Socialist Congress. 
1910 Copenhagen International Socialist Congress. 

Japanese Socialist Leaders executed. 

1912 Basel International Socialist Congress. 

1913 International Federation of Trade Unions. 

International Syndicalist Congress in London. 




JULY 39. International Socialist Bureau emergency meeting at Brussels proclaims " the absolutely 

peaceful will of the workers of the whole world." 
31. Jaurds assassinated. 

AUG. i. Serbian Social Democratic deputies (2) vote against war credits. 

3. Belgian Labour Party approves war of defence : Vandervelde enters the Ministry. 

4. German Social Democrats vote war credits : " Burgfriede " proclaimed. 

6. French Socialist Party votes war credits : Sembat and Guesde enter the Ministry : 

" Union Sacr<e " proclaimed. 

7. British Labour Party accepts war credits (no vote taken). 
8. Russian Social Democratic deputies (14) refuse to vote war credits and issue statement 

against the war. 

13. British Independent Labour Party manifesto against the war. 
34. " Industrial Truce " proclaimed in Britain. 
39. British Labour Party joins recruiting campaign. 

SEPT. 3. Russian courts impose sentences of 15 years in Siberia for " alleged membership of Social 

Democratic Party." 

31. Italian Socialist Party anti-war manifesto. 
37. Italian-Swiss Socialist Conference at Lugano. 

Nov. 17. Russian Social Democratic deputies sentenced to imprisonment and exile for anti-war 

DEC. 3. Germany : Liebknecht votes against the war credits. 


JAN. 17. Neutral Socialist Conference at Copenhagen. 

FEB. 14. First Inter-Allied Socialist Conference (Russian Social Democrats protest and abstain) 
declares for no meeting of the International until after a victorious peace. 

MAR. 36. Women's International Socialist Conference at Berne. 

APRIL 13. Central Powers Socialist Conference at Vienna professes no opposition to a meeting of 
the International. 

MAY 23. Italian Socialist Party opposes Italy's entry into the war. Bissolati (Reformist Socialist) 

enters the Ministry. 
26. British Coalition Government : Henderson enters the Cabinet. 

JULY 3. Britain : Munitions Act. 

SEPT. 6. British Trade Union Congress at Bristol addressed by Lloyd George; 

7. Zimmerwald International Socialist Conference of anti-war sections. 

36. Death of Keir Hardie. 

38-30. British Labour Recruiting Campaign. 

DEC. 9. Britain : "Triple Industrial Alliance formed. 
15. Germany : 30 Social Democratic deputies vote against war loan. 


JAN. 3. Glasgow Forward suppressed. 

26. British Labour Party Conference at Bristol declares against conscription. 
27. Military Service Act passed in Britain. 

FEB. 3. Clyde Worker and Socialist suppressed. 
6-7. Arrest of Maclean, Muir, Gallagher and Bell, of Glasgow. 

APRIL 23. British Socialist Party Conference at Salford declares against war : secession of Hyndman. 
24. Irish Rising at Dublin. 

27. Kienthal International Socialist Conference. 


MAY i. Liebknecht arrested : subsequently sentenced to four years' imprisonment. 

25. Second Military Service Act in Britain. 

JUNE 34. France : three Socialist deputies vote against war credits. 

JULY 31. Neutral Socialist Conference at the Hague. 

OCT. 22. Austrian Prime Minister, Count Sturgkh shot by Friedrich Adler. 

DEC. 7. Lloyd George succeeds Asquith as Prime Minister. 

. National Alliance of Employers and Employed formed. 

ii. Labour Party enters Lloyd George Cabinet. 

28. Indian National Congress at Lucknow:, Congress and Muslim League Compact of Unity. 


JAN. 7. International Socialist Bureau Executive declares in favour of a full meeting of the Inter 

FEB. 27. Petrograd : 300,000 on strike. 

MAR. 3. Petrograd : martial law. 

15. Russia : abdication of the Czar. Provisional Government formed under Prince Lvov 

APRIL 6. German Independent Socialist Party formed at Gotha. 

7. American Socialist Party Convention at St. Louis adopts anti-war platform. 

16. First All-Russia Congress of Soviets. 

MAY 3. Dutch-Scandinavian Committee formed to promote International Socialist Conference. 

9. Petrograd Soviet summons International Socialist Conference at Stockholm. 

1 6. Miliukov resigns in Russia : Coalition Government with Kerensky as Minister of War. 

28. French Socialist Party decides for Stockholm Conference. 

JUNE 3. Leeds Conference to form a Workers' and Soldiers' Council. 

JULY 1 6. Petrograd rising against Coalition Government suppressed. 

22. Kerensky, Prune Minister in Russia : Bolshevik papers suppressed and leaders imprisoned. 

AUG. i. Korniloff, Russian Commander-in-Chief. 

10. British Labour Conference decides for Stockholm by 1,840,000 to 550,000. 

ii. Henderson resigns from the Cabinet : G. N. Barnes succeeds. 

21. Labour Party reaffirms Stockholm decision by 3,000 majority ; passports refused. 

25. Russia : Moscow Congress addressed by Kerensky and Korniloff. 

28. Second Inter-Allied Socialist Conference meets without result. 

SEPT. 10. Korniloff revolt in Russia. 

. Bolshevik majority in Petrograd Soviet. 

15. Russian Republic proclaimed. 

27. Russia : Democratic Conference. 

OCT. 4. Italian decree against " defeatism ; " subsequent imprisonment of Lazzari, Bombacci 

Serrati, etc. 

20. Russian Pre-Parliament opened : Bolsheviks leave. 

Nov. 7. Second Russian Revolution. 

20. Russian note to Allies and to Central Powers calling for a general peace. 

22. Brest-Litovsk negotiations begin. 

22. Trotsky begins publication of Secret Treaties. 

25. Russian Constituent Assembly elections. 

DEC. 10. Land Nationalisation decreed in Russia. 


JAN. 15. "Red Army" instituted in Russia. 

18. Russian Constituent Assembly opened ; dissolved next day. 

20. Austrian general strike for peace. 

27. German general strike for peace : martial law. 

27. Finnish Socialist Revolution. 


FEB. 9. Peace signed between Ukraine Rada and Central Powers. 
20. Third Inter-Allied Socialist and Labour Conference draws up terms of peace. 

MAR. 2. Brest-Litovsk Peace between Central Powers and Russia. 
7. German-Finnish Peace. 
13. Germans at Odessa. 

APRIL 5. Allied landing at Vladivpstock. 
15. German Troops at Helsingfors. 

Allied landing at Murmansk. 

Finnish White Dictatorship. 

Britain : Maclean sentenced to five years penal servitude. 

JUNK . Samara Government (Committee of Constituent Assembly) formed. 

JULY i. Montagu-Chelmsford Report on Indian Reform. 
26. Omsk Government formed. 
28. French Socialist Party : Minority (Longuet) defeats majority (Renaudel) by 1,544-1,172. 

AUG. 2. Allies land at Archangel. 

7. German sailors mutiny at Wilhelmshaven. 

SEP. 29. Bulgarian Armistice signed. 

OCT. 5. German Peace Note. 

14. All-Russia Government at Ufa, with Directorate of five. 

15. Czech Revolution against Austria. 

24. Germany : Liebknecht released. 

30. Turkish Armistice signed. 

31. Revolution in Austria-Hungary ; Hungarian Republic proclaimed ; Austrian Republic 

Nov. 3. Russian Peace Note to Allies. 

3. German Revolution begins at Kiel. 

4. Austrian Armistice signed. 

8. Bavarian Republic proclaimed. 

9. Abdication of the Kaiser : German Republic proclaimed. 

10. Ebert-Haase Government in Germany. 

ii. Armistice signed between the Allies and Germany. 


Nov. 18. Kolchak's coup d'etat and establishment as Dictator. 

20. Denikin expels Ukrainian National Assembly and establishes Provisional Government. 
23. Germany : Compact of Workers' Councils and Ebert-Haase Government, recognising 

Councils as supreme authority. 
27. Allied squadron off Sebastopol. 

DEC. 14. British Elections return Coalition majority. 
16. First German Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils decides in favour of National 


23. Berlin : Naval Brigade rising suppressed. 

29. German Independent Socialist Ministers resign : Noske enters Cabinet. 
29. French Foreign Minister, Pichon, declares Allied policy of " economic encirclement of 

30. German Communist Party (Spartacusbund) formed. 


JAN. 5-15. Berlin Spartacist rising suppressed. 

15. Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg arrested and killed. 

15. Polish Coalition Government : Pilsudski, Chief of State, Paderewski, Prime Minister. 

18. Peace Conference opens at Versailles. 

21. Irish Republican Parliament (Dail Eireann) opened. 

21. German Elections for National Assembly. 

22. Supreme Council invites Russian Governments to Conference at Prinkipo. 


JAN. 23. Kolchak Government refuses Prinkipo invitation. 

25. Bolshevik Government declares willingness to negotiate. 

27. Archangel Government refuses Prinkipo invitation. 

FEB. 3. Berne International Socialist Conference. 

6. German National Assembly opens at Weimar. 

6-u. Seattle general strike. 

21. Kurt Eisner assassinated. 

MAR. 2-6. Third International founded at Communist Congress in Moscow. 

3. Great Britain : Coal Commission opens. 

3-8. German general strike movement. 

10. Egyptian Nationalist rising. 

15. Brussels Agreement on provisioning Germany. 

15. Canadian Western Labour Conference at Calgary decides to form One Big Union. 

15. Italian Socialist Party joins Third International. 

19. Hungary : Karolyi resigns ; Soviet Government under Bela Kun. 

19. Rowlatt (Sedition) Act passed in India. 

29. Acquittal of Villain, murderer of Jaures. 

APRIL i. Ukraine in hands of Bolsheviks. 

2. Blockade in regard to Poland, Austria and Turkey lifted. 

6. Bavarian Soviet Republic proclaimed. 

6. Odessa captured by Bolsheviks. 

8. German Workers' and Soldiers' Councils Second Congress. 

13. Amritsar shootings in India. 

19. French naval mutiny in Black Sea. 

.. 20. Rumanian offensive against Soviet Hungary. 

26. Amsterdam Conference of International Socialist Commission. 

MUv i. Bavarian Soviet Republic overthrown. 

7. Peace terms handed to German delegates. 

15. Winnipeg general strike. 

[ONE 7. Norwegian Labour Party joins Third International. 

21. Bauer Cabinet formed in Germany. 

27. British Labour Party Conference at Southport calls for revision of Treaty. 

28. German Treaty signed. 

,Y 2. German Trade Union Congress at Nuremberg annuls Mannheim Agreement with Social 


10. Australian seamen's strike. 

20. Archangel troops mutiny. 

21. International strike against Russian Intervention in Italy, Austria, Germany and Norway. 
26. International Trade Union Congress at Amsterdam. 

AUG. i. Hungarian Soviet Government resigns : Socialist Cabinet under Peidl. 

, 2. Lucerne Conference of International Socialist Commission. 

4. Rumanians enter Buda-Pest. 

SEPT. 10. Austrian Peace Treaty signed. 

, 15. French C. G. T. Congress at Lyons. 

, 22. United States steel strike. 

, 27. Archangel finally evacuated. 

, 29. Supreme Council decides to maintain " peaceful blockade " of Russia. 

OCT. 5. Italian Socialist Congress at Bologna. 

, 6. United States Industrial Conference. 

, 12. Murmansk finally evacuated. 

, 29. Washington International Labour Conference. 

Nov. i. United States coal strike. 

, 7. Haase, German Independent Socialist leader, shot. 

, 1 6. Elections in France, Belgium and Italy. 

, 22. United States Labour Party founded at Chicago Convention. 

, 25. Russo-British negotiations on prisoners at Copenhagen. 

, 36. Sinn Fein organisations proclaimed illegal. 


DEC. i. German Independent Socialist Conference at Leipzig. 

2. British falls below four dollars on American Exchange. 

10. United States Naval Board issues programme for Navy " equal to the most powerful 

by 1925. 

10. Australian Federal Elections. 

23. Clemenceau describes Allies' " barbed wire " policy against Russia. 

26. Indian National Congress at Amritsar. 

,, 31. Russian-Esthonian Armistice signed. 


JAN. 3. Bombay mill strikes of 200,000 workers. 

4. United States round up of 5,000 Reds for deportation. 

5. Kolchak resigns and seeks Allied protection. 

6. Denikin finally routed. 

8. French Conseil Economigue du Travail inaugurated. 

10. German Peace Treaty ratified : blockade of Germany raised. 

16. Supreme Council decides to permit trade with Russia through the Russian co-ope rati 


18. Clemenceau Cabinet resigns : Millerand Cabinet formed. 

FEB. 3. Russian-Esthonian Peace Treaty signed. 

4. German Works Councils' Act. 

7. Kolchak shot. 

20. Archangel in Soviet hands. 

25. French railway strike. 

MAR. i. French Socialist Party at Strasbourg Congress leaves Second International. 

i. Horthy Regent of Hungary. 

i. United States railways returned to private ownership. 

10. Branting Socialist Ministry in Sweden. 
13-17. Kapp coup in Germany. 
17-24. Communist rule in the Ruhr. 

27. Miiller Coalition Cabinet in Germany. 

,, 29. Russo-Italian commercial convention. 

APRIL i. New York State Assembly votes expulsion of Socialist members. 

6. French Army occupies Frankfurt. 

ii. Lord Curzon intercedes with Soviet Russia on behalf of Wrangel. 

19. San Remo meeting of Supreme Council. 

24. Polish-Ukrainian offensive against Russia. 

MAY i. French railway strike, followed by attempted general strike. 

3. King George's telegram of congratulations to Marshal Pilsudski. 

7. Russo-Georgian Peace Treaty. 

8. Kiev captured by the Poles. 

10. British dockers refuse to load the " Jolly George " with munitions for Poland . 

18. Polish offensive turned. 

,, 31. Russo-British trade negotiations begin. 

JUNE 4. Hungarian Treaty signed. 

7. American Federation of Labour Congress at Montreal. 

10. Wrangel advances beyond the Crimea. 

15. Giolitti Cabinet in Italy. 

15. Genoa International Labour Conference. 

18. Lloyd George threatens five years' war with Ireland. 

20. International Trade Union Blockade of Hungary. 

21. Boulogne Conference of Lloyd George and Millerand. 

30. British Note to Russia laying down conditions of Trade Agreement. 

JULY 5. Spa Conference of Allies and Germany. 

7. Russia accepts British conditions of Trade Agreement. 

ii. Lord Curzon lays down new conditions to Russia concerning Poland, accompanied bj 

an eight days' ultimatum. 

14. United States Farmer-Labour Party launched at Chicago. 

19. Second Congress of the Third International. 

31. Communist Party of Great Britain formed. 


3. a. Geneva Congress of Second International. 

3. Lord Curzon's Note to Russia threatening war if Russian advance continues. 

8. Anglo-French Conference at Hythe, refers action on Russian crisis to military and naval 


9. British Council of Action formed. 
9. Irish Coercion Act. 

10. Turkish Treaty signed. 

10. Lloyd George states no intervention against Russia intended unless Polish independence 


11. French Government recognises Wrangel. 

ii. Russo- Polish Armistice negotiations at Minsk. 

30. Italian metal workers seize factories. 

30. Baku Communist Congress of Oriental Peoples. 

31. United States Naval Secretary, Daniels, on plans for giving American navy " world- 


SEPT. 10. Indian National Congress approves non-co-operation. 

19. Italian Agreement on Control of Industry. 

21. Ireland : Balbriggan wrecked by auxiliary constabulary. 
23. Millerand French President. 

27. French C. G. T. Congress at Orleans rejects Third International by 1,479-602. 

5cx. 12. Russo-Polish Armistice signed. 

1 6. German Independent Socialist Party at Halle Congress joins Third International. 

22. Swedish Socialist Cabinet under Branting resigns. 

23. Rumanian general strike. 

35. Death of Lord Mayor of Cork in Brixton Prison. 

31. Indian Trades Union Congress formed. 

Nov. 2. Harding elected President of the United States. 

11. Russo-Armenian Agreement. 

12. Treaty of Rapallo between Italy and Jugoslavia. 

14. Sebastopol captured by Russia : final defeat of Wrangel. 

14. Greek elections : defeat of Venizelos. 

15. League of Nations Assembly at Geneva. 

22. International Federation of Trade Unions Special Congress in London. 

28. Jugoslavia elections. 

:. 4. German Communist Unity Congress. 

10. Martial Law in South-West Ireland. 

14. Czecho-Slovakia strike movement. 

18. Russian Soviet military communique's finish. 

21. British Courts declare Russian exports seizable (Sagor case). 

29. French Socialist Party at Tours Congress joins Third International. 


JAN. i. Ireland: first official reprisals at Cork. 

13. French Confederation of Labour dissolved by High Court. 

15. Briand French Premier. 

15. Italian Socialist Congress at Leghorn leads to split. 

30. Paris Conference fixes German reparation payments of 11,300,000,000 over forty- 

two years. 

, 30. 2,000,000 unemployed in United States, 1,059,000 in Great Britain, 800,000 in Germany. 

FEB. 7. Indian Legislative Assembly opened at Delhi. 

, 10. French C.G.T. National Committee votes exclusion of communists. 

21. London Diplomatic Conference opens. 

, 22. International Working Union of Socialist Parties formed at Vienna Conference. 

R. 8. Allied occupation of Dusseldorf, Duisburg and Ruhrort. 

, 8. Tenth Congress of Russian Communist Party, 

, 16. Anglo-Russian Trade Agreement signed. 




1 The Armistice 

2 The German Treaty 

3 The Austrian Treaty 

4 The Bulgarian Treaty 

5 The Turkish Treaty 

9 6 The Other Treaties .. 17 

13 Appendix : 

15 (i.) List of Treaties .. 17 

16 (ii.) Subsequent Modifications 

16 of the German Treaty 18 


The Armistice Negotiations. On October 5th, 1918, the first 
proposal for an armistice was made by the German Government. 
On November nth the Armistice was signed. Between those 
dates a series of Notes were exchanged by which each side declared 
the conditions under which it was entering into negotiations. 

The substantial statement on the side of Germany was made in 
the original Note of October 5th, which declared : 

The German Government has accepted the terms laid down by President Wilson in his 
Address of January 8th, and in his subsequent Addresses. 

On President Wilson enquiring whether the German Govern- 
ment was prepared to accept these terms unreservedly and 
negotiate only on this basis, the German Government replied 
in its Note of October iath that 

its object in entering into discussions would be only to agree upon practical details of the 

application of these terms. 

The substantial statement on the part of the Allies was made 
in the Note of November 5th. This Note declared : 

The Allied Governments have given careful consideration to the correspondence which 
has passed between the President of the United States and the German Government. Subject 
to tie qualifications which follow, they declare their readiness to make peace with the 
Government of Germany on the terms of peace laid down in the President's Address to 
Congress on January 8th, 1918, and the principles of settlement enunciated in his subsequent 


The qualifications which followed covered two points : (i) the 
Freedom of the Seas, on which the Allies declared that they 
" reserved to themselves complete freedom " ; (2) Restoration 
of Invaded Territories, by which the Allies declared themselves 
to understand 

that compensation will be paid by Germany for all damage done to the civilian population 
of the Allies and to their property by the aggression of Germany by land, by sea, and from 
the air. 

virtual identity of phrasing in the statement of terms 
expressed by either side will be observed. Both sides declared 
themselves bound (with the exception, in the case of the Allies, 
of the two reservations given above) by " the terms of peace laid 
down in the President's Address to Congress of January 8th, 
1918, and the principles of settlement enunciated in his subse- 
quent addresses." 

" The terms of peace laid down in the President's Address to 
Congress of January 8th, 1918," were the Fourteen Points. 

The Fourteen Points. In the following text of the Fourteen 
Points, notes on the measure of their fulfilment are given along- 
side for convenience of reference. 

I. Open covenants of peace openly arrived 
at, after which there shall be no private 
international understandings of any 
kind, but diplomacyshall proceed always 
frankly and in the public view. 

II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon 
the seas outside territorial waters, alike 
in peace and in war, except as the seas 
may be closed in whole or in part by 
international action for the enforcement 
of international covenants. 

III. The removal, so far as possible, of all 
economic barriers and the establishment 
of an equality of trade conditions 
among all the nations consenting to the 
peace and associating themselves for 
its maintenance. 

IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken 
that national armaments will be reduced 
to the lowest point consistent with 
domestic safety. 

V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely 
impartial adjustment of all colonial 
claims based upon a strict observance 
of the principle that in determining all 
such questions of sovereignty the inter- 
ests of the populations concerned must 
have equal weight with the equitable 
claims of the Government, whose title 
is to be determined. 

I. In the five months of peace negotiations 
at Paris (January iSth-June a8th), 
there were five public sittings in all. 
After the peace the meetings of the 
Supreme Council have continued to be 

II. Reserved by the Allies. 

III. The Peace Treaty gives the Allies 
special economic privileges in Germany 
without reciprocity. 

IV. Guarantees of disarmament were 
exacted from the Central Powers, but 
no guarantees were given by the Allies. 

V. The only colonial territories dealt with 
were those which had belonged to 
Germany ; these were apportioned 
among the Allies on the " mandatory " 



VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory, 
and such a settlement of all questions 
affecting Russia as will secure the best 
and freest co-operation of the other 
nations of the world in obtaining for her 
an unhampered and unembarrassed 
opportunity for the independent deter- 
mination of her own political develop- 
ment and national policy, and assure her 
of a sincere welcome into the society of 
free nations under institutions of her 
own choosing ; and more than a welcome 
assistance also of every kind that she 
may need and may herself desire. The 
treatment accorded Russia by her 
sister nations in the months to come 
will be the acid test of their good will, 
of their comprehension of her needs as 
distinguished from their own interests, 
and of their intelligent and unselfish 

VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, 
must be evacuated and restored with- 
out any attempt to limit the sovereignty 
which she enjoys in common with all 
other free nations. No other single act 
will serve as this will serve to restore 
confidence among the nations in the laws 
which they have themselves set and 
determined for the government of their 
relations with one another. Without 
this healing act the whole structure and 
validity of international law is for ever 

VIII. All French territory should be freed, 
and the invaded portions restored, and 
the wrong done to France by Prussia in 
1871 in the matter of Alsace Lorraine, 
which has unsettled the peace of the 
world for nearly fifty years, should be 
righted in order that peace may once 
more be made secure in the interest 
of all. 

IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of 
Italy should be effected along clearly 
recognisable lines of nationality. 

X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose 
place among the nations we wish to see 
safeguarded and assured, should be 
accorded the first opportunity of 
autonomous development. 

XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro 
should be evacuated, occupied terri- 
tories restored, Serbia accorded free 
and secure access to the sea, and the 
relations of the several Balkan States 
to one another determined by friendly 
counsel along historically established 
lines of allegiance and nationality, and 
international guarantees of the political 
and economic independence and terri- 
torial integrity of the several Balkan 
States should be entered into. 

VI. See Ch. IV., Russia *nd tht World. 

VII. Fulfilled 
to Bf' ' 

lulled : but the cession of territory 
lelgium by Germany had not been 
tioned in the original terms. 

VIII. Fulfilled : the Saar valley transfer- 
ence, however, cannot be construed out 
of the freeing of " French territory " or 
the righting of " the wrong done to 
France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter 
of Alsace Lorraine." 

IX. Abandoned in the Upper Adige for 
strategic reasons. 

X. German Austria is forbidden to unite 
with Germany ; the Germans of 
Bohemia are annexed without plebiscite 
to Czecho-Slovakia, and the Germans 
of the Upper Adige to Italy. 

XI. The "historically established lines of 
allegiance and nationality " are ignored 
in the handing over of indubitably 
Bulgarian parts of Macedonia to Serbia 
and Greece, and the confirmation of 
Rumania's seizure of the Southern 
Dobrudja, which also is thoroughly 


XII. The Turkish portions of the present 
Ottoman Empire should be assured a 
secure sovereignty, but the other 
nationalities which are now under 
Turkish rule should be assured an 
undoubted security of life and an 
absolutely unmolested opportunity of 
autonomous development, and the 

; Dardanelles should be permanently 
opened as a free passage to the ships and 
commerce of all nations under inter- 
national guarantees. 

XIII. An independent Polish State should 
be erected which should include the 
territories inhabited by indisputably 
Polish populations, which should be 
assured a free and secure access to the 
ea, and whose political and economic 
independence and territorial integrity 
should be guaranteed by international 

XIV. A general association of nations must 
be formed under specific covenants for 
the purpose of affording mutual guaran- 
tees of political and territorial independ- 
ence for great and small states alike. 

XII. The Turkish Treaty (not ratified) 
violates autonomous national develop- 
ment in respect of Egypt, Cyprus, the 
Dodecanese, Smyrna, Thrace and 
Armenia , does not internationalise 
the Straits ; and in the territories left 
to Turkey virtually transfers Turkish 
sovereignty to the Allied Powers acting 
through a number of Commissions. 

XIII. The present boundaries of Poland 
cannot be treated as including " indis- 
putably Polish populations." 

XIV. No ' general" association of 
nations was formed, Germany and 
Russia among others being omitted 
from the States to be invited to join 
the League of Nations. 

The Armistice Terms. On November nth, the Armistice 
between the Allies and Germany was signed at the headquarters of 
Marshal Foch. The terms, which run to thirty-four clauses, 
covered the following main points : 

(i.) The evacuation by Germany of Allied territory and the repatriation of Allied 

(ii.) The occupation of German territory by the Allies. 
(iii.) The surrender by Germany of munitions, rolling stock and warships, 
(iv.) The continuance of the Allied blockade.* 

These terms were severe ; but it was at first supposed that they 
did not affect the Peace conditions which had been laid down to 
follow the Fourteen Points. This was the impression of the 
German Government : and it has since been argued by Mr. 
J. M. Keynes that the Notes exchanged before the Armistice 
constitute a " plain and unequivocal contract " on the part of the 
Allies with Germany to draw up a Fourteen Points Peace. On 
the other hand, such an authority on international law as Sir 
Herbert Stephen has argued that no contract could be said to 
exist between the Allies and Germany, because a contract can 
only exist where there is some power to enforce it, and there is no 
power to enforce an international agreement (Times, February 27th. 
1920). This was clearly the view of Marshal Foch, who, in an 
interview given in November, 1920, declared with regard to the 
imposition of the Armistice : 

I told the Premier, M. Gemenceau : " Here is my armistice. Yon CAN NOW MAKE WHAT 

* To this clause (26) was added a statement that " the Allies and United States con- 
template the provisioning of Germany during the Armistice as shall be found necessary " ; 
but no steps were achieved to carry this out until four and a half months later by the Brussels 



(Signed at Versailles, June 28th, 1919). 



Covenant of League of Nations to be accepted in full (Art. I to 

Provisions of Labour Convention to be accepted in full (Arti 
387 to 427). 

(i.) For Europe : 

German frontiers to be redrawn on lines required by cession of territory : (a) to Belgium, 
mail areas round Moresnet, Eupen and Malm6dy, with right in two latter cases of protest 
to the League of Nations (Art. 33 to 39). 

(6) to France, Alsace Lorraine to be transferred wholesale free of war debts (Art. 51 to 70), 
and the Saar Basin for a period of fifteen years under the government of a commission of 
five members, of whom three appointed by the League of Nations, one by France, and one 
by the population. A plebiscite of the population to be taken at tie end of the period to 
determine their future fate. In event of reunion with Germany, mines to be repurchased 
from France (Art. 45 to 50). 

(c) to Poland, most of Posen, and West Prussia ; future of Upper Silesia to be settled by 
plebiscite (Art. 87 to 93). East Prussia to be severed from rest of Germany ; southern 
and eastern frontiers to be fixed by plebiscite (Art. 94 to 98). 

(d) to Denmark, Northern and part of Central Schleswig as determined by plebiscite 
(Art. 109 to 114). 

(e) Danzig to be a free city under guarantee of League of Nations within Polish Customs 
Union (Art. 100 to 108). 

(/) Luxemburg to be withdrawn from German Zollverein (Art. 40 to 41). 

Germany to recognise complete independence of German Austria, Czecho-Slovakia and 
all territories included in the former Russian Empire (Art. 80 to 86, 116) ; the Belgian 
treaties of 1839 to be abrogated (Art. 31), and the Brest-Litovsk and other treaties with 
Russia (Art. 116). 

(ii.) German rights outside Germany : 

Germany required to renounce (a) in favour of the Allied and Associated Powers all 
rights in her own or her Allies' territories (Art. 118 to 127). 

(b) in favour of China ail rights and concessions in Chinese territory other than Kiao- 
Chau, and all claims to further payments of the Boxer indemnity (Art. 128 to 134). 

(c) in favour of Japan all rights relative to the Province of Shantung ; i.e., as to Kiao- 
Chau, and as to mines, railroads and cables (Art. 156 to 158). 

(d) all rights arising from agreements with respect to Siam (Art. 135 to 137), Liberia 
(Art. 138 to 140), and Morocco (Art. 141 to 146). 

Germany to recognise British Protectorate proclaimed over Egypt on December i8th, 
1914 (Art. 147 to 154), and to recognise and accept all arrangements made by Allied Powers 
with regard to her rights and those of her nationals in Turkey and Bulgaria (Art. 155) 

(i.) Disarmament. 

The German Army to be reduced by March 3ist, 1920, to 100,000 men in all, the total 
effective strength of officers not to exceed 4,000 ; the Great German General Staff and similar 
organisations to be dissolved (Art. 160 to 163). 

The production, type and maintenance of armaments to conform to prescribed limita- 
tions (Art. 164 to 172). 

Universal compulsory military service to be abolished, army to be recruited voluntarily 
on basis of twelve years' service (Art. 173 to 179). 

All fortified works situated west of a line drawn fifty km. to the east of the Rhine to be 
dismantled (Art. 180). Heligoland to be defortifted (Art. 115). 

The Navy to be limited to six battleships, six light cruisers, twelve destroyers, and twelve 
torpedo-boats. No submarines to be included ; the personnel not to exceed 15,000. All 


other warships in German ports to be placed in reserve or devoted to commercial purposes ; 
those not in German ports to be surrendered to Allied Powers ; all submarines to be surren - 
dered (Art. 181 to 195). 

Armed forces of Germany not to include any military or naval air forces. No aircraft 
or parts of aircraft to be manufactured or imported for six months. All military and naval 
aeronautical material to be surrendered to Allied Powers (Art. 198 to 202). 

(ii.) Prisoners of War. 

Repatriation of prisoners of war to be carried out by Commission of representatives of 
Allies and of German Government, cost of repatriation to be borne by German Government 
(Art. 214 to 224). 

(iii.) Penalties. 

German Government to recognise right of Allies to try persons accused of violation of 
laws and customs of war by special military tribunals. The Kaiser to be tried by a tribunal 
of five judges, one appointed by each of the five chief Allied Powers ; his surrender to be 
requested of the Dutch Government (Art. 225 to 230). 

(i.) Reparation. 

Germany to make compensation for all damage done to civilian population of Allied 
Powers during period of belligerency, under ten specified heads, including allowances made 
by Allied Governments to the families and dependents of mobilised persons or persons serving 
with the forces (Art. 231, 232 ; Part VIII., Annex I). Transfers under the Treaty of 
specified property, rights, concessions and other interests to be credited to Germany in respect 
of her reparation obligations. (Art. 243). 

(ii.) Reparation Commission. 

Germany to recognise Inter-Allied Commission formed to determine amount of damage 
for which compensation is to be made (Art. 233, 234, 240, 241 ; Pt. VIII., Annex II ). 

(iii.) Restitution and Restoration. 

Germany to make restitution in kind of all objects taken away, consumed or destroyed 
by her, including 90,000 milch cows to the French Government, and 50,000 to the Belgian 
Government (Art. 238 ; Pt. VIII., Annex IV.). 

(iv.) Financial Clauses. 

Liquidation to extend over thirty years from May ist, 1921 (Art. 233) ; payment on 
account to be made of 20,000,000,000 marks gold by May ist, 1921, 40,000,000,000 marks 
gold by 1926, and a further 40,000,000,000 after 1926 (Art. 235 ; Pt. VIII., Annex II., 120). 

Germany to issue at once five per cent gold bonds, falling due in 1926, for the repayment 
of all sums borrowed by Belgium from her Allies up to the date of the Armistice (Art. 232). 

The cost of reparation and other costs arising out of the Treaty to be a first charge on all 
assets and revenues of the German Empire and its constituent States, the cost of the 
armies of occupation having the priority (Art. 248 to 251) 

No part of Germany's pre-war debt to be charged against Alsace-Lorraine or Poland ; 
in other cases the Power to which German territory is ceded to bear due proportion of such 
debt. Such Power to pay to Reparation Commission the value, as fixed by the latter, of 
all property of the German Empire or States in the ceded territory (Art. 254 to 357). 

(v.) Shipping. 

Germany to cede to Allies all her merchant ships of x,6oo tons gross and upwards, one 
half reckoned in tonnage of her ships between 1,000 and 1,600 tons gross, and one quarter 
of her steam trawlers and other fishing boats ; further to build ships for the Allies during 
five years to an amount not exceeding 200,000 tons gross annually (Part VIII. : Annex III.). 

All Allied vessels to enjoy most-favoured-nation treatment in German territorial waters 
(Art. 271 to 273). 

(vi.) Coal. 

Germany to undertake to make the following deliveries of coal : 

(a) to France : seven million tons per year for ten years, together with an amount to 
make up the production of the coal mines of the Nord and Pas de Calais to the pre-war 
level, such amount not to exceed twenty million tons in any one of the first five years, and 
eight million tons in any one of the next five years. 

(b) to Belgium : eight million tons annually for ten years. 

(c) to Italy : seventy-seven million tons during a period of ten years. 


(d) to Luxemburg : it directed by Reparation Commission, an annual amount equal 
to pre-war annual consumption of German coal in Luxemburg. 

Germany to deliver to France 35,000 tons of benzol, 50,000 tons of coal tar, and 30,000 
tons of sulphate of ammonia annually for three years (Pt. VIII., Annex V.). 

(vii.) Dyes. 

Germany to grant options to Reparation Commission to require as part of reparation 
the delivery of such quantities and kuids of dyestuffs and chemical drugs as the Commission 
may designate, not exceeding fifty per cent, of the total stock of each kind of dyestuff and 
chemical drug in Germany, and the further annual delivery for five years of an amount not 
exceeding twenty-five per cent, of the annual production (Pt. VIII., Annex VI.). 

(viii.) Commercial Relations. 

No tariff or other discrimination for five years against the commerce of any of the Allied 
Powers (Art. 264 to 270, 280). 

No unfair competition with Allied trade (Art. 274, 275). 

Clearing offices for dealing with pre-war private debts to be established in Germany 
and all Allied countries (Art. 296 and Annex). 

Allies to have right to liquidate all German property within their territory (Art. 297, 298 
and Annex.) 

(ix.) Ports, Waterways, Railways and Aerial Navigation. 

Germany to grant unrestricted freedom of transit for Allied goods through German 
territory (Art. 321 to 326), and to maintain the free zones in German ports existing at the 
outbreak of war (Art. 328 to 330). 

Parts of the Elbe, Oder, Niemen and Danube and all navigable ports of these river systems 
that naturally provide more than one State with access to the sea to be internationalised, 
and Germany to cede to the Allies a proportion of her tugs and vessels registered in the ports 
of these river systems and of the Rhine. Germany to share, if required, in construction of 
Rhine-Danube and Rhine-Meuse Canals (Art 331 to 362). 

The Kiel Canal to be open to warships and merchant vessels of all nations at peace with 
Germany on terms of entire equality (Art. 380 to 386). 

Aircraft of Allied Powers to have equal rights with German in respect of passage over 
and landing on German territory (Art. 313 to 320). 


All German territory west of the Rhine, together with bridge-heads, to be occupied by 
the Allies for a period of fifteen years from the coming into force of the Treaty, being evacuated 
by stages if the conditions of the Treaty are faithfully carried out. If Germany refuses either 
during or after the fifteen years to observe all or part of her obligations, the whole or part 
of the area will be re-occupied immediately (Art. 428 to 432). 

AH German troops in the Baltic Provinces and Lithuania to be withdrawn when required 
to do so by the Allies (Art. 433.) 


(Signed at St. Germain, September, loth, 1919). 

1. The League of Nations and the Labour Convention. 

Both to be accepted in full. 

2. Political Clauses. 

Austria to recognise full independence of Czecho-Slovakia, Jugo-Slavia, Poland, Hungary, 
and all territories formerly included in the Russian Empire. Region of Klagenfurt to decide 
by plebiscite between Austria and Jugo-Slavia. 

Trentino, Southern Tyrol and Trieste Peninsula to be transferred to Italian sovereignty. 
Bukovina to be ceded to Rumania, Galicia to be transferred to Allies for subsequent disposal 
in accordance with plebiscite. 

Austria to accept abrogation of Brest-Litovsk Treaty. 

No union with Germany to be effected without consent of Council of League of Nations. 

General undertaking to be given as to religious and legal equality. 

3. Military and Naval Clauses. 

Army to be limited to 30,000 men recruited by voluntary enlistment ; naval forces to 
be delivered up to Allies. 

No military or naval air force to be allowed. 

4. Economic Clauses. 

Reparation to be made for damage to civilian persons and property, and restitution of 
property sequestrated by Austria. Allied Reparation Commission to determine payments 
to be made annually for thirty years from 1921. All merchant shipping to be surrendered. 

Austria to pay expenses of army of occupation. Pre-war debt of former monarchy to 
be divided between new States by Reparation Commission. 

No tariff discrimination against any particular country. 

Full right of transit to goods and subjects of Allied Powers. 

Danube to be internationalised, Austria not to be represented on Danube Commission. 

Austria to have unfettered access to Adriatic and to grant Czecho-Slovakia similar accesi 
over Austrian territory. 


(Signed at Neuilly-sur-Seine, November 2yth, 1920). 
x. The League of Nations and the Labour Convention. 

Both to be accepted in full. 

2. Political Clauses. 

Bulgaria to renounce all rights over the territory ceded by her to Jugo-Slavia, to Greece, 
and in Thrace. The actual frontiers to be delimited by Boundary Commissions, composed 
of nominees of the Allies and the two States concerned. 

Bulgarian nationals in the ceded areas to be entitled to opt for Bulgarian nationality. 

Bulgaria to guarantee equality of treatment to all her subjects. 

3. Military and Naval Clauses. 

Army to be limited to 20,000 men, recruited by voluntary enlistment. 
All warships, including submarines, to be surrendered, with the exception of four torpedo- 
boats and six motor -boats for police and fishery duties. 
No military or naval air force to be allowed. 

4. Economic Clauses. 

Bulgaria to pay a sum of 2,250,000,000 francs gold as reparation ; payments to be made 
half-yearly. Restitution of property seized in invaded territories in Greece, Rumania, or 
Serbia to be made, and deliveries of a fixed number of live-stock to be made to these three 
countries ; 50,000 tons of coal to be delivered to Jugo-Slavia annually for five years. 

Proportion of Bulgarian public debt on October nth, 1915, to be assumed by Powers 
to whom territory is ceded. 


(Signed at Sdvres August loth, 1920). 

The Turkish Peace Treaty, which was signed at Sevres on 
August loth, 1920, has not yet been ratified. 

According to the Treaty Turkey in Europe will be confined to Constantinople and a small 
adjacent area, sovereignty over Eastern and Western Thrace being transferred to Greece. 
In Asia, Turkey is required to recognise the independence of Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia, 
Armenia, and the Hedjaz, the first three under mandatories selected by the Allies. Smyrna, 
with the adjacent territory, while remaining under Turkish sovereignty, is to be administered 
by Greece for five years, after which the region may annex itself to Greece by plebiscite. 
Kurdistan is to be granted autonomy. The islands in the Eastern Mediterranean are to be 
transferred, some to Greece, some to Italy. The British annexation of Cyprus is to be 
recognised. Turkey is further to renounce all rights in Libya and in Egypt, to recognise 
the Protectorate of Egypt by Great Britain, and of Morocco and Tunis by France. 

The Straits, including the coastal area of the Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmora, and the 
Bosphorus, to be internationalised, control to be placed in the hands of an international 
Commission appointed from the League of Nations. Inter-Allied Commissions of control 
and organisation are to be appointed to deal with the Turkish Government in all matters 
relating to the execution of the military, naval and air clauses of the Treaty (the Turkish 
Army is to be limited to 50,000 men), and a section of the military commission is to remain 
in being for fiveiyears, and may then be continued. 


A Financial Commission composed of one representative each of France, the British 
Empire and Italy, is to approve and supervise the contents and execution of the Annual 
Budget, the contraction of loans, schemes for improving the Turkish currency and the general 
financial affairs of Turkey. All resources of Turkey save such as are conceded to the 
service of the Ottoman Public Debt, are to be placed at the disposal of the Commission. 
The administration of the debt and the general regulation of the customs are to be in the 
bands of the Commission. 

The capitulatory regime is to be re-established in favour of all the Allied Powers. 

Certain modifications in favour of Turkey were proposed by the 
Allied Powers at the London Conference of March, 1921, but the 
subsequent Greek offensive in Asia Minor in order to enforce the 
Treaty leaves the position indefinite. The principal modifi- 
cations suggested were : 

Vilayet of Smyrna to remain under Turkish sovereignty, Greek garrison in Smyrna town, 
elsewhere gendarmerie under Allied officers. With regard to the Straits, the extent of the 
demilitarised zone to be reduced and Turkey to have an equal voice on the Straits Commission. 
Maximum of Army to be raised to 75,000. Turkey to take her place on Financial Commission 
on a voting basis as regards internal matters instead of in a consultative capacity, the 
Turkish Finance Minister to be honorary president. 


The Treaty with Hungary, which was signed at Trianon on 
June 4th, 1920, was drafted on the lines of the Austrian Treaty. 
Hungary is required to recognise and accept the frontiers of the 
neighbouring States as determined by the Allied Powers, and to 
renounce all rights over Fiume and the adjoining territory. The 
Army is to be limited to 35,000 men, recruited voluntarily. 
Compensation for damage to civilian persons and property is to be 
determined by the Reparation Commission. 

The Treaty with Czecho-Slovakia, signed at Saint-Germain 
on September loth, 1919, provides for the protection of minorities 
and legal and religious equality. The Ruthenian territory south 
of the Carpathians is to be constituted an autonomous unit within 
the Czecho-Slovak State with a Diet of its own. Czecho-Slovakia 
is to adhere to certain International Conventions. 

The Treaties with Poland, Jugo-Slavia, Greece and Rumania, 
all provide for the protection of minorities, in each case, as in the 
other Treaties, under the guarantee of the League of Nations. 
Poland agrees to assume responsibility for such proportion of the 
Russian public debt and other Russian public liabilities as shall 
be assigned to her under a special convention, and to adhere 
to certain International Conventions. 

(I.) List of Treaties. 

AUSTRIA. (St. Germain, September loth, 1920.) 

Treaty Series No. n of 1919, Cmd. 400. Price is. 6d. 
BULGARIA. (Neuilly, November 27th, 1919.) 

Treaty Series No. 5 of 1920. Cmd 522. Price is. 6d. 
CZECHO-SLOVAKIA. (St. Germain, September icth, 1920.) 

Treaty Series No. 20 of 1919. Cmd 479. Price id. 


GERMANY. ((Versailles, June a8th, 1919.) 

Treaty Series No. 4 of 1919. Cmd 153. Price 43. 

Index, Treaty Series No. i of 1920. Cmd 516. Price 6d. 
HUNGARY. (Trianon, June 4th, 1920.) 

Treaty Series No. 10 of 1920. Cmd 896. Price 2S. 
JUGO-SLAVIA. (St. Germain, September loth, 1920.) 

Treaty Series No. 17 of 1919. Cmd 461. Price id. 
POLAND. (Versailles, June 23th, 1919.) 

Treaty Series No. 8 of 1919. Cmd 233. Price 3d. 
RUMANIA. (Paris, December gth, 1919.) 

Treaty Series No. 6 of 1920. Cmd 588. Price id. 
TURKEY. (Sevres, August loth, 1920.) 

Treaty Series No. n of 1920. Cmd 964. Price 33. 

(ii.) Subsequent Modifications of the German Treaty. 

As a result of successive Conferences during 1920, at Paris, London, Lympne, San Remo 
and Spa (at the Spa Conference, July, 1920, both Allied and German delegates took part) and 
a further Conference at Paris in January, 1921, various modifications have been introduced 
into the German Treaty. These modifications do not affect the territorial clauses, nor the 
main economic clauses apart from the question of coal. 

(i.) WAR RESPONSIBILITIES. The " public arraignment " and trial of the ex-Kaiser 
( 227) has not taken place. The Trial of War Criminals by Allied Military Tribunals has 
also been let drop ; and instead an arrangement reached for Germany to try forty-five test 
cases in a German Court at Leipzig. 

(ii.) DISARMAMENT. By the Treaty the German regular army was to be reduced to 
200,000 within three months of the ratification of the Treaty, and to 100,000 by March 3ist, 
1920. Since the Treaty was not ratified until January loth, 1920, the dates were no longer 
compatible. After prolonged negotiations the Spa Conference decided on reduction 
to 150,000 by October ist, 1920, and to by January ist, 1921. The Paris Conference 
of January, 1921, fixed the date of reduction to 100,000 for April ijth, 1921, and ordered the 
disbandment of all unauthorised organisations by June 3Oth, 1921. 

(iii.) COAL. The reparation clauses required the delivery by Germany to the Allies ol 
coal up to a total of forty million tons a year a figure that the facts showed to be out of the 
question. The Spa Conference, after threats of Allied military force, fixed the quota for the 
following six months at two million tons a month, or at the rate of twenty-four million tons 
a year. At the same time it was arranged that, in addition to the German pit-head price 
to be paid in accordance with the Treaty provisions : 

(a) a further five marks gold per ton was to be paid for the improvement of the food 
and conditions of the miners ; 

(b) the difference between the price thus reached and the world-market price was to 
be advanced to Germany in the form of a loan for the purchase of raw materials 
and food for her population generally. 

The Paris Conference of January, 1921, altered the monthly figure of coal deliveries from 
2,000,000 tons to 2,200,000 tons ; and at tie same time arranged that the deficit on deliveries 
during the past six months should be made up by the extra delivery of 500,000 tons during 
the next two months. The advances made for food purposes were stopped, and the premium 
of five gold marks per ton reduced to two. 

(iv.) REPARATIONS. At the Paris Conference of January, 1921, the total figure for 
reparations was fixed at (a) 11,300,000,000 to be paid in forty-two annual instalments rising 
from 100,000,000 in 1921 to 300,000,000 between 1933 and 1963 ; (b) a 12 per cent, ad 
valorem tax on German exports for 42 years. 


Baruch, B. M. : The Making of the Economic and Reparation Sections of the Treaty. 

Harper and Bros. 1920. 
Dickinson, G. Lowes : Documents and Statements relating to Peace Proposals and War 

Aims. Allen & Unwin. 1919. 

Harris, H. Wilson : The Peace in the Making. Swarthmore Press. 1919. 
Keynes, J . M. : The Economic Consequences of the Peace. Macmillaa, 1919. 
Lansing, R. : Peace Negotiations. Constable, 1921. 

Lippmann, W. : The Political Scene : An Essay on the Victory of 1918. New York. 1919. 
Temperley, H. W. V. : A History of the Peace Conference of Paris. 5 vols. Hodder & 

Stoughton. 1920-1. 
Labour and the Peace Treaty. Labour Party, 1919. 


1 The League of Nations 19 3 Other Organs of Inter- 

2 The International Labour national Government 41 

Organisation . . 34 



The Covenant of the League of Nations was worked out by a 
special Commission of the Peace Conference at Paris. A draft 
was approved and was published on February i4th, 1919. This 
in itself was an innovation, as the publication of so important 
an international agreement in draft form was deliberately made 
in order that its terms might be submitted to public discussion 
before final approval. The draft was then reconsidered by the 
Commission and some amendments were made. It was sub- 
mitted to the fifth plenary session of the conference and was 
adopted on April 28th, 1919. In its final form it was incorporated 
as Part I., Articles 1-26, of the various Peace Treaties. The 
text of the Covenant is as follows : 


The High Contracting Parties, 

In order to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and 

by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war, 

by the prescription of open, just and honourable relations between nations, 

by the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule 
of conduct among Governments, and 

by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all treaty obligations in the 

dealings of organised peoples with one another, 
agree to this Covenant of the League of Nations. 


The original Members of the League of Nations shall be those of the Signatories which 
are named in the Annex to this Covenant, and also such of those other States named in the 
Annex as shall accede without reservation to this Covenant. Such accession shall be effected 
by a Declaration deposited with the Secretariat within two months of the coming into force 
of the Covenant. Notice thereof shall be sent to all other Members of the League. 

Any fully self-governing State, Dominion or Colony not named in the Annex may become a 
Member of the League if its admission is agreed to by two-thirds of the Assembly, provided 
that it shall give effective guarantees of its sincere intention to observe its international 
obligations, and shall accept such regulations as may be prescribed by the League in regard 
to its military, naval and air forces and armaments. 

Any Member of the League may, after two years' notice of its intention so to do, withdraw 
from the League provided that all its international obligations and all its obligations under 
this Covenant shall have been fulfilled at the time of its withdrawal. 




The action of the League under this Covenant shall be effected through the instrumentality 
of an Assembly and of a Council, with a permanent Secretariat. 

The Assembly shall consist of Representatives of the Members of the League. 

The Assembly shall meet at stated intervals and from time to time as occasion may 
require, at the Seat of the League or at such other place as may be decided upon. 

The Assembly may deal at its meetings with any matter within the sphere of action of 
the League or affecting the peace of the world. 

At meetings of the Assembly, each Member of the League shall have one vote, and may 
have not more than three Representatives. 

The Council shall consist of Representatives of the Principal Allied and Associated 
Powers, together with Representatives of four other Members of the League. These four 
Members of the League shall be selected by the Assembly from time to time in its discretion. 
Until the appointment of the Representatives of the four Members of the League first selected 
by the Assembly, Representatives of Belgium, Brazil, Spain and Greece shall be Members 
of the Council. 

With the approval of the majority of the Asembly, the Council may name additional 
Members of the League whose Representatives shall always be Members of the Council ; the 
Council with like approval may increase the number of Members of the League to be selected 
by the Assembly for representation on the Council. 

The Council shall meet from time to time as occasion may require, and at least once a 
year, at the Seat of the League, or such other place as may be decided upon. 

The Council may deal at its meetings with any matter within the sphere of action of the 
League or affecting the peace of the world. 

Any Member of the League not represented on the Council shall be invited to send a 
Representative to sit as a member at any meeting of the Council during the consideration 
of matters specially affecting the interests of that Member of the League. 

At meetings of the Council, each Member of the League represented on the Council shall 
have one vote, and may have not more than one Representative. 

Except where otherwise expressly provided in this Covenant or by the terms of the 
present Treaty, decisions at any meeting of the Assembly or of the Council shall require the 
agreement of all the Members of the League represented at the Meeting. 

All matters of procedure at meetings of the Assembly or of the Council, including the 
appointment of Committees to investigate particular matters, shall be regulated by the 
Assembly or by the Council, and may be decided by a majority of the Members of the League 
represented at the meeting. 

The first meeting of the Assembly and the first meeting of the Council shall be summoned 
by the President of the United States of America. 

The permanent Secretariat shall be established at the Seat of the League. The Secre- 
tariat shall comprise a Secretary-General and such Secretaries and staff as may be required. 

The first Secretary-General shall be the person named in the Annex ; thereafter the 
Secretary-General shall be appointed by the Council with the approval of the majority of 
the Assembly. 

The Secretaries and staff of the Secretariat shall be appointed by the Secretary-General 
with the approval of the Council. 

The Secretary-General shall act in that capacity at all meetings of the Assembly and of the 

The expenses of the Secretariat shall be borne by the members of the League in accordance 
with the apportionment of the expenses of the International Bureau of the Universal Postal 

The Seat of the League is established at Geneva. 

The Council may at any tune decide that the Seat of the League shall be established 

All positions under or in connection with the League, including the Secretariat, shall 
be open equally to men and women. 

Representatives of the Members of the League and officials of the League when engaged 
on the business of the League shall enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities. 

The buildings and other property occupied by the League or its officials or by Repre- 
sentatives attending its meetings shall be inviolable. 

The Members of the League recognise that the maintenance of peace requires the 
reduction of national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the 
enforcement by common action of international obligations. 


The Council, taking account of the geographical situation and circumstances of each 
State, shall formulate plans for such reduction for the consideration and action of the several 

Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and revision at least every ten years. 

After these plans shall have been adopted by the several Governments, the limits of arma- 
ments therein fixed shall not be exceeded without the concurrence of the Council. 

The Members of the League agree that the manufacture by private enterprise of munitions 
and implements of war is open to grave objections. The Council shall advise how the evil 
effects attendant upon such manufacture can be prevented, due regard being had to the 
necessities of those Members of the League which are not able to manufacture the munitions 
and implements of war necessary for their safety. 

The Members of the League undertake to interchange full and frank information as to the 
scale of their armaments, their military, naval and air programmes and the condition of such 
of their industries as are adaptable to warlike purposes. 

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to advise the Council on the execution of 
the provisions of Articles i and 8 and on military, and naval and air questions generally. 

The Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggres- 
sion the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League. 
In case of any such aggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression the Council 
shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled. 

Any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the 
League or not, is hereby declared a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League shall 
take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. In 
case any such emergency should arise the Secretary-General shall on the request of any 
Member of the League forthwith summon a meeting of the Council. 

It is also declared to be the friendly right of each Member of the League to bring to the 
attention of the Assembly or of the Council any circumstance whatever affecting international 
relations which threatens to disturb international peace or the good understanding between 
nations upon which peace depends. 

The Members of the League agree that if there should arise between them any dispute likely 
to lead to a rupture, they will submit the matter either to arbitration or to inquiry by the 
Council, and they agree in no case to resort to war until three months after the award by the 
arbitrators or the report by the Council. 

In any case under this article the award of the arbitrators shall be made within a reason- 
able time, and the report of the Council shall be made within six months after the submission 
of the dispute. 

The Members of the League agree that whenever any dispute shall arise between them 
which they recognise to be suitable for submission to arbitration and which cannot be satis- 
factorily settled by diplomacy, they will submit the whole subject-matter to arbitration. 

Disputes as to the interpretations of a treaty, as to any question of international law, as to 
the existence of any fact which if established would constitute a breach of any international 
obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the reparation to be made for any such breach, are 
declared to be among those which are generally suitable for submission to arbitration. 

For the consideration of any such dispute the Court of Arbitration to which the case is 
referred shall be the Court agreed on by the parties to the dispute or stipulated in any conven- 
tion existing between them. 

The Members of the League agree that they will carry out in full good faith any award that 
may be rendered, and that they will not resort to war against any Member of the League 
which complies therewith. In the event of any failure to carry out such an award, the Council 
shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto. 

The Council shall formulate and submit to the Members of the League for adoption plans 
for the establishment of a Permanent Court of International Justice. The Court shall be 
competent to hear and determine any dispute of an international character which the parties 
thereto submit to it. The Court may also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or 
question referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly. 

_If there should arise between Members of the League any dispute likely to lead to a rupture, 
which is not submitted to arbitration in accordance with Article 13, the Members of the 
League agree that they will submit the matter to the Council. Any party to the dispute may 
effect such submission by giving notice of the existence of the dispute to the Secretary- 
General, who will make all necessary arrangements for a full investigation and consideration 



For this purpose the parties to the dispute will communicate to the Secretary-General, 
as promptly as possible, statements of their case with all the relevant facts and papers, and 
the Council may forthwith direct the publication thereof. 

The Council shall endeavour to effect a settlement of the dispute, and if such efforts are 
successful, a statement shall be made public giving such facts and explanations regarding the 
dispute and the terms of settlement thereof as the Council may deem appropriate. 

If the dispute is thus not settled, the Council, either unanimously or by a majority vote, 
shall make and publish a report containing a statement of the facts of the dispute and the 
recommendations which are deemed just and proper in regard thereto. 

Any Member of the League represented on the Council may make public a statement of the 
facts of the dispute and of its conclusions regarding the same. 

If a report by the Council is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof other than the 
Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League 
agree that they will not go to war with any party to the dispute which complies with the 
recommendations of the report. 

If the Council fails to reach a report which is unanimously agreed to by the members 
thereof, other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the 
Members of the League reserve to themselves the right to take such action as they shall con- 
sider necessary for the maintenance of right and justice. 

If the dispute between the parties is claimed by one of them, and is found by the Council 
to arise out of a matter which by international law is solely within the domestic jurisdiction 
of that party, the Council shall so report, and shall make no recommendation as to its settle- 

The Council may in any case under this Article refer the dispute to the Assembly. The 
dispute shall be so referred at the request of either party to the dispute, provided that such 
request be made within fourteen days after the submission of the dispute to the Council. 

In any case referred to the Assembly, all the provisions of this Article and of Article 12 
relating to the action and powers of the Council, shall apply to the action and powers of the 
Assembly, provided that a report made by the Assembly, if concurred in by the Representa- 
tives of those Members of the League represented on the Council and of a majority of the other 
Members of the League, exclusive in each case of the Representatives of the parties to the 
dispute, shall have the same force as a report by the Council concurred in by all the Members 
thereof other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute. 

Should any Member of the League resort to war in disregard of its covenants under Article 
12, 13, or 15, it shall ipso facto be deemed to have committed an act of war against all 
other Members of the League, which hereby undertake immediately to subject it to the sever- 
ance of all trade or financial relations, the prohibition of all intercourse between their nationals 
and the nationals of the covenant-breaking State, and the prevention of all financial, com- 
mercial, or personal intercourse between the nationals of the covenant-breaking 'State and 
the nationals of any other State, whether a Member of the League or not. 

It shall be the duty of the Council in such a case to recommend to the several Governments 
concerned what effective military, naval or air force the Members of the League shall severally 
contribute to the armed forces to be used to protect the covenants of the League. 

The Members of the League agree, further, that they will mutually support one another 
in the financial and economic measures which are taken under this Article, in order to minimise 
the loss and inconveniences resulting from the above measures, and that they will mutually 
support one another in resisting any special measures aimed at one of their number by the 
covenant-breaking State, and that they will take the necessary steps to afford passage through 
their territory to the forces of any of the Members of the League which are co-operating to 
protect the covenants of the League. 

Any Member of the League which has violated any covenant of the League may be declared 
to be no longer a member of the League by a vote of the Council concurred in by the Repre- 
sentatives of all the other Members of the League represented thereon. 

In the event of a dispute between a Member of the League and a State which is not a 
Member of the League, or between States not Members of the League, the State or States 
not Members of the League shall be invited to accept the obligations of membership in 
the League for the purpose of such dispute, upon such conditions as the Council may deem j ust. 
If such invitation is accepted, the provision of Articles 12 to 16 inclusive shall be applied 
with such modifications as may be deemed necessary by the Council. 

Upon such invitation being given the Council shall immediately institute an enquiry 
into the circumstances of the dispute and recommend such action as may seem best and most 
effectual in the circumstances. 

If a State so invited shall refuse to accept the obligations of membership in the League 
for the purposes of such dispute, and shall resort to war against a Member of the League, 
the provision of Article 16 shall be applicable as against the State taking such action. 

If both parties to the dispute when so invited refuse to accept the obligations of member- 
ship in the League for the purposes of such dispute, the Council may take such measures 


and make such recommendations as will prevent hostilities and will result in the settlement of 
the dispute. 


Every treaty or international engagement entered into hereafter by any Member of the 
League shall be forthwith registered with the Secretariat and shall as soon as possible be 
published by it. No such treaty or international engagement shall be binding until so 


The Assembly may from time to time advise the reconsideration by Members of the 
League of treaties which have become inapplicable and the consideration of international 
conditions whose continuance might endanger the peace of the world. 


The Members of the League severally agree that this Covenant is accepted as abrogating 
all obligations or understandings inter se which are inconsistent with the terms thereof, and 
solemnly undertake that they will not hereafter enter into any engagements inconsistent with 
the terms thereof. 

In case any Member of the League shall, before becoming a Member of the League, have 
undertaken any obligations inconsistent with the terms of this Covenant, it shall be the duty 
of such member to take immediate steps to procure its release from such obligations. 


Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of international engage- 
ments, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe Doctrine, for 
securing the maintenance of peace. 


To those colonies and territories which as a consequence of the late war have ceased to be 
under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them and which are inhabited 
by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern 
world, there should be applied the principle that the well-being and development of such 
peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation and that securities for the performance of this trust 
should be embodied in this Covenant. 

The best method of giving practical effect to this principle is that the tutelage of such 
peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who, by reason of their resources, their 
experience or their geographical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are 
willing to accept it, and that this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf 
of the League. 

The character of the mandate must differ according to the stage of the development of the 
people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other similar 

Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of 
development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognised 
subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such 
tune as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal 
consideration in the selection of the Mandatory. 

Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at such a stage that the Mandatory 
must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will 
guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only to the maintenance of public order 
and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic and the liquor 
traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases 
and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence of 
territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other Members 
of the League. 

There are territories, such as South-West Africa and certain of the South Pacific Islands, 
which, owing to the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness from 
the centres of civilisation, or their geographical contiguity to the territory of the Mandatory 
and other circumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the Mandatory as 
integral portions of its territory, subject to the safeguards above-mentioned in the interests 
of the indigenous population. 

In every case of Mandate, the Mandatory shall render to the Council an annual report in 
reference to the territory committed to its charge. 

The degree of authority, control or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory shall, 
if not previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, be explicitly defined in each case 
by the Council. 

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive and examine the annual reports 
of the Mandatories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance of the 



Subject to and in accordance with the provisions of international conventions existing 
or hereafter to be agreed upon, the Members of the League : 

(a) will endeavour to secure and maintain fair and humane conditions of labour for 
men, women, and children, both in their own countries and in all countries to which 
their commercial and industrial relations extend, and for that purpose will establish and 
maintain the necessary international organisations ; 

(6) undertake to secure just treatment of the native inhabitants of territories under the 
their control ; 

(c) will entrust the League with the general supervision over the execution of 
agreements with regard to the traffic in women and children, and the traffic in opium 
and other dangerous drugs ; 

(d) will entrust the League with the general supervision of the trade in arms and 
ammunition with the countries in which the control of this traffic is necessary in the 
common interest ; 

(e) will make provision to secure and maintain freedom of communications and of 
. transit and equitable treatment for the commerce of all Members of the League. In 

this connection, the special necessities of the regions devastated during the war of 1914- 
1918 shall be borne in mind ; 

(/) will endeavour to take steps in matters of international concern for the pre- 
vention and control of disease. 


There shall be placed under the direction of the League all international bureaux already 
established by general treaties if the parties to such treaties consent. All such international 
bureaux and all commissions for the regulation of matters of international interest hereafter 
constituted shall be placed under the direction of the League. 

In all matters of international interest which are regulated by general conventions but 
which are not placed under the control of international bureaux or commissions, the Secretariat 
of the League shall, subject to the consent of the Council and if desired by the parties, collect 
and distribute all relevant information and shall render any other assistance which may be 
necessary or desirable. 

The Council may include as part of the expenses of the Secretariat the expenses of any 
bureau or commission which is placed under the direction of the League. 


The Members of the League agree to encourage and promote the establishment and co- 
operation of duly authorised voluntary national Red Cross organisations having as purposes 
the improvement of health, the prevention of disease and the mitigation of suffering through- 
out the world. 


Amendments of this Covenant will take effect when ratified by the Members of the League 
whose Representatives compose the Council and by a majority of the Members of the League 
Whose Representatives compose the Assembly. 

No such Amendment shall bind any Member of the League which signifies its dissent there- 
from, but in that case it shall cease to be a Member of the League. 



United States of America. Cuba. 

Belgium. Ecuador. 

Bolivia.] France. 

Brazil. Greece. 

British Empire. Guatemala. 

Canada. Haiti. 

Australia. Hedjaz. 

South Africa. Honduras. 

New Zealand.! Italy. 

India. Japan. 

China. Liberia: 


Argentine Republic. Norway. Sweden. 

Chile. Paraguay. Switzerland. 

Colombia. Persia. Venezuela. 

Denmark. Salvador. 

Netherlands. Spain. 







Serb-Croat-Slovene State. 






The Covenant is embodied as Part I. in each of the Treaties of 
Peace with Germany, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey. 
It was signed originally at Versailles on June 28th, 1919, and took 
effect from January roth, 1920, the date of the final ratification of 
the Treaty of Peace with Germany. All the States enumerated 
in the annex have joined the League, and the following States 
were admitted by the Assembly at its meeting in November, 1920 : 
Austria, Bulgaria, Finland, Albania, Luxemburg, Costa Rica. 


The League works through its Council, its Assembly, and its 
Secretariat. The Council has met repeatedly and transacted 
a great variety of business. The first meeting of the Assembly 
was held at Geneva in November, 1920. The work of the League 
since its constitution may be conveniently divided under various 
heads : (a) Action under the Peace Treaties, (b) The Settlement of 
disputes, (c) Action under Article 22 with regard to Mandates, 
(d) Action under Article 14 with regard to the Permanent Court 
of International Justice, (e) Action under Article 18 with regard 
to the registration of Treaties, (f) Action under Articles 8 and 9 
with regard to the reduction of Armaments, (g) Economic acti- 
vities, (h) Work of the Secretariat. The following is a short 
resume of the League's activities under each of these heads : 

(a) Action under the Peace Treaties. 

The League has been assigned certain functions under the 
Peace Treaties, the most important of which are concerned with 
(i) The Government of the Saar Basin, (ii) Danzig, (iii) Plebiscites, 

(i.) The Government of the Saar Basin was entrusted to the 
League of Nations under Article 49 of the Versailles Treaty, 
with the proviso that after fifteen years a plebiscite should be 
held. An Annex to this part of the Treaty sets forth " the 
measures intended to guarantee the rights and the well-being of 
the inhabitants and the government of the territory." 

A Governing Commission of five was appointed by the Council 
of the League in February, 1920, and consisted of a French Chair- 
man (acting as executive), a Belgian, a Dane, a Canadian and one 
inhabitant of the Saar. The Commission arrived at Saarbruck, 
the seat of government, on February 2ist, and issued a procla- 
mation assuring the inhabitants of consideration for their rights 
and well-being and non-interference with their religious liberties, 
local assemblies, schools, associations and language. 

The actual work of administration raised delicate problems, 
(i) The separation of the railway system of the Saar from the 


general Prussian railway system nearly produced a strike ; (2) the 
basing of the maintenance of order upon a French garrison, 
pending the formation of the local gendarmerie, produced a case 
of French martial law being unconstitutionally substituted for 
the local courts ; (3) the introducton of French currency in the 
mining industry (under the Treaty provisions for the French 
State exploitation of the mines) menaced the standard of living 
of the population as a whole ; (4) the Civil Service, when taken 
over by the Commission from the German Government, found 
themselves subjected to new conditions and considerable restric- 
tions on their right to form associations ; they struck en masse 
on August 6th, French martial law was introduced, and the 
officials were arrested and forced to resume work. 

(11.) The Free City of Danzig. By Articles 102 and 103 of the 
Treaty of Versailles, the city and territory of Danzig were placed 
under the protection of the League of Nations as a Free City, 
with a High Commissioner appointed by the League and a consti- 
tution to be drawn up by the representatives of the City in 
agreement with the High Commissioner. 

In February, 1920, the Council of the League duly appointed 
Sir Reginald Tower, a British diplomat, to act as High Com- 
missioner for the League in Danzig. His instructions were, to 
arrange for the election of representatives of the Free City who 
should assist him to draw up a constitution, to deal in the first 
instance with all differences between Poland and the Free City 
and to send reports to the Council of the League of the progress 
of his administration. Now Sir Reginald was already at Danzig 
as the representative of the Allies ; and this appointment by the 
Council invested him with a dual r61e, that of executing the 
orders of his primary superiors, the Allies, and that of preserving 
the strict impartiality consistent with his secondary function 
under the League. In this last capacity he submitted to the 
Council of the League a proposal on a democratic basis for the 
holding of the elections at Danzig ; the Council approved and 
these elections took place on May i6th. One hundred and twenty 
representatives were elected under a system of proportional 
representation, and of these the Social Democrats claimed forty 
and the German National Party 34 ; the Polish Party received 
9,400 votes in a ballot of 150,000. The Council, in agreement with 
the High Commissioner, then drew up a Constitution which 
has been approved by the League. 

(III.) The Eupen-Malm6dy Plebiscite. Under Article 34 of 
the Treaty, Germany ceded the territory of Eupen and 
Malmedy to Belgium. Belgium undertook to open registers 
at Eupen and Malmedy in which the inhabitants might record 
their desire that the territory remain under German sovereignty. 


At the close of six months the result of this plebiscite was to 
be transmitted to the League of Nations and Belgium agreed to 
abide by its final decision. 

The methods of conducting this plebiscite were severely and 
repeatedly criticised by the German Government whilst it was 
in progress. The limitations, arbitrarily imposed by the Belgian 
governor, on the age and qualifications of inhabitants who might 
register their protest, were appealed against by the Germans 
both before the Council of the League and the Supreme Council, 
without effect. The result of the plebiscite was communicated 
to the Council of the League on September 2oth, when it was 
found that out of over 30,000 inhabitants less than 300 had voted 
in favour of the territory remaining under German sovereignty. 
The Council's award was accordingly in favour of Belgium. 

(b) Settlement of Disputes. 

Three cases have occured in which action by the League was 
called for under Articles 11-17 to prevent war or the threat of 
war or to settle a dispute likely to lead to a rupture. 

(1.) Russian- Polish Wars. In the early spring of 1920 it 
was notorious throughout Europe that the Polish Government 
was about to launch an offensive against the Soviet forces of 
Russia. This intention was thought by some to constitute a 
" threat of war " within the scope of Article 1 1 of the Covenant. If 
this view was correct, it was the duty of the League to " take any 
action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace 
of nations." Yet the Council of the League considered inaction 
in this instance to be the most appropriate action ; and, largely 
owing to the policy of the French and British Governments, 
Poland was allowed and encouraged to attack Russia. However, 
some notice was taken of the existence of Russia by the Supreme 
Council of the Allies, who became desirous of having authori- 
tative information about its internal organisation. To obtain this 
the good offices of the Council of the League were solicited, not in 
vain. At its session in March the League Council fell in with the 
wish of the Allies for an enquiry, and a telegram expressing the 
wish and asking Soviet permission was quickly sent to Moscow. 
Within a week the Soviet Government replied. The Council's 
request had been forwarded for decision to Comrade Kalinin, 
"who is now travelling." On the ist of May, as the responsible 
Comrade was ostensibly still on his silent travels, Sir Eric 
Drummond wired again. This time a long and explicit answer 
was given to the League's questions. The Soviets welcomed the 
desire of the League to know more about Russia, regarding it as a 
symptom that some members of the League were trying to be on 
peaceful terms with the Russian people ; accordingly they would 


grant facilities for the visit of a League of Nations delegation, 
except that no representative of powers indirectly assisting the 
Polish forces could be admitted to pry into Russian military 
secrets. At the Council meeting in May, this limitation to the 
personnel of the proposed Mission was regarded as tantamount 
to a refusal on the part of the Soviet Government. From the 
Council's next telegram to the Soviets, in which it flatly refused 
these terms, it is clear that (i) no international mission can be 
regarded as impartial unless it includes a Frenchman and an 
Englishman, (2) that Mr. Balfour, member of the Council of the 
League, can safely be trusted never to betray secrets be may learn 
in that capacity to Mr. Balfour, Foreign Secretary to His Britannic 
Maj esty. And so the matter ended. 

(II.) Polish - Lithuanian Dispute. In September, during the 
counter-offensive of the Polish Army against the Russians, it 
became obvious that a serious situation would arise between 
Poland and Lithuania as soon as the Polish Army in its advance 
reached the Lithuanian frontier. The Allies had fixed a pro- 
visional frontier for Poland, the so-called Curzon line, which 
would have left Vilna and its district outside Poland, and this 
district was already in the occupation of the Lithuanians. There 
was a considerable party in Poland which had already claimed 
Vilna for Poland. Hostilities between the Polish and Lithuanian 
troops immediately broke out, as had been expected, as soon as 
the Polish army reached the neighbourhood of the Curzon line. 
At this point the League intervened and representatives of the 
two parties appeared and stated their cases to the League Council. 
The Council proposed an Armistice and a provisional line upon 
which the two armies should stand, which answered roughly to the 
Curzon line, and they also proposed the sending of an ad hoc 
Commission of the League to enquire into the dispute on the spot. 
This proposal was accepted on both sides, but almost immedi- 
ately there was another outbreak of hostilities owing, it was 
alleged by the Lithuanians, to a further advance of the Polish 
troops. The Council once more intervened and both sides agreed 
to abide by the arbitration of the League. This was immediately 
followed by Zeligowski, a General in the Polish Army, and a body 
of troops which had been fighting in the Polish Army against 
Russia, invading Lithuania, driving out the Lithuanian Govern- 
ment and occupying Vilna. The Lithuanians appealed to the 
League again. The Poles disowned Zeligowski, but took no 
steps to recall either him or his troops. The League Council 
proposed to both parties that a plebiscite of the district should 
be taken under the auspices of the League and the proposal has 
been accepted by Poland and Lithuania. But at the moment of 
writing Vilna is still occupied by Zeligowski and his Polish troops. 


(111.) The Aaland Islands dispute between Sweden and Finland 
was brought before the attention of the League by Great 
Britain in June, 1920. The Council in July heard the claims of 
Sweden and Finland, the latter State being admitted to plead, 
although not yet a member of the League. Finland claimed the 
right to continue sovereignty over the Aaland Islands under 
Article 15 of the Covenant, by which the League cannot inter- 
vene in the " domestic jurisdiction " of States. The Council 
appointed a legal commission of three to determine whether 
Article 15 applied ; and this Commission reported in September 
that Article 15 did not apply, and that the League was competent 
" to make any recommendation which it deems just and proper 
In the case." This judgment does not, as might at first appear, 
establish the right of appeal to the League on a question of self- 
determination, since the Commission expressly stated that the 
principle of self-determination is nowhere acknowledged in the 
Covenant and is not " a positive rule of the law of Nations." 

(e) The League and Mandates. 

The functions of the League with regard to Mandates are con- 
siderable and will be found defined in Article 22 of the Covenant. 
The Allied Powers have apportioned the mandates for the German 
Colonies and the parts of the Ottoman Empire as follows : 

To Great Britain : Part of German East Africa. 

Part of Togoland. 

Part of Cameroon. 




To New Zealand : Samoa. 

To Australia : German Possessions in Pacific, south of Equator. 

To Union of South Africa : German South-West Africa. 
To France : Part of Togoland. 

Part of Cameroon. 


To Belgium : Part of German East Africa. 

To Japan : German Islands in Pacific, north of Equator. 

Article 22 gives the power of drawing up the terms of the 
Mandates to " the members of the League," i.e., to the Assembly, 
but the Allied Powers have refused to allow this provision to be 
carried out. The mandatories are themselves to draw up the 
mandates, which are then to be formally approved by the Council, 
which is dominated by the mandatories. The draft mandates 
will not be published until they are approved. In fact, the League 
has, so far, taken no steps to bring the mandate system into 
operation, though the matter was discussed by the Assembly 
at Geneva, where a difference of opinion manifested itself between 
the Assembly and Council. 


(d) The Permanent Court of International Justice. 

Under Article 14 of the Treaty, the Council of the League 
was entrusted with the task of drafting the constitution of a 
Permanent Court of International Justice, for submission later 
to the Assembly of the League for its approval. 

This task was delegated by the Council at its second session, 
on February I3th, to a committee of twelve eminent jurists of 
twelve different nations, members of the League. In August 
the draft scheme recommended unanimously by these jurists was 
communicated by the Council to all the members of the League, 
and was, with certain modifications, approved by the Assembly. 

The provisions accepted are that the Court shall consist of 
fifteen members ; eleven judges and four deputy judges ; these 
judges to be elected by the Council and the Assembly of the 
League,* (voting independently of each other) out of a list of 
distinguished jurists nominated by the nations in the League. 
In case the Assembly and the Council fail to elect the full number 
of judges in three successive sittings, a joint conference of six 
persons, three from the Assembly and three from the Council, 
makes the remaining appointments. Failing the joint conference, 
the already elected judges co-opt colleagues. The judges are 
elected for nine years ; and there are stringent provisions to 
ensure their impartiality. The seat of the Court is to be at the 
Hague. One session, at least, shall be held every year, beginning 
on June i5th. Whenever possible, eleven judges constitute the 
Court ; and a minimum of nine is required to form a quorum. 

In disputes between nations, both parties may have a judge 
of their own nation on the bench that considers their case. All 
members of the League are entitled to appear in it, and, under 
certain conditions, any State may have access to it. In forming 
its decisions the Court is instructed to apply in the order 
following : 

(1) International conventions expressly recognised by the 

contesting States ; 

(2) International custom, which is accepted as law ; 

(3) General principles of law recognised by civilised nations 

(4) The doctrines of highly qualified international jurists. 
Questions before the Court' are to be decided by a majority 

of the judges present ; and the judgment of the Court is final 
and without appeal. 

It will be seen that the Court will provide the nations of the 
world with a real and a permanent international Court of Justice. 
But the Assembly followed the Council in refusing to make 
recourse to the Court in any case compulsory. 

* The object of this is to ensure that the Great Powers, who are in a majority on the 
Council, hav* a decisive voice in the appointment of judges. 


(e) Action with regard to the Registration of Treaties. 

A number of international engagements have been submitted 
to the League for registration. They consist of two Supplementary 
Monetary Conventions, negotiated by the Latin Monetary Union 
and the Scandinavian countries ; two provisional Conventions 
regulating Aerial Circulation between Switzerland and France, 
and Switzerland and Great Britain ; a Telegraphic Agreement 
between Belgium and the Netherlands ; a Convention between 
Greece and Bulgaria respecting Reciprocal Emigration ; an 
Agreement concerning the rights of Industrial Property affected 
by the War, signed at Berne by nine continental states ; a 
denunciation of a Sugar Convention by the Netherlands ; and 
an Extradition Treaty affecting Switzerland and the Federated 
Malay States. The only important matter brought to the 
cognisance of the League in this connection was the Anglo- 
Japanese Agreement of 1911, which the two States concerned 
announced they would submit to the League if it is proposed to 
continue it after July, 1921. The Belgian and French Govern- 
ments have notified the League that they have concluded a treaty 
of military alliance, but the two Powers, in breach of their 
obligations under Article 18, have not registered this Treaty. 

(f) Action with regard to the Reduction of Armaments. 

The only action taken by the League under Articles 8 and 9, 
in order to reduce national armaments to the lowest point con- 
sistent with national safety, appears to be the appointment of an 
expert Commission to examine the armaments of San Marino, 
Iceland, and Liechtenstein in connection with the application of 
these States for Membership of the League. 

(g) International Financial Congress. 

In May, 1920, the Council of the League decided to call an 
International Conference of financial experts to study and advise 
remedies for the existing financial crisis. Invitations were sent 
out to all the Allied States except the U.S.A., as also to the leading 
neutrals, to send delegates to Brussels at the end of May ; but 
it was clear that, if the discussions were to be anything more than 
superficial, it would be necessary to invite representatives from 
the late enemy States whose condition of bankruptcy was mainly 
responsible for the dislocation of the world's finance. Particu- 
larly important for the future stability of European finance was 
the question of the German indemnity and how it was to be paid. 
On this subject neither the Reparations Commission nor the 
Supreme Council of the Allies had as yet made any definite 
pronouncement. The Council of the League, which apparently 
could take no independent action, approached the Supreme 


Council with a view to invite Germany and other enemy States 
to the Conference ; they also pointed out how vital was the fixing 
of the German reparation. The Supreme Council were busy with 
their own finance at Spa, but they raised no objection to the 
participation of enemy States in the proposed Conference 
provided the German indemnity did not enter into the dis- 
cussion. It was on these terms that the Conference, representing 
thirty-nine States, including Germany, Austria, Hungary and 
Bulgaria, eventually met at Brussels at the end of September. 
Its meetings lasted a fortnight and at the end of that time it 
had reached with complete unanimity a number of striking 

In every country in Europe the financial position is serious. 
Among the belligerents, since 1914, the internal debt has increased 
ten-fold, the expenses of Government amount to between 20 and 
40 per cent, of each total national income, the currencies have been 
grossly inflated and consequently depreciated, while between 
them they owe Great Britain and the U.S.A. some 5,000 million 
pounds sterling. With the neutrals the rise in world prices and 
the indirect effects of the war have brought about increased 
Government expenditures together with the institution of State 
subsidies, which burden the public purse while relieving the 
individual citizen. Moreover, their trade position, however 
prosperous during the war, is now exactly reversed ; owing to 
the premium to which their exchanges have risen, they are unable 
to export to their previous belligerent customers whose currency 
is depreciated. In these discouraging circumstances the Con- 
ference tendered much useful advice. " First and foremost the 
world needs peace." Not only a nominal but a real peace ; the 
winding up of the desultory wars now in progress, the dissipation 
of the atmosphere of war and preparations for war, and the 
certitude of universal peace in the future. But beyond national 
peace there must be social peace, in which industrial unrest may 
subside and allow of increased production. Thirdly, the most 
efficient system of public and international finance must be 
devised in order to get the maximum value out of the maximum 
production. It is only in this last sphere that the Conference 
provides specific remedies. 

From the evidence before it the Conference found that, on. 
an average, a fifth of the amount raised by taxation in each 
country is still being devoted to the maintenance of armaments 
and preparations for war. "With the utmost emphasis" the 
delegates of the thirty-nine States affirm that the world cannot 
afford this expense. They earnestly recommend that the 
Council of the League should at once intervene with individual 
Governments to reduce this crushing burden on their peoples. 


They also urge the Assembly of the League, as soon as it meets, 
to act with energy for this end. 

Private economy and hard work can reduce the outlay and 
increase the income of every nation ; and such behaviour on the 
part of the individual citizens is essential for the restoration of 
the public finances. 

Artificial measures to conceal the true financial facts from the 
people and artificial restrictions on international commerce 
must both be abandoned. 

Eleven out of twelve European countries anticipate a budget 
deficit this year. Budget deficits must be ruthlessly met by 
new taxation. Money, if it must be borrowed, must be the real 
savings of the people and not the hallucination of credit on 
credit nor the flimsy product of the printing press. Floating 
obligations ought to be immediately funded. 

Inflation of the currency in any form must cease ; and countries 
which have lapsed from a gold standard should set up a new one 
by a process of devaluation. 

The Conference deprecates any attempt either to stabilise the 
value of gold or to limit the fluctuations of the exchange by 
artificial controls. 

Certain countries are patently unable to restore their economic 
life unaided. These countries should be granted assistance from 
their more fortunate neighbours in the shape of loans. An 
international organisation is suggested to negotiate such loans 
and issue bonds against security pledged by the debtor state. 
These bonds would then be available as a credit abroad to cover 
the cost of imports and raw materials. The League of Nations 
is indicated as the most suitable body to set up such an inter- 
national machine. 

Further it is recommended that the League promote certain 
reforms in national laws relating to international trade ; and to 
this end it is called on to institute a central bureau for the 
collection of financial statistics. 

Such is the counsel given by the expert representatives of 75 
per cent, of the population of the world. The country that does 
not follow it " is doomed beyond hope of recovery." 

(h) The Work of the Secretariat. 

A beginning was made with the establishment of the permanent 
Secretariat under Article 6 by the appointment of Sir Eric 
Drummond as first Secretary-General of the League by Annex 2 
of the Covenant. Until October, 1920, the Secretariat was 
established in London, but in that month it was removed in accord- 
ance with Article 6 to Geneva. The Secretariat, besides per- 
forming the various functions required by the Covenant, publishes 


an official journal entitled League of Nations, containing the 
official documents connected with the League's activities. 


The Covenant of the League of Nations with a Commentary thereon. Cmd. 151. 1919. 

Price 2d. 

Brailsford, H. N. : A League of Nations. Headley. 1917. 
Dickinson, G. Lmves (Editor) : Problems of International Settlement. National Peace 

Council. 1918. 

Garvin, G. L. : The Economic Foundations of Peace. Macmillan. 1919. 
Smuts, J . C. : The League of Nations. Hodder & Stoughton. 1919. 



This organisation was established by Part XIII of the Treaty 
of Versailles and corresponding parts of the other Treaties of 
Peace. It may be regarded as the result of the demands made 
by Labour in all industrial countries that the Peace Treaties should 
include provisions for industrial reforms ; but at the Paris Con- 
ference the Labour organisations of Great Britain, France and 
Italy, as well as those of Germany and Austria, were not repre- 
sented. The Treaties, therefore, embodied the policy of Govern- 
ments rather than that of Labour ; although it was acknowledged 
even by the Governments that some provision should be made for 
industrial reform. 

No agreement was reached as to any actual measures of reform, 
but an organisation was set up by which reforms might be pro- 
moted. The official Organisation, thus set up by the States 
which were members of the League of Nations, consists of three 
parts, (i) a General Conference, (2) a Governing Body, and (3) a 
Secretariat. The whole organisation is separate from the 
Assembly, Council and Secretariat of the League of Nations ; but 
the funds used are the common funds of the League. 

The General Conference consists of (a) two delegates from 
each government in the League, (6) one representative of the 
employers from each nation in the League, and (c) one repre- 
sentative of the workers from each such nation. Each delegate or 
representative votes individually, and not as a member of a 
national group. In regard to Government delegates the practice 
has begun of sending one politician and one official. As for the 
non- Governmental delegates, these are nominated by the 
Government concerned ; but it is laid down in the Treaties that 
where organisations exist representing employers or workers, the 
nomination of the non-governmental delegates shall be made in 
agreement with such organisations (Article 389 of the Versailles 
Treaty). Each delegate may be accompanied at the Conference 


by two advisers for each item on the agenda, and one of these 
" should be a woman " when the questions specially affect women. 

The powers of the General Conference are as follows : It 
controls the Governing Body and the Labour Office. Further, 
by a two-thirds majority of the delegates present it can pass a 
Convention, and any Convention so passed must be brought before 
the competent " authority " for the enactment of legalisation. 
All the signatories of the Peace Treaties have undertaken to do this 
within a year of the close of the Conference, and later in exceptional 
cases, but " in no case later than eighteen months " after the 
close of the Conference. It has been generally supposed that the 
competent authority meant the legislature in each State. No 
State is bound by the conventions as if they were laws, but all 
Governments are bound to bring up the conventions, probably 
in the form of draft legislation. Interpretation, however, of the 
text of the treaties is already making it quite uncertain how far 
any Government is bound, and the Governments are the 

The Governing Body, which is, as it were, the Executive 
in the new organisation, consists, like the General Conference, of 
representatives of employers and workers as well as of Govern- 
ments. The old principle of territorial representatives has 
disappeared, for "functional" representatives sit on this inter- 
national semi-soviet. There are twenty-four members of the 
Governing Body. Eight of the Governmental representatives 
are nominated by the eight states " of chief industrial import- 
ance," and four others are chosen by the Government repre- 
sentatives at the General Conference. Thus the States are 
recognised not to be of equal importance individually. The non- 
Governmental representatives are chosen by the non-Govern- 
mental elements of the General Conference, acting as employers' 
or as workers' representatives for the whole world. In actual 
experience the choosing of the Governing Body has been a matter 
for "arrangements." The first Governing Body was selected at 
the Washington Conference, October, 1919, since when it has met 
frequently. Its functions are chiefly to control the International 
Labour Office and to prepare for and organise Conferences. 

The International Labour Office is a permanent Secretariat 
for the new organisation. The Director, M. Albert Thomas, 
was appointed by the Governing Body and he has under him a 
large staff of persons of many nationalities. The office is now 
established at Geneva, but it has official representatives in 
London and other capitals. The work of the office is chiefly 
the collecting and circulating of information on all labour matters 
in regard to all parts of the world. The information collected 
is very largely derived from Governments, but of course the office 


has also other sources. An official periodical is issued and there 
are periodical reports and accounts of such events as the British 
coal-miners' strike, the meeting of Co-operative Societies on the 
Continent, etc. The office has also to prepare material for 
Conferences and carry on the correspondence with Governments 
arising out of past Conferences. 

Two General Conferences have so far been held : one at 
Washington in October, 1919, the other at Genoa in June, 1920. 
At the former six Conventions were agreed to, (i) on the eight- 
hour day ; (2) on unemployment ; (3) on employment of women 
before and after childbirth ; (4) on the employment of women at 
night ; (5) on the minimum age for industry, and (6) on the night 
work of young persons. Various recommendations were also 
passed. At the Genoa Conference the only subject discussed was 
the problem of seamen and conditions on ships. The necessary 
majority was not secured in regard to the eight-hour day on ships, 
but advance was made in the direction of an international sea- 
men's code. A third Conference has already been called for 
1921, at Geneva, at which the subjects will include agricultural 
problems and some problems of industrial disease. 



Whereas the League of Nations has for its object the establishment of universal peace, 
and such a peace can be established only if it is based upon social justice ; 

And whereas conditions of labour exist involving such injustice, hardship and privation to 
large numbers of people as to produce unrest so great that the peace and harmony of the world 
are imperilled ; and an improvement of those conditions is urgently required ; as, for example, 
by the regulation of the hours of work, including the establishment of a maximum working 
day and week, the regulation of the labour supply, the prevention of unemployment, the 
provision of an adequate living wage, the protection of the worker against sickness, disease 
and injury arising out of his employment, the protection of children, young persons and 
women, provisions for old age and injury, protection of the interests of workers when employed 
in countries other than their own, recognition of the principle of freedom of association, the 
organisation of vocational and technical education and other measures ; 

Whereas also the failure of any nation to adopt humane conditions of labour is an obstacle 
in the way of other nations which desire to improve the conditions in their own countries ; 

The High Contracting Parties, moved by sentiments of justice and humanity, as well 
as by the desire to secure the permanent peace of the world, agree to the following : 

i. A permanent organisation is hereby established for the promotion of the objects set 
forth in the Preamble. 

The original Members of the League of Nations shall be the original Members of this organ- 
isation, and hereafter membership of the League of Nations shall carry with it membership of 
the said organisation. 

si. The permanent organisation shall consist of (i.) a General Conference of Representatives 
of the Members and (ii.) an International Labour Office controlled by the Governing Body 
described in Article 7. 

3. The meetings of the General Conference of Representatives of the Members shall be 
held from time to time as occasion may require, and at least once in every year. It shall be 
composed of four Representatives of each of the Members, of whom two shall be Government 
Delegates and the two others shall be Delegates representing respectively the employers and 
the workpeople of each of the Members. 

Each delegate may be accompanied by advisers, who shall not exceed two in number for 
each item on the agenda of the meeting. When questions specially affecting women are to be 
considered by the Conference, one at least of the advisers should be a woman. 


The Members undertake to nominate non-Government Delegates and advisers chosen in 
agreement with the industrial organisations, if such organisations exist, which are most 
representative of employers or workpeople, as the case may be, in their respective countries. 

Advisers shall not speak except on a request made by the Delegate whom they accompany 
and by the special authorisation of the President of the Conference, and may not vote. 

A Delegate may, by notice in writing addressed to the President, appoint one of his advisers 
to act as his deputy, and the adviser, while so acting, shall be allowed to speak and vote. 

The names of the Delegates and their advisers will be communicated to the International 
Labour Office by the Government of each of the Members. 

The credentials of Delegates and their advisers shall be subject to scrutiny by the Con- 
ference, which may, by two-thirds of the votes cast by the Delegates present, refuse to admit 
any Delegate or adviser whom it deems not to have been nominated in accordance with this 

4. Every Delegate shall be entitled to vote individually on all matters which are taken into 
consideration by the Conference. 

If one of the Members fails to nominate one of the non-Government Delegates whom it 
is entitled to nominate, the other non-Government Delegate shall be allowed to sit and speak 
at the Conference, but not to vote. 

If, in accordance with Article 3, the Conference refuses admission to a Delegate of one of 
the Members, the provisions of the present Article shall apply as if that Delegate had not been 

5. The meetings of the Conference shall be held at the seat of the League of Nations 
or at such other place as may be decided by the Conference at a previous meeting by two- 
thirds of the votes cast by the Delegates present. 

6. The International Labour Office shall be established at the seat of the League of Nations 
as part of the organisation of the League. 

7. The International Labour Office shall be under the control of a Governing Body, con- 
sisting of twenty-four persons, appointed in accordance with the following provisions : 

The Governing Body of the International Labour Office shall be constituted as follows : 
Twelve persons representing the Governments, 

Six persons elected by the Delegates to the Conference representing the employers, 
Six persons elected by the Delegates to the Conference representing the workers. 

Of the twelve persons representing the Governments eight shall be nominated by the 
Members which are of the chief industrial importance, and four shall be nominated by the 
Members selected for the purpose by the Government Delegates to the Conference excluding 
the Delegates of the eight Members mentioned above. 

Any question as to which are the Members of the chief industrial importance shall be 
decided by the Council of the League of Nations. 

The period of office of the members of the Governing Body will be three years. The 
method of filling vacancies and other similar questions may be determined by the Governing 
Body subject to the approval of the Conference. 

The Governing Body shall, from time to tune, elect one of its members to act as its 
Chairman, shall regulate its own procedure and shall fix its own times of Meeting. A special 
meeting shall be held if a written request to that effect is made by at least ten members of the 
Governing Body. 

8. There shall be a Director of the International Labour Office, who shall be appointed by 
the Governing Body, and, subject to the instructions of the Governing Body, shall be 
responsible for the efficient conduct of the International Labour Office and for such other 
duties as may be assigned to him. 

The Director or his deputy shall attend all meetings of the Governing Body. 

9. The staff of the International Labour Office shall be appointed by the Director, who 
shall, so far as is possible with due regard to the efficiency of the work of the Office, select 
persons of different nationalities. A certain number of these persons shall be women. 

10. The functions of the International Labour Office shall include the collection and distri- 
bution of information on all subjects relating to the international adjustment of conditions of 
industrial life and labour, and particularly the examination of subjects which it is proposed 
to bring before the Conference with a view to the conclusion of international conventions, and 
the conduct of such special investigations as may be ordered by the Conference. 

It will prepare the agenda for the meetings of the Conference. 

It will carry out the duties required of it by the provisions of this part of the present 
Treaty in connection with international disputes. 

It will edit and publish in French and English, and in such other languages as the Governing 
Body may think desirable, a periodical paper dealing with problems of industry and employ- 
ment of international interest. 

Generally, in addition to the functions set out in this article, it shall have such other powers 
and duties as may be assigned to it by the Conference. 

11. The Government Departments of any of the Members which deal with questions of 
industry and employment may communicate directly with the Director through the Repre- 
sentative of their Government on the Governing Body of the International Labour Office, or 


ailing any such Representative, through such other qualified official as the Government may 
nominate for the purpose. 

12. The International Labour Office shall be entitled to the assistance of the Secretary- 
General of the League of Nations in any matter in which it can be given. 

13. Each of the Members will pay the travelling and subsistence expenses of its Delegates 
and their advisers and of its Representatives attending the meetings of the Conference or 
Governing Body, as the case may be. 

All the other expenses of the International Labour Office, and of the meetings of the 
Conference or Governing Body shall be paid to the Director by the Secretary-General of the 
League of Nations out of the general funds of the League. 

The Director shall be responsible to the Secretary-General of the League for the proper 
expenditure of all moneys paid to him in pursuance of this Article. 


14. The agenda for all meetings of the Conference will be settled by the Governing Body, 
who shall consider any suggestion as to the agenda that may be made by the Government of 
any of the Members or by any representative organisation recognised for the purpose of 
Article 3. 

15. The Director shall act as the Secretary of the Conference, and shall transmit the agenda 
so as to reach the Members four months before the meeting of the Conference, and, through 
them, the non-Government Delegates when appointed. 

16. Any of the Governments of the Members may formally object to the inclusion of any 
item or items in the agenda. The grounds for such objection shall be set forth in a reasoned 
statement addressed to the Director, who shall circulate it to all the Members of the Permanent 

Items to which such objection has been made shall not, however, be excluded from the 
agenda, if at the Conference a majority of two- thirds of the votes cast by the Delegates present 
is in favour of considering them. 

If the Conference decides (otherwise than under the preceding paragraph) by two-thirds 
of the votes cast by the Delegates present that any subject shall be considered by the Confer- 
ence, that subject shall be included in the agenda for the following meeting. 

17. The Conference shall regulate its own procedure, shall elect its own President, and may 
appoint committees to consider and report on any matter. 

Except as otherwise expressly provided in this part of the present Treaty, all matters shall 
be decided by a simple majority of the votes cast by the Delegates present. 

The voting is void unless the total number of votes cast is equal to half the number of the 
Delegates attending the Conference. 

18. The Conference may add to any committees which it appoints technical experts, who 
shall be assessors without power to vote. 

19. When the Conference has decided on the adoption of proposals with regard to an item 
in the agenda, it will rest with the Conference to determine whether these proposals should 
take the form : (a) of a recommendation to be submitted to the Members for consideration 
with a view to effect being given to it by national legislation or otherwise, or (6) of a draft 
international convention for ratification by the Members. 

In either case a majority of two-thirds of the votes cast by the Delegates present shall be 
necessary on the final vote for the adoption of the recommendation or draft convention, as 
the case may be, by the Conference. 

In framing any recommendation or draft convention of general application, the Conference 
shall have due regard to those countries in which climatic conditions, the imperfect develop- 
ment of industrial organisation, or other special circumstances make the industrial conditions 
substantially different, and shall suggest the modifications, if any, which it considers may be 
required to meet the case of such countries. 

A copy of the recommendation or draft convention shall be authenticated by the signature 
of the President of the Conference and of the Director, and shall be deposited with the 
Secretary-General of the League of Nations. The Secretary-General will communicate a 
certified copy of the recommendation or draft convention to each of the Members. 

Each of the Members undertakes that it will, within the period of one year at most from 
the closing of the session of the Conference, or if it is impossible owing to exceptional circum- 
stances to do so within the period of one year, then at the earliest practicable moment, and in 
no case later than eighteen months from the closing of the session of the Conference, bring the 
recommendation or draft convention before the authority or authorities within whose compe- 
tence the matter lies for the enactment of legislation or other action. 

In the case of a recommendation, the Members will inform the Secretary-General of th 
action taken. 

In the case of a draft convention, the Member will, if it obtains the consent of the authority 
or authorities within whose competence the matter lies, communicate the formal ratification 
of the convention to the Secretary-General and will take such action as may be necessary to 
make effective the provisions of such convention. 

If on a recommendation no legislative or other action is taken to make a recommendation 


effective, or if the draft convention fails to obtain the consent of the authority or authorities 
within whose competence the matter lies, no further obligation shall rest upon the Member. 

In the case of a federal State, the power of which to enter into conventions on labour 
matters is subject to limitations, it shall be in the discretion of that Government to treat a 
draft convention to which such limitations apply as a recommendation only, and the pro- 
visions of this article with respect to recommendations shall apply in such case. 

The above article shall be interpreted in accordance with the following principle : 
In no case shall any Member be asked or required, as a result of the adoption of any recom- 
mendation or draft convention by the Conference, to lessen the protection afforded by iti 
existing legislation to the workers concerned. 

20. Any convention so ratified shall be registered by the Secretary-General of the League 
of Nations, but shall only be binding upon the Members which ratify it. 

21. If any convention coming before the Conference for final consideration fails to secure 
the support of two-thirds of the votes cast by the Delegates present, it shall, nevertheless, be 
within the right of any of the members of the Permanent Organisation to agree to such con- 
vention among themselves. 

Any convention so agreed to shall be communicated by the Governments concerned to 
the Secretary-General of the League of Nations, who shall register it. 

22. Each of the Members agrees to make an annual report to the International Labour 
Office on the measures which it has taken to give effect to the provisions of conventions to 
which it is a party. These reports shall be made in such form and shall contain such 
particulars as the Governing Body may request. The Director shall lay a summary of these 
reports before the next meeting of the Conference. 

23. In the event of any representation being made to the International Labour Office 
by an industrial association of employers or of workers that any of the Members has failed to 
secure in any respect the effective observance within its jurisdiction of any convention to 
which it is a party, the Governing Body may communicate this representation to the Govern- 
ment against which it is made and may invite that Government to make such statement on 
the subject as it may think fit. 

24. If no statement is received within a reasonable time from the Government in question, 
or if the statement when received is not deemed to be satisfactory by the Governing Body, the 
latter shall have the right to publish the representation and the statement, if any, made in 
reply to it. 

35. Any of the Members shall have the right to file a complaint with the International 
Labour Office if it is not satisfied that any other Member is securing the effective observance of 
any convention which both have ratified in accordance with the foregoing articles. 

The Governing Body may, if it thinks fit, before referring such a complaint to a Commission 
of Enquiry, as hereinafter provided for, communicate with the Government in question in the 
manner described in Article 23. 

If the Governing Body does not think it necessary to communicate the complaint to the 
Government in question, or if, when they have made such communication, no statement in 
reply has been received within a reasonable time which the Governing Body considers to be 
satisfactory, the Governing Body may apply for the appointment of a Commission of Enquiry 
to consider the complaint and to report thereon. 

The Governing Body may adopt the same procedure either of its own motion or on receipt 
of a complaint from a Delegate to the Conference. 

When any matter arising out of Article 24 or 25 is being considered by the Governing 
Body, the Government in question shall, if not already represented thereon, be entitled to send 
a representative to take part in the proceedings of the Governing Body while the matter is 
under consideration. Adequate notice of the date on which the matter will be considered 
shall be given to the Government in question. 

26. The Commission of Enquiry shall be constituted in accordance with the following 
provisions : 

Each of the Members agrees to nominate within six months of the date on which the present 
Treaty comes into force three persons of industrial experience, of whom one shall be a repre- 
sentative of employers, one a representative of workers, and one a person of independent 
standing, who shall together form a panel from which the members of the Commission of 
Enquiry shall be drawn. 

The qualifications of the persons so nominated shall be subject to scrutiny by the Governing 
Body, which may by two-thirds of the votes cast by the representatives present refuse to 
accept the nomination of any person whose qualifications do not in its opinion comply with the 
requirements of the present article. 

Upon the application of the Governing Body, the Secretary-General of the League of 
Nations shall nominate three persons, one from each section of this panel, to constitute the 
Commission of Enquiry, and shall designate one of them as the President of the Commission. 
None of these three persons shall be a person nominated to the panel by any Member directly 
concerned in the complaint. 

27. The Members agree that, in the event of the reference of a complaint to a Commission 
of Enquiry under Article 25, they will each, whether directly concerned in the complaint or 


not, place at the disposal of the Commission all the information in their possession which bears 
upon the subject matter of the complaint. 

28. When the Commission of Enquiry has fully considered the complaint, it shall prepare 
a. report embodying its findings on all questions relevant to determining the issue between the 
parties and containing such recommendations as it may think proper as to the steps which 
should be taken to meet the complaint and the time within which they should be taken. 

It shall also indicate in this report the measures, if any, of an economic character against 
a defaulting Government which it considers to be appropriate, and which it considers other 
Governments would be justified in adopting. 

29. The Secretary-General of the League of Nations shall communicate the report of the 
Commission of Enquiry to each of the Governments concerned in the complaint, and shall 
cause it to be published. 

Each of these Governments shall within one month inform the Secretary-General of the 
League of Nations whether or not it accepts the recommendations contained in the report of 
the Commission ; and if not, whether it proposes to refer the complaint to the Permanent 
Court of International Justice of the League of Nations. 

30. In the event of any Member failing to take the action required by Article 19, with 
regard to a recommendation or draft Convention, any other Member shall be entitled to refer 
the matter to the Permanent Court of International Justice. 

31. The decision of the Permanent Court of International Justice in regard to a complaint 
or matter which has been referred to it in pursuance of Article 29 or Article 30 shall be final. 

32. The Permanent Court of International Justice may affirm, vary or reverse any of the 
findings or recommendations of the Commission of Enquiry, if any, and shall in its decision 
indicate the measures, if any, of an economic character which it considers to be appropriate, 
and which other Governments would be justified in adopting against a defaulting Govern- 

33. In the event of any Member failing to carry out within the time specified the recom- 
mendations, if any, contained in the report of the Commission of Enquiry, or in the decision of 
the Permanent Court of International Justice, as the case may be, any other Member may 
take against that Member the measures of an economic character indicated in the report of 
the Commission or in the decision of the Court as appropriate to the case. 

34. The defaulting Government may at any time inform the Governing Body that it has 
taken the steps necessary to comply with the recommendations of the Commission of Enquiry 
or with those in the decision of the Permanent Court of International Justice, as the case may 
be, and may request it to apply to the Secretary-General of the League to constitute a Com - 

mission of Enquiry to verify its contention. In this case the provisions of Articles 26, 27, 28 
89, 31 and 32 shall apply, and if the report of the Commission of Enquiry or the decision of 
the Permanent Court of International Justice is in favour of the defaulting Government, the 

other Governments shall forthwith discontinue the measures of an economic character that 
they have taken against the defaulting Government. 

35. The Members engage to apply conventions which they have ratified in accordance with 
the provisions of this part of the present Treaty to their colonies, protectorates and possessions 
which are not fully self-governing : 

r. Except where owing to the local conditions the convention is inapplicable, or 

2. Subject to such modifications as may be necessary to adapt the convention to local 


And each of the Members shall notify to the International Labour Office the action taken in 
respect of each of its colonies, protectorates and possessions which are not fully self-governing. 

36. Amendments to this part of the present Treaty which are adopted by the Conference 
by a majority of two-thirds of the votes cast by the Delegates present shall take effect when 
ratified by the States whose representatives compose the Council of the League of Nations 
and by three-fourths of the Members. 

37. Any question or dispute relating to the interpretation of this part of the present 
Treaty or of any subsequent Convention concluded by the Members in pursuance of the 
provisions of this part of the present Treaty shall be referred for decision to the Permanent 
Court of International Justice. 


The High Contracting Parties, recognising that the well-being, physical, moral, and 
intellectual, of industrial wage-earners is of supreme international importance, have framed in 
order to further this great end the permanent machinery provided for in Section I., and 
associated with that of the League of Nations. 

They recognise that differences of climate, habits and customs, of economic opportunity 
and industrial tradition, make strict uniformity in the conditions of labour difficult of imme- 
diate attainment. But holding, as they do, that labour should not be regarded merely as an 
article of commerce, they think that there are methods and principles for regulating labour 
conditions which all industrial communities should endeavour to apply so far as their special 
circumstances will permit. 


Among these methods and principles, the following seem to the High Contracting Parties to 
be of special and urgent importance : 

First. The guiding principle above enunciated that labour should not be regarded 

merely as a commodity or article of commerce. 
Second. The right of association for all lawful purposes by the employed as well as by 

the employers. 
Third. The payment to the employed of a wage adequate to maintain a reasonable 

standard of life as this is understood in their time and country. 
Fourth. The adoption of an eight hours' day or a forty-eight hours' week as the standard 

to be aimed at where it has not already been attained. 
Fifth. The adoption of a weekly rest of at least twenty-four hours, which should include 

Sunday wherever practicable. 

Sixth. The abolition of child labour and the imposition of such limitations on the 
labour of young persons as shall permit the continuation of their education and 
assure their proper physical development. 
Seventh. The principle that men and women should receive equal remuneration for 

work of equal value. 

Eighth. The standard set by law in each country with respect to the conditions of labour 
should have due regard to the equitable economic treatment of all workers lawfully 
resident therein. 

Ninth. Each State should make provision for a system of inspection in which women 
should take part, in order to ensure the enforcement of the laws and regulations 
for the protection of the employed. 

Without claiming that these methods and principles are either complete or final, the High 
Contracting Parties are of opinion that they are well fitted to guide the policy of the League 
of Nations ; and that, if adopted by the industrial communities who are members of the 
League, and safeguarded in practice by an adequate system of such inspection, they will confer 
lasting benefits upon the wage-earners of the world. 


Labour and the Peace Treaty. Ministry of Labour, id. 

International Labour Conference (Text of Conventions of 1919.). Ministry of Labour. 


Barnes, G. ff. and others : Labour as an International Problem. Macmillan." 1930. 

Bums, C. Delisle : International Politics. Methuen. 1920. 

Hetherington, H. J. : International Labour Legislation. Methuen. 1930. 

Memoranda on International Labour Legislation. Labour Party. 1919. 



Before the war there were in existence some thirty official 
international organisations, which depended for their scope and 
authority on conventions officially concluded between a number 
of States. These conventions were concluded either for a general 
or a particular purpose, and they established organs with a vary- 
ing degree of legislative authority. The permanent organs set 
up by these conventions for general purposes were : 

1. The Telegraphic Union. 

2. The Radio-telegraphic Union. 

3. The Universal Postal Union. 

4. The Metric Union. 

5. The International Institute of Agriculture. 


6. La Commission penitentaire internationale. 

7. The International Office of Public Hygiene. 

8. The International Geodetic Association. 

9. The International Seismological Union. 
10. The Pan-American Union. 

n. The Central American Union. 

To these must be added five permanent International Offices, 
with no legislative powers, but entrusted with the administrative 
supervision of the decrees passed by international conferences 
which met periodically to deal with certain questions. These 
were : 

1. Railway Freight Transportation. 

2. Industrial Property. 

3. Literary and Artistic Property. 

4. Pan-American Sanitation. 

5. Slave Trade and Liquor Traffic in Africa. 

Under special conventions, a number of other international 
organs were established on a permanent basis, with certain 
specific functions. The most important of these were : 

1. The Sugar Commission. 

2. Opium Commission. 

3. Commission of Plague Surveillance in China. 

4. International Committee of the Map of the World. 

5. Hague Tribunal and Bureau. 

6. Central American Court of Justice. 

7. International Bureau for the Publication of Customs 


8. The European Danube Commission. 

9. International Commission of the Congo. 
10. Suez Canal Commission. 

Besides these permanent delegations of different national 
authorities to a central international body, many conventions 
concluded between States have had as their object the unifi- 
cation of diverse national laws or administrations in the common 
interests of the States concerned. Under this head come the 
several Monetary Union Conventions, and the resolutions of 
International Conferences on e.g., automobiles, submarine cables, 
commercial statistics, the legal protection of workers, the 
nomenclature of causes of death, and the white slave traffic. 

This growth of officially instituted international legislation 
has taken place entirely in the last eighty years. But parallel 
with the official organisations, a vast number of unofficial bodies 
have been formed by the association of private individuals and 
groups from different nations, to attain the benefits of inter- 
national co-operation. Their number, prior to the war, was 
computed at 400 or more. Most of these assumed a permanent 


character, and there is hardly a department of human activity 
that has not aspired to an international bureau of its own. Labour 
is strongly represented in the list by some forty separate Inter- 
national Federations. The purposes for which these societies 
have been created, widely differing in their individual aim, can 
all be grouped under a couple of heads : the mutual exchange 
of knowledge and scientific discovery, and the attainment of 
social reform. 

Such was the history of internationalism before the war. 
When the war came, nationality claimed everything and the 
international cords were severed. The official international 
bodies whose attention was bent in pacific directions, disappeared, 
while the private and voluntary associations disintegrated from 
lack of opportunities to function, or of enthusiasm. In place of 
the world-wide unions the groups of belligerents separately formed 
among themselves administrative bodies, using co-operation for 
their own war-like ends. These inter-allied commissions were 
only suited to war-time conditions. When the war ended their 
object vanished ; and they have since been gradually abolished, 
leaving room for the old pre-war international unions to get started 
again. The recovery by these of their former position has been 
slow, as the rancour and animosity provoked by the recent 
hostilities continually restrict their operations. However, a most 
important step towards more effective international control of 
various national interests has been taken, by the institution of the 
League of Nations, and by the possibility that the League will 
co-ordinate the old official international organs as they are 
resurrected from the ashes of the war. In addition, an Inter- 
national Labour Organisation has come into being under the 
League, which is bound to exert some influence on the inter- 
national co-ordination of Labour legislation in the future. 



1 Europe after the War 44 3 Statistical Tables : 

2 The Economic Effect of (i.) National Debts and 

the Peace Treaties . . 47 Budgets . . 53 

(ii.) Currency and Prices 55 
(iii.) Production and Trade 61 



There are three main factors which stand revealed in the post- 
war conditions of Europe. They are these : 

1. A great part of the population of Europe cannot live 
at much above a coolie standard unless there is a large 
measure of international economic co-operation. Several 
of the great nations are not self-sufficing : they can only 
support their populations by exchanging their special 
products and services particularly coal, iron, manufactures, 
ocean carriage for food and raw materials. 

2. The economic processes of that necessary co-operation 
were based before the war upon an international comity, 
an unwritten code, founded mainly upon the institution of 
private property and the individual efforts of citizens, 
activities which disregarded national divisions, cutting 
athwart frontiers. 

3. The socialising process which the war itself rendered 
inevitable largely destroyed this private internationalism, 
based on disregard of the political entity, while the Treaty of 
Versailles has completed the work by its sweeping away 
of the distinction between the citizen and the State, in the 
case of German property, and by the compulsory socialisation 
which the treaty terms with reference to German reparation 

In other words, the War and Peace have destroyed the old 
individualistic comity on which the economic internationalism 
that fed Europe was based, while the nations have not yet faced 



the problem of consciously devising the more definitely socialist 
comity that must succeed it. 

The Treaty of Versailles, and the policy with regard to Russia 
imposed by the Allied Governments have produced an economic 
situation in Europe which can only be met by a policy which is 
in fact a form of organised international socialism to which the 
Allies are now of necessity, but haltingly, resorting, although it 
may not be called by that name. Those who like to find in 
history " poetic justice " may now contemplate the way in which 
the more violent features of Allied policy have hastened the 
destruction of the individualist and capitalist basis of economic 
internationalism of Europe, an internationalism which in some 
form Europe must have if it is to procure food, and have rendered 
necessary another form which must approach much nearer to the 
Socialist than did the old. 

The war has demonstrated though its early stages for a timo 
disguised the fact that the great European nations are in truth 
interdependent. They can only live by division of labour, 
which, failing a re-distribution of population, must somehow 
be continued. Fifteen to twenty millions in England, a like 
number in Germany, are dependent for food, or raw materials, 
upon the industries by which they buy food which their countries 
cannot produce. But that is only one part of the fact of inter- 
dependence. The productivity of countries which heretofore 
were " self- sufficing " as to food depends upon industries 
industries furnishing tools, machinery, railway material, fer- 
tilisers, fodder, petroleum, clothing produced outside their 
boundaries. The productivity of the farms, particularly in these 
days of tractors and threshing machines, depends upon factories. 

The first years of the war disguised this interdependence of 
nations. It seemed to some that countries were much more 
self-sufficing than we had supposed. The Central Empires, 
even when shut off almost completely from the outside world, 
seemed not only able to support themselves but to provide vast 
war material as well. But peace revealed what war had hidden. 

Professor Starling, in a report to the Government, has said : 

" Before the War Germany produced 85 per cent, of the total food consumed 
by her inhabitants. This large production was only possible by high cultivation, and 
by the plentiful use of manure and imported foodstuffs, means for the purchase of these 
being furnished by the profits of industry. . . The loss to Germany of 40 per 
cent, of her former coal output must diminish the number of workers who can be main- 
tained. The great increase in German population during the last twenty-five years was 
rendered possible only by exploiting the agricultural possibilities of the soil to the 
greatest possible extent, and this in its turn depended on the industrial development of 
the country. The reduction by 20 per cent, in the productive area of the country 
and the 40 per cent, diminution in the chief raw material for the creation of wealth, 
lenders the country at present over-populated, and it seems probable that within the 
next few years many millions (according to some estimates as many as fifteen million) 
workers and their families will be obliged to emigrate, since there will be neither work nor 
food for them to be obtained from the reduced industries of the country." 

Mr. Hoover, also, confirms this view of the probable future 
of a large section of the German population : 

" Of the seventy millions of Germans, some twenty-five or thirty millions lived 
before the war by trade, by the import of raw material and by exports in exchange for 
any other necessaries, and these cannot be supported on the land. One possibility 
that must not be overlooked is that ten or twelve millions of this population may 
emigrate eastward or overseas under the economic pressure which will be their fate at 

Nor is the situation in Austria any better : Mr. Hoover con- 
demns it as the worst in all Europe, and in recommending that the 
United States should cease to extend charity to suffering Europe 
he says : 

" The political situation in Austria I hestitate to discuss, but it is the cause of the 
trouble. Austria has now no hope of being anything more than a perpetual poorhouse, 
because all her lands that produce food have been taken from her. . . If this political 
situation continues, and Austria is made a perpetual mendicant, the United States 
should not provide the charity. . . Those who undertake to continue Austria's 
present status must pay the bill. Present Austria faces three alternatives death, 
migration, or a complete industrial diversion and reorganisation. Her economic 
rehabilitation seems impossible after the way she was broken up at the Peace 

The fact is that Versailles has made a Europe which, on a basis 
of " absolute nationalism," cannot exist. The first step in the 
restoration of the economic processes of Europe must be a 
political one. Frontiers cannot be permitted to be the factor 
which decides whether, for instance, Vienna may or may not have 
coal for her factories, or whether agricultural areas of the Balkans 
and Russia shall be able to obtain the tools and machinery 
necessary for the production and transport of their food. 
If the new States set up and fostered by the Treaties of Peace are 
allowed to continue in their present policies, the new national 
frontiers will be an important contributory cause of the decline 
of productivity in Europe. 

And not only the Continental countries, but we ourselves have 
an increasing interest in preventing the decline in productivity 
of Europe. Fifteen millions of our people are dependent for their 
food on foreign imports : some of our greatest industries depend 
on foreign raw materials. Our prosperity, the life of these 
fifteen millions, is based upon the surplus produce of other 
countries. Heretofore, much of this foreign surplus has come 
from America ; but the growth of the American population has 
greatly reduced the available surplus, while the change in our 
financial relationship to her has added to the difficulty of obtaining 
it. We are becoming more dependent upon the food surplus 
of countries like South America, Russia, the Near East, the Far 
East. If the productivity of these countries declines as, 
notably in Russia our cost of living rises, and we may finally be 
faced with a blockade as effective as any imposed by hostile 


But the ultimate argument for socialisation in the relations 
of Governments (for the institution, that is, of some form of 
international control of the distribution of vital raw materials 
like coal) is furnished by an examination of the old " vac 
victis," the " struggle for life " argument of the militarist. 
Before the war we were frequently told that Germany was sure 
to fight because of her expanding population ; that every year an 
extra million babies were born, crying out for more room, which 
could only be provided at the cost of potential foes. It was 
assumed that military victory would somehow solve this problem. 
We have had our victory and the problem remains. Germany has 
fought and been beaten : she still has her population to feed. 
The problem presented by its growth has been intensified ; the 
number of mouths to be fed has not been decreased to the same 
extent that the resources by which they might have been fed 
have been decreased. And we are finding that we cannot leave 
this problem alone ; that it does concern us ; and that the attempt 
to deal with it by charity is utterly inadequate. For our own 
safety we have to set Europe to productive work again, and to do 
that we must somehow re-establish the chain of interdependent 
factors transport, currency, coal, iron, etc. by which her 
economic processes function. 

The policy pursued by the old diplomats themselves both at 
Versailles and in the relations with Russia, have rendered im- 
possible the resurrection of the old individualism. But it is 
probably true to say that neither they nor their order are capable 
of devising the new methods which must replace the old. That 
must be the work of a new order. 


Brailsford, H. N. : After the Peace. Parsons. 1920. 

Buxton, C. R. andD. P.: The World after the War. Allen and Unwin. 1920. 

Vanderlip, F. A . : What Happened to Europe. Macmillan, New York. 1919. 



This section has to deal with one of the most terrible stories 
in the annals of history. Unless the Labour Movement is roused 
to passionate insistence that it will be no party to a policy of 
starving women and children in times of peace, it cannot claim 
any moral leadership in the world. There will be found here the 
main facts and statistics necessary to the understanding of the 
things that have been done in our name. But readers will have 


to provide for themselves the insight and the imagination which 
will enable them to realise the sufferings which those statistics 
reveal. The present account will be confined to facts and figures 
tcTtTe" found in well-known publications, in order that readers 
may have easy access to the main sources of the information 
given. A list of these publications is appended at the close of the 


The economic clauses of the Treaty of Peace with Germany 
(see p. 14) are clearly directed towards the destruction of German 
industry. The two main methods by which this end is to be 
achieved are to be found in the clauses dealing with reparation 
and with coal.* 

Reparation. Mr. Maynard Keynes estimated the amount of 
reparation due, according to the Armistice terms, as compensa- 
tion for " all damage done to the civilian population of the Allies 
and to their property by the aggression of Germany by land, sea 
and from the air," at a figure between ^1,600,000,000 and 
^3,000,000,000 ; a sum within the region of possible payment by 
Germany. But our readers will remember the wild and im- 
possible expectations held out by Mr. Lloyd George and his 
followers during the election of 1918, that we should demand from 
Germany the whole cost of the war These expectations in- 
volved a breach of the Armistice terms, but the election having 
been won as a consequence of them, an attempt had to be made 
to meet them. For this purpose the terms of the clause were 
stretched to include the separation allowances paid to our 
soldiers' wives and families during the war, and the pensions and 
compensations for injury or death paid to soldiers or their 
relatives. No impartial tribunal would support such an inter- 
pretation, but by this means another sum estimated roughly 
at about ^5,000,000,000 was added to the indemnity, which 
has thus been brought up to a total of about /8,ooo, 000,000. 
The remaining provisions are very detailed and complicated, but 
broadly their results are as follows : 

I. So long as any of this original sum remains unpaid, interest 
and sinking fund at 6 per cent, per annum has to be added on to 
it. Careful estimates lead to the conclusion that Germany can 
pay about ^150,000,000 a year, while the interest and sinking fund 
on the unpaid portion of the indemnity will amount to over 
^400,000,000 a year. The consequence is, that whatever efforts 
Germany may make, she cannot avoid the final result that the in- 
demnity still to be paid at the close of each year will always be greater 
than it was at the beginning. According to Mr. Maynard Keynes' 

For subsequent modifications of these clauses see p. 18. 


estimate, it will, by the year 1936, be about ^13,000,000,000 
or half as much again as it is at present. 

2. It is the duty of the Reparation Commission to hand back 
to Germany each year enough for her economic existence and to 
take the remainder towards the payment of this ever increasing 
indemnity, which nevertheless Germany will never be able to 
catch up. Germany thus becomes a slave state marked by the two 
distinguishing characteristics of slavery, the guarantee of existence 
and the absence of all incentive to production, because the more that 
is produced the more must be paid to her masters. 

The first reason for the stagnation of German industry is now 
clear, for this system is bound to lead to the same sterility of 
producing power for which slavery has always been noted. 

Coal and Iron. Reparation for the output of the French mines 
destroyed during the war is estimated at 20,000,000 tons of coal 
for the first five years, and 8,000,000 tons for the next five years. 
The need for compensation for this loss is admitted by Germany 
herself, and as the Saar Valley mines produce 13,000,000 tons no 
substantial difficulty arises at this point. But in addition to com- 
pensation for the mines destroyed during the war, Germany is 
required by the Peace Treaty to deliver an additional 25,000,000 
tons of coal to France, Italy, Belgium and Luxemburg towards 
the reparation payment. 

The chief estimates are as follows : According to her pre-war 
standard, Germany needs for her home requirements 140,000,000 
tons of coal per annum. This figure does not allow for any 
export to such countries as Austria, whose starvation is largely 
due to the cutting off of her supplies of German coal. Taking into 
account (i.) the diminution in Germany's coal supply due to the 
loss of Alsace Lorraine and the Saar Valley and, if the plebiscite 
goes against her, Upper Silesia ;* (ii.) the lower physique and 
output of her coal miners ; (iii.) the reparation payment to 
France, Italy, etc. ; the final amount left to Germany is 60 million 
tons of coal per year. 

Industry requires iron ore as well as coal. Seventy-five per 
cent, of the iron ore of Germany was in Alsace Lorraine, and 
therefore no merely economic revision of the Peace Treaty can 
give her access to this basis of manufacturing activity. The 
only remedy will be by means of the exchange of French iron ore 
for German coal. The German delegates at the Peace Con- 
ference made a proposal for this to be done, but it was refused by 
France. There is, however, reason to believe that the economic 
advantage of this exchange is so overwhelming, that capitalists 

* The plebiscite is being held at the time of writing, December, 1920. If it goes in 
favour of Germany, the figures given of her coal resources must be increased by forty-four 
million tons per year. But see p. 166 note. 


on the two sides of the frontiers may effect by mutual arrange- 
ments the results which the French Government rejected. 

The result is that with such a diminution in her supply of coal 
and iron, German industry connot be revived, and the food and 
raw material needed for the present German population cannot be 
paid for and imported. Her population must therefore be 
reduced by about fifteen million persons by either emigration or 
death. As emigration is closed to her the alternative of deaths 
en masse is already taking place on a scale which marks one of the 
most terrible pages in history. 

The Famine in Germany. Those who have heard the stories 
of the entirely reliable witnesses who have been in Germany will 
realise the full horror of what is happening to-day, but we will give 
quotations mainly from official documents whose veracity cannot 
be questioned. 

" Tuberculosis, especially in children, is increasing in an appalling way, and generally 
speaking, is malignant. In the same way rickets is more serious and more widely prevalent. 
It is impossible to do anything for these diseases. There is no milk for the tuberculous and 
no cod liver oil for those suffering from rickets. Tuberculosis is assuming unprecedented 
aspects such as have hitherto only been known in exceptional cases. The whole body is 
attacked simultaneously and the illness in this form is practically incurable. It is nearly 
always fatal in the many adults. It is the cause of about ninety per cent, of the hospital cases. 
Nothing can be done against it owing to the lack of food supplies. It appears in the most 
terrible forms, such as glandular tuberculosis which turns into purulent dissolution." (The 
Commission of Doctors appointed by the Medical Faculties of Holland, Sweden and Norway, 
April, 1919.) 

" The death rate has increased and the birth rate diminished so that the number of deaths 
now considerably exceeds the number o/ births, and the population is diminishing in numbers. No 
food has caused not only inefficiency in work and a diminution of national output, but has also 
had a marked effect on the mentality of the people, who are listless, apathetic and hopeless. 
There is a widespread increase of tuberculosis, the deaths from this disease having increased 
according to the locality from two-and-a-half to six times. The lack of milk is seriously 
affecting the health of the children. In all classes rickets and associated diseases are of 
common and increasing occurrence." (Professor E. H. Starling's report on Food Conditions 
in Germany H.M. Stationery Office, Cmd. 280). 

We must probably go back to Assyrian and Babylonian times to 
find anything comparable to an attempt to kill off the population 
of a nation on such a scale as this. If Labour permits it to con- 
tinue, the final consequence must be one of those great racial 
convulsions by which civilisations are submerged, and which 
we had until lately believed were confined to the ages of antiquity. 

Remedies. The account of the clauses of the Treaty will have 
made clear the outline of the remedies which are proposed. There 
are many variations in detail, but the broad lines of the proposals 
are as follows : 

The reparation should be fixed at a sum which Germany 
can be reasonably expected to pay. There should be deducted 
from this sum the value of the mercantile marine, raw material, 
state property in enemy territory and other German property, which 
has been confiscated and which is estimated to be worth about 
500,000,000. Whatever sura is fixed should be paid in annual 


instalments in whatever manner Germany prefers, and all pro- 
posals for reparation by means of the delivery of coal should be 
abandoned. When these arrangements are complete the inter- 
ference in the internal affairs of Germany, provided for in the 
Treaty, should be abandoned. 


In no State have the Peace Treaties destroyed so many lives as in 
Austria. Before the war, Austria-Hungary was a state of many 
parts, the whole of which formed an economic unit. This eco- 
nomic entity has now been broken up and Austria is left a little 
state of six million people, a head without a body, cut off from 
the coal and raw material on which her people depend for life. 

Sir William Beveridge's examination of the position in Europe 
shows that the terrible situation which has arisen is the result of 
two causes ; the lack of coal and the breakdown of transport. 

Coal. Careful estimates show that Austria needs for her pre-war 
output of goods about 14^- million tons of coal per year. Of this 
sum she obtained before the war nine million tons per year from 
Germany. Hence the root cause of her terrible situation is to 
be found in those provisions of the Treaty with Germany with 
regard to the distribution of coal, the abandonment of which we 
have already demanded. In addition it should be noticed that 
Austrian brown coal is to be found in the purely German districts 
of Czecho-Slovakia, and the position of Austria would be very 
different if this coal were still available to her. These districts, 
however, in defiance of nationality and [self-determination 
have been cut off from Austria and handed to Czecho-Slovakia 
without any effort to ascertain the will of their inhabitants. 

Czecho-Slovakia and Poland are bound by the Treaty to deliver 
certain supplies of coal to Austria, but these provisions have not 
been carried out. We have indeed little right to expect these two 
little nations to bear the burden of a shortage which they them- 
selves feel, unless all Europe is willing to share it with them. A 
general scheme for the distribution of coal in accordance with the 
comparative needs of each state is the only fair solution of a 
problem with which every country on the Continent finds itself 

Transport. The single railway system of the old Austria- 
Hungarian empire has now been broken up into four or five 
separate organisations, worked with little or no connection and in 
a spirit of hate, jealousy and suspicion. This evil even extends 
to the main roads, for one state will not undertake to maintain 
them in proper condition unless the others through which they 
pass will accept the same obligation. In addition the new states 


have started with blockades of their neighbours, and the inter- 
position of every kind of obstacle to the trade between nations, 
without which Central Europe cannot be revived. 

The Famine in Austria. The two quotations which follow 
come from witnesses whose authority cannot be questioned. 

" The typical boy of fourteen has the stature of ten and the face of an over-worked man 
of forty. ... 

" The infants survive only because and so long as they can be nursed by the mothers. . . 
In September, 1918, nearly eighty per cent, of the babies were even in the fourth to sixth 
month of life still being nursed entirely without artificial food ; in May, 1919, the proportion 
of mothers able to do this was only twenty-seven per cent. These mothers had had to go 
through the winter of 1918-19. 

" The nursing mothers are sacrificed for the children largely hi vain. As soon as the 
children have to trust to ordinary food they sicken and die . . . 

" Two outside observers who have been engaged for many months in the scientific examina- 
tion of diseases in Vienna gave it me as their experience that at least eighty per cent, of the 
children they saw were rickety or otherwise diseased ; whenever they saw a healthy child they 
noted it as an exceptional occurrence. 

" In the crowd of grey and sick-looking men, women and children we noticed one boy who 
appeared to belong not merely to a different race, but almost to a different species, so round , 
healthy and rosy was his face. We spoke to him and learned that he had just come back 
from Switzerland, where he had been sent by the Vienna children's office for eight weeks to 
board with a peasant family. A better advertisement of the advantages of sending the 
children abroad it would have been impossible to have. The foreign visits, unfortunately, 
cannot last long enough. The boy has now come back to collect wood and subsist on the 
Vienna rations." (Sir Wm. Beveridge, late Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Food.) 

" For the first time in my life I found a whole nation, or what was left of it, in utter hopeless 
despair. There is a desperate shortage of practically all the necessities of life." {Sir William 
Goode, British Director of Relief.) 


But other consequences of the Treaties are now making them- 
selves more and more clearly seen. Europe east of the Rhine is a 
single economic unit. Consider the countries surrounding 
Germany : Italy, Switzerland, Austria, Hungary, Rumania, 
Bulgaria, Poland, Russia, Norway, Sweden, Denmark. In the 
year 1914, five out of six of these countries bought more from and 
sold more to Germany than any other country in the world. 
Germany cannot be cut out of Europe, and the blows which are 
being aimed at her are already falling on all the countries east of 
the Rhine, enemies and allies alike, with the result that we are now 
witnessing the degradation of the standard of life of all the workers 
throughout Central and Eastern Europe. No reliable statistics 
are available, but we add a few quotations giving pictures of the 
lives of the workers amongst the States allies as well as enemies 
in the war dependent for their prosperity upon that of Germany. 

SERBIA. Thirty-five per cent, of the population are tuberculous. The total, including 
incipient cases, amounts to seventy-five per cent. (Sir William Goode.) 

POLAND. Sixty per cent, of the population have been afflicted with typhus hi some of the 
districts. The mortality rose to 540 per thousand, while the death rate in Warsaw was 11.9 
per thousand. (Sir William Goode.) 

HUNGARY. The children are pale and thin. A large number have their feet bandaged 
from sores received from walking on sharp stones or bits of glass. They are eaten up by 
vermin and scratch themselves without ceasing. The little unfortunates are covered with 
lice, and their arms, tired from driving them away, hang down limply. (Report received from 
International Red Cross.) 


CZECHO-SLOVAKIA. On his way to Sinajvir, Mr. Finlay Smith noticed in the villages 
the same food scarcity, the children being the greatest sufferers. In every house typhus 
reigned supreme, a ;d the number of deaths was appalling. (Bulletin of Red Cross Societies, 
May, 1920.) 

UKRAINE. The Swiss head of a Sanitary Mission reports that in all the Ukranian bordering 
districts that he visited, he failed to find a single child under seven years old. (Gazette de 
Lausanne, igth May.) 

The market for the goods of this country is the world, 
and the cutting off of our customers in Central Europe by the 
deliberate impoverishment of their people is a crime and a 
blunder, the penalty for which is already recoiling upon our 
own heads. 


Angell, Norman : " The Peace Treaty and the Economic Chaos of Europe." Swarth- 
more Press; 1919. 

Keynes, J. Maynard : " The Economic Consequences of the Peace." Macmillan & Co. 

" Report of the International Economic Conference, 1920," published by the Fight the 
Famine Council, Premier House, 150, Southampton Row, W. C.i. 

In order to follow the latest developments of the question, the reader should obtain the 
publications of the Fight the Famine Council, mentioned above. 


National Debts. 

The internal debt of every country has increased considerably 
since 1913, and more especially that of the belligerent countries, 
which have also added largely to their external debt. As regards 
the European belligerents, their combined internal debt converted 
into dollars at par rates of exchange amounts to 155 thousand 
million dollars as compared with about 17 thousand million 
dollars in 1913. One-fifth to one-third of the annual expenditure 
of these countries goes to the service of debt. Of the external 
debt about 1 1 thousand million dollars are due to the United 
States and 1,750 million pounds to the United Kingdom. 

In the accompanying table a comparison is made of the domestic 
and foreign debts of the chief countries before and after the war. 
Where the foreign loans have not been made in the currency of the 
country the external debt has been calculated at par rates of 
exchange, except for Austria, where the current rate has been 
used. In the case of this country, as in that of Germany, the 
foreign debt in 1919 does not include the sums due for reparation, 
etc. The domestic debt of Austria and Hungary in 1919 only 
includes that portion of the debt of the Austro-Hungarian 
Empire which according to the Peace Treaty is payable by the two 
countries. The table does not include figures for the new countries 


created by the Peace Treaties. An illustration of the position of 
some of them is afforded by Poland, whose foreign debt in 
December, 1919, consisted of 314 million francs, 9.9 million lire, 
17.8 million gulden, 14 million Norwegian kronen, 600,000 pounds 
sterling and 110.7 million dollars. The amount of her internal 
debt was 8,803.5 million Polish marks. 

('s omitted.) 

3ist December, 1913. 

3ist December, 1919. 








Total Debt. 






, % of 


Amount 1913. 








1,271 103 









1 06 

350 2,000 







78,803 1 632 





























Chinese $ 











9*5 i 258 







1,849 1,069 







219,388 652 







197,000 ! 3,819 



























































New Zealand* 


























South Africa* 


















































* Figures for March 3ist, 1914 and 1920 ; in the case of Greece, only 1920. 
t Figures for June 20 th, 1920. 

(Brussels Financial Conference Proceedings, Vol. III. p. xii.) 

National Budgets. 

The budgets of every country of which statistics were given at 
the Brussels Financial Conference showed deficits, except those 
of the United Kingdom, India, Peru, and the United States. The 
proportion of expenditure not met by revenue varied from I per 
cent, in the Argentine to 79 per cent, in Poland. 



('s omitted.) 








% of 



Peso papel 
























- 69 

















Chinese $ 



- 56 


















E. Mark 







F. Mark 



- 385 







































(15 Rupees = ) 



+ 3 

+ a 







- 67 










L. Mark 


7 68 










New Zealand 















P. Mark 












South Africa 




























United Kingdom 




+ 234 

+ 6 






+ 291 

+ 5 








Gross Budgets. 

(he. cit., p. xi.) 



Most people are now aware of the fact that the whole economic 
life of Europe is being disorganised, not only because of the 
positive destruction of life and things during the world war, but 
because the Governments of the belligerents have with few 
exceptions practised a currency policy which has resulted in a 
great rise of prices and a complete collapse of the rates of exchange. 
But the quantitative aspect of this situation is usually not fully 
displayed or grasped. The tables which follow are intended to 
fill this gap. 



The proper construction of index numbers is a subject which 
has attracted much attention and on which experts are not 
entirely in agreement. But the essential object of an index 
number is to record changes in the purchasing power of money, 
by expressing in terms of some conventional unit the successive 
variations in the amount of money required to obtain a given 
group of articles. The first difficulty is to know how many 
articles to choose and what articles to choose. The second 
point is that the actual absolute amount required will vary 
with the base year : that is the year from which we start 
measuring. If we start from a year of high prices, then our 
index will show different results than if we had started with 
a low price year. But though the actual amounts or the 
quantitative variations will be different, the movement will be 
in the same direction, though an index which is based on a 
low priced year will show a steeper rise than an index number 
based on a high priced year. 

Index numbers show the extent to which the prices of the 
articles included in the index have varied. The extent to which 
these things are representative is a matter of argument. Further, 
it must not be assumed that the index shows only the variations 
due to increases in the amount of money : for the alterations in 
price may in part be due to changes in the quantity of things. 
Thus the change in the purchasing power of money as expressesd 
by the indices is due in part to deficiencies in the supply of the 
things included. But if all articles were included, we could 
neglect the influence of supply, because supposing that the 
quantity of money had not altered, the rise in the prices of some 
things would have to be compensated by a fall in the prices of 

In the following tables it should be noted that the base year 
for the two series is not the same, though the variation in prices 
from year to year before the war was very small in comparison with 
changes from year to year since. Food prices in most countries 
have been controlled and therefore the rise is not to be taken as 
representative of the general rise in retail prices. It is notorious 
that uncontrolled retail prices have risen greatly, due to the lack 
of supply and the increased money incomes available in the first 
place, as the control of food prices, etc., left an available margin 
for other things, which was utilised in the purchase of " uncon- 
trolled " goods. 



Expressed as a Percentage of 1913. 










of Trade. 

Index No. 

of Labour: 

Index No. 

" Statis- 

" Bachi " 
Index No. 

" Svensk 

Bank of 
Index No. 

1913 (Average) 

1 00.0 







too. 6 









































1920 January 





















(Supreme Economic Council, Monthly Bulletin of Statistics, 
Vol. II., No. 2, p. 10.) 

Expressed as a Percentage of 1 9 t 4 . 











1914 July 










































* January to June. 

(toe. cit., p. 17.) 


It is useful to check the lessons of price indices by comparing 
the increase of prices with the increase in the quantity of money. 
If prices increase because money increases, then an increase in the 
quantity of money ought to be followed by an increase in the 
price level. Here again caution is necessary. An increase in 
the quantity of money is not followed by an equivalent increase 
in the price level if it is accompanied by (i) a more than equal 
increase in the supply of goods ; (2) such a displacement of one 
kind of money by another that the net quantity actually in use 
is no greater than it was before. Thus in the early days of the 
war, paper money in this country simply replaced gold coin. 
Therefore it was only when the paper money had replaced all the 
gold and still increased in quantity that we could speak of paper 
money causing a rise in prices. Further, in countries like Sweden 
and the United States, though it is equally true that it was paper 
money that caused the rise, this paper money is still convertible 
into gold. In those countries an increase in the supply of gold 
due to gold exports from the European belligerent nations, has 


resulted in the depreciation of gold, though the gold did not enter 
into circulation, but only formed the basis of an increase in the 
supply of paper money. ( 3) An increase in the quantity of money 
will not raise prices in proportion if the money is hoarded. Thus 
it is probable that all over Europe to-day vast supplies of paper 
money are secreted in hoards by peasants. This money is 
temporarily not acting on prices. It is true that they got this 
money in return for farm produce which has risen in price, but 
insofar as they do not spend it but hoard it, they prevent the 
prices of other things rising as well. The surprising thing is that, 
with so many complicating circumstances, the relationship between 
money and prices should stand out so well as it does. 

It is of course true that world production in some things has 
fallen off. This applies especially to coal, foodstuffs, and the 
rendering of efficient transport services. But the control of 
prices has prevented the falling off of food production from exerting 
its full effect on prices. 

The following table represents the net increases in currency 
gold, silver and paper over the period 1913-1919. Most of the 
currency of the European belligerents to-day is Inconvertible 
paper money. 


Increase compared with Rise in Wholesale Prices. 

('s omitted.) 


Unit of 




Prices on 
Dec. 31,1919, 
as a percen- 
tage of 1913 



























F. Mark 










































New Zealand 







































5,870 ! 172 


* Figures relate to January 3ist, 1920. 
(Brussels Conference Reports, No. III., Currency Statistics, pp. 3, 5, 7.) 



A comparison of the changes in prices and note issues is shown 
in the following table. In comparing 1919 with 1913 it should 
be remembered that the paper money has had to replace gold in 
circulation. It is therefore not surprising that the total rise in 
money circulation should be greater than the rise in prices. 

1913 = 100. 






















6 5 a 





















1 66 








































* Figures for end of June each year. 

(Brussels Conferenct Reports, No. III., p. 9.) 

Rates of Exchange. 

Finally we come to the figures relating to the rates of exchange. 
The exchange rate is ultimately determined by the relative 
purchasing powers of different currencies. That is, a money which 
can buy twice as much as another currency will in general be 
worth twice as much. But the dislocation of the world is to-day 
such that some currencies are worth less in terms of gold or 
pounds than they ought to be on the basis of their intrinsic 
purchasing power. This phenomenon, which has been given the 
name " undervaluation " is one of the most curious and inter- 
esting problems of our time. It is in my opinion due to the fact 
that whilst it is possible for the internal value of the currency 
to be supported by the continued confidence of the subjects of a 
country, this confidence is lacking on the part of neutral observers, 
who mark the currency down. Odious as the activity of the 
speculator very often is morally, there is no doubt that, eco- 
nomically, he is very often the prophet of coming changes which he 
foresees sooner than others. The depreciation below the present 
intrinsic purchasing-power value of the mark, the lira, and the 
franc on the neutral exchange markets, is unfortunately only 
too true an index of the probable future of these currencies unless 
the policy of the European governments is radically changed. 


The following table gives an indication of what must be paid 
by buyers for the right to get money transferred by a bank by 
cablegram to a foreign centre, expressed as a percentage of the 
" par of exchange." That is, nominally /i is equal in gold con- 
tent to 4.86! dollars. Call this 100. In July, 1920, it only 
cost T 7 (J5 of $4.86! in New York to buy i in London ; but it 
cost U<? of i to buy 12 guilders in Amsterdam : roo of 25.25} 
francs in Paris to buy 1 in London, and $&% of 208.3 francs in 
Paris to buy 100 guilders in Amsterdam. In Amsterdam it only 
costs Ho 7 of 59.3 guilders to buy 100 marks in Berlin and so on. 

Percentage of Parity. 

Gold parity. 



Last week 

Last week 

New York on 


$ 4. 866 per , 






F. 5 . 1826 per $ 






L. 5 . 1826 






Cts. 40 . 196 per G. 





London on 


L. 25. 2215 per 






G. 12.10715 






K. 18.1595 






F. 25.2215 





Paris on 


F. 25. 2215 per 






F. 208 . 32 per 100 G. 






F. 138. 889 per 100 K. 











Amsterdam on 


G. 59.263 per 100 M. 






6.50.41 per 100 K. 






G. 66.67ipenoo K. 






G. 48.oo3per-ioo F. 

102 . 29 




Buenos Ayres on 


47. 58 d. per $- 





(Monthly Bulletin of Statistics, Vol. II., No. 2, p. 23.) 

The "undervaluation" of certain currencies may be illus- 
trated by comparing the level of prices hi the country in question 
with the cost in that country of buying American goods. The 
latter figure is determined by the current price in the U.S.A. and 
the current cost of American dollars. 

Estimated in this way, the external price has been rising in all 
cases. But if we take the belligerents, we find that whilst in the 
earlier part of 1919, internal prices were higher than external, 
now external are higher than internal, in some cases greatly 
so. This is still the case in Sweden, taking the whole period, and 
in Japan. In other words, the currencies of these areas are 
" overvalued," those of the belligerents " undervalued." 


Percentage Increase, 1913 = 100. 

March, 1919. 

March, 1930. 


External Prices 

External Price* 


of American 


of American 






























United Kingdom 





(Brussels Conference Reports, Vol. III., p. 43 et seq.) 


Official statistics of production are at present very inadequate. 
Figures are, however, available for some of the more important 
industries. Particulars are given below as to the output in the 
chief countries of coal, iron and steel, and as to shipbuilding. 

Production of Coal. 

The figures include the coal consumed in the operation of the 
mines. The figures for Germany show the output in the Ruhr, 
Upper and Lower Silesian, Saxon and Aix districts. The French 
figure for 1919 includes the output of Lorraine, and for 1920 that 
of Lorraine and the Saar. 

(ooo's omitted.) 

Monthly Average. 

















France (including 







Germany Coal 












Holland Coal 











Italy Lignite 


United Kingdom 












.(Supreme Economic Council Monthly Bulletin o/ Statistics, Vol. II., No. a, p.3.) 

Production of Pig Iron. 

(ooo's omitted.) 

Monthly Average. 





J anuary. 






















United Kingdom 












* Exclusive of the output of Alsace-Lorraine and Luxemburg. 

(loc. cit., p. 3.) 

Production of Crude Steel. 

The American figure is an estimate based on the returns of 
thirty establishments whose aggregate production in 1919 
amounted to 85 per cent, of the total output of the U.S.A. The 
British and Canadian figures refer to ingots and castings, as also 
those for Belgium in 1920. The German output is exclusive 
of the Alsace Lorraine and Luxemburg returns. 

(ooo's omitted.) 

Monthly Average. 

; I9 J 3. 























United Kingdom 













(loc. cit., p. 4.) 


The following table gives the tonnage of vessels of 100 tons 
gross and upwards launched and under construction in the periods 
specified. The Italian figures for 1919 and 1920 include Trieste. 


(ooo's omitted.) 



Under Construction. 



Dec. 31, 

March 31, 

June 30, 



British Oversea 



Lake Ports 



















































X 9 





United Kingdom 






U.S.A. Coast 






Great Lakes 






(he. cil., p. 5.) 

Foreign Trade. 

The accompanying table shows the value of the special trade 
of the chief countries in 1913 and 1919, i.e., of the foreign trade 
after elimination of re-exports. That the increase is largely due 
to the rise in prices is clear from an examination of such 

('s omitted.) 
























+ 5 



+ 75 





+ 13 








+ 32 



+ 122 







+ 176 





+ 205 



+ 15 


F. Mark 



+ 406 



+ 108 





+ 247 



+ 8 



















+ 3 



+ 23 





+ 353 


+ 107 





+ 192 



+ 226 

New Zealand 



+ 43 



+ 148 







8 4 7 


+ 195 



+ 94 





+ 84 



+ 140 

United Kingdom 



-f 123 



+ 52 





+ 113 



+ 217 

(Brussels Conference Reports, No. V., International Trade, p. 3.) 


statistics of the volume of trade as exist. Thus the aggregate 
weight of imports of the United Kingdom, France, Italy and 
Holland was 161.2 million tons in 1913 as against 92.5 million 
tons in 1919, that of exports was 147.6 million tons and 54.7 
million tons in the two years respectively. 

In the following table the above trade figures have been con- 
verted into dollars at par in 1913, and at approximately the 
average current rate of exchange in 1919, and have been cal- 
culated per head of population. 

(In Dollars.) 




































































New Zealand 





South Africa 





Spain , 







' 66 


9 6 




United Kingdom 










(loc. cit., p. 5.) 




RUSSIA emerges into history in the Ninth Century when the 
Viking chief Rurik set up his rule amongst a Slav population. 
During the Middle Ages Russia was cut off from the rest of 
Christendom partly by the different form of its religion (derived, 
like the later Tsardom, from the Byzantine Empire, and true 
heir to its stiffness and servility), and partly through its almost 
complete subjection to the Mongol or Tartar invaders. By 
the Sixteenth Century the Tartar invaders had been repelled 
or subdued, and communications were opened up between the 
Tsar Ivan the Terrible and Queen Elizabeth of England. 
Under the Eighteenth Century rulers, from Peter the Great, 
who had laid down the foundations of absolute monarchy after 
the model of Louis XIV. of France and wrested the hegemony 
of Eastern Europe from the Swedes, to Catherine II., whose 
generals Potemkin and Souvaroff broke the power of the 
Ottoman Empire, the power and extent of the Russian 
Empire was enormously extended and many non-Russian 
peoples were brought within its territories. Poland was 
partitioned, Courland and Lithuania absorbed, Moslem 
Khanates in the East and South East were conquered, the 
territories of the Northern and Western Shores of the Black 
Sea were taken from the Turks, while year after year saw a 
steady extension eastwards into Siberia along the Northern 
March of the Chinese Empire, which continued into the Nine- 
teenth Century until the sea was reached and Vladivostock 
founded on the shores of the Pacific. Still Russia had remained 
as it were on the outskirts of Europe untouched by the influence 
of the Crusades or the Renaissance, and immune from the effects 
of any later development when the wars of the French 
Revolution and the disastrous invasion of the French in 1812 
made the Tsar the leader of the Continental Monarchies, a 
position which was signalised by his headship of the Holy 
Alliance. From this time onwards the strength of Russia 
began to give anxiety to the other Powers of Europe ; and though 
the help of the Tsar was gratefully accepted for the crushing of 



the revolutionary movements of 1848, the policy of the other 
Powers was largely affected by this growing fear. The Crimean 
War was an attempt to curb the Russian expansion; and the 
British Cabinet right up to 1890 or even later was continually 
nervous of the proximity of Russia to Afghanistan, which 
seemed to them to threaten the safety of the British Empire in 
India. In Persia too the southward thrust of the Russian 
influence caused a continual anxiety which finally led to the 
Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1907 over the demarcation of 
spheres of influence in that country. 

It has often been said that the motive of the Russian Terri- 
torial expansion was the desire for a warm-water sea port (the 
Baltic and the White Sea are ice-bound in winter) and that the 
founding of Vladivostock, the thrust toward the Persian Gulf 
and the continual yearning for the possession of Constantinople 
and the Straits are thus explicable. In the Secret Treaty 
between the Tsar and the Allies of March 1915 Constantinople 
was bargained for as the price of Russian support for British 
and French claims in the Near East ; and as late as the autumn 
of 1916, a speaker in the Duma roused imperialist enthusiasms 
by his cry that " the Shield of Oleg was still stretched out over 
Constantinople." It was nearly a thousand years since the 
unforgotten Viking Oleg had hung his buckler upon the gates 
of Byzantium. 


A brief summary of the internal condition of Russia at the 
end of the Nineteenth Century is an even more essential pre- 
liminary to a study of the present position. To understand 
its recent history it must be realised that there existed two 
Russias : one the Russia of the peasants, released in 1861* from 
mediaeval serfdom and grouped in their villages and conducting 
a primitive agriculture under the loose organisation of the 
village Mir, somewhat like the English manor of the Middle 
Ages, or the village communities of India at the present day. 
They were almost all unable to read or write, and were intensely 
ignorant and pious, while their conditions of housing and sanita- 
tion, their miserable means of existence, often accentuated by 
famine and disease, brought a high mortality, which was only 
compensated for by an extreme fecundity which made their birth- 
rate by far the highest in Europe. 

On the top of this Russia of the Peasants was super-imposed 
another Russia, of officials and functionaries, of landlords and 
merchants, of law-courts and gendarmerie and secret police 

* It should be noted that the emancipation of the serfs {at a heavy price to themselves) 
ollowed hard on the Crimean war, the erection of a Duma on the Russo-Japanese war, the 
f ocialist-proletarlan Revolution on the Great War. 


and spies. This was the Government of Russia which seemed 
in some aspects to be a survival from the monarchies of the 
Seventeenth Century and in others to be an actual example 
of the fabled Despotisms of the Orient. The Tsar was the 
head of this system, and to him, as absolute monarch, fell the 
final responsibility. Against this absolute power there had been 
in 1825 a rebellion of army officers tinged with Western ideas 
(the Dekabrists) but after the cruel suppression of this attempt 
the Tsardom under Nicholas I. (1825 to 1855) seemed stronger 
than ever. In the latter half of the Nineteenth Century there 
developed a revolutionary movement whose various phases are 
well portrayed by such writers as Turgenieff, Tolstoi and 
Dostoievsky. By 1890, it was possible to divide the revolu- 
tionaries (as apart from those Nobles and Landowners who had 
imbibed "Liberal" ideas) into three clearly marked groups, 
those who based their doctrines on Marx (these were very few) , 
those who followed Bakunin and other Anarchist Communists 
such as Prince Peter Kropotkin, and those groups which were 
afterwards to be known as the Socialist Revolutionaries. It 
was the last of these who pursued the policy of personal terrorism 
and endeavoured to alter the Tsarism by their attentats with 
revolver or bomb on the lives of the Tsar and his higher officials. 

In manj' instances they were successful, the most notable 
being the assassination of Tsar Alexander II. in 1882. But 
the net result of their policy was a stiffening of the despotism, 
an ever more savage repression by hanging, flogging and trans- 
portation to Siberia of revolutionaries of every shade of opinion. 
The Okhrana or secret police were enormously developed in 
State and Church and in every stratum of society until it became 
dangerous for a man to whisper his thoughts to his neighbour. 
This spy system, it appears, is the means always employed by 
a tyranny to maintain itself in power, and has not been unknown 
in other countries. But in Russia the Okhrana became so 
powerful and all-embracing that at last it could be accurately 
described as a vast secret society which permeated and 
poisoned the whole of Russian social life. The very Ministers 
of the Crown were also under continual surveillance through 
what was called the Cabinet Noir or Black Bureau, a postal 
censorship from whose operations not even the members and 
relatives of the Royal Family were exempt. The existence 
of this Cabinet Noir was never proved it had been described 
in the Duma as a myth until 1917 when it was found that it 
had been in continual operation from as far back as the time of 
Catherine II. 

From 1890 onwards this human society, thus governed, 
began to undergo a profound social change which was finally to 


bring about the downfall of the unaltering Tsardom. This 
change can be described as the coming of Capitalism with an 
accompanying unprecedented increase in population. Between 
1897 and 1914 the numbers rose from 128 millions to 175 millions. 
Capitalist industry developed with enormous rapidity in the 
towns ; and the need for an urban proletariat was met by immi- 
gration from the villages. These urbanised peasants often 
returned to their villages bringing with them the disturbing 
and novel ideas acquired by them in their factory life. Thus 
on the one hand a town proletariat arose, amidst conditions 
unparalleled except in the worst times of the English Industrial 
Revolution, and on the other hand the spirit of discontent 
thus engendered was spread amongst the peasants. To this 
population of proletariat and peasants the different revolutionary 
parties maintained distinctive attitudes. The Marxian Social 
Democratic Labour Party, which was founded in 1898, from 
previously organised Marxian bodies, concentrated itself upon 
propaganda amongst the town workers, while the Socialist- 
Revolutionaries bent their attention upon the peasants. 

But from the very beginning of the Social Democratic Labour 
Party, a division showed itself between a section, afterwards 
defined as the Mensheviki, which considered that a coalition 
with the bourgeois Liberal Parties against the Tsardom was a 
necessary stage in the liberation of Russia, and the Bolsheviki 
who took their stand upon the strict interpretation of the class 
struggle and refused to have any truck with the bourgeoisie. 
Of the Mensheviki, Martoff, and later Tscheidze and Tseretelli 
were the leaders. From the beginning Lenin was the most 
unflinching of those who favoured the Bolshevik policy. 

1905 AND AFTER. 

We return to the narrative of the external policy and foreign 
relations of the Tsardom. The policy of Bismarck had been 
to keep friendly relations with Russia while binding Italy, 
Austria and Germany together in the Triple Alliance ; and in 
this isolating of Russia, he was able to count on the coldness 
of Britain, ever anxious about Afghanistan, toward the Tsardom 
and in the case of France upon the natural repugnance of the 
Tsars to the French republican form of Government. The 
successors of Bismarck had not his ability ; and this, coupled 
with the need of the Tsars for financial aid, began to make 
overtures possible. In 1892, the Tsar visited Cherbourg and 
the dual Entente was initiated. Britain maintained her aloof- 
ness for more than another decade, until the growing power 
of Germany was felt as a new menace. Meantime the Russian 
expansion in Siberia and its penetration of the Northern 


provinces of China had proceeded apace. The Trans-Siberian 
Railway was completed, and a line was run down through 
Manchuria to Port Arthur. Here a new Power in the East 
suddenly began to disturb the Russian Eagle as it made its meal 
off the carcass of China. The conflict of interests between 
the two imperialisms ended in the Russo-Japanese War of 
1904-5, in which the Tsardom was heavily defeated. This 
defeat brought about a new occidentation of Tsarist policy; 
and at the same time the added misery and dislocations of the 
war brought things to a head inside Russia. 

The Revolution of 1905 broke out at first as a series of strikes 
and then, as the political parties utilised the situation, as a 
movement of revolt. The revolt spread rapidly accompanied 
by movements of disaffection in the Army and Navy. Several 
vessels of the Black Sea Fleet mutinied ; and under the leadership 
of the insurgent crew of the battleship Potemkin dominated 
for a brief time the great port of Odessa. The spontaneity 
of the revolt continued to be derived from the awakened 
and active condition of the working masses, particularly the 
town workers; and against all this the counter-revolutionary 
plans and schemes of the Tsardom were tried in vain. In 
St. Petersburg a council of industrial workers was formed 
(the St. Petersburg Soviet) which focussed the discontent 
of the population into a movement for a social revolution. 
In the leadership of this Soviet the members of the Social 
Democratic Labour Party, both Menshevik and Bolshevik, 
took an active part. The Tsardom for a time was helpless, 
and eventually an endeavour was made to still the storm by 
the promise that a Duma or parliament would be summoned. 

The situation in 1906 had thus a historical resemblance to 
the summoning of the Long Parliament by Charles I. The 
dependence of the Tsar for his revenue upon the Duma made 
the prospect of constitutional government seem a possibility. 
Whether or not this was a mirage is difficult to tell. What 
actually happened was that before the Duma met in the Spring 
of 1906, the British Foreign Office approved the flotation on 
the London Stock Exchange of a gigantic Russian loan, and 
so enabled the Tsar to snap his fingers at the Duma. This was 
the first occasion on which the Stock Exchange had handled 
Tsarist bonds. It was followed by the Anglo-Russian Agree- 
ment over Persia, negotiated by Sir Edward Grey in 1907, and 
so helped to build the Triple Entente of Russia, France and 

The money thus acquired was used to re-establish the shaken 
autocracy and to crush the constitutional as well as the 
revolutionary movement. An era of repression set in. Not at any 


time during the Tsardom was there such savage and violent 
terrorism. " The Black Hundreds," Corps of what would now 
be described as " Black and Tans," were organised and let 
loose upon the unhappy people of Russia. Whole villages 
were massacred and pogroms stirred up against the Jewish 
section of the population. Siberia was the lightest fate which 
befel the revolutionaries, many of whom found that their activities 
only served to fasten " Stolypin's necktie " round their throats. 
The refugees were the lucky ones. By 1909, the Tsardom was 
firmly in the saddle once more. 

From this time onwards, though to Western eyes the auto- 
cracy seemed to be re-established, the only question canvassed 
amongst revolutionaries in Russia was not whether there would 
be another revolution, but when exactly that inevitable event 
was likely to occur. The Social Democratic Labour Party 
held a Unity Conference in London in 1907, and under the leader- 
ship of the Bolsheviks, then in the majority, it proceeded to 
analyse the faults and errors of the Grand Rehearsal of 1905 
and to prepare the most definite plans for the future. At the 
same time the party was purged of the extreme elements of 
both wings. The Otsovists who held that only illegal operations 
should be carried on, and those who went to the opposite extreme 
of demanding legalised agitation only, were both denounced 
as erroneous. 

Meantime under the " strong rule " of Stolypin, the Govern- 
ment of Russia plunged deeper and deeper into repression, and 
relied more and more upon secret police and agents provocateurs. 
The revolutionary parties were honey-combed with Govern- 
ment spies, and counter-mining in the Secret Service was carried 
on by the socialists.* 

The Tsardom was in this rotting condition when the European 
War broke out in 1914. We are not concerned here with any 
discussion of the part played in this by the Tsar and his 
ministers. But the military history of the war has a direct 
bearing on the internal condition of Russia. The Blockade 
of Russia began in 1914 with the stoppage of German imports 
and the closing of every other means of ingress except what 
little could filter through the Trans-Siberian Railway or come 
down the single track line from Murmansk. Then was seen 
the difference between an industrialised and manufacturing 
country and an agricultural and raw materials country forced 

* The case of Azeff caused a sensation throughout Europe. Stefan Azeff was a police 
spy who attained the leadership of the Terrorist Department of the Social Revolutionary 
Party. While he held this position several attentats were planned by him and actually 
carried out, such as the assassination of the Grand Duke Sergius. This was the Nernesii 
of Government by Secret Police. 


to import its manufactured goods. It was an engineers' war. 
This meant that Russia was counted out in the second round. 
Her mere weight of men and initial reserves of ammunition 
made possible the inroad into East Prussia and, after this had 
been repulsed by Hindenburg at Tannenberg and the Masurian 
Lakes, the push in the Spring into Galicia with the capture of 
Lemberg and Przemysl ; but by the late Spring of 1915 
the ammunition of Russia was exhausted, her armament 
defective, her organisation in pieces and her peasant conscripts 
in many cases without even the rifles wherewith to defend 
themselves against the exterminating fire of the German and 
Austrian battalions. Her bolt was shot. The degree of dis- 
organisation almost exceeds belief. It is on record that on single 
track lines the railway trucks which had delivered their loads 
were actually derailed in order to enable later trains to be brought 
to the terminus. The great retreat of the summer and early 
autumn of 1915 dealt a final blow to the prestige of the Czardom. 
For a period a renaissance of nationalist enthusiasm amongst 
the manufacturing classes brought forward the production of 
munitions of war, but this was accomplished at the expense of 
other forms of manufacture essential for home production. 
Russia had been exhausted before. The net result of this final 
effort was to make recovery from that exhaustion impossible. 

The day of Revolution drew nearer. The embassies of the 
Entente became anxious. Lord Milner was sent over in the 
winter of 1916 to report on the situation. It was just at this 
moment that the assassination of Rasputin, the spiritual director 
of the Empress, by certain noblemen had flared out over the dark 
sky of Russia like a presaging comet. Lord Milner returned to 
report that there was no danger of revolution. Within a few 
weeks of that the Tsar had abdicated and the revolution had 


The Revolution began in Petrograd with a strike movement 
of the working class population who were suffering starvation 
through the failure of the bread supply. The regiments sent 
to suppress the revolt joined the strikers ; and immediately 
the Tsardom collapsed. A change of monarch or a regency 
was advocated by the Duma party, headed by Rodzianko; and 
overtures were made to the Grand Duke Nicholas Nicolaevitch, 
but events moved too rapidly for any such compromise. A 
Provisional Cabinet was got together from the Duma parties ; 
the strife between the classes, the land hunger of the peasants 
and the desire for peace became the main issues ; questions 


of the form of government receded into the background ; and the 
complete liquidation of Tsarist Russia was begun. 

From the moment the curtain falls upon the slow and sombre 
drama of Tsardom, the stage becomes crowded with actors and 
events succeed one another with breathless rapidity. To present 
even a summarised description of this is impossible. All that 
can be done is to make clear what were the governing factors 
in the Revolution as it proceeded, and to enumerate the more 
salient events which throw light upon these tendencies. In 
the first place the relations between the Soviets and the Pro- 
visional Government must be understood. The workers of 
Petrograd and other towns, who had begun the revolt, found 
themselves at once enrolled in Councils (Soviets) which were of 
an exclusively working class character. They were drawn 
for the most part from the natural groupings of the workers in 
the factories and workshops and, as the delegates sat for short 
term periods, were able to express directly and immediately 
any change of attitude amongst the masses of the workers. 
The Soviets of peasant deputies and the Soviets of soldiers' 
deputies were similarly constructed. The Soviet had emerged 
as an instrument of working class democracy during the 1905 
Revolution; and in its re-emergence in 1917 we see the same 
features of flexibility and vigour. In all its working there was 
a high degree of improvisation; and this, while it sometimes 
yielded what seemed chaotic results, enabled it to embody the 
will of the workers in a rapidly changing situation in a way that 
was impossible for a static or rigid institution. Naturally it 
took some time for bodies so new to work out a settled policy. 

This was the opportunity of the Duma parties. The Duma 
was the one established institution which could claim to take 
over the reins of government. But even to that claim the title 
was poor. It must be remembered that the Duma was no 
longer the representative body, elected by universal suffrage, 
which the Revolt of 1905 had wrung from the Autocrat. To 
abolish the Duma by slow degrees had been the policy of 1906 
onwards. Accordingly the franchise had been restricted for 
the Second Duma (of 1907) and still further for the Third and 
Fourth Dumas, in such a way that the aggregate of peasants' 
and workers' votes counted for less than the votes of the wealthy 
classes and the nobility. 

It was in the main from this highly unrepresentative Fourth 
Duma that the Government was formed. Its highly provisional 
nature was recognised by everyone; and it was agreed on all 
hands that the first acceptable Government would be formed 
by the summoning of a Constituent Assembly. Meantime the 
Government of Russia was perforce to be a dualism in which 


the nominal supreme control of the Provisional Government, 
based upon the old Duma parties, was continually subject 
to the growing power of the Soviets, representing directly the 
desires of the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers. It 
was the Petrograd Soviet which sent out the call for the 
summoning of an International Socialist Congress which should 
bring about an immediate " PEACE WITHOUT ANNEXATIONS 
AND WITHOUT INDEMNITIES." This at once produced an issue 
of supreme importance; and though the Provisional Govern- 
ment had to acquiesce in this demand, there were members 
of it such as Milyukoff, then in charge of foreign affairs, who 
went flat against this policy and continued to assure the Allies 
that the imperialist aims of the Tsardom as expressed in the 
Secret Treaties would remain unaltered, and that the prosecu- 
tion of the war for these purposes would be continued. From 
this cause came continual dissension; and though the Soviets 
were willing, under the domination (in the towns) of the Men- 
sheviks, to maintain the unsteady partnership it became increas- 
ingly clear that the dualism could not continue. For a time 
the two powers in Russia played off the future Constituent 
Assembly against one another. In the main the Soviets were 
for its speedy election, while the Provisional Government played 
for its postponement. But, as events moved rapidly, the tactic 
of calling the Constituent Assembly to redress the balance of 
power was abandoned by the Bolshevik Party within the Soviets 
and, under the leadership of Lenin, the immediate abolition 
of the dualism was demanded in the cry ALL POWER TO THE 
SOVIETS. In this the Bolsheviks were pursuing their pre-war 
policy of refusing any coalition with the bourgeois parties. 
They maintained that the downfall of the Tsardom had at 
once resolved the opposition into its constituent elements and 
brought the class struggle to the front in its acutest form. 
For the moment however, the Menshevik policy of coalition 
was accepted, but the movement of events was steadily in favour 
of the Bolshevik propaganda. 

k In response to the pressure of the Entente, Alexander Kerensky, 
the Minister for War (and later Premier) succeeded by his speeches 
in stimulating the army to a fresh effort; and in June, under 
General Brusiloff , the Russian armies made a great drive forward 
into Galicia. The effect on the Allied Governments, who judged 
events in Russia from the standpoint of the war, was re-assuring. 
Inside Russia, where everything was judged from the standpoint 
of the coming peace, the effect was far otherwise. A revolt 
arose amongst the masses. The movement was purely spon- 
taneous. The Soviets (Menshevik majority) were officially 
against it, and the Bolsheviks did not take part in it until they 


were convinced that it was not a forced or conspiratorial move- 
ment but a rfeelly popular rising. It was sternly put down 
by Kerensky and his generals, who suppressed the Bolshevik 
newspapers, and imprisoned Trotsky and the other prominent 
Bolsheviks. Lenin was forced to seek refuge in Finland. 

Scarcely was this incipient civil war crushed when another 
party, this time the extreme Right, attempted to seize the supreme 
power. One Korniloff, a Tsarist general, marched on Petrograd 
with a number of picked regiments. His object was " to restore 
order " and his success would almost certainly have meant 
the suppression of the Soviet if not the restoration of the Tsar- 
dom. In this attempted coup d'etat it appears that Korniloff 
had the secret support of certain sections of the Allied Govern- 
ments, who, it must be remembered were in constant touch 
with the Russian embassies with their unchanged Tsarist personnel. 
Kerensky, after some parleyings, finally declared himself 
against Korniloff. Korniloff was defeated, but the circum- 
stances of this second civil war made it clear that in the 
increasing chaos and breakdown of government the resort to 
arms would be relied upon as the effective means of determining 

Meantime the refusal of the Allies to discuss war aims on the 
basis of No Annexations and No Indemnities, the failure to pro- 
mulgate the law to give the land to the peasants, and the steadily 
increasing misery and famine brought matters to a head. 

The Bolsheviks, who had been chary of joining in the July 
rising, waited until they could feel assured that the masses of 
the proletariat were ready to revolt. Signs of this assurance 
were not wanting. In the " Democratic Conference " summoned 
by Kerensky in the last days of September to base his retention 
of power upon some expression of general assent, it was found 
that no less than 70 out of the 117 representatives of the Trade 
Unions were Bolsheviks. They waited, however, for the elections 
to the All Russia Congress of Soviets. In these Soviet elections 
it had been found that Petrograd, like Paris in the Great French 
Revolution, led the remainder of the country. Accordingly, 
when the Petrograd Soviet in September returned with an 
overwhelming Bolshevik majority, the immediate transfer 
of all power to the Soviets was resolved upon forthwith. The 
insurrection, under the direction of the Military Revolutionary 
Committee, began on November 7th. 

Kerensky fled the capital; and within a few days and with 
relatively little fighting the insurrection was successful. The 
Second All Russia Congress of Soviets met and elected a Council 
of People's Commissars with Lenin as Chairman, and Trotsky 
in charge of Foreign Affairs. The dual control had passed away 


and Russia had become the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet 


If it is difficult to present any clear picture of the dual control 
of 1917, these difficulties are greatly multiplied when one enters 
upon the period of the Soviet regime. For one thing, the rela- 
tions of Russia with the other countries take on an entirely 
new aspect ; the Triple Entente comes to an abrupt conclusion ; 
and in this rupture with the past there comes not a new direction 
of policy so much as a continued, if hostile, bewilderment, 
alike in Downing Street and the Quai D'Orsai, in the "Wilhelm- 
strasse and the White House at Washington. For another 
thing, the internal condition of the country, the meaning of 
Soviet power and the policy of the Bolsheviks so completely 
transcend the previous concepts commonly attached to the 
word " Russia " that any full understanding of what was 
happening would necessitate a re-writing not only of Russian, 
but of European history for the last hundred years. The Bol- 
sheviks, it was said, came in upon a cry of " Peace and Bread." 
For three years after there was neither bread in the mouths of 
the people of Russia nor peace upon her borders. Yet at the 
end of that time the Soviet regime seemed stronger than ever. 
From any ordinary standpoint it remains an enigma. 

Here it is possible only to suggest a consideration of the 
Bolshevik theory which may illuminate the course of events 
from 1917 to 1921, and thereafter to refer briefly to these events 
themselves. What, then, was the theory of the Bolshevik 
Party which was the driving force of the Revolution through 
all this period ? To them Russia was primarily an arena of the 
class-struggle which had now reached a stage of open conflict, 
of civil war between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie with 
the vast mass of the peasants standing as a neutral party, favour- 
ably affected for the moment to the new government that had 
confirmed their seizure of the land, but something essentially 
belonging to an older order of society. In this civil war, a 
Bolshevik might say, " Everything proletarian or socialist 
which is not with us is against us. And so, while we suppress 
bourgeois newspapers, bourgeois institutions and bourgeois 
opinions with as little hesitation as the British Government 
in 1915 would suppress a German newspaper in London, we also 
suppress those Menshevik papers whose attitude to the Soviet 
power is indistinguishable from the sentiments of those other 
Mensheviks who are upon the staffs of the invading armies." 

It must not be imagined, however, that these suppressions 
were excused as in other countries on the ground of necessity, 


or that any lip-service was paid to Liberty and Democracy. 
On the contrary : to them Liberty as commonly understood 
was also a bourgeois notion, to be scornfully stigmatised by 
Lenin as " liberty to possess property, liberty to exploit, to 
sweat, to sack, liberty to dope the workers with a poison press." 
In fact, if the doings of the Bolsheviks were outrageous to 
educated opinion in the West of Europe, their opinions were no 
less of an outrage on the common political principles that had 
hitherto been held and venerated. In some ways it was this 
almost insane correspondence of words and deeds which was 
the strangest feature of the new regime.* 


It is clear that ? this was so strange to the German pleni- 
potentiaries at Brest-Litovsk that they simply did not under- 
stand what was happening, and for much of the time might 
have been talking in a different language. Still less could they 
understand that on the other side of the table sat, not the 
representatives of Russia (now in the hands of a faction of the 
canaille) but the protagonists of the World Revolution, to 
whom a proletarian uprising in Germany was of far more import- 
ance than the demarcation of disputed territories or the rights 
of subject nations. 

A recital of these negotiations will illustrate this, and at the 
same time, apart from their intrinsic importance, will bring out 
with extreme clearness the sharply defined characteristics of 
the Bolshevik policy. Immediately after the assumption of 
power, the Soviet Government issued by wireless their proposals 
for an armistice on all fronts as a preliminary to a general peace. 
The Embassies of the Allies, f having refused to recognise the new 
regime, could give no official or responsible answer. J The German 
Government responded, and after a cessation of hostilities, an 

* This I think remains an accurate comment even when allowance is made for the purely 
declaratory nature of many of the Soviet laws. For whereas in England our Tudor mon- 
archy (also in a period of rapid change) frequently passed declaratory legislation which 
had to wait upon the will or the ability of the Privy Council to make it effective, the Peoples' 
Commissars continually called upon the people themselves, in their local Soviets, to put 
the laws promulgated into full operation without any mandatory orders from the 

t The Embassies of the neutral countries adopted a similar attitude with one exception. 
The Spanish Ambassador whose experience of the political vicissitudes of the Iberian Pen- 
insula may have rendered him less susceptible to shock, called at the Foreign Office and 
left his card upon " Seiior Trotsky." 

J The French and British embassies however, sent a message to General Dukhonin, 
Kerensky's commander-in-chief, who had not accepted his supersession by the Soviet com- 
mander Krilenko, informing him that the Allies most strongly objected to any cessation of 
hostilities, and strongly urging him to a further prosecution of the war. This was the 
occasion of an outspoken warning by Trotsky that the intervention of any foreign govern- 
ment in the internal affairs of Russia would be strongly resented and would lead to the 
gravest complications. 


armistice was negotiated. The conclusion of the terms of the 
armistice, which included the fixing of the armies in their 
respective positions and an interdiction on any transfer of the 
troops of the Central Empires to the Western Front, were delayed 
until a further appeal could be made to the allies to join in a 
general armistice preliminary to a general peace. To this 
appeal no reply of any kind was given. Accordingly, negotia- 
tions for a separate peace began on December 2oth, 1917. 

The Soviet plenipotentiaries tabled certain general principles 
of the proposed peace, which they declared must be a peace 
without annexations and without indemnities ; this was to mean 
that the position of the parties before the war was to be resumed, 
except that subject nationalities were to be given their independ- 
ence, and that individuals who had suffered from the war were 
to receive reparation from a common fund to be contributed 
to by all the belligerents in a proportion. All negotiations 
were to be open, and their daily progress published by wireless. 

On Christmas Day, 1917, these general principles of the 
Peace were accepted by the Central Empires, Bulgaria and 
Turkey. How far this was a concession to the working class 
feeling of Germany, or how far it was regarded as a piece of the 
normal diplomatic bluff, is difficult to say. Within a few days, 
however, it became clear that Count Czernin the Austrian, 
and Von Kuhlmann the German had no intention of regarding 
it as a serious basis and that they intended " to reap the fruits 
of victory " ill full. To their surprise and to the astonishment 
of the rest of the world the Bolsheviks as stoutly maintained 
these basic principles and at once rounded on their enemies, 
accusing them of personal deceitfulness inspired by a policy of 
naked imperialism. The relations of the two sets of negotiators 
passed rapidly from an attitude of ironical conciliation to one 
of undisguised aversion. 

The Russian plenipotentiaries withdrew to Petrograd for 
further instructions; and when they returned they were re- 
inforced by the presence of Trotsky, whose unrestrained invective 
against the schemes of imperialist robbery still further embittered 
the relations of the parties. 

Meantime a continual propaganda was carried on by both 
sides amongst the troops. But the propaganda of the Bolsheviks 
was enormously superior in its appeal ; it reached the civil 
population of Germany ; and it was not Von Kuhlmann or the 
Kaiser to whom the men of Brest-Litovsk addressed their speeches, 
but the labouring masses of Germany and the Austrian Empire. 
For a time the German negotiators and their associates were 
completely in the dark. They did not know what was happening, 
and seemed to think that the Russians, being Socialists, were 


simply intolerable spouters, men so wrapped up in their opinions, 
so lost to a sense of reality that they could not refrain from 
declamatory speeches in the council chamber. They even 
thought that these speeches were made for home consumption 
in Russia for the purpose of smoothing the path to the accept- 
ance of the German terms. It is on record that Count Czernin 
drew Trotsky aside at one point in the long-drawn out discussion, 
and asked him " Would it help you if we were to issue an ulti- 
matum ? " To him the Bolsheviks appeared to be playing a 
game, while he and his fellow diplomats, employing their time 
in detaching the representatives of the Ukraine, attended to 
the serious business of the negotiations. 

Suddenly their diplomatic illusions were shattered. The 
working people of Austria and Germany, penetrated by the 
socialist appeal of the Bolsheviks, began to move. A series of 
enormous strikes broke out in Vienna, in Berlin, in Hamburg, and 
all over the country. For three years the workers of Germany 
had suffered privation and hardships ; but so long as they could 
be persuaded that their rulers were intent only on defending the 
Fatherland, they appeared willing to submit to an unending 
war. The debates of Brest-Litovsk opened their eyes. It 
was in a real passion of war-weariness that the working class 
of Germany downed tools and the sailors of the Battle Fleet 
broke out in open mutiny. It was a revolutionary political 
movement ; it was very nearly the proletarian rising which 
would have stopped the war. * Trotsky had indeed been playing 
a game, though in another sense than Von Kuhlmann and 
Czernin imagined. It was a dangerous game and he was within 
an ace of winning it.f 

Of the two main factors operating behind the ostensible 
negotiations, the fomenting of a revolution in Germany is one. 
The other cardinal point to be borne in mind is the fomenting 

*.How eagerly the Bolsheviks had looked for a rising maybe judged from a message sent 
by the Petrograd Soviet to the Councils of Workers' Delegates in Vienna and Berlin. 

" Brothers, the news has filtered through to us of your glorious fight against German 
and universal imperialism. The workers and soldiers of Petrograd have welcomed the 
news with transports of indescribable enthusiasm. Brothers and companions in arms, 
by your strikes and demonstrations, and the creation of your Council of Workers' and 
Soldiers' Delegates, you have shown that the Austro-German working class will not allow 
the hangmen and spoilers to impose a peace of violations and annexations on the Socialist 
Republic of the Soviets. 

" Civil war in Russia is nearing its end in the complete victory of the social revolution. 
The destined outcome of the peace pourparlers is being decided not at Brest-Litovsk, but 
in the streets of Berlin and Vienna and other German and Austrian cities. Brothers, we 
cordially believe that you will do all that is possible to ensure that the peace pourparlers 
shall end in pourparlers between the Russian Workmen's and Peasants' Government with 
the German Government of Liebknecht." 

t In a sense it may be 'said that Trotsky did win his game in the long run when, only 
nine months later, the Kaiser and his twenty-three attendant princes were swept away by the 
German Revolution of November. But to deal in detail with the reverberations of the 
Russian Revolution and the Bolshevik policy is impossible. 


by Czernin and Kuhlmann of a defection by the Ukrainian 
Rada from the Russian side. The Rada was the parliament 
of the Ukrainian National Republic recognised by the Bolsheviks 
as autonomous within the Russian Federal Republic. This 
Rada was unlike the Soviet R6gime in that it contained represent- 
atives of all classes. And for this reason it had been recognised 
and financed by the Allies. The Germans and Austrians, 
however, discerned in its composite character a chance to break 
the solidarity of the Russian Republics. Just as the Bolsheviks 
had hoped for the breaking of the Central Empires by a working 
class revolution, so their opponents counted on the opposition 
of the Rada to a Soviet government proving stronger than the 
claims of patriotism or the hatred of a foreign enemy. From 
the very beginning of the negotiations they began to work upon 
the Rada. On January nth, they had got so far that the Rada 
plenipotentiaries announced at Brest-Litovsk that the Ukraine 
had now taken up its international existence as an independent 
state. By the end of the first week in February their efforts 
were finally successful. The Rada accepted the German- 
Austrian terms (which were equivalent to a German suzerainty 
over the Ukraine)* and signed a separate peace on February 
9th, 1918. 

This was the first separate peace to be signed, and was the 
more remarkable because the Allied recognition and aid which 
had been refused to the Russian Soviet Government had been 
freely conceded to the Rada. The Russian diplomatic front 
had been pierced ; the front of the Central Empires had been 
shaken, but remained intact. The Soviet Government had 
lost in its first struggle with imperialism. Nevertheless, the 
struggle was desperately continued. 

A new tone had now appeared in the Brest-Litovsk discussions. 
To the deadly arguments and exposures of Trotsky, his advers- 
aries now replied with the traditional mailed fist. The civilian 
negotiators were thrust aside by the figure of General Hoffman ; 
the world was informed that the military victors meant to grasp 
all the spoils of victory. The terms of the German peace were 
dictated to the Bolsheviks who had nothing to do but to sign. 
This they resolutely refused. Instead, they broke off the 
negotiations, issued an order of demobilisation and decreed that 
the state of war was at an end. But sign the " peace of robbery 
and violence " they would not. They returned to Petrograd, 
to report on their efforts to the Central Executive Committee 
of the Soviets. 

This did not suit the Germans' book. On February i8th, 

* It was described by the President of the Rada delegation as " a democratic peace that 
is honourable for both Parties." 


they declared the Russo-German armistice at an end, and without 
waiting for the expiry of the seven days notice, resumed the 
war. Accordingly, the armies of the Kaiser advanced steadily 
into Russia to compel the signature of the Treaty. The 
immediate result on the Russians was twofold, accordingly as 
they were town dwellers, workers in the factories amongst 
whom the revolutionary ideas had taken root, or were country- 
men, either recruited into the army or tilling their fields. In 
the former case there was a fierce rally to fight " Wilhelm and 
the gang of imperialists ; " from the factories masses of workers 
debouched into battalions of the new Red Army ; and the 
approaches to Petrograd were speadily manned with volunteers. 
Everything in the towns resembled the enlistment of the sans- 
culottes in '93 ; now, too, the approach of a reactionary German 
army found hearts burning for the Revolution. The country- 
men on the other hand were for peace at any price. The actions 
of the Commissars' Council and of the Central Executive inclined 
hither and thither according as they realised the mood of the 
town workers and the mood of the peasant army. Now they 
heard of the awakened spirit and indomitable front of the arming 
proletariat, now of the complete demoralisation of the regular 
troops and their blank refusal to fight ; and so one day they 
issued stirring appeals to the old army to maintain its position, 
and to the townspeople to form a new Red Army, and the next 
day would send out a wireless in which they despairingly accepted 
the German terms. During this period of frenzy help against 
the Germans was sought from the French, British and American 
Embassies or agencies. In each the agent was sufficiently 
impressed to recommend his government to help ; in each case 
the help was refused. Finally, by a narrow majority the Bol- 
sheviki were persuaded by Lenin* (" We must accept ; their 
knee is on our chest ") to submit to whatever terms were 
offered ; the Central Executive Committee, with a majority of 
Bolsheviki on it, submitted in its turn and on March 2nd, 
the Peace of Brest- Litovsk was signed, f A fortnight later 
(March zyth) it was confirmed by the Third All- Russia Congress 
of Soviets. 

* It is not within the purpose of this sketch to deal with individual characters. But it 
is impossible not to comment on the attitude of Lenin. His character presents the paradox 
of extreme normality. The man who persuaded the Bolshevik Party to go for insurrec- 
tion in November must seem to us a sort of Garibaldi ; the man who refused any further 
open warfare against Wilhelm must seem more like the eponymous hero of the Fabian 
Society. This mixture of seeming daring and seeming caution suggests a degree of realism 
uncommon in politicians. 

t It was of this second treaty that Mr. Lloyd George spoke when he said " We shall neither 
accept nor impose a Peace of Brest-Litovsk." But see Keynes and chapter I. of this 



Up to the Peace of Brest-Litovsk it appeared possible to 
observe a thread of continuity in the succession of events. But 
with the conclusion of that Peace the public attention of the 
world ceased to be focussed on any particular series of incidents 
and in consequence the history of the succeeding nine months 
up to the German Revolution and the Armistice appears a 
medley of confusion and tumult. There is marching and fight- 
ing in all the Russias ; from the Polish border to the Pacific 
and from the High- Pamirs to the Arctic Ocean we hear of sporadic 
hostilities of Germans, Turks, Kurds, Armenians, British, 
Japanese, Chinese and Czecho-Slovaks ; the territories of the 
Tsardom are gradually disintegrating, and as they revert to their 
national or racial elements there appears in each a foreign invader 
or an adherent of the old regime. Assassination is rife ; the 
German Ambassador perishes in this way, an attempt is made 
on Lenin, the rumour of plots by the staff lead to an attack on 
the British Embassy in which Captain Cromie is shot. 

In any endeavour to disentangle these confusions it is useful 
to remember that there were three main standpoints amongst 
the governments concerned. These were the attitudes of the 
Central Empires, the Allies and the Soviet Government respect- 
ively. The Germans and their associates regarded the Soviet 
Government as definitely hors de combat and their attitude 
seems to have wavered between a desire to crush it, inspired 
by their political aversion to Bolshevism, and a calculation that 
Russia was less likely to recuperate so long as it remained a 
Soviet Republic. Their desire to prevent the Red Republics, 
however weak, from spreading was carried out in Lithuania, 
Livonia and Courland where the Baltic Barons (as the Germanised 
upper classes and large proprietors were termed) were given 
full power, and socialist activities were suppressed ; and also in 
Finland, where dissensions between the Reds* and the Whites 

* It is perhaps unnecessary to explain that the terms Red and Reds have been applied 
to revolutionary movements of the masses ever since the French Revolution. The red 
coloured Phrygian cap of Liberty was the symbol under which the Frenchman of 1793 
were victorious ; and its romantic associations (" Death and the splendour of the scarlet 
cap ") lingered on amongst the literary revolutionaries whilst the European working class 
seriously adopted the colour as their own. The European Socialists fell heir to the 
nomenclature which had the advantages of being easy, common and full of memories. 

To the Red International of Karl Marx it has been customary to oppose (in speech) the 
Black International of the Roman Catholic Church, or of the Jesuits, or sometimes, 
simply, of the Churches in general. The term Yellow (Jaune) had been applied by the 
Trade Unions of France and Germany to (a) the Unions which were subsidised by the em- 
ployers or (6) (by an enlargement of the epithet) to those which stood for class peace and 
industrial harmony. 

It was not however, the prior claims of these others which led the representatives of the 
other classes of Finland and elsewhere to adopt the name of " Whites." The white cockade, 
no less traditional than the scarlet cap, has always been mounted by the partisans of the 
Old Order whether they were defending legitimacy in exile or a bourgeoisie in defeat. 


had now reached the pitch of civil war. The Whites appealed 
to the Germans for help ; the independence of Finland was 
recognised by the Germans at the same time as negotiations were 
initiated for the establishment of a Finnish monarchy with a 
German Prince as King ; and German soldiers were poured into 
Helsingfors. Within a couple of months the majority of the 
more active Reds had been exterminated or cast into prison 
and General Mannerheim was securely seated as Regent with 
the assistance of German bayonets. 

The Ukraine the Germans frankly regarded as a protectorate 
whose harvests and production must be used for the benefit 
of the German military machine. At the same time they pushed 
on past the Dnieper and Don (leaving a Hetman, Skoropadsky, 
to govern the country under the surveillance of Field-Marshal 
Von Eichorn) to Odessa and the northern shores of the Black 
Sea. Here they began to occupy territory within the bounds 
of Soviet Russia and returned no satisfactory answer to the 
repeated remonstrances of the Soviet Government. Their 
Allies, too, the Turks pushed up in the Caucasus, attacking the 
Russian forces and turning an equally deaf ear to the Moscow 

To the Germans and their Allies the problem of the former 
Russian Empire was capable of a three-fold solution, political, 
economic, and military. Firstly it was important for them 
to keep the Central Government of Russia as weak as possible 
(co-operation with it having proved out of the question), 
utilising for this purpose the hatred of the Bolsheviks amongst 
the border states and in the outlying territories where the anti- 
Bolshevik Russians had an influence, and by this means to build 
up a German hegemony on the Baltic and the Black Sea.* 

Secondly, it was their purpose to gain the harvests of the Ukraine 
and the Odessa regime and to supplement their command of the 
Rumanian petroleum by a seizure of the oilfields of the Caucasus. 
Finally the disabling of Russia and the pact with the Finnish 
Whites made it possible to plan the establishment of a submarine 
base on the Arctic Ocean, just as the possession of the Black Sea 
littoral made a base for repulsing the upward thrust of the 
British troops in Mesopotamia or even, in the imaginations of the 
more adventurous soldiers, for opening the high-road to Persia 
and Hindustan. 

The attitude of the Allies is less capable of definition. It 
began with such a concentration of aim upon the successful 
prosecution of the war as almost inevitably precluded any 

* It must be remembered that there was a strong party in Sweden, chiefly amongst th 
officer class, which was eager to bring the Swedes into the War on the side of Germany 
and might easily have succeeded in its desire. 


understanding of the Revolution. The twelve months that had 
elapsed since the abdication of the Tsar still found them insistent 
on the anti-German war in oblivion of the fact that to the 
Russians of every party the war had become of minor importance 
compared to the maintenance or overthrow of the Revolution ; 
and in this attitude even such an event as the open adherence of 
Miliukoff, the former Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to the German 
side appears to have left no impression upon them. This and 
other similar happenings such as the Finnish- German under- 
standing in no way disturbed the idee fixe that the Bolsheviks 
were German agents and that Russian territory must continue 
to be treated as a theatre of war. Further it must be remembered 
that the Allies found themselves taking their information about 
Russia and its possibilities from the staffs of the Tsarist 
Embassies, the refugees from the Cadet Party and other political 
groups, and the representatives of the border nationalities, all 
of which information was necessarily coloured by the extreme 
antipathy of the informants to the Soviet Government. Finally, 
there were already sections of growing influence inside the 
Entente Governments who needed no emigres to tell them some- 
thing was rotten in the State of Russia, to whom a socialist 
society existed only in order to be crushed. They agreed with 
Mr. Churchill's view that the Bolsheviks were a worse enemy to 
civilisation than the Prussians themselves. They were the 
strongest sections, they controlled and conducted foreign 
policy, and it was they who really determined the attitude of 
the Allies. 

Accordingly without any attempt to reach an understanding 
with the Russian Republic a British Expedition was landed 
on the Murman Coast, a Japanese force occupied Vladivostock 
and British troops advanced into Siberia. In each of the 
territories thus occupied (as had already happened in the places 
seized by the Germans) an anti-Soviet Russian Government 
was set up or supported. One of these Governments meeting 
at Ufa in the West of Siberia and representing certain portions 
of the dissolved Constituent Assembly* with Avksentieff at its 
head, claimed a primacy amongst the various anti-Soviet nuclei. 
In all these centres there were forces equipped and supported 
by the Allies who, if their designs had been primarily against 

* The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly has not been dealt with in the narrative, 
partly because the importance of this episode has been much exaggerated. As will have 
been apparent the reality of the situation in 1917 was the dual control and the struggle 
for power between the Provisional Government and the Soviets. In this struggle which 
divided Russia the Constituent Assembly of the future became a pawn in the game. When 
it finally met in January, 1918, the dualism had already been resolved, and the cry of ALL 
POWER TO THE SOVIETS had become a fact. The new institution embodying the principles 
of Western democracy had come too late in Russia. When it refused to recognise the 
Supremacy of the Soviets, it was promptly dissolved. 


Germany, found themselves insensibly drawn into hostilities 
against the Russian Soviet Republic. 

Under all these circumstances it is not difficult to guess the 
attitude of the Soviet Government. A parallel in some aspects 
with the French Revolution has already been suggested. To 
the Bolsheviks the parallel was complete. Once again, as in 
'93, they saw a young Republic imbued with revolutionary 
principles, eager for the emancipation of mankind ; once again, 
they saw it attacked by the Old Order whose very existence it 
had challenged, and encircled by States which forgot their mutual 
animosities in a common desire to crush out the earth-shaking 
spirit of revolution. Thus, undoubtedly, did the events of 1918 
present themselves to the men of the Soviets ; and on the surface 
it was difficult to find any manifest indication to the contrary, 
any utterance even which could disabuse them of this conviction. 


The opportunity for a re-orientation of policy came with the 
collapse of the Central Empires and the conclusion of the Armis- 
tice. Unfortunately, the Allies by this time had become so 
deeply involved in an anti-Soviet attitude that the opportunity 
offered was missed. The cessation of hostilities on all other 
fronts brought no peace to the Russian people, but only an 
intensification of the assault on its Government. The Allies 
drifted into a war of intervention, an invasion of Russia and a 
crusade to stamp out Bolshevism. Still there remained a section 
within each of the Allied Governments who desired Universal 
Peace if it was practicable. Whenever the surcease of military 
operations in the winter period made a calm study of the map 
possible this section would manage to initiate negotiations for 
ending the long struggle. But with the resumption of military 
operations in the Spring the favourable communiques of the 
anti-Soviet expeditions sufficed to stifle this attitude for the 
time being. But apart from the pacific or at any rate diplomatic 
section amongst the Allies, the organised workers of the Entente 
countries began to exert an influence in stopping the war, an 
influence that in each year reached its acme in the Summer. 
Following this apparent rhythm we find that the Prinkipo 
proposal of January, 1919, reaches no conclusion, but is succeeded 
by the triple advance of Kolchak, Denikin and the Murmansk 
force, the news of which in turn causes the Triple Industrial 
Alliance of Miners, Railwaymen and Transport Workers to 
threaten an intervention of another kind. Again the proposal 
for a Trade Agreement of January, 1920, is made and fails to 
reach any satisfactory conclusion; but it is succeeded by the 
Polish attack on Russia, the crisis of which in turn calls forth the 


Council of Action. At the moment of writing the stage has 
been reached of signing the Anglo-Russian Trade Agreement. 

Four days after the opening of the Plenary Peace Conference 
at Paris, the Allies decided to invite " every organised group 
that is now exercising, or attempting to exercise, political 
authority or military control anywhere in Siberia or within 
the boundaries of European Russia as they stood before the 
war just concluded (except in Finland) to send representatives 
(not exceeding three for each group) to the Prinkipo Island, 
Sea of Marmora, where they will be met by representatives of 
the Associated Powers." This decision was greeted very coldly 
by a large section of Fleet Street and the Parisian Press. It 
was obviously a demarche which, however it may have corres- 
ponded to the feelings of the masses in each country, was 
unacceptable to the more influential military and diplomatic 
circles. It was not surprising therefore that the various anti- 
Soviet Russian Governments at once replied refusing the invita- 
tion. The Soviet Government on the other hand expressed 
its willingness to negotiate; while the border nationalities such 
as Esthonia, Lettland, Lithuania and the Ukraine, seeing in the 
proposal the possibility of final recognition of their independent 
status a recognition which Kolchak and the adherents of the 
former Empire would not concede finally accepted the invitation. 
Despite these acceptances and the Peace Offer of the Soviet 
Government, conveyed to the Paris Conference by an American 
named Bullitt, nothing further was heard of Prinkipo. 

To this abandonment of the scheme* for a settlement of Russia, 
the military situation supplies the necessary commentary. 
The end of the winter found the Soviet Republic in an extremely 
unfavourable position. It was not merely a question of continual 
attacks on the Southern, Western and Baltic borders of Russia 
plus counter-revolutionary movements in the outlying districts. 
In the south, in addition to the activities of Generals Krasnoff and 
Dutofi at the head of the Cossacks of the Don and the Caspian, 
the armies of General DeniMn, operating in conjunction with 
French, Greek and Rumanian detachments on the line of the 
Dniester, had pushed up from Odessa in a wide fan, the eastward 
tip of which lay upon the lower Volga. In the North the British 
forces had moved from Archangel down the Petchora and the 
Dvina until it seemed possible that their advance, together with 

Another scheme which was taken up and then came to nothing is known as the 
Nansen offer. On April 3rd, Dr. Nansen presented to the Council of Four (Clemenceau 
Lloyd George, Orlando and Woodrow Wilson), a scheme for the provisioning of the starving 
population of Russia and for supplying her with medicines. On April I7th, the Council 
of Four agreed to co-operate on condition of the suspension of war operations in Russia. 
The Soviet Government received this message on May 7th, and on May Hth, replied accept- 
ing Dr. Nansen's humane offer and stated that the suspension , of war operations would 
necessitate negotiations with the AUied fc Governments. Nothing came of the proposal. 


the British warships on the Baltic and the activities of the 
Finns, would succeed in freeing Northern and North-Eastern 
Russia from Bolshevism. But as the spring advanced the 
most formidable enemy of the Republic appeared to be the 
forces under the command of Kolchak. Admiral Kolchak 
was the successor of the Constituent Assembly Government 
of Siberia. On the i8th November, 1918, the Directorate 
of this Government was dissolved by a coup d'etat, several of 
its members cast in prison, and a dictatorhip assumed by Admiral 
Kolchak with the title of Supreme Ruler. He re-organised the 
fighting forces of the counter revolution and began a westward 
move towards Moscow. One after another the strategic positions 
in the West of Siberia fell before him, the border into European 
Russia was crossed and the line of the upper Volga approached. 
As his successes grew the other provisional governments began 
to recognise his supreme authority. Finally, when this star 
in the East seemed to be nearing its zenith the Allied and 
Associated Powers (France, Britain, Italy, United States and 
Japan) sent a dispatch promising their assistance to Admiral 
Kolchak and stating their terms.* The dispatch which was 
dated May 26th, 1919, began thus: " First, as soon as the Govern- 
ment of Admiral Kolchak and his Associates reach Moscow. . ." 
Alas, by the time the Allies had made this decision, Kolchak's 
troops were already in full retreat. The latter part of May 
had seen a complete reversal of the position on the Siberian 
Front, and the Red Armies had begun that steady drive 
eastwards for over a thousand miles which ended at Irkutsk 
with the complete disappearance of the counter-revolution as a 
military force. The repulse of Kolchak was followed by a 
series of rapid blows at the armies of Denikin and a consequent 
contraction of his frontiers. 

Meantime the southward movement of the Archangel troops 
to Vologda, there to meet the right wing of Kolchak's army, had 
aroused suspicions in Britain that the " rescue of the Murmansk 
force " was being made a pretext for a deliberate invasion of 
Russia. A strike of the Triple Alliance was threatened and the 
labour agitation thus begun culminated in the summons to an 
international general strike for July aist. The strike was only 
effective in a few countries, but enough had happened in the 
early summer to make it clear that the organised workers looked 

* The terms contained a stipulation as to the national debt. Kolchak in his reply (4th 
June), formally " accepted the burden of the national debt of Russia." In so doing he was 
giving an unmistakeable sign of his adherence to the old regime. In 1906 the dissolved 
Duma, in their Viborg Manifesto drawn up by .the Cadet Party, had announced that 
they would not pay the interest on the bonds by which the Stock Exchange and the 
Bourse had given the Tsardom a new lease of life. Kolchak's " acceptance of the burden " 
would at once have marked him out as Tsarist had this not already been manifest by his 
other actions. 


on Russia and the Russian problem with very different eyes 
from the views of the dominant sections of the Governments. 
They were no longer willing to acquiese in what seemed to them 
the suppression of a Socialist Republic for the crime of being 
Socialist. Whether or not they were really so sympathetic 
to Russia as they appeared to be, and as the leading Trade 
Unionists felt they were, is hard to say ; suffice it that the fear 
of action by British Labour was a real stimulus to the War 
Office to hasten the withdrawal of the troops from Archangel. 
The British Fleet, however, remained in Soviet waters and 
remained active. 


By the Winter of 1919-1920, it was clear that the abandonment 
of the policy of a universal peace had only served to strengthen 
the Soviet Government. Accordingly an attempt was made 
to re-introduce the peaceful policy by negotiating, not a peace, not 
a diplomatic agreement, but a trade agreement with the Russians. 

Trade with Russia, it was decided, should be permitted through 
the medium of the co-operative organisations. This was on the 
i6th of January. Throughout the remainder of the year, 
1920, the negotiations for trade followed an alternating course, 
responding always with a strange exactitude to the shifting 
military situation of Eastern Europe. The Polish offensive 
of the spring coincided with a congratulatory telegram from 
King George to Marshal Pilsudski ; the conclusion of the Russo- 
Polish peace preliminaries and the utter defeat of General 
Wrangel's forces in the late autumn were followed by a renewed 
activity in trade negotiations. At one point the Russo-Polish 
crisis brought Great Britain and France to the verge of a declara- 
tion of War against the Russian Soviet Republic, a calamity 
which was averted only by the threat of a General Strike and 
the formation of Councils of Action. Between these acuter 
crises there were repeated occasions when everything seemed 
agreed between the two parties to the Trade Agreement ; all 
difficulties seemed to have been overcome ; but on each occasion 
something intervened to prevent the conclusion of the Trade 
Agreement. By the beginning of July the principles put forward 
by the British Government had been accepted by the Soviet 
Government. It was not till nine months later that the Agree- 
ment was signed.* 

* One of the difficulties in the conclusion of the Agreement was the British Government's 
insistence that the Soviet Government was in a position to prevent the revolutionary pro- 
paganda of the Communist International in Britain and that it must do so as a preliminary 
to Trade. In March, 1921, it was discovered that the British Government had been foster- 
ing counter-revolutionary propaganda in Russia and that the British Police had actually 
been responsible for a forged edition of PRAVDA which was to be distributed in Russia with 
a view to causing risings against the Soviet authority. 


To carry the narrative further beyond the year 1920, is not 
necessary. By that time the pawns and the major pieces on 
the European chess board can be easily discerned ; the kind of 
game that is being played is clear to the onlookers, though no 
one can foretell whether the end-game will result in a defeat 
for one or other or in a perpetual stalemate. 

But behind the chess board play of the European States there 
remain certain governing factors which determine the future of 
Russia and the World. The problem presented by the develop- 
ments in Russia attains its present magnitude for a special 
reason. Russia is one of the half-dozen economic world centres, 
or rather it is potentially such a centre. Just as Britain and 
the United States are marked out by their command of raw 
materials, their capacity to manufacture and their mechanism 
of distribution, so Russia by its mere size, its materials and its 
situation in the " heartland " of the Old World wants only a 
developing of organisation to enable it also to rank as a world 
centre. The virgin soil of America is all staked out, the oil wells of 
Texas are running dry, the forests of the West are being hewed 
down. But in the Caucasus and Central Asia the land is flowing 
with oil, in the North the world's greatest reserves of timber 
are practically untouched and there are rich plains in Siberia 
which have never yet come under the plough. 

What will be the future form of Government in this coming 
world centre ? On that there are two opinions. There are some 
who hold that, with the resumption of trade and amicable 
relations, the highly disturbing features of the present regime 
will subside ; that just as the Revolutionaries of '93 gave place 
to the bourgeois republic so the Bolsheviks, these latter day 
Jacobins, will give place to a settled and discreetly regulated 
system of government, a modified capitalism as remote from 
Communism as it would be from the industrialism of the early 
Nineteenth Century. They point to the overwhelming mass of 
peasants, untouched by any political conviction, and confidently 
expect the oncoming of a milder regime. As a net result a real 
advance in civilisation will be registered. The pendulum, 
they say, has swung violently from the extreme of Tsarism to 
the extreme of Bolshevism ; the pendulum will swing back 

But there are others who take the Communists at their own 
estimate. To them Russia is a terrible portent of World Revolu- 
tion. They have read in the Northern Mythology, and they see 
in the struggles of the past three years, the beginning of the Day 
of Ragnarok, the Twilight of the Gods ; and the old gods must 
fight hard if they are to escape being devoured by the wolf 
Fenris, the Russian Wolf of Ruin. With this forecast of the 


future the Communists also agree. But they say that no matter 
how hard the old gods fight, no matter whether they offer peace 
or war they cannot escape the Twilight of the Gods ; for the 
Norns have spoken the doom of capitalism and not even the 
gods can alter their decrees. 



Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XII. ch. xii.-xiii. (Sir Bernard Pares). 
Kropotkin, P. Memoirs of a Revolutionist, second edition, 1907. Smith, Elder and Co. 
Report of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party to the International Socialist 
Congress, 1910 (Copenhagen). 


Buisson, E. : Les BolcheViki 1917-1919. Fischbacker, Paris. 1919. 

Dillon, E. : The Eclipse of Russia. Dent. 1918. 

Hard, Wm. : Raymond Robins' Own Story. New York. 1919. 

Labry, R. : Une Legislation Communiste. Payot, Paris. 1930. 

Reed, J .: Ten Days that Shook the World. Boni and Liveright, New York. 1919. 

Sadoul, /. : Notes sur la Revolution bolsheVique. De la Sirene. 1918 

Trotsky L. : History of the Russian Revolution to Brest Litovsk. Allen and Unwin. 


Wllcox, E. : Russia's Ruin. Chapman and Hall. 1919. 
Report of the British Labour Delegation to Russia. Labour Party, igao. 


1 The Irish War of Independence 90 3 Egypt .. .. ..120 

2 India . . . . . . . . 112 



Ireland is engaged in a revolutionary struggle for independence. 
The mass of the people recognise a republican government of 
their own creation. British authority, save in four loyal counties, 
out of thirty-two, is being maintained only by a military terror of 
extraordinary violence. 

The Issue. This struggle between a small and poor nation 
of four million inhabitants and the greatest military empire in the 
world has a high international importance. Besides being a 
source of constant and dangerous friction between Britain and the 
United States, its continuance leaves unsettled a question vital 
to international peace : whether the strategic interests of a great 
power can be held to override the claim of a small neighbouring 
nationality to a free and separate existence. 

The interest of Labour in the same issue hardly needs emphasis. 
The most powerful foe of Labour is capitalistic Imperialism and 
in Great Britain capitalistic Imperialism stands or falls by the 
subjugation or liberation of Ireland. And it is forging there the 
most formidable military weapon ever seen for the suppression 
of democratic and industrial liberty. 


An Ancient Struggle. Culminating in an acute form now, 
the struggle between Ireland and England has been intermittent 
for seven centuries. Many Englishmen, accustomed for long 
to an agitation for "Home Rule" are apt to regard a move- 
ment for separation as something inexplicable and unreasonable. 
In reality the Home Rule movement which began under Isaac 
Butt in 1870, and collapsed under John Redmond in 1914, was 
a transient phase in Irish history. The normal trend is visible 



in the rebellion which followed it (Easter, 1916) and in the risings 
which preceded it ; of the Fenians in 1867, of Smith O'Brien in 
1848, of Robert Emmett in 1803, of Wolfe Tone and the United 
Irishmen in the great rebellion of 1798, which led to the present 
Union, and in a long series of revolts and wars in earlier centuries, 
back to the first English invasion in the twelfth century. There 
have been periods of prostration following massacres, persecutions, 
and banishments, but none of submission in any sense that can be 
considered binding. 

The desire for independence is not therefore capricious or 
transitory. It is an inherited spiritual instinct, based on race, 
culture, language and tradition, a consciousness of possessing, 
and a will to realise a distinct national individuality. This is 

The Economic Revival. The twentieth century is witness- 
ing a revival of this spirit in its most unyielding form. No such 
potent revival could have taken place in the nineteenth century, 
because for three-quarters of it the people were absorbed in a 
simple struggle for self-preservation, and the risings that did 
occur were the hopeless efforts of a few desperate patriots, to 
'which a peasantry of land-serfs, on the constant verge of star- 
vation (save in Eastern Ulster, under the privileged "Ulster 
Custom " of tenant-right) could not respond. In the midst of the 
century a potato-blight, which would have been immaterial in 
any normal agrarian community, brought the rotten economic 
edifice tumbling down, caused the death by starvation and disease 
of nearly a million people, and a veritable dispersion of the Irish 
race to distant lands. Even so, the servile Cottier tenure, dating 
from the universal confiscations of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, buttressed by the penal code passed against Catholics 
in Anne's reign, was maintained at the point of the bayonet until 

Economic emancipation, which must in all lands precede 
national emancipation, began in Ireland with the great Land 
Act of that year, and the recuperation of the people may be dated 
from the same event only forty years ago. Other reforms 
followed. A generation grew up without the terror of arbitrary 
eviction, with stronger bodies, seemlier homes and freer minds. 

The Decline of the Home Rule Movement. It was during 
this period that the Home Rule movement ran and declined. 
Linked by the genius of Parnell with an intense land agitation, 
it lost vitality with the achievement of economic reforms and 
can be seen now never to have mastered the minds of the Irish 
people. This was partly due to its failure on its own merits 
as a political weapon. The more peaceful Ireland became the 


more strong and aggressive grew the forces which, in England, 
opposed Home Rule. Every successive Bill offered a smaller 
measure of liberty. Even the petty Act of 19 14, was suspended, and, 
by the pledge to exclude Ulster, virtually destroyed at the hands 
of its own authors, under circumstances which justified the 
conclusion that the constitutional movement for Home Rule had 
definitely and finally failed. For this Act, the climax of forty- 
four years of constitutional effort, was destroyed at the opening 
of the great war, when, if ever, it should have been passed with 
acclamation, and under the menace to Parliament of an armed 
revolution in N.E. Ulster, supported by an organised volunteer 
army and financed and fomented by English Tories : a direct 
challenge to Ireland to resume revolution herself. 

Two movements, hardly noticed outside Ireland, had been 
moulding Irish minds for the change ; the Gaelic League, founded 
by Douglas Hyde in 1893, and Sinn Fein, founded by Arthur 
Griffith in 1906, but prepared for by brilliant literary propaganda 
since 1899. Hyde taught, with effect, that a nation which loses 
its language and culture loses its soul ; Griffith, that the nation 
was squandering its energy on political intrigue in a foreign 
Parliament and should concentrate on constructive and edu- 
cational work at home. Both movements were pacifist : the 
Gaelic League was not even political ; both were national in the 
noblest sense, transcending all racial and religious divisions. 
Together and reinforced on the economic side with a new and 
virile Labour movement under James Connolly, in vivid sym- 
pathy both with the cultural and the political revival, they 
produced the state of feeling which made possible the rising of 

Ireland and the War. It is all to the honour of Ireland 
that there was no sudden break with England. There was a 
widespread sympathy for Catholic Belgium and much genuine 
feeling that the war was a war for liberty. Recruits flocked to 
the colours from Catholic Ireland before the Protestant North 
stirred : 50,000 went in the first year alone. The answer to this 
generous advance on the part of a people sick with hope deferred, 
and just subjected to a crushing political humiliation, came in 
the " malignant stupidity " of the War Office towards the Irish 
Volunteers and the efforts to secure a national status and national 
emblems for Irish corps, in the suspension of the Act, in the 
pledges to Ulster, in the special privileges for Ulster Volunteers, in 
the promotion to the Cabinet of Sir E. Carson. Recruiting for the 
war slackened. Enthusiasm was replaced by a sullen reserve 
and a suspicion growing into a conviction that the war " for 
the freedom of small nations " had far other ends. The most 


active minds in the country turned towards revolution, and at 
Easter of 1916 came the Rising. 

The Rising of Easter, 1916. Ireland as a whole, neverthe- 
less, was not behind the Rising. It was easily suppressed. A 
bewildered hesitancy followed. Then came the methodical 
execution, man by man, day by day, of fifteen leaders, brave 
single-minded idealists, of whom the poet Pearse and the 
Labour leader, Connolly, were the most eminent, after secret 
military trials. There was a week of sombre silence. Then the 
tide turned, irrevocably. Awaking as it were from a dream, 
Ireland returned to her ancient tradition of independence. 


The revolution begun, and apparently quelled, in 1916, Is 
still proceeding. It has had two main phases which may briefly 
be described as those of passive resistance and active resistance. 

Political Repression. The first phase lasted for about three 
years, dating from April, 1916, and ending in the early months 
of 1919 with the establishment of the Republican Parliament, 
Dail Eireann. During this period Republican opinon gathered 
strength steadily, while the people bore without retaliation, 
and with wonderful patience, a regime of stringent military 
repression designed to stamp it out. Some attempts belated 
and insincere to bring about a temporary settlement during 
this) period served only to discredit the Nationalist leaders, 
to silence moderate Irish opinion and to deepen the disbelief 
of Irishmen in the honesty of English statesmen. They came 
to a dramatic end on April 9th, 1918, with the announcement 
of the policy of Conscription for Ireland on the day when 
the Report of the Irish Convention, showing a substantial 
majority, composed of Nationalists and Southern Unionists, 
for a limited Home Rule scheme, was handed to the Prime 
Minister, and before he had read it. It was announced, never- 
theless, that Conscription would be enforced and a Bill for Home 
Rule passed. Both policies were soon abandoned. A violent 
agitation broke out in Ireland against Conscription, and on 
May 1 8th all the Sinn Fein leaders, (amnestied during the Con- 
vention, though they had taken no part in it) were re-arrested 
and deported on suspicion of being concerned in a German plot 
of which the Irish Viceroy said he had never heard and which 
was never made the subject of any charge or trial. 

Meanwhile the suppression of the Republican movement, 
which derived fresh vigour from the sonorous pronounce- 
ments of President Wilson on the self-determination of small 
nations, proceeded without intermission. Dublin Castle, 


perfectly adapted for the task, began to rival the methods of 
the Czars, Hapsburgs and Hohenzollerns. Civil liberties 
free speech, free meeting, a free press and trial by jury were 
abrogated. Under the drastic powers given by the Defence of 
the Realm Act and the unrepealed Crimes Act of 1887, people 
were imprisoned in hundreds on the flimsiest charges, for 
" seditious " speeches and " seditious " literature, even for singing 
national songs. Twenty-eight newspapers were suppressed in the 
period 1916-1918. In the year 1918, eighty-one peaceful meetings 
were broken up with baton or bayonet and some hundreds of 
people injured. A disastrous precedent was set by the forces of 
the Crown in contempt for human life and in the immunity to 
those who took it. A series of atrocious murders by soldiery in the 
last days of April, 1916, had been hushed up, and in 1917-18 seven 
civilians were killed by soldiers or constables without any 
effort to punish the guilty. The same indifference was shown in 
the treatment of political prisoners, whose right to special 
privileges, under the practice of civilised States, was repeatedly 
withheld or curtailed. The following figures, based on the 
incomplete reports of a censored press, give an idea of the political 
repression in the years 1917-18 : 



Armed raids on private houses 



Arrests for political offences 



Sentences for political offences 



Courts-martial of civilians 



Deportation of prominent Irishmen (without trial or charge) 



Suppression of newspapers 


Proclamations suppressing meetings, fairs and markets 


Armed attacks on gatherings of unarmed people 



Deaths from prison treatment 



Murders of civilians 



It must be understood that all this represented a suppression 
of opinion, not of violence. Provocative and exasperating as the 
regime was, it was endured passively and patiently. There were 
no attacks upon the constabulary : no physical retaliation of any 
kind. Bowing to the storm, the people devoted their energy to 
building up a political organisation by which the national 
demand for independence might be constitutionally expressed. 

The Establishment of Bail Eireann. The opportunity came 
at the General Election of December, 1918, and the results 
were all the more impressive in that the people gave their votes 
under the unprecedented conditions of a military terror. No 
less than thirty-one of the Sinn Fein candidates were in gaol, and 
warrants were out for many more, so that only twenty-six of the 
Republican candidates appeared before their electors. Many 


organisers and local leaders had been imprisoned. Many Repub- 
lican meetings, newspapers and election publications were 
suppressed and every declared Republican knew that he risked 
his liberty and livelihood. The intimidation had no effect. 
After a heavy poll, conducted in the most sober and orderly way, 
seventy-three of the 105 Irish constituencies returned members 
pledged to the formation of a Republican Parliament. A remnant 
of the once all-powerful Nationalist party survived in five Ulster 
seats and in the city of Waterford. Unionism (outside the 
Universities) was confined, save for one seat in a Dublin suburb, 
to Eastern Ulster, and even in this traditional stronghold of the 
Orange party Sinn Fein made marked inroads, so that only one 
county, Antrim, was solid for the Union. Labour, outside the 
Belfast district, ran no candidates, but voted, for the most part, 

The election pledges of Sinn Fein were strictly fulfilled. A 
Republican Parliament Dail Eireann was summoned, held 
its first session on January 2ist, and appointed a Ministry with 
Eamon de Valera as President. Various schemes for economic 
reform were at once set on foot and national loans were launched 
in America and Ireland. 


This definite acceptance by the people of a national state in 
being, as a result, not of a coup d'ttat, but of peaceful, democratic 
election, gave a new and important turn to the struggle with the 
British Government. 

That government not only ignored the election but pursued 
the campaign of repression with increased vehemence ; and 
such was the irony of the case with increased resources ; for 
an open election had enabled the local constabulary to compile 
for the Castle black lists of Republicans, which became the basis 
of all future proscriptions. 

War on the Irish Nation. The government of a people by 
force is equivalent to a war upon that people. For nearly 
three years the Irish had endured aggression without resistance. 
But it was now no longer a question of preserving a political 
organisation, but of defending a national polity, which they 
were resolved to realise and England was determined to 
destroy. It was only when this determination was definitely 
declared that the people resorted, and then only by very slow 
degrees, to physical resistance, in a desperate effort at self- 
defence against what appeared to them as a war upon their 
national institutions. 


The conditions of the conflict made a regular rising impossible. 
The English power, no longer unprepared, was impregnably 
entrenched in the midst of the country, with absolute control, 
military, financial, judicial, administrative. On the Irish side 
material resources hardly existed : man power lay only in the 
Irish Volunteers (afterwards known as the Republican Army), the 
territorial defence force founded in 1913, but which at the 
beginning of 1919, though numbering on paper about 100,000 
men, was practically unarmed (for the country had been combed 
for arms) and drilled only by stealth. 

On the British side stood an Army of Occupation averaging 
50,000 men, and capable of unlimited expansion, and the Royal 
Irish Constabulary, about 11,000 strong. This latter force 
was a centralised military police wholly unlike the civil police 
of free countries. In normal times it did the duties of civil 
police, but from 1916 onwards these duties were gradually 
superseded (to the intense reluctance of the men, who were 
Irishmen) by the work of political repression, which consisted, 
briefly, in acting as armed spies upon the people. Hence an 
elaborate system of tyrannical espionage, ramifying into every 
hamlet and farm, backed by unlimited powers of arrest and search 
without warrant, and conducted throughout by Irishmen acting 
as agents of an alien power, against Irishmen pursuing a national 
ideal, each side forced to regard the other as traitors. 

The Charge of Murder. This pathetic and terrible situation, 
leading inevitably to bloodshed, was exploited by the Govern- 
ment which had created it for the purpose of branding the whole 
national movement as a campaign for the " cowardly murder 
of unoffending policemen," a phrase which conveyed to English 
people, who knew their own police as friends and protectors, 
the idea that the Irish were heartless Thugs. It is no longer 
necessary to answer this charge at length. Early in 1920, the 
British Government, with all the vast forces at its command, 
definitely adopted not only the method of assassination in its 
most cowardly and hideous guise, but the policy of terror, 
directed against innocent non-combatants of both sexes, in the 
form of reckless murder, devastation, plunder and incendiarism. 
But, in order not to evade the charge, this much may be said. 
Though murder, as shown above, began on the side of the Crown 
forces, the Irish, unable to imprison and bring to trial, did, in 
certain cases, resort under compulsion, as all weak revolting 
peoples have resorted, to the killing of individuals, generally 
armed, sometimes unarmed. But it was an exceptional weapon, 
used in cases of exceptionally provocative and dangerous aggres- 
sion on the part of individuals, generally members of the 


Constabulary, in some cases unofficial spies and informers, in three 
cases Civil officials,* in one notable case (November 2ist, 1920), 
a number of army officers employed in secret service work. 

The active methods of the Volunteers, as they slowly developed, 
were, generally speaking, guerilla methods, the first object being 
to obtain arms, the ultimate object to render English government 
impossible and to substitute gradually for it an effective Irish 
Government. Hence raids for arms, attacks on patrols, barracks 
and mails, together with the erection of republican courts, the 
capture of local government machinery, etc. 

The Year 1919. All this was a matter of slow development. 
Nothing occurred in the year 1919 to prevent a peaceful settle- 
ment. Therefwas little bloodshed. The main characteristic of 
the year, as of the two previous years, was a war upon Irish 
opinion a renewed endeavour to eradicate the national sentiment 
for independence in all its forms and manifestations, however 
peaceful. On January 2ist two constables escorting a cart of 
explosives near Tipperary, were shot dead, and a few other attacks 
followed at wide intervals. The country at the time was almost 
crimeless, in the ordinary sense, though an abnormal wave of 
murder and other crimes of violence was sweeping over England. 
From this time, nevertheless, under cover of the cry of "murder," 
the Irish nation was, in effect, declared a criminal conspiracy. All 
the national organisations, including not merely Dail Eireann, 
Sinn Fein, the Volunteers and kindred bodies, but the Gaelic 
League, a cultural society, were proclaimed illegal and driven 
underground, their members made " criminals," their leaders and 
organisers harrassed and hunted into gaol, their publications 
suppressed, their constructive and educative activities frustrated 
and penalised, as though with the express object of crushing out 
all that was fine, creative and self-reliant in the national renaiss- 
ance, in order to throw a desperate people back on naked 
force. The armoured car and the military lorry became the 
symbols of English rule. No household or business, no club 
meeting or market, no language-class or concert or athletic 
sport, no newspaper, newsvendor or printing plant, no collector, 
contributor, or treasurer of money for a national purpose, and 
no individual man, woman or child for several children were 
kidnapped was safe from the raids of these vehicles, each 
carrying its complement of soldiers with trench helmets and 
fixed bayonets, and a constable or two as a " guide," and scouring 
the country in a constant round of raids and suppressions, leading 
only too often to physical violence. Ominous, too, was the 

* One Resident Magistrate, one old employee of the Castle, and one member of the Viceroy's 
Advisory Council. 


immunity which servants of the Crown continued to enjoy for 
acts of undisciplined brutality, including, in this year, the killing 
of eight civilians and the sacking of the town of Fermoy by 
soldiers (September 8th), together with riotous military out- 
breaks at Cork and other places. 

The following table, based, as before, on the incomplete reports 
of a censored press, summarises the incidents of the military 
regime in the year 1919 : 
Armed raids on private houses . . . . . . 13,782 

Arrests for political offences . . . . . . 959 

Sentences for political offences . . . . . . 636 

Courts-martial of civilians . . . . . . 209 

Deportation of prominent Irishmen, without trial . . 20 

Suppressions of newspapers . . . . . . 25 

Meetings proclaimed and suppressed, including a 
general suppression of fairs and markets in seven 
counties . . . . . . . . . . 335 

Armed attacks on gatherings of unarmed people, and 

on individuals . . . . . . . . 476 

Extensive sabotage in towns . . . . . . 3 

Civilians killed by Crown forces . . . . . . 8 

Opinions and sentiments are not killed in this way. The 
result in Ireland was to stimulate in the people a still more 
tenacious loyalty to their elected authorities. Every successive 
coercive measure automatically engendered retaliatory violence 
in an unending vicious circle ; but it is worth noting once more 
that the violence evoked in this year was slight. Nor was it 
indiscriminate or undisciplined. During the year the R.I.C. 
maintained its normal peace dispositions, that is, dispersed over 
a vast number of small village barracks and outlying posts while 
its individual members moved freely about as spies among the 
people. Any general outbreak against the force would have led 
to the loss of hundreds of lives. No such outbreak occurred. 
Eleven members of this force, 11,000 strong, were killed, of whom 
only two can be said, by any straining of the term, to have been 
assassinated. The rest fell in attacks on patrols, escorts, etc., 
and, in one case, a barrack. On the other hand three Dublin 
Police detectives were shot dead in the streets and another 
wounded.* One soldier was killed. 

The Home Rule Bill, 1919. The year ended with an attempt 
on the life of the Viceroy, and a speech of the Prime 
Minister outlining a Home Rule Bill which was in effect a fresh 

* The official report of police and officials murdered in 1919, C.D. 709, 1920, is 17 ; one 
appears to be a Resident Magistrate (Mr. Milling) in whose case there is no proof of political 
motive. Two others included are probably Detective Downing, believed to be killed by 
ordinary burglars, and Constable Keogh, accidentally killed. 


challenge to Ireland to continue the revolution. On the old 
principle of divide et impera, applied for centuries to Ireland and 
carried now to its logical climax, the Bill partitioned six Ulster 
counties (two containing Nationalist majorities) from the rest, 
and shut the door on fiscal and economic freedom by retaining 
ninety-three per cent, of Irish taxation in British hands. A 
phantom " Council " represented the hypothesis of a future 
" Irish Union," but was so framed as to leave the small Ulster 
minority in absolute control. All non-republican Irish sections 
denounced the Bill unanimously. Republican Ireland ignored 
it. The last and most important clause repealed the Act of 1914. 


On October 3ist, 1919, two Constabulary barracks in County 
Meath had been attacked in force by Republican Volunteers. 
One was captured, a constable killed, and the four other 
occupants disarmed and released. In 1920 a campaign of 
this sort developed sporadically. Many of the barracks con- 
tained stores and arms seized in the raids of recent years and now 
the object of re-seizure. There were about six attacks per month 
until June, when there were eighteen. The total for the half-year 
was forty-six, of which only ten were successful ; for the barracks 
were roughly fortified for defence and the garrisons amply supplied 
with rifles, machine-guns and grenades, while the attackers were 
armed for the most part with revolvers and shot-guns, and in 
some cases home-made bombs. The casualties were about equal 
on both sides. In every case of capture the rules of war were 
scrupulously observed by the Republicans, the wounded, if 
any, attended to, and the prisoners, after being disarmed, released 
unhurt. This in spite of the unequal conditions which condemned 
the assailants, if captured themselves, to hanging or penal 
servitude. The same correct behaviour was observed in fifty- 
three small conflicts with military and constabulary patrols and 
escorts during the first six months of 1920, about a third resulting 
in bloodless captures. In a few cases the Republicans themselves 
were attacked, but the ordinary case was that of a local ambush 
or surprise attack upon constables or soldiers. Prisoners were 
invariably released unharmed. The casualties (as in all guerilla 
wars) were considerably fewer on the Irish than on the English 
side, owing to the advantage of surprise, but no complete 
Republican figures can be obtained, for obvious reasons. There 
was a similar increase in attacks on individual members of the 
Constabulary though these remained relatively few. Fifteen 


officers and men were shot dead in the streets in the first six 
months of 1920, including a County Inspector, the Assistant- 
Commissioner of the Dublin police, and two Dublin detectives. 
Raids for arms on private houses rose from an average of 
thirty per month in the last month of 1919, to sixty per month 
in 1920, and amounted to 363, January to June, 1920. New 
features in May and June (not involving any fighting) were ten 
raids for arms on coast-guard stations, seventy-seven raids on 
mails, for the capture of official correspondence, the destruction 
of twenty-three Court Houses and concerted raids upon some 
fifty Income Tax offices. 

Republican Justice and Administration. The early attacks on 
constabulary barracks and patrols, though made with the 
primary motive of obtaining arms, had ulterior results of 
the first importance. Six hundred of the smaller village barracks 
and outlying posts were evacuated during the winter and 
early spring, as being too vulnerable, and were subsequently 
burnt, or partially burnt, by the Republicans, to prevent 
their re-occupation, and as symbols of a detested servitude. 
In the week ending April loth, 258 were burnt by concerted 
plan, and the total had risen to 415 by the end of June. The 
constabulary were drawn in to the towns and larger villages, 
and lived in a state of semi-siege. 

The result was to leave a large part of rural Ireland with- 
out even the semblance of a machinery for dealing with 
ordinary crime, and to throw on the Republican authorities 
the responsibility for maintaining law and order in the place 
of a government which had abdicated. The rapidity and 
efficiency with which this opportunity was seized is one of 
the points which make the present Irish revolution unique 
among national uprisings. Police and summary criminal courts 
were provided by the Republican army. Crime had never 
been so promptly detected and punished. The abuses of the 
drink traffic (growing rank under the British military regime) 
were a special object of attack ; for Sinn Fein stood for national 
sobriety. Illicit stills were suppressed and closing hours rigidly 
enforced. Civil courts were manned by locally appointed citizens 
of repute and weight, with expert advice, if necessary, from 
Dublin. Both classes of court, together with the police, won 
public confidence from the first, and extorted the praise of all 
parties and creeds, even of the Irish Times, the leading Unionist 
organ of Ireland. By the middle of April they were at work in 
twenty-one counties, and by the end of June, centralised under 
a Minister of Justice and systematised in parishes and districts, 
they were at work nearly everywhere but in Eastern Ulster. 


Concurrently, the English courts were deserted and ceased to 
function, except in Dublin and Eastern Ulster. 

Republican Land Courts. The severest possible test was 
imposed upon this young judicial organisation by an out- 
break in the spring of a strong agitation for the division 
and re-settlement of the great grass ranches of the west. 
This is a chronic form of land-hunger in Ireland, due to 
the old clearances and confiscations. Nobody now questions 
the social justice or economic advantage of the re-settlement 
of such areas in tillage farms, or denies that the failure to 
bring about this change has been one of the principal causes 
of emigration. Cumbrous machinery for the purpose in fact 
exists, but it was rusting in slack and hostile hands. The 
Viceroy himself had publicly declared, in one of those " blazing 
indiscretions " that occasionally illuminate Irish history, that the 
troubled state of Ireland was due to the presence of " 100,000 
or 200,000 " young men who should have emigrated during the 
war.* For the danger to property, even the property of 
Unionists, and for the grave social disorders which were actually 
beginning, the English Government seemed to care nothing. 
Trouble was ascribed to the incurable criminality of the Irish. 
The Republican Government stepped into the breach, established 
its own Arbitration Courts, facilitated sales of land on equitable 
terms to co-operative groups of settlers, and suppressed cattle- 
driving, boundary-breaking, and illegal claims with a heavy hand. 
Impotent itself, the Castle replied by classing both cattle-driving 
and its punishment as " Sinn Fein outrages " in its public 
propaganda at this period. But the work went on, the crisis 
passed ; the first of the kind ever to pass peacefully, because the 
first ever to be dealt with by Irishmen appealing to Irishmen to 
respect the decisions of Irish courts. 

Terrorist Repression. The repressive policy of Dublin Castle 
during this period was incoherent. While no proper military 
precautions were taken to protect the scattered Crown forces 
from guerilla attacks, the habit grew of retaliating on inno- 
cent people. Reckless shooting, as well as murder, together 
with sabotage and looting grew common. Eighteen unarmed 
civilians, including old men and one woman, were killed by the 
Crown forces during the six months under review, and five of 
these cases were assassinations by constabulary of selected people 

* In an interview given by Lord French to Jacques Mar si 1 lac, of the Paris Journal, and 
published on January 33rd, 19*0. " The principal cause of the trouble is that for five year* 
emigration has practically ceased. There are 100,000 or 200,000 young men here, of from 
eighteen to twenty-five years of age, who normally would have left the country." " Then 
there is no hope of peace until these emigrations have taken place ? " " No." The Lord 
Chancellor spoke in the same sense in the House of Lords, May aoth. These young men were 
the flower of Irish manhood. 


in their own homes, beginning with Thomas McCurtain, the 
young and popular Republican Lord Mayor of Cork (March 
2oth).* The sack of Fermoy on September 8th of the previous 
year unpunished was a precedent which bore disastrous 
fruit. Thurles was wrecked and " shot up " on January 2oth, 
after the shooting of a constable, and suffered again in February 
and March. Henceforward this new form of military terror 
spread rapidly in the west and south. Finally, on June 28th, as 
a reprisal for the capture of a Colonel by Republicans, Fermoy 
was sacked a second time by an English battalion, with revolting 
scenes of drunken pillage, and concerted outbreaks occurred on 
the same night in seven towns and villages. But as yet there 
was little burning. 

Political policy, until April, consisted in a kind of frenzy of 
raids and arrests and imprisonments, without trial, of leaders 
of opinion in all walks of life labour, economics, law, education 
and above all of elected members of the Dail and of the new 
Urban Councils. This policy changed somewhat (for the time 
being) with the supersession of Mr. Macpherson by Sir Hamar 
Greenwood as Chief Secretary, and the appointment of Sir 
Nevil Macready to command the troops (April). Hunger-strikes 
led to the release of untried prisoners, and it was announced 
that lettres de cachet would be discontinued. But the real 
significance of the changes of command was not visible till July. 

The Irish Republic in Being. In June, 1920, the national 
cause was at a high level of success. At the elections of rural 
local authorities (under P.R.), 794 out of 953 County Council 
seats (or 83.3 per cent.) were won by Republicans, including 
forty-two Labour seats, and there and then Councils and Cor- 
porations began to declare allegiance to Dail Eireann. The 
Republican courts had won high prestige and were often 
resorted to by Unionists. The King's Courts were a laughing- 
stock. Constructive activities of the Dail in economic research, 
land distribution, re-afforestation, foreign trade, etc., were making 
good progress. The national loan, having led to eighty-four 
arrests, twenty-two newspaper suppressions and innumerable 
raids, was over-subscribed. Few Volunteers had been brought 
to book, none hung, for in spite of the offer of rewards up to 
10,000, the people were loyal to then- young army, and refused 
to co-operate in then- own coercion. The same feeling actuated 
the railwaymen in their refusal (May 23rd onwards) to operate 
trains carrying munitions of war (as the English railwaymen at 
the same period were refusing to carry munitions for Poland). 

* Also J. McCarthy, Thurles, March 29 th ; T. Dwyer, Bouladuff, March soth ; T. 
Mulholland, Dundalk, April i7th ; C. Crowley, Bantry, June ajth. 


The National Union of Railwaymen, however, having removed 
the Polish ban, declined to aid the Irish protest. Dismissals 
were leading to a slow strangulation of the railway service. 

The British Government was suffering defections from its own 
supporters, notably from the Royal Irish Constabulary, which 
was beginning to dissolve under the strain of the detestable r61e 
forced upon it in a fratricidal strife. While six hundred officers 
and men resigned in three months (May- July) the Dublin Police, 
disarmed in May at its own request, and from that moment 
unmolested, was little affected. Justices of the Peace began to 
resign wholesale in May (315 up to July), and everywhere groups 
of landlords and commercial magnates often ex-Unionists 
were agitating for what was vaguely (and incorrectly) described 
as " Dominion Home Rule," in contrast to the grotesque measure 
before Parliament. This is as far as an aristocratic and wealthy 
class ever goes toward revolution. But even reactionary vested 
interests were noting that the British Government could not and 
did not, and the Irish Government could and did protect the life 
and property of citizens without distinction of creed or class. 

JUNE JULY, 1920. 

Such was the position in the midsummer of 1920. On the one 
side a constructive national patriotism based on the people's 
will ; on the other a destructive nihilism based on brute force. 
Britain's strategic rights were proclaimed by Ministers to be 
absolute, and lest Ireland should underrate the consequences 
of disputing them, she was warned by the Minister of War to 
remember that "we are a conquering race."* Ireland, that is, 
was to be stunned by " frightfulness " into the relinquishment of 
her national claim. The following measures were taken, or 
decisions arrived at, at this period : 

(1) Under an Order of June iyth, the Constabulary were 
permitted to challenge and shoot practically at sight and were 
assured that they would be " given protection at inquests," by 
refusal of information (Hansard, 1613). When this and other 
features in a new programme were frankly explained to the men 
at Listowel Barracks on June i9th, five men mutinied, and 
described it in a published statement as a " race-extinction 

(2) No steps were taken, however, to give proper military 
protection to patrols. Lorries remained unarmoured to the end 
of the year, and instead of road reconnaissance " precautionary 

* Sunday Herald, June I3th, 1930. 



firing " was sanctioned, that is, wild shooting into fields, woods 
and villages, a practice fruitful of roadside murders and ruinous 
to discipline. 

(3) Recruits for the R.I.C. were obtained in large numbers 
from English unemployed ex-soldiers, picked with a view to 
employment in a severe campaign of repression. They became 
known, from their mixed temporary uniforms, as " Black and 
Tans. " The same object governed the selection of a new terrorist 
corps, the Auxiliary Division, R.I.C., formed in July by 
General Tudor (created " Police Adviser " on May 22nd). It 
consisted of officers only, recruited from ex-officers and ex- 
soldiers, with the high minimum pay of a guinea a day. It 
was to become the spear-head of the coming terror. 

(4) In order to " hearten " (his own word) and instruct these 
English reinforcements, the Chief Secretary founded an official 
journal, called the Weekly Summary, which was sent from Dublin 
Castle to every police barrack from August yth, though its 
existence first became known to the public on September 8th. 
Unique, probably, in the annals of war-propaganda or crimin- 
ology, it contained disguised and sometimes undisguised incite- 
ments to assassination and outrage, associated with a stream of 
suggestion that " Sinn Fein " (not merely the Republican army, 
always called the " Murder-gang ") was a murderous conspiracy, 
and thus indicated the greater part of the civil population as a fit 
object for the indiscriminate savageries already beginning to 
become too common ; and for worse. 

(5) Only one other proof, among many, need be adduced of 
Cabinet responsibility for what Mr. Asquith afterwards called 
" the hellish policy of reprisals," namely the " suitable disciplin- 
ary action " stated by the Minister for War to have been taken 
after the second sack of Fermoy (June 28th). " Certain officers 
had been censured and the leave of a number of soldiers had been 
stopped " (Hansard, July 29th). This was equivalent to 
encouragement. There can be no doubt that carte blanche was 
given to the Executive in Ireland, and that the " reprisals," so 
called, were calculated. The new English Constabulary had 
suffered no strain, like their Irish comrades. They came to 
Ireland cold, and must have been instructed that any casualty 
at the hands of a pitifully weak enemy entitled them to " see 
red " for indefinite periods, and " seeing red " naturally meant 
unbridled licence and sickening abuses. The facts show that 
loot and unlimited drink must have been made inducements. 

(6) To conceal the truth and ensure immunity for the forces, 
power was taken in a " Restoration of Order " Act, hurriedly 
passed early in August, to place the whole criminal law under the 


control of the military and to substitute secret military enquiries 
for coroners' inquests, which involved publicity, though their 
verdicts against the Crown forces had invariably been ignored 
(33 U P t J u ty 1920). The Irish Press, already helpless under 
drastic military regulation, was to be still further terrorised, 
and the propagandist activities of the Government were to be 
energetically developed. The essential guarantee must have 
been demanded and received by the agents of the regime that 
their reports would be accepted without question as complete 
and accurate, and that no independent inquiry would be 
permitted. Enquiries in Parliament were met with subterfuges 
and falsehoods. 

(7) The Republican courts, both civil and military, which 
could not be replaced, were to be suppressed (Hansard, July 22nd), 
the police arrested (Order of July 6th), and criminals released. 

(8) No compromise with the railwaymen, even if a starvation 
blockade were entailed (Prime Minister, July 24th). It may 
be said here that after nearly seven months, when few trains were 
left, the men gave in and resumed work. The weak point in 
their movement had been that fleets of military lorries rendered 
the army independent of railways. 

(9) The rebellious local authorities were to be starved by 
the withholding of the statutory grants from central funds. 

(10) Last and worst the flame of Orange bigotry was to be 
lighted in N.E. Ulster, the Catholics taught a lesson, and the 
imperial position consolidated in this " bridgehead " to the 
entrenched camp of Ireland by forming an armed terrorist corps 
of Protestant Constabulary. 


The intensive terror may be said to have begun simultaneously 
in South and North on July 2oth-2ist with the sack of Tuam, 
and a pogrom at Belfast. Tuam, after an attack on a police 
lorry three miles from the town, was invaded at night by bands 
of constabulary bringing incendiary spirit and bombs. Maddened 
with looted liquor they raged through the town like wild beasts 
burning down the Town Hall and several large stores, wrecking, 
bombing, flogging. 

The same disgusting orgies and brutalities accompanied the 
pogroms at Belfast and Banbridge, Bangor and other places 
during the days July 2ist-24th. Catholics were driven from 
shipyards and mills, thrown into docks, hunted like game, their 
homes and shops burnt to ashes, or battered and plundered, 
their churches and halls wrecked, by organised Orange crowds. 


frenzied with drink and carrying Union Jacks as a hint to the 
British troops not to intervene a hint observed till the worst 
was over. The death list was twenty-two, with 188 wounded. 
This pogrom, another at Lisburn (August 23rd-24th), when forty 
Catholic houses and shops were burnt down, and another at 
Belfast (August aSth-September ist) were the first steps in a 
long matured scheme for the expulsion of Catholics from the 
district. Tests, nominally political, actually religious, were 
imposed on their employment ; 9,000 of them have been 
driven from work, leaving 30,000 people destitute. Then 
the British Government played its part by forming an armed 
"Special Constabulary" from the persons and classes who had 
taken part in this mediaeval persecution, after making a political 
creed of the " intolerance " of Catholics. This corps, too, began 
to kill, loot and burn. 

Observe the contrast in Republican Ireland. At the height 
of the first pogrom, on July 24th, Mr. Biggs, a wealthy 
Protestant Unionist of Bantry, a republican town in the South, 
wrote one of many letters then appearing in the Irish Times, 
testifying to the tolerance and friendliness shown to people 
of his creed and politics. On the 2yth, his premises, worth 
20,000, were burnt to the ground by the local Constabulary. 

The Guerilla Hostilities. Before sketching the further progress 
of the terror in the South, we must briefly review the guerilla 
hostilities which supplied the pretext for it, and arrive at some 
summary figures for the year. 

During the last six months of 1920, twenty-four Constabulary 
barracks were attacked and nine captured (total for the year : 
seventy- two attacked, twenty captured), while there were 148 
small encounters between Republican and British detachments 
(three out of four being Constabulary), whether in lorries, on 
cycles or on foot, together with some forty cases of British 
patrols being disarmed without a shot. (Total of all encounters 
exclusive of attacks on barracks, for the whole year, 313.) 
In only about eight per cent, of the fights were the British 
forces the attackers,* but this class increased markedly towards 
the end of the year. Similarly, the Republican ambushes and 
attacks became less successful and more costly. The casualties 
in killed did not often exceed two or three on either side. The 
Republicans generally operated in small flying detachments, 
never more numerous than thirty, rarely exceeding sixteen, 
though in the official reports to sustain the strange military 

* Some of these " attacks " were of a curious nature, e.g., on a dance of men and women 
at Bruff, December 37th. Five civilians killed, seventeen wounded, nearly a hundred arrested. 
One constable killed. 


charge of " cowardice " they often reached several hundred. 
Conduct and discipline were unaffected by the military terror, 
the sack of their homes and villages, and the murder, sometimes 
the torture, of their comrades taken prisoner. Altogether, during 
the year, between 450 and 500 soldiers and constabulary were 
captured, disarmed and released unhurt. One officer was kept 
Colonel Lucas (June-July) and he was given the full respect 
due to his rank. He eventually escaped.* 

Casualties in the Crown Forces. There was a marked proportion- 
ate decline of attacks on individual members of the Constabulary. 
Twenty-six were killed thus in the second six months (fifteen in 
the first), making forty-one for the year, out of an official total 
of 184 R.I.C. men. Out of fifty-two combatant soldiers killed 
in the year only one was shot dead when alone (Lt. Hambleton, 
November 5th), by whom is doubtful, though savage reprisals 
followed. Two other officers were shot at. 

In a different class are thirteen officers, " the peculiar nature 
of whose duties," as the Minister for War explained (secret service 
work) , required them to li ve as civilians in Dublin lodgings, where 
they were shot dead individually on the terrible" Bloody Sunday," 
November aist.f A reprisal in the afternoon was still more 
bloody fourteen civilians of both sexes killed and sixty-five 
wounded, in a battue upon a holiday football crowd at Croke Park. 

To sum up, the total of officers and men killed in the Crown 
forces for the year was 236, of whom seventy-seven per cent, 
were killed in action, the rest shot dead individually. 

The Irish Losses. I pass at once to contrast the Irish losses 
and then to arrive at comparative totals. 

An inevitable defect in the Irish data is the absence of reliable 
figures of casualties in action. They may be put approximately 
at seventy killed for the whole year, and over 200 wounded. 
But, as the new English Constabulary warmed to its work under 
the vitriol of the Weekly Summary, such losses became slight 
in proportion to those of unarmed people, whether Volunteers or 
non-combatants. The figures rose from fifteen in July to sixty- 
one in November, and fifty in December. Virtually there was a 
free licence to kill, and, under the shelter of the secret military 

* Some charges of a kind usual in war-propaganda, and circulated against them for the 
first time in October, in order, apparently, to counteract the scandal caused by some fearful 
reprisals, hardly need discussion. That of using dum-dum bullets was exposed by a 
Court-martial (Belfast, December 7th) when a military expert admitted that the dum-dum 
bullets found on a prisoner were made in an English Government factory. It was 
admitted in Parliament (November nth) that all British revolver ammunition was of the 
" expanding " type. At the ambush at Macroom bodies mutilated by bombs were officially 
stated to have been " hacked with hatchets." 

t Two Auxiliary officers were also killed in a fight in a garden. Few Englishmen realise 
either the nature of the secret service or the fact that eighteen far less justifiable private 
assassinations had been committed by the Crown Forces in the twenty-four days, November 


enquiries and impudently mendacious communiques, to kill with 
impunity. " Black Hand " murder gangs, like the " Anti-Sinn 
Fein Society," flaunted their threatening notices (once even in 
the official Weekly Summary, punctually followed by three murders 
in Cork, November iyth), and roamed abroad, often in mufti and 
masked.* Unarmed Volunteer officers, or persons suspected to 
be such, or ordinary Republicans, were murdered at night, and 
after curfew, in their beds or houses (officially, " by persona 
unknown," or as "evading arrest,") or, in the open, for "failing 
to halt," etc. Worse, they were killed when in actual custody 
(sometimes after ill-usage amounting to torture) on the ground 
of " trying to escape " (the commonest formula), although heavily 
guarded by armed men in lorries or jails.f Cases defying any 
decent explanation were either hushed up, denied altogether, or 
boldly travestied in fiction. J 

No official could explain why the bodies of the brothers Lough- 
nane, having been in military custody, were found in a pond 
charred and with the skulls and limbs battered and lacerated. 
It is believed that they were dragged behind a lorry. 

In one grim case the truth had to be told that of Canon Magner 
aged seventy-five, and Timothy Crowley, murdered in the public 
road by an auxiliary officer on December i5th at Dunmanway, 
after being questioned for fifteen minutes. This officer commanded 
seventeen cadet officers, who looked on at the murders and then 
threw the bodies over the hedge. The condition of this Corps may 
be imagined. But to the Chief Secretary in Parliament they 
the " war-heroes " of yesterday, who could not be criticised 
(Hansard, October aoth, 940). 

* Regulation masks with the Government stamp were served out. 

t e.g., Four Volunteers murdered by their guards in a closed lorry at Killaloe, November 
I5th, their bodies hardly recognizable, were returned to their relatives in closed coffins. 
There were thirty-one cases of prisoners killed while in custody in four months, September- 
December. " Trying to escape " was the official reason in eighteen cases. 

J The murder of Messrs. McKee, Clancy and Clune, November zsnd, illustrates threa 
pouits : (i.) an incredible report of " trying to escape " ; (ii.) mistaken identity ; (iii.) 
ill-usage before death. As to (i.) a long communique in minute and graphic detail 
instantly' appeared in the press. The men, all stated to be important Volunteer officers 
(two were) and therefore trained soldiers or, officially " assassins," were kept for two day* 
in Dublin Castle of all places in a guard room said to have been stacked with loaded rifles, 
etc., with which, left free to move about, they suddenly attacked their unsuspecting guards, 
who killed them immediately, no guard being even wounded. As to (ii.) Clune was not a 
Volunteer or in any political body. He was in town on business. His employer, Mr. 
Lysaght, who published these facts, was promptly punished by the raiding and looting of hi* 
premises at Scariff (Clare). As to (iii.), the whole episode wa* said to have lasted " a few 
seconds," the men being shot dead, but a medical examination shewed on McKee's body an 
incised wound, a fractured rib, and ten abrasions of the face ; on dune's eleven bullet 
wounds, on Clancy's; four. 

Two attested cases of torture to extract evidence are those of Kevin Barry (September 
aoth^ and T. Hales, Volunteer Commandant, July 27th, 1920, Bandon. It had to be officially 
admitted (October 23rd), so bad was the case of HaJes, that, while he was trussed up with 
straps, soldiers had been alllowed on two occasions to give him " severe blows in the face and 
body." His own statement describes a long course of mauling, whipping, and worrying with 
pincers. Cases of kicking, flogging, knocking down, etc., were common. 


There was also a large increase in the number of non-combatants 
casually killed, for running away, or for not dispersing, or from 
shooting in the streets, or on crowds, or in raids, or by sentries, 
or from lorries by " precautionary fire "* grown men, old men, 
boys, women and children. I do not reckon several deaths from 
fright. The total in this class was 98 killed, 589 wounded. 

To sum up for the whole year : 203 persons (exclusive of all 
casualties in action and deaths in the riots and pogroms in 
Ulster) were killed by the Crown forces during 1920, of whom 
101, or nearly half (mostly Volunteers) were selected persons 
killed in cold blood. To these must be added approximately 
seventy Volunteers killed in action. Total, 273. 

The Destruction of Property. But murder was only a 
small part of the system. The destruction of property was 
enormous. From Tuam (July 2ist) onwards the terror spread 
apace, reaching its [first climax at the end of September with 
fearful reprisals at Balbriggan (2oth), when a factory, several 
shops, and half a street of labourers' houses were burnt 
to ashes ; in the Lahinch-Ennistymon district (22nd), where 
twenty-one houses and shops were burnt, and ricks fired far and 
wide ; at Ardrahan and other Sligo villages (26th), at Trim (27th), 
at Mallow (28th), when the Town Hall, nine shops and a large 
factory were burnt and many other buildings wrecked and looted, 
and at Tobercurry (3oth), when the village was almost destroyed 
and two creameries burnt. Though the worst outbreaks generally 
followed some guerilla attack, the procedure adopted was never 
the outcome of hot impulse. Lorry-loads of armed men, 
furnished with lists of Republican premises, and with petrol, 
bombs and tools for firing and wrecking them, would concentrate 
from distant dep6ts, after curfew, on the doomed town or village, 
yelling and firing feux de joie. Liquor would be seized at the 
public-houses, and then to business. The inhabitants would 
fly to the fields or hills, half-clothed and half-crazed with terror. 
Those who stayed would suffer threats, insults, beatings, some- 
times murder. The work done the valiant " restorers of order " 
would load up with the loot and ride roaring away to sleep off 
their debauch. " We are the boys of the bull-dog breed," 
" Up Cromwell ! " " Up, Lloyd George I " were favourite war 
cries. Old war-correspondents have said that nothing like 
these scenes have been witnessed in modern times, save in the 
Balkans under the Turks. But they had been witnessed in 
Ireland in 1798. " Every crime, every cruelty that could be 

t.g. Ellen Quinn November ist, Kiltartan, near her confinement, shot dead at her 
cottage door. Mrs. Ryan, December 23rd, Callan, also near her confinement, opened her 
shop door against orders during a constable's funeral; shot dead. 


committted by Cossacks or Calmucks has been transacted here," 
wrote Abercromby of his army's methods. 

Progress of the Terror. "In this effort," said the Chief 
Secretary, when the Commons met on October 2oth, " we are 
representing civilisation itself." His speech was an implicit, 
as Lord Curzon's, in the Lords, was an explicit justification 
of indiscriminate vengeance on the Sinn Fein civil population.* 
The answer from the Crown forces in Ireland was immediate, with 
riots of arson, sabotage, murder or terror at Athlone, Moycullen, 
Skerries, Templemore, Bandon (where a factory was burnt), 
Tralee, Longford, Granard and other places ; all in the fortnight 
following these speeches. 

It was the same through November and December. " There 
is not a single authenticated case of a reprisal taking place 
under an officer," had said the Chief Secretary at another 
debate on November 24th. If this had been true, the 
forces were, by his admission, a rabble. But the point of 
the statement lay in its hint to the Auxiliary Division, all 
officers, and already pre-eminent in crime, to go ahead. They 
determined to make a supreme example of "rebel Cork," 
where their terrorist ascendancy was such that they were 
whipping pedestrians in the main streets with cartwhips on 
December yth. Piecemeal burning began with O'Dwyer's big 
wholesale warehouse on November 2ist, with a rich haul of 
plunder, and continued on ten other nights the fire brigade 
being driven off with rifle-fire up to December nth, when the 
City Hall and a large part of the central business portion of the 
city was destroyed, to the value of several millions. The Chief 
Secretary read a grotesque official report, stating that the fire 
" spread " to the City Hall (i.e. across the river and many unburnt 
streets), and, as at Granard, suggested that the Republicans 
had burnt their city in order to " embarrass the Government." 

Economic Destruction. It will be observed that the terror 
aimed mainly at the destruction of the economic life of the 
people. This is illustrated by the following figures, which 
exclude all the 'extensive destruction done in the -pogroms in 
Eastern Ulster : 




Wrecked, or partly 


Creameries . 
Factories and Small 
Hay and Fodder 
Printing Works 
Private Houses 
Public Halls and Cl 

'Works ' 









* The salient passages are, Hansard 945-6 (Commons) and Hansard, 41-3 (Lords). 


With this has gone the paralysis of markets and fairs, the 
strangulation of railways, and the withholding of their funds 
from local Councils, all adding to the loss of employment, the 
dislocation of industry, and the arrest of capital enterprise. 

To this again must be added the removal of some 2,000 men 
in the prime of life ; not only men sentenced by courts-martial 
to long terms of gaol or penal servitude for possessing arms, 
acting as Republican judges, etc., but, under a wholesale 
proscription begun in mid-November, councillors, solicitors, 
merchants leaders and rank and file of Republican opinion 
generally, often single heads of business, and sole supporters of 
families, interned on mere suspicion. At the end of the year 
about twelve hundred of these untried suspects were in internment 

The Failure of the Terror. All this, however, to no purpose. The 
terror temporarily stunned certain limited districts. Generally, 
it failed. It is ^robably a mistake to construe the return of the 
railwaymen to work as a sign of moral weakness ; tactically it was 
well justified. Nor can the cessation of hunger-strikes be regarded 
by the Government as a victory. A national victory of immense 
moral importance was, on the contrary, won by Terence 
McSweeny, Lord Mayor of Cork, in dying (October 24th) after 
seventy-four days of suffering, heroically borne, in the first 
recorded case of a strike prolonged to the supreme point of life 
or death. His life, and that of three other strikers at Cork, were 
protest enough. 

The pressure on the local authorities will probably prove 
to be a more serious factor. For the rest, the fabric of the 
Republican organisation, and of the Republican army, remains 
intact. The civil courts, driven wholly underground, are 
nevertheless, functioning. In the six weeks to December i6th, 
eight District Land Courts dealt with thirty-four cases of land- 

Public sentiment remains unchanged. A proffer of a kind of 
" truce " was made by the Prime Minister to unauthorised persons 
on December loth, on conditions amounting to unconditional 
surrender. Simultaneously with the offer, Martial Law was 
proclaimed in four southern counties (December loth), and 
twelve hours later Cork was burnt. On the I3th the death 
penalty was proclaimed (under martial law) not only for persons 
taking part in armed insurrection, but for persons " harbouring 
or aiding them " a threat which recalls Alice Lisle and the 
Bloody Assize, but nothing in modern history. Another 
proclamation of December 2oth warned the Crown forces that 
any offence by them against persons or property would be 


punished with death ; but murders and burnings continued with 
impunity as before. The " truce " this recommended, met with 
no response. 

Lastly, hardly noticed outside Ulster, the Partition Bill 
became an Act on December 22nd. 

The vital issue between Ireland and Great Britain the 
international and labour issue described at the beginning of this 
article remains unchanged and undecided. It is capable of 
one decision only, namely the recognition of the independence 
of Ireland. 



Although all India is subject to Britain, it is not all governed 
in the same way. A large part, namely the Native States, is 
outside the ordinary system of the Government of India, the 
various States having their own rulers. Despite this nominal 
quasi-independence, they are, however, essentially just as much 
subject to British rule as is British India proper, with which we 
are chiefly concerned. 

The history of India as a British " possession " dates back to 
the early seventeenth century, when the East India Company 
obtained a charter to trade at Madras and other places. The 
agents of the Company acquired power to administer the lands 
over which they traded, and so gradually came the beginnings 
of British rule. Very soon after trade started, agreements were 
reached with the Indian rulers of the adjacent territories, con- 
ferring powers of trade and administration on the Company, 
while at the same time the charter granted by Parliament gave 
the Company a large measure of independence. Still, Parliament 
exercised for a considerable time some sort of supervision over 
the Company's activities. Trade with India being a very rich 
prize, there were naturally competitors in the field. Clive's 
military successes against the French, about the middle of the 
eighteenth century, drove the greatest of these rivals from the 
land and then for the first time British dominion was firmly 
established over a wide area. 

From that time the power of the East India Company increased, 
as did the area over which it held sway. After a time, the Crown 
took a direct share in the administration, and until the Indian 
" Mutiny " of 1857 the government was of this dual type, partly 
by the Company, partly by the Crown. After the suppression 

INDIA 113 

of the 1857 revolt, the Company's governmental functions were 

swept away, and the Crown remained sole ruler. The States 
ithat had remained loyal were allowed to keep their existing 
. rulers and forms of government ; these States form, with some 

additions and subtractions, the Native States of to-day, the 

others forming British India. 


India is still in the main an agricultural land. Seventy-two 
per cent, of the people are dependent on agriculture, as against 
4^ per cent, on transport, textiles and mining. 

Until comparatively recent times, factory production was 
almost unknown, but the towns of British India are now rapidly 
becoming industrial, and the fact that there are to-day consider- 
ably more than eight million people dependent on textile manu- 
1 factures shows what strides capitalist exploitation has made. 
The development of transport has facilitated this transformation, 
and it is manifest that the process will become accelerated until 
the whole face of the land is entirely changed. As in other 
countries, notably our own at the time of the Industrial Revolu- 
; tion, the effect of the concentration of the workers in factories 
has been disastrous to the people. 

The Indian worker is worse off, probably, than the workers 
in any other civilised country in the world. The long toil and 
grinding poverty suffered by these unhappy slaves of capitalism 
are such as no European workers would now tolerate. Labour 
conditions are disgraceful, wages incredibly low,* and both are 
maintained by the vile tradition that an Indian worker can live 
on next to nothing. Textile workers have a twelve-hour day, 
children between nine and fourteen working in two shifts of six 
hours each per day.f 

Housing facilities are almost unthoughtof.J and many workers 
have consequently to live miles away from their work, necessi- 
tating their starting out at 4 a.m. to arrive at work at 6 a.m., 

The following figures are quoted from the Report of the Indian Industrial Commission i 
Specimen Wages in Bombay Cotton Mills ranged, in June, 1918, from i6s. lod. to 3 as. 7d. 
per month for the various grades of operatives. Specimen Wages in Calcutta jute mills 
ranged from ias. to a per month. Specimen Wages to workmen in Bengal coal-mines 
average daily wage was 7Jd. 

f The last Amendment to the Factory Acts was in 19 n following a Commission of 
Enquiry in 1908. The report of the Commission said the hours of labour were excessive, 
being from 14 to aa per day. The new Act established a maximum 12 hours per day for men, 
ii hours per day for women, 6 hours per day for children ; with a 30 minutes' break during 
the day for meals. Sanitary provision is gravely defective in most factories. The Commission 
said : " One witness, of long practical experience, stated that any man would feel exhausted 
even if he merely sat in a chair in some of the workrooms for eight or nine hours, the atmos- 
phere was so foul." Major White, M.D., of the Indian Medical Service, said : " A large part 
of the relative inefficiency of Indian labour is due to removable pathological causes." 

t In Bombay } million people are tenanted in one-roomed dwellings. The death-rate i 
60 per thousand. 


and leaving at 6 p.m. to reach home again just in time to snatch 
some sleep. The twelve-hour day has one break, and that of 
thirty minutes only. Mr. T. Bristol, after an investigation,* 
says the average percentage of attendance in the mills is sixty- 
seven per cent. Then he says, " I have no definite evidence to 
prove that mill life has had a detrimental effect on the productivity 
of the Indian mill worker." The same writer estimates that 
productivity as seven-ninths that of a Lancashire operative. 

In the industrial localities, infant mortality reaches the figure 
of 650 deaths per 1,000 births. 

To sum up, briefly. India is a country in the transition stage 
from purely agricultural to largely industrial conditions. British 
and other capitalists have already invested large sums in Indian 
industries, chiefly textiles. Owing to deplorable labour conditions 
costs of production are low and profits high.f Factory legisla- 
tion is in a very backward state. Industrial towns are taking 
the place of the non-industrial cities of the past ; housing, public 
health, and education suffer from neglect and financial starvation. 

Rural questions constitute a problem of their own, but this is 
a matter too vast for treatment in a short article. It must be 
emphasised, however, that the remarks on industrialisation or 
industrial conditions refer to the towns. The plight of the 
agricultural labourers is almost as bad, but the circumstances 
are naturally different. Capitalist development is officially 
encouraged wherever possible, and in this connection the " Report 
of the Indian Industrial Commission " affords interesting reading. 


Before the Reforms. In the case of the major provinces, eight 
or nine in number, there were, to begin with, Governors appointed, 
each having a small Executive Council of British officials to 
assist him. Some Governors acquired Executive Councils much 
later than others. Over all these was the Viceroy, assisted by an 
Executive Council and a Legislative Council. The Provinces 
also acquired ^Legislative Councils, in many cases the members 
being nominated, not elected, and all British. The functions of 
all Legislative Councils were purely advisory. Later, on pressure 
being brought to bear by Indian opinion, Indians were allowed to 

* See T. Bristol, " Employment and Wages in Indian Textile Trades." Published by 
The United Textile Factory Workers' Association. 1919. 

t Cotton mill dividends (Bombay Exchange List, 1919) : 3 paid 40% ; 2 paid 50% ; 
i each 56%, 70%, 80%, 100%, 120%. Jute mills (Financier, August 7th, 1918) : " 3 
companies have doubled their dividend to 20% for the past year." It will be seen that 
Indian cotton is a very important, and, to the manufacturer, a very lucrative business. 
Lancashire mill owners have been very apprehensive lest competition should become keen. 
Some British capitalists have therefore been prominent in the agitation for more stringent, 
factory legislation in India, 

INDIA 115 

sit on the Legislative Councils, and an appearance of election was 

Provincial Governors were subject to the Viceroy, but in 
practice they had wide powers in their own Provinces. Similarly 
the Viceroy had almost complete power, though in theory (some- 
times in practice) he remained subject to the Secretary of State 
for India, who again was responsible to Parliament. Parliament 
in fact has never had effective control over Indian policy. The 
Secretary of State has more power, and is hardly hindered by 
his " Council of India," which is an advisory body in all save 
finance, where some power of veto exists. * 

The Morley-Minto Reforms, due to Lord Morley and Lord 
Minto, were accomplished in 1909. These reforms were designed 
to be both a rallying ground for the Indian moderates and an 
effective block against further democratisation of the Constitu- 
tion. One Indian (nominated) was brought on to each Executive 
Council, and elected members on to the Legislative Councils, 
the electorates being extremely limited in extent. 

The Montagu-Chelmsford Report. The war created a new 
situation. The nationalist demand was immensely strengthened ; 
and at the same time the Mesopotamia muddle (Report in 1917) 
seriously discredited the Executive Government. It was felt 
that some change was inevitable ; and in August, 1917, the 
Secretary of State resigned and the Government announced that 
far-reaching reforms in conformity with the principle of ultimate 
self-determination would be conceded. 

This Declaration, made on August 25th, 1917, was couched in 
the following terms : 

" The policy of His Majesty's Government, with which the Government of India are in 
complete accord, is that of increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administra- 
tion and the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive 
realisation of responsible Government in India as an integral part of the British Empire. They 
have decided that substantial steps in this direction should be taken as soon as possible." 

The new Secretary of State, Mr. Montagu, drew up, in con- 
junction with the Viceroy, the famous Montagu-Chelmsford 
report. The recommendations made therein were embodied, 
with some amendment, in the Government of India Act, 1919. 
The new constitution so drawn up comes into effect this year. 

While large superficial changes are made, India remains 
ultimately subject to the British Parliament, and thus no self- 
government is either granted or brought in sight. The reforms 
do not in the least satisfy articulate Indian opinion, and a state 

NOTB. Under the new scheme, the salary of the Secretary of State is to be paid out of 
British Funds, not out of Indian Revenues, as formerly. This may give Parliament somewhat 
closer coatrol over the Secretary of State. 


of things similar in some respects to that in Ireland is fast 
developing in India. 

IfaThe New Constitution. In the eight major provinces* of 
Bombay, Bengal, Madras, United Provinces, Central Provinces, 
Bihar and Orissa, Punjab, and Assam, there are to be two sides 
to the Government, one official and one Indian. 

The official side, consisting of the Governor with his Executive 
Council of two British officials and one Indian, is to be responsible 
for what are called Reserved Subjects, while the Indian side, 
consisting of Ministers selected by the Governor from the member- 
ship of the elected Legislative Councils, is to have control of 
Transferred Subjects. This is the principle known as Dyarchy. 
Among the Transferred subjects are Education, Public Health, 
and Public Works, while the majority of important subjects are 
on the Reserved list. Moreover, it will probably be found in 
practice that the Reserved subjects get the lion's share of the 
available funds. Some subjects such as Defence, Foreign Affairs, 
etc., are reserved solely to the Central Government, and these 
questions the Provinces may not touch. In the Central Govern- 
ment there is no Dyarchy principle. The official British element 
is the only authority (except for two or three nominated Indians 
on the Viceroy's Council). 

All Legislative Councils have now an elected majority, but the 
electorate comprises only 1.5 per cent, of the population. 

There is not much self-government so far, and really there is 
less than appears, for the Governor or Viceroy can, in any case 
in which he thinks it necessary, certify that a particular measure 
ought or ought not to be passed, whether the Legislature and 
the people like it or not. Thus, however the elected council 
may vote, a measure is passed or stopped if the Governor 
certifies that such a course is necessary. 


The organised political movement in India for Indian emancipa- 
tion dates from the eighties. The Sepoy rising of 1857 had been 
a military rising ; and, although the economic movement of 
boycott of foreign goods (known as " Swadeshi ") was initiated 
in 1877, it did not achieve importance until the twentieth century. 
The political movement has been divided into a National 
movement (containing moderate and extremist wings), working 
through the Indian National Congress, and a Revolutionary 
movement working underground. 

* NOTE. Burma, after much agitation, is also to be included, and a Bill to this effect 
is shortly to be introduced. Ceylon, for whom a special constitution is proposed, is vigorously 
agitating for better treatment. 

INDIA 117 

Tbe Indian National Congress was formed in 1885 of repre- 
sentatives from among the advanced wing of the educated classes 
in British India to focus Indian nationalist opinion, press for 
measures of constitutional reform, and form, as the original 
prospectus stated, the " germ of a native parliament." 

In its early days the Congress represented a movement of a 
small educated minority and had little popular appeal ; its 
propaganda was inspired by the ideas of Western democracy as 
conceived by Mill, Gladstone, and other nineteenth century 
Liberals ; and the movement was carried on for the most part 
by Westernised Indians, aiming simply at a liberalising of the 
Legislative Councils and the admission of more Indians into the 
Civil Service. Later the renaissance of Indian culture and ideas, 
and the religious revival associated with the Arya Samaj (a 
movement formed to revive a purer form of Hinduism) brought 
the Nationalist movement into closer touch with the people ; 
although any real contact with the labouring classes has only just 
begun during the last year or two. 

Spilt of Moderates and Extremists. The Partition of Bengal 
in 1905, by the decision of Lord Curzon as Viceroy, which aroused 
deep and widespread indignation, gave a new impetus to the 
Nationalist movement. More indirect influences behind the new 
tendencies were the example of Japan's victory over the Western 
power of Russia, and the partially successful Russian revolution 
of 1905. An An ti- Partition Boycott was declared, and approved 
by the Congress. The Swadeshi movement spread widely in 
Bengal, and the revolutionary organisations and attempts 
developed. The extremist demand now began to be heard in 
the Congress, and the 1906 Congress at Surat broke up in confusion 
after a stormy conflict between the Moderates (led by Gokhale and 
Surendra Nath Banner] ea) and the Extremists (led by Tilak). 
In 1908 the Extremists attempted to hold a separate conference 
at Nagpur, but were prevented by the authorities. From 1909 
onwards until 1915, the Congress was in the hands of the Moderates 
under the able leadership of Gokhale. 

The policy of the British Government was to conciliate Moderate 
opinion and suppress the Extremists. The Morley-Minto 
reforms were introduced and won the approval of the Moderates. 
At the same time, in 1908, Tilak was sentenced to six years' 
imprisonment for the writing of certain articles (this sentence 
was only one among thousands of political imprisonments, 
transportations and deportations during the last dozen years) ; 
and in 1910 the Press Act was introduced to control the press.* 

Since 1910, according to the Press Association of India, over 350 presses and 300 news- 
papers have been penalised under the Act, 40,000 in securities demanded and over 500 
publications proscribed. Many editors and writers are undergoing life or long-term sentences 
to the Andamans, the Siberia of India. 


The All-India Muslim League was also founded about this time 
(in 1906) as a make-weight countering the political Nationalist 
movement, which was largely Hindu in influence. It had been 
the traditional policy of the British Government to encourage 
the division between the Hindu majority and the Muslim minority 
in India by special concessions and privileges to the Muslims ; 
and the Muslim League held aloof from Nationalist politics and 
remained a loyalist party. But this breach was not destined to 
continue. In 1913 the Muslim League added to its objects : 
" the attainment of the system of self-government suitable to 
India " ; and the effect of the war, with Turkey as an enemy, 
completed the healing of the breach and produced the unity 
compact of 1916. 

The general effect of the war, and the impetus it gave to making 
the Nationalist movement more widely spread and bolder in its 
demands, has already been mentioned in the Constitutional 
Section. In addition special influences were at work, giving 
expression to the new tendencies. 

The Home Rule for India League was founded by Mrs. Besant. 
in September, 1916, to organise the demand for complete Home 
Rule. Its able propaganda (which did much to awaken attention 
in this country to Indian questions) soon won for the new body 
a great influence both with the Congress and with the Muslim 
League, and played a notable part in securing the unity compact 
of 1916 on a Home Rule platform. Subsequently, when Mrs. 
Besant became associated with the Moderates and ceased to 
reflect Congress opinion, the influence of the League declined ; 
for, although the League disowned Mrs. Besant 's later attitude, 
its influence as an organisation had been largely due to her 

The Congress-League Compact of Lucknow, 1916, marks the 
beginning of the new era in Indian politics. For the first time 
the Congress, which had been consistently Moderate up to 1915, 
adopted a full Home Rule platform ; and the Extremists and the 
Moderates were reconciled again for a moment with the Congress. 
At the same time the Congress and Muslim League adopted a 
united programme of proposals, voicing the demand of India to 

" cease to be a dependency and be raised to the status of a self-governing State as an 
equal partner, with equal rights and responsibilities as an independent unit of the 

Secession of the Moderates, 1918. The Montagu-Chelmsford 
reforms produced a division in Indian Nationalist opinion. At 
first there was a general tendency to welcome the reforms, while at 
the same time expressing criticism and pressing for improvement. 

INDIA 119 

But the ferocious Rowlatt Act* of March, 1918, which preceded 
the Government of India Act of 1919, alienated public opinion ; 
and only a small fraction, representing the Moderates and Mrs. 
Besant, declared in favour of accepting the reforms, and endeav- 
oured to work them as an instalment of self-government. The 
Moderates, having become entirely out of touch with the increasing 
left-ward tendency of Congress opinion, held a separate Conference 
in the end of 1918 and formed the National Liberal Congress, 
which now meets annually apart from the Indian National 
Congress. A small group of " progressive moderates " have 
remained as a fractional minority without influence in the 
Indian National Congress. 

Passive Resistance and Non-Co-operation. Early in 1919 a new 
movement began under the influence of Gandhi, a religious 
leader, whose personality won the devotion of the Indian masses. 
This was the movement of " Satyagraha," or passive resistance, 
as a counter to the Rowlatt Act. It was arising out of this 
movement that there took place the outrage of Amritsar, in 
April, 1919, when an unarmed meeting, densely packed and in a 
closed space without means of escape, were shot down continu- 
ously for ten minutes by British troops. The incident did more 
to embitter permanently Indian opinion, and the prospects of 
the Government of India Act were ruined. The passive resistance 
movement spread and developed into a complete programme of 
" non-co-operation." At a special conference of the Indian 
National Congress at Calcutta in September, 1920, the policy of 
non-co-operation was officially adopted ; and a progressive 
boycott envisaged of British titles and honours, elections and 
legislative councils, schools, universities and the legal profession, 
military services and taxes, and all foreign goods and investments. 
The measure of fulfilment of this programme remains to be seen. 

The Nagpur Congress of December, 1920, endorsed this policy ; 
and at the same time adopted a new Constitution of the All-India 
National Congress, declaring its aim to be the attainment of 

* This Act (Criminal Law Emergency Powers Act, 1919) is to remain in operation for three 
years after the conclusion of the war, and consists of five parts. Under the first three parts 
punitive and preventive measures can in turn be called into operation on the issue of a notifi- 
cation of the Governor General in Council, which is capable of application to a particular 
province or even smaller area. Provision is made in Part I. for the trial of " anarchical and 
revolutionary crime," by benches of three judges of the High Court, sitting without either 
juries or assessors. The drawing and service of written information takes the place of pre- 
liminary commitment proceedings. Under Part II. the Local Government is empowered to 
make an order requiring a person to enter into a bond of good behaviour for one year Part 
III. authorises arrest without warrant, confinement under specified conditions and search of 
any place which " has been, is being, or is about to be " used by the person arrested. Part IV. 
applies these enactments to persons already under executive control, i.e., those who have 
come under the operation of the Defence of India Act, 1915, and the Ingress into India 
Ordinance, 1914. Part V. provides that " no order under this Act shall be called in question 
in any court," and the powers conferred are stated to be in addition to and not in derogation 
of any power already exercisable under other enactments. 



self-government "by all peaceful and legitimate means," and 
omitting the provision that such means should be " consti- 
tutional and carried out under the existing system of adminis- 



Statistical Abstract, British India, 1920. Cmd. 735. (as.) 

Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India during 1919. Cmd. 950. (3$. 6d.). 
Montagu-Chelmsford Report. Cd. 9109. (is. gd.) 
Government of India Act, 1919. 9 and 10 Geo. Ch. 101. (6d.) 
Hunter Committee Report on Disturbances in Punjab. Cmd. 681. (49.) 


Besant, A. : India. Jacks, 1914. 
Horniman, B. G. : Amritsar. Fisher Unwin. 1930. 
Lovett, Sir Vemey : The Indian Nationalist Movement. Murray. 1930. 
Macdonald, J. R. : The Government and India. Swarthmore Press. 1930. 
Rai, La jp nt : Young India. New York. 


Area and Population. The area of Egypt proper, including the Libyan Desert and the 
Sinai Peninsula, is about 350,000 square miles, or about three times the size of the British 
Isles. The cultivated ard settled area, however, that is, the Nile Valley and the Delta, 
is small, consisting of only 13,326 square miles. The remainder is desert. 

The population is over thirteen millions, of which the majority, 91 per cent, are Moslems ; 
8 per cent, are Christians, and 0.5 per cent. Jews. A large (and influential) majority of the 
native Christians are Copts, the descendants of the ancient Egyptians, who adhere to the 
Jacobite or Monophysite creed. 

Education. The principal seat of Koranic learning is the Mosque and University of 
El-Azhar, at Cairo, and in this and the other mosques, which are under its supervision, there 
were in 1914, 625 professors and over 15,000 students. The extent of illiteracy among the 
native population is great. It is estimated that 880 per 1,000 of the male population in 1917 
could neither read nor write. The higher education is exclusively Europeanised. Of pro- 
fessional schools of various kinds (including secondary schools) there were 76 in 1919 with 
about 1 1,000 students. Of higher elementary and primary schools there were 103 with 16,000 
pupils. Spread over the country there are a number of native schools of ancient establish- 
ment (Maktabs) which are gradually being brought under the supervision of the Department 
of Education, and of such there are nearly 4,000 with 240,000 students. 

Production and Industry. Agriculture engages 63 per cent, of the population. Of the 
cultivable area the Egyptians in 1918 owned, 4,801,360 feddans, and foreigners, 687,764 
feddans (a feddan = 1.038 acres). 42 per cent, of this area consists of holdings of over 
50 feddans. One-quarter of the agricultural population are small owners and the rest are 
labourers. The fertility of Egypt depends solely upon the annual inundations of the Nile, 
which are exploited by extensive reservoirs and irrigation systems. Two or three crops a 
year are produced. The chief crops are cotton, which forms the principal source of national 
wealth, sugar, rice, cereals, pulses and vegetables. Industries have sprung up based on these 
products ; textiles and yarns, sugar refineries. In addition, there are important salt and soda 

The Suez Canal. The canal was built by a French company in 1859-69, and neutralised 
in 1888 ; a neutrality which was ignored both by the Turks and the English in the late war. 
In spite of its international utility, the canal is of little advantage from the Egyptian point ol 
view, for it serves chiefly as a highway between Europe and India, and its strategic importance 
has been at the bottom of Egypt's national misfortunes. The Egyptian Nationalists lay no 
claim to its control. 

The Sudan. The Sudan, originally part of Egypt, seceded by rebellion in 1882, but was 
retaken by the Anglo-Egyptian army in 1898. It is governed in accordance with the Anglo- 
Egyptian Convention of 1899, but the administration is practically British. The importance 
of the Sudan to Egypt is that it controls the Nile water supply upon which the existence of 
Egypt depends. The Nationalists are, consequently, anxious to obtain control of the Sudan, 
although, in spite of kinship of blood, language and religion, the two populations are at 
present antipathetic. 

EGYPT 121 


Egypt was conquered by the Turks in the sixteenth century. 
In the nineteenth century Mohammed Ali established himself 
as Khedive and founded the present dynasty. Although nomin- 
ally a Turkish vassal, the country was practically independent 
from 1840 to 1880. During this period the possibility of financial 
exploitation began to attract large numbers of Europeans. 
Through their consuls these foreign residents extorted various 
valuable concessions and, in addition, benefited by the " Capitu- 

The Capitulations. The Capitulations, or the agreements 
entered into by Turkey with the various European Powers, 
applied also to Egypt and assure the foreign residents special 
privileges, (a) In c:iminal cases they are exempt from the 
jurisdiction of the Native Courts; in civil cases they come before 
Mixed Tribunals consisting of European and native judges, 
the former predominating. (6) They are immune from taxation 
excepting customs duties and land tax. (c) They have immunity 
of domicile. The foreign residents are numerically few 56,000 
Greeks, 40,000 Italians, 24,000 British, and 21,000 French (out 
of a population of about thirteen millions). But most of the 
business, banking and industrial enterprises are in their hands, 
and their presence has always created many difficulties. They 
acknowledge scarcely any duties to the land where they enjoy so 
many privileges. 

The British Occupation. The construction of the Suez Canal 
by French enterprise (1859-69) created a permanent pretext for 
foreign interference and rendered Egypt a factor of prime 
strategic importance to the British Empire. Bad finances 
brought Egypt in 1879 under the dual control of France 
and England. The growth of the Nationalist movement, 
culminating in the rising of 1882, furnished the pretext for 
intervention by the British, who, with the approval of France, 
quelled the movement and occupied the country. Mr. Glad- 
stone's government disclaimed all intention of establishing a 
Protectorate. The disclaimer addressed to the Powers (January 
3rd, 1883) was worded as follows : 

" Although for the present a British force remains in Egypt for the preservation of public 
tranquillity, Her Majesty's Government are desirous of withdrawing it as soon as the state of 
the country and the organisation of proper means for the maintenance of the Khedive's 
authority will admit of it. . . ." 

Since then more than sixty responsible British Ministers have 
repeated the assurance that the occupation was merely temporary. 
Nevertheless, the British position in Egypt was steadily con- 
solidated, largely through the efforts of Lord Cromer, who acted 


as British Agent from 1883 to 1907. In 1913 the persistent 
agitation of the re-formed Nationalist Party wrung a concession 
in the shape of the formation of a Legislative Assembly. This 
body was legislative only in name, for it was debarred from all 
legislative power. It would, however, have formed a channel for 
public opinion. It, however, met only once. In the following 
year the war broke out. 

The Protectorate. Although virtually under British control, 
Egypt was still nominally a province of Turkey an enemy 
power. On the plea of strategic necessity, the country was 
declared a Protectorate. The Khedive was deposed, and replaced 
by a " Sultan," chosen and set up by Britain. Martial law was 
declared. The army of occupation hitherto fixed at 6,000 
was increased to unknown dimensions, and a rigorous military 
censorship imposed. It was assured that the Protectorate 
was merely a temporary measure. King George, in a public 
communication to the Sultan, stated : 

" I feel that you will be able, with the co-operation of your Ministers and the protection of 
Great Britain, successfully to overcome all the influences which are seeking to destroy the 
independence of Egypt." 

Relying on these assurances the Egyptians consented to the 
Protectorate. But mere acquiescence, or assistance voluntarily 
offered was not enough. The censorship soon over-stepped its 
military limits and was used with rigorous and often ridiculous 
thoroughness for the complete suppression of all public 
opinion. The Legislative Assembly was not permitted to meet. 
A furtive kind of conscription was introduced, and a large 
number of natives were enrolled into the Labour Corps. 
Food, fodder and animals were confiscated, often against tardy 
and inadequate payment. Prices rose steeply, and epidemic 
disease added to the tale of misery and discontent. 

The Egyptian Administration. Before proceeding to recount 
subsequent events, some details may be given of the administra- 
tion. The nominal head of the government is the Sultan, 
set up by Britain to replace the Khedive, who ruled as a Turkish 
vassal. The Sultan is supposed to rule through his Cabinet of 
native Ministers, but inside each ministry is the " Adviser " (an 
office created under Lord Cromer's administration), who is a 
British official. The Financial Adviser, who sits without a vote in 
the Cabinet, is the corner-stone of British power in the Egyptian 
administration. The High Commissioner who was previous to 
the Protectorate the Agent and Consul General is the real means 
by which Egypt is controlled. He is in touch with the Advisers 
and other British officials within the administration (in 1919 
there were 1,671 such officials), and the " advice " he gives the 
native Ministers can only be ignored by them at the risk of 

EGYPT 123 

forfeiting their posts. Egypt, however, being under martial 
law, the post of High Commissioner is at present occupied by 
the Military Commander. The Legislative Assembly still remains 


The Rebellion of 1919. With the armistice the Egyptians 
thought the time had arrived for the realisation of their long- 
cherished hopes of independence. They were, however, amazed 
to find that martial law was, if anything, sterner than ever, and 
that they were treated as members of a subject race. Egypt was 
refused representation at the Peace Conference. The Prime 
Minister, Rushdi Pasha, offered to come to London to confer with 
the Foreign Office, but met with a rebuff. From that time the 
whole population, peasantry and townsfolk, Mohammedan and 
Copt, became definitely anti-British. Saad Zagloul Pasha, a 
former Minister of Education, formed a Nationalist delegation to 
the Peace Conference. Passports were refused, and Zagloul 
Pasha and three comrades were deported to Malta (March, 1919). 
They were released a few days later and allowed to proceed to 
Paris, but meanwhile the deportations had worked Nationalist 
feeling into a frenzy which culminated in open insurrection. 
Some British officials were murdered. Aeroplanes and machine- 
guns soon quelled the almost unarmed insurgents, and the reprisals 
were needlessly severe. Whole villages were wiped out. For- 
tunately, General Allenby, the Military Commander, saw the 
folly of this panic policy, and adopted milder measures. The 
country was quelled, but disturbances, strikes, and riots are still 

The Milner Mission. In May, 1919, Lord Curzon announced 
that a mission would be sent to Egypt to enquire into the causes 
of the rebellion, and to grant a constitution under the Protec- 
torate. The terms of reference, which assumed the continuance 
of the Protectorate, confirmed the Egyptians' worst fears, nor 
did the composition of the Mission inspire trust. The Mission 
delayed sailing until December, and the interval sufficed to 
mobilise against it the solid opposition of the whole country. 
The Mission stayed some months, surrounded by aeroplanes 
and machine guns, and was subjected to an almost complete 
boycott. No section of the population consented to give informa- 
tion officially, and enquirers were persistently referred to Zagloul 
Pasha, the head of the Nationalist Delegation in Paris. At Paris 
the Delegation discovered that the Powers had already agreed 
to regard Egypt as a British preserve. 

In June, 1920, Zagloul Pasha, on the invitation of Lord Milner, 
proceeded to London to consult with him, and since the Delegation 


had always declared itself ready to negotiate only on the basis of 
the demand for sovereign independence, this event was hailed 
as a good omen. The memorandum which the Delegation took 
back to Egypt was understood to be so generous in its proposals 
as to create the impression that the long-desired independence 
had at last been conceded. Disillusionment followed swiftly. 
A month later the Delegation returned to London, with certain 
reservations and amendments, the purport of which was to pin 
down the memorandum to an explicit statement of Egyptian 
independence. The memorandum provided for the transformation 
of Egypt into a constitutional monarchy with representative 
institutions, but at the same time a Treaty of Alliance was 
to be entered into whereby, in return for the guarantee 
of Egyptian territorial integrity, Egypt was to lend every assist- 
ance to Great Britain in time of war, even when Egyptian terri- 
tory was not menaced. A British force was to be maintained on 
Egyptian soil for the protection of Imperial communications. 
Egypt was to enter into no treaties prejudicial to British interests. 
A Financial Adviser and an official in the Ministry of Justice were 
to be appointed by Great Britain. The immunities and privileges 
exercised by foreign residents under the Capitulations were to be 
transferred to Great Britain by negotiation with the interested 
Powers, and Great Britain reserved to herself the right of inter- 
vening in the application of Egyptian legislation to foreigners. 
In the final clause Great Britain undertook to support Egypt's 
application for membership of the League of Nations. 

The Egyptian amendments demanded the formal and explicit 
abolition of the Protectorate and the modification of the more 
serious infringements of Egyptian sovereignty. In addition they 
claimed sovereignty over the Sudan and the safeguarding of the 
enjoyment of the waters of the Nile. The Sudan controls the 
Nile water supply, and consequently the fertility and very exist- 
ence of Egypt. It should be noted that no claim has ever been 
made by the Nationalists to the Suez Canal. 

These amendments Lord Milner refused to consider. His 
proposals had already met with serious opposition in the British 
Cabinet. On November nth the Delegation returned to Egypt. 
A position of deadlock had been reached. 


Egypt and Sudan, 1914-1919. Cmd. 957. (is. 6d.) 

Blunt, W. Scawen : Secret History of the Occupation of Egypt. Fisher Unwin. 1907. 
CMrol, Sir V. : The Egyptian Problem. Macmillan. 1920. 
Cramer, Lord: Modern Egypt. Macmillan. 1911. 

Forster, E. M. : The Government of Egypt. Labour Research Department. 1920. 
Milner, Lord: England in Egypt. Edward Arnold. 1904. 
Rothstein,T.: Egypt's Ruin. A. C. Fifield. 1910. 

A Member of the Egyptian Delegation : The Independence of Egypt. Egyptian Parlia- 
mentary Committee. 1931. 


1 The Middle East . . 125 3 The Servitude of Native 

2 The Far East . . 131 Labour . . . . 138 



THE politics of the Middle East present so complex a problem 
that it is impossible, in a short article, to do more than suggest 
some of its main bearings. The difficulties arising from mixed 
populations with antagonistic religions and at different stages of 
development are formidable enough. To these one must add 
the stubborn factors created by the conflicting designs of the 
Great Powers in these regions. The economic and political 
interests of the Western Powers are so inextricably woven into 
the fate of these peoples that a political event in London, Paris 
or Athens, let us say, may have its immediate repercussion in 
the Middle East, and alter at one stroke the entire aspect of the 

Before the War. In the period immediately preceding the War 
the Middle East loomed largely on the horizon of the Powers. 
The Russian Empire of the Tsars had been steadily and con- 
tinuously advancing its borders since the beginning of the 
nineteenth century, across the Caucasus into Transcaucasia, 
into Georgia and Erivan and Azerbaidjan, and east of the Caspian 
into Transcaspia and Turkestan and Bokhara, and finally in 
the twentieth century into Northern Persia. Great Britain on 
her side had been extending the frontiers of her Indian Empire 
west of the Indus up to the borders of Afghanistan, and thence 
extending her influence over Afghanistan and Baluchistan and 
Southern Persia. In 1907 the Anglo-Russian Convention divided 
Northern Persia and Southern Persia into " spheres of influence " 
for Great Britain and Russia. Meanwhile the old Turkish Empire 
in Asia was tottering, and its partition was only delayed by the 
jealousies of the Powers. The Turkish revolution of 1908 that 
put the Young Turk Party into power, brought no real difference 
of regime ; and while the Balkan peoples threw off the Turkish 
yoke in Europe by the wars of 1912-13, spasmodic and ineffectual 

revolts broke out among the Arabs, Syrians and Armenians and 
were met by massacres. The Russian alliance had lost Britain 
her position of traditional friendship with the Turks; and her 
place had been taken by Imperial Germany, who developed 
closer and closer relations with the Turkish Emperor and had 
already at the beginning of the war begun to realise her scheme 
of a railway from Berlin to Bagdad, in Mesopotamia, and to 
envisage unlimited prospects of tapping and developing the rich 
territories under Turkish rule. Side by side with this funda- 
mental rivalry of the three main powers in the Middle East, 
France had her " historic " claims to Syria, while Italy was 
reported to be interested in Cilicia. 

The Sevres Treaty. The collapse of the Central Powers and 
of the Tsardom removed two of the competing Powers. Turkey 
was helpless and the whole of her rich lands of the Middle East 
lay at the feet of Great Britain, France and Italy. The oppor- 
tunity was not missed. The Turkish Treaty of Peace signed at 
Sevres in August, 1920, accomplished the disruption of the 
Turkish Empire. Syria and Mesopotamia were provisionally 
recognised as independent States subject to the administration 
of a Mandatory, " until such time as they are able to stand alone." 
France undertook the mandate for the former, and Great Britain 
for the latter, together with Mosul in the north, with its rich 
undeveloped oil-fields. Palestine is to be similarly administered 
by a Mandatory which has proved to be Great Britain with 
a view to its finally becoming the home of the Jewish people. 
Cilicia, inhabited largely by Armenians, was partitioned, the 
western portion, including such important towns as Adana and 
Marash, going back to Turkish sovereignty ; the eastern portion 
being included along with Syria in the French mandated area. 
Portions of territory in Anatolia were detached from Turkish 
sovereignty, Smyrna going to Greece, and provision was made 
for the inclusion in the new Armenian State of the four Turkish 
vilayets of Van, Bitlis, Erzerum and the greater part of Trebizond. 
In European Turkey, Thrace was placed under the sovereignty of 
Greece (involving an obvious injustice to Bulgaria cutting her 
off from territorial access to the .^Egean Sea). 

The greater part of Asia Minor was divided into spheres of 
interest for the benefit of France and Italy, in accordance with 
a tri-partite agreement signed simultaneously with the Sevres 
Treaty, by Great Britain, Italy and France. The Turkish 
Government at Constantinople, moreover, was virtually placed 
under the strict control, especially in financial matters, of an 
Allied Commission, and Allied troops, mainly British, occupy 


The Kemalist Rising. The lines of the settlement were known 
long before the Treaty was signed, and it was soon clear that 
the Turks were not going to submit. A popular movement of 
the Turkish masses began to organise and consolidate itself under 
the leadership of an able Turkish officer, Mustapha Kemal Pasha. 
The Greek occupation of Smyrna was perhaps a more potent 
factor than any other in rallying volunteers to his banner. A 
provisional government was proclaimed at Angora, and Kemal 
soon became powerful enough to be an important factor to be 
reckoned with in Allied and Russian policy in the Middle East. 

Soviet Russia Intervenes. From the summer of 1920 events 
began to move very rapidly. Russia, it was evident, had only 
temporarily withdrawn from the Eastern arena. The collapse 
of Denikin and Kolchak, and later of Wrangel counter- 
revolutionary expeditions supported by the Allies enabled the 
Soviet Government to turn its attention to the Kemalist move- 
ment, and consolidate its position in Transcaucasia. The 
Russian attitude towards Kemal was distinctly sympathetic. 
Russia looked upon it as a popular rising of the Turkish masses 
against Allied domination. The Angora Government received 
diplomatic recognition from M. Chicherin, the Russian Foreign 
Minister, and promise of help in the shape of munitions and 
money. An alliance of Turkey with Russia might not only 
prove extremely awkward for France and Great Britain in Syria 
and Mesopotamia, but it might lead the Turkish rising in the 
direction of Communism, and spread revolutionary feeling among 
Moslems generally further East. In September, 1920, a great 
Oriental Communist Congress was held at Baku, attended by 
delegates from Asia Minor, Transcaucasia, Syria, Mesopotamia, 
Persia, and from the countries across the Caspian Sea. It was 
addressed by Zinoviev, a member of the Russian Soviet, who 
roused his hearers to a pitch of enthusiasm by declaring a holy 
war of the peoples of the East against the domination of the 
capitalist West. 

The Collapse of Venlzelos. But perhaps the gravest blow at 
the structure of the Allied settlement in the Middle East was 
inflicted by the defeat of M. Venizelos at the Greek elections in 
November, 1920. M. Venizelos was apparently responsible for 
the idea of the Greater Greece, which found expression in the 
Sevres Treaty. How far the Greek people will insist upon the 
repudiation of this policy (which the Greek election clearly 
involves) remains to be seen. The elections raised at once the 
question of the revision of the Sevres Treaty. In fact this event, 
together with the subsequent military triumphs of Mustapha 
Kemal, and the recovery of Russia's power and influence, 


forced the Allies very soon to a definite reconsideration of the 

The Allies' Policy. Faced with these new developments in 
the winter of 1920, the policy of the Allies was at first neither 
coherent nor consistent. For many months the French in Cilicia 
alternately fought, and made friends with the Kemalists (and 
incidentally, alternately protected from, and exposed to massacres 
the Armenian population in this region). The attitude of the 
French Government was, of course, dictated by its commercial 
interests in Asia Minor. To facilitate the execution of the 
tri-partite agreement, without burdening themselves with the 
responsibilities of administering the exploited regions, the French 
necessarily had to be on a relatively good footing with the Turks. 
The result of the Greek elections fixed their policy in this direction. 
The defeat of Venizelos and the return of Constantine raised the 
question of the future of the Greeks in Smyrna. M. Leygues, the 
French Premier, openly advocated a revision of the Turkish 
Treaty in favour of Turkey, and at Greece's expense. Great 
Britain, on the other hand, was keenly interested in the retention 
by the Greeks of Smyrna, and preferred to adopt a waiting policy. 
Mr. Lloyd George at first declared against a revision of the Treaty, 
and plainly showed that if the Greeks were still inclined to hold 
on to their Turkish possessions, Great Britain would support 

The Turkish Offensive. Mustapha Kemal's attitude was the 
traditional Turkish one of making the best of the opportunities 
offered by the disagreement between the Allies themselves, and 
Russia and the Allies. He had three lines of action to consider 
when he held a Council of War at Erzerum in October, 1920 : 
(i) An offensive into Syria and Mesopotamia against the Allied 
occupation of these territories a step which would have enlisted 
Moscow's whole-hearted support ; (2) an offensive in the West 
against the Greeks at Smyrna ; (3) an advance into Transcaucasia 
across the old Russian frontier into Armenia. 

Transcaucasia. The latter policy was eventually chosen. 
There were various reasons which commended this choice. 
Turkish arms had been very successful in this region early in 
1918, and coincided with the German triumph over Russia at 
Brest-Litovsk. Three provinces in Transcaucasia, Kars, 
Ardahan and Batum, were ceded to Turkey by Russia under the 
Brest-Litovsk Treaty. These provisions had never been 
realised owing to the collapse of the Central Powers, and the 
Treaty was formally abrogated after the German Revolution. 
In spite of this Mustapha Kemal openly proclaimed that one 


of the objects of his offensive was to gain possession of these 
provinces, and claimed them as his right under the Brest-Litovsk 
Treaty. The problem appeared easier than it did in 1918, for 
Transcaucasia had, consequent upon the Russian Revolution, 
split up into three small and rather weak independent states, 
Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaidjan. Batum and part of Ardahan 
were Georgian territory, and Kars and the remainder of Ardahan 
formed part of the Armenian republic of Erivan. Soviet 
Azerbaidjan, with its rich Baku oil-fields, was " enjoying " close 
and intimate relations with Soviet Russia ; Georgia had kept 
clear of Russian Bolshevism ; Armenia, in the face of almost 
insuperable difficulties, was trying to set herself on her feet, 
Russia regarding her with suspicion because of her constant 
appeals to Great Britain and France. 

Abandoned by the Allies, Armenia, after a desperate struggle, 
collapsed before the onslaught of the Turks. The unpopular 
Dashnak government, which had stood for the policy of close 
association with the Allies, fell from power ; Russia's offer of 
mediation was accepted, and an independent Soviet Republic 
of Armenia was proclaimed. Russia, on her part, woke up to 
the dangers threatening Azerbaidjan, should the Turks obtain 
a permanent foothold in Transcaucasia. In Azerbaidjan the 
entry of Turkish troops might be the signal for the rising of 
the Tatar and Moslem population, who were said to be rather 
restive under Soviet rule. Russia's first act was to warn the 
Turks that seizure of territory in Transcaucasia would be regarded 
by her as a hostile act, and M. Chicherin supported Soviet Armenia 
in her demands for the withdrawal of the Turks to the frontiers 
of 1914. There were possibilities of the Turks being encouraged 
by the Allies to continue their advance across Armenia into 
A/erbaidjan. The French press were talking of the desirability 
of a Moslem belt from Angora to Baku a new cordon sanitaire 
against Bolshevism with oil as a prize in addition. Russian 
interests were clearly in jeopardy. The issue of these compli- 
cations has been twofold. On the one hand Georgia became a 
Soviet Republic in close connection with Russia : on the other 
hand a Russo-Turkish treaty of amity was concluded in March, 

Revision of Sevres. In the same month the treaty of Sevres 
was revised at London in favour of the Turks (see page 17.) 
By the end of the month the Greek Army had launched a new 
offensive from Smyrna. The revised treaty was to be re-revised 
by force of arms. 

Mesopotamia. Mesopotamia figured very largely during the 
War in some of the organs of the newspaper press as being an 


important key to British dominion in the East. The idea of a 
railway line from Berlin to Bagdad was vividly presented to 
alarm us and so stiffen our wills to further effort. The strategic 
value of this region is, however, a debatable point. But of its 
wealth there can be no doubt. " It is the granary and the cotton- 
field of the future," says Mr. Brailsford in his League of Nations. 
" The Ottoman Empire can plead no right against the civilised 
world to keep this garden for all time a wasted and disorderly 
desert. Its native Arabs and Kurds have no loyalty to the 
Turks, and few moralists would care to defend the right of a 
handful of degenerate semi-savages to exclude the millions who 
might live by tilling the soil which they neglect." 

The Sevres Treaty had assigned the future administration of 
Mesopotamia to a Mandatory until such time as the Arabs were 
capable of self-government. The Supreme Council, however 
decided, without any reference to the League, that England 
should undertake the mandate and develop the country. In 
this way the League has been treated of little account and the 
irritation and jealousy arising from rival imperialisms are per- 
petuated. If the mandate is to be worthy of the name and the 
administration to remain free from the evils of exploitation the 
only safeguard is some form of international sanction and ultimate 
authority. The same stricture applies to Syria, under the 
mandatory of the French. If enlightened people do admit the 
necessity of developing backward countries, it is strictly on 
condition that some form of international government is ulti- 
mately responsible. Only in this way can the well-being of the 
natives be guaranteed and the probability of war lessened. 

Persia. Persia, in the past, was in danger of being swallowed 
by common agreement between Tsarist Russia and Great Britain. 
Recently it was similarly threatened by the common hostility 
of Soviet Russia and capitalist Britain. The collapse of Russia, 
immediately after the Revolution, gave Britain the opportunity 
to take over the whole of Persia under its sway, and the oppor- 
tunity was not lost. England formally announced its intention 
at the Paris Conference in 1919, and began to occupy the country. 
The young Shah of Persia was invited to England, and fted 
through the streets of London. But the recovery of Russia's 
power under the Bolshevik Government and the growing 
might and success of the Red Armies endangered very 
seriously the position of the British. Accordingly, the British 
troops were partly withdrawn, and, as [a result, the corrupt 
and despotic rule of the Shah may, at last, have to yield to 
the democratic movement which has long been gathering 
strength in Persia. 


Armenia. The Armenian problem, which has so deeply 
exercised the Labour Party, is far from being solved. In the 
Sevres Treaty provision was made for the inclusion in the new 
Armenian State of the four Turkish vilayets of Van, Bitlis, 
Erzerum and Trebizond. President Wilson, who had been 
charged with the task of delimitation, has practically included 
the whole of the first three provinces, and the greater part of 
Trebizond. The settlement remains good, however, only on 
paper. These regions, known as Turkish Armenia, are occupied 
by Turkish troops ; thousands of Armenians have fled into the 
Armenian Republic of Erivan (i.e., what was Russian Armenia, 
to which, in accordance with the Sevres Treaty, it was intended 
to unite Turkish Armenia), and thousands have been massacred 
or deported to other parts of Turkey. 

Cilicia. The relation of Cilicia to the new Armenia must not 
be lost sight of. This region, in south-east Anatolia, is inhabited 
chiefly by Armenians and other non-Turkish peoples. That the 
western half of Cilicia should have been handed back to Turkey 
is a solution compatible only with the self-interests of the French 
Government. The whole of Cilicia should be proclaimed an 
autonomous State under the cegis of France, with a view ulti- 
mately to an extension northwards and a union with Turkish 
Armenia. The advantages of such a policy include the union 
of all Armenians under one government and the avoidance of 
disorder in the hinterland of Mesopotamia a district which 
even if we assume that massacres have placed the Armenian 
in a minority to the Kurds, is entirely non-Turkish. 



Ever since the Russo-Japanese war the re-entry of the Asiatic 
on the stage of world-politics has been a recognised phenomenon. 
But it was not until the Great World War that the volcanic 
effects of that successful resistance of the Yellow man to the 
White began to be fully realised. Similarly, it was not until the 
question of the post-war navies was occupying space in the public 
press that the Asiatic corollaries of the Great War began to 
unfold themselves. 

Asia and the World War. The nineteenth century was the 
great period of the subjection of Asia by the European. In the 


last decade thereof, there remained only China, Thibet, Korea, 
Siam, Afghanistan, Persia and Turkey in Asia as independent, 
or semi-independent states on the mainland. Already the talk 
was of the " break-up " of China. And in the first years of the 
present century Siam, Persia and Thibet were included in 
the sphere in which some one or other of the Great Powers of 
Europe had special interests. During the same period Japan 
absorbed Korea. 

The Great War completed that process, except in regard to 
China. It may probably be said to have concluded it. 

The Advance of Japan. It has, of course, been accepted ever 
since 1905 that Japan would take the lead in any renaissance of 
the Asiatic peoples. She was recognised as a " Great Power." 
She appeared to have welded the philosophy of the East and the 
materialism of the West into an alloy that proved a most effective 
metal for munitions of Empire. 

But here again it was only when the results of the Treaty of 
Versailles came to be investigated with the aid of a map that the 
implications of Japanese activities during the war began to be 

On January i8th, 1915, after the occupation of Kiau-Chau, 
Japan confronted China with the now famous Twenty-One 
Demands, which were described in the Daily News and Leader of 
March I9th, 1915, as follows : 

* They would convert the province of Shantung into a Japanese sphere of influence ; 
they would make South Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia, for practical purposes, Japanese 
provinces ; they would give Japan a monopoly of the vast mineral wealth of the Yangtse 
valley, incidental to which would be the power to sever Northern China from Southern China ; 
they would give Japan the control of China's war munitions ; they would hand over the 
policing of important areas of China to Japan ; they would set Japanese experts in control 
of China's political, military, and financial affairs ; they would set up a Monroe doctrine 
operative against all powers except Japan ; they would open all China to the enterprise of 
Japanese political missionaries. A scheme of this kind, if carried through, would put all 
China under a Japanese suzerainty." 

Eventually, after considerable negotiation and some modifica- 
tion, as a result of representations from the United States, the 
demands were accepted by China, after an ultimatum by Japan, 
on May 9th, 1915. 

Japan's War Alms. After the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, 
and thanks to the publishing activities of M. Trotsky, the world 
became possessed of the contents of the secret treaty and corre- 
spondence between Russia and Japan, involved by the entry of 
China into the war and the disappearance of the German flag from 
the Far East. In the course of that correspondence we may 
read that : 

" On the other hand the Japanese minister of Foreign Affairs, pointed out the necessity 
for him, in view of the attitude of Japanese public opinion on the subject, as well as with a 
view to safeguard Japan's position at the future Peace Conference, if China should be admitted 


to it, of securing the support of the Allied Powers to the desires of Japan in respect of Shantung 
and the Pacific Islands. These desires are for the succession of all rights and privileges 
hitherto possessed by Germany in the Shantung province and for the acquisition of the islands 
to the north of the equator which are now occupied by the Japanese." 

And again : 

" The Japanese are manifesting more and more clearly a tendency to interpret the special 
position of Japan in China, inter alia, in the sense that other Powers must not undertake in 
China any political steps without previously exchanging views with Japan on the subject a 
condition that would to some extent establish a Japanese control over the foreign affairs of 

These aspirations were consummated in the Treaty of Versailles, 
by which Japan obtained from Germany the renunciation in her 
favour of all the former's rights, titles and privileges particu- 
larly those concerning the territory of Kiao-Chau, railways, 
mines and submarine cables which she acquired in the Treaty 
concluded by her with China on March 6th, 1898, and of all other 
arrangements relative to the province of Shantung. 

And, by the fiat of the Supreme Council, Japan has since 
received a mandate for all the German Islands in the Pacific 
Ocean lying North of the Equator ; those South of the Equator 
falling to Great Britain. 

So much for the realisation of Japan's war aims in the Far 

But in this connection a word should be said as to the activities 
of the China Consortium the international association of 
banking corporations in Great Britain, the United States, France 
and Japan for financing and exploiting China. 

Speaking at a dinner of the China Association on November 
nth, 1920, Sir Charles Addis, head of the British banking group 
in the Consortium, said : 

" In effect the Powers have agreed to abandon the old regime, of spheres of influence or of 
interest, which led to so much misunderstanding and friction in the past. At the instance of 
their respective governments, the four groups have surrendered their existing agreements 
and options and have merged in the consortium all their separate and individual interests. 
The surrender is complete. In making their contributions to the general pool the groups 
have stated in terms that these comprise all the agreements and options in China which they 
possess or control, and they have agreed to surrender their separate interests in any con- 
cessions of which they become possessed in the future." 

Sir Charles went on to say that they could not undo the past, 
and referred specifically to the Shantung railway, which, he said, 
was an award of the Treaty of Versailles. It did not lie within 
the competence of the Consortium to reverse that decision. 

The Problem of Japanese Emigration. We are now in a 

position to consider the Pacific problem of the future. That 
problem is essentially one of population for the Japanese and of 
cheap labour for the White settlements in North America and 

Japan has a population of about 60,000,000, which is expanding 
at the rate of 800,000 annually. Some outlet for that increasing 


population Japan must find, or else restrict it. And even were 
she to restrict it as to quantity, she would still be faced as 
Germany was faced before 1914 with the need of greater scope 
and opportunities for her educated and ambitious citizens ; 
under her own flag if possible, but at least in a temperate climate. 
The climate of Siberia is too harsh for Japanese colonisation 
on a great scale. China is herself over-populated. Her popula- 
tion suffers periodical restriction by the " natural " methods of 
pestilence and famine. 

The " White Australia " Policy. Under perfectly free con- 
ditions the natural direction of Japanese expansion would be 
into the Australian continent. But against such expansion lies 
the absolute embargo of the " White Australia." The reason 
for this embargo is not primarily racial, but economic. It is not 
so much to the yellow man, as such, that the British Australians 
object, as to the yellow man undercutting, underselling and under- 
living the white. They are convinced that if they let down 
the barriers and admitted Chinese and Japanese into their 
continent, they themselves would become a shrinking population 
and their descendants would be driven out of it. 

The argument sometimes put forward that the Japanese could 
colonize the northern part of the continent, which is unsuitable 
to white settlement on account of its climate, begs the question. 
The yellow settler would not stay in the hot lands. There would 
be perpetual infiltration southward on account of his ability and 
willingness to do the white man's job for a wage that a white man 
would not look at and could not live upon. 

It is, therefore, prohibition of the yellow, or extinction of the 

The United States and Oriental Immigration. Exactly the same 
considerations have led to the various regulations pro- 
hibiting or limiting the entry of the Japanese and Chinese to 
Canada and the United States. To some extent they are there 
already. To that extent they are universally considered a menace 
to the white man's standard of life. The following quotation 
from a Californian writer puts the point of view : 

" They say that our fruit orchards, mines, and seed-farms cannot be worked without 
them. It were better that they never be developed than that our white labourers be degraded 
and driven from the soil. . . As it is now no self-respecting white labourer will work beside 
the Mongolian on any terms." 

It is said that there are about 150,000 Japanese in the United 
States, but these are multiplying at an extraordinary rate, and 
are said to be in possession of some of the best lands of California. 
Thus the Los Angeles Times will be found to argue : 


" If the present birth ratio were maintained for the next ten years, there would be 150,000 
children of Japanese descent born in California in 1929, and but 40,000 white children. And 
in 1949 the majority of the population of California would be Japanese, ruling the State."* 

California is now in process of passing legislation prohibiting 
the acquisition of land within the State by aliens. 

The Issues of the Pacific. Bearing these things in mind we are 
able to comprehend the real inwardness of the American and 
Japanese naval programmes ; the delicate question of the renewal 
of the Anglo-Japanese treaty ; and the coming change in our own 
naval policy from a " North Sea outlook " to a " Pacific outlook." 

We are, in fact, on the eve of a new orientation in world politics 
and naval strategy, similar to that initiated by Lord Fisher in 
1904, when he transferred our main strength from the Mediter- 
ranean to the North Sea. 

It is worth while to take a glance at a map of the Pacific Ocean. 
Right in the middle of it, and its strategic key, lies Hawaii the 
property of the United States with at Honolulu a dock capable 
of accommodating the largest warships. 2,100 miles to the north- 
east of Honolulu lies San Francisco. 5,000 miles eastward is 
the Panama Canal. Between San Francisco and Panama is 
Mexico, where the Japanese would like to settle, especially in 
Lower California, but where they are met by every possible 
opposition from American influence. 

Across the southern stretches of the ocean lie the Polynesian 
islands of the British Empire. 3,500 miles south-west of Honolulu 
is Sydney, and the continent of Australia. North-west of that 
is the Malay archipelago and Singapore, the gateway to the 
Western world, and destined to be a great British naval station. 

Between the archipelago and Japan are the Philippine Islands, 
giving to the United States control of the South China Sea. 
North of that again lies Formosa, the southernmost outpost of 
the Japanese Empire, 

From thence to Saghalien and Kamchatka Japanese control 
is complete. With her " protectorate " over Korea and her 
control over Shantung assured by the Versailles Treaty, she 
dominates Northern China and controls the Yellow Sea, the East 
China Sea, and the Sea of Japan as completely as does Great 
Britain the North Sea or " German Ocean." 

But in all this circle of the map there is no land where her surplus 
population may settle and work and multiply. She dominates the 
Far East, but, in her turn, she is dominated by that categorical and 
emphatic " No " from all the shores of the Pacific except her own. 

* On the other hand, hi relation to the alarmist campaign in the United States on the 
subject of the Japanese, it should be borne in mind that the total number of Japanese in 
California at the last census (1910) was only 2.39% of the population, and the total value of 
their land holdings only .05%, or one two-thousandth of the total land -holding values in 



In that situation lie the seeds of war. And from a strategical 
point of view the concession that Mr. W. D. Vanderlip. an American 
financier, is said to have obtained from the Bolshevik Government 
of Russia, is a further menace to her in the north. And this 
quite apart from the fact that she doubtless regards it as a piece 
of poaching on her commercial preserves. That concession is 
said to be of all land lying west of the i6oth meridian for a 
period of sixty years. 

The Anglo-Japanese Treaty. At such a moment and under 
such delicate circumstances does the Anglo- Japanese treaty come 
up for consideration and possible renewal. 

On July 1 3th. 1911, that treaty, originally made in 1902 for 
five years, and renewed in 1905, was renewed again for a period 
of ten years. After 1921 it continues automatically until 
denounced by one side or the other with twelve months' notice. 
No such notice has. in fact, been given. But a joint official notice 
was issued from the Spa Conference, recognising the necessity of 
making the treaty conform to the spirit of the Covenant of the 
League of Nations. The whole question must, therefore, 
obviously be discussed by the Imperial Conference of 1921, for 
the Dominions are most vitally interested in the racial, ecomonic 
and strategical questions involved in the decision. 

The declared objects of the treaty of 1905 were Peace in the 
East, the integrity of China, and the maintenance of the " open 
door. ** But title field of the treaty was no longer the " extreme 
East," as in the treaty of 1902. but " the region of Eastern Asia 
and India." The independence of Korea was dropped, and 
Japan's supremacy recognised in that country, though the 
principle of the ** open door " was to be observed there as well 
as in China. Unlike the first one, this treaty compelled either 
ally to assist the other, if even a single power should attack its 
interests in " the regions of the Far East and India." 

Generally the treaty of 1911 followed the lines of that of 1905. 
No separate arrangement was. however, to be made with another 
power without consultation. But there was one new and 
extremely important clause. IV.. which read as follows : 

Should either High fnilmiH^ Party cooctade a treaty of general arbitration with a 
third paLithigdthatnothiig in the agreement shall entafl^>miacfcOflfrHM Party 
any obtigatfcQ to go to war with the Power with whom soch treaty of arbitration is in fort*. 

The reason of this clause was that Great Britain wished to make 
it quite plain that, under no circumstances, would she be drawn 
into war with the United States. Having negotiated a treaty of 
arbitration with the United? States, her neutrality would be 
guaranteed in the event of a possible Japanese war with America. 
As a matter of fact the clause never became operative because 


the American Senate refused to ratify the arbitration treaty 
in 1912. 

It was, however, made abundantly clear by the delegates from 
the Dominions at the meeting of the Council of the League at 
the end of 1920, that they would never take part in such a war 
as allies of Japan against the United States. 

Naval Programmes. As has been stated above, the fundamental 
problems of the Pacific are found reflected in the naval policies 
of the nations most intimately concerned. 

The United States have under construction ten battleships 
and six battle cruisers, all of them laid down since 1916. Japan 
has a programme authorised of eight battleships and eight 
battle cruisers, of which four battleships are actually under 
construction, and an order for another has just been placed in 
England at the end of 1920. 

In his reports on the naval defences of the Dominions, Lord 
Jellicoe, now Governor General of New Zealand, emphasises the 
necessity of Australia becoming self-contained as regards the 
manufacture of guns, explosives, aircraft and other munitions. 
The naval interests of the Empire, the Australian report continues, 
are likely to demand a strong Far Eastern fleet comprising vessels 
of the Royal Navy, the East Indian squadron, and the Australian, 
Canadian and New Zealand Navies. The fleet is to include, 
according to the recommendations of the report, at least eight 
modern battleships, eight modern battle cruisers, and small 
craft in proportion. 

There is little doubt as to what will be the main recommenda- 
tions of the Committee of Imperial Defence for " the guarantee 
of the safety of the Empire and our Imperial communications " 
as a result of its " exhaustive investigation into naval strengths." 

The Committee will discover that " our future lies on the 


The best recent book on the racial and economic problems from the American point of view 
is iMhrop Stoddard : THE RISING TIDE OF COLOUR, Chapman & Hall, 1020. For particulars 
of the twenty -one demands see THE INTERNATIONAL REVIEW, June and July, 1919 ; Seymour 
Cocks, THE SECRET TREATIES, Union of Democratic Control, 1918. For particulars of the 
Anglo- JapaneseTreaty see THE ROCND TABLE, December, 1920. For books on Japan seet 
W. M. McGovem, Modern Japan, Fisher Unwin, 1930; A. M. Poolty, JAPAN'S FOREIGN 
POLICIES, Allen and Unwin, 1920 ; See also B. L. Putnam Weak, THE CONFLICT OF COLOUR. 
Macmillan, IQIO ; F. A. McKentie, KOREA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM, Simpkin Marshall, 
1919 ; Hint Pinon, LA LUTTE POUR LA PACIFIQUE in the Revue Politique Internationale, 
September, 1915 ; H. M. Hyndman, The Awakening of Asia, Cassell, 1919. 




The question of Native Labour is becoming one of increasing 
gravity. No time must be lost by the Labour movement in this 
country in coming to a decision upon the main lines of its policy 
towards the millions of native workers. 

Tropical and Non-Tropical Areas. The problem of coloured 
labour falls quite easily into a two-fold category : (a) coloured 
labour in the non-colonisable areas of the world ; and (6) labour 
in the colonisable parts of the world. 

The difference in these two territories is that in the colonisable 
areas the white man can engage in manual labour ; he can take 
to these countries his wife and family ; there they can be educated 
and enjoy practically all the social amenities of the more temperate 
zones. White labour thus comes into definite competition with 
native labour. In the non-colonisable areas roughly speaking, 
thirty degrees either side of the equator, it would seem that for 
all time the white man will be incapable of manual effort, although 
he may, with the advance of science, live for longer periods in 
these territories than is at present possible. 

There is a further division of quite a different order between 
the colonisable and non-colonisable areas. In the former the 
main product is mineral, in the latter vegetable. Thus we have 
in South Africa, Mexico and parts of South America, gold, silver, 
copper and mineral oils in the colonisable areas, whereas in the 
tropical belt we have cocoa, sugar, rubber, cokernuts (copra) and 
oily fibres. The prevailing forms of native labour in all these 
territories are the following : (a) Forced labour ; (&) Contract 
labour ; (c) Peonage. 


(1) Forced Labour. Forced labour is of three kinds : first, 
the indigenous or native form of compulsory labour, which, with 
due regard to domestic requirements, demands that the community 
shall, so to speak, sweep its own door-step that is, the roads have 
to be kept clean between village and village ; the primitive native 
bridges have to be kept in a state of repair. Each family must 
provide its own quota for hunting and fishing expeditions, but 
the cardinal fact to bear in mind is that all these forms of labour 
are most rigidly subject to domestic demands. For example, 
no Chief would insist upon roads being repaired when the various 
families were gathering in their crops. 


The second form of compulsory labour is that demanded by 
modern governments for porterage, European bridge-building, 
railways, and harbour construction. The demands for this 
labour violate in several respects the accepted canons of native 
government. Little regard is paid to domestic requirements, 
all these being subordinated to the will of an autocratic govern- 
ment, whose principal object is to complete the road, the railway, 
the bridge, in the shortest possible space of time. 

The third form of forced labour is that used for private purposes. 
There is no question that at different periods this form of labour 
has been demanded of the natives. The Chartered Company 
(The British South Africa Company) practised this, with the 
inevitable result that it led to a rebellion, which was of 
course attributed to the wickedness of the natives. The 
German Government practised it quite openly, both in German 
East Africa and the Cameroons. Something very akin to this 
is in being to-day in Angola, in Portuguese West Africa. This 
form of forced labour differs in no respect, either in principle 
or in its concomitants, from slavery, and should be opposed as 
such on every occasion. 

(2) Contract Labour. The second main branch of native labour 
is that of contract labour. The periods of these contracts vary 
from a contract of six months' duration in the mines, to three 
years on plantations. The wages, again, vary from about 53. per 
week to about 205. In F all, or almost all forms of native labour 
the contracts include what is termed, " and found," namely, 
the supply of housing, food, clothing, free medical attendance. 
It is probably fair to say that under these conditions the native is, 
generally speaking, better fed, better housed, and better clothed 
than he would be if left entirely to his. own resources, with the 
exception that on many of the rubber plantations of the South 
Seas and Far East, the quality of what is called " and found " is 
deplorable. Most of the contract labour systems mean not 53. or 
2os. per week from " sunrise to sunset," but the day is interpreted 
to mean a task, and the task is allotted by the overseer. It is 
probable that the chief blot in contract labour to-day is that 
breaches of this purely civil instrument are treated as criminal 
offences, involving physical penalties for " crimes " which would 
be laughed out of Court if brought before the judicial authorities 
of any country possessing representative institutions. 

(8) Peonage. The system of peonage is adopted in many 
territories particularly in Mexico and South America. The 
procedure is that of encouraging the labourer to get into debt. 
It may be done by selling him an attractive blanket, or a mule, 


or it may be done by tempting him into an act of moral depravity. 
It is the first step which counts. Once the labourer becomes in 
debt, he is on the high road to perpetual slavery in the form of 
peonage, for the astute creditor generally the plantation owner, 
keeps one vicious principle in mind, namely, that of maintaining 
the debt at a point where it can never be overtaken. To the 
original debt is added interest, fines, additional loans, further 
sales, in many cases the manipulation of accounts, and the 
hundred and one venal practices which inflate the debt beyond 
any hope of liquidation. One of the most diabolical features of 
this situation is that although slave-trading is illegal in all these 
countries, the peon can in fact be bartered and sold, families 
can be divided, fathers sold from children and children sold from 
their parents. All this is done in a regular manner. For example, 
the planter Mr. Smith desires to obtain a peon from a trader 
Mr. Jones. He does not ask Mr. Jones how much he wants 
for his peon, but he asks him what is the debt which the peon 
owes. He thereupon hands the money, plus, of course, a sum 
also added to the peon's indebtedness by way of " interest," and 
the debt is then transferred from Jones the merchant, to Smith 
the planter, and as a matter of course and law, the peon and 
possibly his family or part of his family, goes with the debt, 
when he can be flogged, or sold again, or his wife sold from him, 
or his daughter sold to someone else and in fact the whole 
system of slave-trading has received impetus under the camouflage 
of peonage. 

It will, therefore, be seen that throughout the tropical and 
sub-tropical regions, every species of fraud is being practised upon 
large sections of illiterate and helpless native people. 


White and Coloured Labour. In colonisable areas we are 
confronted with an entirely different set of difficulties. In the 
main, natives are also employed on contract terms, and as 
these areas are capable of absorbing races from the higher 
civilisations, one can always rely upon at least a minority of 
public opinion in favour of a measure of fan- treatment for the 
natives. Nor is this all ; the white employers, for a variety of 
reasons, are also anxious to treat the natives with a considerable 
measure of justice. The difficulty, however, is, that white 
Labour Unions (and this must be faced quite frankly) are to-day 
denying to the native the right to rise in the industrial scale. 
This prohibition is extended to the half-caste offspring of the 
white men themselves. The attitude of the Trade Union is 


mainly that to allow the natives to enter the skilled trades would 
depress wages, and would make white employment impossible. 
There are those who take the view that anything which would 
make impossible the employment of white men in the South 
African mines is to be welcomed : the suffering and premature 
death of white men in this industry reconciles many to this view. 
It cannot, it is argued, be right that an industry which kills off 
eighty per cent, of the white men in the prime of their lives should 
be permanently maintained. This feature, however, is irrelevant 
to the main issue, which is the right claimed by the Labour 
Unions to deny to the natives and to their own offspring, living 
in what is after all their own country, the opportunity, by 
education and industry, to become skilled artisans. No people, 
in the history of the world, has ever been willing to be relegated 
permanently to the position of Gibeonites. The Labour Unions 
in South Africa advance economic reasons only, for this attitude, 
but no one who has studied conditions locally can escape from the 
conclusion that there is also a strong element of colour prejudice 
in this attitude. 


What, then, should be the forward attitude of the Labour 
Party, upon the problems of native labour ? It is only possible 
to state this in a few general terms. 

(1) The Land for the Native. In tropical areas it is admitted 
on all hands, that the employment of wage labourers by European 
employers is indefensible on economic grounds. The fundamental 
reform, therefore, is virtually revolution namely, that of placing 
actual production in the hands of the sons of the soil. The 
elimination of the white employer must be progressive, and equally 
must be accompanied by administrative effort directed towards 
educating the native in the arts of greater production and better 
quality of products. It has been demonstrated that where this 
process is adopted in tropical territories the native gradually 
produces an increasing volume of raw material, which also steadily 
attains to a higher standard of quality, whilst the white man 
takes his proper place as the channel, through whose hands passes 
the raw material to the outside world, the proceeds of which 
return back again through the white man's hands, in the shape of 
manufactured articles. 

(2) The Regulation of Contract Labour. Where contract labour 
is still necessary, whether in tropical or sub-tropical territories, 
it would seem that Labour should aim at securing the following 
conditions : 


First, that all labour contracts should be civil instruments, 
and any breaches of such contracts should be met solely by civil 
penalties. A fine, and not a whipping, is the way to meet a 
breach in a civil contract. 

Secondly, all such contracts should be for a limited period 
only none of them for a period longer than six months, without 
review by a judicial authority. The terms of all contracts 
should be plainly printed upon the document itself, and it should 
be open to the labourer to appeal to a special Court in the event 
of fraud or force being alleged against a recruiter or an employer. 

Thirdly, every form of fraud or force exercised upon the 
labourer by either the recruiter or the employer, should be visited 
with criminal penalties. 

Fourthly, Labour should aim at the elimination of the principle 
of " and found." This system must lead to compounding often 
compounding of males only. Therefore, this principle should 
give way to full wages, and the encouragement of village life in 
industrial centres. 

(3) No Compulsory Labour. Finally, Labour must set its face 
like a flint against any form of compulsory labour in the 
interests of private persons. 



In reply to a question in the House of Commons, on December ijth, 1920, Lt-Col. Amery, 
Under-Secretary for the Colonies, stated that Ordinances providing " for short periods of 
compulsory labour on roads and for other public objects," were in operation at the following 
places : 

CEYLON. The Road Ordinance, 1861 (No. 10 of 1861, see Sees. 49 and 50). 

CYPRUS. The Branch Roads Law, 1899 (No. 27 of 1899). The Village Roads Law, 1900 
(No. 6 of 1900) (amended by Nos. 6 of 1901 and n of 1904). 

DOMINICA. The Public Road Act, 1888 (No. 18 of 1888). 

(Note. This Act has been largely repealed by the Road Ordinance, 1914 No. 10 of 1914 
but the provisions of the former Act as to labour and money contributions are expressly 

FIJI. The Communal Services Regulation, 1912 i(No. 7 Jof 1912) passed by the Native 
Regulation Board, 7th May, 1912. 

GOLD COAST. The Roads Ordinance, 1910 (No. 13 of 1894). 

KENYA. Native Reserves Ordinance, 1910 (No. 12 of 1910). 

The (East Africa Protectorate) Native Authority Ordinance, 1912 (No. 22 of 1912) 
(amended by No. 3 of 1920). 

MONTSERRAT. The Road Ordinance 1997 (No. 7 of 1907) (amended by Nos. 3 of 1909 and 
5 of 1919). 

NIGERIA. The Roads and Rivers Ordinance, 1916 (No. 48 of 1916). 

SIERRA LEONE. The Headman Ordinance, 1906 (No. 31 of 1906) (amended by No. 8 of 
1909 Section 17 and 13 of 1909). 


UGANDA PROTECTORATE. The Native Authority Ordinance, 1919 (No. 17 of 1919). 
VIRGIN ISLANDS. The Road Ordinance, 1909 (No. 2 of 1909).* 

ZANZIBAR. The Native Labour Control Decree, 1917 (No. 25 of 1917) (amended by 15 of 

* As an alternative to a money contribution. 


Harris, J. H. : The Chartered Millions (Rhodesia). Swarthmore, 1920. 

Johnston, Sir H. : The Backward Peoples and our Relations with them. Oxford 

University Press, 1920. 

Morel, E. D. : The Black Man's Burden. National Labour Press, 1920. 
Olivier, Sir S. : White Capital and Coloured Labour. Socialist Library, 1905. 
Woolf, L, S. ." Mandates and Empire. League of Nations Union, 1920. 
Woolf, L. S. : Empire and Commerce in Africa. Labour Research Department, 1920. 





The problems of government presented by the British Empire 
fall roughly into three great categories : (i) problems of national 
government, (2) problems of imperial government, (3) problems 
of international government. In the first category fall questions 
centring in and chiefly concerning some member of the group of 
five self-goveining States, namely, the United Kingdom, Canada, 
Australia, South Africa and New Zealand. In the second cate- 
gory fall questions arising out of the relationships between these 
self-governing States and their dependencies (e.g., as between the 
United Kingdom and India, the Crown Colonies, Protectorates, 
Mandated Territories, etc. ; or as between Australia and Papua, 
or New Zealand and Samoa, or South Africa and late German 
South West Africa). In the third category fall questions arising 
out of the mutual relationships of the group of five states already 
mentioned. It is with this third category, the problem of inter- 
national government presented by the relationships between the 
Dominions and the United Kingdom, that this section is mainly 
concerned. The question is urgent in view of the meeting of a 
special Imperial Conference in 1921 to deal with the whole 
question of the future relations between the Dominions and 
the United Kingdom. 

Empire to Commonwealth. This problem is complicated by 
the fact that it cannot be dealt with without close reference 
to the dependent portions of the Empire. Principles will 
have to be laid down and machinery adopted, which will 
suffice not merely to meet the needs of the Dominions 
and of the United Kingdom with their sixty millions of 
white peoples, but will be capable of extension ultimately to 
the rest of the Empire with its 370 millions of coloured peoples. 



This task will not seem so great when we realise that a common 
principle is at work in the Empire, a principle which if fully carried 
out (as Labour insists it must be carried out) will gradually 
assimilate the position of the dependencies to that of the United 
Kingdom and of the Dominions. This is the principle of pro- 
gressive self-government, and its systematic application will 
ultimately convert what is still, as regards population, six- 
sevenths an Empire into a great Commonwealth of free self- 
governing peoples. 

The Durham Report on Canada in 1839 marked the beginning 
of the first great stage in this progress from Empire to Common- 
wealth. The beginning of the second great stage the extension 
of Responsible Government to the non-European peoples of the 
Empire was marked by the publication of the Montagu- 
Chelmsford Report on India in 1918. 

The National Development of the Dominions. The problem 
of international government in the Empire has been caused 
by the growth out of an original British state of a 
whole group of states now known as the Dominions. This 
process began with the application between 1840-50 of the 
principle of responsible government advocated in the Durham 
Report. It was found impossible in practice to limit Re- 
sponsible Government to " local " matters. The Dominions 
have established their own national federal Government (Canada, 
1867, Australia, 1901, South Africa, 1910) and have successfully 
asserted their right to exercise all the powers (including tariffs, 
immigration, foreign policy) necessary to their national life. 
The Dominions still remain and are anxious to remain within 
the legal framework of the original British State. One of the 
great problems now facing us is how to secure to the Dominions 
the absolute equality of nationhood which they demand without 
completely destroying this legal framework that is without 
formally disrupting the Empire and without interfering with the 
strong desire of the Dominions and the United Kingdom to work 
together in international affairs as an intimate group of states. 

The gradual development of a number of new states out of the 
original British state created a problem of international govern- 
ment to meet which various expedients were suggested. The idea 
of an Imperial super-state the setting up of a super-parliament 
and executive to control the Empire in " common " or " imperial " 
concerns was advocated. A rough diplomatic system (High 
Commissioners, Governors, etc.) was established. The ineffici- 
ency of this system led to the discovery of the new method of 
international government by direct and regular conferences 
between Governments. But the situation required continuous 


cabinet consultation, whereas before the war nothing better 
than a regular quadrennial Conference of Governments called 
the " Imperial Conference " had been evolved. 

The Constitutional Resolution of 1917. The chief development 
of the war period was the passing, by the Imperial War 
Conference of 1917, of a constitutional resolution providing 
for a special Imperial Conference after the war to re-adjust 
" the constitutional relations of the component parts 
of the Empire." The resolution proceeded to lay down the 
principles of the settlement ; " . . . Any such re-adjustment," 
it said, " while thoroughly preserving all existing powers of 
self-government and complete control of domestic affairs, should 
be based upon a full recognition of the Dominions as autonomous 
nations of an Imperial Commonwealth, and of India as an im- 
portant portion of the same, should recognise the rights of the 
Dominions and India to an adequate voice in foreign policy and in 
continuous consultation in all important matters of common 
Imperial concern, and for such necessary concerted action, 
founded on consultation, as the several Governments may 

The great importance of this resolution makes a careful study 
of it essential. On analysis the portion quoted will be seen to fall 
into three parts : (i) The question of principle super-state 
Commonwealth or autonomous nations ? The second of these 
two alternatives is chosen, the idea of Imperial Federation 
(i.e., a super-state) suffering its most decisive defeat since it was 
first publicly discussed about 1870. The realisation of this 
second alternative requires the solution (2) of the problem of 
Dominion status the securing of equal status in all matters in- 
cluding foreign relations, whilst preserving the formal unity of the 
Empire and (3) of the problem of machinery of co-operation 
the securing of continuous consultation and the provision of means 
for concerted action. In respect of each of these three matters 
there have been momentous developments since 1917. 

Super-State or Commonwealth of Autonomous Nations. The 

decision of 1917 on the question of principle has received 
overwhelming support throughout the Empire. The chief 
opposition to schemes of Imperial Federation has come from the 
forces of Nationalism and Labour. Briefly put, the objection of 
Nationalism rests on the strong feeling (which the example of 
Ireland in relation to the United Kingdom helps to strengthen) 
that even the most scrupulous observance of the outward forms 
of democracy cannot preserve a minority, especially a geo- 
graphically distinct minority, from the tyranny of the majority. 


if the latter is out of intimate touch with the former, and if the 
interests of the two differ in any large degree. * 

The Labour objection to the Imperial Federation as revealed 
in resolutions and statements of policy made by each of the 
Labour Parties in the Empire is briefly that such a super-state 
would create or accentuate conditions tending to strengthen 
disproportionately the power of the possessing and governing 
classes in each part. These conditions are : enormous areas, 
tremendous ocean-distances, complex political and social organi- 
sations, and large, diverse and scattered populations in which 
wealth and opportunities of education are very unevenly dis- 
tributed. The classes mentioned would be able to take advantage 
of these conditions, because of their superior economic power. 
This objection does not necessarily rule out the possibility of 
Imperial federation under a new social order. 

The Problem of Dominion Status. The events of the last 
three years have changed the tentative suggestion with 
regard to "an increasingly equal status " made by Dominion 
statesmen in 1917 to the decisive demand made by them 
in 1919 for " absolute equality of status." From 1918 
onwards this demand was made successfully on every important 
occasion. Despite opposition, the Dominions secured equality of 
status in the Peace Conference, in the signing and ratification of 
the various Treaties, and in the great international organs issuing 
from the Peace Conference, namely, the League of Nations, and 
the International Labour Organisation. These developments 
constituted, as General Smuts has said, an international recog- 
nition of their new status. 

The announcement with regard to the appointment of a 
Canadian ambassador at Washington, though merely the cul- 
mination of these events, has helped to emphasise the funda- 
mental difficulty involved in the claim to absolute equality of 
status namely the difficulty of securing this without bringing 
about the formal disruption of the Empire. The difficulty has not 
yet been frankly faced. Demands for equal status have been 
coupled with apparently contradictory demands for the main- 
tenance of " Imperial unity." There is no evidence that the 
successive expedients adopted to meet particular difficulties are 
the outcome of any general unifying principle. Such a principle 
is required to rationalise the whole settlement, and to make it 
easy for peoples inside and outside the Empire to understand the 
real nature of the relationship between the Dominions and the 
United Kingdom. 

* At present the populations stand roughly thus : United Kingdom, 47 millions ; 
Canada, 9 millions ; Australia, 5 millions ; Total Dominion populations (white), about 
17 millions. '' 


A General Declaration of Constitutional Right. A study of the 
history of this relationship reveals the principle required. The 
growth of four new states out of the original British state 
and their continuance within (as it were) the old shell of that 
state, has been made possible by the systematic development 
of the well-known distinction in the British constitution between 
legal right and constitutional right. 

Just as the de\elopment of the constitutional rights of the 
Cabinet has rendered completely innocuous the legal rights of 
the Crown though without formally destroying these rights, 
so the development of the constitutional rights of the Dominions 
has rendered inoperative, but without formally destroying, the 
legal rights of the United Kingdom to legislate for and to govern 
the Dominions, Putting it in another way, it may be said that 
the independence of the Dominions has been secured by the 
restriction, point by point, by means of successive declarations, 
of constitutional right, of the legal power of the United Kingdom 
over them. As examples we might take the declarations in 
respect of tariffs (1859), of immigration (1888), etc., and, most 
important of all, in respect of foreign policy in 1919. These 
declarations (confirmed where necessary by legislation passed 
by the British Parliament) have for practical purposes fenced 
in and rendered innocuous, without formally destroying, the 
legal bonds which constitute the formal unity of the Empire. 
These bonds are the legal sovereignty of the British Parliament 
(i.e., its technical power to legislate on any subject for any 
part of the Empire), the Royal veto, and the concentration 
in the Imperial Crown of treaty making powers, etc. 

By rounding off these successive declarations on particular 
points with a General Declaration of Constitutional Right cover- 
ing the whole field of government legislative, executive and 
judicial these legal bonds would be rendered completely 
innocuous to the Dominions whilst the latter would be placed 
on a footing of absolute constitutional equality with the United 
Kingdom. Such a general declaration might be made in the 
form of a series of resolutions of the Imperial Conference : it 
would be required to be followed in some respects by Imperial 
legislation conferring the necessary powers on the Dominions. 

Executive Equality Foreign Relations. The difficulty of applying 
this doctrine to foreign relations has largely been overcome by 
the developments of the last three years. A distinction has 
been made in practice between group questions and national 
questions, a different procedure being adopted in respect of each. 

Group questions are mainly those which immediately involve the 
issues of peace and war, e.g., declarations of war, the negotiation 


of peace treaties and of other important political treaties. 
Formal action by the Imperial Crown in respect of group questions 
at once involves all the nations of the British Commonwealth. 
Hence, since 1917 the convention has grown up that no one nation 
has the constitutional right to advise the Crown to take such action 
unless the other nations concur in the advice. All that is required 
to establish this convention firmly is an authoritative statement 
of it by the Imperial Conference. As it will be seen this con- 
vention assumes the certainty of unanimity amongst the mem- 
bers of the group on crucial questions of high policy involving 
formal action by the Imperial Crown. It does not, however, 
rule out the possibility of unanimity being in practice secured by 
the growth in the Imperial Conference of a high system of majority 
rule. What the convention leaves no room for is the offering 
of divergent advice to the Imperial Crown. Persistent disagree- 
ment on a vital matter requiring formal action by the Crown 
could end only in either the withdrawal of the dissentient 
minority from the group, or in the setting up of a super-state based 
on the principle of majority rule, and is therefore not likely 
to occur, 

National questions are those which mainly concern a single 
state, and do not directly affect the group as a whole examples 
being trade relations (including tariffs and commercial treaties), 
migration (including treaties and agreements in respect of this), 
the appointment of diplomatic agents, etc. Most of these 
questions reqiiire action by the Imperial Crown. The Dominions 
cannot enter into formal relations of any kind with foreign states 
unless they have free access to the sovereign powers formally 
vested in the Imperial Crown. The devolution of these powers 
to the Bang's Viceroys, the Governors General, would involve the 
formal disruption of the Empire, at best substituting a 
purely personal union of Crowns British, Canadian, Australian, 
etc. for the present bonds. 

Such a disruption is not in the least desired by the Dominions, 
nor is it in the least necessary as a means of securing their access 
to the powers mentioned. The means already exist hi the 
shape of two further understandings which only require authori- 
tative statement to harden them into conventions of the Con- 
stitution. The first is that in respect of " national questions " 
the Crown shall act, on the advice and responsibility of the 
Ministry of the particular Dominion concerned. A good recent 
example of this is the appointment by His Majesty " on the advice 
of his Canadian Ministers "* of a Canadian Ambassador at 

* Mr. Bonar Law's Statement in the House of Commons, May loth, 1930. 


A difficulty arises from the fact that so long as the Imperial 
Crown and the British Crown remain united in the body of a 
single person, the Dominions cannot in practice be given direct 
access to the Imperial Crown, except at the risk of aggrandising 
the power of the King. This difficulty has been overcome by the 
formulation by the Dominions (particularly by the Canadian 
Ministry) of a second convention which may be stated as follows : 
While the British Ministry must of necessity remain the channel 
through which the Dominion Ministries advise the Imperial 
Crown in respect of national matters, and through which that 
Crown grants the necessary powers to Dominion ministers to 
take formal action in such matters, the British Ministry shall no 
longer possess the constitutional right to close or to restrict that 

It will be seen, therefore, that all that is required to give the 
Dominions, in the eyes of the whole world, complete equality of 
status with the United Kingdom in respect of foreign relations 
(as of other matters), is that the Imperial Conference by means 
of an authoritative pronouncement, should rationalise a situation, 
which for practical purposes already exists. Whether or not 
a particular Dominion chooses to exercise to the full the powers 
thus secured to it, or whether it chooses to act in some or all 
" group " and " national " questions through the United King- 
dom as the recognised leader of the British Commonwealth of 
Nations, will depend largely upon the circumstances of the 
Dominion. The system is sufficiently elastic to meet the needs of 
States and communities at different levels of development. 

Machinery of Co-operation. The problem as stated in the 
Resolution of 1917 was to secure continuous consultation, 
and to provide the means for concerted action. The latter 
developments which have modified the situation as it 
stood in 1917 are as follows : (i) the decision in 1917 
to hold annual meetings of "an Imperial Cabinet," i.e., 
of the Conference of Governments, (2) the decision in 1918 that 
if they so desired the Dominion Governments should have the 
right during the war to appoint resident or visiting Ministers to 
attend regular meetings of the Imperial Cabinet to be held in the 
interval between the plenary sessions. The experience of the 
last three decades shows clearly that it is only along these lines 
that continuous cabinet consultation can be effectively secured. 

Since as regard vital questions of foreign policy the British 
Commonwealth must in the future act as a whole or not at all, 
the securing of continuous cabinet consultation so as to ensure 
a unanimous and if necessary an instantaneous decision in time 
of crisis, is of the utmost importance. Upon this may rest the 


future peace of the world, even the fate of the remains of the 
civilisation left standing after the recent war. A Foreign Affairs 
Committee of the Imperial Conference, which will meet twice 
(or at least once) a week under the presidency of the British 
Foreign Secretary, will probably be found necessary. 

But in the past the Imperial Conference has not regarded 
itself as existing primarily to deal with foreign affairs and defence. 
Defence implies the existence of something to defend, and foreign 
policy in the ordinary sense of " high politics " is a term applied 
to questions of special difficulty arising out of the web of every- 
day international relations. It is to the task of building up, and 
of supervising the working of a vast network of peaceful relations 
between the peoples of the Empire and of the world at large that 
the Imperial Conference must direct its main attention. As a 
result of this policy questions of " high policy " will tend to be 
eliminated, and those that do occur may be dealt with more 
easily because they will be treated in organic relationship to the 
complexes out of which they arise. 

Subsidiary Conferences and Joint Bodies. From this standpoint 
the substratum of the general conference machinery is of 
the greatest importance. Intent upon the development of 
the Imperial Conference, that is the general conference of 
governments, the public has failed to realise that round 
this centre a network of other bodies is growing up. These 
are of two kinds : (i) subsidiary Conferences of Ministers (or 
experts nominated by them) charged with particular functions 
of Government, e.g., Education, Statistics, Agriculture ; (2) Inter- 
Imperial joint bodies or bureaux manned by experts for the 
doing of definite pieces of administrative work (e.g., Pacific 
Cable Board, etc.) or for the collection and dissemination of 
information, or for research and the co-ordination of research, 
in relation to particular functions of government (e.g., Imperial 
Mineral Resources Bureau, Imperial Bureau of Entomology, etc.). 

We are obviously here at the threshold of a development which 
should be of the utmost importance to the Empire and the 
world at large. The ultimate object should be to secure regular 
periodic conferences between the Ministers charged with each 
and every function of government. Most of the conferences 
would require to be served by permanent bureaux of experts 
which would carry out the policies laid down by the confer- 
ences, and would reserve for these conferences the questions of 
policy thrown up from time to time. By this means the policies 
and legislation of the British peoples might be co-ordinated. 

The British Commonwealth and the League of Nations. 
The League of Nations is based upon a recognition of 



groups the most important of which is the British Common- 
wealth. To raise all nations to the level of intimacy attained by 
existing groups, not to lower them all to the low general minimum 
capacity for international co-operation, is the true line of progress 
for the cause of world government. The justification of the 
British group is its maximum capacity for international co- 
operation. If rightly developed this should enable it to perform 
invaluable pioneering functions in the League, both by developing 
its general conference organs and its ad hoc bodies, and also 
by demonstrating the possibilities of intimate co-operation 
between peoples. The guiding principle of group action must be 
inclusion rather than exclusion the building of roads and 
bridges, and the breaking down of barriers of all kinds, rather 
than the building of walls against the foreigner. It is from this 
point of view that the whole question of economic policy, in 
particular the question of Imperial Preference, should be 


Curtis, L. : The Problem of the Commonwealth. Macmillan, 1916. 

Hail, H. Duncan : The British Commonwealth of Nations : A Study of the Past and 

Future Development of the Relations between the Dominions and the United 

Kingdom. Methuen, 1920. 

Keith, A. B.: Imperial Unity and the Dominions. Clarendon Press, 1916. 
Keith, A. B.: Selected Speeches and Documents on British Colonial Policy, 1763-1917. 


Keith, A. B.: Proceedings of Imperial Conferences of 1917 and 1918 (etc.). 
Smuts, /. C. : War -Time Speeches. Hodder & Stoughton, 1917. 


1 The Machinery of Foreign 3 Labour Declarations on 

Relations . . . . 153 Foreign Policy . . 172 

2 A Labour View of 4 Voluntary International 

Foreign Policy .. 160 Associations .. .. 175 



THE machinery for the control and conduct of the foreign relations 
of the Empire is out of date. Worse than that, it is out of order. 
Other States, such as Germany, have made constitutional pro- 
vision for a more modern machinery, but ours still sticks to the 
principle that the Crown alone controls foreign relations, and a 
Foreign Office clerk alone conducts them. 

The old aristocracy long resisted democratic developments in 
this region of foreign relations, and the new plutocracy that have 
succeeded them as a ruling class have even won back some of 
the ground they lost. Parliament and the Press, the two organs 
through which the people were beginning to assert some control 
over foreign relations, have lost to a large extent their repre- 
sentative character and have become instruments of the power 
behind the Throne. And all those in power, whether plutocratic 
employers or bureaucratic employees, would rather muddle along 
as they are than risk modernising the machinery. 

This machinery has two functions, (a) the control of foreign 
policy, and (6) the conduct of foreign affairs. In the first it is 
defective, in the second it is demoralised. 

(a) The Control of Foreign Policy is, one would suppose, clearly 
a function of Parliament. But this has been stoutly contested 
by recent Foreign Secretaries, including Lord Grey and Mr. 
Balfour, who claim that foreign affairs are matters of purely 
executive concern. They are supported in this by jurists like 
Sir F. Pollock, who argue that this is a residual power of the 
Crown. They have acted on this principle, as we know, even to 



the extent of concealing crucial commitments of policy from the 
Cabinet itself. If our constitutional machinery for parliamentary 
control of foreign policy had not remained undeveloped, there 
would have been no European war. 

The present provision for parliamentary control by question 
and answer, and by occasionally debating the F.O. vote is 
ludicrously inadequate. The proper mechanism, and that 
adopted by most foreign countries, is control of the Foreign Office 
by a permanent Committee of Foreign Affairs. There is no space 
here to deal with the arguments for and against setting up such 
a Committee. The institution has been pressed for years by a 
Liberal and Radical group in the House, and at one time secured 
the support of Mr. Lloyd George. A Labour Government would 
be well advised to make the establishment of such a Committee, 
with adequate powers, one of its first measures. For, without it, 
a Labour government would be in a very vulnerable position in 
a very vital region. The position of the Committee should be 
strengthened by asserting the right of Parliament to ratify all 
new treaties and to review periodically all those supposed to be 
in force. These reforms in the control of foreign policy are indeed 
long overdue, and have been so fully and generally discussed 
that I do not dwell longer on them here. 

(6) The Conduct of Foreign Affairs. Passing now to reforms 
in the conduct of foreign affairs, we come to a more technical 
subject, that has scarcely been treated at all as yet. Foreign rela- 
tions are conducted by the Foreign Secretary on behalf of the 
Crown, with the approval of the Cabinet and with the assistance 
of the Foreign Office and Foreign Missions. But the Foreign 
Secretary comes and goes ; the Crown and the Cabinet do not 
really come in at all ; and, as a result, foreign affairs are conducted 
by the permanent officials of the Foreign Office and Diplomatic 
Service. Moreover, owing to a departmental division between 
these services, the latter has been entirely subordinated to the 
Foreign Office. The general result is that the Foreign Office, 
which should only be a connecting link between the peoples' 
representatives in Parliament and the Empire's representatives 
abroad, practically, has made itself the sole organ, not only for 
the conduct of foreign affairs, but for the control of foreign 
policy. If this only meant that in foreign affairs our government 
was a good deal more bureaucratic and a good deal less democratic 
than in home affairs, the consequences, though they would 
probably have been distressing in some respects, could not have 
been generally so disastrous as they have. But it is a fact that 
you cannot have a sound and efficient bureaucracy except in 
connection with democracy. Left to itself and freed from the 


restraint and stimulus of the democratic partnership, bureaucracy 
runs to seed and suckers. The machinery for the conduct of 
foreign affairs is not only out of date, but out of order. 

Recommendations of the Royal Commission of 1914. This 
has been generally recognised by the public since the war 
called attention to our diplomatic failures ; but it had long been 
realised by the service itself. Royal Commission after Royal 
Commission has reported in favour of reforms that were for the 
most part put forward by junior officials themselves. But little 
or nothing has been done for reasons that I have no space here to 
explain. The last Commission reported as late as October, 1914, 
and its recommendations may be summarised as follows : 

(a) The reconstruction of the Board of Selection for candidates in such a way as would 
prevent the control of entry hitherto exercised by the private secretaries ; as well as the 
complete assimilation of the examination to that for the rest of the Civil Service, and the aboli- 
tion of the income qualification. 

(6) The amalgamation of the Foreign Office and the Diplomatic Service. This indis- 
pensable condition for a " united esprit de corps " (I quote the report) had already been urged 
by the Ridley Commission in 1890. The reluctance of the authorities to give effect to this 
recommendation is mainly responsible for the subsequent deficiencies in our diplomacy. 

(c) The payment of a living wage and the assignment of promotions and transfers to a 
properly constituted departmental body, as also the lengthening of the periods of employ- 
ment at any post. This would improve the capacity of diplomatists and the conditions under 
which they work. 

(d) The relegation of routine work to the second division, and a reduction in the numbers 
of staff employed. This would increase efficiency and reduce expenditure. 

Of these proposals the only ones so far adopted are those 
relating to increase of pay and the consequent abolition of the 
income qualification. This now enables a man without private 
means to enter diplomacy. But so far there has been no effort 
to give the foreign service a more representative character. On 
the contrary, the suspension by war of the ordinary competitive 
system of admission has intensified the peculiar class character- 
istics of candidates. For example, the proportion of Roman 
Catholics was always large, owing to the succession of Roman 
Catholic private secretaries, and the powers enjoyed by them of 
influencing admissions, even under the competitive system. 
Since the war and appointments by the Foreign Private Secretaries 
without control or competition, the proportion of Roman Catholics 
has increased. 

The Three Divisions of the Foreign Service. The defect 
in principle that has stunted the growth of our Foreign 
Services and strangled their energies has been that of 
departmental sub-division and self-assertion. This division has, 
moreover, been based on an unsound classification of function 
and a survival of class favour. The general result has been a 
breaking up of the Foreign Service, with its uniform function of 
representing us abroad, into a " crack corps " with the " cavalry 


spirit " in the Embassies and Legations, a Foreign Office of 
" sappers " and " brass hats," and a " labour corps " of second 
division. Again, its political and commercial functions have 
been respectively labelled first and second class, and divided 
between diplomats and consuls. Where this separation has been 
clearly impossible, as in the Far East and in the Levant, the 
consuls have been given political functions but refused the 
best posts, which have been reserved for diplomats. An 
amalgamation between Office and Missions has been accepted 
in principle, but there is no possible principle precluding 
the extension of such amalgamation to the Consular Service ; 
nor is there any real reason against it. 

What we have at present is a Foreign Office with junior 
appointments offering very great opportunities, and with senior 
posts of inferior importance ; a Diplomatic Service with junior 
appointments offering only an occasional opportunity of acquiring 
either general or special experience, but with a very large propor- 
tion of senior posts requiring both general and special excellences ; 
a Consular Service with only second class opportunities and 
positions for either seniors or juniors, and a Clerical Branch that 
has neither opportunities nor positions. Illustrating this 
individually, we find that an intelligent young Foreign Office 
clerk can, as private secretary, get a position in the conduct, and 
even in the control of foreign affairs, of more value possibly to 
himself than the State. But, he must later retire, either into a 
foreign post for which he has little taste, and no training, or 
into an office department where he will conduct controversies 
with other departments, or criticise the minutes of his juniors. 
An intelligent young diplomat, on the other hand will, after 
twenty years of typewriting and tea parties, find himself respon- 
sible for advising on issues of peace and war, for reporting on 
matters and movements in which he has had no education or 
experience, and for representing individuals and institutions with 
which he has never been in touch. The intelligent young consul, 
after mastering the mechanism and methods of a great commercial 
centre like New York, will very likely find himself whisked off 
by the genii to some petty semi-political post. And, after 
spending his middle-life in becoming a power, say, in Polish 
politics, he will be rewarded by the Consulate-General in Rio. 
While the intelligent young shorthand writer at a foreign mission 
will soon realise that he has no prospects and will use his post 
only as a mounting block to business. 

Regional Reorganisation. The old departmental stratification 
into political, commercial and clerical functions and into 
diplomatic, consular and clerical branches, with its first, 


second and third-class standings, has been reduced to 
absurdity by the war. The pre-war politico-economic Empires, 
Russian, Austrian and Ottoman, into which Central and 
Eastern Europe were divided, provided an artificial adminis- 
tration of Europe that was not so very much out of relation with 
the artificial organisation of our foreign services. The centralised 
Empire, with its cospomolitan capital, its commercial provincial 
centres, and its aristocratic, bureaucratic and plutocratic ruling 
class, could be covered fairly well by our Embassy, with its 
subordinate Consulates, run by public school men with little or 
no local knowledge. But the war and the peace have " Balkan- 
ised " Europe by dissolving these cosmopolitan empires into a 
number of national communities, in which such matters as 
language and local knowledge have become indispensable. 
They have " Bolshe vised " Europe by bringing to power members 
of the professorate and proletariat, who both speak in languages 
and think on lines beyond the range of Eton and Winchester. 
It was the coming into prominence of a world east of Vienna, 
outside the ken of the cosmopolitan ruling class that caused the 
creation many years ago of the Levant and China consular 

The old horizontal classification into first, second and third- 
class services, should be replaced by vertical division into regional 
sections, with as clear a ladder as possible, not only from the 
second division, but also from the secondary schools. Thus the 
regional system should not only enable an official to prepare for 
his future regional responsibilities in post-graduate, and even in 
undergraduate studies. It should also allow men who could not 
afford a University to enter the Foreign Services four or five years 
earlier for clerical routine work, and, if they were of outstanding 
ability, to win promotion to executive posts by using the oppor- 
tunities afforded them for prosecuting regional studies. 

Five Regional Services. The regional system would provide 
for the indispensable amalgamation of the Services, together 
with that of the political with the commercial work, 
and amelioration of the conditions of service. It will also 
provide properly trained officials by linking up official careers 
with educational curriculum. For it is essential that officials, 
if they are to be so equipped as to make the best 
out of work abroad, should have a general grounding 
in subjects that form the basis of their profession such as 
political science, economics, history, philology and sociology, 
and that they should also have special training in the languages 
and local knowledge of their region. The schools of regional 
studies, now being started in the University of London, will 


enable such extra training to be combined with a sound general 
education. Consequently, in reorganising the services on a 
regional basis, it will be convenient to co-ordinate the official 
regions with those that exist in the University of London, or 
that might exist there or elsewhere. 

These requirements would result in regional services and schools 
somewhat on the following lines : 

(1) A Far Eastern (Oriental) service as already existing, and 
a School of Oriental Languages, also existing, in which the Chinese, 
Japanese, Siamese and Malay languages would be prominent, 
history highly specialised, and political science, etc., subordinate. 

(2) A Middle Eastern (Levant) Service, also existing, and a 
School in which languages, including Modern Greek, Turkish, 
Arabic, Persian, Amharic, Armenian and Georgian, would be of 
equal importance with history. The general subjects would 
again be secondary. 

(3) An East European (mainly Slavonic) service, with a school, 
just coming into existence, in which Slavonic languages (with the 
addition of German), history, political science, and economics 
and sociology, would be all of equal importance. 

(4) A West European (Teuto-Scandinavian) service, where the 
languages, including French, would take up less time than the 
other subjects. And this applies also to : 

(5) A South European (Romance) service, including France, 
the Peninsula, and South and Central America. The formation 
of a regional course of studies for these last two would merely be a 
matter of co-ordination of existing courses. 

There would remain a non-regional section or service (in which 
only French and German would be required) that would concern 
itself with internal and international administration and that 
would provide a suitable career for those who had too much 
general ability or too little special aptitude for the regional 
services. This " League of Nations " section would also provide 
for America, and would be in close touch with the Imperial colonial 
services. The Embassy at Washington would probably be filled 
from outside as of recent years. 

This reorganisation on a regional basis would do more than 
anything else hitherto suggested to cure the worst weakness of 
the foreign service, snobbery. 

Demoeratisation versus Snobbery. There is a strong demand 
for democratising diplomacy, but if you do so in the 
sense of drawing in more active and able men from the 
" masses " you will make it less, not more, democratic in its 
point of view and policies. Such ambitious young arrivistes 
will readily absorb the old atmosphere of secret diplomacy, and 


become devoted acolytes of its sacred mysteries. Even to-day 
the Foreign Office, where there has been no income qualification, 
and a somewhat higher mental and lower social average than 
diplomacy, has the more snobbish tone of the two services. In 
diplomacy the proportion of men with independent means and 
minds is larger, and that of men merely on the make is smaller. 
Clever young men from the lower middle classes will be less capable 
of resisting the demoralising effects of the diplomatic atmosphere 
and of bureaucratic authority than those inured to such influences 
by birth and breeding. The recent loss of independence and 
initiative in our diplomatic officers is due, already, more to the 
recruiting of the service from self-made families with social 
ambitions than to any restriction of it to the upper classes. A 
snob makes a worse diplomatist than a " smarty." 

The way to " democratise " diplomacy is not to throw open an 
autocratically administered service with an aristocratic tradition 
to the general public. That will only vulgarise it. Diplomacy 
must itself be given a democratic development. The adminis- 
trative authority of the Secretary of State, which is merely 
control of the private secretaries, must be given a broader and a 
better base. A Whitley Council for each regional service should 
be consulted on all questions, not only of administration but of 

Immediate Recommendations. Finally, to sum up these 
recommendations as a practical programme for a Labour 
Government. Firstly, it should set up at once a permanent 
Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs, representing 
proportionally the parties in the House, with powers to 
call for papers and examine officials, and report for the confi- 
dential information of Parliament. Secondly, it should, by 
resolution, secure to the House the right to ratify new treaties 
and repeal obsolete ones. Thirdly, it should appoint a Committee 
of Members, of Foreign Office and Treasury officials, and of 
University authorities (a) to prepare a scheme for the regional 
reorganisation of the Foreign Office, Diplomatic and Consular 
services and Second Division and for co-ordinating these regional 
services with regional schools of study, and (b) to provide for 
regional Councils and Committees representing officials of every 
grade with a consultative authority as to appointments and other 
administrative matters. 


Brailsford, H. N. : The War of Steel and Gold. Bell, 1917. 

Headley, D. P. : Diplomacy and the Study of International Relations. Oxford, 1920. 

Morel, E. D. : Ten Years of Secret Diplomacy. National Labour Press, 1915. 

Ponsonby, A.: Democracy and Diplomacy. Methuen, 1915. 

Woolf, L. S. : Economic Imperialism. Swarthmore Press, 1920. 

Control of Foreign Policy. Labour's Programme. Labour Party, 1931. 




THE year 1920 saw the completion of the Peace treaties, but even 
before the last of the series had been drafted, the impossibility of 
executing its predecessors was admitted. The least political 
sections of opinions in the most insular of European countries, 
begin to-day to realise, although dimly, the colossal ruin which 
the settlement has brought about. The greater part of the 
continent, and that by far the most populous and productive 
part, has dropped out of our economic system of exchange, almost 
as completely as if it had been submerged. The temporary 
post-war trade-boom has come to an end, and the growing 
volume of unemployment, with all that it conveys in menace to 
the standards of our own working-class, is the natural result of 
the impoverishment of the millions in Central Europe who can no 
longer demand or purchase foreign goods, and of the other millions 
in Russia, who are deliberately, and of set purpose, excluded 
from our markets. The motives of competitive capitalistic 
imperialism, which on both sides led up to the outbreak of the 
war, and prolonged it till the " knock-out blow " could be 
delivered, wrote themselves legibly into every article of the 
settlement. The greed which thought only of destroying a com- 
mercial rival, has over-reached itself. 


Russia in Spring, 1920. It will be worth while to recall the 
sequence of events in 1920. The year opened with a bright prospect 
of peace with Russia. Denikin and his White army were utterly 
smashed, as Yudenitch had just been in the North. The Soviet 
Government turned with eagerness to the tasks of construction, 
and attempted to buy off its one remaining enemy, Poland, by 
offers of peace on a territorial basis which would have left the 
Polish armies in occupation of broad provinces to which they have 
no just racial claim. It seemed that Mr. Lloyd George, always 
adaptable, had recognised both the strength of the Reds and the 
weakness of the Whites. He proposed to open negotiations for 
trade with Soviet Russia, and the conversations with Mr. Krassin 
began, which lasted for fourteen months on end. The conclusion 
of peace between Soviet Russia and Esthonia had knocked a hole 
in the blockade. It was useless to keep our fleet patrolling the 
Baltic, if goods could enter Russia by the open port of Reval. 
The same result was attained, however, more cheaply and almost 


as effectively by other means. The Board of Trade continued to 
refuse licences to export goods to Russia, while the gold or goods 
in which Russia might pay, were liable to seizure. These obstacles, 
as formidable as any blockade, could be removed only by a trade 
agreement, and even that would be useless, unless the present 
government of Russia is " recognised " by the Foreign Office in 
a form which will satisfy our Courts of Law. 

Wrangel Equipped. Events soon proved that the partisans of 
war had not exhausted their resources. One of Denikin's generals, 
Baron Wrangel, had escaped from the rout, into the Crimean penin- 
sula. Our navy helped to carry over the remnants of Denikin's 
army from the North Caucasus to join him. He was supplied 
with the British munitions originally destined for Denikin. A 
British flying detachment and a numerous " mission " assisted 
him, while French engineers fortified the neck of the peninsula 
for him. Lord Curzon tried by diplomatic notes to protect and 
obtain favourable terms for these broken " refugees " (as he 
represented them to be), but in due course, the " refugees " took 
the offensive, with the help of our munitions, and began invading 
the mainland of South Russia. Thereupon Lord Curzon disavowed 
Wrangel, who, none the less, kept and used our supplies. 

Poland and the Allies. Poland, meanwhile, after refusing to 
conclude an armistice, which the Russians proposed for the 
negotiation of a definite peace, was preparing to invade the 
Ukraine. She had patched up an understanding with her former 
foe, the Ukrainian nationalist adventurer, General Petlura, and 
under cover of his name, she claimed the whole territory of 
Russia west of the Dnieper, including the two towns of Kiev 
and Odessa. How far the Allies jointly authorised this adventure 
is not certain. The Polish ministers have always asserted that 
during the meeting of the Supreme Council at San Remo they 
were authorised, and even encouraged to make their attack. That 
was admittedly the French attitude, and the French military 
mission in Poland, which numbered over 700 officers, organised 
the whole campaign. Mr. Bonar Law has denied that the British 
Government gave any positive encouragement to the Poles. Mr. 
Churchill, however, admittedly sent munitions, and a glowing 
telegram of congratulation from King George reached President 
Pilsudski after his first victories. It is hardly less significant that 
the Council of the League of Nations (which means, in effect, the 
governments of the Allied Great Powers) took no steps whatever 
to prevent or to stop this war, though its duty to do so is clearly 
laid down in the Covenant, and Lord Curzon refused to set the 
League's machinery of conciliation in motion, though cogent and 
timely appeals were made to him, not only by the Labour Party, 


but by Lord Robert Cecil and Mr. Asquith. America also aided 
the Poles with munitions. 

The Poles took the Russians by surprise, and captured Kiev 
with little resistance, a town which ranks third among the cities 
of Russia. 

The Russian Recovery. The Soviet Government was obliged 
once more to suspend its constructive work, and to mobilise its 
armies. The recovery was rapid and brilliant. Within six weeks 
of the fall of Kiev, the Poles were in flight, and by the middle of 
July, the Red armies had not merely recovered all the Ukraine and 
White Russia, but had entered Eastern Galicia, restored Vilna to 
the Lithuanians, and begun a rapid advance into Poland proper, 
which soon brought them to the outskirts of Warsaw itself. 

Lord Curzon Intervenes. The successes of the Red Army had 
a singular effect on Lord Curzon, and for the purpose of saving the 
Poles from a chastisement which they had provoked, he now did 
what he had refused to do when they| hoped-for victory he 
intervened publicly and in a very authoritative tone. He laid 
down an Eastern frontier for Poland, the so-called Curzon Line, 
which was an equitable frontier from the racial standpoint, and 
summoned Soviet Russia, with Poland, Wrangel, and all the 
Baltic States, to attend a Conference in London for the conclusion 
of a definite peace. Moscow, while offering to accept a frontier 
more favourable to Poland than the Curzon line and to guarantee 
its independence, doubted the impartiality of the mediator. As 
peace had already been made with the Baltic States, Chicherin 
replied somewhat icily that he saw no advantage in the London Con- 
ference and preferred to deal with Poland directly. The British 
Government now recollected the existence of the League of 
Nations, and pleaded its duty under the Covenant to defend the 
independence of Poland. Mr. Lloyd George publicly threatened 
war,* and the Baltic Fleet was set in motion. At Danzig, where 
the German dockers had struck to prevent the landing of 
munitions for the Poles, British soldiers were used to unload them. 
The Prime Minister pleaded some secret commitment given to 
France at the Boulogne Conference, and France immediately 
showed her hand by recognising Wrangel as the Supreme Ruler of 
all the Russias. 

British Labour Intervenes. To this series of challenges the 
Labour Party rose with spirit and unanimity. There was only 
one voice in its ranks : not only must there be no war with Russia ; 
there must be peace with Russia. A joint Conference held at 

* In the House of Commons on July aist : " I am sincerely desirous that the negotiations 
will end in peace, but it is pur business to prepare for the other contingency and to see that 
the Poles are properly equipped." 


the House of Commons on August 9th, passed this momentous 
resolution, which was endorsed four days later by a special 
Delegate Conference : 

" That this Joint Conference, representing the Trades Union 
Congress, the Labour Party, and the Parliamentary Labour 
Party, feels certain that war is being engineered between the 
Allied Powers and Soviet Russia on the issue of Poland, and 
declares that such a war would be an intolerable crime against 
humanity ; it therefore warns the Government that the whole 
industrial power of the organised workers will be used to defeat 
this war ; that the Executive Committees of affiliated organi- 
sations throughout the country be summoned to hold them- 
selves ready to proceed immediately to London for a National 
Conference ; that they be advised to instruct their members to 
' down tools ' on instructions from that National Conference ; 
and that a Council of Action be immediately constituted to take 
such steps as may be necessary to carry the above decisions 
into effect." 

Here then, was a threat, deliberately made by the whole move- 
ment, to resort to " direct action " if the Allies should proceed to 
war against Russia. A powerful Standing Council of Action was 
appointed, and instructed to remain in being, until it had secured 
" the recognition of the Russian Soviet Government, and the 
establishment of unrestricted trading and commercial relation- 
ships. " It was further authorised by the unanimous vote of the 
Special Conference, " to call for any and every form of withdrawal 
of Labour which circumstances may require, to give effect to the 
foregoing policy." 

The Russo-Polish Peace. The event made it unnecessary for 
the Allied Governments to back Poland by direct military or naval 
intervention. Munitions and officers were sent out chiefly from 
France, but also from Great Britain, and the Poles, profiting by 
the rash haste of the Russian advance, and their own calculated 
delays in concluding an armistice, were able to repeat the strategy 
of the Marne in front of Warsaw, and the Red Army suffered a 
heavy defeat. Wrangel meanwhile was advancing in the South 
towards the coal-fields and the richer corn lands, and the Russian 
Government, after an abortive Conference with the Poles at 
Minsk, concluded with them at Riga, in the first days of October, 
a preliminary peace on a frontier much less favourable than the 
Curzon line. A month later the Red Army fell upon Wrangel, 
cleared the Crimea, and disposed of the last champion of the 
reaction as effectively as it had disposed of Denikin. 

The Need of Peace with Russia. Russia, for the time being, and 
thanks mainly to the spirit of the Red Army, has gained a respite 


from the perils of Western Intervention. We cannot rest 
satisfied with this negative result. Peace is not concluded. 
The Soviet Government is not recognised. It has taken over a 
year's discussion to bring about an agreement to trade. That 
failure was the more astonishing, since the things which 
Russia desires to import, the things which can alone restore 
her power to produce, locomotives, agricultural machines and 
tools of all kinds, are precisely the things which our own 
engineering trade, stricken above all others with unemploy- 
ment, is the best able to produce. If her saw-mills could 
be re-equipped, our own building trade would have timber. 
The agricultural machinery would in time double the yield of her 
corn lands, while the locomotives would restore the ruined 
transport system, which goes far to explain both her own priva- 
tions and the drop in her productivity. Half a continent perishes 
over there for want of these things, and hundreds of thousands 
walk our streets in idleness who might provide them. There is 
gold to cover the first cost, and the certainty thereafter that 
timber, grain, flax and copper can be exported. The obstinacy 
of the Foreign Office has stood in the way. The work of the 
Council of Action is far from being completed. Our methods 
have not yet proved effective. 


The Question of Punishment. The Prime Minister has, in a 
recent speech shattered the whole argumentative basis for the 
Peace Treaties. He has absolved the enemy statesmen from the 
charge of deliberately plotting the war ; he has told us that they 
" staggered " and " stumbled " into it. Even if the guilt had 
been deliberate and entirely one-sided, a settlement founded on 
the idea of punishment would have been the worst possible. It 
is on the children of those Socialist workmen, who on the last 
Sunday of peace in July, 1914, demonstrated in their millions 
against war, in every town of Germany, that the heaviest punish- 
ment falls, in semi-starvation, arrested growth and disease. But 
in reality, this settlement, which aggravates the ruin of the war 
and the blockade, " punishes " the whole world, including our- 
selves. To lame the productive capacities of the chief workshop 
of Europe means general impoverishment and a lowering of 
standards throughout civilisation. 

The Effect of the German Treaty. Events have proved very 
rapidly that parts of the Versailles Treaty were incapable of en- 
forcement, and the longer the struggle lasts to impose the rest of 
it, the slower will be the world's recovery from the war. Already 


the more directly punitive clauses have been dropped. The 
Kaiser is not to be tried by the Allies, and the demand for the 
surrender to Allied courts-martial of a thousand German soldiers 
and civilians, including many of the leading statesmen and all the 
prominent generals, was withdrawn almost as soon as it was 
made. The crippling coal-tribute, due from Germany to France, 
was reduced at the Spa Conference from forty million tons 
annually to twenty-four million tons. Even this lower figure, 
however, leaves to Germany barely two-thirds of what her industry 
requires, while it has glutted the French market to such an extent 
that the price of coal in France had fallen at the end of the year to 
235. a ton, and some of this coal, exacted from Germany, was 
re-exported and sold at a profit. The human aspect of this 
tribute ought to be vividly realised. The miners of the Ruhr 
basin, who have to hew it, are working ten and a half hours on two 
days in every week, and their poverty is such, that they can rarely 
take down the pit any better dinner than black-bread and lard. 
There is, of course, some recovery of German industry as compared 
with the months that immediately followed the blockade, but 
nothing that as yet heralds a distant approach to its pre-war 
productivity. The shipping returns of Hamburg are not yet one- 
third of the pre-war figure. The budget shows a colossal deficit, 
in spite of the capital levies and high direct taxation, and the 
printing of money continues, with the inevitable effect on credit 
and the capacity to buy raw materials from abroad. The price 
index is 1,473 as compared with 100 in 1914. But while prices have 
risen fourteen times, wages have only risen five times. The rationed 
food still amounts only to about half the diet necessary for health, 
and, even so, the wages of the average worker with a family, are 
too low to permit of the purchase of the full rations, even at the 
low controlled prices. Only the rich can buy the " free " food in 
the speculative market. Wretched as the case of manual workers 
is, that of the intellectual workers, especially the teachers, is 
almost worse. 

The Case of Austria. German Austria, with the Viennese death- 
rate double the birth-rate, is passing through a still blacker 
time of tragedy, and her case grows steadily worse. She is living 
only on charity and loans. The treaty which flung upon her 
the whole burden of the Austrian war-debt (her population is now 
one-ninth of that of the former Dual Monarchy) and a liability for 
indemnities as well, is merely a heartless joke. She can be saved, 
as the Reparation Commission itself argues, only by a big loan, and 
even then we doubt the probability of a real improvement, until 
she can join the German Commonwealth, and break out of the 
narrow circle of frontiers, within which she is virtually blockaded. 


The Allies and Germany. The diplomatic history of the year in 
relation to Germany has been mainly a duel between the relative 
moderation of the British Government, and the exigence of the 
French, who stand for the literal fulfilment of an impossible 
Treaty. Though German ministers and experts have at last met 
the Allied representatives at Spa and Brussels, every question in 
dispute is still settled by a threat of further armed occupations. 
The French did, in fact, occupy Frankfurt and Darmstadt for a 
time with negro troops, and their main purpose seems to be to 
make a pretext for the permanent occupation of the Ruhr coal- 
field. Behind that design lurks an intrigue to dismember 
Germany altogether, by detaching the Rhine provinces and foster- 
ing a separatist monarchical tendency in Bavaria. If the mines 
of Upper Silesia should be lost, in spite of the the plesbiscite, 
the Ruhr will be the only considerable coal-field left to 
Germany. * 

The Disarmament Question may yet lead to a sharp crisis, for 
though the British official view is, that on the whole the Treaty 
has been honourably carried out, the Federal Government is too 
weak to enforce the dissolution of the reactionary volunteer 
middle-class civil guards in Bavaria and East Prussia. Given 
the acute class war, it is probably true that this force is maintained 
chiefly as an insurance against Communism, but it might further a 
monarchist coup d'&at, and a revived monarchy would certainly 
scheme for a war of revenge. The whole basis of disarmament 
in Germany was in our view mistaken. A citizen militia on the 
Swiss plan would have been the best safe-guard alike against 
militarism and reaction. The present professional army, small 
though it is, is a class force inevitably subservient to capital and 
the Junker caste. 

The Indemnity. The graver issue is, however, the fixing o* 
the indemnity, which must be completed by May. In our view 
(which is also that of the chief British and American financial 
experts at Versailles, Mr. Keynes and Mr. Baruch) the Treaty 
departed dishonourably from the armistice terms, by adding the 
cost of war pensions and dependents' allowances, to the undis- 
puted liability for reparation and reimbursement for damage done 
to civilians. The total figure, had the Armistice terms been 
faithfully observed, ought not to exceed 2,000 millions sterling. 
The French have pressed for 13,000 millions sterling, and 
even if that figure should, under British pressure be reduced to 

* The plebiscite held in March yielded a majority of over 60 per cent, for Germany. 
Though the province is economically a closely knit unit, the Poles, with the support of the 
French, contend that it ought to be divided. Two districts in the South-East showed a 
substantial local Polish majority, but these happen to contain the chief coal-mines. If 
they are cut off, Germany will lose about 25 per cent, of her present coal supply. 


half, or less than half, it is impossible to bring it into any relation 
to German capacity to pay. * An indemnity can be paid only by a 
surplus of exported over imported goods. At present the German 
trade balance shows a heavy deficit, though little is imported save 
food and raw materials. It is guesswork to suppose that this 
deficit can be converted into an enormous surplus, even by the 
provision of credits, and a drastic revision of a Treaty, which in 
every article hampers, and is intended to hamper, German trade. 
Without alleviations of this kind, no indemnity at all will be forth- 
coming, except, indeed, in the shape of the coal-tribute, which is 
enough in itself to prevent the recovery of industry. Calcu- 
lations which spread payments over thirty or even fifty years, 
gamble grotesquely with time. Are the Allies really likely to 
mount guard in grim unity, for an entire generation, over this 
prisoner nation ? 

Assume, however, that Germany can and will pay. She can do 
so only by enhancing her production of exportable goods far above 
the pre-war level, while at the same time she must reduce her own 
wants and standards of living to a bare subsistence. She must 
then proceed, under compulsion, to flood the world with what will 
be, in effect, prison-made goods. Made by a population, which 
dare indulge only in the barest necessities of existence, they will 
compete with our own produce in every market of the world. It 
will not be trade, for it cannot be exchange. This flood of export 
will call forth no corresponding flow of imports, and stimulate no 
output on our side of the sea. The result must be an enormous 
dislocation of our own industry, followed by an attempt on the 
part of our capitalists to make the conditions of the competition 
more even, by lowering wages and standards at home. Allied 
capitalism has involved itself in an inextricable tangle of 
dilemmas. If it enforces the punitive, crippling articles of the 
Treaty, it will get no indemnity. If it revises the Treaty and 
stimulates German industry, it either renounces competition and 
becomes a parasite, or else it attempts to compete, and reduces the 
standards of life. Incalculable disturbances, economic, diplomatic 
and perhaps military, will flow from this folly, and shake the 
already rotten fabric of European society, f 

See p. 18 for the figures which have been fixed. 

t The final fixing of the indemnity took place in January, 1931 (for the terms sec page 
18). The Germans declared the demands impossible, and produced at the London Con- 
ference in March counter-proposals, much on the lines of Mr. Keynes" suggestions, which 
the Allies refused to consider. Various penalties were at once imposed, including a 50 per 
cent, tax on all German exports, a customs barrier cutting off the occupied Rhine provinces 
from the rest of Germany, and the military occupation of the chief coal ports of the Ruhr 
Valley. As we go to press, the French are said to be preparing to occupy the whole Ruhr 
coalfields, which would make them the industrial dictators of Europe. 




The Turkish Treaty. The last of the Treaties was in some ways 
the worst of the series. If it could be enforced upon Turkey, it 
would be a triumph of economic Imperialism over every humane 
ideal. But it cannot be enforced, and the struggle to enforce it, 
plunges the Near East into an interminable era of dragging war 
and simmering intrigue, which already threatens what was left of 
cordiality among the Allies. The Treaty hands over to France 
and Great Britain as mandated areas, Syria and Mesopotamia. 
The wishes of the inhabitants, which according to the Covenant 
were to be " a principal consideration " in distributing mandates, 
have in both cases been clearly shown. In both countries the 
Arab population has resisted the invaders with arms, and in 
Mesopotamia the " rebellion " has been prolonged and costly. 
While the whole Moslem world has been outraged by the virtual 
destruction of the Caliphate, Christian sentiment has been 
shocked by the abandonment of the Armenians. They alone 
asked for a protector, but they had no oil-fields to offer. The 
Turks ultimately invaded the unhappy little Armenian Republic of 
Erivan, and while all the Allied and Associated and Neutral 
Powers exhorted each other to a chivalrous act of intervention, 
it was Russia, ignored by them all, which finally brought about 
the withdrawal of the Turks. The Treaty sets up over the 
Straits a regime nominally international, but in reality the 
guardianship of this all-important waterway is left to the chief 
Allies, and in practice is exercised mainly by Great Britain. 
France views that solution with alarm and resentment, and sooner 
or later Russia, when her hands are free, must find it intolerable. 
This Settlement, mainly British in conception, has forced us to 
call in Greece as a local auxiliary, and this r61e is apparently 
reserved for her by Mr. Lloyd George, even under King 
Constantine. We have rewarded her with much territory which 
is certainly not Greek the two Thraces, and the Hinterland as 
distinct from the town of Smyrna. With all our giving, however, 
we have kept Cyprus for ourselves, though its population is over- 
whelmingly Greek and anxious to unite with the motherland. 
Finally, the Treaty places the Turkish Government, in what is 
left of Turkey, under the absolute financial and military control 
of the principal Allies. The same Powers which are appropriating 
the richest territories as mandated areas, reserving other desirable 
fields as spheres of influence (Cilicia, Adalia and the coal-fields of 
Eregli go to France and Italy) and retaining in their own hands 
the disposal of all concessions in the entire empire, are also to veto 
its budgets and financial legislation. It is the biggest and most 
cynical instance of economic Imperialism in the world's history. 


The Collapse of the Treaty. Much of this Treaty is still a 
" scrap of paper. " There is indeed a puppet Turkish Government 
of our own nominees in occupied Constantinople, which we can 
oblige to sign it, but its nominal authority hardly extends beyond 
the city walls. The Greeks hold the Western part of Asia Minor, 
though how long their finances and martial endurance can stand 
the strain is doubtful. Over the rest of Turkey the " rebel " 
nationalist Government of Mustapha Kemal reigns undisturbed, 
and derives a good deal of material assistance from Russia. The 
policy of France is to come to terms with him, to restore to him 
the territory given to Greece, and then to use him against Russia. 
That of course, would replace the British by a French ascendancy 
at Constantinople. Under the strain of this somewhat sordid 
rivalry, the fiction that an alliance unites the victors in the East 
has almost disappeared.* 


League of Nations or Allied Council ? As an ironical side-show 
to the Russo-Polish war, the naval challenge from the United 
States, the arming of negro Africa by France, the devastation of 
Ireland, the slow death of Vienna, and the crippling of Germany, 
the League of Nations has this year begun its work. Its more 
authoritative governing body, the Council, is little more than an 
auxiliary committee of the Allied Supreme Council, and its con- 
ception of its functions is modest. The Assembly which met 
during December in Geneva, has shown more vitality, and even 
an occasional spark of ambition. It developed under Lord 
Robert Cecil's leading a certain opposition to the negative and 
obstructive policy of the Council, and evolved something of the 
spirit of a representative Assembly. Its powers, however, are 
very limited ; the spokesmen of the neutrals are painfully timid, 
while those of the Great Powers, with two or three exceptions, are 
merely the exponents of their official imperialist policy. The 
absence of the United States was a plausible excuse for going 
slowly, though it is hard to see, after Mr. Harding's election, how 
America can come in, even if the functions and commitments of the 
League are drastically reduced. No attempt was made to admit 
Germany, and the admission of Austria, in itself a good action, 
may have been intended as a means of separating two companions 
in misfortune. 

The Absence of an International Outlook. The Assembly 
ignored almost entirely in its proceedings the economic condition 

* An attempt was made at the London Conference in March, under French and Italian 
pressure, to revise the Treaty (see page 17). The Greeks refused the proposed revision, 
and renewed the war so far with ill success. The Treaty is in suspense, neither ratified, 
revised nor enforced. 


of Europe. Italy, indeed, officially advocated the international 
rationing of the world's raw materials, which was the foundation 
of the Labour Party's project for a League, but to this and indeed 
to the creation of any international economic authority, the British 
Government and the Dominions are resolutely opposed. It does 
not fit into any scheme of economic Imperialism. An attempt to 
ensure that no Power entrusted with a colonial mandate shall draw 
commercial or military advantage from its sacred trust, was 
opposed by Mr. Balfour and foiled by the Council's refusal to 
publish the draft of the Mandates. A timid attempt, not indeed 
to reduce armaments, but to limit their growth, was defeated 
mainly by France which opposed, even as a mere recommendation, 
the proposal that naval and military budgets should for the two 
ensuing years be forbidden to exceed the figures of next year's 
estimates. Much time was spent without result in discussing 
schemes to save Armenia. Money was raised to cope with the 
typhus epidemic in Poland (but not, of course, in Russia), due to 
the war, which the Council would not try to stop. The refusal 
of France and Belgium in defiance of the Covenant, to publish 
their secret treaty of alliance was prudently ignored. The chief 
positive achievement was the adoption of a project for the creation 
of a permanent Court of Arbitration, to deal with the limited class 
of justiciable disputes. But even here, the League went no further 
than the old Hague Conferences. It dared not make resort to 
this Tribunal obligatory. A League of Peace can have no real 
authority in a Europe based on this violent settlement. A 
League dominated by the ruling classes of the chief victors dare 
not challenge the settlement itself. 


Labour Policy on the Treaties. From first to last the Labour 
Party has opposed the whole spirit of these Treaties, and has 
demanded their complete revision. The resolutions passed at the 
Scarborough Conference in June, 1920, emphatically reasserted the 
view which the Party has held from the beginning. It declared that 
the Treaties " grossly violate, not only the professed objects for 
which the Allied nations entered upon the war," but also the 
Armistice terms " to which the Allied Governments solemnly 
pledged their faith." The result has been " a destructive rather 
than a constructive settlement," which has made of Central 
Europe " an economic and social chaos." The Conference called 
once more for " the immediate revision " of the Treaties, and for 
remedial financial measures " to save the lives and health of 
millions of people," and Europe from " immeasurable disaster." 


Labour Economic Policy. Earlier in the year (April aoth) the 
Labour Party issued a manifesto on the International economic 
situation. After a penetrating analysis of the causes of the 
" economic paralysis " which is " creeping over Europe," and a 
reminder that " one nation cannot climb alone out of the pit," 
while another, even though an enemy, remains there, it went on 
to outline remedies. Some of them are common ground for most 
students of this crisis. The rigidity of the frontiers within which 
all the new States of the continent, but especially Austria, are 
being stifled, must be modified by " the creation of a common code 
ensuring an international economic life." Credit must be rehabi- 
litated by international loans. So far there is general agreement. 
Now comes the Labour note. Raw materials and coal must be 
" apportioned internationally according to the need of each 
country," for the restarting of industry. The Manifesto pointed 
gravely to the danger that private groups, by sending raw material, 
which remains their property, to be worked up in Central Europe 
and then re-exported, may be exploiting the cheap labour of the 
distressed countries. It asked as an alternative to this dubious 
private enterprise, for international governmental action. That, 
however, implies the creation of a single economic authority. 
The main proposal of the Manifesto was, therefore, the revival of 
the scheme which the Labour Party, even before the war ended, 
put forward as the essential foundation of any League of Nations. 
There must be created " an international body, representative of 
both Allied and enemy States, charged with the task of reviewing 
the whole international economic situation." It should be 
" placed under the League of Nations," and its main task should 
be the rationing of the world's raw materials and fuel supplies, 
and the organisation of international credit. 

A Revolution in International Policy. This proposal was for 
form's sake addressed to the British Government. It is no secret, 
however, that it (and with it the Dominion Governments), is the 
strongest opponent of the creation of any international economic 
authority. In this scheme the Labour Party challenged the 
central ambitions of capitalistic Imperialism. To acquire those 
regions of the earth which produce the petroleum, the coal, the 
phosphates, and the vegetable oils, to control their supply to the 
world's markets with a view not to the world's needs but to the 
owners' profit, and to protect this system with navies, armies and 
alliances, is the essence of the statecraft of our ruling class. The 
policy which charged to the devastated regions of France, to our all 
but bankrupt Italian Allies, and to starving Vienna in her death 
throes, several times over the price of coal fixed for the home 
market, was no accident, but a perfect expression of the dominant 


commercial egoism, which is incapable of thinking an international 
thought. While this national profiteering, with fleets and the 
menace of blockade behind it. rules our conduct, there can be no 
true League of Nations, no disarmament and no abolition of war. 
The Labour Party seems in this demand for the rationing and 
control of the world's raw materials, to be laying down a simple 
maxim of equity. In reality it is demanding either that our 
whole society shall change its fixed beliefs and desires, or else that 
within this society there shall be a sweeping alteration in the 
balance of power. 

As the enormity of the consequences latent in these Treaties, 
develops before our eyes in famine abroad, unemployment at 
home, wars in the East and coercion in the West, the degradation 
of civilisation itself and the lowering of the standards of life, the 
magnitude of the problem becomes the test of tests for our courage 
and our insight. The treaties will never be revised until the spirit 
of nationalist capitalism which dictated them is met and conquered. 
If a new settlement is to be made upon these ruins, if the 
monopoly of Powers which have seized oil-fields and coal-fields, 
is to be broken for the common good, if the industry of Germany 
and the cornfields of Russia are to be enabled to produce their 
utmost, if the militarism of the victors is to be overthrown 
without the pain and tragedy of a new war, our first task is to 
win for the world's workers the power to over-ride the will of the 
class which saw in these Treaties the charter of its gains. 


(1.) The Peace Treaty. 

Manifesto of the National Executive of the Labour Party and 
the Parliamentary Labour Party, June 4th, 1919. 

The Parliamentary Labour Party and the National Executive, having considered the 
preliminary peace proposals, declare that the Treaty is defective not so much because of this 
or that detail of wrong done but fundamentally in that it accepts and, indeed, is based upon the 
very political principles which were the ultimate cause of the war. The Treaty involves a 
violation of the principles embodied in Labour and Socialist Conference decisions. It also 
violates the understanding upon which the armistice was signed, and is, therefore, a repudiation 
of the spirit and letter of the declarations of President Wilson, Mr. Lloyd George and other 
Allied statesmen. 

Organised Labour throughout the war resolutely opposed all attempts to transform the 
struggle for the emancipation of peoples into a war of conquest. The peoples want peace, 
and demand that peace shall be lasting. We therefore call upon the organised workers of all 
countries to join in an effort to bring the Treaty into harmony with the working-class con- 
ception of an enduring and democratic settlement. Only when the menace of further war, 
which this Treaty does not remove is lifted from the world, can the burdened peoples obtain 
release from conscription and begin the work of raising the international standard of life and 
labour and the inauguration of a new social order. 


(11.) The International Economic Situation. 

Manifesto of the Labour Party, issued April aist, 1920. 

The Labour Party urges upon the Government to press for the establishment of an inter- 
national body, representative of both Allied and enemy States, charged with the task of 
reviewing the whole international economic situation and of making proposals for meeting the 
immediate difficulties. Such a body should, if necessary, take over the powers and duties 
of the international bodies already in existence, and it should be placed under the League of 
Nations, or preferably the Council of the League should create it as an Economic Commission 
of the League, and should invite the various States, whether members or non-members, to 
appoint delegates to it. The Allied and Associated Powers could then by agreement, where 
necessary, delegate to this League Commission powers and duties at present exercised or per- 
formed by such bodies as the Supreme Economic Council or the Reparations Commission. 

While welcoming the pronouncement of the Supreme Council, the Labour Party would 
draw attention to the fact that the statement of general principles and aspirations is at the 
present moment not enough, the economic exhaustion and distress and the financial confusion 
require immediate action, and action must begin at once in the application of a considered 
policy based upon the economic facts, and not upon the natural but irrational passions bred 
by war. In these circumstances the Labour Party proposes to re-state its position, and 
urges upon the Government the necessity for taking immediate steps to meet the situation. 


The causes of the economic paralysis which is still creeping over Europe are now widely 
recognised. They are : 

(1) The fall hi productive power and output due to exhaustion and destruction by war and 
a political reconstruction of Europe which has ignored economic realities. 

(2) Financial chaos due to the reckless financial policy imposed upon all the countries of 
Europe during the war, and the absence of belief in Europe's future security. 

(3) The consequent collapse of the machinery of exchange and international trade. 

(4) The economic terms of the Peace Treaties. 

These causes strike so deeply and so widely at the economic life of Europe and of tha 
world that, as the Labour Party has repeatedly urged, no isolated action by any one State or 
by a number of separate States, acting separately, can stem the tide of industrial and financial 
deterioration. The real problem is to restart the industries and rehabilitate the credit of all 
the countries of Europe, for the economic life of all these countries is so closely intertwined that 
the collapse of one drags its neighbour down, and one cannot climb out of the pit while another, 
even though its enemy, remains there. 

To take the jaost extreme case as an example, economically and financially, France has 
been going rapidly downhill since the Armistice. Coal crisis succeeds food crisis, and transport 
crisis succeeds coal crisis ; her industrial machine refuses to start working again normally. 
The rapid financial deterioration is reflected in the persistent fall of the value of the franc. 
Nothing which the French Government can do or has done has the slightest effect upon the 
process, and even French statesmen are slowly realising the fact that the economic rehabilita- 
tion of France cannot be accomplished without the economic rehabilitation of Germany. 
Even in the narrower question of the economic terms of the Treaty this is self-evident ; those 
terms assume that the economic life of France will for many years depend upon the execution 
by Germany of the reparation clauses, but France cannot expect to get any economic or 
financial relief from a bankrupt Germany, her commerce, her industries, and her finances in a 
state of complete collapse. 


on a very large scale is, in fact, the only possible method of dealing with this crisis. That 
action must take several forms. Politically it must be directed to modify the rigidity of new 
frontiers by the creation of a common code ensuring an international economic life. Finan- 
cially, it must be directed to the rehabilitation of credit by international loans. Industrially, 
it must make provisions for directing to the various countries, in accordance with their means, 
supplies of essential materials for restarting industries and particularly for the apportionment 
o.' coal in accordance with needs. 

International action will also be required in order to remove temporary conditions arti- 
ficially created by the economic terms of peace or otherwise impeding the economic and 
financial rehabilitation of particular States. 

The only alternative to international action is action by trading and banking groups. 

The present need is so urgent that the opportunity is being taken by certain private groups 
to send raw material to Central and Eastern Europe. It is believed that the products of this 
raw material will be owned by the exporting capitalist groups which will then use cheap labour 
in the distressed countries. In view of the need for raw material in order to give labour 
its livelihood, there may be some genuine public interest in support of the scheme ; but 
the particular form which the scheme is taking is extremely dangerous. 



in distressed areas for the benefit of private groups of bankers and traders must be opposed. 
Publicity, therefore, as to the whole scheme is absolutely essential, and control by inter- 
national action must follow. 

It is clear, however, that much international action is impossible unless there is some body, 
representative of the various nations, which can review the situation as a whole, and can 
lay down the outlines of a combined policy for meeting the situation. At the present moment 
there is no such body. There are in existence at least three international bodies dealing or 
capable of dealing with the economic situation the Supreme Council, the Reparations 
Commission, and the Supreme Economic Council. None of these bodies are adequate to the 
task. The Supreme Council is not only more than fully occupied with political questions, but 
it is representative only of a few nations of Europe. The Reparations Commission is entrusted 
only with the specific task of obtaining the carrying out of the economic reparation clauses 
of the Treaty, and, as is now admitted, the rigid enforcement of these clauses will actually 
accelerate the economic chaos. 

(ill.) The Council of Action Resolution. 

Resolution adopted unanimously by a Special Joint Conference 
of the Trades Union Congress, the Labour Party, and the Parlia- 
mentary Labour Party, on August I3th, 1920. 

" That this Conference of Trade Union and Labour representatives hails with satisfaction 
the Russian Government's declaration in favour of the complete independence of Poland as set 
forth in their Peace Terms to Poland, and realising the gravity of the international situation, 
pledges itself to resist any and every form of military and naval intervention against the 
Soviet Government of Russia. 

" It accordingly instructs the Council of Action to remain in being until they have 
secured : 

" (i) An absolute guarantee that the armed forces of Great Britain shall not be used 
in support of Poland, Baron Wrangel, or any other military or naval effort against the 
Soviet Government. 

" (a) The withdrawal of all British naval forces operating directly or indirectly as 
blockading influence against Russia. 

" (3) The recognition of the Russian Soviet Government and the establishment of 

unrestricted trading and commercial relationships between Great Britain and Russia." 

" This Conference further refuses to be associated with any Alliance between Great Britain 

and France or any other country which commits us to any support of Wrangel, Poland, or the 

supply of munitions or other war material for any form of attack upon Soviet Russia. 

" The Conference authorises the Council of Action to call for any and every form of with- 
drawal of Labour which circumstances may require to give effect to the foregoing policy, and 
calls upon every Trade Union official, Executive Committee, Local Council of Action, and the 
membership in general to act swiftly, loyally, and courageously in order to sweep away secret 
bargaining and diplomacy and to assure that the foreign policy of Great Britain may be in 
accord with the well-known desires of the people for an end to war and the interminable 
threats of war." 

(iv.) Labour and Ireland. 

Resolution adopted by the special Labour Party Conference 
of December 29th, 1920. 

That this Conference approves the declaration of the Parliamentary Labour Party with 
regard to outrages conducted in the name of Sinn Fein and reprisals by servants of the Crown ; 
it expresses its satisfaction with the efforts of the Labour Commission of Inquiry to secure a 
cessation of all violent and provocative actions, with a view to the opening of peace negotiations 
between representatives of the Government, and the elected representatives of the Irish 

The Conference is further of opinion that a possible ground of negotiation and settlement, 
is afforded by the following policy put forward by the British Labour Party in the House of 
Commons, and approved by a Special All- Ireland Trades Union and Labour Party Congress 
on November i6th : 

(i) Withdraw all armed forces. 

(a) Place the responsibility for maintaining order in each locality in Ireland (as in 
Great Britain outside the Metropolitan area) on the Local Authorities themselves ; and 


(3) Provide for an immediate election, by proportional representation, of an entirely 
open Constitutional Assembly, charged to work out, at the earliest possible moment, 
without limitations or fetters, whatever Constitution for Ireland the Irish people desire, 
subject only to two conditions, that it aSords protection to minorities, and that the 
Constitution should prevent Ireland from becoming a military or naval menace to Great 


(1.) BRITISH. 

Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, 

50-52, Denison House, 296, Vauxhall Bridge Road, S.W.I. 

Secretary: J.H.Harris. Founded 1837. Objects: (i.) The suppression of slave-owning 
and slave-trading ; (ii.) abolition of forced or servile labour for native races ; (iii.) protection 
of the rights of native races and their general advancement. 

The Balkan Committee. 
96, Victoria Street, S.W.y. 

Chairman: NoelBuxton. Sec. : T. P. Conwil-Evans. 

Britain and India. 

7, Southampton Street, High Holborn, W.C.i. 

Hon. Sec. : Mrs. Josephine Ransom. Founded 1916 : an educational association to 
strengthen the tie between Britain and India through mutual understanding. 

British Esperanto Association. 

17, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.i. 

Sec. : Montagu C. Butler. Founded 1904. 

British Institute of International Affairs. 

Malet Street, W.C.I. 

Presidents: Lord Grey, A. J. Balfour, Lord Robert Cecil, J. R. Clynes. Hon. Sec.: 
Lionel Curtis. Founded 1920. Object : The study of International affairs and the issue of a 
yearly Register of International Affairs. 

Church of England Peace League. 

75, Avenue Chambers, Southampton Row, W.C.i. 

President: Bishop of Oxford. Hon. Sec.: Miss Huntsman. Founded 1910. 

Fellowship of Reconciliation. 
17, Red Lion Square, W.C.i. 

Sec. : Rev. Oliver Dryer, M.A. British Section of the Christian International. 

Fight the Famine Council for Economic Reconstruction. 

Premier House, 150, Southampton Row, W.C.i. 

Chairman : Lord Parmoor. Sec. : Miss Mary Sheepshanks. Founded 1919. Objects : 
(i.) The inclusion within the League of Nations of all States desirous of membership, (ii.) The 
promotion of peace, disarmament and restoration of international intercourse, (iii.) The 
extension of free trade and abolition of economic barriers. (iv.) The revision of those 
clauses of the Peace Treaties which impede economic development, (v.) The creation of a 
s ystem of collective credit. (vi.) The establishment of an international economic council to 


advise as to the production and distribution of essential materials, (vii.) Safeguarding of the 
interests of native races in mandated areas. 

Two International Economic Conferences have been held under the auspices of the Council, 
in March, 1919, and October, 1920. 

Friends' Council of International Service. 

91, Bishopsgate, E.G. 2. 

Sec. i Carl Heath. 

Independent Labour Party Information Committee. 

5, York Buildings, Adelphi, W.C.2. 

Sfc. : The Committee was formed in 1919, and its object is to collect and 

to distribute information for the use of the Independent Labour Party. It issues weekly 
notes for speakers on Home and Foreign Affairs. 

International Association for Labour Legislation (British Section). 
45, Mecklenburgh Square, W.C.I. 

Sec. : Miss I. S. A. Beaver. Founded 1901. Objects : (i.) To promote the ratification, 
legal enactment and enforcement of the draft conventions and recommendations adopted 
by the General Conferences of the International Labour Organisation associated with the 
League of Nations, (ii.) To use its influence with reference to the subjects on the agenda of 
these conferences, (iii.) To collect information, conduct investigation, and to publish memor- 
anda on questions concerning International Labour. 

The Association has been reorganised since the formation of the International Labour 
Organisation under Part XIII. of the Peace Treaty. It seeks to obtain the ratification of all 
Draft Conventions adopted by the International Labour Organisation and to see that the 
Treaty obligations under the Labour Section are carried out. Memoranda are issued for the 
use of delegates and others before Conferences. Trade Unions and Employers' Associations 
are affiliated to the British Section, which is supported by their affiliation fees as well as by 
voluntary subscriptions. 

International Arbitration League. 
39, Victoria Street, S.W.i. 

Sec. : F. Maddison. The League was founded in 1870 for the promotion of International 
Arbitration, now embodied in the Covenant of the League of Nations, to the exposition and 
support of which its propaganda is mainly directed. 

Labour Research Department (International Section). 
34, Eccleston Square, S.W.I. 

Sec. : R. Page Arnot. Sec. International Section : R. Palme Ehitt. The Labour Research 
Department was established in 1912 (as the Fabian Research Department) to co-operate with 
the Labour, Socialist and Co-operative Movements in promoting and carrying out research into 
problems of importance to Labour, to supply information and to issue publications. It is a 
federal body composed of 849 affiliated Labour organisations, together with an individual 
membership of members of Labour organisations. International Labour and general questions 
have been included in the Department's survey from the outset, and in 1919 a separate Inter- 
national Section was set up. International publications of the Department include : 
L.S. Woolf's " International Government," and " Empire and Commerce in Africa " ; W. S. 
Sanders' " Trade Unionism in Germany " ; R. Palme Dutt's " The Two Internationals " : 
E. M. Forster's " The Government of Egypt," and a collection of documents on " Trade Uniont 
in Soviet Russia." 

League of Nations Union. 

15, Grosvenor Crescent, S.W.i. 

Gen. Sec.: J. C. Maxwell Garnett, C.B.E. Founded 1918 by the amalgamation of the 
League of Nations Society and the Free Nations Association. Objects : (i.) To secure the 
acceptance by the British people of the League of Nations as the guardian of international 
right, the organ of international co-operation and the final arbiter of internatipna differences 
(ii.) To foster mutual understanding between peoples of different countries, (iii.) To advocate 
the full development of the League of Nations so as to bring about such a world organisation 


as will guarantee the freedom of nations, act as guardian of backward races and undeveloped 
territories, maintain international order, and finally free mankind from the possibility of war. 

League to Abolish War. 

29, Grosvenor Park, S.E.5. 

Chairman : Rt. Hon. G. N. Barnes, M.P. Sec. : Rev. Herbert Stead. Founded 1916. 
Object : To develop the League of Nations by the following amendments to the Covenant : 
(i.) Inclusion of all nations, (ii.) An International Police Force, naval, military and aerial, 
under the League, (iii.) Disarmament of all nations, leaving in each only sufficient armed 
force for the maintenance of internal order, (iv.) Prohibition of the private production of 
munitions of war. (v.) Unanimity should not be required for the decisions of the League, 
(vi.) The seat of the League should be at the Hague. 

National Peace Council. 

7 2 f 75. 9 1 . Avenue Chambers, Vernon Place, Southampton Row, 

Sec. : Francis E. Pollard. The Council is an autonomous body established by peace 
organisations in order to promote, organise, co-ordinate and make effective public opinion's 
effort in favour of peace and international co-operation. The Council holds a National 
Peace Congress at least once during each calendar year and issues an International Peace Year 

Peace Society. 

47, New Broad Street, E.C.2. 

Sec. : Rev. Herbert Dunnico. Founded 1816. Object: To work for permanent and 
universal peace upon the basis of Christian principles. The Peace Society is the oldest 
pacifist organisation in the world and the parent of the European Peace Movement, it has 
branches throughout the British Isles, and in Canada, Australia, India, Africa, France, 
Belgium, Switzerland and Norway, and is affiliated to the Bureau International de la Paix at 

Peace with Ireland Council. 

30, Queen Anne's Chambers, S.W.i. 

Hon. Sec. : Oswald Mosley, M.P. Founded 1919. Objects : (i.) To acquire and disseminate 
accurate information on the state of Ireland, (ii.) To appeal to public opinion to vindicate 
the fundamental British principles of law and liberty, (iii.) To protest against the lawless 
policy of reprisals countenanced by the Government, (iv.) To assist in providing relief in 
cases of distress arising from whatever cause in the struggle in Ireland. 

Save the Children Fund. 
26, Golden Square, W.I. 

Hon. Sec.: Miss Eglantine Jebb. Founded 1918. Object: To collect funds for the 
relief of distressed children in districts suffering from the direct or indirect effects of the war. 

Union of Democratic Control. 

Orchard House, 2-4, Great Smith Street, Westminster, S.W. i. 

Sec. : E. D. Morel. Founded 1914. Objects : (i.) Democratic Control. No treaty, 
arrangement, or undertaking shall be entered upon without the sanction of Parliament. 
Adequate machinery for ensuring democratic control of foreign policy shall be created, 
(ii.) Armaments and Conscription. The abolition of industrial and military conscription ; 
the drastic reduction, by consent, of the armaments of all the Powers, as a preliminary to 
eventual abolition ; the general nationalisation of the manufacture of armaments and the 
control by the League of Nations of the export of armaments by one country to another, 
(iii.) Reciprocity and Trade. The promotion of free commercial intercourse between all 
nations and the preservation and extension of the open door, (iv.) Self-determination. 
The Governments under which the peoples are placed should be determined by the will of 
the populations concerned, (v.) Development of the League of Nations. The constitution 
of the League of Nations shall be made more flexible, inclusive and democratic, so as to ensure, 
among other improvements, admission into its membership of all nations and the prohibition 
of partial military alliances ; and to ensure, further, full regard for the wishes, rights and 


interests of all peoples placed under its mandatory system, (vi.) Revision of the Peace 
Treaties of 1919. Revision shall be made for the revision of the Peace Treaties of 1919 so as 
to remove those obvious and manifold injustices therein which contain the seeds of further and 
future wars. 

Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (British Section.) 
14, Bedford Row, W.C.i. 

Sec. : Miss K. Royds. Founded 1915. Object : To bind together women of every country 
who will give no support, direct or indirect, to any war, and to attain (i.) the creation of 
international relations of mutual co-operation in which all wars shall be impossible ; (ii.) the 
establishment of political, social and moral equality between men and women ; (ill.) tha 
introduction of these principles into all systems of education. 

(11.) AMERICAN. 

American Association for International Conciliation. 

407, West 1 1 jth Street, New York. 

American Union against Militarism. 

203, Westory Buildings, Washington, D.C. 

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 
2, 4, 6, Jackson Place, Washington, D.C. 

League for Democratic Control. 

4, Park Side, Room 79, Boston, Mass. 

The World Peace Foundation. 

40, Mount Vernon Street, Boston, Mass. 


Central Office of International Associations. 

Palais Mondial, Pare du Cinquantenaire, Brussels, Belgium. 

Central Office of International Labour Legislation. 
Clarahof, i, Rebgasse, Basle, Switzerland. 


12, Rue Feydeau, Paris, France. 

Friends' International Commission for Service in Europe. 

41, Ketlerstrasse, Frankfurt, Germany. 

International Anti-Militarist Union. 

Hooge Laarderweg 203, Hilversum, Holland. 

International Bureau for the Protection of Native Races. 
Chemin de Tourne, Geneva, Switzerland. 


International Bureau of League of Nations Societies. 

Secretariat General, Associations pour la Societ6 des Nations, 
42, Rue Vilain, Brussels XIV, Belgium. 

International Conference on Labour and Religion. 

29, Grosver-r Park, London, S.E.j. 

International Council of Women. 

International Law Association. 

2, King's Bench Walk, London, ..4. 

International Peace Bureau. 

12, Kanonenweg, Berne, Switzerland. 

International Save the Children Union. 
4, Rue Massot, Geneva, Switzerland. 

International Women's Suffrage Alliance. 

II, Adam Street, Adelphi, London, W.C.2. 

Inter-Parliamentary Union for Peace. 

Vinderen : V. Aker, Kristiania, Norway. 

Nobel Institute. 
Drammensvei, 19, Christiania, Norway. 

Women's International League of Peace and Freedom. 
Maison Internationale, 6, Rue du Vieux College, Geneva, 

World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship through the 

British Council: 41, Parliament Street, London, S.W.i. 

World Association for Adult Education. 

13, John Street, Adelphi, London, W.C.2. 





1 The First International 181 4 The Second International 

2 The Second International 183 after the War . . 186 

3 The International during 5 The Third International 189 

the War . . . . 184 6 The " International 

Working Union " . . 194 


Foundation. The " First International " whose proper title 
was " The International Working Men's Association " was 
founded on November 8th, 1864. On this date were passed 
and approved the Rules and Address of the new Association 
(written by Karl Marx), and it was declared formally inaugur- 
ated by the Committee.* A Conference, not a regular Congress, 
met next year in London (September, 1865). Reports of 
delegates showed that there were small groups existing in Switzer- 
land, Belgium, France and England, but everywhere else the 
International was scarcely even an idea. The first regular 
Congress was held next year in Geneva (September 3rd 8th, 
1866). Delegates only attended from England, France and 
Switzerland, but they were now delegates of real firmly rooted 
movements. The English Trade Union affiliation, mostly 

* Its real origin dates back a little earlier, to a meeting called on September 24th, 
1864, to protest against the brutal Russian suppression of the Polish insurrection. 
Workers' delegates attended from the British Trade Unions, and from French, German, 
Polish and Italian Societies the delegates from the last two being London residents. 
George Odger was the most active in the negotiations leading up to this meeting, which, 
in addition to its formal agenda, decided to inaugurate some form of international labour 
organisation, and appointed this Committee, which included Marx and Mazziui's secre- 
tary, Wolff, to arrange for this. 



drawn from the powerful " amalgamated " unions led by the 
Junta, gave a membership of 25,173. This steady influx of 
unions continued up till 1869. The proceedings at the confer- 
ence were largely formal, but the views expressed were not 
Socialist or even " Labour," but rather mild Liberal. 

Organisation. The next year was one of enormous and steady 
growth, although the London General Council was in financial 
difficulties. The direction was chiefly in the hands of British 
Trade Unionists (Marx's influence does not become great until 
1868) who devoted themselves to spreading the organisation of 
trade unions on the Continent. The International now definitely 
assumed its double organisation, economic and political, (a) 
Economic. In England almost entirely, in France and Switzer- 
land to about 50 per cent., its strength lay in national or local 
trade unions, regularly affiliated. In Germany, unions adhered 
en bloc, taking out cards for each member. [(6) Political. 
In Belgium, in France and Switzerland as to 50 per cent., in 
Italy, Spain, Denmark, Holland, Austria and America as these 
were brought in during the later years (1869-1871), the organ- 
isation was by " sections," i.e., ordinary local branches, which 
might or might not have a national federal council, but were 
directly connected with the London Council through the corre- 
sponding secretaries attached to it for that purpose. These 
sections tended to confine themselves to political action, 
while the unions were concerned solely with industrial action. 
In Belgium and Spain, however, the sections became so large 
that (previous trade unions being weak or non-existent) each 
local section divided itself into several sections according to 
trade. Each of these new sections thus became a local trade 

Trade Union Action. In 1866 and 1867 trade union action 
on an international scale, by means of subsidies from foreign 
countries, or by the stopping of foreign blacklegs, was carried 
on with startling success and something very like a panic ensued 
in reactionary employing circles. The International grew 
very rapidly and extensively. The reports to the Lausanne 
Congress (September 2nd-8th, 1867) show clearly a strong and 
powerful trade union organisation, whose membership was 
rapidly increasing. 

Socialism Adopted. This Jrate of increase was more than 
maintained (with the exception of Great Britain, where with- 
drawals occurred) during the years 1868 and 1869. The Brussels 
Congress (September 6th isth, 1868) marks the first victory 
of Socialism Collectivism as it was called by the carrying 
against the violent opposition of the Paris Pioudhonists of a 


resolution demanding the socialisation of landed property 
and the means of communication under workers' control. 
The Basle Congress (September, 1869), carried this victory 
further by passing the following resolutions, as symbolic of 
a general Socialist policy : 

i. The Congress holds that Society has the right to make the land collective property. 
54 votes to 4. 

3. The Congress holds that it is necessary to make the land collective property. 53 
votes to 8. 

Division and Dissolution. This was the last congress that 
met till after the Commune. The growth of the International 
continued ; but violent friction arose between the General Council, 
headed by Marx, and the Anarchist leader, Bakunin, in Geneva, 
who desired to turn it into an Anarchist body as Marx was 
turning it into a Socialist one. 

The defeat of the Commune, in which the International had 
played a great part, and this dispute, destroyed the strength of 
the International. After an informal Conference at London in 
1871 (September I7th), at the next congress (The Hague, Sep- 
tember and, 1872), the Marxists expelled Bakunin and Guill- 
aume and thus split the International. The General Council 
moved to New York. A conference was held in Geneva (Sept- 
tember, 1873) and a final one at Philadelphia in July I5th, 
1876), which dissolved the General Council. 


Ten various congresses occupy the space between the fall 
of the First International and the rise of the Second. These 
were mostly called for special purposes and were disconnected. 
The Second International's history begins with the holding of 
two separate international congresses in Paris in 1889 by 
Reformists and Revolutionaries. The two sections united at 
the Brussels Congress of 1891. The following congresses were 
held : 

1889 Paris (3). 1904 Amsterdam. 

1891 Brussels. 1907 Stuttgart. 

1893 Zurich. 1910 Copenhagen. 

1896 London. 1913 Basle. 

1900 Paris. 

The Vienna congress of 1914 was not held, owing to the war. 

Constitution. The Paris (1900) Congress passed the following 
regulation on admission, which afterwards stood at the beginning 
of the Statutes : 

Those admitted to the International Socialist Congresses are (a) all associations which 
adhere to the essential principles of Socialism : Socialisation of the means of production 
and exchange, international union and action of the workers, conquest of public powers 
by the proletariat, organised as a class party. 



(b) All the labour organisations which accept the principles of class struggle and recognise 
the necessity of political action (legislative and parliamentary) but do not participate 
directly in the political movement. 

The only permanent organ of the International was the 
Executive of the Bureau, consisting in 1914 of C. Huysmans 
(Secretary), E. Vandervelde (President) and two other Belgian 
members. The Bureau itself consisted of two delegates from 
each nation and met periodically. 

Main Resolutions. The Amsterdam (1904) Congress declared 
the " Social Democracy can accept no participation in the Govern- 
ment under bourgeois society," but this decision was declared 
in accord with the Paris (1900) resolution permitting collabora- 
tion under " exceptional circumstances." 

The Stuttgart (1907) resolution on war, as amended at 
Copenhagen (1910), valid at the outbreak of war, read as follows 
(preamble omitted) : 

" If war threatens to break out, it is the duty of the working class in the countries 
concerned, and of their Parliamentary representative, with the help of the International 
Bureau as a means of co-ordinating their action, to use every effort to prevent war by 
all the means that seem to them most appropriate, having regard to the sharpness of 
the class war and to the general political situation. 

" Should war none the less break out, their duty is to intervene to bring it promptly 
to an end, and with all their energies to use the political and economic crisis created 
by the war to rouse the masses of the people and to hasten the fall of the capitalist 

For the fate of the Vaillant Keir-Hardie resolution demand- 
ing a strike against war see page 199. 


THE outbreak of war broke up the Executive Commission of 
the Bureau : Vandervelde (President) joined the Belgian 
Government, Anseele and Bertrand remained in Belgium, while 
Camille Huysmans (Secretary) went to The Hague, whither 
the nominal seat of the Bureau was transferred. Dutch Socialists 
(Albarda, Troelstra, Van Kol) were added in order to con- 
stitute a formal executive, in spite of French and Belgian 

Sectional Conferences. M. Huysmans, thwarted in an attempt 
to call a full congress, called at Copenhagen (xyth-iSth January, 
1915), a conference of neutrals,* which issued an appeal to 
belligerent Socialists to act to stop the war. In the same year 
however, were held sectional congresses which emphasised 
the irremediable split. The Allies met in London on February 
1 7th, and passed a resolution emphasising the necessity of 
continuing the war. Representatives attended from France, 
Belgium, Great Britain (I.L.P. and Labour Party) and Russia 

* Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Norway. 


(Social Revolutionaries). The Bolsheviks and Mensheviks 
refused to attend and sent a protest. On April I2th-i3th, 
the German, Austrian and Hungarian Socialists met in Vienna, 
and passed resolutions dealing chiefly with international relations 
after the war. A second neutral conference was held next 
year in The Hague (July 3ist August 2nd, 1916), and repeated 
the appeal of the previous year. 

The Zimmerwald Movement. Previously, on September 
5th, 1915, was held at Zimmerwald, the first congress of Parties 
and groups opposed to the war. The Italian party called the 
meeting which was attended by Russian Social Revolutionaries, 
Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, the Jewish Bund, the Lett, Bulgar, 
Rumanian, Dutch and Scandinavian Parties. Minority groups 
attended from France and Germany. The B.S.P. and I.L.P. 
were refused passports. The resolutions passed were of a 
vigorous anti-war character, and a permanent Commission 
was set up. The conference met again at Kienthal (zjth-^otb 
April, 1916), with much the same personnel, but the resolutions 
passed show a revolutionary as well as a pacifist tone. 

The Stockholm Project. The Russian Revolution of March, 
1917, altered the whole situation and the Petrograd Soviet 
joined with the Bureau's executive in calling a full conference 
at Stockholm, originally for July 8th. The date was continually 
postponed, to allow time for the national sections to meet. 
The invitation created a violent political crisis in all belligerent 
countries, as a result of which the French Socialists, British 
Labour Party and German and Austrian Socialists, completely 
reversed their previous policy and accepted the invitation. 
An intense nationalist campaign, however, was successful in 
producing sufficient dissension in the French and British Labour 
movements to enable the governments concerned to refuse 
passports, and the Stockholm conference was never held. The 
Zimmerwaldian Commission held a conference at which it was 
declared that a new International must be formed ; but the coming 
of the Bolshevik revolution prevented any further action till 
the end of the war. 

After Stockholm. The only further steps taken up to the end 
of the war were the drawing up of an elaborate programme 
of War Aims by the Third Inter-Allied Socialist and Labour 
Conference (March, 1918), the communication of this programme 
by the Socialist Parties to the Central Powers during the 
summer and the publication of their replies, and the endorse- 
ment of a programme on similar lines at the Fourth Inter- Allied 
Conference (September, 1918), which included for the first 
time the American Federation of Labour. 



TECHNICALLY, owing to the obstructionist tactics of the Belgian 
Labour Party, among whose members was Vandervelde, President 
of the Bureau, the Second International did not meet again 
till the Geneva Congress of 1920. But the Conference of Berne 
(February, 1919), is generally recognised as in effect a Congress 
of the Second International, both because nearly all the old 
constituent parties attended and because of the presence of the 
secretary, Huysmans. 

The Berne Conference was held contemporaneously with the 
Versailles Peace Conference, and drafted resolutions in favour 
of a League of Nations, based on a just peace, of national self- 
determination and an International Labour charters A sharp 
debate took place on war responsibilities and Bolshevism. 
On the latter subject Branting's resolution denouncing dictator- 
ship, especially dictatorship of a section of the workers, and 
declaring democracy the only possible means of achieving 
socialism, received a majority of votes, but the Conference 
decided to postpone a decision until it had sent a mission of 
enquiry to Russia, for which, however, passports were refused. 

A Permanent Commission elected at the Berne Conference 
met at Berne (February loth, 1919), Amsterdam (April, 1919), 
and Lucerne (August, 1919). The next conference, the first 
full after-war congress of the Second International was called 
for February 2nd. 

The Geneva Congress.. Difficulties arising out of the growing 
strength of the Third International caused the congress to be 
postponed till July 3 ist- August 6th, when it met in Geneva. 
Certain withdrawals were observed : the French Socialist 
Party, the German Independents, and others were present at 
the rival Congress of the Third International. The Spanish 
Socialist Party had also withdrawn, and the only large 
European parties present were the German Majority and the 
British Labour Party. 

Resolutions were passed blaming Germany for the war, 
disapproving of the constitution of the League of Nations and 
of the terms of peace, urging reform of the League from within, 
demanding the relief of the starving, especially children, in 
Central Europe, approving of the International Labour Office 
and protesting against the Hungarian reaction. 

The Geneva Congress further attempted to outline the funda- 
mental policy of the Second International with regard to 


Socialism and the current questions of the day. The statement 
was embodied in two resolutions dealing with the economic 
and political side respectively. 

The Resolution on Socialisation ran as follows : 

By Socialisation we understand the transformation from ownership and control by 
capitalists to ownership and control by the community of all the industries and services 
essential for the satisfaction of the people's needs : the substitution, for the wasteful 
production and distribution with the sole object of private profit, of efficient production 
and economical distribution, with the object of the greatest possible utility ; the trans- 
formation, also, from the economic servitude of the great mass of the actual producers 
under private ownership, to a general participation in management by the persons 
engaged in the work. 

The continuous and rapid growth of monopolistic control of industry by capitalism 
increases the power of private owners to manipulate the prices of all the necessaries 
of life, thus reducing consumers to despair. On the other hand there is the growing 
unwillingness of organised Labour any longer to support a system of production which 
keeps them in subjection, and does not even enable them to raise effectively their standard 
of fife. The consequent intolerableness of Capitalism renders every day more urgent 
the reconstruction of industry on the lines of Socialisation. 

Socialisation will proceed, step by step, from one industry to another, according as 
circumstances in each country may permit. Objectionable as private profit-making 
enterprise is to Socialists, they will refrain from destroying it in any industry until 
they are in a position to replace it by a more efficient form of organisation. Such a gradual 
process of Socialisation excludes, in general, expropriation of private ownership without 
compensation ; not only because it would be inequitable to cause suffering to selected 
individuals, but also because a process of confiscation would disturb capitalist enterprise 
in industries in which Socialisation was not immediately practicable. The funds required 
for compensation will be derived from taxation of private property, including capital levies, 
income-tax and death duties, and the limitation of inheritances for the benefit of the 

In a community of highly developed economic life, with an extensive population 
largely aggregated in urban centres, Socialisation takes three main forms namely, national, 
municipal, and co-operative. 

For instance, whatever may be provided for the administration of agriculture, the 
ownership of land should be national, provision being made for the maintenance and 
security of peasant cultivators, wherever such exist. Other industries of supreme national 
importance, such as the transport system, the generation of electricity and mines, should 
also be national. But the management of a large number of industries and services will 
be in the hands of the municipalities and other local authorities, and federations of these, 
not only the provision of water and gas and the distribution of electricity, but also, in 
some countries, the provision of food, clothing, and housing. The production and dis- 
tribution of household supplies of every kind will form, for the most part, the sphere 
of the consumer's co-operative societies. 

Industries which have not yet arrived at a state of concentration at which they are 
suitable for socialisation, or in which, for other reasons, socialisation is not immediately 
practicable, will be subjected to control by the community, with a view to effecting 
economies and improvements in production and distribution, fixing prices, and ensuring 
prescribed conditions of employment. 

It is important to notice that, in the large measure of individual freedom that will 
be characteristic of a Socialist community, the adoption of the principle of Socialisation 
does not exclude agricultural production by individual peasants of the nation's land, or by 
independent craftsmen working on their own account, or by artists of any kind, or by 
members of the brain-working professions provided always that they do not exploit 
the labour of other persons. On the other hand, the principle of Socialisation excludes 
the ownership of natural resources or of the instruments of production in the large-scale 
primary industries by individuals or associations of persons of any kind, together with 
the dictatorship of any person or group over the industry in which they work. 

It is the function of the community as a whole to exercise control over the prices 
of commodities, and to provide whatever new or additional capital is required from 
time to time for socialised industries. 

Administration of Socialised Industries. 

f ~- A principle of the greatest importance in Socialisation is that control must be separated 
from administration. The control will be exercised by the popularly elected national 
assembly. The org-ins of administration in each industry or service must be entirely 
separate and distinct from those of the political government. 


The National Industries. 

Each industry or service will require an organisation appropriate to its special circum- 
stances. As a general type it is suggested that a national industry or service should be 
provided with 

(a) A national board to be composed of representatives of 

(1) the workers concerned in the industry ; 

(2) The management (including the technicians) ; 

(3) the consumers and the community as a whole. 

(6) Where considered necessary, also district councils for appropriate regional areas, 
to be similarly composed ; 
(c) Works committees for each factory, mine or other establishment. 

In each national industry there will have to be separate machinery for collective bargain- 
ing between the management on the one hand, and each distinct vocation engaged in the 
industry or service on the other. 

There should accordingly be a Joint Board for each vocation that has separately organised 
itself, whether in a trade union or a professional association. Each Joint Board should 
be composed in equal numbers of representatives of the management and representatives 
of the trade union or professional association concerned. 

The Right to Strike that is to say, to refuse collectively to continue to serve cannot 
be denied to any man or woman consistently with freedom. When it is no longer a 
question of resisting the profit-making capitalist, but merely of obtaining, from the 
community as a whole, equitable conditions of employment and a proper standard of life, 
it may be expected that the public opinion of the community as a whole will be accepted 
as decisive. 

Municipal Socialisation. 

The large part of the industries and services of each community which will be in the 
hands of the local authorities will be directed by the popularly elected councils of the several 
localities, with participation in the management of their own services by representatives 
of the workers by hand or by brain. In municipal administration of industries and services 
there should be the same kind of machinery of Joint Boards for collective bargaining as in 
the national industries. 

The Resolution on the Political System of Socialism, adopted 
at the Geneva Congress, runs as follows : 

The progressive disintegration of the Capitalist System, which has been increasingly 
taking place during the years of war, and not less during the years of peace following the 
war, makes it ever more urgent that Labour should assume power in society. In the term 
Labour we include not merely the manual working wage-earners, but also the intellectual 
workers of all kinds, the independent handicraftsmen and peasant cultivators, and, in short, 
all those who co-operate by their exertions in the production of utilities of any kind. 

(1) It is an essential condition of this assumption of power by Labour that its ranks 
should be sufficiently united, and that it should understand how to make use of the 
power in its hands. 

(2) Whilst the Congress repudiates methods of violence and all terrorism it recognises 
that the object cannot be achieved without the utilisation by Labour of its industrial 
as well as its political power; and direct action in certain decisive conflicts cannot be entirely 
abandoned. At the same time, the Congress considers that any tendency to convert an 
industrial strike automatically into political revolution cannot be too strongly condemned. 

(3) The Socialist Commonwealth can come into existence only by the conquest by 
Labour of Governmental power. The main work of a Labour Government will be to adopt, 
as the fundamental basis of its legislation and administration, both Democracy and 

Socialism will not base its political organisation upon dictatorship. It cannot seek to 
suppress Democracy : its historic mission, on the contrary, is to carry Democracy to com- 
pletion. The whole efforts of Labour, its Trade Union and Co-operative activities, equally 
with its action in the political field, tend constantly towards the establishment of Demo- 
cratic institutions more and more adapted to the needs of industrial society, becoming ever 
more perfect and of higher social value. 

It is to-day the forces of Labour that in the main, ensure the maintenance of Demo- 
cracy. Socialists will not allow factious minorities, taking advantage of their privileged 
positions, to bring to naught popular liberty. Inspired by the great traditions of past 
revolutions, Socialists will be ready, without weakness, to resist any such attacks. 

(4) The franchise for a Socialist Parliament must be universal, applying with absolute 
equality to both sexes, without exclusions on grounds of race, religion, occupation, or 
political opinions. The supreme function of Parliament is to represent all the popular 
aspirations and desires from the standpoint of the community as a whole. It will deal 


with defence against aggression from without or within. It will be in charge of the pro- 
perty and also of the finances of the community. 

It will make the laws, and administer the public business. The Ministers in charge of 
the various departments will be chosen from among its members ; and the government 
of the nation will be its Executive Committee. 

But it will be free to delegate particular powers and duties to any of the other organs 
of the community hereinafter mentioned, in order to secure the greatest possible participa- 
tion of those personally engaged in each branch of social life. It will be for Parliament 
to safeguard not only the interests of the general public of consumers, for whose representation 
on special Boards and Councils it will provide, but also the interests of the community 
as a whole in future generations. 

(5) It will be for Parliament to determine the general lines of social policy and to make 
the laws ; it will decide to what industries and services the principle of socialisation shall 
be applied under what conditions ; it will excercise supreme financial control, and will 
decide upon the allocation of new and additional capital. In the last resort, it will 
exercise the power of fixing prices. 

(6) In the development and expansion of the productive life of the community, a large 
part will be played by the various organisations formed according to the productive occu- 
pations in which every healthy person will be engaged. Thus, provision must be made 
in the manner hereinafter described, for the participation hi the administration or service 
of representatives of all the different grades of workers, by hand or by brain, engaged 
in that particular industry or service. At the same time, each vocation, whether of workers 
by hand or of workers by brain, desires to regulate the conditions of its own vocational 
life, whatever may be the industries or services among which its membership will find itself 
dispersed. Each distinct vocation may therefore group itself in a professional association, 
to which functions of regulation, of investigation, or of professional education may be 
entrusted by Parliament. 

(7) The organisations into which those engaged in the various industries and services 
will group themselves, whether Trade Unions or Professional Associations, may be made 
the basis of a further organ of social and economic life. 

Alongside Parliament it may be desirable that there should be a National 
Industrial Council composed of representatives of the various organisations of Trades and 
Professions into which the persons belonging to each occupation may voluntarily group 
themselves. Such a National Industrial Council would be free to discuss and criticise, 
to investigate and to suggest, and to present to Parliament any reports on which it may 
decide. Parliament may, from time to tune, delegate to the National Industrial Council 
the drafting of measures applicable to industry as a whole, or of the regulations to be made 
under the authority of a state. 

After the Geneva Congress. It was further recommended 
at the Geneva Congress that the Secretariat should be trans- 
ferred to London. A negotiating commission drawn from 
the British section was established to secure the entry or 
re-entry of Socialist and Labour Parties not represented. This 
negotiating Commission, consisting of Mr. Arthur Henderson, 
Mr. J. H. Thomas, Mr. H. Gosling and Mr. G. Stuart Bunning 
has since been engaged upon its task. 


Foundation. The Third International was founded as a 
consequence of the decision of the Zimmerwald Commission 
at Stockholm in 1917 (see page 185). Its first congress was 
called on March 2nd-6th, 1919 (Moscow), and was attended 
by the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) the Norwegian 
Labour Party, the German Communist Party (Spartacusbund) 
the Hungarian Communist Party, and delegates of numerous 
eastern and central European Communist groups. 


The Congress wound up the Zimmerwald Commission and 
appointed an executive to arrange for the next Congress, to 
which was left, in view of the small representation at this 
Congress, the drafting of the full constitution and conditions 
of admission. 

The Second Congress was held at Moscow, July igth- August 7th, 
1920, and was attended by accredited representatives from parties 
in nearly every country. Amongst the new parties attending 
were the Italian Socialist Party, the French Socialist Party and 
the German Independents, the last two in a consultative capacity. 

Constitution. This Congress definitely constituted the Third 
International and laid down its Statutes as follows : 

(i)_ The new International Association of Workers is established for the purpose of 
organising common action between the workers of various countries who are striving towards 
a single aim : the overthrow of capitalism, the establishment of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat and of the International Soviet Republic, the complete abolition of classes and 
the realisation of Socialism as the first step to Communist society. 

(a) The new International Association of Workers has been given the name of The 
Communist International. 

(3) All the parties and organisations comprising the Communist International bear the 
name of the Communist Party of the particular country (section of the Communist 

(4) The World Congress of all parties and organisations forming part of the Communist 
International is the supreme authority of this International. The World Congress as a 
rule assembles not less frequently than once a year. It confirms the programmes of the 
different parties comprising the Communist International ; it discusses and decides the 
more important questions of programme and tactics connected with the activity of the 
Communist International. The allocation of decisive votes at the World Congress between 
the constituent parties and organisations is decided by a special regulation of the Congress ; 
it is necessary to strive for the speedy establishment of a standard of representation based 
on the actual membership and real influence of the party in question. 

(5) The World Congress elects an Executive Committee of the Communist International 
which serves as the principal authority of the Communist International in the interim 
between the World Congresses. The Executive Committee is responsible only to the World 

(6) The place of residence of the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
is determined at each World Congress. 

(7) A special World Congress of the Communist International may be convened either 
by regulation of the Executive Committee, or on the demand of one-half of the number 
of the parties affiliated to the Communist International at the time of the previous World 

(8) The greater part of the work and principal responsibility in regard to the Executive 
Committee of the Communist International devolves upon the party in the particular 
country where, in keeping with the regulation of the World Congress, the Executive Com- 
mittee has its residence for the time being. The party of the country in question sends 
to the Executive Committee not less than five members with a decisive vote. In addition, 
each of the ten or twelve largest Communist Parties is entitled to send one representative 
with a decisive vote to the Executive Committee. The list of these representatives has 
to be ratified by the World Congress. The remaining parties and organisations forming 
part of the Communist International each enjoy the right of sending to the Executive Com- 
mittee one representative with a consultative vote. 

(9) The Executive Committee is the principal authority of the Communist International 
during the Conventions. The Executive Committee publishes, in not less than four lang- 
uages, the central organ of the Communist International (the periodical, the Communist 
International). The Executive Committee makes the necessary appeals on behalf of the 
Communist International and issues instructions obligatory on all parties and organisations 
forming part of the Communist International. The Executive Committee has the right 
to demand from affiliated parties the exclusion of groups of members guilty of the infringe- 
ment of international proletarian discipline, and also to exclude from the Communist 
International any parties that infringe the regulations of the World Congress, such parties 
having the right of appeal to the World Congress. Where necessary the Executive 


Committee organises in different countries its technical and auxiliary bureaux, which are 
entirely under the control of the Executive Committee. 

(10) The Executive Committee of the International has the right to include in its ranks 
representatives (with a consultative vote only) from parties and organisations not accepted 
in the Communist International but which are sympathetic towards Communism. 

(n) The organs of all the parties and organisations forming part of the Communist 
International, as well as of those who are recognised sympathisers with the Communist 
International, are obliged to publish all official regulations of the Communist International 
and of its Executive Committee. 

(12) The general conditions prevailing in Europe and America makes obligatory upon 
the Communists of the whole world the formation of illegal Communist organisations along- 
side of those existing legally. The Executive Committee has charge of the universal 
application of this rule. 

(13) All the more important political relations between the individual parties forming 
part of the Communist International are customarily carried on through the medium of 
the Executive Committee. In cases of urgent need, however, direct relations are permissible, 
provided that the Executive Committee is informed thereof at the same tune. 

(14) Trade Unions that have accepted the Communist platform and are united inter- 
nationally under the control of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, 
form Trade Union Sections of the Communist International. The Communist Trade Unions 
send their representatives to the World Congresses of the Communist International through 
the medium of the Communist parties of their respective countries. Trade Union Sections 
of the Communist International delegate a representative with a decisive vote to the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Communist International. The Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist International has the right to send a representative with a decisive vote to the Trade 
Union Section of the Communist International. 

(15) The International League of Young Communists is subject to the Communist Inter- 
national and its Executive Committee. One representative of the Executive Committee 
of the International League of Young Communists with a decisive vote is delegated to the 
Executive Committee of the Communist International. The Executive Committee of the 
Communist Internationa], on the other hand, has the right of sending a representative 
with a decisive vote to the Executive Committee of the International League of Young 
Communists. Relations between the League of Young Communists and the Communist 
Party in each country are based on the same system. 

(16) The Executive Committee of the Communist International appoints the Inter- 
national Secretary of the Communist Women's Movement and organises a women's section 
of the Communist International. 

(17) A member of the Communist International journeying to another country has a 
right to the fraternal support of the local members of the Third International. 

The Twenty-One Conditions of Membership of the Communist 
International were also laid down by the Second Congress as 
follows : 

(i) General propaganda and agitation must be of a definite Communist character and 
correspond to the programme and decisions of the Third International. The Party Press 
must be edited by reliable Communists who have proved their loyalty to the cause of the 
proletarian revolution. The dictatorship of the proletariat must not be spoken of as a 
mere hackneyed formula. The facts of everyday life must be systematically recorded and 
interpreted by the Party Press in such fashion as to make the necessity of proletarian 
dictatorship self-evident to every worker, soldier and peasant. All periodical and other 
publications of the party must be under the control of the central executive of the party, 
independently of whether the party is legal or illegal. Wherever the adherents of the Third 
International can gain access and by whatever means of propaganda are at their disposal 
in the columns of newspapers, at public meetings, within the Trade Unions and Co-opera- 
tives it is essential that they denounce not only the capitalists, but also their allies, the 
reformists of every colour and shade. 

(a) Every organisation desiring to join the Communist International must be bound 
systematically and regularly to remove from all responsible positions (in the party, com- 
mittee, editorial staff, trade union, parliamentary group, co-operative society and municipal 
council) all reformists and supporters of the " centre " and to replace them by tried Com- 
munists, even at the risk of supplanting, for a time, " experienced " men by rank and file 

(3) The class struggle in almost every country of Europe and America is reaching the 
threshold of civil war. Under such conditions the Communists can have no confidence 
in bourgeois laws. They should create everywhere a parallel illegal machinery which at 
the decisive moment will do its duty by the party and in every way possible assist the 


revolution. In every country where, in consequence of martial law or other exceptional 
laws, the Communists are unable to carry on their work lawfully, a combination of legal 
and illegal work is absolutely necessary. 

(4) A persistent and systematic propaganda is necessary in the army, where Communist 
groups should be formed in every military unit. Wherever, owing to repressive legislation, 
agitation becomes legally impossible, it is necessary to conduct such agitation illegally. 
Refusal to carry on or participate in such work should be considered as treason to the 
revolutionary cause and incompatible with affiliation to the Third International. 

(5) A systematic propaganda is necessary in the agricultural districts. The working 
class cannot achieve victory unless it gains the sympathy and support of the agricultural 
workers, and unless other sections of the population are equally utilised. Communist 
work in the agricultural districts is of paramount importance at the present moment. It 
should be carried on by Communist workmen of both town and country who have connec- 
tions with the rural districts. To neglect this work or to leave it to untrustworthy semi 
reformists is tantamount to renouncing the proletarian revolution. 

(6) All parties desiring to join the Third International must renounce not only avowed 
social-patriotism, but the false and hypocritical social-pacifism as well. They must system- 
atically demonstrate to the workers that without the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism 
neither international arbitration nor conferences regarding the limitation of armaments 
nor the " democratic " re-organisation of the League of Nations will be capable of saving 
mankind from new imperialist wars. 

(7) Parties desirous of joining the Communist International must recognise the necessity 
of a complete and absolute rupture with reformism and the policy of the " centrists " and 
must advocate this rupture amongst the party membership. Without this condition a 
consistent Communist policy is impossible. The Communist International unconditionally 
and peremptorily demands that such break take place with the least possible delay. The 
Communist International cannot tolerate the suggestion that such avowed reformists as 
Turati, Modigliani, Kautsky, Hillquit, Longuet, Macdonald and others should be entitled 
to membership of the Third International. This would make the Third International 
merely a counterpart of the Second. 

(8) On the question of colonies and oppressed nationalities an especially distinct and 
clear line of conduct is necessary in the case of parties in countries where the bourgeoisie 
possesses colonies or oppresses other nationalities. All parties belonging to the Third 
International shall be in duty bound to denounce without reservation the colonial policy 
of their respective imperialists, and to support, not in words only, but in deed, the move- 
ment for colonial independence. They must demand the withdrawal of their imperialists 
from such colonies, cultivate among the workmen of their own country a genuine fraternal 
attitude towards the working population of the colonies and oppressed nationalities, and 
conduct a systematic propaganda in their own army against every semblance of oppression 
of the colonial population. 

(9) All parties belonging to the Communist International must carry on a systematic 
and persistent Communist work in the Trade Unions, Co-operative Societies and other 
class organisations of the workers. It is necessary to form Communist groups within those 
organisations in order, by persistent and lasting work, to win them over to Communism. 
These groups must consistently expose the treachery of the social-patriots and the vacilla- 
tion of the " centrists." These groups must be completely subordinated to the party as 
a whole. 

(10) All parties belonging to the Communist International are bound to conduct a 
relentless struggle against the Yellow Amsterdam " International " of Trade Unions. They 
must propagate insistently amongst the organised workers the necessity of a breaking with 
the Amsterdam International and joining up with the new Red International of Trade 
Unions adhering to the Communist International. 

(n) Parties desiring to join the Third International must inspect their parliamentary 
groups hi order to remove therefrom all unreliable elements and must subordinate such 
groups to the direct control of the party executive. They must demand of their represent- 
atives that they shall devote their activities entirely to the interests of real revolutionary 

(12) All parties belonging to the Communist International should be based on the 
principle of democratic centralisation. In this acute period of civil war the Communist 
Party will be able fully to discharge its duty only if it is thoroughly well organised, if it 
possesses an iron discipline, and if its executive enjoys the confidence of the party members, 
who are to endow the Executive with complete power and authority. 

(13) The Communist parties operating in countries where Communist activity is legal 
should make a periodical inspection of their membership roll in order to eliminate the petty 
middle-class elements which may penetrate the party ranks. 

(14) Parties desiring to join the Communist International must render every possible 
assistance to the Soviet Republics hi their struggles against counter-revolutionary forces. 
They should conduct an organised and definite propaganda to induce the workers to refuse 


to make or handle any kind of military equipment intended for use against the 
Soviet Republics, and should also carry on, by legal or illegal means, a propaganda among 
any troops sent against the Workers' Republics. 

(15) Parties which have hitherto stood upon the old Social-Democratic programmes 
must immediately draw up a new Communist programme applying to the special conditions 
of their country and in accordance with the resolution of the Communist International. 
Such programme shall be endorsed by the next Congress of the Communist International 
or by its Executive Committee. In the event of the programme of any party being rejected 
by the Executive Committee the party concerned shall have the right of appeal to the 
Congress of the Communist International. 

(16) Resolutions adopted by the Communist International and its Executive Com- 
mittee are binding on all affiliated parties. The Communist International, operating in 
a period of acute civil strife, must be centralised in a more effective manner than was the 
Second International. At the same time the Communist International and its Executive 
Committee must, in all spheres of their activity, have regard to the variety of conditions 
under which the different parties have to work and struggle, and obligatory resolutions 
should be passed only on questions on which such obligatory resolutions are practical. 

(17) In conformity with the foregoing conditions all parties about to join the Third 
International must change or amend their names and be known as : The Communist Party 
of such-and-such country, section of the Third Communist International. This is more 
than a mere matter of name and form ; it is a political question of great importance. The 
Communist International has declared war upon the whole capitalist system and the old 
Yellow Social-Democratic parties. It is of vital importance that the workers should be 
able to distinguish clearly between the Communist parties and the old official " Social- 
Democratic " and " Socialist " parties which have deserted the cause of the working-class. 

(18) All the leading Press organs of every party are bound to publish the more important 
documents of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 

(19) All those parties which have joined the Communist International as well as those 
which have expressed a desire to do so are obliged, as rapidly as possible, and in no case 
later than four months after the Second Congress of the Communist International, to con- 
vene a special congress in order to discuss these conditions. In addition to this, the 
Executive Committee of these parties should take care to acquaint all the local organisations 
with the regulations of the Second Congress. 

(20) All those parties which at the present time are willing to join the Third Inter- 
national, but have so far not changed their tactics in any radical manner, should, prior 
to joining the Third International, take care that not less than two-thirds of their Com- 
mittee members and of all their central institutions consist of comrades who have made 
an open and definite declaration, prior to the convening of the Second Congress, as to their 
desire that the party should affiliate to the Third International. Exceptions are permitted 
only with the approval of the Executive Committee of the Third International. The 
Executive Committee has the right to make an exception also for the representatives of 
the " centre," as mentioned in paragraph 7. 

(ai) Those members of the party who reject the conditions and the theses of the Third 
International are liable to be excluded from the party. This applies particularly to 
delegates at the Special Congress of the Party. 

Further Resolutions (theses) dealt with the necessity of 
a disciplined Communist bloc, instructed Communists to work 
within Trade Unions, however reactionary, to link up with 
revolutionary nationalist movements and rejected Parliamentary 
action as a revolutionary means while retaining it as a form 
of propaganda. 

After congresses to discuss the twenty-one points, a minority 
of the Italian Socialist Party, a majority of the German Independ- 
ent Socialist Party and a large majority of the French Socialist 
Party joined the Third International definitively. 

The Young Communist International should be mentioned 
in connection with the Third International. Before the war, 
the Young Socialist movement was organised internationally 
in a separate International Secretariat (established 1907), 


which affiliated to the International Socialist Bureau in 1910. 
In December, 1919, the left-wing elements of the Young 
Socialist movement met in an International Congress at Berlin, 
and constituted the Young Communist International. The 
Young Communist International now includes the greater part 
of the Young Socialist movement in most countries. 


NEITHER the Second nor the Third International include the 
Centrist parties, such as the I.L.P. and the Longuetists. These 
parties have taken the lead in an attempt to form a united 
International to include all sections. 

A Conference was held on December 5th~7th, 1920, at Berne, 
to make preparations for a full congress of parties affiliated to 
neither International, who were prepared to mediate between 
them. This congress met at Vienna, on February 22nd, 1921, 
and was attended by parties from fourteen countries, the principal 
parties being the I.L.P., the French Socialist Party (Longuet 
and Renaudel), the German Independents (Hilferding, Crispien, 
Ledebour, and others), the Austrian, Swiss, Czech and Hungarian 
Socialist Parties, and the Russian Mensheviks and Socialist 
Revolutionaries. In addition there were representatives of 
sections from Jugoslavia, Rumania, Latvia, and Lithuania. 

The Argentine and Finnish Socialist parties wrote, declaring 
their adhesion. The affiliation of the Polish Socialist Party was 

The Vienna Congress formed an " International Working Union 
of Socialist Parties " with the following Rules. 

i. The " International Working Union of Socialist Parties " is a Union of such Socialist 
parties as aim at realising Socialism by the conquest of political and economic power along 
the lines of the revolutionary class struggle. The Working Union is not an International 
embracing the whole revolutionary proletariat, but a means to create such an International. 

3. The Working Union has the task of unifying the activities of the affiliated parties, 
arranging common action and promoting the establishment of an International which will 
embrace the whole revolutionary working class of the world. 

3. The Membership of this Union is open to all Socialist parties who belong to neither of 
the party alliances calling themselves the " Second " or the " Third " International, who 
acknowledge these rules as binding on themselves, and who carry out the decisions of the 
General Conferences of the Working Union. 

4. The carrying out of these resolutions is entrusted by the Working Union to an Exe- 
cutive Committee, whose sphere of activity will be decided by rules to be laid down by the 
General Conference. 

5. Expenses will be defrayed by the members of the Working Union in accordance with 
their financial means, but they shall contribute a yearly minimum subscription which will 
be fixed by the General Conference. 

6. The resolutions of the Working Union are binding on all its members ; in particular 
all parties belonging to the Union engage not to enter into any separate negotiations for 
joining with other international organisations, and, for the rest, to determine their inter- 
national policy by mutual agreement. 


A statement on the Methods and Organisation of the Class 
struggle was adopted as follows (the I.L.P. dissenting from those 
passages which bore on force) : 

1. The capitalist state, in the first phase of its development, reserved in most countries 
all political rights to the capitalist class. In struggles lasting through decades the working 
class broke this dictatorial power of the capitalist class, which was based on oligarchic 
constitutions. The capitalist class no longer dominates the democratic state by monopolis- 
ing political rights ; it is the economic power of capital which enables it to direct public 
opinion, to lead the middle sections of society, and thus to keep the proletariat in subjection. 
The brutal class-rule of the capitalist class in the United States, in France, in Great Britain, 
in Switzerland, in Germany, and so on, proves that the capitalist class, in the form of 
democracy, manages to exercise a dictatorial rule over the working class. 

2. If democracy does not mean deliverance for the working class, it affords them a 
favourable position in their struggle for emancipation. It is in the soil of democracy that all 
class contrasts and class struggles expand. The industrial working class utilises the rights 
which are granted to it by democracy to assert its existence as a class, to rescue the vacillat- 
ing middle sections from the tutelage of the capitalist class, to rally the mental and manual 
workers, industrial and agricultural, round its colours and, united with them, to become the 
ruling power. 

3. The forms assumed by the class struggle in different countries depend on the economic 
mental and moral development of each country, on the military strength of the classes, and 
on the relations with other countries. These forms in industrial states are different from those 
in agricultural countries, different hi the victorious world-ruling states from those in the 
conquered and exploited countries, and just as various as the agrarian constitutions which 
capitalism found in the pre-capitalist stage. The fight of the working class for political power 
which will assume one form in countries with large-scale agriculture, another in countries 
where small holdings prevail, another in countries where the peasantry itself has rebelled 
against feudal exploitation, another in countries where a numerous class of conservative 
farmers actuated by interests of private property are the strongest pillars of capitalist rule. 
This bewildering variety of the material and mental conditions of the class struggle is the chief 
reason for the divergent opinions and antagonisms among the international working class. 

4. Directly the class struggle has reached that stage when democracy, from an instrument 
of capitalist class-rule, threatens to become one of working class rule the capitalist class will 
as a general rule endeavour by violent means to interrupt democratic developments, to pre- 
vent democratic state power from passing into the hands of the working class. Only in 
those countries where the capitalist class does not command the power required, and in 
particular is bereft of military power, and, therefore, cannot venture to replace the fight of 
political democracy by open civil war, only in such countries will the working class be able 
to gain political power by means of democracy. But even where this happens, the capitalist 
class will as a general rule use its economic power to neutralise the effects of the democratic 
state power gained by the working class. In that case, too, the working class, after arriving 
at political power will have to use dictatorial means in order to break the resistance of the 
capitalist class. Proletarian dictatorship will then take the shape of the dictatorial exercise 
of the state power achieved by the working class. 

5. But where the capitalist class is strong enough to maintain by violent means its rule 
against the revolting masses of the working people, it will break democracy, keep control of 
the means of coercion and challenge the working class to an open fight. In this fight it will 
not be the vote that will decide the battle, but the economic and military strength of the 
opposing classes. In these circumstances the working class will be able to become the ruling 
power only by direct action of the masses (mass strikes, armed rebellion, etc.), and it will have 
to maintain its power by suppressing the conquered capitalist class. The dictatorship of the 
working class must in this case be based on working-men's, peasants' and soldiers 'councils, on 
trade unions, or other working-class organisations. 

6. In all these struggles the working class has to deal not only with the capitalist class 
of its own country, but with the international capitalist class who, notwithstanding all in- 
ternal differences, are allied against the working class and are led by the financiers of the 
great capitalist world powers. It is thus that the freedom of action of the working class of 
each country is the more closely confined the more the country depends economically and 
politically on the capitalist world powers. The final liberation of the working class can, there- 
fore, not be achieved within the national boundaries, but can only be the outcome of inter- 
national action. To organise this action is the proper task of the Working-class International. 

7. In order to fulfil this task the workers' International must consider the variety of 
objective conditions of the struggle in the various countries. It must not hamper the free- 
dom of any particular Socialist party in adapting its action to the conditions of its particular 


country. It must not restrict the proletariat either to using democratic methods only, 
as is done by the so-called Second International to-day, nor prescribe the mechanical imi- 
tation of the methods of the Russian peasants' and working men's revolution, as the Com- 
munist International would like to do. But with all the variety of methods in various 
countries the International must unite all the resources of the international working class in 
concerted action against international capitalism. 

8. Such an action presupposes a class organisation of the world's working class, which 
alone can lay claim to the title of working class International. For however important the 
agitation and action of the parties on the basis of their theory, it is no less important that, 
in the last instance, not party doctrine but the self-determination of the working class should 
be the deciding factor. This self-determination can only be exercised within an organisation 
in which all class conscious workers are united. But such an international organisation is an 
actual reality only if its resolutions are binding on all its parts. Every resolution, there- 
fore, of the international organisation means a self-imposed limitation of the autonomy of the 
parties of all countries. 

9. The want of a common instrument of the whole class-conscious working class is 
universally felt. This instrument in the shape of the international class organisation can 
only be the result of the historical process which will gradually disillusion the opposed 
doctrinaire groups and will teach them to see the necessity of gathering the whole class- 
conscious working class into one fold. It is the task of the more circumscribed union which 
the parties represented at the Vienna Conference propose to constitute to hasten the maturing 
of this knowledge, but they are under no delusion as to the time which this process will 



Guillaume, F. : L'Internationale. 4 vols. Corne'ly, Paris. 1905. 
Jaeckh, G. : The International. Twentieth Century Press. 1904. 
Postdate, R. W. : The Workers' International. Labour Publishing Company 


International Socialist Congress Reports. 
Bulletin of the International Socialist Bureau. 


Humphrey, A. W.: International Socialism and the War. King. 1915. 
Postgate, R. W. : The International during the War. The Herald. 1918. 
Walling, W. E. : The Socialists and the War. Holt, New York. 1915, 


Duti, R. Palme: The Two Internationals. Allen and Unwin. 1920. 

Theses and Statutes of the Communist International. Communist Party. 1921 . 





1 The International Federa- 3 The International Trade 

tion of Trade Unions 197 Union Secretariats 202 

2 The " Red " Trade Union 

Internationals . . 201 

INTERNATIONAL Trade Unionism is a slower and more recent 
growth than International Socialism, and is still only in its early 
stages. During the nineteenth century there was little dis- 
tinction made between the trade union and political side of 
international labour organisation.* In the twentieth century, 
a separate Trade Union International was formed, but it was 
of subordinate importance to the Socialist International to 
which most of its leading members belonged. After the war 
a new impulse towards international trade union organisation 
and action has shown itself, the effects of which remain to be 
seen. So far the main importance of international trade 
unionism lies in the separate Internationals by Trade or Industry, 
which began to be formed in the nineties and to-day cover 
most industries. < j ;.f{ 


President : The Rt. Hon. J. H. Thomas, M.P. 
Joint Secretaries : E. Fimmen, J. Oudegeest. 

Before the War. The International Trade Union Secretariat 
(which became the International Federation of Trade Unions 
in 1913) was formed at a Conference at Copenhagen in 1901. 

* The First International (1864-1876) was as much a trade union as a political organisa- 
tion. It united important sections of the British trade union movement (in 1869, the Trades 
Union Congress recommended that all unions should affiliate to the International) as well 
as less developed unions in other countries ; it transmitted financial help from one country 
to another in several notable strikes ; and it was the main influence in starting the trade 
union movements of France, Spain, Denmark and Austria-Hungary. Subsequent Inter- 
national Labour Conferences also united both trade union and political elements (the London 
Conference of 1888 was held on the invitation of the Parliamentary Committee of the British 
Trades Union Congress) ; and the Second International has always been open to both 
industrial and political labour bodies. 


Its constitution was fixed at the Stuttgart Conference next 
year, and the Dublin Conference of 1903 ; and thereafter regular 
conferences were held every two years up to the war.* 

The pre-war organisation consisted of (i) the " International 
Conference of the National Secretaries of Trade Union Centres," 
held every two years ; (2) the " International Secretary of the 
National Centres of Trade Unions," appointed to draw up a 
yearly report on the basis of information from the national 
centres. The International Secretary was Karl Legien, Secre- 
tary of the German Federation of Trade Unions. Affiliations 
were received from national trade union federations, one from 
each country (on which principle the I.W.W. was excluded, 
while the General Federation of Trade Unions was held to 
represent Great Britain) on a subscription basis of half a mark 
per 1,000 members, later raised to one mark and one-and-a-half 
marks. The membership in 1913 covered twenty-one countries, 
the only unaffiliated countries with movements of any impor- 
tance being the Argentine, Australia, Bulgaria and Japan. 


Hungary 111,966 

Italy 330,913 

Norway 60,975 

Rumania 9,708 

Seryia 5,000 

Spain 100,000 

Sweden 85,533 

Switzerland 86,313 
United States 3,054,536 

TOTAL .. 7,394i46it i 

The objects of the pre-war organisation did not cover trade 
union action. Its functions were confined to (i.) the issue of 
statistics and reports ; (ii.) the transmission of financial help 
and appeals ; (iii.) resolutions in favour of social legislation 
affecting labour ; (iv.) the promotion of national unity in the 
trade union movement. Even the discussion of action was 
excluded. The Paris Conference of 1909 laid down the following 
general resolution (embodying a previous resolution of 1905) 
on the function of the International Conferences : 

" It is the object of such conferences to consider the closer union of the trade unions 
of all countries, uniform trade union statistics, mutual help in economic struggles, and all 
questions in direct connection with the trade union organisation of the workers. 

* The pre-war Conferences of the Trade Union International were as follows : 
1901 Copenhagen. 1907 Christiania. 

1903 Stuttgart. 1909 Paris. 

1903 Dublin. 1911 Budapest. 

1905 Amsterdam. 1913 Zurich. 

t In 1913 (the last complete returns). There were nineteen countries affiliated. New 
Zealand and South Africa affiliated subsequently. 

t The total Trade Union Membership of the above countries In 1913 was calculated 
at 13,368,103, 

Great Britain 
s Holland 






" All theoretical questions, and those which affect the tendency or tactics of the trad* 
union movement in the separate nations will not be discussed." 

In 1907, the French C.G.T. raised the question of International 
Trade Union action against war. The motion was excluded 
from discussion, and remitted to the Socialist International as 
a "political" question.* 

Daring the War the International Federation was in abey- 
ance, although the International Secretariat endeavoured to 
carry on and for this purpose established a subordinate bureau 
at Amsterdam. An Inter-Allied Trade Union Conference 
was held at Leeds in 1916, and created a temporary international 
centre at Paris. A Central Powers and Neutral Trade Union 
Conference was held at Berne in 1917 and reached no decision 
on the question of the transference of the bureau. Both these 
Conferences drew up elaborate programmes of international 
labour legislation to be presented at the Peace Conference. 
The three bureaux at Berlin, Amsterdam and Paris endeavoured 
to perform secretarial functions. For all practical purposes the 
International was dead. 

Reorganisation After the War. In July, 1919, an International 
Trade Union Conference was held at Amsterdam, which re- 
constituted the International Federation of Trade Unions, f 
The Conference was attended by trade union delegates from 
fourteen countries, J and established a new International 
Secretariat at Amsterdam with Fimmen and Oudegeest as 
secretaries in place of Legien. The Pre ident of the new 
organisation was W. A. Appleton, and the Vice-Pi esidents, 
Samuel Gompers and Leon Jouhaux. 

The Constitution of the I.F.T.U., which was for the first 
time definitely drawn up at the Amsterdam Conference, provides 

The subsequent fate of this proposal is worth observing as evidence of the pre-war 
position. The proposal was brought before the International Socialist Congress of Copen- 
hagen in 1910, which remitted it to the national sections. In 1910, accordingly, the Inter- 
national Socialist Bureau circularised all the national sections with a request to report. 
By 1912 four replies had been received in all from (i) The Armenian Revolutionary Federa- 
tion ; (2) the Commission of Resolutions of the Seine ; (3) the Central Unions and Socialist 
Party of Denmark : (4) the Socialist Party of Finland. In 1912, the International Secretary 
again circularised the national sections with no better success, pointing out the urgency 
of the subject, as August, 1914 (the Vienna Congress), was approaching. Nothing further 
is recorded. 

t The steps which led to the re-constitution of the I.F.T.U. after the war were begun before 
the ending of hostilities. In 1917, the Bristol Trades Union Congress decided to enter into 
the international field, and no longer leave the General Federation of Trade Unions the 
monopoly. The Fourth Inter-Allied Labour Conference in September, 1918, appointed 
a Committee to arrange for the holding of an International Labour Conference after ths 
war. At this Conference, which was held at Berne in February, 1919, and re-formed the 
Second International, a separate conference of trade union delegates was held concurrently. 
The American Federation of Labour, however, objected to any confusion of the Trade Union 
International with the Socialist International and refused to attend. The Amsterdam 
Conference was accordingly arranged for the definite re-founding of the I.F.T.U. 

t Austria, Belgium, Czecho-Slovakia, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, 
Holland, Luxemburg, Norway, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland. 



for the conduct of the affairs of the Federation by a Bureau 
of five officers to meet monthly, and a Management Committee 
consisting of the Bureau and ten representatives of the affiliated 
countries to meet twice a year. The Bureau has met regularly 
since the Amsterdam Congress, under the chairmanship of Mr. 
W. A. Appleton, until November, 1920, when Mr. Appleton 
resigned on account of the socialistic tendencies of the Federa- 
tion, and was succeeded by Mr. J. H. Thomas. A special Con- 
ference of the Federation took place at London in November, 
1920, to consider the situation raised by the international 
reactionary movement against trade unionism and the world 
economic crisis ; and was attended by eighty-five delegates 
from sixteen countries. 

The objects of the Federation laid down in the conditions 
adopted at Amsterdam run as follows : 

t. The promotion of the interests and endeavours of the organisations affiliated on a 
national and international basis. 

a. The promotion of the Trade Union Movement, both national and international, 
in the countries not affiliated. 

3. The promotion of combined action on all questions of mutual Trade Union interest. 

4. The prevention of International black-legging. 

5. The provision of funds for the promotion and furtherance of the foregoing objects 
and such other Trade Union objects as may from time to time be incorporated in 
the Rules. 

After-War Activities. The new feature of the constitution 
drawn up at Amsterdam is the inclusion of trade union action 
among the objects of the Federation. An attempt in this 
direction was made in the summer of 1920, when a blockade 
against Hungary was declared by the Bureau of the I.F.T.U. 
in order to bring an end to the White Terror in that country. 
The blockade was declared on June 2oth ; it was not successful 
and was called off on August 6th. 

Resolutions have been passed by the Federation in favour 
of (i.) international labour legislation on the lines of the Labour 
Charter drawn up at the Berne Conference, and co-operation 
with the International Labour Organisation of the League 
of Nations ; (ii.) amendment of the Covenant of the League of 
Nations ; (iii.) socialisation and the international control and 
distribution of raw materials ; (iv.) international strike action 
against war. A comprehensive resolution was passed at the 
London Conference (Italy, Norway and Canada dissenting) 
in favour of 

" international mass action in the assault on re-action, in declaring war against war and 
for the realisation of a new social system." 

The political excursions of the post-war Federation raised 
the anger of the American leader, Samuel Gompers, who issued 
a denunciation of the whole organisation. The American 
Federation of Labour broke off relations definitely by the 


20 1 

autumn of 1920. At the same time the Russian Trade Unions 
had issued an appeal for a " Red " Trade Union International. 







Belgium _ 












Great Britain 













South Africa 



















Provisional Committee: A. Losovsky, J. T. Murphy, A. Rosmer. 

THE Russian trade union movement had from the first refused 
to take part in the Amsterdam International. In the autumn 
of 1919, when the leaders of that body were preparing to take 
part in the official International Labour Conference at Washing- 
ton, the All- Russia Council of Trade Unions issued an unsparing 
denunciation of their action and called for the establishment 
of a revolutionary international trade union organisation. In 
the summer of 1920, a series of conferences took place between 
representatives of trade union movements in various countries 
or minority movements within the Trade Unions, as a result of 
which an " International Council of Trade and Industrial 
Unions " was established on July I5th, 1920, to act as "a 
militant international committee for the re-organisation of the 
trade union movement " working in conjunction with the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Third International. 

The Provisional Rules of the new organisation are as follows : 

I. Title. 

The body formed by the representatives of trade unions of various countries shall b 
known as : The International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions. 
II. Aims and Objects. 

The International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions has the following aims : 

I. To carry on an insistent and continuous propaganda for the ideas of the revolution- 
ary class struggle, social revolution, dictatorship of the proletariat and mass revolution- 
ary action with the object of destroying the capitalist system and the bourgeois State. 

a. To fight against the disease of class co-operation which is weakening the labour 
movement, and against the hope that a peaceful transition from capitalism is possible. 

* flf pnfctn !i nii.ifcip (LW.WJ 
M anal to tee *( thn o ** tftrii 

Tnangm-al Congress of fix* new Organisation ha 

for July ist, 1921 (postponed from January ist) 


the general International Federation of Trade Unions 
(or its rival, the International Council) there are a number of 
separate Trade Union Internationals by trade or industry. 
These are commonly referred to as the " International Trade 
Union Secretariats " for convenience of distinction from the 
general organisation. "Off are by ***x i *p a r M rm an older form 
of organisation. The earliest, the Tnli inilinnrt Miner's Federa- 
tion, was founded in 1890 ; and there were twelve in existence 
before 1900. By the beginning of the war there were thirty- 
tiro in an. and after the end of the war nearly all of them have 
been revived, together with certain new ones. 
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Policy. The pre-war policy of the International Trade Union 
Secretariats was limited in scope. The main regular function was 
the holding of periodic conferences and the collection of trade 
statistics. The Secretariats which were thus the main reality 
of the organisation, were usually situated in Germany* (twenty- 
seven out of thirty- two), and other countries were apathetic. 

The pre-war types of international activity were : (i) Assist- 
ance in strikes : usually by money subscriptions (the Textile 
Workers had a definite International Strike Fund to cover 
both strikes and victimisation) ; sometimes by attempting 
to organise boycotts of black-leg goods. (2) Attempts to prevent 
the importation of black-legs : not usually successful. (3) Arrange- 
ments for transfer cf members going abroad. (4) Common 
programmes. Apart from the miners, the examples of this 
are not very numerous before the war : resolutions might be 
passed at the Conferences in favour of certain objects or legisla- 
tion, but there are few signs of any conception of common action. 
The Diamond workers had a common programme with regard 
to apprenticeship and hour^ ; and in 1904 the Dutch and Belgian 
sections carried thiough a joint action for a ten-hour day ; but 
this can hardly be regarded as international. The Hotel workers, 
it is worth noticing, definitely declared their aim to be the estab- 
lishment of a centralized international union. But the Miners 
were practically alone in having an elaborately worked-out 
international programme, which by 1913 covered a series of 
nine points. These points included nationalisation, the 
minimum wage, the eight-hour day, prohibition cf the employ- 
ment of women and children, and the appointment of workmen 
inspectors. Action against war was proposed, but agreement 
was not obtained. 

After the war there has been a new interest manifested in the 
Trade Union Internationals. Practically all the old ones have 
been revived ; and in addition four new ones have been formed, 
all of first-class importance : the Agricultural Workers, the 
Food and Drink Trades Workers, the Seamen and the Postal 
Workers (the last had a pre-war international organisation, 
but not of a regular trade union character). In addition national 
feeling against, the suggestion of German control has led to other 
countries taking a more active part than before ; and the 
distribution of the international centres now shows twelve 
in Germany, eight in Holland, six in Switzerland, three in Belgium, 
two in England, and one in Austria. 

Policy has also begun to take a wider range. The old types 
of international policy are now widely spread, and common 

* Two of the most important, however, the Miners and the Textile Workers, have always 
been centred in England, 


programmes frequent. New types have shown themselves 
in respect of action against war and the demand for socialisa- 
tion. Resolutions in favour of socialisation have been passed 
by the miners (who have also demanded the establishment of 
an International Board to control coal distribution), the Food 
and Drink Trades Workers, the Painters, and the Transport 
Workers. The Transport workers have declared for inter- 
national action against the exploitation of labour, and the 
employment of international sympathetic strikes. Resolutions 
in favour of international action against war on the part of 
affiliated Unions in the industry concerned have been passed, 
with varying explicitness, by the Builders, the Miners, the 
Postal Workers, and the Transport Workers. 


International Reports of the Trade Union Movement. 10 vols. Berlin. 1904-1913. 
Losorsky, A .: The International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions. Communist 
Party. 19 ao. 




Consumers' Co-operation. The original and beneficent object 
of trade and industry that is, the satisfaction of human needs 
has been lost sight of in a capitalist system whose motive is that 
of profit-making, and whose method is that of autocracy. On 
the other hand, a co-operative system, based on organised 
consumption, ret tores the original object of trade and industry. 
It is a system which accepts the economic interests of the whole 
body of consumers as their purpose. It functions without 
making profits, distributing the surplus on transactions to the 
members in proportion to purchase. It makes capital the 
servant, not the master, in industry. It governs by popularly 
elected boards of directors, and one member, one vote, is its 
rule, regardless of the number of shares held ; it thus forms a 
true democracy, where industry is carried on by the people for 
the people. 

Consumers' co-operation on these lines is to be found in 
practically every European country, in varying size and import- 
ance. Retail Consumers' Societies are federated into Whole- 
sale Societies, the Wholesale standing in the same relation to 
the retail society as this does to the individual member of the 
movement. The Retail Societies are members of the Whole- 
sale Societies, supplying the Share Capital, making their pur- 
chases from them and receiving as " dividend on purchase " 
their share of the surplus due to trading transactions. A Co- 
operative Wholesale Society is thus the centre of a network 
of distributive agencies which give it a reliable and constantly 
increasing market, and any advantage derived from the methods 
or extent of its operations is passed on directly to the consumer. 

Co-operative Wholesale Societies, which exist now in twenty 
countries, form the basis for International Co-operative Trade. 

The English Co-operative Wholesale Society is the oldest, 
wealthiest and most developed of the national Wholesale 
Societies. Its total sales amounted in 1920 to the (approximate) 
total of ^105,437,187, of which ^33,390,039 (approximately) 



represented its own productions. In 1919, its Share Capital 
amounted to 3,890,134 and its membership represented 3,088,136 
individual co-operators, i.e., a co-operative population of about 
twelve millions, or one- third of the population. 

Foreign Transactions before the War. Up to now, the 
foreign transactions of the C.W.S. have consisted mainly of 
imports, supplied from the open market or from their own 
sources of supply. In addition to the enormous supplies it 
obtains in the open market, the C.W.S. owns jointly with the 
Scottish C.W.S., 100,000 acres of wheatfields in Canada. The 
two Societies also own 18,548 acres of tea (and rubber) planta- 
tions in Ceylon and India. The English C.W.S. controls the 
whole manufacture of its margarine from the source. To do so 
it has six depots in Sierra Leone and Nigeria for the palm 
kernels it buys from the natives, the kernels being treated in 
its oil mills in Liverpool, which supply its splendid factory 
near Manchester. 

Before the war, there was little direct trade between the Co- 
operative Movements of different countries except by way of 
disposing of any surplus not required at home, and of occasional 
buying by the British Wholesales for other Movements. The 
chief international intercourse had so far been through repre- 
sentation at each other's Conferences and through the Con- 
gresses of the International Co-operative Alliance, formed in 
1895. The Alliance however was concerned almost entirely 
with educational and propaganda work. But at the Inter- 
national Congress of 1913, the need for the trading side to organise 
internationally was discussed. Since that time, separate small 
beginnings in combined transactions have been made, such as the 
following : In 1914, the C.W.S. was preparing to take up 
shares in the Moscow Narodny Bank, but was stopped by war 
legislation. In 1917, a Russo- British Co-operative Informa- 
tion Bureau was set up. In 1919, the Wholesales of Norway 
and Sweden, Denmark and Finland formed a Union in order 
to import goods into these four countries. The most recent 
example of international action is that of the agreement between 
the Soviet Co-operative Movement and the Italian Co-operators 
and the Socialist Party, which lays down that all Russian trade 
with Italy should be conducted directly or indirectly through the 
medium of the Italian Co-operative Movement. 

After the War. It is since the war, that the Co-operative 
Movements of the world on their trading sides have come into 
much closer touch with the British Movement. The C.W.S. 
has sold goods to the Movements in Belgium, Switzerland, 
France, Norway, Holland, Australia, Canada, Brazil, China, 


Egypt, India, Palestine, South Africa. After the war, Co- 
operators from other lands streamed into England, to ask help 
from the British Movement. Credits to the amount of nearly 
1,000,000 were given to the Belgian, Polish and Rumanian 

Towards an International C.W.S. It will be seen that any 
beginnings of mutual trade would naturally lead to Exchange 
Agencies, to joint Purchase, and so to joint Banking, when finally 
an International Co-operative Wholesale Society would emerge. 
The operations of such a body would expand almost without 
limit, extending to those of a joint manufacturer, a joint shipper, 
and a Credit Corporation. It is hardly too much to say an 
International C.W.S. would be the greatest institution in the 

The coming of an International C.W.S. is being accelerated 
by a Committee of representatives of European Wholesales, 
which was set up at a meeting held in London on August 2oth, 

1919. This Committee, of which the Secretary of the English 
C.W.S. acts as Secretary, drew up a scheme which was adopted 
at the International Conference of Wholesales in Geneva in April, 

1920. Its recommendations were : 

i. That each country should have a single Wholesale Society with which others could 

a. That each Wholesale Society should have an export department. 

3. That all Wholesale Societies should be invited to join the scheme and to supply 

4. That there should be joint purchasing arrangements between the various Wholesale*. 

5. That there should be a Central Bureau of Statistics, which would collect all informa- 
tion about what goods each Wholesale needed or could supply. 

At the meeting of this International Committee of Whole- 
sales at the Hague, in October, 1920, further developments 
were considered ; and proposals from each C.W.S. represented, 
after passing through a Sub-Committee, are to be discussed 
at the next meeting at Copenhagen in April, 1921. We are 
thus within sight of the peoples of the world trading together 
on a non-profit-making basis. Through an International C.W.S. 
profits would be eliminated, the surplus of trade would be pooled 
and divided among the different national Wholesales in pro- 
portion to their purchases. It may be noted in passing that 
mutual trade on this basis is essential if the power of Capitalism 
in each nation is to be destroyed. 

Problems of International Co-operation. The beginning of 
such a revolution in our methods of Industry, Trade and 
Finance gives rise naturally to various problems. Take the 
question of the control of sources of supplies. The necessity 
of freeing themselves from the clutch of capitalism, and of being 
able to keep down prices for their members, has led the C.W.S. 


to purchase wheat fields in Canada, tea estates in Ceylon and 
India and concessions in South Africa. But with the develop- 
ment of Co-operation in every country, on which International 
Co-operative Trade depends, it is clear that the right line of 
advance will be for the Co-operators in each country to aim 
at the control of their own raw supplies and to link up in an 
International Wholesale and organise mutual exchange. And 
Co-operative control of national raw supplies is practically 
impossible unless there is a co-operative world market in which 
to dispose of them. This problem opens up two others : 

1. What is to be the method in which Co-operative ideals are 
to be applied to Agriculture, and how is Agricultural Co-opera- 
tion to be related to Consumers' Co-operation ? 

As regards Agriculture, the problem is at present unsolved 
and call, for the immediate attention of Co-operators. Co- 
operation in Agriculture has mostly taken the form of Producers' 
Associations, which still produce for profit and not for use. 
Hitherto attempts by Consumers' Associations have only been 
moderately successful and do not show signs of rapid develop- 
ments. The hostility between agricultural and town populations 
in Eastern Europe, shows the importance of this question, and 
the question of the international co-operative supply of food 
cannot be solved without dealing with it. 

2. The second question is what policy are Co-operators going 
to adopt towards Native Races ? 

The painful and customary exploitation of Native Races 
would be greatly lessened by the introduction of Co-operation 
amongst them. Nor is this so impossible as some might think 
at first. A Co-operative system is one specially suited to them, 
owing to their native customs. In India, Co-operation is 
gaining ground, and in Madras, special encouragement is given 
by the Governor and other public men to the formation of 
societies amongst the coolies and natives. 

In the West Indies there is a British Guiana Industrial Trading 
Company, which is directed entirely by negroes. It nas opened 
a bakery and clothing store, and deals in cattle and vegetables. 
The shares are a dollar each. There is also a Society in Jamaica, 
affiliated to our C.W.S., which manufactures preserves, boots 
and bread, and intends to start a paper. Egypt is showing 
similar delevopments. 

It appears that our co-operative policy should be directly 
to encourage native Societies, and make our transactions through 
them, giving better terms than capitalist enterprises, until 
Wholesale federations grow up capable of entering the 
International C.W.S, 


Relation of Co-operation to the State. But below all these 
problems which arise in the course of progress, is the great 
fundamental one as to what the relation of Co-operation should 
and will be to the States in the different countries. For this 
will not only greatly modify national developments but also 
affect International Co-operation. 

At the present time, we are seeing a great variety of relation- 
ships being worked out, largely conditioned by the particular 
position in which countries have been placed as the result of 
the war. Before the war, in most countries there was little 
connection between Co-operative Movements and Governments. 
In some countries, the overthrow of monarchies has led to either 
complete identification as in Russia, or to close partnership 
as in Austria and Georgia. In other countries such as Italy, 
France, Holland and Greece, Co-operation has been recognised 
as a valuable ally. Great Britain is almost the only country 
in which the Government is so embedded in Capitalism and 
leagued with vested interests that, while using the Movement in 
some directions for its own advantage, it adopted methods which 
checked co-operative progress. 

It will perhaps be interesting to summarise shortly the position 
of the Movements and their connection with the State in the 
countries mentioned above. It is possible to learn something 
from all, and undoubtedly we should do well not to consider 
that any country (especially our own) is necessarily endowed 
with the whole truth and must therefore impose it on others in 
spite of differences in race, country, and tradition. 

RUSSIA. Under the Soviet Government, the Movement 
works under State control. Each area has been formed into a 
Co-operative Commune (now called Society) the membership 
of which is compulsory. These Societies elect their own Manage- 
ment, but the State and local Authorities are represented, 
with the right of veto. The franchise is the same as the political 
franchise. All Co-operative Societies of every kind are federated 
in the Moscow Centrosojus, to which the Government appoints 
ten members ?nd eight are elected. 

The shares of the individual members have been re-paid to 
them, their value being very small owing to the depreciated 
currency. The Movement is now financed by State Funds. 
The great Moscow Narodny Bank has been nationalised, though 
some Home Rule is allowed. The factories have been taken 
over by the Government. The educational work has been 
linked up with the State Education Department, but much is 
left in the hands of the Co-operative Societies. 

This practical absorption of the Movement at the present 


time has been largely due to the situation created by the war, 
the blockade, the necessity of strict rationing, the abolition 
of profit-making trade and the fact that Co-operation only 
covered one-third of the population. As condition- become 
normal, it is quite conceivable that the Movement may become 
more independent of the political State. 

AUSTRIA. In Austria the Co-operative Movement has been 
largely used by the Socialist forces in the Government as the 
instrument of socialisation. 

It was recognised that, while the State must promote the 
necessary legislation for socialising industry and contribute 
the necessary financial support, it was not the appropriate 
body actually to conduct industry. The Socialisation law of 
1919 therefore provided for the setting up of what we might 
term Public Utility Undertakings, which could be founded 
either by the State, a Provincial Council or a Municipality, 
and whose governing body had to include representatives of the 
employees and the consumer?. The law provides for the divi- 
sion of profits between the founding body and the employees. 

In practice the Co-operative Wholesale Societies, both 
Consumers' and Agricultural, have been associated with the 
State as founding bodies of the most important undertakings 
set up under this law, and the actual control of these under- 
takings is in the hands of the Co-operative organisations. Thus 
an association has been formed by the State and the two Whole- 
sales to carry on cotton manufacture. The State supplies 
part of the capital and has its share of representation, but the 
management is in the hands of the Wholesales which have the 
first claim to all products, the rest being sold through other 
public bodies. A similar organisation has been formed in the 
boot and leather industry, the business again being actually 
managed by the Wholesale through which all products are sold. 

The political effects of working through the Co-operative 
organisation are likely to prove of great importance. For 
the peasants, who were opposed to socialisation and would 
have been antagonised by a State system, are being uncon- 
sciously involved in Socialist enterprises in the success of which 
their own Agricultural Wholesale is interested. 

GEORGIA. Since the autonomy of Georgia, the Government 
desires to conduct its industry and trade through the Co-opera- 
tive Movement. Municipalities have gradually begun to entrust 
the distribution of food to the Co-operative Societies, e.g., in 
Tiflis the Co-operative Society does the whole supply and 
distribution of food. 


FRANCE. During the war, the Co-operative Movement 
was largely used by the Government. The Paris Union of 
Societies was entrusted by the Municipality with the sale of 
frozen meat, coal and potatoes, and by the Minister of Munitions 
with the establishment of Co-operative Canteens. The growing 
strength of the French Movement is shown by the recognition 
which it has since secured from the Government. In 1919, 
for instance, a sum of twenty-five million francs was voted for 
the development of co-operative restaurants under the National 
Federation of Co-operative Societies. 

HOLLAND. The Government gave a credit of five million 
guilders (^416,500) to be administered by the Dutch Wholesale 
for the assistance of Societies which were in difficulties owing 
to the maximum prices and high wages operating during the war. 

GREECE. The most remarkable Government recognition 
of co-operation has occurred in Greece. Instead of persecuting 
or neglecting Co-operation, the Greek Government passed a law 
in 1914 which makes it punishable for capitalists or other persons 
to damage a Co-operative Society in any way, and gives special 
privileges to Co-operative Societies, e.g., exemption from taxation, 
free postage, right of delivery of produce to State or commune 
without contract, and premiums to schoolmasters and others 
for forming Co-operative Societies. The result of the law has 
been that at the end of 1918 in four years there were 917 
Societies of every kind, in a population of less than 5,000,000 
with 45,000 members and ^120,000 share capital. Of these 
Societies, ninety-seven are urban, 820 agricultural including 
those for the sale of raisins which it is proposed to join into 
a central union that one day may take the place of the present 
subsidised joint-stock company. In 1917, the Department 
of Agriculture guaranteed a credit to the amount of 25,000, 
j9,ooo of which went to Co-operative Societies. 

ITALY. The Movement was very largely used by the Italian 
Government during the war, as a consequence of which certain 
special groups of Unions of Societies, in addition to the above 
have been established by royal decree. These are, according 
to an article which appeared in the International Bulletin : 

1. Institute for exchange of goods with foreign countries. Its operations have already 
resulted in a trade of several thousand million lire. This organisation is destined to become 
the official instrument for establishing trading relations with the Co-operative Movement 
in foreign countries. 

2. The Union (Consorzio) for the importation of bacon and salted meat. It has a capital 
of ten million lire. To this Union, in its capacity as a collaborator of the Ministry of Food, 
the Government accords special powers and facilities. 

3. The " Consorzio " originally under the control of the Ministry of War, for the admin- 
istration of the large establishment Casaralta, for the preservation of meat and tinned foods. 


4. The " Consorzio " for the utilisation of war material. The rules of this organisation 
re to be amended so as to enable it to undertake wholesale trade on an extensive scale, 
in the matter of imported materials for building purposes, and to supply the requirements 
of the co-operative productive and labour societies. 

5. The institute for the supply of freezing apparatus at Naples, which has warehouses 
for the preservation of agricultural produce. 

6. The " Consorzio " of metallurgical Co-operative societies which manages establish- 
ments and arsenals. It also undertakes the construction and supply of rolling stock (for 
the Ministry of Transport) and the building of ships for Naval Ministry 

The War Office has handed over by deed of concession, exten- 
sive pork-packing works, which turn out millions of lire's worth 
yearly, and employ many thousands of workers. A great 
State owned Steel Works has been banded over to the National 
Union of Metal Workers' Co-operative Society, together with a 
large stock of steel and timber. Many other negotiations for 
the acquisition of works are taking place. 

It is clear that as countries become more and more socialised, 
Co-operation will take on varied forms and it will be essential 
to insist on the right of every country to adopt its own form 
of organisation and none must be shut out from International 

Socialisation through Co-operation. The interdependence 
of nations in modern times has been strikingly brought home 
by the effects of war. No country can continue its industry 
if the channels of trade are blocked. Therefore in process 
of socialising Industry, it is necessary to socialise Trade, other- 
wise any country which is socialising its industry may have its 
supplies cut off by the action of capitalist countries. It there- 
fore becomes an immediate question for socialists to consider 
the best means of socialising Trade. 

There are serious arguments against placing Trade in the hands 
of Governments. It is the fundamental characteristic of 
Governments that they embody the separatist nationalist 
spirit, which is out of harmony with the idea of trade as mutual 
exchange for reciprocal advantage, out of which neither buyer 
nor seller should make profit. Even a Socialist Government in 
a transitional period would be subject to the pressure of both 
capitalists and workers to control trade in the interests of 
particular industries. 

Further, it would be impossible for States with different 
forms of economic organisation some socialist and some 
capitalist to enter into mutual agreements in which profits 
would be abolished and trading surpluses pooled. 

On the other hand, in the Co-operative Movements of different 
countries the machinery is already in existence for carrying on 
Trade, and therefore offers an opportunity for the socialisation 


of Industry and Trade independently of the State, on non-profit- 
making lines. The fact that the Co-operative Movements 
represent the consumers, whose interests over-ride national 
boundaries, allows the spirit of internationalism freer play than 
it would have in Government controlled trade. 

The policy of Socialist and Labour Governments should 
therefore be (i) to utilise the Co-operative machinery to the 
utmost for the socialisation of industry, (2) to give the fullest 
financial and administrative assistance to international co-opera- 
tive trade, and (3) to adopt a colonial policy of building up a 
native system of agriculture and industry on co-operative lines. 

The effect of International Co-operative Trade would be as 
M. Charles Gide says " that the absorbing desire to exclude 
foreign goods from a home market and to supplant foreign 
trade on its own market with a view to profit would disappear. 
In its place the sole pre-occupation would be to organise world 
production as economically as possible, and utilise the resources 
of the globe and the aptitudes of each nation in the best interests 
of all." 


Fay, C. K. : Co-operation at home and abroad. King. 1920. 

Smith-Gordon, L., and O'Brien, C. : Co-operation in Many Lands. Co-operative Union. 


The People's Year Book. Co-operative Wholesale Society. 

The Year Book of International Co-operation. International Co-operative Alliance. 
International Co-operative Congress Reports. International Co-operative Alliance. 
International Co-operative Bulletin (monthly). International Co-operative Alliance. 




CONSTITUTION : The executive authority is vested in a President elected indirectly for 
six years ; the legislative body is a National Congress, consisting of a Senate of thirty in- 
directly elected members, and a House of Deputies of 120 members elected directly for four 
years, and renewable, half at a time, every two years. 

ECONOMIC: Area : 1,153,119 square miles Population (1918) : 8,279,159. Occupations: 
the chief are agriculture, stock-raising, and trades connected with the preparation of live- 
stock products. In 1914 there were 35,093 factories employing 383,706 workers (about 
4.63 per cent, of population). 

The large foreign control of capital in the Argentine in the 
past has led to a conscious and militant labour movement, which 
has expressed itself more on the industrial than on the political 

The Socialist Party was founded in 1896, and by 1914 had 40,000 
votes, with nine Deputies. In 1916 this rose to 60,000 and 
fourteen Deputies ; but in 1920 the number fell to eight. At 
the last Congress at Bahia Blanca in January, 1921, the Party 
is reported to have decided to leave the Second International, 
but to have rejected affiliation to the Ihird International by 
5,013 to 3,656 votes. 

The Federation Obrera Regional Argentina, or Argentine 
Federation of Labour, was founded in 1901 as a national trade 
union organisation independent of political parties. 

In 1902 however, the Socialist elements within the organisation 
broke away to form the General Union of Labour ; and in 1909 
this new body, after a vain attempt at unity with the old, 
proclaimed itself a rival Confederation of Labour. There are 
thus two federations with a similar name ; but the older 
organisation is the more important. 

The original Federation, after a period of domination by the 
anarchist communists, followed by the general strike of 1910, 
when martial law was declared for six months, and severe repres- 
sion exercised against the whole labour movement, in 1914 
declared its desire to unite all labour elements and disassociate 
itself from any special party or doctrine. Thereafter it grew in 

315 15 


strength and aggressiveness ; until in 1917 a general strike led 
to virtual civil war in Buenos Aires, the number of killed and 
wounded being estimated at seven hundred ; the Federation was 
able to compel the Government to negotiate with it, and to 
concede the release of all prisoners and the recognition of the 
unions. Since then strikes have been continuous, the most 
notable being the maritime strike of 1920. In 1920 the Federa- 
tion consisted of 70,000 members. Other unions and federations 
included about 40,000 members. 

The Workers' Co-operative Society (El Hogar Obrero Cooperative) 
is the principal co-operative organisation ; it covers credit 
building and distribution ; but its size is small, the total turn- 
over in 1919 being 520,022 dollars (about ^100,000). A National 
Co-operative Convention in November, 1020, representing 13,722 
members, established a national Wholesale and an Educational 


CONSTITUTION : The Armenian Republic of Erivan was constituted in May, 1918. In 
June, 1919, a Chamber of eighty Deputies was elected by universal suffrage. In December, 
1920, a Soviet Republic was formed. 

The Armenian Socialist Revolutionary Party Dashnakzutiun 
(the Federation) is a nationalist socialist movement which 
was started in 1890 and obtained representation on the Inter- 
national Socialist Bureau in 1907. It was the organ of the armed 
struggle against the Turks ; and the party formed the Government 
in the New Republic of Armenia, obtaining 95 per cent, of the 
representation in the Chamber of Deputies. The Social Democratic 
Party, which was at first alone admitted by the International 
Socialist Bureau, only had a membership of a few thousands. 
Following on the Turkish offensive of the autumn of 1920, the 
Dashnak government collapsed, a new socialist government 
negotiated an agreement with Russia, and by the beginning of 
December a Soviet Republic was established. 


CONSTITUTION : A Federal Commonwealth of six States. The Federal Government 
consists of the Governor-General, representing the Crown, and a parliament of two houses, the 
Senate of thirty-six members elected by proportional representation from the six States 
voting as single constituencies, and the House of Representatives of seventy-five members, 
elected triennially on a population basis ; in each case the suffrage is universal.* Each 
State has its own legislation on a more or less similar structure. The Parties in the House of 
Representatives, as elected in December, 1919, are : Nationalists, 40 ; Labour, a6 ; Farmers, 
9 : in the Senate : Nationalists, 35 ; Labour, i. Labour Governments are in power in New 
South Wales and in Queensland. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 2,974,581 square miles. Population (1919 estimate) : 5,140,543,* or 
1.6 per square mile ; 49 per cent, is urban. Occupations : the 1911 census shows a " work- 
ing " population of 1,937,540, of whom 33.6 per cent, were professional, commercial or domestic 

* Excluding aborigines, who number 75,000 to 100,000. 


workers ; 30.3 per cent, were engaged in " primary production " (i.e., agriculture and pastoral 
work mainly, except about one-eighth engaged in mining), 29 per cent, were engaged in 
industry, and 8.1 per cent, in transport. These figures include employers ; the persons em- 
ployed in factories were returned in 1918 as 328,049. 

Organised labour began in Australia -with the formation of 
branches from parent Unions in Great Britain. By 1885 there 
were over 100 Unions with a membership of about 50,000. The 
disastrous failure of the great maritime strike of 1890 led to a 
reaction in favour of political methods and the formation of the 
Australian Labour Party in 1892. Since then Australian labour 
has been strongly political in character, working for socialistic 
legislation through Parliament. 

The Australian Labour Party, which was thus founded in 1892, 
speedily became the strongest political force in Australia. By 
1910 it had an absolute majority, with forty-two seats in the 
House of Representatives, against thirty-three for the Liberals 
(the name under which the old parties had combined against 

At the outbreak of war the Labour Party had reached a high 
level of power. Not only the Federal Government, but five of 
the six State Governments (the exception being Victoria) were 
in its hands. The Labour Government, under W. M. Hughes, 
immediately placed the resources of Australia at the disposal of 
the Empire. Socialist opposition was suppressed by the War 
Precautions Act, the equivalent of " Dora." Finally a crisis 
was reached by the attempted introduction of conscription in 
1916. The opposition in the Labour Party took definite form 
over this issue and succeeded in compelling a national referendum, 
which resulted in the defeat of conscription. The supporters 
of conscription included all the State Labour Governments 
except Queensland. Hughes and his supporters were now 
expelled from the Party, and coalesced with the Liberals to form 
a " Nationalist " Government, which bas since ruled Australia. 
The purged Labour Party has henceforth been in opposition 
under the leadership of Frank Tudor. In 1917 it adopted a 
resolution in favour of peace by negotiation, and in 1918 refused 
further co-operation in recruiting. The 1917 elections showed 
a drop to twenty-two seats against fifty-three for the Coalition ; 
in 1919 this was raised to twenty-six, but only one seat was held 
in the Senate. 

The programme of the Australian Labour Party combines 
nationalism with Socialism and social legislation. It stands, on 
the one hand, for the maintenance of a " White Australia," and 
was responsible for the introduction of the compulsory national 
defence laws by the Fisher Labour Government in 191 1-12. At the 
same time it places as its objective the achievement of a 


co-operative commonwealth with " collective ownership and 
democratic control of the collectively used agencies of production, 
distribution and exchange." Large measures of social reform, 
hours and wage regulation, workmen's compensation, pensions, 
etc., as well as considerable experiments in State enterprise, 
have been carried through by the various Labour Governments. 
The party stands for complete national autonomy and is opposed 
to imperial federation ; international co-operation in the labour 
movement is approved, but the party is not affiliated to either 

In its constitution the A.L.P. is a loose federation of the six 
State parties, each of which is practically independent. Each 
determines its own State policy, and sends delegates to a federal 
conference. The federal conference defines a federal platform 
and appoints a federal executive ; but the latter, since it meets 
infrequently and has no funds, has little power. The real 
strength lies in the regular support of the Trade Unions, who are 
affiliated separately in the various States. The Trade Unions 
also own most of the Labour Press. Thus the Australian Workers' 
Union owns the Australian Worker and the Queensland Worker, 
and is the principal shareholder in " Labour Papers, Ltd." 

Socialist Parties. Besides the A.L.P. there are a number of 
small Socialist societies in the various capitals and the big mining 
centres. Most of these are hostile to the A.L.P., though some, 
such as the Social Democratic Leagues in Sydney and Brisbane, 
and the Victorian Socialist Party, are tolerated by the A.L.P. 
and do not run candidates against it. No Unions are affiliated 
to any of these societies, and they have never secured the return 
of a member to Parliament. An attempt at fusion only began 
recently with the formation of an Australian Socialist Party on 
a Marxian basis. The Australian Labour Party expelled all 
those who participated in the formation of the Australian Socialist 
Party. Since then a further fusion has led to the Australian 
Communist Party, which was founded at the end of 1920, and is 
affiliated to the Third International. The A.S.P. has remained 
outside. The Socialist Labour Party (basis as in the United 
States and opposed to the Communists) has some influence in 
New South Wales, owing to the support of prominent Trade 
Union leaders. 

Industrial. Australian Trade Unionism is numerically strong, 
but weak in organisation. In 1919 there were 627,685 Trade 
Unionists, or 12.6 per cent, of the total population. On the 
other hand, there were 394 Unions, or an average of 1,590 
members per Union. In addition there is no central unifying 
body for Australian Trade Unionism. In the larger towns are 


Labour Councils, which secure a measure of co-ordination ; 
and sometimes these Labour Councils in a State capital, 
such as Sydney, receive affiliations from other parts of that 
State ; but even these Councils are seldom fully representative, 
and their function is deliberative and advisory, rather than 
executive. Some of the larger Unions, organised on a national 
or inter-state basis, are not affiliated to the Councils. The 
inter-State conferences, held at irregular intervals, are of 
similar character to the Councils. In 1913 an Inter-State 
Conference of Trades and Labour Councils adopted a scheme 
for a Grand Council of Labour to co-ordinate national activities ; 
but the war interrupted this. 

In recent years the One Big Union idea has come to play a 
large part in Australian Trade Unionism. The Industrial Worker s 
of the World had, of course, been organised in Australia for some 
years back ; in 1916 they were suppressed and their leaders 
imprisoned for alleged arson outrages in Sydney, on evidence 
subsequently impugned by a Government Commission ; since 
their suppression they have been reorganised as the Workers' 
International Industrial Union. This, however, has always 
been a small left-wing organisation of more propagandist than 
industrial importance. The One Big Union movement, on the 
other hand, has been a movement within the Trade Union 
organisations. In 1918 an Inter-State Union Conference was 
held, which approved a unification scheme on the One Big Union 
plan ; and the Workers' Industrial Union has since been formed 
to further this. However, despite progress in transport and 
mining, strong opposition has been met with from the old skilled 
Unions, and also from the very large Australian Workers' Union, 
which claims to embody the One Big Union principle itself. 

The first Australian Co-operative Congress was held at Sydney 
in Easter, 1920. The establishment of an Australian Co- 
operative Union was postponed to the next Congress. 


CONSTITUTION : The Republic of German Austria was proclaimed on November nth, 

1918. A National Constituent Assembly of one chamber was elected on February i6th, 

1919, on the basis of universal suffrage. The Constitution passed on October ist, 1920, 
provides for a National Assembly and a Federal Council of Delegates from the Provincial 
Diets, the latter body having only right of supervision and veto. The President of the 
Republic is elected at a joint meeting of the two bodies ; the Government is elected by the 
National Assembly. Elections for the Assembly were held on October i7th, 1920, with the 
following results : Christian Socialists, 82 ; Social Democrats, 66 ; Pan-German Union, 20 ; 
Farmers* Party, 6 ; Democratic Liberals, i. 

ECONOMIC: Area: The approximate area of the new Republic, including German Western 
Hungary, is 32,000 square miles. Population: According to the census taken on January 
3ist, 1920, about 6,400,000. The population of Vienna in 1914 was 2,140,000 ; in 1920 it 
was about 1,842,000. The remaining population is mainly engaged in agriculture, but the 


production of foodstuffs is not sufficient to meet the requirements of the nation. The other 
chief resources of the country are to be found in her forests and her water-power ; the latter 
has hitherto only been exploited to a limited extent. Trade : In the year ending July, 19*0, 
the weight of Austrian exports was 9,700,000 quintals, of imports 43,000,000 quintals. 
The excess of imports is explained by the fact that Austria is obliged to import more than 
four-fifths of her coal and more than two- thirds of her food. 

The first Austrian Socialist Party was formed in 1877, but was 
suppressed shortly afterwards. In spite of the dispersal of all 
political associations in 1885, Austrian Social-democrats succeeded 
in calling a Congress at Hainfeld in 1888, when the Austrian 
Social Democratic Labour Party was formed. Shortly after the 
second Congress held in Vienna in 1891, race conflicts arose 
within the Party, and by 1899 it had become necessary to re- 
organise it on a nationalist basis, making provision for six groups, 
German, Czech, Polish, Slovene, Ruthenian and Italian. From 
1900 to 1907 the Party was chiefly engaged in the fight for universal 
suffrage, which, after a threat of a general strike, was obtained 
in January, 1907. At the elections held in May of that year 
87 Socialists were elected out of a total of 516, the Socialist vote 
being 1,041,948, or nearly one-third of the total. The policy 
and action of the Party were modelled on those of the German 
Social Democratic Party. 

A protest was made by the Party against Austria's declaration 
of war on Serbia, but on the entry of Russia into the war it was 
decided to support the Government. At the Party Congress 
held on March 25th to 28th, 1916, the attitude of the Executive 
with respect to the war was endorsed. In spite of the severe 
repression of Socialist agitation, opposition to the Government 
policy increased steadily, the immediate convocation of Parlia- 
ment and the opening of peace negotiations in particular being 
demanded. The refusal of the Premier, Count Stuerghk, to 
attend a conference of all parties, called for the purpose of 
restoring constitutional government, led to his being shot and 
killed by the Socialist leader, Friedrich Adler. Three weeks 
later Parliament was convoked. During 1917 and 1918 the 
movement for peace became more and more pronounced, the 
general strike of January, 1918, being followed up in succeeding 
months by increased agitation and by mutinies and desertions 
among the troops. On November 3rd, 1918, the Emperor 
abdicated, and a provisional government was formed of all 
parties, with the Social Democrat, Dr. Karl Renner, as Premier. 
After the elections to the Constituent National Assembly, held 
in February, 1919, at which the Social-Democratic Party obtained 
sixty-nine seats, the Party formed a coalition government with 
the Christian Social Party. The coalition was, however, dis- 
solved after the elections of October I7th, 1920, when the Party 
decided not to participate in the Government. At the annual 


Congress held in November, 1920, the membership of the Party 
was stated to be 336,000, one-third being in Vienna. Nineteen 
papers are published, the chief being the Arbeiterzeitung, 
with a circulation of 105,000. The Party has withdrawn from 
the Second International, and took a leading part in the 
formation of the Vienna International. 

The Left Wing of the Party, forming 10 to 15 per cent, of the 
total membership, was expelled at the November Congress and 
formed a Socialist Labour Party, which proceeded immediately 
to take steps for amalgamation with the Communist Party. 
This was concluded at the Congress of the latter on January 24th, 
1921. The Austrian Communist Party was formed on November 
3rd, 1918, by a small group of left wing elements of the Social 
Democratic Party, being formally constituted at a conference in 
February, 1919. Its membership is stated to be 25,000, and it 
was claimed at the last Congress (1921) that one quarter of the 
militia were members of the Party, and that one-half of the 
regular troops were sympathisers. The chief organ is the Rote 
Fahne of Vienna. 

The organisation in their present form of the chief group of 
Austrian Trade Unions, the Social Democratic Unions, dates 
from 1889. A federal organisation, the Trade Union Commission, 
was formed in 1892, but the progress of the movement during 
the next twenty years was much impeded by racial conflicts. 
The break-up of the Empire after the war led to a friendly 
solution of the difficulty, and the membership of the Unions rose 
rapidly. At the end of 1919 there were fifty-five national unions 
affiliated to the Commission, with a combined membership of 
772,146, of whom 193,163 were women. The Commission works 
in close co-operation with the Social Democratic Party. The 
various Socialist organisations of Clerical Workers, numbering 
some 156,000 members, are represented on the Commission. 
There are also two organisations antagonistic to the Unions, 
namely the Christian Workers' Federation and the German 
National Trade Unions, but they are numerically insignificant. 

The first Workers' Councils came into existence in January, 

1918, and by the autumn of the same year a split into Social 
Democratic and Communist Councils had taken place, which has 
detracted from their subsequent effectiveness. On May 15th, 

1919, the Works Councils Act was passed, to which all undertakings 
other than agriculture are subject ; it provides for supervision 
of working conditions by the workers, right of representation on 
boards of directors, and inspection of balance sheets. 

The co-operative movement, like the Socialist and Trade Union 
movements, has made rapid progress since the disruption of 


the Empire, the membership in German- Austria alone exceeding 
the pre-war figure for the whole of Austria. The Central Union 
of German-Austrian Consumers' Societies comprised 112 con- 
sumers' societies at the end of 1919, with a total membership of 
370,866, as well as 17 building and dwelling societies, 17 productive 
and 4 credit societies, 4 regional federations, 3 purchasing federa- 
tions, i wholesale and i insurance. 


CONSTITUTION : A constitutional monarchy. Legislative power is vested in the king, 
the Senate and the Chamber of Representatives. The Senate consists of xao members elected 
for eight years, of whom twenty-seven are elected by the Provisional Councils. The Chamber 
of Representatives has 186 members elected for four years, one-half retiring every two years. 
The principle of proportional representation was introduced in 1899. The Executive 
Government consists of twelve departments. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 11,373 square miles. Population: (1917)7,642,054. More than half 
the area of the country is under cultivation. The most important industries are coal and 
iron mining, artificial silk, motor cars, iron and steel, glass, lace, linen and gloves. 113,767 
workers were employed hi mining in 1918. 

The Belgian Socialist Party was formed in 1880, and in 1885 
combined with several Trade Unions and Co-operative organisa- 
tions to form the Belgian Labour Party (Parti Ouvrier 
Beige}. From that date the Belgian Labour Party, with 
its threefold aspects, political, industrial and co-operative, 
has formed the classic example of unified labour organisation. 
On the political side the Party has concentrated its political 
activities on the demand for universal suffrage, for 
which object a general strike of 200,000 workers took place 
in 1893. A limited franchise was granted, and a Socialist 
poll of 345,959 votes was secured in the subsequent election. 
In 1913 the workers again struck for a further extension 
of the franchise, and secured a promise that the plural vote 
would be abolished. An exceptional electoral law was passed 
by the Coalition Government formed after the armistice, giving 
universal suffrage to men over twenty-one. In the elections of 
November, 1919, the Socialists polled 645,124 votes, increasing 
their members from forty to seventy. The number of Clerical 
(Conservative) members fell from ninety-nine to seventy-one, 
and for the first time the parties of the left were in the majority. 
The Party has always adopted a moderate policy, and at its first 
post-war Congress in December, 1918, gave complete support 
to the policy of the Government, and declared its opposition to 
the Soviet regime. At its last Congress, in November, 1920, a 
motion for withdrawal from the Second International, and 
affiliation to the Third, was rejected by 493,173 votes to 76,225 ; 
and a resolution in favour of continued participation in the 
government was carried by 447,000 votes to 122,000, with 3,000 


In opposition to the decisions of the 1918 Congress, a left wing 
section began to develop within the Party, headed by jaquemotte 
and his paper L'Exploitb. It is to-day showing a communist 

A Communist Party has recently been formed, and is gaining 
strength in the mining areas. Independent radical unions are 
being formed among the miners. 

The National Trade Union Commission is the industrial branch 
of the Belgian Labour Party, but contains also a number of 
independent Unions. Trade Union organisation was very weak 
until the last decade, partly because of the strong influence exerted 
by the Catholic Church on the workers. In 1909 a militant 
group succeeded in transforming the loose federations of unions 
into well-organised central national bodies. A large increase of 
membership was attained, and by 1914 reached 128,112. During 
the war period the trade unions were badly hit. Funds were 
depleted and members scattered in England and France, large 
numbers being unemployed. In November, 1918, the Trade Union 
Commission issued an appeal to the workers to organise for 
the work of reconstruction. Help was also solicited from 
the organised workers in other countries. The response from 
the workers was very successful and by 1920 the trade union 
membership had risen to 670,000. 

Belgian co-operation, which dates from 1873, is the corner- 
stone of the whole labour movement. The Federation of Belgian 
Co-operative Societies, which in 1912 numbered 205 Societies, 
with a collective membership of 170,748, and a total turnover of 
47 million francs, had in 1920 over 200,000 members with a 
total turnover of 242 million francs. At the Charleroi Congress 
in August, 1920, it was decided to separate the Co-operative 
Office, which conducts the non-commercial activities of the move- 
ment, from the Federation or trading union. 


CONSTITUTION : The United States of Brazil is a federation of twenty States with one 
national territory and one federal district. Executive power in the federal government is 
vested in the President, who appoints the members of his ministry. Legislative power is 
exercised by the National Congress, consisting of a Senate of sixty-three members, elected 
for nine years, one-third retiring every three years, and a Chamber of Deputies of 212 members 
elected triennially. Each State has an elective Republican government with wide powers 
independent of the federal government, but state laws must conform to the principles of the 
national constitution. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 3,275,510 square miles. Population (1917): 30,492,275. Mainly 
agricultural country; coffee is the chief export. In 1918 there were 11,335 factories em- 
ploying 151,841 workers, more than half being engaged in cotton weaving. 

Until recently the labour movement in Brazil was confined almost 
exclusively to the immigrant " colonies " of German and Italian 
workers in Rio de Janeiro, Bahia and Sao Paulo, who published 


a labour daily in Italian, and a weekly in German. In 1916 the 
native Portuguese formed a Socialist Party in Sao Paulo and 
issued a weekly paper. In 1917 it contained 3,000 members. 
In 1919 a Communist Party was formed, which is affiliated to 
the Third International. 

Details of the extent and organisation of trade unionism are 
not available. A number of strikes occurred in 1919 and 1920, 
which were vigorously repressed by the government. 


CONSTITUTION: A monarchy, with legislative power vested in a National Assembly 
(Sdbranje) of one chamber elected by universal manhood suffrage. Parties (elected March, 
1930) : Agrarian, 112 ; Communists, 50 ; Social Democrats, 9 ; Democrats, 29 ; other 
parties, 36. 

ECONOMIC : Area (estimated) : 71,000 square miles. Population (estimated) . 4,075,000. 
Agriculture occupies over half the population. 

The Social Democratic Labour Party of Bulgaria was founded 
in 1894, and in 1903 divided into two sections, the Broad Socialists 
who were opportunist and formed the majority up to the war, 
and the Narrow Socialists who were a revolutionary Marxian 
body. Socialist representation in the Sobranj e was first successful 
in 1913, when thirty-seven deputies were returned. The Broad 
Socialists supported the war, and prominent members of their 
party entered the Ministry. The Narrow Socialists opposed the 
war, their deputies voted against the war-credits, and the party 
was subjected to severe persecution. The result after the war 
was an immense accession of strength to the Narrow Socialists, 
who became the Communist Party in 1919, and the virtual 
eclipsing of the Broad Socialists, who continue as the Social 
Democratic Labour Party. The Communist Party, led by Kirkov, 
has a membership of 40,000 as against 5,000 before the war ; 
it has fifty deputies as compared with ten in the beginning of 
1919, with a vote of 182,000, constituting it the second party in 
the Chamber. The Social Democratic Labour Party, led by 
Sakasov, has a membership of 18,000, and nine deputies as 
contrasted with forty-six in the beginning of 1919. It left the 
Second International in 1919, but has rejected the Third. 

Trade Union organisation is divided on the same lines as the 
political movement. Before the Balkan wars, the General 
Federation of Trade Unions, working with the Broad Socialists, 
had 8,500 members ; and the Free Trade Union Federation, 
representing the left wing, had 4,800 members. There were 
also 14,000 public employees in a non-political union. To-day 
the Communists claim 40,000 trade unionists ; and the Social 
Democrats 28,000. 

The Central Co-operative (Wholesale) Society unites about 160 
societies with 100,000 members. 



CONSTITUTION : The- government of the Dominion of Canada is vested in a Governor 
General, representing the Crown, and a King's Privy Council, or Ministry, responsible to a 
Parliament of two Houses : the Senate, consisting of appointed life members, with a property 
qualification ; and the House of Commons, consisting of elected members on a franchise 
determined separately by each of the nine Provinces. Each Province has its separate Legis- 
lative Assembly or Governor. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 3,603,910 square miles. Population (1911): 7,206,643, of whom 
3,280,964 were given as urban. Occupations : The 1911 return showed 710,681 farm holdings , 
of which 138,920 were above two hundred acres. In addition, the lumber industry, fisheries 
and mining are all important. Manufactures are a more recent development, and in 1917 
showed 674,910 employees. 

Labour organisation in Canada is closely associated with the 
United States. Most of the trade unions form part of the American 
Federation of Labour, and even the recent break-away of the 
One Big Union extended to the United States as well as Canada. 
Political development is only beginning. 

The Trades and Labour Congress. At the end of 1919 there 
were 378,047 trade unionists, of whom 260,247 were in " inter- 
national " unions (i.e., unions with their headquarters in the 
United States, except for two British Unions, the Amalgamated 
Society of Carpenters and Joiners, and the Amalgamated 
Engin eering Union) . The ma j ority of these unions are members of 
the American Federation of Labour, and the Dominion Trades 
and Labour Congress, which is the main central body of Canadian 
trade unionism, and numbered 173,463 members in 1920, is 
recognised by the A. F. of L., and subordinate to it. Thus the 
Congress has no control over industrial policy, and is in reality 
only a debating ground for the Canadian unionists. The real 
power lies in the international headquarters in the United States. 
As a nationalist movement against this the Canadian Federation 
of Labour was formed in 1902, but had only 5,000 members in 

Outside the " international " unions movement are the Catholic 
Unions in Quebec, with a membership in 1919 of 35,000. 

The One Big Union. In addition to the A. F. of L. and the 
international unions included in it or outside it, the Industrial 
Workers of the World from the first included Canada in their 
operations and in 1911 claimed a membership of 10,000 in Canada. 
This fell to a few hundreds at the beginning of the war, and in 
September, 1918, they were suppressed by Order in Council. 
At the same time a new movement began to develop in Western 
Canada, wheie the unions were more radical in character, and 
expressed discontent with the conservative official policy of the 
Congress leaders. This discontent came to a head at the 
Quebec Congress in the autumn of 1918, and in the spring of 1919 
the British Columbia Federation of Labour, the largest of the 
provincial federations, decided to secede and form a " One Big 


Union " organisation on an industrial basis. The inter-union 
Conference at Calgary in March, 1919, led to wide support, and 
after a referendum the One Big Union was launched and received 
the adhesion of a very large proportion of the Western organisa- 
tions. The Winnipeg general strike of May, 1919, although not 
directly connected, called general attention to the new movement. 
By the end of 1919 the O.B.U. had 41,150 members in Canada, 
besides extending slightly to the United States. In 1920, 
70,000 members were claimed. 

Political Beginnings. Early socialism in Canada formed part 
of the American Socialist Labour Party. During the nineties 
separate organisations developed, and in 1905 these united and 
formed the Socialist Party of Canada, a revolutionary socialist 
body whose main strength is in the West. The Socialist Party 
refused in 1909 to join the Second International on account of 
the affiliation of the British and Australian Labour Parties ; 
it is to-day not affiliated to either International. In 1911 the 
Social Democratic Party was formed, and affiliated to the Inter- 
national ; but in 1918 it was suppressed along with the branches 
of the S.L.P., and other left-wing organisations. 

The political movement of the trade unions has begun to 
develop in recent years. As far back as 1900 the Dominion 
Congress had decided in favour of independent political action, 
but it was not till 1917 that the Congress definitely instructed the 
Executive to take steps to build up a Dominion Labour Party. 
Labour Parties or Independent Labour Parties have now been 
formed in every province except one ; and in some have gained 
initial successes, notably in Ontario, where in 1919, eleven 
Labour members were returned out of a total of sixty-six, and 
a coalition Farmer-Labour Government was formed with two 
labour ministers. In the Dominion elections of 1917, however, 
no candidate was returned, but in 1920, as a result of a bye-election 
in Ontario, one Labour member was returned to the Canadian 
House of Commons. 

The Co-operative Union of Canada was organised in 1909, and 
at the end of 1919 contained twenty-one societies, of which fifteen 
were distributive societies, with an aggregate membership of 


CONSTITUTION : Republic ; executive power vested in the President chosen by indirect 
election for five years. Legislative power vested in the National Congress, consisting of a 
Senate of thirty-seven members elected every six years, and a Chamber of Deputies of 118 
members elected every three years. 

ECONOMIC : Population (1918) : 3,945,538. Agriculture and mining are the chief occu- 
pations. In 19 17, manufacturing establishments numbered 7,982, employing 74,943 workers. 

A Democratic Workers' Party was formed in 1887 to promote 
workers' representation in Parliament. In 1906 six candidates 


were returned, the Labour vote being 18,000. A Socialist Labour 
Party was formed in 1912, and held its first national congress in 
1915. It is affiliated to the Second International. 

In 1910 there were 433 local labour unions, with a membership 
of 65,000 ; increased to 547 with 92,000 members by 1914. 
Many of these are friendly and benefit societies. The number of 
real trade unionists was estimated at 18,000 in 1918. Strikes 
were frequent in 1917 and 1918, and in August, 1919, there was 
a general strike for one day, and mass meetings were held to 
demand food control, increased wages, etc. A branch of the 
Industrial Workers of the World was formed then, but was 
suppressed by the Government in August, 1920. Labour con- 
ditions are generally bad. 


CONSTITUTION : A Republic since 1912. The Central Government in Pekln is composed 
of a President, and a legislature consisting of a Senate (Tsan Yi Yuan) of 364 members and a 
House of Representatives (Chong Yi Yuan) of 596 members ; but the authority of the Central 
Government does not in practice extend over the country. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 3,913,560 square miles. Population (estimate for 1918) : 440,000,000* 
Agriculture on an intensive scale is the predominant occupation : the land is freehold, held 
by families on the payment of an annual tax. Industry is still mainly in the household 
and handicraft stage : in recent years, however, the cotton, woollen, sugar and milling 
industries have been developed along modern industrial lines; they are concentrated in 
Shanghai, Pekin and Canton. Ironworks and coal and other mining are also rapidly develop- 
ing. The number of factory workers is returned at 663,400, of whom 355,000 are women. 

Socialist organisation began in China in 1911, when the 
Socialist Party of China (Shih Hui Tong) was founded. At first 
the Revolution of 1911 led to the rapid spread of socialist ideas. 
Sun Yat Sen, the original leader of the revolution, was 
favourable ; and there was a rapid growth in membership, and in 
the number of socialist representatives and periodicals. But the 
later militarist phases of the Revolution under Yuan Shih Kai led 
to suppression. In 1913 the Socialist Party was declared illegal, 
and its leaders imprisoned or executed. Successive attempts 
at re-organisation met with forcible dissolution. After the 
separation of the Southern Government, which represented the 
old Parliament, socialist organisation was re-started with Canton 
as the basis. The present centre of the movement is Shanghai. 

Trade Union organisation began with the Revolution in 1911, 
and has become marked since 1919 in Shanghai and the ports, 
but organisation is still chaotic. The centie of the " All-China 
Federation of Trade Unions " is Shanghai. The normal hours 
of factory workers range from eight to fifteen ; twelve is the 
average in the cotton spinning industry. 


CONSTITUTION : The independence of Czecho-Slovakia was proclaimed on October 28th, 
1918. The Constitution, which was voted on February 29th, 1920, provides for a President 
to be elected for seven years by the National Assembly, or legislative body, consisting of two 
Chambers : a Senate of 150 members over forty-five years of age, elected for eight years by all 
citizens over twenty-one years of age, and a Chamber of Deputies of 300 members over twenty- 
five years of age, elected for six years, by all citizens over twenty-one years of age, in each case 
the election being oa a system of proportional representation. Parties (December, 1920), 
Czech Social Democrats, 52 ; Czech Left Socialists, 22 ; German and Hungarian Social 
Democrats (including Communists) 35 ; National Socialists, 31 ; Agrarians, 59 ; mis- 
cellaneous, 86. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 56,316 square miles. Population (1910): 13,914,336. Occupations: 
Agriculture, 3,489,289 ; Industries, 4,048,561 ; Commerce, 1,258,783 ; Civil Service, etc., 

The Czecho-Slovak Social Democratic Party, which claims to 
date back to 1863, has developed very rapidly since the formation 
of the Republic. In 1920 it had a membership of half a million, 
one-third being women. At the last general election (April, 1920) 
the Party obtained 34 per cent, of the total Czech vote, and 
74 deputies, and in the municipal elections (June, 1920) 30,000 
representatives. The Social Democrats formed since 1919 a 
Coalition Ministry with the National Socialists, the Agrarians 
and others, under the Social Democrat Tusar as Premier. Left- 
wing opposition to this coalition developed, and in September, 
1920, the Social Democratic Ministers resigned in order to meet 
the Party Congress fixed for that month. To give time for a 
campaign, the executive postponed the Congress. The left-wing, 
claiming to have a majority of the delegates for the Congress, 
proclaimed the holding of the Congress on the original date, and 
seized the Party headquarters at Prague, and the Party organ, 
the Pravo Lidu. The Executive appealed to the police to 
establish their rights, and held their Congress (for which delegates 
were required previously to repudiate the Third International) 
in November. The left-wing replied with a general strike in 
December, which led to a temporary regime of Soviets in the 
Kladno district, and was finally suppressed with violence, 1,200 
Communists being arrested. In February, 1921, the left-wing 
in Slovakia held a Congress at Lubochno, which formed the 
Slovak Communist Party. The new party announced its intention 
of unity with the Czech left-wing as soon as the latter had accepted 
the Third International at its Congress in May. 

The German Social Democratic Party in Czecho-Slovakia was 
originally a group of the Austrian Social Democratic Party (see 
Austria), with a membership of 50,000 in 1914. By 1920 it had 
a membership of 240,000, with thirty-one deputies, and at its 
Congress in October cast a two-thirds vote for unity and adhesion 
to the Second International. The left-wing, known as the 
Reichenberg group, refused to accept this decision and called for 


a special Congress in March to consider the Third International ; 
the Executive refused and declared its intention of severing all 
relations with the Reichenberg group. The latter organised a 
Congress in March, 1921, which formed the German-Bohemian 
Communist Party, with 18,000 members and three deputies. 

The Federation of Czecho-Slovak Trade Unions (Odborovb 
Sdvuzeni Ceskoslovenskt) was formed as a separate entity in 1897, 
upon the refusal of the Federation of Austrian Trade Unions 
to grant the Czech Unions within its organisation autonomy. It 
was not recognised by the Trade Union International till 1910. 
In 1913 the Federation had a membership of 104,574. Owing to 
war conditions the membership had dropped by 1916, to 23,932. 
Since the proclamation of the Republic, however, a rapid develop- 
ment has taken place, and for 1920 a membership of 727,055 is 
reported, of whom twenty-eight per cent, are women. 

The Federation of German Trade Unions in Czecho-Slovakia 
(Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund in der Tschechoslowakischen 
Republik) was organised in May, 1919, on an industrial basis. 
By March, 1920, there were twenty- three affiliated unions, with 
a membership of 352,000. At the first Congress, held at Teplitz 
July, 1920, a membership of 360,000 was reported. Sixty per cent, 
of the members are affiliated to the German Social Democratic 
Party of Czecho-Slovakia. 

Co-operative. The Central Union of Czecho-Slovak Co-operative 
Societies in Prague has developed from a membership of 71,540 
in 285 societies in 1914, to 500,000 in 12,000 societies in 1920. 
In addition there were over 200,000 members of German 
Distributive Co-operative Societies. 


CONSTITUTION : Constitutional monarchy, the executive power being vested in the King 
and his responsible ministers, the right of making and amending laws in the Rigsdag, acting 
in conjunction with the King. The Rigsdag is composed of two chambers, the Folketing, a 
Chamber of Deputies, and the Landstingj a Senate. The former consists of 140 members, 
elected on a system combining proportional representation with so-called supplementary 
mandates : the latter of 72 members elected indirectly on the proportional system. 

ECONOMIC : Area: 15,582 square miles, to which should be added North Slesvig and a 
portion of Central Slesvig, as the result of the plebiscite of March, 1920. Population: 
2,921,362 in 1916. Production : Approximately half the population is dependent on 
agriculture, which is very highly developed. Eighty per cent, of the total area is productive, 
the land is greatly sub-divided, and co-operation is wide-spread. The number of persons 
employed in factories and workshops in May, 1914, was 346,000. 

The Danish Labour movement began with the formation of 
a section of the First International in 1871, which was, however, 
soon suppressed. This section was sub-divided according to 
trades, which after the suppression formed trade unions. It 
was later decided to delegate the political functions of these 
organisations to separate bodies, which united to form in 1878 


the Social Democratic Federation. The very close relationship 
subsisting between the two types of organisations had been main- 
tained throughout, and was recently illustrated on the occasion 
of the threatened general strike of April, 1920. The Federation 
had a membership at the end of 1919 of 115,000, of whom 30,297 
were women ; it publishes fifty-six daily papers, the chief being 
Social Demokraten of Copenhagen. At the elections held 
in September, 1920, the Party obtained forty-eight seats in the 
Folketing, and twenty-two in the Landsting. In October, 1916, 
at the time of the sale of the Danish West Indies to the United 
States, a party convention decided to support the Liberal govern- 
ment and the leader of the Party, Stauning, joined the Cabinet. 
The Coalition was maintained until the fall of the Government at 
the end of March, 1920. The Danish Social Democratic Party 
is affiliated to the Second International. 

The Danish Communist Party was formally constituted in 
November, 1919, out of the various left-wing bodies that had 
broken off from the official Socialist organisations. It has forty- 
five branches, with some thousands of members, and publishes 
a daily : Arbejdet. 

The Danish Federation of Trade Unions was founded in 1898. 
It now comprises fifty-seven unions with an aggregate membership 
at the end of 1919 of 277,392. The organ of the Federation is 
Arbejderen. There is also an Association of Free Trade 
Unions, formed of unions that have seceded from the Federation 
and are mostly syndicalist in character. The number of organised 
workers outside the Federation is 82,624. Both organisations 
took part in the general strike movement of April, 1920, brought 
about in part by the political situation, in part by the expiry of 
numerous collective agreements and the declaration of a general 
lock-out by the Employers' Association. The demands of the 
workers for electoral reform, the calling of the Rigsdag, the 
prolongation of the agreements and political amnesty were all 

Co-operative. The number of distributive societies in 1919 
was 1,691, with an aggregate membership of 316,846, of whom 
seventy per cent, belong to the Danish Wholesale Society. The 
Danish Co-operative Bank has over one hundred branches, and 
its total turnover in 1919 was 8,000 million kroner. 


CONSTITUTION : Esthonia proclaimed her independence in February, 1918, was recognised 
de facto by the Allies in May, 1918, and de jure in J anuary, 1941. The present Government 
is provisional, power being vested in a Constituent Assembly of 120 members. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 23,160 square miles. Population: 1,750,000. Agriculture is the 
chief occupation ; the large landed estates are now .being broken up under the Agrarian 
Reform Act. 


The beginnings of Esthonian Labour organisation are part 
of the general Russian revolutionary movement. Since the 
proclamation of Esthonian independence the strongest Socialist 
party has been the Social Democratic Party (Menshevik). This 
formed part of the Coalition Government until July, 1920, and 
at the last Constituent Assembly elections in May, 1920, received 
forty-one seats out of a total of 120. At the same election 
the more vaguely based Labour Party received thirty seats ; 
and these two parties together with the Liberals formed the 
Coalition Government. The Communist Party is illegal ; it 
has the backing of the Trade Unions, and unrest and suppression 
have been violent, especially during the summer of 1920, when 
repressive measures of such severity were employed (described 
by the "Morning Post" as " draconic ") that the Socialist 
ministers resigned from the government. 

The Trade Unions have from the first suffered from govern- 
ment persecution. In May, 1919, the Executive of the Reval 
Council was arrested. In August, 1919, the First Trade Union 
Congress, representing 30,000 members, was held, and adopted 
the platform of the Third International ; the leading delegates 
were arrested and shot. The Trade Union movement continues 
under difficulties. 


CONSTITUTION: The Independence of Finland was proclaimed in December, 1917 ; and 
by the Constitutional Law of June, 1919, Finland was proclaimed a Republic. The Parlia- 
ment consists of one Chamber of two hundred members elected every three years by universal 
suffrage on a system of proportional representation. The Parties returned at the last elections 
In March, 1919 are; Social Democrats, 80; Agrarians, 42 ; Finnish Coalition Party, 28 ; 
Finnish Progressive Party, 26 ; Socialist Party, 22 ; Christian Labour Party, 2. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 125,689 square miles. Population ,(1918): 3,329,146, of whom 
3,808,319 were rural. Agriculture is the chief occupation, and next to it comes the ex- 
ploitation of the forests which cover over half the country and are State property. The 
number of workers employed in large manufactures in 1916 was 109, goo. 

The Finnish Labour Movement is of recent growth, but has 
gone through successive stages of development more rapidly 
than any other country. The Labour Party of Finland was 
founded in 1899, and became the Social Democratic Party in 1903. 
The Trade Union Federation was not founded till 1907. 

The Finnish Socialist movement became the most highly 
organised in Europe. By 1906 it had 85,000 members, and at the 
first elections to the new Diet in 1907 it secured eighty deputies 
out of 200. By 1916 the Social Democratic Party had an absolute 
majority of 103 out of 200 deputies, and Tokoi became Premier 
at the head of a coalition government. 

When the Russian revolution took place, the Finnish Diet 
took advantage of its new liberty to pass socialistic legislation. 
Thereupon the Russian Provisional Government intervened with 



the tacit approval of the bourgeois parties and dissolved the 
Finnish Diet by force. New elections were held in the face of 
the protests of the Socialist deputies, who insisted on the con- 
stitutional claim of the old Diet ; and a new Diet was secured 
with a bourgeois majority of 104 members against 96 for the 
Socialists. A reactionary government was set up under Judge 

It was clear that civil war was bound to follow this open defiance 
of the constitutional successes of the socialists. The Finnish 
bourgeoisie prepared a White Guard and made overtures to 
Germany for aid. The Finnish workers, encouraged by the 
Bolshevik successes in Russia and aided by Russian soldiers 
in Finland, formed a Red Guard, and in January, 1918, set up 
Tokoi in power. The Red Government lasted for three months. 
Svinhufvud had fled to Germany ; by the aid of German troops 
and warships the White Guard under General Mannerheim defeated 
the Red forces, and on May 2nd Svinhufvud was proclaimed 
dictator. A terrible vengeance followed. According to the 
official White report, the " Red Terror " had despatched 1,000 
persons. The " White Terror " despatched 30,000 ; 20,000 were 
shot without trial, and some 13,000 persons died of thirst and 
hunger in the camps set aside for political prisoners.* The 
Socialist deputies were imprisoned, the activities of the old 
Socialist and trade union movements suppressed, and large 
numbers of workers, estimated at anything from 30,000 to 80,000 

The socialist movement now broke into two sections : those 
who were willing to come to terms with the White Government 
and re-form the Social Democratic Party as a moderate party, 
under its permission, and those who preferred to carry on the 
revolutionary struggle as an illegal Communist Party. 

The Social Democratic Party thus at present represents the 
right wing of the old Social Democratic Party. Until 1920 it 
stood by the Second International, but at the end of 1920 left 
it to join in the movement for a United International. In 1919 
it had 67,000 members and secured eighty deputies at the elections 
in March, 1919. Subsequently the left wing split off in May, 1920, 
and by the end of 1920 the membership stood at 30,000. 

The Socialist Labour Party was formed in May, 1920, by the 
secession of the Left Wing of the Social Democratic Party. It 
takes its stand on the basis of the Third International ; and its 
leaders were immediately arrested, but have subsequently been 

* Times, nth February, 1919 : ' Out of about 80,000 Red prisoners taken at the end of 
April or subsequently arrested, more than 30,000 men and women are dead." 


The Communist Party was founded August, 1918, and works 
as an illegal organisation. It is supported by the trade unions. 

The Trade Union Federation (Suomen Ammattijarjesto) was 
founded in 1907, and by 1917 had 161,000 members. The White 
terror brought down the membership to 21,000 in 1918, from 
which figure it has been slowly worked up again to 55,000 by 
October, 1920. The 1920 Congress showed a two-thirds Com- 
munist majority, and the unions are being reorganised on similar 
lines to the " Workers' Committee " proposals in this country. 

The General Co-operative Union of Finland contained in 1919 
567 societies, with a membership of 201,307. The Central Union 
of Workers' Co-operative Societies, which is Socialist in character, 
and separate from the General Union, contained, at the end 
of 1920, 105 societies and 144,400 members. 


CONSTITUTION: A Parliamentary Republic. The legislative power is exercised by the 
Chamber of Deputies (610 members over twenty-five years of age, elected by manhood suffrage 
for four years) and the Senate (314 members over forty years of age indirectly elected for nine 
years by an electoral body based on the Municipal and District Councils ; one-third retire 
every three years). Both Senators and Deputies receive 600 a year. The executive power 
is vested in the President (elected for seven years by an absolute majority of the Senate 
and Chamber of Deputies sitting together) and the Ministry. The present President, M. 
Millerand, was elected in 1920. The present Parties in the Chamber (December, 1930) are 
composed as follows, reading from Right to Left : Active Republicans, 46 ; Republican 
Democratic Entente, 183 ; Democratic Republican Left Wing, 93 ; Left Wing Republicans, 
6 1 ; Independents, 29 ; Socialist Republicans, 26 ; Radicals and Socialist Radicals, 36 ; 
Right Wing Socialists, 51 ; Communists, 13. In addition, there are 21 ungrouped members 
including Leon Daudet and the Royalists on the extreme right. 

ECONOMIC : Area : 212,659 square miles. Population (estimate for 1919) : 38,000,000.* 
Trade in 1919 : Imports, 29,778 million francs; Exports, 8,713 million francs. Finance: 
National debt, 219,388 million francs (of which 185,728 millions foreign debt) ; Revenue 
(1920) 19,735 million francs ; Expenditure, 45,987 million francs. Occupations (1911 census) 
Agriculture and forestry, 8,517,000 ; Manufacturing industries, 5,746,000 ; Commerce, 
2,053,000 ; Transport, 1,543,000 ; remaining groups under one million ; Total, 20,931,000 
of whom 7,719,000 were women. The proportion of country to town population was 22 
to 17 millions. 

The modern Labour movement in France begins after the fall 
of the Commune, and after the repression that followed the 
Commune had begun to relax. Early French SocialLm, which 
is of the first significance for the whole of international labour, 
falls outside the present survey. 


Before the War. The socialist movement in France in the 
generation succeeding the Commune was split up into a number 
of groups : of which the most important were the Marxist section 

The population in 1911 was 39,601,509 ; the districts acquired under the Peace Treaty 
have brought in a population (1910) of 1,874,014. On the other hand the decrease by the 
excess of deaths over births in the civil population between 1914 and 1918 is 1,273,035 ; and 
the deaths in the army during the war were stated by M. Poincare in January, 1919, to be 


led by Guesde (who stood for a rigid political Marxism on much the 
same lines as Hyndman in England), and the opportunist Inde- 
pendents, who were what would to-day be called " progressives " 
and whose principal representatives were Millerand, Briand, 
Viviani and Jaure"s. A measure of co-operation between these 
groups developed after the 1893 elections, when for the first time 
a body of forty socialist deputies belonging to one or another 
group was returned to the Chamber, and this co-operation was 
formally agreed by the Pact of Saint-Mande in 1896. The 
limited unity thus attained, however, was speedily broken by 
the Dreyfus affair which developed in 1898. One section, led by 
Jaure*s, believed in throwing in its lot with the " Republican 
Bloc " against militarism, clericalism and reaction, and apprcved 
the entry of Millerand into the Ministry in 1899. The other section 
led by Guesde and Sembat, denounced Millerand's entry into the 
Ministry and withdrew from the Bloc. This quarrel was not 
appeased until in 1904 Millerand was expelled from the party and 
the International Socialist Congress at Amsterdam in the same 
year condemned Millerand's policy and called for French socialist 
unity. On this basis the United Socialist Party was constituted 
in 1906, and was held together by the dexterity of Jaures right up 
to the war. The defection of Briand and Viviani to the Ministry 
in 1906 led to their expulsion from the Party. 

The growth of the Party may be seen in the following figures : 

Electoral Vote. Deputies. 

1906 .. 877,999 54 

1910 . . 1,106,047 76 

X9I4 . . 1,379,860 . . 103 

The actual membership of the Party never reached as much as 
100,000 before the war : the 1912 figure was 83,358. 

During the War. The assassination of Jaures at the outset 
of war left the French Socialists without any recognised leader. 
The Party rallied to the cry of national defence and joined in the 
" union sacree " or coalition of all parties ; Guesde and Sembat, 
former emphatic opponents of socialist ministerialism, entered 
the Ministry, and were later joined by Albert Thomas. There 
was, however, from the beginning, a minority anti-war section, 
which revealed itself at the Zimmerwald International Con- 
ference of September, 1915, attended by Merrheim, Loriot, Brizon, 
and others ; and though the extremist anti-war section was 
small, there was a rapidly growing minority opposed to socialist 
participation in the government. In 1916 Guesde and Sembat 
broke their connection with the Ministry, Thomas alone remaining. 
Three main groups now developed : the small Zimmerwaldian 
or Kienthal section which stood for a revolutionary anti-war policy 


and later developed into the Communist section ; the Minority or 
Left Centre movement, headed by Longuet, which stood for 
independent Socialist action ; and the Majority, led by Thomas 
and Renaudel, which stood for co-operation with the Government. 
During 1917 a Centre developed under Cachin, which worked to 
hold the Party together and eventually turn its direction without 
a split. The struggle between the Minority and Majority was 
severe and prolonged, largely owing to the Majority appropri- 
ating to themselves the votes of the Departments occupied by the 
Germans, which could not be consulted. As early as December, 
1916, the vote stood at 1,537 to 1,407. Finally in 1918 the 
Minority became the Majority by a vote of 1,544 to 1,172 at the 
National Council in July, confirmed at the National Congress in 
October by 1,528 to 1,212. 

After the War. From 1918 to 1920 Longuet was virtual leader 
of the French Socialist Party. The old " Majority " of Renaudel 
shrank into insignificance : the former Zirnmerwaldian section, 
now become communist and forming in 1919 the " Committee 
for the Third International," was still a minority. The member- 
ship leapt up to 150,000 by the end of 1919, and 200,000 by the end 
of 1920. The November elections of 1919 were faced on a 
programme of no co-operation with other parties. Against the 
Socialists were ranged practically all the other parties in a 
" National Bloc." Nevertheless, the Socialist vote increased by 
over 300,000 above the 1914 figure to 1,700,000, or from one 
sixth to one fourth of the total votes cast. Despite this im- 
mense growth a peculiar system of " proportional representation," 
specially devised for the occasion by the Clemenceau government, 
brought down the Socialist representation from 101 to 65. 

Communism and the Third International now became the 
dominant question in French socialism. The huge new accessions 
of members since the war were mainly revolutionary in their 
outlook. The Strasbourg Congress in March, 1920, decided on 
withdrawal from the Second International by 4,330 votes to 337 ; 
but against the Third International Longuet and Renaudel united 
their forces in support of a proposal for the " Reconstruction 
of the International " by a left-wing international conference and 
negotiations with the Third. This proposal was carried by 
3,031 votes to 1,621 for immediate adhesion to the Third. Mean- 
while the " Committee for the Third International " was steadily 
gaining ground. The Reconstruction Conference never came off 
until too late. The delegation to Russia in the summer of 1920, 
consisting of Cachin, Editor of Humanite, and Frossard, Secre- 
tary of the Party, returned converted to the Third International. 
The ultimate issue was no longer in doubt, but a violent campaign 


ensued over the twenty-one conditions of admission and the 
proposed expulsion of Longuet. Finally, the Tours Congress in 
December, 1920, decided for affiliation to the Third International 
by 3,208 votes to 1,022 for a motion of Longuet's in favour of 
affiliation with reserves. The French Socialist Party has thus 
become the French Communist Party, while the minority under 
Longuet and Renaudel continues as the French Socialist Party. 

Present Organisation. The French Communist Party has a 

membership of about 120,000, and has thirteen Deputies in the 
Chamber. The present Secretary is Frossard, and the Inter- 
national Secretary Loriot. The Executive includes Cacbin, 
Rappoport, Souvarine and Vaillant-Couturier. Among the 
members are Anatole France and Barbusse. The Secretary of 
the Parliamentary Group is Levy. The organ of the Party 
is Humanite, and the other principal journals are the weekly 
Bulletin Communiste and the Revue Communiste. 

The French Socialist Party consists of the former centre and right 
wing, and has about 50.000 members. It has fifty-one Deputies 
in the Chamber. The principal leaders are Longuet, Faure and 
Renaudel. The Secretary of the Party is Paul Faure. The 
Secretary of the Parliamentary Group is Leon Blum. The organ 
of the Party is Le Populaire. 


Trade Unions were not actually legalised in France until 1884. 
The first French Revolution of 1789 not only suppressed the old 
guilds and corporations, but by the notorious Chapelier law of 
1791 forbade all combinations of wage earners under savage 
penalties. This and subsequent anti-combination laws were 
incorporated in the Penal Code of 1810. The beginnings of the 
working-class movement were fiercely suppressed with wholesale 
slaughter in 1848 ; and though Napoleon III. tried to secure the 
throne he had usurped by encouraging working class organ- 
isation, so that during the sixties the First International was able 
to implant the notion of trade unions as instruments of socialist 
emancipation, the war of 1870 and the Commune led once again 
to violent suppression and the killing or transportation of 
thousands of workers. 

Formation of the C.G.T. The trade unions that grew up after the 
Commune were weakened by the rivalries of the various Socialist 
and anarchist groups which tried to dominate them. Two rival 
national organisations developed. On the one side the National 
Federation of Unions, founded in 1886, fell into the hands of the 
Guesdists and was used by them as an electoral machine without 


any real trade union organisation. As a rival to this there was 
formed in 1892 the Federation of Bourses du Travail,* which 
under the organising genius of Pelloutier developed into a real 

Government hostility led to a consciousness of the need for 
unity. The first attempt was the formation of a National Council 
in 1894 ; but this was found useless. In 1895 the two organi- 
sations combined to form the General Confederation of Labour 
(Confederation Gtn&rale du Travail], the object of which was 
declared to be the union of the workers in their struggle for 
emancipation ; politics were excluded, and the project of a 
General Strike was approved. The Federation of Bourses, 
however, did not at first dissolve, but continued to carry on its 
work of propaganda and organisation until 1902, when it finally 
merged itself in the C.G.T. 

The Theory of Syndicalism. It was primarily to Pelloutier 
and his fellow-workers in the Federation of Bourses that the 
formation of a complete theory of working-class ideals and actions 
(since generally known as Syndicalism) was due. They started 
from the usual socialist or communist standpoint of the necessity 
for abolishing the wage system and for socialising the ownership 
of the instruments of production ; the originality of their con- 
ception lay in the means by which the revolution was to be 
accomplished, and the form which social control was to take. 
Pelloutier started from the principle that the institutions of the 
new society must be built up by the working class alone, and must 
correspond both to its needs and experiences. The Bourse, 
he believed to be the foundation of those institutions. It was 
purely proletarian in character ; around it were grouped all the 
organised workers of a region. The revolution once accom- 
plished, it would become the centre from which production 
could be organised by the unions. There would be a double 
federation, by locality on the one hand, by industry on the 
other, spread over the whole country. Thus the institutions of 
capitalist society, both economic and political, would be replaced 
by institutions of proletarian creation, and the ideal of industrial 
self-government would be realised. This ideal would only be 
achieved by direct industrial action ; political machinery was 
naturally incapable of transforming the social order, f The State 
was the organisation of the capitalist class : " democracy " 

* The Bourses du Travail, of which the first was opened in Paris in 1887, were originally 
started as Labour Exchanges and also social centres for the trade unions of the locality. In 
their earlier days they were usually subsidised by the municipalities. Instead of promoting 
" social peace," however, they speedily became trade union strongholds, and found them- 
selves in conflict with the authorities. 

t For this reason co-operation with the Socialist Party has been consistently refused, 
and was definitely rejected by the Amiens Congress of 1906. 


" social reform," and " patriotism " were delusions to mislead 
the workers. Hence the workers must prepare for the General 
Strike, disciplining themselves by local and partial conflicts for 
the day when the grand assault on capitalism would be delivered. 

Subsequent Modifications. This social philosophy has always 
played a prominent part in the French Trade Union movement. 
It dominated the C.G.T. right up to the war, and still forms the 
rubric from which the lessons of the day are preached. But it 
has never perhaps been fully accepted by more than a conscious 
minority even of the members of the C.G.T. (who themselves 
never numbered more than half a million before the war), and in 
the C.G.T. itself there have always been ebbs and flows of revo- 
lutionary feeling. The conflict between reformist and revolu- 
tionary syndicalists has been continuous, and even before the war 
the reformist section was notably gaining ground. In 1904 
at the Congress of Bourges, a reformist motion gained 361 votes 
against 812 for the Committee; in 1908 at the Marseilles Congress 
the Committee's extreme anti-militarist, anti-patriotic motion 
was only carried by 681 to 421 votes ; in 1909, a reformist, Niel, 
was elected Secretary for a short space ; and the Secretary who 
succeeded him, Jouhaux, though elected as a revolutionary, 
made it clear that he was determined to keep off hazardous 
movements of a revolutionary character. 

Since the war the whole doctrine of the C.G.T. has undergone 
modifications, and it is now the revolutionaries who form the 
opposition. The doctrines of French Syndicalism arose out of 
conditions in which both industry and union organisation were 
localised ; the extent of organisation only covered a small number 
of militant workers. In both respects the situation has changed. 
As large-scale capitalism grows, the Unions tend to become 
national in scope. At the same time the influx of members since 
the war, bringing the numbers at one point (the beginning of 
1920) up to nearly two millions, has made the movement more 
similar in character to the trade union movements of other 
countries. The tendency in tactics has been towards greater 
caution and moderation, especially since the disastrous railway 
strike of 1920 ; the tendency in theory has been towards new 
experiments in broadening the conception of social transformation 
as an evolutionary process, and in giving representation to the 
consumers and " the public." 

The War and After. Thus the effect of the war on French 
trade unionism has been the opposite of its effect on French 
socialism. When the war came, the C.G.T. abandoned its old 
anti-militarism and adopted the principle of national unity, 
working in conjunction with the Government on economic 


matters. A minority section grew up under Merrheim, of the 
Metal-workers, one of the strongest unions, and supported also 
by the Wood- workers and others ; but when the first Congress 
since the outbreak of war was held at Paris in July, 1918, 
Jouhaux (who had now been joined by Merrheim) maintained 
his position by a vote of 998 to 250. After the war there was a 
marked increase in the numbers of the C.G.T., and this helped 
to confirm the change in its character. As in other countries, 
the organisation of professional workers and civil servants has 
been a special feature of the after-war period : and the 
resulting formation of an Economic Council of Labour to 
represent all types of producers and consumers (see below) has 
been the main positive achievement of the C.G.T. in recent years. 
The division between the majority and the minority in the 
C.G.T. has become increasingly acute. The minority, led by 
Monatte, Sirola, Tommasi, and others, charges the present leaders 
with, having abandoned the principles of revolutionary 
syndicalism. At the Lyons Congress in September, 19 19, Jouhaux, 
secured a vote of confidence by 1,393 to 586. In the spring of 
1920 the left wing secured control of the Railwaymen's Feder- 
ation and declared a national strike on May ist, 1920 ; the 
C.G.T., although complaining that they had not been consulted, 
responded with declaring a general strike, but the whole move- 
ment was a fiasco and constituted the most serious set-back 
suffered by the C.G.T. since its inception. The Government 
followed up its advantage by prosecuting the C.G.T. for going 
beyond the economic functions permitted it by the law of 1884, 
and in December, 1920, the Courts ordered its dissolution. 
Meanwhile, the Orleans Congress in September, 1920, had 
defeated the left wing proposal of affiliation to the Third 
International by 1,479 to 602, and the left wing had thereupon 
organised a Revolutionary Trade Union Committee (Comiti 
Syndicaliste Revolutionnaire) to be affiliated to the Third Trade 
Union International and to work within the C.G.T. The official 
elements responded by proposing, and in some cases carrying out, 
the expulsion of communist groups within the Trade Unions. 
Thus at the time of writing the whole situation of French Trade 
Unionism, both internally and externally, is extremely critical. 

Present Organisation. The Confederation Generate du Travail 
is organised on a dual basis which reflects its dual origin. 
On the one side are the National Federations by craft or industry 
(in 1906 it was decided that only Industrial Federations would 
be accepted in future) ; on the other side the Departmental 
Unions (which since 1914 have replaced the Bourses du Travail). 
The National Congresses are based on the representation of the 


" syndicats " or local unions which are the units of both the 
National Federations and the Bourses du Travail on a system 
of one vote for each union, irrespective of size : the Confederal 
National Committee is based on the Federations and the Depart- 
mental Unions on a system of one vote for each organisation. 
The present membership of the C.G.T. is returned at one-and-a 
-half millions (December, 1920), but is unofficially reported to 
have fallen considerably below this figure. 

The Conseil Economique du Travail, or Economic Council of 
Labour, was established in accordance with the decision of the 
Lyons Congress of the C.G.T. in 1919, and held its first meeting 
in January, 1920. The Council is composed of three members 
of the C.G.T., three of the Union of Technical Workers in Industry, 
Commerce and Agriculture, three of the National Federation of 
Co-operative Societies, and three of the National Federation of 
Public Employees. Its object is to prepare detailed schemes 
for the control of industry on a social basis. There have been set 
up under it nine sections to deal with (i) transport and power, 
(2) national economy, (3) industrial production and raw materials, 
(4) agriculture, (5) finance and credit, (6) social administration, 
(7) general and technical education, (8) commerce and distri- 
bution, (9) the devastated regions. A scheme of " industrialised 
nationalisation " has been proposed ; and its application to the 
mines and railways worked out in detail, which is based on a 
tripartite control by representatives of the producers, the con- 
sumers and the State. 


Until the last few years the French Co-operative movement 
was always divided into two sections, a Socialist and a non- 
Socialist. The " Union Co-operative," founded in 1885 by Gide 
and others, was a neutral body ; the " Bourse des Co-operative 
Socialistes," founded in 1895, was Socialist. Both bodies 
adhered to the Rochdale principle of co-operation, but the B.C.S. 
insisted in theory on the function of co-operation as an instrument 
in the class- war. In 1912, however, an alliance was made 
between the two rival federations to form the Federation Nationale 
des Co-operatives de Consommation, and the movement has 
since developed very rapidly. The amalgamation of the two 
wholesale societies to form the " Magasin de Gros " took place in 
1913. At the sixth annual Congress of the new Federation, 
held in October, 1919, there were represented 2,036 societies, 
38 regional federations and 12 productive societies, and the 
secretary reported that the membership had tripled since 1914, 
and now covered one million families, with a total turnover of 
forty million pounds. 



CONSTITUTION : The Independence of Georgia was proclaimed in May, 1918, and a Con- 
stituent Assembly of 130 members was elected in the beginning of 1919 by universal suffrage 
on a basis of proportional representation. In March, 1921, a Soviet Republic was proclaimed 
in Georgia. 

ECONOMIC : Area : 35,500 square miles. Population (1915) : 3,176,156. Occupations : 
Agriculture and especially fruit and vine culture are extensive. There is a rich mining area ; 
and the port of Batura is the terminus of the petroleum pipe line from Baku. 

The Social Democratic Party of Georgia was formerly a section 
of the Russian (Menshevik) Social Democratic Party. It has, 
however, always been a strongly nationalist socialist movement ; 
and its frequent conflicts with the nationalist socialist movement 
of Armenia, especially when both held the government in their 
respective states, and were at war with one another, have led to 
mutual accusations of extreme violence.* In the Constituent 
Assembly election it obtained 102 of the 130 members, and 
maintained a close control over the Government, which created 
a large programme of socialist legislation. In the spring of 1920 
war on all sides led to defeat and revolt, and a Soviet Republic 
was proclaimed. 

Co-operation has been strongly developed in Georgia since 
1905, and in 1919 the Central Co-operative Union of Georgia 
contained some 900 societies, covering three-fourths of the 


CONSTITUTION : Until November gth, 1918, a constitutional monarchy ; with the ab- 
dication of the Emperor Germany became a Republic. The new Constitution which was 
adopted on July 3ist, 1919, by the National Assembly at Weimar, declares the new Common- 
wealth or Realm to be a Republic, the power of the State being derived from the people. 
Legislation is in the hands of the Reichstag, elected for a period of four years by universal, 
equal, direct, and secret voting on the proportional system. The component States of the 
Republic are represented on an Imperial Council (Reichsrat), which has the power to veto 
legislation subject to the right (or, in the event of two-thirds of the Reichstag so requiring, 
the duty) of the President to submit the question to national referendum. The President of 
the Republic is elected for a period of seven years. The Constitution provides for the principle 
of the referendum, and guarantees freedom of speech and of the Press and the right 
of meeting. 

ECONOMIC : Area : The total area of the German empire in December, 1910, the date of 
the last census, was 208,780 square miles. As a result of the provisions of the Peace Treaty, 
a diminution is estimated of about 36,870 square miles, thus leaving 171,910 square miles, 
Population : The population in 1910 was 64,935,993, and the estimated reduction due to loss 
of territory is 9,839,000, leaving 55,087,000. Occupations : The number of persons returned 
as occupied in connection with the occupation census of 1907 was 26,176,168, of whom 
8,243,498 were women. 9,883,257 of the total were engaged in agriculture, forestry and 
fisheries, 11,256.254 in industry, including mining, 3,477,626 in trade and commerce, 
471,695 in domestic service, and 1,087,336 in municipal and other services. Agriculture: 
Small estates and peasant proprietorships predominate in the West and South German 
States, large estates in the North-East. In 1907, the proportion of holdings of over one 
hundred hectares was 22 per cent, of all agricultural land, those of twenty to one hundred 
hectares were 29 per cent., those of five to twenty hectares 33 per cent., those of less than five 
hectares 16 per cent. 

* See I.e Conflit Armeno-Georgien, by M. Varandian, Armenian representative on the 
International Socialist Bureau, with an Introduction by Albert Thomas : Flinikovski, Paris. 



The German Labour Movement first took definite shape in 
1863 with the formation by Lassalle of the Universal German 
Working Men's Association, and the formation shortly after of a 
Union of Working Men's Associations, under the leadership of 
Wilhelm Liebknecht and Bebel ; who adhered more closely than 
Lassalle to the theories of Marx. The fusion of the two parties 
was effected in 1875 at a Congress held at Gotha, and a common 
programme was adopted which was superseded in 1891 by the 
Erfurt programme. Apart from the temporary set-back caused 
by the Anti-Socialist Law of 1878, the movement showed a steady 
progress, and by the end of March, 1914, the membership of the 
German Social Democratic Party (S.P.D.) had reached 1,085,905, 
of whom 174,754 were women. The growth in its influence is 
illustrated by the advance in the number of votes polled by the 
party in the Reichstag elections. 

Social Democrat Percentage of Social Democrats 

Year. vote total vote. returned. 

(First ballot). 

1871 124,655 3.0 a 

1877 493,888 9.1 13 

1881 311,961 6.1 13 

1887 763,148 10.1 ii 

1890 1,427,298 19.7 35 

1898 2,107,076 a7.a 56 

1903 3,010,771 31.7 81 

1912 4,250,329 34.8 no 

The early years of the Socialist movement also saw the develop- 
ment of Trade Unionism. The powerful group of " Free " 
Trade Unions (Gewerkschaften) owes its origin to the Social 
Democrats who in 1868 called a Congress in Berlin for the pur- 
pose of encouraging the formation of Trade Unions. After the 
period of the Anti-Socialist Law, during which the movement was 
severely restricted, greater centralisation was decided on, and to 
this end the Berlin Conference of 1890 created the General Com- 
mission of German Trade Unions, to which the then existing 
sixty-two national unions were affiliated. While the develop- 
ment of the unions became independent of the Social Democratic 
Party, close relations continued to be maintained. By the 
agreement reached at Mannheim in 1906, the General Com- 
mission was bound to co-operate with the party in all important 
matters affecting the working-classes as a whole. A clear dis- 
tinction was thus drawn between the industrial and political 
functions of the Socialist movement. A process of concentration 
reduced the number of national unions to forty-seven in 1913, 
whose combined membership reached 2,521,303 by the end of 
June, 1914. Delegates of the national unions met in Congress 


every three years, when they elected the General Commission, 
which was composed of thirteen members. 

Besides the " Free " Trade Unions, there were in existence 
various other types of union more or less directly opposed to them. 
Chief of these groups were the Hirsch-Duncker Trade Unions 
(" Gewerkvereine ") and the Christian Unions. The former were 
founded in 1868 by Liberals of the Manchester School. They 
believed in the compatibility of the interests of labour and 
capital. Their membership in 1913 was 106,618. The Christian 
Trade Unions were started in 1893, chiefly for the purpose of 
preventing Roman Catholic workers from joining the Social 
Democrat Unions. They had a membership of 342,785 in 1913. 
The so-called " Yellow " Unions, founded by the employers, 
had a membership of 162,262 in 1911. Other local and inde- 
pendent societies of a Trade Union character had a membership 
of 310,000 in 1912, while the various associations of clerks, 
travellers, etc., numbered 822,604 in 1911. 


The effect on the German Labour Movement of the outbreak of a 
war that was regarded as one of self-defence, was immediately 
apparent. On August 2nd, the Burgfriede or Industrial Truce 
between the Trade Unions and the Employers was declared. On 
August 4th the Socialists in the Reichstag voted for the war 
credits. Thenceforward the State was able to rely on the 
services of the official labour organisations. The Trade Unions 
confined their activities to co-operating in the varieties of 
social service set up during the war. The Auxiliary Service 
Law of December, 1916, for instance, was drafted on lines 
laid down by the War Ministry and the Trade Union leaders in 
consultation. Owing to the calls of military service the member- 
ship of the " Free " Unions fell from the two-and-a-half millions 
of June, 1914, to one-and-a-half millions in December, 1914, 
and to less than one million in 1916, after which year it slightly 
recovered. Their receipts, which in 1913 amounted to eighty- 
two million marks, were only thirty- four millions in 1916. 

The decline in the membership of the Social Democratic 
Party, which from a million, had fallen as low as 243,061 by March 
1917, and a year later was only 249,411, was not due to military 
calls alone, but also to the dissensions in the party itself. Although 
the Socialist vote on August 4th had been unanimous, a minority 
of fourteen, including the President of the Reichstag Group, 
Haase, had voted against the decision reached the day before 
to support the Government unconditionally. This policy of 
presenting a united front in public was at first maintained, but 


the opposition grew steadily in strength, and by March, 1916, 
a definite split occurred, a separate group known as the Social 
Democratic Alliance (Sozialdemokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft) 
being formed of eighteen members of the Minority. A year 
later the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany, 
(U.S.P.D.), was formed at the Gotha Conference, held on April 
6th to 8th, 1917. The opposition was subjected to a great deal 
of persecution, not only by the Government but by the Majority 
as well. Their meetings were prohibited, their leaders arrested. 
No less than 8,000 people were imprisoned for their political 
opinions, others being silenced by being sent to the front. Papers 
with a Minority outlook, such as the Berlin Vorwarts, and the 
party organs in Bremen, Duisburg and Stuttgart, were seized by 
the Majority and the editors replaced. The Independents were, 
however, able to retain their press and organisation in such places 
as Leipzig, Halle, the Lower Rhine and Thuringia, where the 
progress they made was consequently more rapid. In spite of 
being driven to illegal methods of propaganda the U.S.P.D. had 
reached a membership of 100,000 by November, 1918. At the 
Gotha Conference the party secured the co-operation of the 
Spartacus League, the extremist organisation which had been 
formed at the beginning of 1916 under the leadership of Karl 
Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. 

With the failure of the March offensive of 1918, came an 
accession of strength to the German labour movement that had 
manifested such weakness through the war. When Prince Max 
of Baden's Government was formed, the S.P.D. agreed to parti- 
cipate subject to the fulfilment of a minimum programme, and 
Scheidemann and Bauer entered the Government on October 3rd. 


The revolution found the leaders of the Majority Socialists 
in the Government and the Trade Union leaders negotiating an 
alliance of employers and employed. It consequently did not 
take place through the medium of these bodies but through 
hastily formed Workers' and Soldiers' Councils. But as the 
majority of the workers were not immediately ready for a radical 
revolutionary policy, these councils wished rather to exercise 
control over the Government than to take on the work of govern- 
ment themselves. The original relations between the Councils 
and the Governments were formally laid down in the Compact 
of November 23rd. The Executive of the Berlin Council, which 
was temporarily the sovereign body, appointed the Ebert-Haase 
Cabinet as " People's Commissaries," composed of three Majority 
Socialists and three Independents. On December i6th the first 


Central Congress of Councils was held, which elected a purely 
Majority Socialist Central Council and carried a resolution in 
favour of a National Assembly. The suppression of the Spartacist 
movement in Berlin by the Government led to the resignation 
of the three Independents on December 29th, their place being 
taken by three Majority Socialists, one of whom was Noske. 
The elections took place in the middle of January after the 
ruthless suppression of a more serious Spartacist rising, when 
both Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were killed. The 
National Assembly, which now became the sovereign authority 
met at Weimar on February 6th, and a Coalition Government of 
Majority Socialists, Catholics and Democrats, was formed under 
Scheidemann, with Ebert as President of the Republic. An in- 
terim Constitution was passed, which made no provision for the 
Councils, it being the openly acknowledged intention of the 
Government to get rid of them. This was prevented by the March 
general strikes throughout Berlin and Central Germany, in 
which the opposition of the workers and soldiers to the policy 
of the Government had culminated. The Government was forced 
to concede the point and passed an amendment to the Consti- 
tution proposing a scheme of works councils, which, however, 
bore little relation to the existing revolutionary Councils. These 
the Government continued to fight, strengthened as it was by the 
support of the Second Central Congress of Councils in April, and 
of the Congresses of the Majority Socialists held at Weimar in 
June, and the Trade Unions held at Nuremberg in July. Definite 
steps were taken against the Berlin Workers' Council in which 
the active and militant opposition was centred, its municipal 
subsidy being withdrawn, and the Majority Socialist members 
resigning in a body to form a Council of their own. The Soviet 
Republic, proclaimed in Bavaria in April, was suppressed by the 
aid of Prussian soldiery. In August the Government intro- 
duced its promised Works Councils Bill. The attempt at a 
general strike movement brought on by the metal-workers' strike 
of October and November, was followed by the arrest of the old 
Berlin Council. The Government had broken completely with the 
revolutionary councils ; its position was firmly established. 

The period of revolution may be said to have come to an end, 
and a state of equilibrium reached, with the adoption of the 
new Constitution by the Reichstag on July 3ist. A comparatively 
stable government was in power, though assailed on the one hand 
by the revolutionaries, on the other by the forces of reaction. 
The activities of the former had been effectually circumscribed 
by the end of 1919 ; the counter-revolutionary movement 
suffered a severe setback through the frustration of the Kapp coup 


d'&tat of March I3th, 1920. The most significant feature of this 
event was the appearance of the Trade Unions in the political 

The dissatisfaction that the policy of the Social Democrats 
inspired found expression in the swing to the left of the Socialist 
movement, on the occasion of the Elections for the National 
Assembly, held on June 6th, 1920, under the new constitution. 
The results published compared with those of January, 1919, 
may be summarised as follows : 

Votes. Members. 

1920 1919 1920 1919. 


Social Democrats .. 3,531,157 n.i no 163 

Independent Socialists 4,809,862 2.2 So 22 

Centre (Catholic) . . 3,500,800 5.3 67 71 

Nationalists (Extreme Right) 3,638,851 2.7 65 42 

People's Party (Right) .. 3,456,131 i.i 61 22 

Democrats ' . . . . 2,152,509 5.5 44 74 

Communists . . . . 438,199 2 

Others .. .. 1,573,067 .4 30 25 



(1.) Political. 

The Social Democratic Party (S.P.D.) was founded in 1863. At 
the last Congress of the Party, held at Cassel on October isth, 
1920, it was reported that the membership had reached 1,180,208, 
of whom 207,007 were women. Th6 number of local organi- 
sations was 9,236. The Party has 113 representatives in the 
Reichstag, the number of votes polled at the 1920 election being 
5,614,456, out of a total of 26,017,590. Their representation on 
the various State Parliaments after the first elections on the new 
democratic basis was 755, but this figure has since been reduced 
as the result of fresh elections in certain of the States. The 
number of seats held by the S.P.D. on the various town and 
country local authorities was about 45,000 in 1920. The Party 
now publishes 147 daily papers, of which the leading ninety-one 
had a circulation in the year 1919-20 of 1,116,380. The chief 
organ is the Berlin V or warts. 

A revised constitution was adopted at the 1918 Congress held 
in Weimar. The local branches are grouped by the Party 
Executives into district federations on general political grounds, 
instead of on the basis of the Reichstag constituencies. The 
chief authority is the annual party congress to which the district 
federations send delegates according to their membership, and 
the members of the Reichstag group send not more than one- 
fifth of their number. The Party Executive (Parteivorstavd) 
elected by the Congress consists of two chairmen, two secretaries, 


and other members whose number is determined by the Congress, 
and two of whom must be women. The Congress also elects a 
Committee of Control (Kontrollkommission) of nine members. 
These two bodies and the Party Council (Parteiausschuss) com- 
posed of representatives of the district federation, are ex-officio 
members of the Congress. It was decided at the Cassel Congress 
of October, 1920, that the Erfurt Programme no longer met the 
requirements of the situation, and a Commission was appointed 
to draft a new programme. The Party is affiliated to the Second 
International, and has no relations with other Socialist Parties. 

The Independent Social Demoeratie Party (the U.S.P.D.) was 
founded at Gotha in April, 1917 (see p. 244). After the Revo- 
lution, the membership of the party increased steadily ; in 
March, 1919, it was 300,000, by December, when the Leipzig 
Congress took place, it had reached over 750,000. In the same 
period the Party press had doubled and the number of dailies in 
circulation at the time of the Congress was fifty-five. At this 
Congress, held November 3oth to December 6th, and attended 
by 317 members, a programme of action was unanimously 
adopted, which declared for the Councils system, and the 
dictatorship of the proletariat. A resolution in favour of 
adherence to the Third International was rejected by 169 votes 
to 114, and the Executive Committee resolution, which urged 
that an approach should be made to the Third International in 
conjunction with Socialist parties of other countries was adopted 
by 227 votes to 54. 

By the end of June, 1920, the membership of the U.S.P.D. 
had risen to 850,000, of whom 125,000 were women. The Party 
had then eighty-one representatives in the Reichstag, and eighty- 
five in the various State Parliaments. The number of seats 
held on the Greater Berlin Municipal Council was eighty-seven. 
The number of dailies in circulation was sixty, of which the Berlin 
Freiheit and the Leipziger Volkszeitung, were the chief. 

The issue of the Third International, which had been becom- 
ing increasingly acute since the Leipzig Congress, came to a head 
at the Halle Congress .on October i2th. The crisis was precipi- 
tated by the publication of the twenty-one conditions of 
admission, and a manifesto denouncing the Third International 
was issued by the Executive. After five days' discussion the 
resolution of DSumig and Stoeckerin favour of joining the Third 
International was passed by 237 votes to 156. Separate meetings 
were then held by the two wings of the Party, the minority claiming 
the Party organisation and funds for themselves on the grounds 
that the majority had technically seceded. Negotiations were 
immediately entered into between the left wing and the 



Communist Party, and a Unity Congress was held in Berlin on 
December 3rd to 5th, which led to the formation of the United 
Communist Party of Germany (see below.) About 450,000 
former members of the U.S.P.D. are in the new party. The 
Right Wing, which decided not to join with the S.P.D., retains 
most of the U.S.P.D. machinery and press, including Freiheit. 

The Communist Party of Germany (K.P.D.) was constituted 
as a separate party at a Congress held in Berlin on December 3oth, 
1918, and attended by one hundred delegates. The Spartacus 
League, out of which it was organised, was an " illegal " body, 
without a denned constitution, formed early in 1916. The 
League had participated in the Gotha Conference, at which the 
U.S.P.D. was formed, and while retaining its independence, 
had worked in co-operation with the Independents, until the 
Revolution. The breach was occasioned by the collaboration 
of the U.S.P.D. with the Ebert Government. The Congress 
adopted the Communist programme of Council-rule and the 
dictatorship of the proletariat. Against the advice of the two 
chief leaders, Karl Liebknecht, and Rosa Luxemburg, it was 
decided by a vote of sixty-three to twenty-three not to participate 
in the elections for the Constituent National Assembly. A 
second Congress held at Heidelberg in October, 1919, laid down 
the principles of the Party, which are in the main the same as the 
theses subsequently adopted at the second Congress of the Third 
International. On the occasion of the Kapp affair the Party 
Executive issued a manifesto on March 2ist, 1921, declaring the 
time was not ripe for a proletarian dictatorship, and approving 
of parliamentary action, a policy which aroused considerable 
opposition within the ranks of the Communists and led to the 
formation of the Communist Labour Party. The K.P.D. 
secured two seats in the elections to the National Assembly in 
June, 1920, polling 438,000 votes. 

As a result of the Halle Congress of the U.S.P.D. (see above) 
amalgamation with the left wing of that Party was agreed to at a 
Congress held on November 2nd, and measures for the fusion of 
local organisations were immediately taken in hand. A Unity 
Congress was held at Berlin on December 3rd to 5th, attended by 
349 delegates of the Independents, representing 438,000 members, 
and 136 delegates of the K.P.D. representing about 80,000 mem- 
bers. The combined party, known as the United Communist 
Party of Germany (V. K.P.D.), thus numbers over half a million 

The Communist Labour Party (K.A.P.D.) was formed at a 
Congress held on April 4th, 1920, and representing 38,000 per- 
sons, as the result of a split in the Communist Party on the 


question of policy (see above). At the time it contained many 
of the districts where the K.P.D. had been strongest, but it is 
stated now that it is considerably weaker, several of the branches 
having joined the new United Communist party. The K.A.P.D. 
is not affiliated to the Third International, but has been accepted 
by the Executive as coming within the category of the parties 
sympathising with Communism, which have the right to a con- 
sultative vote. In addition to its objection to parliamentary 
action the Party is opposed to membership of the national trade 
unions and has founded an All-German Workers' Union whose 
membership is stated to be 10,000. The organ of the Party is the 
Kommunistische A rbeiterzeitung. 

(II.) Industrial. 

The Allgemeiner Deustcher Gewerkschaftsbund (A.D.G.B.), or 
General Federation of German Trade Unions was constituted 
at the Tenth Congress of Trade Unions held at Nuremberg June 
3oth to July 5th, 1919, and takes the place of the former General 
Commission which was founded in 1890. The number of national 
unions affiliated to the Federation is fifty-two, with a combined 
membership of eight-and-a-half millions, according to the latest 

At the end of 1919, the latest date for which detailed returns 
are available, the membership was 7,338,132, distributed among 
23,862 local branches ; 1,612,636 were women. By far the most 
important union is that of the Metalworkers, which numbered 
1,605,401 members at the end of 1919. The Agricultural Workers' 
Union comes second with 624,935 members, followed by the 
Factory Workers', Transport Workers' and Miners' Unions with 
602,003, 520,883 and 436,527 members respectively. Unions 
with over 100,000 members constitute eighty-two per cent, of the 
total Federation membership. The chief Trade Union organ 
is the Korrespondenzblatt, published weekly by the Federation, 
which has a circulation of about 30,000. 

The affiliated unions are national associations based on craft 
and in some cases on industry. They include both skilled and 
unskilled, men and women workers, and every effort is made to 
secure adequate representation of sectional interests. By the new 
constitution the former Local Trade Union Councils (Gewerk- 
schaftskartelle) have been replaced by local Committees (Orts- 
ausschiisse) of the A.D.G.B., whose work is confined to purely 
trade union matters and which form a link with the local Workers' 
Councils to whom the social and municipal activities of the old 
Councils have been transferred. The method of election of 
delegates to the Federation Congress, held every three years, is 


left to each union, the number they are allowed to send being one 
delegate for every 10,000 members. The Congress elects an 
Executive (Vor stand] of fifteen members, which reports to a 
Council (Ausschuss) composed of one representative of the 
executive of each affiliated union, who meet as occasion arises, 
but not less than half-yearly. The Nuremberg Congress de- 
clared the neutrality of the unions towards the political parties, 
thereby dissolving the Mannheim Agreement. 

The total membership of the HIRSCH-DUNCKER TRADE UNIONS in 1919 was 189,831, of 
whom 18,086 were women. The figure for 1918 was 102,108. The number of organisations 
included in this group is nineteen, the chief being that of the metal workers. There were 
1,738 local branches. 

An important development has been made by the CHRISTIAN TRADE UNIONS, whose 
combined membership at the end of 1919 was 1,000,770. The average for the year was 
858,283, as against 404,682 in 1918. There are twenty-six unions, with 9,918 branches. The 
metal workers with an average membership in 1919 of 192,513, and the miners with 146,097, 
are the most important organisations. In 1919 the Christian Unions, together with the Trade 
Unions of Non-Manual Workers and the Union of German Officials, formed a FEDERATION OF 
GERMAN TRADE ASSOCIATIONS, with a combined membership of 1,700,000. 

The membership of the INDEPENDENT UNIONS (Selbstandige Vereine) was 214,360 at the 
end of 1918, of whom 90,000 belonged to the Berlin Railwaymen's Association. 

The organisation of clerical workers has advanced rapidly in recent years, and in 1917, THK 
ALLIANCE or CLERICAL AND TECHNICAL EMPLOYEES (Arbeitsgemeinschaft freier Angestell- 
tenverbande Afa) was formed by several existing associations. The combined membership 
at the beginning of 1918 was 270,000. 

Works Councils. The formation of Workers' and Soldiers' 
Councils at the time of the Revolution, and their gradual 
subjugation by the Government has been dealt with above 
(see page 244). The Second Councils' Congress, held in April, 
1919, adopted a resolution brought forward by the Majority 
Socialists supporting the Government standpoint which found 
expression in the Works Councils Act, the National Economic 
Council and the " Arbeitsgemeinschaften," or Alliances of Em- 
ployers and Employed. 

The Works Councils Act passed by the Reichstag on January 
i8th, 1920, provides for the creation of councils representative of 
the employees of all industrial establishments employing not less 
then twenty workpeople. The functions of these councils are 
those of " looking after the interests of the worker in relation 
to the employer and of supporting the employer in the fulfil- 
ment of the purpose of the works. " As further specified in detail, 
these functions cover the maintenance of wage and other standards 
(the actual drawing up of wage contracts being left to the Trade 
Unions), consultation on questions of employment and dis- 
missal, and advice with regard to the works and economy in plant 
and equipment. In addition the Councils are to appoint one 
or two members on the Board of Directors for the purpose of 
representing the views and wishes of the employees with regard 
to the organisation. They have the right to require the em- 
ployer to furnish information on all matters affecting the workers, 


save so far as business secrets are endangered, and they are 
entitled to a quarterly report and an annual balance sheet. 

The Trade Unions, in pursuance of a policy aiming at the 
development of the councils' organisation within the framework 
of the unions, called a Works Councils' Congress, held in Berlin 
on October 5th to yth, which was attended by 953 delegates. 
There has been a determined attempt on the part of the revo- 
lutionary Workers' Councils and the Independent Socialists to 
make the new Councils independent of the Trade Unions, and the 
opposition was well represented at the Congress in spite of the 
difficulties placed in their way. The resolution declaring the 
Works' Councils an integral portion of Trade Union organisation 
was carried against a minority of aoout one hundred. 

(111.) Co-operation. 

The first of the credit societies in which the early co-operative 
movement in Germany took iorm, was founded in 1850 by Scbulze- 
Delitzsch, the type of organisation subsequently being adapted 
by Raiffeisen for agricultural workers. The development of 
consumers' societies did not really take place until 1890, although 
the General Union of German Economic Co-operative Societies 
was founded by Schulze-Delitzsch in 1859. After 1890 the move- 
ment assumed a more markedly labour character, ?nd in 1902 
the General Union decided to exclude the Social Democratic 
elements, which in 1903 formed a rival organisation with head- 
quarters at Hamburg, entitled the Central Union of German 
Distributive Societies, now much the stiongest co-operative 
organisation in Germany. As regards the agricultural movement, 
the General Union of German Raiffeisen Co-operative Societies 
was formed in 1877, and a second body, the Imperial Union of 
German Agricultural Co-operative Societies, in 1883. 

At the end of 1919 the Central Union included the Co-operative 
Wholesale Society with 1,000 affiliated societies, 1,132 distri- 
butive societies with a membership of 2,308,407, nine auditing 
unions, a publishing society and a joint trade union and co- 
operative insurance society. To these may be added two hundred 
societies of the General Union with a membership of 350,000, 
which were transferred to the Central Union at the end of 1920. 
The General Union is left with about 1,200 societies, and a mem- 
bership of 650,000, most of them credit societies. The number of 
Raiffeisen Societies was 5,000, with 500,000 members ; the 
Imperial Union embraced 18,000 Societies with 1,250,000 
members, including 12,000 credit societies with 1,100,000 members. 
The total number of German distributive co-operative societies 
is about 2,500, with a membership of 3,200,000. 



CONSTITUTION : A constitutional monarchy. Executive power is exercised by the Crown, 
acting on the advice of Ministers responsible to the House of Commons : Legislative power 
is vested in the Crown in conjunction with a Parliament of two Houses : the House of 
Lords, consisting of about 700 hereditary or life peers, and. the House of Commons, of 707 
members, elected by a suffrage which has been extended since the Representation of the 
People Act of 1918 to men over twenty -one years of age and (with restrictions) to women 
over thirty years of age. 

ECONOMIC : Area : 89,047 square miles (England and Wales, 58,340 square miles ; Scotland, 
30,405 square miles). Population (1911) . 41,126,040 (England and Wales, 36,070,493; 
Scotland, 4,760,904). Occupations (England and Wales, 1911) : Government, 299,599 ; 
Defence, 205,117 ; Professions, 714,621 ; Domestic, 2,121,717 ; Commercial, 2,214,031 ; 
Agriculture and Fishing, 1,260,476 ; Industrial, 9,468,138 : (Scotland) Government and 
Defence 47,408 ; Professional, 81,675 ; Domestic, 201,066 ; Commercial and Transport, 
283,465 ; Agriculture and Fishing, 227.111 : Industrial, 1,226,242. 

From the beginning of its relatively long record the British 
Labour Movement has been mainly the history of the British 
Trade Unions. Even the great Chartist movement cast its roots 
amongst the industrial organisations, while the later developments 
of Labour activity cease to be understandable if they are divorced 
from their relation to the Unions. This is what gives its peculiar 
character to the political side of labour organisation in Britain. 
The Socialist Societies are not powerful parties as in other countries 
but small propagandist groups working within the labour move- 
ment as a whole ; while the Labour Party itself is, in its origin, 
and still in its dominant character, not a Party of individuals 
united by a certain programme, but simply the political side of 
existing trade unionism. 


The Labour Party. From 1874 Trade Unionists had been 
returned to Parliament, but only as members of one or other of 
the existing political parties. It was not until 1899 through the 
efforts in the main of the Independent Labour Party, that the 
Trades Union Congress agreed to the formation of an independent 
organisation for the return of members to Parliament. In the 
next year the Labour Representation Committee was formed as 
a federal body to include not only Trade Unions and Trades 
Councils, but also Socialist and Co-operative Societies. At the 
General Election in the same year, though fifteen candidates were 
put forward, only two were successful. The Committee received 
an impetus from the year 1902 owing to the desire to remedy the 
position created by the Taff Vale judgment (a judgment which 
put Trade Union Funds at the mercy of the employers in a civil 
action). After the General Election in 1906 the name was 
changed to the Labour Party. Though the Osborne judgment 
in IQOQ, disabling the Trade Unions from using their funds for 


political purposes, gave a temporary set-back to the Party, it 
quickly recovered, and by the passage of the Trade Union Act 
in 1913, which partially removed the disability, the Party had 
greatly improved its position. The Party from the outset were 
supporters of the war, except for a section representing the 
Independent Labour Party, and from 1915 until the Armistice 
took part in the Coalition Government. In 1918 the Constitution 
of the Party was altered. By this alteration the admission of 
individual members who need not belong to other socialist or 
labour organisations, into the local labour parties was officially 
recognised ; these individual members were given the right 
through the local Labour Parties to share in the election of five 
members on to the national executive. The new constitution 
provides for the representation of women on the national executive 
to the extent of four seats on that body, to which only women can 
be elected. The other seats on the national executive, thirteen 
in number, are allotted to the national societies, whether labour, 
socialist, or co-operative, thus preserving the original federative 
principle. The treasurer of the Party, who has a right to a seat 
on the executive, is elected separately. 

The aims of the Party as defined in its constitution, are as 
follows : 

3 (d) To secure for the producers by hand and brain the full fruits of their industry and 
the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible, upon the basis of common 
ownership of the means of production and the best obtainable system of popular adminis- 
tration and control of each industry or service. 

(e) Generally to promote the political, social and economic emancipation of the people, 
and more particularly of those who depend directly upon their own exertions by hand or by 
brain for the means of life. 

This programme is more fully developed in " Labour and the 
New Social Order " (Labour Party, id.), which affirms that the 
Labour Party believes that the new social edifice will be created 
on four pillars (a) universal enforcement of the national 
minimum ; (6) democratic control of industry ; (c) revolution 
in national finance ; (d) surplus wealth for the common good. 
In its imperial policy the Party would repudiate all forcible 
domination of other races and countries ; it would develop a 
system of Home Rule and democratic self-government within 
the empire. Its foreign policy rests on a universal League of 
Nations, with suitable machinery for judicial arbitration and 
conciliation. This alteration in the constitution and programme 
of the Party has resulted in a very rapid growth, both in its 
strength and influence. 

The development of the Labour Party may be seen in the 
following table : 


Parliamentary Flections 

Total Votes polled for Number 

Year. Membership. Labour Candidates, Elected. 

1900 375,931 * 

1906 998,338 323,195 *9 

1910 1,430,539 505,69 40 

19" 1,539,093 37o,8oa 42 

1918 3,013,1*9 2,244,945 61 

1919 3,511,290 

Since the General Election in 1918 eight new Labour Candidates have been elected and 
368,280 votes have been polled for Labour candidates. 

Socialist Organisations. The modern Socialist movement in 
Britain began in the eighties with the formation of the marxian 
Social Democratic Federation and the evolutionary Fabian 
Society. The foundation of the Independent Labour Party in 
the early nineties developed the influence of moderate socialism 
in the Trade Unions, and led to the gradual building up of the 
Labour Party. The left wing has gone through various processes 
of division and re-organisation, and has recently attained a 
measure of unity with the formation of the Communist Party. 

Social Democratic Federation. Since its formation in March, 
1 88 1, H. M. Hyndman has been connected with this organisation, 
which was the original marxian body in Great Britain. In 1911 
it was temporarily absorbed into the British Socialist Party, along 
with other organisations, but in 1916 it reappeared under the name 
of the National Socialist Party, owing to B.S.P. opposition to 
the war. It has lately resumed its original title. 

Fabian Society. This society, formed in 1884, and including 
among its members Sidney Webb, G. Bernard Shaw and others, 
worked out a programme of non-marxian Socialism, whose leading 
feature was the attempt to utilise the existing State and municipal 
institutions for socialist purposes. Its influence on subsequent 
legislation and policy has been very great ; and while the member- 
ship of the society has never been large, its members have been 
very active in other organisations. Much of what this Society 
stands for is incorporated in the revised programme of the Labour 

Independent Labour Party. This body was formed by members 
of both the Fabian Society and Social Democratic Federation in 
1892, primarily in order to run independent candidates for 
Parliament, but it adopted a general socialist basis. The first 
leaders, Tom Mann, Keir Hardie and Bruce Glasier were instru- 
mental in preparing the ground for the formation of the Labour 
Representation Committee, and since the formation of the latter 
body the I.L.P. has been the largest socialist society affiliated. 
Its influence in the Labour Party, which was very stron up to 
1914, was interrupted by the war, during which the I.L.P. took 
up a pacifist position. After the war a left-wing movement 


developed in the party under Communist influence ; and in 1920 
the I.L.P. left the Second International by a vote of 529 to 144, 
and took part in the Vienna Conference. The Third International 
has, however, been consistently rejected. 

Socialist Labour Party. This organisation was formed in 
1903 by a split from the Social Democratic Federation ; it was 
formed at first as a section of the American S.L.P., with head- 
quarters at Glasgow, but later separated off to become an 
independent body. It excludes from membership all those who 
are Trade Union officials or members of other socialist organisa- 
tions. During the war its members displayed great activity in 
the organisation of the Shop Steward Movement. Since the 
Armistice a number of active members have left the Party to 
join the Communist Party. 

Communist Party of Great Britain. This party was formed in 
August, 1920, as a result of a unity convention held in London 
between the British Socialist Party, a section of the Socialist 
Labour Party, and various other small groups. The Party is 
affiliated to the Third International, and is based on its programme. 
Owing to certain Communist groups remaining outside at first, 
a further unity convention was held in January, 1921, and proved 
successful in forming a united Communist Party. 


The Trade Union Movement in Britain, unlike many Continental 
movements, is not a product of any socialist organisation, and in 
fact was well established before any socialist party was formed. 
True, during its revolutionary period in 1830-40 the movement 
was directed by men like Robert Owen, who were outside the 
movement, but when this revolutionary tendency had collapsed, 
the craft-union spirit of the trade unions held undivided sway. 
The period after the formation of the Amalgamated Society of 
Engineers in 1851, saw the consolidation of the kindred craft 
union movement. From the 'eighties onwards, however, the 
unskilled began to show a desire for an organisation, and these 
two types of trade unions, the skilled and the unskilled, grew up 
alongside each other. It was not until after the railway strike 
of 1911, when the National Union of Railwaymen was formed, 
that the new type of union by industry arose. 

The Trades Union Congress, formed in 1868 to hold annual 
conferences, primarily in order to promote legislation, is the 
national expression of the Trade Union movement. Since the 
formation of the Labour Party the Congress has been more 
inclined to deal with what are more purely inter-union matters 
but it still passes resolutions and through its Parliamentary 


Committee seeks interviews in order to promote legislation. This 
Parliamentary Committee consisted of members elected by each 
annual Congress, and was the executive body of the Congress, 
until in 1920 a new constitution was accepted which will come into 
operation at the Congress in September, 1921. It provides 
for the formation of a General Council, in substitution for the 
Parliamentary Committee, consisting of thirty members elected 
from the Trade Unions, grouped in seventeen different trades, 
and represented on the Council according to their numerical 
strength. This General Council in turn will be split up into five 
sub-committees, grouped according to industry, each of whom, 
with a specialised full-time official, will ultimately form a depart- 
ment of information, etc., for the co-ordination of the work of 
the Trade Unions in each of the industries. 

Below is a table showing the total membership of all the unions 
and the membership of the unions affiliated to the Trades Union 
Congress for the purpose of comparison on the certain selected 



No. Membership. No. Membership. 

1868 not available 34 1x8,367 

1900 1.302 1,971,923 14 M95,46<) 

1905 1,228 1,934,211 154 1,469,514 

1910 1,195 2,446,342 136 1,639,853 

1914 1,123 3>9 l8 , 8 9 190 2,866,077 

1918 1,220 6,644,901 262 4,532,085 

1919 1,315 8,023,761 266 5,283,676 

1920 not available 215 6,505,482 

The General Federation of Trade Unions was formed in 1899 
in order to provide a central organisation for the payment of 
strike benefit. It has never succeeded in gaining by any means 
the full confidence of the Trade Union Movement. In 1919 
141 unions with a membership of 1,215,107 were affiliated, but 
many of the larger unions like the miners and railwaymen still 
remain unaffiliated. 

The activities of the Trades Union Congress and the Labour 
Party were co-ordinated by a. Joint Board formed in 1906, consisting 
of an equal number of representatives from each body. This 
scheme of co-ordination though much employed before and during 
the war, has since fallen into disuse, for the whole executives of 
the two bodies have lately been holding regular joint meetings. 

Trade Union Structure. With the 1,300 separate unions 
in the trade union movement, it is noticeable, however, that the 
membership of ten of the largest unions count for considerably 
more than one-third of the total trade union membership. The 
variety of types of the Trade Unions is very large. The Miners' 


Federation, with a membership in 1920 of 900,000, is one of the 
largest, and though in name a Federation, in reality speaks as a 
national organisation. The National Union of Railwaymen, 
though of recent growth, counts a membership of 481,000 in 1920, 
and includes every grade of railway worker. The Amalgamated 
Engineering Union, a recent amalgamation of the Amalgamated 
Society of Engineers and other craft societies, has now a member- 
ship of 453,603, but excludes the unskilled. The Workers' Union 
includes both skilled and unskilled in almost every industry 
in the country, and during the last seven years has increased 
its membership to 495,000. The Agricultural Labourers' Union 
has recently become one of the large unions, and counts a member- 
ship of over 200,000. 

These different forms of union, though often overlapping or 
exclusive, are, however, linked up as Federations. For instance 
in the Building Trades, though each craft has its union, the whole 
industry is linked together in a National Federation. The 
Transport Workers, including such diverse occupations as 
seamen and 'busmen, are linked up in a National Federation. 
Both skilled and unskilled are linked up in the Federation of 
Engineering and Ship-building Trades, though the Amalgamated 
Engineering Union is at the moment outside the Federation. 
The unskilled workers are linked up in the National Federation 
of General Workers. All these Federations have been instru- 
mental in promoting complete or partial amalgamation within 
their ranks. The Building Workers, Transport Workers and 
General Workers are all moving rapidly towards this goal. 
Finally, there is one example of a trans-industrial Federation, 
the Triple Industrial Alliance formed in 1916, of the Railwaymen, 
Miners and Transport Workers. 

These different kinds of trade union structures have no necessary 
bearing upon policy. The most noteworthy internal development 
during the war was the growth in the engineering, ship-building 
and munitions industries, of the shop stewards movement. This 
was largely a war-time growth and has not survived the conditions 
which created it. With the decline of the shop stewards, 
which was mainly an unofficial movement, there came, particu- 
larly after the 1918 General Election, a tendency to the use of 
direct action, i.e., the employment of the strike weapon for 
political ends. This tendency culminated in August, 1920, in 
Councils of Action, by the mere formation of which a war against 
Soviet Russia was prevented. 


The Co-operative Movement dates from the launching of the 
Rochdale Pioneers Co-operative Society in 1844. In 1863 the 


Co-operative Wholesale Society was formed as a federation of 
local societies for trading purposes, and the Co-operative Union, 
the propagandist and educational representative of the movement, 
in 1869 ; most Retail, Wholesale and Producing societies are 
affiliated to the latter body. At present there are three wholesale 
societies affiliated, the English and Scottish Wholesale Societies 
and the Irish Agricultural Wholesale Society. These three 
societies had collectively a membership in 1919, of 2,063 Societies, 
and share and loan capital of -2 1,489,065 ; their turnover amounted 
to 115,457,164. In 1919 there were ninety-five productive 
societies (of which forty-three were affiliated to the Co-operative 
Productive Federation) , with a share and loan capital of 2,299,565 
and a turnover of 7,047,147. There are other organisations 
such as : the Co-operative Insurance Society, founded in 1867, 
which undertakes the insurance business of the English and 
Scottish C.W. Societies ; the National Co-operative Publishing 
Society, which is a federation of distributing societies owning 
several co-operative papers, such as The Co-operative News, Mill- 
gate Monthly, etc. The Co-operative Party, formed in 1918 to 
run co-operative candidates for Parliament, maintains friendly 
relations with the Labour Party, though remaining distinct and 
unaffiliated. The Banking Department of the C.W.S., had 
deposits and withdrawals for the half-year from December, 1919, 
to June, 1920, amounting to 314,463, 788, and had current 
accounts at the end of June, 1920, consisting of 1,016 from Co- 
operative Societies, 3,347 from Trade Unions and Friendly 
Societies, and 1,391 from Clubs and other mutual organisations, 
and in addition had 281 deposit accounts from trade union 
and Friendly Societies who had no current accounts. Below is 
given a table for the last eleven years, showing the total member- 
ship, turnover, etc., of the societies affiliated to the Co-operative 
Union : 

Year. No. of Societies. No. of Members. Share and Loan Capital. Turnover. 


1913 1,508 3,011,390 54,9x9,381 130,035,894 

1914 i,5 n 3,188,140 57,809,566 138,473,035 
19^5 i,497 3,310,524 63,830,430 165,034,195 

1916 1,481 3,566,341 67,348,808 197,395,333 

1917 1,478 3,835,376 69,355,148 a34,9i3,795 

1918 1,474 3,894,999 80,473,150 348,983,685 

1919 1,467 4,183,019 98,801,331 334,781,079 


CONSTITUTION : A constitutional monarchy. The legislative power Is vested in a BuU 
or Chamber of Deputies of 184 representatives elected by manhood suffrage for four years. 

ECONOMIC : Area: (i9i4)4i,933square miles. Po/>&i/0n(i9i4estimate), 4,821,300. The 
war has led to the occupation of the /Ggean Islands, Western Thrace and Smyrna ; but the 
final decision concerning these regions has still to be taken. 

An independent Labour movement in Greece is recent. A 


Socialist Party was organised by Dr. Drakoules as far back as 
1885, and in 1901 Dr. Drakoules was returned as a deputy ; 
but this was a moderate progressive type of movement, and 
during the war supported Venizelos and Greek intervention. 
In 1915 Dr. Drakoules was expelled from the Party for nationalism. 
The Party shared in the Venizelist collapse of 1920. The smaller 
Labour Federation, centred at Salonica, opposed the war, and 
formed part of the Inter-Balkan Socialist Federation. Finally, 
as a result of a Pan-Hellenic Socialist Congress in May, 1915, the 
Socialist Labour Party was formed, which in 1919 affiliated to 
the Third International. 

Trade Unionism was only just beginning at the time of the 
Balkan Wars ; in 1914 the estimated membership was 40,000. 
In 1918 a Pan-Hellenic Labour Congress founded the General 
Confederation of Labour of Greece, with 75,000 members. 
Persecution followed, with arrests and deportation of the execu- 
tive, etc., and in 1920 the membership had fallen to 60,000. 
The 1920 Congress voted affiliation to the Third Trade Union 

The Co-operative movement is described on page 212. 


CONSTITUTION : A constitutional monarchy. The Parliament, called the States-General, 
consists of an Upper Chamber of fifty members, elected for nine years by the Provincial States, 
and a Lower Chamber of one hundred members, elected directly for four years. The previous 
electorate was based on a property franchise for male citizens over twenty-five years of age, 
but the 1917 Reform Act introduced universal suffrage and proportional representation. 
Parties in the lower chamber (elected 1918) : Catholics, 30 ; Socialists, 22 ; Anti-Revolution- 
ists, 13 ; Protestants, 7 ; other groups (including Flemmists) 28. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 13,582 square miles. Population (1918) : 6,778,699, of whom 41 per 
cent, were in towns of 20,000 inhabitants or over. Agriculture (chiefly oats and rye), stock- 
raising and fisheries are main occupations ; and in addition the range of manufacturing 
industries is wide. 

The Social Democratic Labour Party of Holland was founded 
in 1894 on the basis of a previous Social Democratic Union 
established in 1878. It obtained three deputies by 1897, eighteen 
by 1913, and twenty-two (out of the total of 100) in the 1918 
elections, with a vote of 269,145, and three representatives in 
the Senate. The membership in 1919 was 42,000. The leader 
of the Party has throughout been Troelstra ; and despite a 
temporary coquetting with revolution on his part in the winter 
of 1918, the Party as a whole has always stood for moderate 
socialism, not excluding co-operation with non-socialist parties. 
It is affiliated to the Second International. The daily organ is 
Het Volk. 

In 1908 a left wing developed under Wijnkoop, which was 
expelled in 1910, and formed the Social Democratic Party, with 


De Tribune as its organ. In 1918 this became the Communist 
Party. It has two members in the lower Chamber, representing 
a vote of 31,143. In 1920 an Anti-Revolutionary Act was passed 
to deal with Communist propaganda. 

The Trade Union movement is weakened by political and 
religious differences. The Federation of Trade Unions, whose 
leaders are associated with the Social Democratic Labour Party, 
had 250,000 members in 1920, or nearly half the total of all types 
of organised workers. There also exist : (i) a National Labour 
Secretariat, which unites the revolutionary syndicalist unions, 
and had 50,000 members in 1920 ; (2) a Christian Trade Union 
Federation, with 70,000 members ; (3) a Roman Catholic Trade 
Union Bureau, with 150,000 members ; and (4) a General Trade 
Union Federation, founded in 1919 as a " non-political " organisa- 
tion to harmonise the relations of capital and labour, and having 
a membership in 1920 of 50,000. 

Co-operative organisation in Holland was formerly divided 
between the General Co-operative Union, and the Union of 
Workers' Co-operative Societies. In April, 1920, these united 
to form the Central Union of Dutch Distributive Co-operative 
Societies, which by the end of 1920 contained 220 Societies with 
250,000 members. There were also 200 Catholic Co-operative 
Societies with 35,000 members, and a Co-operative Horticultural 
Society with 80,000 members. 


CONSTITUTION : On November i6th, 1918, Hungary was proclaimed an Independent 
Republic. After the Soviet regime from March to August, 1919, a National Government was 
in power, and in the beginning of 1920 elections were held for a Parliament ; but these 
elections were not free, and the Social Democrats took no part. The new Parliament, 
composed of a bloc of right parties, elected Admiral von Horthy as Regent on March ist, 
1920. On March 23rd, 1920, the Cabinet declared Hungary a Monarchy. 

ECONOMIC : The area and population of the old kingdom of Hungary were 125,609 square 
miles and 20,886,487 inhabitants : but the new State is roughly about half the size of the 
old Kingdom. Agriculture occupies about two-thirds of the population. 

The Hungarian Labour Movement grew up under a regime 
of severe repression. Political associations were forbidden, and 
organisation had to be carried on under cover of the trade unions. 
An undemocratic franchise left less than four per cent, of the 
working class with votes. The Socialist leaders were subjected 
to continual persecution, and many were shot. Nevertheless 
the Social Democratic Party, which dates back to 1867, and received 
its modern organisation in 1890, had attained a membership of 
120,000 in 1912. 

The war was officially opposed by the Party, and in the spring 
of 1917, a secret convention declared its solidarity with the 


Russian revolution. When the old government collapsed at 
the end of October, 1918, a Coalition Government was formed 
under Count Karolyi, with three Socialist ministers. The left 
wing of the party, however, had separated off to form the Com- 
munist Party, and carried on an active agitation against the 
Government, which was repressed by martial law. Finally the 
Karolyi Government, disappointed in their hopes of Allied 
sympathy, abandoned the struggle, and on March 22nd, 1919, 
surrendered power to the Communists under Bela Kun. The 
Communist Party entered into an alliance with the Social 
Democratic Party to share the Government with them, and they 
formed the Socialist-Communist Party. 

The Soviet Republic, which lasted from March to August, 1919, 
was thus not a pure Communist Soviet Republic, but based on a 
combination of Communists and Social-Democrats. Allied 
intervention immediately took place by invasions of Rumanian 
and Czecho-Slovak armies, while a royalist White Guard was 
formed at Szeged with French military aid. Meanwhile Allied 
representatives entered into negotiations with the Social Demo- 
cratic leaders for the replacement of the Kun government by a 
moderate Socialist ministry, for which hopes of recognition were 
held out. By the end of July an agreement was drawn up 
between the British representative, Sir Thomas Cunningham, 
and the Social Democratic Minister Bohm, guaranteeing immunity 
from persecution on condition of the resignation of the Kun 
government. Accordingly on August ist the Kun government 
resigned, and a moderate socialist cabinet, under Peidl, succeeded. 
In less than a week the moderate socialist cabinet had been 
dissolved by force, a counter-revolutionary government was set 
up under the Archduke Joseph, with his agent Friedrich as 
Premier, and a reign of terror against all implicated in the Red 
regime began. The Allies after a while objected to the presence 
of the Hapsburg Archduke Joseph, who resigned ; but the 
Friedrich government continued, and the White Terror went on 
without cessation. An account of the White Terror will be found 
in the " Report of the British Joint Labour Delegation on the 
White Terror in Hungary," which is based on an investigation 
carried out in May, 1920. 

The Labour movement in Hungary has had \o continue under 
conditions of extreme repression. Only an extremely moderate 
socialist party, consisting of right-wing elements who were 
prepared to accept the White Government, was permitted ; 
while the trade unions were brought down to a quarter of their 
old strength. 

The Social Democratic Party of to-day was thus re-formed by 


right-wing elements at a convention in September, 1919. The 
Third International was repudiated, and affiliation with the 
Second International decided on. In October, 1919, a 
Coalition Government was formed containing representatives of 
the Social Democratic Party ; but owing to the impossibility of 
securing free elections the Party withdrew its representatives 
and thereafter maintained a neutral attitude with regard to 
Government. In December, 1919, a Social Democrat took office 
as Minister of Labour. The membership at the end of 1919 was 
returned at 450,000. The party organ is the Nepszava. 

The Communist Party, separated from its alliance with the 
Social Democrats, carries on its work underground. 

The Trade Union Commission (UngarlSndischerGewerkschaftsrat) 
which is the central organ of Hungarian Trade Unionism, was 
established in 1894, and had a membership of 107,000 in 1914. 
After the Revolution the membership rose to 500,000 by the end 
of 1918, and under the Soviet regime to 800,000. The White 
Terror brought down the membership to 212,000 by the end of 
1919 ; and at the first Congress since the Soviet regime, held in 
October, 1920, the membership had only risen to 215,000. 
According to a Report on the Commission in May, 1920, seventy 
per cent, of the union officials were either killed or imprisoned, 
and in all parts of the countries premises were burnt and funds 

The Central Union of Consumers' Co-operative Societies con- 
tained 2,300 organisations in the old Kingdom of Hungary. 
Present statistics are not available. There is a strong agricultural 
co-operative movement organised in the "Hangya " Co-operative 
Wholesale Society of the Federation of Hungarian Farmers. 


CONSTITUTION : Formerly subject to Denmark, Iceland is now by the Act of Union of 
1918 an independent sovereign state, united with Denmark only in the recognition of King 
Charles X. of Denmark as King of Iceland, and in such special affairs as are regulated in 
the Act of Union. The legislative body is the Althing, composed of 40 members, 34 being 
elected by universal suffrage in constituencies for six years, and 6 being elected by proportional 
representation for the whole country for twelve years ; the six national members, together 
with eight chosen by the whole Althing, compose the Upper House, the remaining 38 the 
Lower House. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 39,709 square miles. Population (1910): 85,183, of whom 57,719 
were rural and 27,464 in town or villages of over 300 inhabitants. Occupations (the figures 
include dependents) : Agriculture, 43,411 ; Fishing, 15,890 Day labourers and domestic 
servants, 10,103 : Industry, 6,031 ; Commerce and Transport, 3,940. 

Socialism in Iceland has been hampered by the Nationalist 
Home Rule movement of the past forty years. Since the achieve- 
ment of Independence in 1918, it has begun to progress rapidly. 

The Socialist Party of Iceland (A Ithyduflokkurinn) was 
founded in 1915. It has six members out of the total of fifteen 


on the Reykjavik Town Council, and issues a daily paper Althy- 
dubladid. The Trade Unions were started about 1908. There 
are four principal unions of a labour character : the Seamen, 
the Printers, the General Workers and the Women Workers. In 
1916 the fishermen organised a general strike which held up the 
trawler fleet a fortnight. Agriculture is still mainly in the hands 
of small tenant farmers, with little hired labour. The Co-operative 
movement has about forty societies, covering at least half the 


For Constitutional and Economic notes see Chapter V. 

Labour organisation in India is still only beginning. National- 
ist pre-occupations have delayed the formation of a Socialist 
movement, although socialist ideas have begun to gain currency 
among a section of the educated class. At the same time the 
conditions of industrial labour in India the extreme poverty, 
the long hours, the overcrowding and the absence of education 
have made Trade Union organisation slow and difficult. Never- 
theless during the past few years strike movements on an in- 
creasing scale and the beginnings of trade union organisation 
have begun to develop at an immense pace in the industrial 
centres of India. 

The first regular trade unions were formed in 1918 in Madras, 
when, under the auspices of Mr. B. P. Wadia, of the Home Rule 
for India League, the Madras Labour Union, was established, with 
separate unions for the textile workers, the tramwaymen, the rail- 
way workshop employees, the rickshawallahs, and the printers. 
This movement in a couple of years attained 17,000 members ; 
and in September, 1919, Mr. Wadia was present as fraternal 
delegate at the Glasgow Trades Union Congress. 

Equally important developments have taken place in Bombay 
and at other industrial centres. In Bombay, a mass conference 
of mill hands in December, 1919, summoned by the Kamgar 
Hitwardhak Sabha (an Indian Working Men's Welfare Associ- 
ation), inaugurated the new movement. There followed the 
Bombay cotton strike of January, 1920, which involved 200,000 
workers, and ended in a settlement reported as securing a ten- 
hour day and a rise of 20 to 40 per cent, in wages. (It should 
be remembered that the Department of Statistics figures for 
retail prices in India show a rise of 70 per cent, between July, 
1914, and September, 1919.) 

During 1920 industrial agitation and disputes spread all over 
the Indian industrial centres. In the single month of October 
twenty-three large scale strikes and lockouts were reported, 



covering weavers, tramwaymen, coolies, gas workers, railway 
workers, printers, paper-mills, saw- mills, cement- workers, and 
taking place in districts as widely separated as Assam, Bangalore, 
Bombay, Calcutta, Lucknow, Mysore, and Rangoon. Organ- 
isation was commonly lacking, or of an extremely inchoate 

On October 3ist, 1920, the first Indian Trades Union Con- 
gress was opened under the presidency of Mr. Lajpat Rai, and 
attended by representatives of about forty associations. By 
this Congress a permanent organisation was established with a 
central office at Bombay, under a Standing Committee of sixty 
members, " thirty-six representing the workers, and twenty- 
four others." The President of the Congress is Mr. Lajpat Rai 
and the Vice-President, Mr. Baptista. 

The Workers' Welfare League of India is an organisation, 
formed in 1918, to give representation in Great Britain to the 
interests of Indian workers. 

Co-operative organisation in India is carried on with Govern- 
ment encouragement and supervision. In 1919 there were 
33,000 societies, of which 29,000 were agricultural. 



ECONOMIC. Area: 32,586 square miles. Population (1911): 4,390,219. Occupationi 
(1911) : Agricultural, 780,867 ; Industrial, 613,397 ; Domestic, 170,749 ; Professional, 
141,134 ; Commercial, 111,143. 

The modern Labour movement in Ireland begins with the 
foundation of the Irish Trades Union Congress in 1894, and the 
Irish Socialist Republican Party (a Marxian body formed by 
James Connolly) in 1896. The revolutionary element represented 
by the I.S.R.P. was weak until in 1909 the Irish Transport and 
General Workers Union was founded by Jim Larkin as the nucleus 
for one big union for the whole Irish working class. The long 
drawn-out struggle in Dublin in 1913 that centred round this 
union, with its new revolutionary slogans of the Workers' Republic 
and the sympathetic strike, marked an epoch in the history of 
labour in these islands. Out of the Dublin struggle developed 
the revolutionism of recent years, the establishment of the 
Irish Citizen Army the first body of workers to arm for the 
Workers' Republic in Western Europe and, through the influence 
of James Connolly (born 1870, executed while a wounded prisoner 
in the hands of the English military, 1916), the friendly 
understanding between revolutionary labour and revolutionary 
Republicanism, which has presented a common front against 
the world war and imperialism. Since 1913 the I.T. and G.W.U., 


with its principles of militant mass action, has dominated the 
Labour movement in Ireland. 

The Irish Labour Party and the Trades Union Congress (the 
title adopted by the Congress in 1918 : it had assumed political 
functions as a Labour Party in 1912) is a federation of national 
and local trade unions, trades' councils and workers' councils, 
and other unions with members in Ireland (i.e. Amalgamated 
Unions with headquarters in England, such as the National 
Union of Railwaymen). Local and national unions account for 
about three-iourths of the affiliated membership, the Amalga- 
mated Unions for the remainder. The total affiliations in 1920 
were fifty-four Unions and forty Councils. The membership 
has risen from 30,000 in 1894 to 70,000 in 1914, and from 110,000 
in 1914 to 250,000 in 1918. In 1920 it exceeded 300,000, or 
practically one half the total number of wage-earners in Ireland. 
Of these, 150,000 are in the I.T. and G.W.U., and 100,000 more 
in two further unions. Unaffiliated to the Party are some 40,000 
organised workers in the Belfast area (though the Belfast Trades 
Council is affiliated with 15,000 members), and in this area a 
small number of ultra-imperialist workers are organised under 
open capitalist patronage in the " Ulster Workers' Union " and 
the " Ulster Unionist Labour Association." 

The Party represents the working class in Ireland on both the 
political and the industrial fields : the movement is essentially 
a mass movement, and the whole affiliated membership acts, 
on big issues, as a single unit on the formal advice of the National 
Executive or of Congress. Its programme since 1918 is definitely 
committed to a Workers' Republic, and it has worked closely 
with the Republican movement On successive occasions since 
1918 it has used the general strike with effect in the republican 
struggle, as in the defeating of conscription in 1918 or the release 
of the political prisoners in Mountjoy Gaol in April, 1920. In the 
latter part of 1920 its negotiations secured the adherence of the 
political labour movement in Great Britain to Irish Labour's 
demand for absolute self-determination. The party does not 
contest parliamentary seats at present ; but one fourth of the 
seats on Local Government bodies, rural and urban, are held by 
Labour or Workers' Republican representatives. 

In industrial organisation the movement has made rapid 
strides towards One Big Union with the object of " eventually 
taking over the control of industry by the organised working 
class." At present the National Executive is engaged, on com- 
mission from Congress, in working out a comprehensive plan of 
" a single all-inclusive Irish Workers' Union," constituted of some 
ten industrial sections under the general direction of a governing 


body or General StaS, which " would in the main be appointed 
by and from the several industrial sections.'"' This has been 
retarded by the state of war of the last two or three years, but 
it is within measurable distance of achievement. 

The Socialist Party of Ireland (Cumannacht na hEireann] is 
the name adopted by the Irish Socialist Republican Party in 
1904. It is a small and in the main a propagandist body on 
Marxian principles, and has declared its adhesion to the Third 
International and Communism. With the James Connolly 
Labour College (founded 1919) it has been virtually suppressed 
by the Black and Tan occupation. 

Co-operative organisation in Ireland forms part of the 
Co-operative Union of the United Kingdom, which in 1918 
had forty-eight distributive societies affiliated in Ireland with 
a membership of 37,352. The special co-operative develop- 
ment in Ireland, however, has been agricultural co-operation. 
The Irish Agricultural Organisation Society, Ltd., founded in 
1894, has 950 affiliated societies with a membership of 117,484. 
The burning and destruction of creameries by the Crown forces 
(see p. no) has involved the society in heavy loss. Labour in 
Ireland works in friendly, but not very close, alliance with the 
Co-operative movement both of producers and consumers. 


CONSTITUTION i A constitutional monarchy : the legislative power rests in the King and 
Parliament, which consists of a Senate nominated by the King and a Chamber of Deputies 
elected by manhood suffrage on a system of proportional representation. Deputies receive 
600 a year and free travel. The Parties in the Chamber, as elected in November, 1919, are : 
Socialists, 155 ; Popular Party (Catholic), 99 ; Liberal Democrats, 87 ; Radicals, 51 ; Liberals, 
33 ; Reformist Socialists, 18 ; Miscellaneous, 61. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 110,632 square miles. Population (1918) 36,740,000.* Industries: 
3,304,438 persons are returned by the 1911 census as engaged in manufactures ; the industrial 
centres (chiefly mining, metallurgy and textile) are in the north, but there are mines also in 
the south, and in Sicily and Sardinia. Agriculture is the main occupation, 92 per cent, of the 
total area being under crops. The 19 1 1 census returns 3,064,077 proprietors of land ; but this 
includes very small holdings, urban freeholders, etc. The main systems are (i) peasant 
proprietorship ; (3) partnership of proprietor and cultivator or the " metayer " system ; 
(3) tenant fanning, chiefly in the north. In the centre and south exist large estates ; and in 
recent years there has been a growing movement to seize the land for the purpose of 
peasant and co-operative cultivation. Trade : Italy is highly dependent on imports for her 
raw materials, particularly for coal ; the only raw materials she produces in sufficient 
quantities to satisfy her own needs are sulphur, hemp and mercury. The excess of imports 
over exports, which in 1913 amounted to 1,134 million lire, was in 1918 as high as 11,618 
millions, and the exchange value of the lira has fallen to a quarter of its pre-war standard. 


The Italian Socialist Party (Partito Socialista ItaUano] was 
founded at Genoa in 1892 by the secession of the Socialists from 
the recently formed Partito dei Lavoratori Italiana, a body 
which although it adopted a socialist basis was more than diluted 

This figure omits the newly incorporated territory under the Treaty of St. Germain. 


by republican and democratic elements. With the formation of 
the P.S.I, a break was made with the anarchist insurrectionary 
tradition which had dominated the Italian labour movement 
since the formation of the Italian Federation of the International 
in 1872. The influence of this element, however, persisted 
within the Party and gave rise to perpetual friction until it was 
definitely excluded at the Congress of Rome in 1906. 

In its early years the Party was subjected to severe perse- 
cution, and it was mainly owing to this that the policy of col- 
laboration at elections with the republican and democratic 
parties was adopted. The growth of revolutionary syndicalism, 
especially after the general strike of 1904, still further reduced 
the prestige of the Party. At the Rome Congress in 1906 the 
syndicalist element was overwhelmingly outvoted, but we find 
the triumphant Integralists, uneasily aware of the cause of the 
Party's small success, declaring against the alliances with the 
Liberals, save in exceptional cases. Nevertheless the member- 
ship of the Party declined^steadily from 36,000 in 1906 to 24,000 
in 1910. 

The Tripoli war marks a turning point in the fortunes of the 
P.S.I. Presenting at first but an unsteady resistance to the 
wave of imperialism, by the time of the Modena Congress in 
October, 1911, it had sufficiently recovered to declare by a narrow 
majority against the war and to abandon once and for all its 
collaborationist tactics. In the following year the left had become 
strong enough to compel the expulsion of the pro-war element. 
The latter, under Bissolati, Bonomi and Cabrini, formed the 
Socialist Reformist Party. The beneficial results of the anti- 
war policy were immediately apparent, and the membership of the 
Party increased from 27,000 in 1912 to 48,000 in 1914. 

It was thanks to this Tripoli experience that Italian socialism 
was not stampeded at the outbreak of the war in 1914. Its 
opposition to intervention was emphatic, and when this failed 
it, opposition to the war was maintained to the end. With the 
Russians the Italian socialists took the initiative in re-uniting 
the shattered International, and it was as a result of their 
efforts that the Zimmerwald Conference was held. 

The P.S.I, emerged from the war with enormously increased 
prestige. It was at once apparent that a drastic revision of the 
early Genoa programme was necessary. In the stress of war 
and under the influence of the Russian revolution the Party had 
taken a giant stride to the left. The membership had grown to 
70,000. The re\ision of the programme was effected at the 
Bologna Congress in October, 1919. Four tendencies revealed 
themselves at the Congress : the Reformists led by Turati, Treves, 


and Modigliani ; the Maximalists, led by Serrati, accepting the 
communist programme and believing in parliamentary action ; 
the Abstentionists, led by Bordiga, communist and anti-parlia- 
mentarian ; and the section led by Lazzari, anxious for the unity 
of the Party, and proposing a compromise, which the reformists, 
feeling too weak to stand alone, supported. The maximalist 
resolution was carried by an enormous majority. The new 
programme was a communist one. It admitted the historic 
necessity for violence and illegal methods, declared for the 
replacement of bourgeois democratic institutions by Soviets and 
for the dictatorship of the proletariat. It was further decided 
that the Party should participate in the forthcoming parlia- 
mentary elections, but solely with the purpose of using parlia- 
ment as a tribunal for communist propaganda and for the 
destruction of the bourgeois instruments of domination from 
within. With this programme the socialists fought the general 
elections of December, 1919, with great success, capturing 156 
seats out of 508, and polling one-third of the total vote. The 
recent administrative elections gave another indication of the 
enormously increased influence of the Party. Compared with 
about 400 in 1913, the Socialists captured about 2,500 of the 
8,500 communes, among them Milan, Turin and Leghorn. 

The P.S.I, had now become a Communist Party, but there still 
remained within it the reformist right wing led by Turati. The 
following of this section in the membership was very small, but 
it was strongly represented in the Parliamentary Group, which 
came into frequent conflict with the Party Executive. It was 
clear the position could not last ; and the Second Congress of the 
Third International in August, 1920, brought matters to a crisis 
by the demands of the 21 Conditions, calling specifically for the 
expulsion of Turati and his followers. This led to unexpected 
opposition from Serrati, the editor of Avanti, and the most 
prominent personality in the Party. Serrati formed a group 
around him of " Unity Communists " who, while accepting the 
21 Conditions, demanded the right to interpret them according 
to Italian conditions and to deal with the reformists when the 
time came. Thereupon the attack of the Third International 
Executive immediately turned upon Serrati ; and the group of 
" Pure Communists," led by Bombacci, who stood by the Third, 
was instructed to break both with Turati and Serrati. At the 
Leghorn Congress in January, 1921, this took place. The voting 
showed : Unity Communists, q8,o28 ; Pure Communists, 58,783 ; 
Concentrationists, 14,695. Thereupon the Pure Communists 
decided to form the Italian Communist Party. 

The present Italian Socialist Party (January, 1921), thus 


comprises a small reformist right wing and a strong communist 
majority, but is outside the Communist International. The 
membership before the split was placed at 200,000. and still 
contains the majority of the old Party. Almost all the Parlia- 
mentary deputies have rallied to the Party. The future tendency 
of the organisation remains to be seen : at present they have 
refused to take part in the Reconstruction Conference at Vienna, 
and Serrati has expressed the hope that the split will not be 
permanent and that they will shortly be in the Third Inter- 
national again. The organ of the Party is Avanti, with a cir- 
culation before the split of 400,000 ; the organ of the Turatl 
group is the Cvitica Sociale. The present secretary is Giovanni 

The Italian Communist Party was formed, as above described, 
in January, 1921, and has absorbed the former Abstentionist 
Group of Bordiga. The membership is estimated at 50,000. 
The principal members of the Executive are Bombacci, Bordiga 
and Gennari ; the Parliamentary Group consists of eighteen 
deputies and the daily organ is L' Or dine Nuovo. 

The Italian Socialist Union is the successor of the Reformist 
Socialist Party, which was formed, as mentioned above, in 1912 
from the members who were expelled from the P.S.I, because 
of their support of the Tripoli war. On Italy's intervention in the 
European War the Reformist Socialist Party joined with other 
socialist supporters of the war to form the Italian Socialist 
Union. It is nationalist, patriotic, and reformist. Both Bissolati 
and Bonomi were members of the National Cabinet during the 
late war, and Bonomi is Minister for War in the Giolitti govern- 
ment. When Nitti's government fell in the middle of 1920, 
Bissolati was a likely candidate for the premiership. His 
recent death probably signifies the extinction of whatever 
influence the Party possessed. 

The Anarchist Union. The influence of anarchism is closely 
bound up with the history of Italian labour and has become 
particularly strong during times of unrest, as for instance, during 
the events which led up to the sanguinary general strike of 
1904. Malatesta, Andre Costa, and Cafiero were the leaders of the 
" Propaganda of the Deed " from 1877-8. In 1892, Costa and 
his followers joined forces with the newly-formed P.S.I. 
Malatesta remained leader of the Anarchist movement. His 
return from exile after the war marked a recrudescence of Anar- 
chist influence. In 1919 the Unione Anarchica was formed. It 
has a daily, L'Umanita Nuova, with a circulation of 50,000 
copies. In November, 1920, Malatesta and the whole of the staff 


of L'Umanita Nuova were arrested and are still in prison at the 
time of writing. To-day the doctrines of the Italian Anarchists 
are very close to those of the communists. 

The Young Socialist Movement in Italy has always borne a 
strictly anti-militarist character which it maintained throughout 
the course of the war, many of its members suffering severely 
for their anti-militarist propaganda. They were most active 
in their efforts to re-establish the Young Socialist International 
and they are now affiliated to the Young Communist Section 
of the Third International. The Italian Young Socialist 
Federation counts 35,000 members. Their fortnightly Journal, 
L'Avanguardia, has a circulation of 25,000 copies, and in addition 
they publish a journal for children, II Germoglio, with a circula- 
tion of 15,000 copies. The fractional differences in the P.S.I, 
have been faithfully reflected in the adolescent movement. 

The League of Ex-Combatants. The League of Wounded, 
Invalid and Ex-Soldiers and Dependents and Widows of Fallen 
Soldiers is an organisation which is exercising ^considerable 
influence on Italian labour. As its name applies, it organises 
not merely ex-soldiers but also the widows and dependents of 
soldiers fallen in the war. In March of this year it numbered 
over 100,000 members. It works in close conjunction with the 
P.S.I, and is affiliated to the C.G.L., which latter supplies it 
with financial support. In addition to the object of protecting 
the interests of war victims, it is a propagandist organisation 
with a communist programme and its official leaders are all 
maximalist socialists. Its influence is felt in the rural districts 
where socialist propaganda is usually weak. It has taken an 
active part in the seizures of lands and is a dynamic force in the 
recent unrest. In February, 1920, its Executive decided to affiliate 
to the Third International. 


The General Confederation of Labour The Confederazione 
Generate del Lavoro (C.G.L.) is the largest trade union organisa- 
tion in Italy. It was formed in 1905 at the second joint congress 
of the Chambers of Labour and the Trades Federations, and 
these to-day form the two-fold unit of organisation of the C.G.L. 
The Trades Federations (Federazione dei Mestiere) are of older 
origin and find tbeir prototype in the National Congresses of the 
Printers' Society of Resistance in 1848 and 1869. 

The Chambers of Labour (Camere del Lavoro) came into 
existence in 1890 and were modelled on the Paris Bourse de 
Travail. The Central Secretariat for Resistance, formed in 


1902. was a national federation of the Chambers of Labour, but 
it got overlooked in the violent disputes between the syndicalists 
and reformists at the joint national congress of Chambers of 
Labour and Trades Federations in 1905, and thereafter ceased to 
exist. The Chambers of Labour are local federations of trade 
union branches and form the local units of trade union agitation 
and activity. Their composition and character vary, br.t in 
general they combine the functions of a trades council, a labour 
exchange, and a permanent strike committee or council of action. 
They have provincial federations and national congresses, and 
often participate as a separate organisation at the joint delibera- 
tions of the C.G.L. and the Socialist Party. Since 1906 every 
branch of the Trades Federations is affiliated to its local Chamber 
of Labour, and every branch affiliated to the Chambers of Labour 
is also affiliated to its trade federation. 

The C.G.L. is composed of Chambers of Labour and Trades 
Federations. It has an Executive Council of fifteen elected at 
the National Congress and a National Council consisting of dele- 
gates who meet periodically. Its membership, which decreased 
from half a million to 200,000 during the war, has since grown 
at an extraordinary pace to over two millions. It must be 
remembered that important organisations, such as the Railway- 
men's, Seamen's, and Port Workers' Federations do not adhere 
to the C.G.L., the railwaymen because of their syndicalist leanings, 
the seamen and port workers because in addition to being syndi- 
calist they are also nationalist and patriotic. Agricultural 
labourers always formed a large part of the Italian trade union 
movement. Their Federation affiliated to the C.G.L. numbers 
close on 800,000 members. 

The C.G.L. was originally much troubled by dissension between 
the reformists and syndicalists until the former definitely tri- 
umphed in 1911. Its programme is socialistic, though of a more 
reformist character than the P.S.I. With the latter it has a pact 
of alliance adopted during the war in accordance with which 
every movement of a political character is to be directed by the 
P.S.I, supported by the C.G.L., and similarly the P.S.I, is to 
lend assistance to the industrial activities of the C.G.L. The 
two have been closely associated in various strikes and political 
manifestations since the war. When the recent movement of 
the metal workers began to assume revolutionary proportions, 
the fateful question as to whether the P.S.I, or the C.G.L. should 
assume control and the movement correspondingly be given a 
political character or not, was decided at a special national 
congress of the C.G.L. in favour of the latter only by a very 
narrow majority. All the members of the Executive of the 


C.G.L. are Socialists, and D'Aragona, the Secretary, is also on 
the Executive of the P.S.I. 

Since the war the C.G.L. has managed to secure the almost 
universal introduction of the eight-hour day. The main struggle 
has been to keep pace with the bounding cost of living, but a new 
factor has been introduced in the spontaneous demand of the 
rank and file for control of industry, manifesting itself in the 
frequent seizures of factories, and the recent movement of the 
metal-workers which was accompanied by an epidemic of seizures 
and almost brought the country to the verge of revolution.* 

Unione Sindacale Italiana. The definite triumph of the 
reformists at the Modena Congress of the C.G.L. in 1911 was 
followed by the secession of the syndicalists, who, in 1912, joined 
with the existing National Committee for Direct Action, an 
organisation for syndicalist propaganda and activity centred 
in the Parma Chamber of Labour, to form the Unione Sindacale 
Italiana (the U.S.I.). 

The org?nisation of the U.S.I, is similar to that of the C.G.L., 
consisl ing of Chambers of Labour and Trades Federations. It 
quarrels with the C.G.L. because of the latter's centralised 
bureaucracy, its anxiety to accumulate large fighting funds, and 
its reformist policy. It advocates the local, autonomous and 
pugnacious unit (trade union or chamber of labour) the industrial 
in place of the craft union, non-participation in politics, but 
incessant use of the industrial weapon to intensify class antagon- 
ism and the general strike to precipitate the overthrow of 
capitalism and the State. 

On the question of the war the U.S.I, suffered a serious division 
of forces leading to the expulsion of the Parma Chamber of 
Labour. Its membership is at present about 150,000. The revo- 
lutionary orientation of the whole Italian labour movement 
after the war led to an attempt to unite the U.S.I, and the C.G.L., 
which, however, proved abortive. Nevertheless, the U.S.I., 
the C.G.L, and the P.S.I., have in the last two years found 
frequent occasion for joint action, and, indeed, under the Moscow 
influence there is less to choose between the U.S.I, and the left 
wings of the C.G.L. and the P.S.I, than between the extreme 
wings of the two latter bodies. Together with Malatesta and the 

The seizure of the factories by the metal-workers began at Milan on August 3otb, 1920, in 
answer to a threatened lockout. In a few days the bulk of the foundries, machine shops and 
metal works of Northern Italy were in the hands of the workers ; and production was to some 
extent resumed, in spite of difficulties of supplies, under factory committees. The Prime 
Minister, Giolitti, called a conference of representatives of the C.G.L. and the employers by 
which an agreement was reached on September igth, conceding the principle of " trade union 
control " in industry. The joint commission established to work out the details of this 
scheme broke down ; and in January, 1921, the Government introduced a Bill for Labour 
Control which was very little different from the German Works Councils Act 


staff of L'Umanita Nuova the whole Executive of the U.S.I, was 
arrested last November and are still in confinement at the time 
of writing. 

Catholic Unions. In addition to the U.S.I, and C.G.L. there 
are catholic and independent trade unions in various industries. 
Their influence is small. They repudiate the principle of the 
class struggle, but believe in the strike as a weapon in defence of 
the interests of the workers. The General Secretariat of Pro- 
fessional Unions is the National Federation of the Catholic Trade 
Unions. It claims to possess 100,000 members. 


Labour and productive societies bulk very largely in the 
Italian co-operative movement. They are favoured by certain 
legal enactments and undertake considerable contracts for 
public works. The Reggio-Ciano Railway, for instance, was built 
by co-operative labour. In 1919 fifty productive societies per- 
formed public works to the value of several tens of millions of lire. 
There are now over 2,500 producing co-operative societies. The 
Federation of Labour and Productive Societies was formed in 
1909. The metallurgical co-operatives manage arsenals and 
shipyards, and supply rolling stock for the Ministry of Transport. 

The agricultural co-operatives have spread greatly since the 
war, and a National Federation of Agricultural Societies was 
formed in 1918. They operate in various ways ; some merely 
hire large estates collectively to avoid the rent exactions of the 
preneur d bail and farm individually ; others undertake collective 
farming under joint or separate management. In addition there 
are societies for collective purchase and sale, vintners' societies, 
dairies, oil mills, etc. Building societies are greatly in vogue 
and there is a custom of forming temporary societies for the 
co-operative performance of a particular constructive job. 

Until recently the distributive side of the Italian co-operative 
movement was weak as compared with the productive side, but 
to-day they are more evenly balanced. There are about 4,000 
distributive co-operative societies. They are centralised in the 
Union of Distributive Societies founded in 1886. The National 
League of Co-operatives unites the activities of both the pro- 
ducing and distributing co-operatives. It has about 10,000 
societies affiliated to it. It furnishes them with moral and 
administrative aid, and is both the national propagandist 
and political expression of the co-operative movement. 
The National League, which was hitherto politically 
neutral, has recently entered into alliance with the P.S.I, and the 
C.G.L., probably owing to the fact that the Catholic Co-operative 


Societies, of which there are a number, had been receiving 
political support from the Popular (Catholic) Party. The 
National League offers material assistance during strikes, 
and undertook, for instance, the financing and provisioning of the 
recent metal-workers' movement. The National League pro- 
fesses a moderate socialist programme. Mention should be made 
of the co-operatives formed to administer the land, houses and 
factories, the seizure of which have been a feature of the recent 
Italian labour movement. Thus, for instance, the lignite mines 
of the Island of Elba, of which the miners recently seized possession, 
are administered by a co-operative society formed for this 
special purpose. 


CONSTITUTION : Executive power is vested in the Emperor working through a Council 
of Ministers responsible to him. Legislative power is exercised by the Emperor with the 
consent of the Imperial Diet, consisting of the House of Peers, and a House of Representatives 
elected by male citizens over twenty-five years of age, with a qualification based on 
taxation and residence. 

ECONOMIC : Area (including Korea, which covers 84,738 square miles) : 260,738 square 
miles. Population in 1920 (including Korea with 17,384,207): 77,005,510. Occupations: 
three-fifths of the arable land is stated to be cultivated by peasant proprietors, the remainder 
by tenants. Industrial development has proceeded rapidly since the eighties : in 1918 
there were 1,676,860 factory workers (825,000 women) in factories employing over fifteen 
persons, besides '465,200 workers in mines (104,700 women) and 598,400 workers in 
transpoit and postal services, making a total of 2,740,460. 

Socialism of a modern style made its first appearance in 
Japan in 1901 ^with ,the foundation of the Social Democratic 
Party by Kotoku, a [revolutionary ^socialist who had studied 
in France, and Sen Katayama. Although its platform was 
extremely moderate, the society -was immediately suppressed. 
Two years later the socialists formed the Plebs League, a society 
for study and propaganda, which carried on an anti-war agi- 
tation at the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in 1904, and 
in the same year sent Katayama as a representative to the 
International Socialist Congress at Amsterdam. It was sup- 
pressed the following year. When the war was ended the organ- 
isation reappeared under the form of the Socialist Party of Japan, 
and began the publication of the first Socialist daily, The Plebs 

Government repression followed, culminating in the famous 
executions of 1910, when a number of socialist leaders were 
secretly tried on a charge of plotting to kill the Emperor, and 
twelve (including Kotoku) were sentenced to death and twelve 
to life imprisonment. The movement was driven underground.;;^ 

The Russian Revolution had a profound effect in Japan, 
and the agitation against intervention in Siberia helped to 
unify Japanese socialism. In December, 1920, in the face of 


Government threats, a Japanese Socialist Federation was formed 
at Tokyo with about 2,000 members. To evade suppression the 
programme was made moderate in tone, though many of the 
leaders are Communists : the organisation has, however, been 
under the ban of the authorities. 

Industrial. Isolated unions began to spring up during the 
nineties. In 1900 the Police Law made agitation for strikes 
a crime, and the trade unions collapsed. 

In 1912 the Yuai Kai was founded as a moderate educational 
workers' society, and in 1917 the Shinyu-Kai, a fraternal society 
of printers. In the same year the high cost of living attendant 
on war-time prosperity produced a series of strikes, and the 
Yuai-Kai and the Shinyu-Kai developed into industrially 
active organisations. The Rice Riots of 1918, with their wide- 
spread conflicts with the troops, stimulated class-consciousness 
among the workers, and the early part of 1919 saw a rapid growth 
in strikes and organisation. By the end of 1919 a slump followed^; 
and in 1920, to achieve unity, the twelve leading unions of Tokyo 
and its outlying distiicts (including the Yuai-Kai, now organ- 
ised on industrial lines, with several departments, including metal, 
transport, mining, textile and other workers, and 150 branches, 
with a membership of 30,000) united in a loose federation to 
form the Japanese Federation of Trade Unions ; and fifteen 
unions of Osaka and its outlying districts formed the Federation 
of Trade Unions of Western Japan. 

Co-operative. There are officially reported to be 13,000 
co-operative societies in Japan : but the greater part of these are 
agricultural and credit societies ; consumers' co-operation is 
stated to cover just under one-third of the total. 


CONSTITUTION : The new Serb-Croat-Slovene State was formed at the end ol 1918 by the 
union of the former Austro- Hungarian Provinces of Slovenia, Croatia, Dalmatia and Bosnia, 
and later of the former Kingdom of Montenegro with the old Kingdom of Serbia. The 
constitution of the old Kingdom of Serbia divided power between the King, the State Council 
of eight Ministers (appointed partly by the King and partly by the National Assembly), 
and the National Assembly (Skttpshiina) of 166 deputies elected by male Serbians paying 
15 dinars in direct taxes. In December, 1918, the first Ministry of the Kingdom of the 
Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was formed ; and in December, 1920, the first elections were held 
for the whole state, but the constitution of the new State had still to be finally determined. 
The Parties returned at the 1930 elections were : Radical; 97, Democrats 93, Communists 38, 
Croatian? 56, Agrarians 40, Moslems 25, Social Democrats 10, Miscellaneous 35. 

ECONOMIC: Area, (estimated) : 101,250 square miles. Population (estimated) i: 14,360,000 
Agriculture is the main occupation ; almost half the total area is forest, which is mainly 
owned by the State. 

The Communist Party of Jugo-Slavia contains the previous 
Social Democratic parties of Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia, and Dalmatia. 
The Serbian Social Democratic Party was founded in 1903 and 
in 1912 had two deputies in the Skupshtina. It was always a 


militant Marxian organisation, and at the outbreak of war its 
deputies voted against the war credits. The party was subjected 
to continuous persecution during the war and after. In April, 
1919, it united with the Socialist parties of the newly-incor- 
porated provinces to form the Socialist Labour Party of Jugo- 
slavia on the basis of the Third International, and in 1920 the 
name was changed to the Communist Party. The membership 
in 1920 was 60,000 ; and at the elections in December, 1920, it 
had fifty-eight deputies, making it the third largest party. The 
daily organ is the Radnitchke Novine. 

The Social Democratic Party consists of the socialist minority 
who supported the government during the war and after, and 
seceded to form a new organisation in 1919. At the 1920 
elections it obtained ten seats. 

The Central Trade Union Council (Centralno Radnitchko 
Sindikalno Vetche) is the governing body of the trade unions and 
workers in conjunction with the Communist party. Its member- 
ship in 1920 was 250,000. There is also a General Workers' 
Federation, formed by the Social Democrats with about 10,000 

A Federation of Co-operative Unions was formed in June, 
1919, to unite the co-operative movements of the various parts 
of Jugo-Slavia. It combines eleven co-operative unions, 
covering 3,800 societies and half a million members. 


CONSTITUTION : The Independence of Latvia was proclaimed on November iSth, 1918. 
The government was in the hands of a State Council (which was in abeyance during the 
period of civil war in 1919) until the election in April, 1930, of a Constituent Assembly based OD 
universal suffrage. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 25,000 square miles. Population: two-and-a-half millions. Agri- 
culture is the main occupation ; the main exports are flax and timber. Capitalism is more 
developed in Latvia than in the other Baltic States, and the proportion of the landless peasants 
and town workers is high. 

The Lettish Social democracy was always in the forefront 
of the Russian revolutionary movement. In the 1905 revolution 
it played a leading part, and the subsequent suppression by the 
Baltic barons was of extreme cruelty. When Latvia was pro- 
claimed independent in November, 1918, a State Council was 
formed of all parties except the Communists. A soviet revolu- 
tion followed, the State Council fled to Libau, and a Congress 
of Soviets at Riga in January, 1910, proclaimed Latvia an 
independent Soviet Republic. The Soviet Republic lasted from 
January till May, when it was suppressed by the aid of German 
troops under Von der Goltz acting in conjunction with +he Allies. 
The restored Provisional Government held elections for a Con- 
stituent Assembly in April, 1920, when there were returned 


fifty-seven Social Democrats (right wing) against ninety-three 
for the fifteen other parties. The Communist Party formed in 
the spring of 1919 by the Fourth Congress of the Social Demo- 
cratic Party (left wing), has to exist illegally and boycotted the 
elections. The Trade Unions which work with the Social 
Democratic Party, were reported to number about 25,000 
members in 1920. 


CONSTITUTION : The Independence of Lithuania was proclaimed on February, x6th, 1918 . 
The Government was in the hands of a State Council, until the election of a Constituent 
Assembly by universal suffrage in the spring of 1930. 

ECONOMIC : Pending the fixing of the boundaries, exact statistics are not available. The 
area of the districts of Vilna, Kovno and Suwalki is 36,532 square miles, with a population in 
1914 of four-and-a-half millions, ofjwhom 86 per cent, were rural ; there were a9,425_factory 

Labour organisation is not much developed in Lithuania. 

The most active socialist organisation before the revolution 
was the Jewish Bund of Lithuania, Poland and Russia. At 
the Constituent Assembly elections in 1920 there were returned 
fifty-nine Christian Democrats, twenty-nine representatives 
of the National Socialists and Farmers' Union, and thirteen 
Social Democrats. 


CONSTITUTION ! A Grand Duchy ; legislative power is vested in a Chamber of 48 
deputies directly elected for 6 years. 

ECONOMIC : Area : 999 square miles. Population (1916) : 263,8241 Chief industries : 
iron and steel; 

The conflict of five different nationalities in the little State of 
Luxemburg has made the development of the labour movement 
difficult. The Social Democratic Party, founded in 1896, devoted 
its main energies until recently to social legislation and the fight 
for universal suffrage. In recent years the movement has 
gained strength in the iron and steel centres, and secured 
thirteen representatives at the last elections in 1919. The 
tendency has been increasingly leftward ; and a campaign over 
the Third International led to a vote at the last Congress in 
January, 1921, of sixty-seven for conditional adhesion and 
twenty-one for unconditional adhesion. The minority seceded 
to form the Communist Party. 

Trade union organisation began in 1903, but at first made little 
headway. By 1920, however, the Commission Syndicate de 
Luxemburg had 27,000 members. In September, 1920, a law 
was passed giving the workshop councils the right to participate 


in the management of industry. French and Belgian capital, 
which has a controlling voice in the industry of the country, 
demanded the abolition of the councils. In January, 1921, 
following on a lock-out of several hundred foundry workers, the 
workers occupied the mines, workshops and foundries. The 
French garrison, however, which had been retained in the 
country despite trade union protests, suppressed the Works 


CONSTITUTION: By the constitution of 1917 Mexico became a Federative Republic, divided 
into States with the executive power vested in a President appointed for four year* by a 
direct popular vote. The National Congress consists of a Senate of 58 members, and 
House of Representatives with one member for each 60,000 inhabitants. Both houses are 
elected for two years. 

ECONOMIC : The population in 1913 was estimated at 15,501,000. The total area of 
767,198 square miles contains about 30 million acres of cultivated land, 120 million acres of 
pastoral land, and 44 million acres of forest. Agriculture, mining, and oil-production are the 
principal industries. 

Mexican labour organisation first became prominent under 
the initial " liberal " policy of the Carranza administration, 
beginning December 1915. The Mexican Socialist Party was 
organised and in the State of Yucatan even gained control of the 
administration. Its left wing was largely strengthened by the 
immigration of "radicals" from U.S.A., when the United States 
entered the war. A split took place at the annual conference of 
the party in September, 1919, the seceding group founding the 
Communist Party of Mexico. Negotiations have since been in 
process for fusion between the two bodies, and this has now taken 
place. In December a second smaller group founded the " Mexican 
Communist Party," which was connected \iith the Amsterdam 
sub-bureau of the Third International. 

On the industrial side there were in 1918 two organisations 
on a national scale, the Regional Confederation of Labour, modelled 
on the American Federation of Labour, consisting of 217 asso- 
ciations, mainly craft unions, including thirty-five unions of 
agricultural workers, and the House of the World's Workers, 
organised on a syndicalist basis. The membership of the 
Confederation in 1921 was estimated at 500,000. In September, 
1919, together with the formation of the Communist Party, there 
was founded the Mexican Administration of the I.W.W., which 
has rapidly spread its influence at the expense of the craft unions. 
The second " Mexican Communist Party " proceeded to organise 
industrial unions under the title of " The Communist Federation 
of the Proletariat." 



CONSTITUTION : The government of the Dominion of New Zealand is vested in a Governor- 
General (representing the Crown) and a Parliament of two chambers : the Legislative Council 
consisting of an indefinite number of nominated members (normally about forty), now to be 
made elective ; and the House of Representatives of eighty members (with separate repre- 
sentation for the Maories), elected triennally on a wide adult franchise. Parties : The 
" Reform " Party is at present (January, 1921) in power, the state of the parties being 
Reform 48, Liberal 19, Labour 8, Independent Labour 3, Independent 3. 

ECOMONIC : Area: 104,000 square miles. Population (1918) : 1,170,946. Occupations: 
The census of 1916 gave 59.33 per cent, as dependents, etc. ; 13.66 per cent, engaged in 
professional, domestic and commercial work ; 3.87 per cent, in transport services ; 10.64 
per cent, in industry, and the remaining 12.50 per cent, in primary production mainly 
agricultural and pastoral work, and including mining and forestry. The urban population 
was about 54 per cent, and the rural about 46 per cent, of the whole. In 1919, 
82,783 workers were employed in factories numbering 12,444. 

Labour organisation in New Zealand is a comparatively recent 
growth owing to the temporary effect of the extensive social 
legislation during the period preceding the war. Between 1890 
and 1914 an elaborate programme of a " State Socialist " 
character was carried out : the railways were nationalised, the 
landed estates broken up, social and labour protection laws intro- 
duced, and, in particular, the national regulation of wages and 
hours established by a system of compulsory arbitration. For 
a time this produced industrial peace : between 1894 and 1905 
there were no strikes. Thereafter strikes have occurred with 
increasing frequency, and it is clear that the law of compulsory 
arbitration cannot be enforced against a strong Union. Dis- 
satisfaction with the existing law is general; and at the opening 
of Parliament, in 1920, the Governor-General foreshadowed 
amending legislation. 

Before the war the political activities of the Labour movement 
were sporadic and diffused. There were, in various centres, 
branches of the N.Z. Social Democratic Party and Labour 
Representation Committees, each of which nominated Parlia- 
mentary candidates. In 1914 there were six Labour members, 
representing a total Labour vote of 45,837. In 1916, at a joint 
conference of the Social Democratic Party, the Labour Repre- 
sentation Committees and the United Federation of Labour, 
a unified Labour Party, with a definitely socialist objective, was 

The Labour Party, although of recent formation, is active and 
highly organised. At the 1919 General Election forty-eight 
candidates were put forward, and eight Labour (official) seats 
secured, the Labour vote being about three times that of 1914. 
Affiliated to the National Party are local branches, Trade Unions 
and Federations, Trades and Labour Councils, and branches of the 
Social Democratic Party. 

Labour in New Zealand has paid special attention to workers' 
control in industry, and has placed on its programme the demand 



that in each socialised industry the governing Board shall have 
at least half the members elected by the workers in the industry. 
The Party is not affiliated to either International. 

Trade Unionism has now gained considerable strength in 
numbers and organisation. In 1920 there were 380 Unions 
with 82,553 members : that is, seven per cent, of the 
population. Of tne Unions, 190 were organised into thirty 
associations, mainly national federations of one craft. Within 
the last two years the movement towards larger units has made 
good progress. 

The two predominant groups are the New Zealand Workers' 
Union, which organises the mass of the rural workers and is 
linked up with the powerful Australian Workers Union ; and 
the Alliance of Labour which grew up out of the affiliations 
of the Waterside and Transport Workers and the Miners, and 
now includes, among others, railway and transport workers, 
miners, engineers and metal workers, on a basis of industrial 
departments. In November, 1920, a joint conference of the N.Z. 
Workers' Union, the Alliance of Labour, and other union feder- 
ations was held to promote unity in industrial organisation, and, 
in particular, to find some basis for the unification of the two 
predominant groups. 


CONSTITUTION : A constitutional monarchy. Legislative power is vested in the Storting. 
a one-chamber institution consisting of 136 members elected by universal suffrage every three 

ECONOMIC : Area: 125,000 square miles. Population (estimated January ist, 1918) : 
2,633,000. Production : Of the total area of Norway, 75 per cent, is unproductive, 21.5 
per cent, is forest and 3.5 under cultivation. The forests and fisheries are the chief natural 
resources. Occupations : In 1910, when the population was 2,391,000, the number of persons 
engaged in agriculture and forestry was 651, coo ; in fisheries 109,000 ; in mining and industry 
456,000; in trade 129,000 ; and in transport 136,000. 

A revolutionary workers' movement broke out among the 
agricultural population in 1850 but was violently suppressed by 
the authorities. The failure of the Liberal successes in the 
eighties to fulfil the hopes aroused among the workers, led to a 
revival of the movement, and in 1887 the Norwegian Labour 
Party was formed. In 1912, when the membership had reached 
45,000, the Left Wing organised itself as a separate group within 
the Party, under the influence of Tranmael, who had been a 
member of the American I. W. W. At the Easter Congress of 
1918, the Left were in a majority and the Right Wing leaders 
retired, since when control of the Party organisation and Press 
has been in the hands of the Left. In 1919, the Party decided 
to join the Third International, and in 1920 adopted a programme 
in favour of a revolutionary regime on the Soviet system. The 


membership of the Party in May, 1920, was 110,000. It has 
only eighteen representatives in the Storting, although about 
one-third of the total votes were polled at the 1919 election. 
The Party has 2,674 members on the various local government 
bodies ; fifteen daily papers and twenty-five others are pub- 
lished, the chief is the Christiania daily, Social-Demokraten. 

In November, 1920, the anti-Communist section in the Party 
broke away, and formed in January, 1921 the Norwegian Social- 
Democratic Labour Party. A split in the Storting group also took 
place, ten members of the eighteen deciding to adhere to the new 

The first Norwegian trade unions were formed about 1872. 
By 1898 there were already thirteen national federations, and 
in 1899 the National Trade Union Federation was formed. The 
membership of the Federation in July, 1920, was 150,000, the 
number of unions 1,800. Relations with the Labour Party 
are very close, and the Congress of the Federation held in 1920 
expressed its approval of the revolutionary programme adopted 
by the Party. The Congress also decided in favour of substi- 
tuting local for industrial groups. Norway was the only country 
in which the general strike of July 2ist, 1919, called to protest 
against intervention in Soviet Russia, was effectively carried 
out. The growing opposition within the Labour Party to un- 
conditional adherence to the Third International is said to be based 
on Trade Union support. 

During the winter 1917-18, Workers', Fishermen's, and Soldiers' 
Councils were formed on the Russian model. The Storting 
passed on July 22nd, 1920, a provisional measure for Works 
Councils which, however, only have advisory functions and apply 
to undertakings employing fifty workers or over. 

The number of societies of the Norwegian Co-operative Union 
wa& 294 at the end of 1919, with an individual membership of 


CONSTITUTION : In the Republic of Peru the executive power is in the hands of the President 
appointed for five years by direct popular vote. Legislative power is vested in a Senate 
of 57 members, and a House of Representatives of 128 members, elected by popular vote. 
In each case one-third of the members, selected by lot, retire every two years. 

ECONOMIC : Area : 722,461 square miles. Population (1896) : 4,260,201. The chief 
products are cotton, coffee and sugar. 

The organisation of the Labour movement is very weak, but 
there is evidence of a growing class-consciousness among the 
workers, which has been reflected to a certain extent in recent 
legislation. In 1919 an eight-hour day was established for 
women under eighteen, and children under fourteen were pro- 
hibited from working more than six hours a day, and may not 


be employed at all unless they are literate and certified as medi- 
cally fit. 

Industrial organisations are concentrated chiefly in Lima and 
Callao, and include three big federations. 

The largest is the Federation of Artisans, consisting of skilled 
workers. The General Federation of Workers is mainly un- 
skilled, and is composed of ten unions. The League of United 
Societies has thirty-six branches, and is primarily a mutual 
benefit association. They are all affiliated to the Latin-American 
Centre. Two general strikes occurred in these towns in 1919. 
The first in May resulted in rioting and considerable loss of life. 
Callao and Lima were placed under martial law and the move- 
ment was suppressed. In the September strike clerical workers 
and shop assistants participated for the first time. The workers 
succeeded in getting an increase in wages, but accepted compul- 
sory arbitration. Frequent strikes have, however, occurred 


CONSTITUTION : The Independence of Poland was proclaimed on November gth, 1918 
(it had previously been proclaimed under the German-Austrian regime on November 5th, 
1916). The Constitution, until the beginning of 1931 has been provisional,* power being 
OD the hands of the President, General Pilsudski, who combines his office with the position 
of Commander -in-Chief of the Army, the Council of Ministers, and the Constituent Assembly, 
or Seym. The principal parties in the Seym are : Polish People's Party (Grabski), 198 ; 
National Peasants' Party, 71 ; National People's Union, 71 ; Polish Socialist Party, 35 ; 
Christian Nationalists, 29 ; other parties, 82. 

ECONOMIC : The area and population of the new Republic of Poland depend on the final 
fixing of the boundaries. The total area for the former Russian, Prussian and Austrian 
Poland is 100,531 square miles, with a population in 1910 of 33,431,923. The land, of which 
about 60 per cent, is arable or pasture, and 25 per cent, forest, is worked partly in small 
farms and partly in large estates. There are no exact returns of industry In Poland in her 
present state. The 1920 budget showed a deficit of 79 per cent, of the total expenditure. 

The old partition of Poland meant the splitting up of Polish 
Socialism by State boundaries until the unification in 1916 and 
1918. Nevertheless the Polish Socialist Party (P.P.S.) which 
consists of the former three separate parties in Austrian, German 
and Russian Poland, may be treated as having a continuous 
history from the foundation of the three separate parties, since 
the separation was only formal. It has always been strongly 
nationalist in character : in the beginning of the war the P.P.S. 
(with the exception of the Left Wing which separated off) sup- 
ported the Polish Legion under the socialist, General Pilsudski, 
in fighting for Austria, and looked to the victory of the Central 
Powers to achieve its nationalist aspirations. During the 
Austro-German rule it was a recognised party at the elections and 
secured two seats. After the defeat of the Central Powers and the 
proclamation of Polish Independence, the P.P.S. formed the 

* In March, 1921, the regular Constitution was at length passed. 


Government for a short time until the Constituent Assembly 
elections in January, 1919, when it received thirty-five seats 
out of 420. In July, 1920, the party, through its leader, 
Daszynski, entered the Coalition Government of National 
Defence for the war against Russia, but withdrew at the end of 
1920. The attitude of the party with regard to the Polish 
offensive against Russia elicited adverse expressions of opinion 
from other parties in Europe, including the British Labour 
Party. The P.P.S. is affiliated to the Second International. 

The opposition to Polish socialism was represented in the past 
by the Left Wing of the P.P.S. and by the Social Democratic 
Party of Poland and Lithuania (the old party of Rosa Luxemburg). 
In 1918 these combined and formed the Communist Party, which 
is illegal, and has had to meet with violent repression. The 
leader of the Communist party is Marchievsky. In the autumn 
of 1920 a further split in the P.P.S. led to a new left wing of the 
P.P.S. distinct from the Communist party. 

The Trade Unions have developed with difficulty under the 
conditions of economic crises and repression. In May, 1920, the 
first Trade Union Congress was held. There were 560,000 
members of the Social Democratic Trade Unions, and 388,000 
members of other unions. The strongest union was the Agri- 
cultural Workers' Federation with 150,000 members. 

Co-operation in Poland is widely extended, though not united. 
At the end of 1920 there were reported to be 4,036 Societies with 
1,368,000 members. The largest association is the Union of 
Polish Distributive Societies (formerly the Warsaw Union, 
founded in 1911), which had 280,000 members in June, 1920. 
There is also a Workers' Co-operative Union (under Socialist and 
Communist influence), a Christian Workers' Co-operative Union, 
a Railway Employees' Co-operative Union and other separate 


CONSTITUTION : A Republic since 1911 : the Parliament consists of two Chambers, a 
National Council of 164 members, elected by direct suffrage for three years and an Upper 
Chamber of 71 members elected by the Municipal Councils, one-half the members being 
renewed every three years. 

ECONOMIC : Area : 35,490 square miles. Population (1911) : 5,423,132. Agriculture, 
vine-culture, fruit-growing and fisheries are the main occupations ; manufactures are little 

The revolutionary conditions in Portugal during the last 
decade have been reflected in the Labour movement. Since 
1917 strikes and peasant revolts have produced conditions of 
virtual civil war. In September, 1919, at a Congress in 
Coimbra, representing 100,000 workers, a General Confederation 
of Labour (Confederacao Geral do Trabalho) was formed on 


the model of the French C.G.T. The Congress refused to 
participate in the Washington International Labour Conference. 
The organ of the movement is A Batalha. 

The political movement is less important. The Socialist 
Party of Portugal was founded in 1876 but was negligible until 
the overthrow of the monarchy in 1910. The Party opposed the 
war, and the single socialist deputy, de Silva, opposed the vote 
of confidence in the government when Portugal entered the war. 
In the elections of May, 1919, the socialist vote was 35,000 
and the Parliamentary representation rose to two. In April, 
1920, there was a scission in the party over the question of 
socialist participation in the government. 


CONSTITUTION : The new Rumanian State is constituted as a result of the Peace Treaties 
of 1919 out of the union of the old Kingdom of Rumania with Bessarabia, Bukovina and Tran- 
sylvania. In the summer of 1930 a constituent Assembly was elected by universal suffrage 
to unify the Constitution of the new State. 

ECONOMIC j Area (1919) : 124,383 square miles. Population (estimate for the new King- 
dom) : 17,393,000. About 80 per cent, of the population are engaged in agriculture. Coal 
and petroleum are both important industries, the total petroleum output in 1914 amounting 
to 1,783,957 metric tons. 

Conditions in Rumania have produced a revolutionary labour 
movement. The old semi-feudal land system, by which before 
the war half the cultivable land was held by about four thousand 
persons (a system not modified until 1918 under the threat of 
revolution), and the repressive character of the government have 
combined to bring about this result. An early intellectual 
socialist movement during the 'nineties broke down owing to the 
defection of its members to the liberals in 1899 ; while the few 
active socialists were at the same time suppressed by heavy 
sentences for propaganda among the peasants. There followed a 
period of restriction, during which the workers were compelled 
to belong to " obligatory corporations " of employers and em- 
ployed in order to obtain a " carnet " or ticket giving them the 
right to work. In opposition to these corporations a revolution- 
ary trade union movement grew up which, under the leadership 
of the Trade Union Commission, took the place of the old Socialist 
movement. This received a stimulus trom the Russian Revo- 
lution of 1905, and the Peasants' Revolt of 1907, which was 
savagely suppressed. By 1907 Socialist groups were in being 
again, and in 1911 these united with the trade unions to form the 
Social Democratic Labour Party. Since then the Socialist and 
Trade Union Movements have gone hand in hand, and at the end 
of 1920 claimed a membership (for the whole of the new 
Rumania State) of 100,000 in the Party and 200,000 in the 


Trade Unions. The Party opposed Rumanian intervention in 
the war (successfully, till August, 1916), and took part in 
the Zimmerwald movement. The war drove the organisation 
underground through the combined repression of the German 
military organisation over three quarters of the country and 
the Rumanian Government in the remaining area. In Decem- 
ber, 1918, a general strike led to the wholesale arrest of the 
Executive of the Socialist Party and the Trade Union Com- 
mission, and the Government has since maintained its power 
by a reign of terror, which increased under the military regime 
of General Averescu. In the elections of December, 1919, 
the Party withdrew its candidates owing to the reign of terror. 
In the 1920 elections 20 Deputies and 3 Senators were returned. 
In February, 1921, the Socialist Party Executive decided in 
favour of joining the Third International by eighteen votes 
to twelve in favour of the Vienna Conference and eight for the 
Second. The minority, who represented mainly the new 
provinces incorporated in Rumania, seceded to form the 
Social Democratic Party, which was represented at the Vienna 


CONSTITUTION : A Socialist Federal Soviet Republic. The sovereign authority is the 
All-Russia Congress of Soviets, consisting of representatives of Town Soviets (one per 25,000 
electors) and of the Provincial Congresses of Soviets (one per 115,000 inhabitants). The All- 
Russia Congress meets twice a year, and appoints a Central Executive Committee of up to aoo 
members. Ihe C.E.C. is a continuous body and appoints the Council of People's Com- 
missaries, which is the principal governing authority. Both the members of the Executive 
Committee and the People's Commissaries are elected for three months, but the People's 
Commissaries can be recalled or superseded at any time by the Executive Committee. The 
Local Soviets, which constitute the basic units of the whole structure, and are at the same tune 
the organs of local government, are grouped according to successive areas of administration : 
(i) Town Soviets of one per 1,000 inhabitants, elected by factories, wards, trade unions and 
parties ; (2) Village Soviets of one per hundred inhabitants, and combining to form District 
(Volost) and County (Uyezd) Congresses of Soviets on a basis of one per 1,000 inhabitants ; 
(3) Provincial (Gubemia) or Regional (Oblast) Congresses of Soviets, elected by both town 
and country Soviets. 

Electoral Rights are extended to all persons over eighteen who " earn a living by productive 
work or by work of social usefulness." No distinction is made between Russians and aliens. 
Excluded are: employers, persons living on investments, traders, monks, clergy, members 
of the former Russian Reigning House, officials and agents of the police forces of the Old 
Regime, lunatics, minors and criminals. Political parties to participate in elections must 
recognise the Soviet authority. 

ECONOMIC : By the constitution of the Soviet Republic private property in land is declared 
abolished, all land being the common property of the people ; all forests, mines and waters of 
national importance, as well as all livestock and fixtures, model estates and agricultural con- 
cerns, are declared national property ; and all factories, works, mines, railways and other 
means of production and transport are brought under the law of factory control and the 
Supreme Economic Council with a view to their complete transference to the Soviet Republic. 

The Supreme Economic Council is the controlling authority in production and distribution. 
Its members are appointed in agreement with the All -Russia Central Council of Trade Unions. 
Under it are Central Industrial Departments appointed by the Supreme Economic Council in 
agreement with the Central Committees of the corresponding Trade Unions. The local organ- 
isation reproduces the same scheme with district Economic Councils and District Economic 
Departments. The actual management of the factories was at first in the hands of Boards 
but these have since usually been replaced by one-man management. 


The Labour Commissariat, which is controlled by the Trade Unions, fixes wages and labour 
conditions, under the general regulation of the Code of Labour Laws. The Code of Labour 
Laws makes labour compulsory for all persons between the ages of sixteen and fifty, except for 
medical reasons. Those who are ill or unemployed are entitled to remuneration at their usual 
rate of wages during the time they are not working. 

The history of labour organisations in Russia is the history 
of the Russian revolution, and therefore any abstracted account 
of separate organisations must inevitably lack proportion and 
background, and give an unreal hardness of definition to fluctuat- 
ing movements. A rapid survey of the general issues of the 
Russian revolution will be found on pp. 65-89. 


Socialist ideas began to be current in revolutionary circles 
in Russia in the sixties and seventies of the last century ; but 
this revolutionary movement was not a workers' movement. 
When towards the end of the nineteenth century the previously 
existing groups took definite shape as parties, two definite 
parties developed : the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which 
inherited the left wing of the revolutionary movement and was 
strongest among the peasants, and the Social Democratic Party 
which was strictly Marxist and appealed to the town workers. 

The Social Democratic Party was founded in 1898 on the 
basis of previous groups of socialist workers. The first Social 
Democratic group had been formed by Plekhanov in 1883 ; 
and during the nineties Lenin and Martov had built up Working 
Men's Unions, which combined the character of trade unions 
with that of illegal revolutionary organisations. In 1898 the 
Party held its first Congress ; and from the first there was divi- 
sion between two groups, a division which in 1903, at the Geneva 
Congress, developed into a split. The Bolsheviki or majority, 
led by Lenin, insisted on illegal work as a qualification for 
membership of the Party. The Mensheviki or minority, led by 
Martov, objected to this exclusion of sympathisers from member- 
ship. It is important to note that there was no disagreement 
on the programme, which was adopted unanimously. The 
difference was one of tactics, and concerned (i) the importance 
to be attached to illegal work ; and, as the difference developed 
(2) the question of co-operating with bourgeois parties of the 

Despite later attempts at unity, this division was destined 
to be permanent. After the failure of the 1905 revolution the 
Mensheviks predominated ; a Unity Congress was held at 
Stockholm in 1906, in which the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed 
that 1905 was only the first stage in the Russian revolution and 
not its ending, were outnumbered. At the London Congress in 


1907 the Bolsheviks again had the majority : but both sections 
maintained their separate organisation, and in 1912 even ran 
candidates against one another in the elections for the Fourth 

The war intensified the divisions in the Social Democratic 
Party. The Bolsheviks stood for extreme opposition ; a new 
group was formed under Plekhanov which supported the war ; 
the Mensheviks were divided. From this point the develop- 
ment of the groups may be noted separately up to the present 

(a) The Bolsheviks from the outset condemned the war as 
imperialist in character, and the socialists who supported it 
as traitors to the International ; they demanded the end of the 
war by social revolution. After the revolution of March 1917, 
they opposed the Coalition Government and called for All 
Power to the Soviets. A rising in July, 1917, was suppressed, 
and many active Bolsheviks were imprisoned or went in hiding. 
By the autumn, however, they had majorities in the trade unions, 
in the principal town Soviets and in the army and navy, and in 
conjunction with the left Socialist Revolutionaries, they success- 
fully seized power in November, 1917. In 1918, on the dissolu- 
tion of the Constituent Assembly, they took the name of 
Communist Party (as the original Marxian term) to distinguish 
themselves from the nationalist or parliamentarian social demo- 
cratic parties. The Communist Party at present is the govern- 
ment party, and its position is consequently a peculiar one. 
The programmes adopted at its Congresses constitute the 
government programmes, and it is the nerve of contact between 
the government and the trade union, soviet and other organi- 
sations. Membership, involving as it does both burdens and 
powers, is jealously guarded ; access is not made easy, discipline 
is severe, and expulsions frequent. The present membership 
is stated to be 700,000. The vote for the Bolsheviks at the 
Constituent Assembly elections was nine millions,* and showed 
absolute majorities in Petrograd and Moscow, the Northern 
and Western Armies and Navy and the largest single vote in 
the North and in the industrial centres. 

(6) The Mensheviks have been more important as an intellect- 
ual party than as a popular force ; they have not been able to 
equal the position of either the Bolsheviks with the town workers 
or the Socialist Revolutionaries with the peasants. Thus the 
Constituent Assembly results quoted above showed 668,000 
votes for the Mensheviks as against nine millions for the 

According to Sviatitzky's figures; these only cover, however, fifty-four out of the 
seventy-nine electoral districts, the chief omissions being Esthonia, Bessarabia, Kalouga, 
Olonetz, the Don, Podolia, Orenbourg and Yakoutsk. 


Bolsheviks, and twenty millions for the Socialist ^Revolutionaries. 
During the war the Mensheviks, whose chief leaders were 
Tscheidze, Tseretelli, Martov and Axelrod, supported the 
Zimmerwaldian movement and advocated a democratic peace 
without annexations or indemnities. The Menshevik Inter- 
nationalists, led by Martov and Axelrod, constituted a left 
section more openly opposed to the war. The principal present 
leaders are Martov and Abramovitch. The Mensheviks have 
consistently opposed foreign intervention in Russia, and although 
standing for the principle of the Constituent Assembly, have 
advocated rallying to the Soviet regime as against reaction. 

(c) The " Edinstvo " (Unity) group consisted of Plekhanov* 
Alexinsky and a few other social democrats who advocated 
whole-hearted support of the war. Plekhanov died in 1918, 
and the group only remains in one or two individuals who have 
carried on vehement anti-bolshevist propaganda. 

The Socialist Revolutionary Party was founded in 1901 (after 
being first organised in Switzerland as the " Agrarian League " 
in 1899). In its origin it was closely connected with the former 
revolutionary organisations, Zemlia i Volia (Land and Liberty) 
and the Narodnaia Volia (Will of the People), the leading terror- 
ist organisation. These origins have always been reflected in 
the programme and outlook of the Socialist Revolutionary 
Party. The programme begins : " The Party looks not only to 
the development of the impersonal antagonism of classes, but 
also to the intervention of the conscious champions of truth 
and justice." The Socialist Revolutionaries thus from the first 
marked themselves off from the Marxism of the Social Demo- 
crats ; they advocated and practised assassination which the 
Social Democrats condemned ; and in their social theory they 
looked above all to the peasants and the development of agri- 
cultural communes with a large local autonomy. Based on the 
peasants, they were the most numerous party ; in the Con- 
stituent Assembly they had 460 of the total of 703 deputies, 
and their votes showed twenty millions. 

The groups, however, into which the party has been broken 
up have been widely divergent. 

(a) The Left Socialist Revolutionaries, led by Spiridonova and 
Kamkov, approached closely in tendency to the Bolsheviks, 
and co-operated with these in the November Revolution. 
They shared the government with the Bolsheviks, holding 
seven seats in the Council of People's Commissaries, until 
the Spring of 1918 when they resigned owing to their opposition 
to the Peace of Brest-Litovsk. Thereafter they continued as 


a separate party, recognising the Soviet Government and acting 
in the Soviets, but criticising the Communists and their methods. 

(6) The Centre, represented by Tchernov and Soukhomline, 
was the largest section in numbers, but not homogeneous in 
policy. Tchernov and those with him supported the Zimmer- 
wald movement ; but a minority stood for national defence. 
After the revolution the party was united in support of the 
Constituent Assembly, and, on the dispersal of that body 
by the Bolsheviks, turned to military resistance in conjunction 
with the Czecho-Slovaks. When, however, in November, 1918, 
the Socialist Revolutionary members of the Directorate of Five 
were thrown into prison, and Kolchak proclaimed himself 
dictator, a section of the party, led by Volski and Sviatitsky, 
declared for co-operation with the Bolsheviks rather than with 
the Allies and re-action, and came to terms with the Bolsheviks 
in the beginning of 1918. The remainder continued to demand 
the armed overthrow of the Bolsheviks ; and their last Congress 
in June, 1919, declared that while they opposed Allied inter- 
vention, their cessation of the armed struggle was only 
provisional owing to the temporary insufficiency of their forces. 

(c) The Right Socialist Revolutionaries represented by 
Avksentiev, Savinkov and Mme. Breshkovskaia supported the 
war wholeheartedly and approved co-operation with non-socialist 
parties of the left. The section was strongly anti-bolshevik, and 
leading members gave open support to Kolchak and Denikin. 


Trade Unionism in Russia is a revolutionary growth. This 
has affected its character as profoundly as Continental Trade 
Unionism has been affected by its Socialistic origin and British 
Trade Unionism by its pre-Socialist origin. 

Pre-Revolatlonary Organisation. There was no possibility of 
Trade Unionism of the most moderate kind under the Tsarist 
regime. The Criminal Code of 1874 forbade Trade Unions 
and strikes categorically, the clause in question running : 
318. " Persons accused of belonging to societies having the aim 
of rousing hostilities between employers and workers, as well as 
provoking strikes, are liable to imprisonment for eight months 
with deprivation of rights and property, and exile to Siberia." 

This clause was strictly enforced, and the sporadic unorganised 
strikes that occurred from the seventies onwards, as an industrial 
population developed, were severely repressed. 

Under the circumstances the only legal forms or organisation 
open to workers were mutual aid and insurance societies carried 
on under close Government supervision. Small illegal groups 


of a Trade Union character, with illegal strike funds, were formed 
under the auspices of the Social Democratic Party during the 

The Revolution. The 1905 Revolution witnessed a great out- 
burst of Trade Union organisation. Strikes were general, and 
in October, 1905, the first Trade Union Conference was held. 
By February, 1906, the Second Trade Union Conference represent- 
ed 200,000 organised workers. In the succeeding months, as 
the revolution was suppressed, this Trade Union organisation 
was rapidly exterminated by wholesale arrests, executions, 
and banishments. In 1907, according to the police statistics, 
104 Trade Unions were closed down. During 1908, no less 
than 70,000 persons were banished for political offences. 

Trade Unionism had thus virtually to build itself up again 
from the bottom after the revolution of March, 1917, though 
there had been some previous signs of attempted revival in the 
years just before the war. 

The growth was so rapid that by June, 1917, the Third Trade 
Union Conference was able to bring together delegates from 
267 Unions representing 1,475,249 members. With this Con- 
ference the work of unification began for building up a central 
body and national unions. 

The Bolshevik revolution brought a new stage. Previously 
the unions had been divided in opinion between the policy of 
" independence " or political neutrality advocated by the Right 
Wing Socialists, or of revolution as advocated by the Bolsheviks. 
By September, however, at the Democratic Conference summoned 
under Kerensky, the Bolsheviks had the majority (70 out of 
the 117 Trade Union delegates). The division, however, was 
marked ; and after the Bolshevik revolution a period of struggle 
followed during which elements hostile to the Bolsheviks 
(notably among the printers and the executive of the railway- 
men) were put down. Thenceforth the Trade Unions, though 
nominally independent, became in practice part of the economic 
structure of the Soviet state ; strikes were forbidden, and the 
functions of wage regulation, grading of work, factory discipline, 
and industrial protection were put in their hands. 

Present Organisation. The numbers of Trade Union member- 
ship in December, 1920, were 5,222,000 organised in twenty- 
three industrial unions. The growth may be seen from the 
following table : 

Third Conference (June, 1017) .._ 1,475,439 

First All-Russia Congress (January, 1918) 
Second All-Russia Congress (January, 1919) 
Third All-Russia Congress (April, 1930) 
Membership in December, 1920 
Estimate for March, 1931 

5, 222,000 


The structure of the Russian Unions is based on the factory 
as unit. Each factory has its committee and this is the local 
unit of the Union. These factory or shop units are grouped 
into industrial unions on the principles of " one factory, one 
Union," whatever the trade of the man concerned. The trans- 
fers thus made necessary are rendered easy by the absolute 
uniformity of the organisation and finance of the different unions, 
the entrance fee being always half a day's pay, and the sub- 
scription two per cent, of the pay. Membership becomes obliga- 
tory when the majority of workers in a factory agree to it. 

The present Unions, as re-grouped by the 1920 Congress, cover 
the following industries : 


Medical Service. 






















Soviet Institutions. 


Public feeding and housing. 








Metal industries. 




Communal Services. 






Finance Department. 


Postal Services. 


Modern co-operative organisation in Russia began in the 
sixties. Four main types developed ; (i) Consumers' Societies 
organised in the Moscow Central Union of Consumers' Societies 
or Centrosoyus ; (2) Credit Societies ; (3) Agricultural Societies ; 
(4) Artels (or small producers' co-operative societies a very 
old type in Russia) of Kustars (homeworkers) and creameries. 
The latter two types were not numerous, but the Credit Societies 
reached a total of 26,500 in 1918, and the Consumers' Societies 
of 40,000. At the end of 1918 it was estimated that Consumers' 
Co-operation covered 12,000,000 members, and was thus serving 
a population of about 60,000,000. 

The first All-Russia Congress of Consumers' Co-operative 
Societies was held in 1896, and of Credit Societies in 1898. The 
first All- Russia Co-operative Congress was held in 1908, the second 
in 1913, and the third in 1917. The third Congress appointed a 
permanent Council of Co-operative Congresses. 

The revolution of 1917 produced a gigantic growth of Russian 
co-operation. After the second revolution difficulties developed 
between the Co-operative Council and the Soviet Government ; 
since the old co-operative leaders insisted on independence, 
while the communists insisted on public control of distribution. 
In April, 1918, a Decree was passed making membership of con- 
sumers' co-operative societies obligatory and seeking to turr 


the co-operatives into soviet stores. This was ineffective ; 
but meanwhile the position of the old Council was weakened 
by the development of a strong minority of Workers' Co-opera- 
tive Societies which were encouraged by the Soviet Government 
and formed their separate Council. In November, 1918, a Decree 
was passed making the right to vote in co-operative societies 
dependent on the same conditions as the soviet franchise. In 
February, 1919, the Moscow Narodny Bank, the financial centre 
of co-operation in Russia, was nationalised (the shareholders 
being transformed into depositors) and became the Co-operative 
section of the People's bank of the Russian Federal Republic 
of Soviets. Finally in March, 1919, the principal Decree was passed 
which established a single " Consumers' Commune " in every 
town or village, amalgamating and replacing previous societies 
to include the whole population and to form the public organ of 
distribution. A new Central Board was appointed with a majority 
of representatives of the Council of People's Commissaries.* 


CONSTITUTION : The Union of South Africa was constituted in 1910, with a Governor 
General (representing the Crown), and a Parliament of two Houses : a Senate of 40 members, 
8 being appointed and 32 elected by the Provinces for an initial period of ten years ; and a 
House of Assembly of 130 members elected on a franchise determined separately by each 
Province. Parties in the House of Assembly (elected February, 1921) : South African 
Party 76, Nationalists 41, Labour 9. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 473,096 square miles. Population (1911): 5,973,394, of whom 
1,276,242 were white. Occupations (1911): Agricultural, 192,424; Industrial, 143,255; 
Commercial, 81,627 ; Professional, 59,721 ; Mining. 47,000 (and 295,000 non -Europeans) ; 
Government and Defence, 26,258. 

Labour in South Africa is divided into two groups : a skilled 
white minority, relatively well paid and organised ; and a large 
coloured majority, very badly paid and only beginning to be 
organised. This division is reflected in the economic and politi- 
cal organisation of labour. The white craftsmen exclude coloured 
labour from the skilled trades, and have been accused of in- 
difference and an opposition to coloured labour organisation. 
Thus white and coloured labour organisation have grown up 
separately : and the same issue in the political field separates 
the Labour Party and the International Socialist League. 

The Labour Party was founded in 1909, and in 1910 secured 
four representatives in the first election. After the industrial 
struggle and deportations of 1913, the Labour Party won a 
majority in the Transvaal Legislature. The war, however, led 
to a split : the majority under Colonel Cresswall supported the 
war : the minority under W. H. Andrews, seceded to form the 

The resulting position is described on p. 210. In March, 1921, a new policy was 
announced, by which a measure of independence would be restored to the co-operatives. 


International Socialist League, which proclaimed the principles 
of revolutionary socialism and put the abolition of the colour-ban 
in the forefront of its programme. In the 1920 elections the 
Labour Party representatives rose from five to twenty-one, but 
fell again to nine in the elections of February, 1921. 

Trade Unionism in South Africa was estimated in 1920 to 
cover about 80,000 members, organisation being strongest in 
mining, building and engineering. The South African Indus- 
trial Federation is the principal national federation ; but 
many unions are outside it. In 1920 a Council of Organised 
Workers was formed, which unites the professional and technical 
workers. Coloured labour unions have begun to develop under 
conditions of great difficulty, and in July, 1920, at a Convention 
in Bloemfontein, it was decided to form a non-European Workers' 


CONSTITUTION : A constitutional monarchy. The legislative authority or Cortes is 
composed of a Senate consisting of 360 members, one-half being either senators in their 
own right (hereditary or holders of certain high offices), or nominated life senators, and the 
other half being indirectly elected ; and a Congress consisting of 417 members elected by 
the direct and compulsory vote of all males over twenty-five years of age. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 190,050 square miles. Population (1918 estimate): 20,719,598. 
Occupations : Agriculture, 24.6 per cent, of the population ; Hunting and fishing, 0.23 per 
cent. ; Mining, 0.42 per cent. ; Manufactures, 5.02 per cent.; Transport, 0.73 per cent. ; 
Commerce, 0.74 per cent. ; Labourers, 3.16 per cent. 

The Spanish labour movement takes its rise in the First 
International. In 1870 the Spanish section of the First Inter- 
national was constituted by a previously existing Central Feder- 
ation of Labour Organisations, with headquarters in Barcelona. 
From the first the Spanish section, which grew with extreme 
rapidity and by 1873 included 270 regional federations, 
comprising 537 trade unions with a membership of 300,000, was 
dominated by the followers of Bakunin, the revolutionary 
anarchist rival of Marx in the First International. The followers 
of Marx, or " authoritarians " as they were called, were only a 
small minority. 

This early Bakuninist influence, coinciding with the conditions 
and tendencies which gave it its hold, has profoundly affected the 
labour movement in Spain. 

Anarchism and syndicalism have both been strong : and at the 
present day revolutionary syndicalism is the dominant force in 
the principal industrial region, the region of Catalonia with 
Barcelona as its headquarters. On the other hand, political 
socialism has centred round Madrid, the intellectual and official 
capital, and has been by comparison weak and lacking in energy. 

The Industrial Movement. The existing organ of the revo- 
lutionary syndicalist movement is the General Confederation of 


Labour (Confederation General del Trabafo), which is centred in 
Catalonia, and had in 1920 a membership of 800,000. The 
C.G.T. was founded in 1900 by a loose federation of existing 
revolutionary labour organisations, and its chief aim is the further- 
ing of revolution by the general strike. Its history has been one 
of violent struggles with employers and state alike ; and the 
conditions under which it has fought have approximated to civil 
war. The machinery of general strike action that it has evolved 
is marked by extreme mobility and rapidity, and the efficiency of 
its working has led a prominent American financier to declare the 
Spanish C.G.T. " the most menacing, the most extraordinary, the 
most terrifying organisation with which I have ever come in 
contact " (F. A. Vanderlip : " What Happened to Europe "). 
The better to adapt its organisation to the end desired, the 
Congress of 1919 decided (by a majority of 651,473 to 14,000) to 
abolish the national trade union federations, and to substitute 
in every region a Sindicato Unico, or " One Big Union," including 
all the trades of that region grouped in thirteen industrial sections. 
At the same Congress it was decided to affiliate to the Third 

Alongside of the C.G.T. there exists the socialist organisation of 
the workers, the General Union of Workers (Union General de 
Trabaj adores). This was founded by the socialists in 1883 and 
has continued under their leadership. Until 1902 the Union's 
rules required the members to recognise the Socialist Party's 
programme. The same officers have continuously served for 
both organisations, and El Socialista is still the organ of both. 
The U.G.T. had in 1920 a membership of 300,000 in 1,100 branches. 
Its stronghold is in the mining district of Biscaye and Asturias, 
though it also includes many building and railway unions, and 
has of late years been developing fast among the agricultural 
workers. Until recently it has pursued a moderate opportunist 
policy ; it has sent representatives to the Institute of Social 
Reforms (a semi-official economic body), and in strikes has 
commonly accepted the arbitration of that body. At its Congress 
in July, 1920, it decided to remain in the Amsterdam Inter- 
national Trade Union Federation by a vote of 110,902 to 17,919. 
Nevertheless, the growing violence of the reactionary forces, 
witnessed in the government's suspension of the constitutional 
rights of workers and the terrorism of the military juntas, 
and the increasing influence of the C.G.T., led to a new 
orientation in the Union's policy, and the 1920 Congress decided 
to approach the C.G.T. for a defensive alliance. The C.G.T. was 
at first unwilling : but the ever increasing need of a united front 
led to a defensive Pact of Unity in September, 1920. The Socialist 


Party was also included, and a Committee of Action of nine 
members had three representatives of each organisation. In 
December, 1920, however, the C.G.T. denounced the Pact, 
accusing the U.G.T. of having failed to stand by them. 

Political. The Socialist movement derives from the small 
" authoritarian " group of the old section of the First Inter- 
national, and the chief socialist leader, Iglesias, was originally a 
member of that group. The Socialist Labour Party (Partido 
Socialista Obrero) was founded in 1879, and secured its first 
member in the Cortes, Iglesias, in 1910. It was for long a very 
moderate and reformist body, and between 1909 and 1919 worked 
in alliance with the Republican and Reformist parties. During 
the war it called for intervention on behalf of the Allies, and 
refused to attend the Stockholm Conference, while attending the 
Inter-Allied Conferences. Recently, however, a change in 
character has appeared. The general strike of 1917 led to the 
imprisonment of prominent socialist leaders, including Anguiano, 
Caballero and Besteiro. In 1918 at the general election they were 
all triumphantly returned, and the socialist representation rose 
from one to six. The Congress of December, 1919, decided against 
all further alliance with bourgeois parties by 14,435 to 10,040 
votes ; and a motion in favour of affiliation to the Third Inter- 
national received 12,497 votes against 14,010 for a waiting policy. 
In the municipal elections of 1920 the representation rose 
from 82 to 500. In June, 1920, the Party Congress decided by 
8,269 to 5,016 votes in favour of conditional adhesion to the Third 
International. The following Congress, however, in April, 1921, 
finally rejected affiliation by 8,808 votes to 6,023; and the 
minority seceded. The membership at the beginning of 1920 
was 42,113 (as against 14,588 in 1918). 

The left section which was formed within the S.L.P. worked 
under the name of the " Committee for the Third International." 
The Young Socialist Party, however (numbering about 10,500) 
at the Congress in April, 1920, transformed themselves into the 
Communist Party. This was joined by individuals from the 
S.L.P., but the organised Communist section within the old party 
did not join until after the Party Congress of April, 1921. 

Co-operation does not play an important part in Spain, and is 
weaker now than before the war. Its centre is in Catalonia. 
At the beginning of 1918 there were 219 distributive societies, 
with a membership of 32,302, and 264 productive societies 
employing 5,388 persons. 



CONSTITUTION : A constitutional monarchy ; executive power is in the hands of the King 
exercised in conjunction with a Council of State. The Riksdag, or Parliament, has two 
chambers ; the First Chamber, or Senate, of 150 members, is elected by the provincial 
councils ; the Second Chamber of 230 members is elected for four years by universal suffrage, 
the proportional system being used hi each case. 

ECONOMIC: Area: 173,035 square miles. Population (estimated December 3ist, 1918) 
5,813,850. Occupations : According to the census of 1910/45.8 per cent, of the population 
were dependent on commerce and industries, the remaining half being dependent on 
agriculture. 54.7 per cent, of the area of the country is under forests, 12.4 per cent, under 
cultivation. The number of persons employed in factories in 1917 was 401,325, the chief 
industries being mining, metal working, timber and wood-working. 

The Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party was formally 
organised in 1889, the date of the beginning of the Socialist 
movement being about 1880. The earlier years of the movement 
were chiefly occupied in the agitation for universal suffrage, 
culminating in the general strike of May, 1902. By 1914 the 
Party had grown so much in power, that at the elections of the 
Lower Chamber it was returned as the strongest party with 
eighty-seven seats. In November, 1914, it was decided to form 
a Coalition ministry with the Liberals after the war, a decision 
that led ultimately to the secession of the left wing. The 
coalition was actually formed in 1917 and remained in power 
until March, 1920, when a purely Socialist Government was formed 
with Branting as Premier, the first recorded instance of a Socialist 
ministry in a Constitutional monarchy. The Government was, 
however, not in a strong enough position to pursue a definitely 
Socialist policy, and on October 22nd, 1920, after the elections 
of September, Branting resigned. The Party is still the largest 
in the Lower Chamber, with seventy-six members. The official 
daily organ is Social Demokraten. The party is affiliated to the 
Second International. 

The Swedish Left Social Democratic Party was formed in May. 
1917, when the left wing of the Social Democratic Labour Party 
seceded, having refused to acquiesce in the policy of co-operation 
with the Liberals adopted by the majority. At the last elections 
seven Left Socialists were returned to the Lower Chamber. At 
the Congress held in October, 1920, it was decided to adhere to 
the Third International. The chief party organ is Folkets Dagblad 

The National Federation of Swedish Trade Unions, formed in 
1899, now includes thirty-one national unions, whose combined 
membership, at the end of June, 1920, was 280,987. The Feder- 
ation has always worked in close co-operation with the Social 
Democratic Party, during the first year of its existence actually 
imposing on the unions the obligation to affiliate to the party. 
This regulation led to the beginning of the Syndicalist movement, 


which has continued to be an important side of Swedish trade 
unionism. The number of members in the Syndicalist organi- 
sation was 24,000 in 1919. Both the Federation and the other 
unions suffered severely from the effects of the general strike of 
1909, the membership of the Federation falling as low as 80,000 
by 1912. The Labour movement in Sweden is confronted with 
the opposition of powerful organisations of the employers . 

The Swedish Co-operative Union, which covers four-fifths of the 
distributive co-operative societies in the country, comprised 
916 affiliated societies in 1919 with an individual membership 
of 225,423. The Union is closely related with the Social Demo- 
cratic Party. 


CONSTITUTION : A Republican Confederation with supreme power vested in the Federal 
Assembly, or joint session of the two chambers. These are the State Council of 44 members, 
two from each Canton, and the National Council, of 189 deputies directly elected. A refer- 
endum on any measure is compulsory on the demand of j 30,000 citizens or eight cantons. 
The Elections in November, 1919, returned : Liberals 61, Social Democrats 41, Catholics 41, 
Agrarian 29, Liberal Democrats 9, other parties 8. 

ECONOMIC: Area; 15,976 square miles. Population (estimated July, 1916), 3,937,000. 
a8.4 per cent, of the total area is unproductive ; 3,290 square miles are forest. The land 
is very equally divided, there being about 300,000 peasant proprietors. In 1918, factories 
employed 381,170 workers. 

The Swiss Socialist Party first attained importance in 1901, on 
amalgamation with the Grutli Union, a reformist working-class 
organisation founded in 1838, which had adopted a social demo- 
cratic platform in 1878. At the outbreak of war the party num- 
bered 33,000, but after the Party Congress had endorsed the 
Zimmerwald programme, the Grutli Union seceded, and the 
membership fell to 27,000 in November, 1916. 

The left wing, organised within the party as the International 
Revolutionary Socialists of Switzerland, carried a decision at the 
Basle Congress of August, 1919, to leave the Second International 
(459 votes to i), and to join the Third International (417 votes 
to 318), but the latter decision was defeated on a referendum by 
14,364 votes to 8,599. A final referendum in January, 1921, 
rejected the Third International by 25,475 votes against 8,723, and 
the party, which numbered 55,000 members, split, the left wing 
amalgamating with the Communist Party. The majority took 
part in the Vienna Conference. The Communist Party was 
originally formed in October, 1918, but only a few Communist 
Groups took part in its organisation until the split in the Socialist 
Party, after which the United Communist Party was formed in 
March, 1921. 

The Federation of Trade Unions, founded in 1880, now com- 
prises twenty-two national unions, with a total membership of 


225,000 in 1920. It works in co-operation with the Socialist 
Party, which supported the unsuccessful general strike of Novem- 
ber, 1918, called for the purpose of obtaining various economic 
and political reforms. 

Co-operative Societies at the end of 1919 numbered 11,000, 
of which about 1,000 were consumers' societies and 6,000 agri- 
cultural co-operative societies. The Union of Swiss Consumers' 
Societies had 476 societies affiliated to it at the end of 1919, with 
a total membership of 353,811. The agricultural societies are 
mainly organised in the union of East Swiss* Agricultural Co- 
operative Societies. 


CONSTITUTION : Since the declaration of the independence of the Ukraine in 1917, the 
Government has gone through a series of changes. In April 1917, ^'.Central Rada was 
appointed by a National Congress, composed mainly of Socialist Revolutionaries ; it obtained 
tupport from both the Allies and the Central Powers, and concluded a separate peace with the 
Central Powers on February gth, 1918. The Soviets, however, had been challenging the 
Rada's authority with increasing success, and on March ist, 1918, the Rada fled to Volhynia 
and the Soviets dominated the Ukraine. The Germans replied by setting up the Hetman 
Skoropadski, on April 28 th, as ruler in their interests, and despite peasant risings and general 
opposition he was maintained in power by German arms until the armistice. There followed 
a protracted conflict between rival claimants : 

(i.) Petlura at the head of a Directory claiming to represent the Ukrainian national 
movement ; (ii.) The Soviet Government supported by Russia and fighting for union with the 
Russian Soviet Federal Republic ; (iii.) Denikin, supported by the Allies and fighting for the 
old Russian Empire ; (iv.) The Poles in East Galicia. In the spring of 1920, Petlura and the 
Poles made an alliance and advanced successfully, capturing Kieff and Odessa. Their advance 
was repulsed by the Russians, and after the final defeat of Balahovitch and Wrangel in the 
late autumn, the Ukraine became once more a Soviet Republic, in alliance with the Russian 
Soviet Republic. 

ECONOMIC : The area of the Ukraine, and consequently the population, cannot yet be 
treated as fixed. The essential region of the Ukraine the basins of the rivers flowing into 
the Black Sea is of extreme economic importance ; the " Black Earth " belt is the chief 
grain-growing district of Russia, as well as breeding cattle and producing sugar, while almost 
all the coal and iron of Russia comes from it. 

The history of the labour movement in the Ukraine is mainly 
contained in the political history noted above. The Socialist 
movement was originally part of the Russian ; in 1905, the 
Social Democratic Party of the Ukraine separated off, and in 
1917, the Socialist Revolutionary Party. The Socialist Revolu- 
tionary Party, was the principal party ; in 1917, it had 100,000 
members, and in the Constituent Assembly of 1918 it had 115 
members of the total of 172. However the left Socialist Revol- 
utionaries broke away and united with the Bolsheviks to form 
the Ukrainian Communist Party, while a portion of the left 
wing (the " Borotbists ") remained distinct, but supported 
the Soviet Government. The Ukrainian Communist Party 
later merged in the Russian Communist Party. The Socialist 
Revolutionaries supported the Rada, whose President, Hrush- 
evsky, was one of their leaders ; but later turned against Petlura 
owing to his Polish leanings, and opposed both the National 


and the Soviet Governments. The Menshevik Social Democrats 
are not an important force. Trade unionism has had very 
little chance to develop under the conditions of civil war. 


CONSTITUTION : The United States is a Union ol forty-eight States, each with its separate 
government. The Federal Government, whose powers are limited to federal or inter-state 
affairs, is divided between three separate authorities, executive, legislative and judicial. 

Executive power is vested in a President, who holds office for four years. He is chosen by 
presidential electors directly elected in each state ; by the use of party tickets the voting is 
equivalent to a direct vote for the President on the part of all the citizens. 

Legislative power is vested in a Congress, consisting of a Senate and a House of Repre- 
sentatives. The Senate consists of two members from each State, chosen by popular vote for 
six years. In addition to its legislative functions it ratifies or rejects all treaties made by the 
President with foreign Powers, it confirms all appointments to office made by the President and 
constitutes a High Court of Impeachment. The House of Representatives consists of 435 
representatives elected every two years by the citizens of the various states, one representative 
to each 210,415 inhabitants. The nineteenth amendment of the Constitution admitting 
women to full right of suffrage on equal terms with men finally became law with the ratifi- 
cation of Connecticut (the thirty-sixth State) on September i4th, 1930. Each Member 
of the Senate and House of Representatives receives 7,500 dollars a year and travelling 

The judicial power is vested in a system of United States Courts at the head of which is the 
United States Supreme Court. The Supreme Court is the ultimate Guardian of the con- 
stitution, and has power to declare laws passed by Congress invalid. The written constitution 
is supreme. 

ECONOMIC : Area 3,973,890 (or, including Alaska, Hawaii and Porto Rico, 3,574,658 
square miles). Population : (estimate for 1918) 105,253,300. The 1910 Census showed 
46.3 per cent, urban and 53.7 rural ; 85.3 per cent, native and 14.7 per cent, foreign born. 
Occupations : Agricultural, 12,659,203 ; Manufactures and Mechanical, 10,658,881 ; Extrac- 
tive industries : 964,824 ; Transport, 2,637,671 ; Trade, 3,614,670 ; Public Services, 
4=9,391 ; Professional Services, 1,663,569 ; Domestic and Personal Services, 3,772,174 ; 
Clerical, I.737.O53. 


The modern Socialist movement in America began with the 
formation of the Socialist Labour Party in 1877. The rigid and 
uncompromising character of this organisation led to a later 
split, and the formation of the Socialist Party in 1901, which 
became the largest socialist organisation in America. This in 
its turn split in 1919 by the Left Wing going over to Communism. 
During the last few years the first attempts have been made to 
establish a Labour Party based on the Trade Unions. 

i The Socialist Labour Party was formed in 1877 on the basis 
of the previous Working Men's Party of America. It has always 
proclaimed a strict Marxian doctrine, and during the nineties 
received its special character under the leadership of Daniel 
De Leon, whose teaching of industrial unionism combined with a 
revolutionary political socialist organisation has become familiar 
through its propaganda in this country. The main work of the 
S.L.P. has been its educational propaganda : in current politics 
it maintained an " impossibilist " attitude, and never received 
more than a handful of support. In 1892 its Presidential nominee 


received 21,512 votes, which rose in 1898 to 82,204 (out of the 
total vote of nearly twelve millions) ; but thereafter, on the found- 
ing of the Socialist Party, the figure declined. The S.L.P. was 
also concerned in the formation of the Industrial Workers of the 
World in 1905, but soon came into conflict with that organisation 
and helped to form the rival Workers' International Industrial 
Union. Of late years the S.L.P. has been further weakened by 
secessions to the Communists. The official organ of the Party 
is the Weekly People. 

The Socialist Party of America was formed in 1901 as a less 
rigid body than the S.L.P., out of a number of previous Socialist 
groups, of which the chief were the Social Democratic Party of 
America (formed in 1898 from the remnants of the American 
Railway Union, led by Eugene Debs) and a seceding minority 
of the S.L.P., led by Morris Hillquit. These groups had united 
in 1900 to support Debs as Presidential candidate, and in 1901 
launched the Socialist Party. 

The Socialist Party rapidly grew in numbers, and by 1912 had 
118,045 members on its books. The membership sank at the 
beginning of the war, but rose again by January, 1919, to 109,589. 
Thereafter the split meant a reduction of membership to under 
half the previous figure. The following table gives the growth in 
the Presidential vote : In every case except 1916 Debs was 
the candidate. 

1900 . . 87,814 1912 . . 897,011 

1904 403,283 1916 . . 590,294 

1908 . . 420,713 1920 . . 915,413 

The first national representative secured was in 1910, when 
Victor Berger was elected Socialist member of Congress for 
Milwaukee. At the last election the only Socialist Member of 
Congress returned was Meyer London for New York. 

During the war the majority of the Socialist Party took up a 
strong anti-war attitude. From the first the Party, as the 
leading neutral socialist organisation, pressed for the convocation 
of an International Socialist Conference ; and further urged 
American mediation between the belligerents. At the 1916 
Presidential election, the demand for a referendum before war 
was put in front of the programme. On the entry of America into 
the war, the St. Louis Emergency Convention in April, 1917, 
adopted a full anti-war platform, which was endorsed by refer- 
endum of all the members ; and the single Socialist representative 
in Congress, Meyer London, voted against the declaration 
of war. A small minority, headed by Spargo, Walling, and 
others, resigned to form the Social Democratic League in 
support of the war. Subsequently members of this League 


helped to form the National Party, and then merged into the 
Committee of Forty-eight, a progressive organisation. 

The anti-war propaganda of the Party let loose upon it every 
form of attack and persecution. Under the Espionage Act of 
1917 the Socialist press and meetings were suppressed wholesale 
and the leaders and active members of the Party were sentenced 
to heavy terms of imprisonment. The ten-year sentence of the 
veteran leader, Eugene Debs, is only typical of hundreds of other 
cases. This persecution, which was directed against all militant 
labour organisations, was continued after the war, and went to 
extreme lengths, regardless of all constitutional procedure. 
Thus in 1919 five Socialist members were elected to the New 
York State Assembly, and were thereupon expelled by the 
Assembly for being members of the Socialist Party. 

After the war a left wing movement developed among the 
membership under the influence of Communist ideas, and the 
Russian revolution ; and in June, 1919, a National Left Wing 
Convention was held at New York. The controversy went on 
throughout 1919, and led to the expulsion or suspension of many 
sections by the Executive for alleged irregularities. Finally, 
in September, 1919, at the Chicago Convention, the Left Wing 
separated off and two Communist Parties were formed. The 
remaining American Socialist Party, seriously weakened by the 
split, now represents the more moderate or constitutional wing 
of American socialism : it has disaffiliated from the Second 
International but has rejected the policy of the Third Inter- 

Communist Parties. The first Communist Party of America 
was formed on September ist, 1919, at Chicago, by various expelled 
sections of the Socialist Party : the leading elements in it are the 
former Russian Fedeiations of the Socialist Party. The Communist 
Labour Party was founded on September 2nd, 1919, by seceding 
delegates from the Socialist Party Convention under the leader- 
ship of John Reed ; it was formed after vain endeavours at 
unity with the Communist Party. Representation from the Third 
International led to a unity movement : but the officials of the 
Communist Party remained obdurate. Consequently in 1920 a 
wing of the Communist Party united with the Communist Labour 
Party to form the United Communist Party. 

There are thus two organisations at present : the United Com- 
munist Party, which is officially recognised by the Third 
International ; and the Communist Party, largely Russian in 
composition, which regards itself as the more strictly uncom- 
promising revolutionary organisation. Thousands of arrests and 


deportations have taken place in connection with the communist 
movement ; and both organisations have to exist underground. 

The Farmer-Labour Party. The development of a Labour 
Party in the United States has long been delayed for a variety 
of reasons. The long-established hostility of the American 
Federation of Labour to any suggestion of socialism or to political 
action other than through the old parties, the already existing 
political activity of the Socialist Party, and the antagonism of the 
radical labour elements like the I.W.W. to any form of political 
action, have all combined to produce this result. Recently, 
however, a movement has developed among important local 
sections of the American Federation of Labour and other bodies 
to build up a Labour Party. In November, 1918, a Confer- 
ence at Chicago initiated the movement ; and the Chicago 
Federation of Labour set up the Labour Party of Illinois. In 
January, 1919, the New York Labour Party was endorsed by the 
Central Labour Union of Greater New York ; and so, during 1915 
and 1919 a whole series of such branches were formed despite the 
opposition of the officials of the American Federation of Labour. 
In November, 1919, a National Convention to co-ordinate the 
movement was held at Chicago, and attended by over one 
thousand delegates from labour and farmers' groups who united 
to^establish the national Labour Party. The programme of the 
national Labour Party, which was largely inspired by the 
British Labour Party, covers the nationalisation of all public 
utilities and basic industries, and of all unused land, consti- 
tutional reforms, labour legislation, civil liberties, international 
disarmament, etc. In July, 1920, the Labour Party was swelled 
by the addition of supporters of the " Committee of Forty- 
Eight " movement (a movement of various elements to form a 
progressive Third Party.) and was reorganised as the Farmer- 
Labour Party. A Presidential candidate was nominated, but 
the vote only reached about 250,000. State branches of the 
Farmer-Labour Party are in course of organisation in many 
States, to which local branches of Trade Unions, co-operative 
societies and other organisations or individuals accepting the 
platform of the Party may affiliate ; and similarly, national bodies 
may affiliate to the national party. The movement has not yet, 
however, got an effective hold. The attitude of the Socialist 
Party to the new organisations is one of " watchful waiting." 

The NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE should be briefly mentioned in connection with the above 
movement as a progressive farmers' organisation co-operating with labour. Started in North 
Dakota early in 1915, as a league of farmers to capture the Republican machine in the agri- 
cultural interest against the exploiting middleman, in 1916 it was in control of the State 
Government and in 1918 began to make headway in the other States. Its programme in- 
cludes demands for state elevators, flour mills, stockyards, packing bouses, rural credit bauks, 


etc. ; and a programme ol this character was carried out in North Dakota. At the last 
elections it received a set-back in North Dakota, while gaining in Minnesota, Wisconsin and 
other States. 

SOCIALIST EDUCATION. In 1907 the Rand School of Social Science was founded as an 
educational auxiliary to the Socialist and Labour movement. It is not an official body, but 
is under socialist control, being owned 'by a special body, the American Socialist Society. 
Besides educational and publishing work, it has a special Department of Labour Research. 
The Intercollegiate Socialist Society was formed in 1905 ' for the purpose of promoting an 
intelligent interest in Socialism among college men and women." There has been recently 
a great development of trade union education, notably the Boston Trade Union College, 
founded by the Boston Central Labour Union, the Seattle Workers College, founded by 
the Seattle Central Labour Council, the special experiments of the Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers and other trade unions, and the United Labour Education Committee, founded in 1918 
with thirty-one unions affiliated. 


The organisation of labour in America has presented special 
difficulties. Some of the most prominent of these are (i) the 
vast size of the country and its predominantly agricultural 
character, as shown in the figures at the beginning of this section ; 
(2) the undeveloped nature of the country and the virginity of 
its soil, and the consequent scope for individual enterprise until 
recently ; (3) the stream of immigration, producing a foreign- 
born population of fourteen millions (in addition to ten million 
negroes) with a large population of cheap unskilled labour from 
Southern and Eastern Europe of a character difficult to organise : 
the effect of this has been the division of skilled and unskilled 
by manifold divergencies of race and language ; (4) the high 
degree of capitalist co-ordination and organisation, and the 
completeness of its control of civil and legal institutions. 

The effect of the war has been to create a vast change, the full 
consequences of which cannot yet be estimated. With the war- 
organisation of industry, the development of ship-building twenty- 
fold, the trebling of exports, and the change from the position 
of a debtor to a creditor country, the proportionate importance 
of the industrial side has enormously increased. America 
became, for the time being at any rate, a closed country : in 
place of the pre-war annual immigration of one million, there was 
going on, for some time after the war, an actual emigration of 
30,000 a month. Concurrently with this, American labour showed 
new activity, the figures of organisation shot up at an extra- 
ordinary pace, and at the same time a new character and outlook 
has been visible in the successive industrial developments, the 
appearance of demands such as the Plumb Plan and their 
adoption by the Unions despite official opposition, the political 
experiments, or the emergence of new types of union organisation 
like the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. 

The slump of the winter of 1920-21 is, however, constituting 
a serious set-back for the time being. 


The American Federation of Labour is the principal existing 
organisation of labour in America. It was founded in 1881, and 
its growth may be seen in the following table : 

1900 . . 584,321 1914 3,030,671 

1905 .. 1,494,300 1919 .. 3,360,068 

1910 .. 1,562,113 1930 .. 4,079,740 

The American Federation of Labour is a federation of over a 
hundred national and "international " unions ("international" 
in the special sense of covering the various states of the Union 
and often including Canada as well), and other smaller bodies. 
On Apiil soth, 1919, it consisted of in national and international 
unions, 46 state federations, 816 city central bodies, 894 local 
trade and federal labour unions, 33,852 local unions, 5 depart- 
ments, and 572 local departmental councils.* 

The organisation is mainly along craft lines, the aim being to 
protect the worker by maintaining a monopoly of labour in each 
trade. The Federation has consequently, as a rule, little appeal to 
the large numbers of unskilled and foreign labour, and its general 
outlook belongs to the conservative wing of the labour world. 
There are, however, certain industrial unions such as the United 
Mine Workers, and the Brewery Workers, and there has always 
been an active minority in favour of industrial unionism within 
the Federation. The latest large experiment in this direction 
was the attempt to organise the steel industry by the Steel 
Workers' Organising Committee in 1918, which brought to- 
gether the twenty-four unions concerned and offered the workers 
a semi-industrial organisation to join. The unity, however, was 
not complete, and the attempt was smashed in the steel strike 
of 1919, which was crushed with violence, the United States 
Steel Corporation making a successful stand for the " open 

The Federation is opposed to separate labour organisation for 
political purposes, but not adverse to political action through the 
medium of the existing parties. In 1906 it set up candidates of 
its own to stand for Congress, but under the regular party tickets, 
not as Labour. In 1908 it gave its official endorsement to a 
non-labour Presidential candidate, who was not elected. During 
the war the Government received the active co-operation of the 
Federation both in regard to war aims propaganda and the 
organisation of labour for war-work. At the last Presidential 
election a " non-partisan campaign " was carried on for the oppos- 
ing or supporting of candidates according to their records in 
regard to measures affecting labour. The Federation has been 

* The Departments are associations of a group of unions for special co-operation, and 
comprise the following : (i) Union-label ; (3) Building Trade ; (3) Metal Trades ; (4) Railway 
Employees ; (5) Mining. 


consistently opposed to any form of socialism, and during 1920 
suspended relations with the International Federation of Trade 
Unions on account of its socialistic tendencies. 

Up to the present the above-described policy has been domi- 
nant in the Federation, and the authority (as also the rigid 
central control) of the official element, led by the President, 
Samuel Gompers, has kept down opposition. Recently, however, 
new tendencies have appeared : important local organisations, 
as in New York and Chicago, have gone against central instruc- 
tions in the matter of political action ; and the last Congress, at 
Montreal in 1920, adopted a resolution for government owner- 
ship of railroads and inland waterways with democratic control, 
by 29,059 to 8,349 votes, despite the opposition of Gompers. 

Outside the A. F. of L., but working in harmony with it, are the four Railroad Brotherhoods 
which carried through the successful movement for an Eight Hour Law in iqi6, and are 
now behind the demand for public ownership and joint-control expressed in the Plumb Plan.* 

Among the independent unions mention should be made of the Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers, which came into being in 1914 through the secession of a rank and file movement 
within the United Garment Workers' Union, a body affiliated to the A. F. of L. The Amalga- 
mated Clothing Workers achieved a very striking success in organisation, secured a forty-four 
hour week practically throughout the trade, and in 1920 had 175,000 members, or something 
like four times that of the United Garment Workers. 

The Women's Trade Union League was founded in 1903 to promote trade unionism among 
women. It is endorsed and supported by the American Federation of Labour, but stands 
generally for a more advanced policy. The affiliated membership is 600,000. 

The Industrial Workers of the World is the principal rival 
organisation to the American Federation of Labour. It was 
founded in 1905 at Chicago in opposition to the A.F. of L., with 
the object of setting up an industrial unionist organisation with 
a revolutionary purpose. Its preamble declares that : 

" The working-class and the employing class have nothing 
in common. Between these two classes a struggle must go 
on until the workers of the world organise as a class, take 
possession of the earth and of the machinery of production, 
and abolish the wage system." 

Owing to the loose nature of its organisation it is difficult to 
give any exact membership, but a report for 1919 claims a total 
of about 70,000. The chief functions of the organisation in 
practice has been the organising of the migratory workers of the 

* The Plumb Plan (so-called from its author, Glenn E. Plumb, General Counsel for the 
organised railway employees of America) proposed government purchase of the railways, 
which should then be operated by a National Railways Operating Corporation consisting of the 
managers and workers in the railways. There should be fifteen Directors, five chosen 
by the workers, five by the officials on the railways, and five by the Government. Rates 
would be fixed, as at present, by the Interstate Commerce Commission : but wages would 
be fixed by a special Wages Board appointed by the Directors. Earnings above expenses 
(including in expenses interest on Bonds, sinking fund, etc.) would be divided equally 
between the Corporation and the Government : the Corporations' share would be paid out 
as a dividend on wages, but with officials receiving double the rate of ordinary workers (this 
was inserted with the idea that it would encourage efficiency) : but when the net profits exceed 
ten per cent, of the gross operating resources, rates are to be correspondingly reduced. 


west and middle- west. Up to 1914 it chiefly came into promi- 
nence in connection with certain isolated strikes, especially the 
great Lawrence strike of textile workers in 1912. In 1914, 
however, a new impetus was manifested ; and organisation spread 
among the agricultural workers, the lumber workers, miners 
and constructional workers, until in 1916 a total of 40,000 was 
reached. There followed the extraordinary persecution of 
1917, when a determined attempt was made to smash the I.W.W. 
Wholesale raids and imprisonments, as well as illegal violence and 
lynching were employed against the officials and members of the 
I.W.W. In September, 1917, ninety-five of the leading members 
were sentenced to imprisonment at Chicago. The work of the 
organisation has been carried on in the face of unexampled 

The Industrial Workers of the world in 1919 consisted of twelve 
Industrial Unions, a General Recruiting Union (since disbanded), 
and a few locals not yet transferred to Industrial Unions. The 
old form of organisation made the local union the unit, any 
number of which could combine to form a National Industrial 
Union. Since the 1916 Convention, the Industrial Union has 
become the unit, having complete power over its constituent 

Co-operation. The Co-operative Movement in the United 
States is still in its early stages. In 1918 there were estimated 
to be 2,000 distributive co-operative societies with six whole- 
sales. In January, 1920, a National Co-operative Convention 
at Springfield, Illinois, established a National Wholesale Society 
at Chicago. A second Convention at Cincinnati in November, 
1920, representing 279 Societies with a membership of 84,000, 
appointed the Co-operative League of America (previously the 
pioneering body of American co-operation) as the national repre- 
sentative body, with an elected Board of fifteen Directors. 


(NOTE. The following addresses need a note oj caution. Though every care has been taken to 
check the Hit from the most recent information, accuracy cannot be guaranteed, as addresses art 
constantly changing and changes are stow to be notified. This applies particularly to newly- 
formed associations, the receipt of whose addresses necessarily takes time. In addition it should 
be remembered that certain organisations, notably among the communist parties, are not free to 
have an open address,) 


INTERNATIONAL: International Socialist Bureau: Secretariat, C. Huysmans ; Nego- 
tiating Commission, J. R. MacDonald and H. Gosling, 33. Eccleston Square, London, 

Communist International: A. Balabanova, Smolny, Moscow, RUSSIA. 

International Working Union of Socialist Parties: F. Adler, Rechte Wienzeile 97, 
Vienna V.AUSTRIA. 

Confidfration Ouvrie're Socialiste Poale-Zion : S. Kaplansky, 27, Sandys Row, Bishopsgate, 
London, E.I, ENGLAND, and B. Locker, Gerlgasse, 19/18, Vienna III, AUSTRIA. 

Young Communist International : Stralauerstrasse, 12, Berlin C.3., GERMANY. 

ARGENTINE. Partido Socialista : A. de Tomaso, Rivadavia 2089, Buenos Aires. 
ARMENIA Parti Communiste Arminien, Erivan. 

Federation Rtvolutionnaire Armtnienne Dashnakiutiun : M. Varandian, Avenue Beau 

Seiour 3, Geneva, SWITZERLAND. 
AUSTRALIA Labour Party : A. Stewart, Trades Hall, Melbourne. 

Political Labour Le-tgue : P. Evans, Macdonell House, Sydney. ^ 

Socialist Labour Party : J. O. Moroney, 16, George Street, West Sydney. 
Victorian Socialist Party : Socialist Hall, 184, Exhibition Street, Melbourne. 
AUSTRIA Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei in Deutschoesterreich : Rechte Wienzeile 

97, Vienna V. 

Kommunistische Partei Deutschoesterreichs : Alserstrasse 69, Vienna VIII. 
BELGIUM Parti Ouvrier Beige : J. van Roosbroeck, 17, rue Joseph Stephens, Brussels. 

Parti Communiste ; 3 rue Steenpoort, Brussels. 
BULGARIA Parti Socialistf Communiste: G. Kirkov, Naroden Dorp, Lvov Most, Sophia. 

Parti Ouvrier Socialiste Democrate : J. Sakasov, Strandja 65, Sophia. 
CANADA Independent Labour Party of Ontario : J . T. Marks, Labour Temple, Church Street 


Socialist forty of Canada : Ewen MacLeod, 401, Fender Street E., Vancouver, B.C. 
CHILE Partido Obrero Socialista : L. E. Recabarren, 1373 Calle de Catorce de Febrero 


CUBA Partido Socialista Cubano : F. Domenech, 86, San Rafael, Havana. 
CZECHO-SLOVAKIA Parti Social Democrate Ouvrier: Anton Nemec, Hybernska 7, 

Prague II. 
Deutsche Sotialdemokratische Arbeilerpartei in der Tschechoslowachischen Republik : 

Seilerstrasse i, Teplitz-Schonau. 

Kommunistische Partei : E. Ska tula, Mystikova ul. 15, Prague. 
DENMARK Socialdemokratiske Forbund: A. Andersen, 22, Roemersgade, Copenhagen. 

Kommunistiske Parti, 8 Montergade, Copenhagen. 

ESTHONIA Parti Socialistf Esthonien : A. Ostra, 2ib, Tatarenstrasse, Reval. 
FINLAND Suomen Sosialtiemocraatlinen Puolue, PuoluftoimUtunta : T. Tainio, 3, 

Sirkuskatu, Helsingfors. 

Communist Party : A. Usenius, 94, Brankyrkagatan, Stockholm, SWEDEN. 
FRANCE Parti Socialiste Communiste (SJF.I.C.): L. O. Frossard, 37, rue Sainte Croix de la 

Bretonnerie, Paris IV. 

Parti Socialiste Unifie (S.F./.O.) : Paul Faure, 13 rue Feydeau, Paris II. 
Parti Socialiste Francois : H. Doizy, 43, rue Notre-Dame-des-Victoires, Paris. 



GEORGIA Parti Communiste Georgien, Tiflis/ Parti-Socialdemocrate de Georgia : M. 

Tseretelli, 44, avenue Victor-Hugo, Paris XVI. 
GERMANY Sozialdemokratische Partci Deutschlands : W. Pfannkuch, Lindenstrasse 3, 

Unabhangige Sozialdemokritische Partei Deutschlands : Luise Zietz, Schiffbauerdamm 

21, Berlin, N.W.6 

Komtnunistische Partei Deutschlands : Warthestrasse 69, Neukolln, Berlin. 
GREAT BRITAIN Labour Party : Rt. Hon. A. Henderson, M.P., 33, Eccleston Square, 

London, S.W.I. 

Independent Labour Party : F. Johnson, 8, Johnson's Court, London, E.C.4. 
Communist Party : A. Inkpin, 16, King Street, London, W.C.a. 
Social Democratic Federation : T. Kennedy, 160, Fleet Street, London, E.C.4. 
Socialist Labour Party : T. Mitchell, 50, Renfrew Street, Glasgow. 
Fabian Society : F. W. Galton, 25, Tothill Street, London, S.W.i. 
National Guilds League : M. I. Cole, 39, Cursitor Street. London, B.C. 4. 
GREECE Parti Socialists Ouyrier : M. Mithridathos, 14 rue Euripide, Athens. 
HOLLAND Sociaaldemokratische Arbtiderspartij in Nederland: Keisersgracht 376, 


Communistische Partij in Nedrrland : Laings Nekstraat 33, Amsterdam. 
HUNGARY Sozialdemokratische Partei Ungarns : S. Farkas, Erzsebetkorut 41, Budapest 

Kommunistiche Partei Ungarns, P/A K. P. Deutschoesterreichs, Alserstrasse 69, 

Vienna, AUSTRIA. 

ICELAND A Ithyduflokkurinn : Y. Baldvinsson, Reykjavik. 
IRELAND Labour Party : T. Johnson, 32, Lower Abbey Street, Dublin. 
ITALY Partita Communista Italiano : via Visconti 14, Milan. 

Partita Socialista Italiano : S. Bacci, via del Seminario 87, Rome. 
Unione Socialista Italiano : V. Vercelloni, via di Tritoni 61, Rome. 

JAPAN -Socialist Federation of Japan : 44, Ichome, Motozonocho, Kojimachi-ku, Tokio. 
JUGOSLAVIA Parti Communiste : Radnitchki Dom, Kralja Milana ulica, Belgrade. 

Parti Socialiste Yougoslave : Redaction " Naprei," Laibach. 
LATVIA Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Lettlands: Bruno Kalnin, Suvorovstrasse 25, 

LITHUANIA Part* Socialiste Populaire de Lithuanie : J. Pajauiis, Laisves Aleja 34, 

LUXEMBURG Parti Socialiste Luxemburgeois : H. Clement, 17, rue Bolivar, Eich sur 


MEXICO Communist Party : P.O. Box 985, Mexico City, O.F. 
NEW ZEALAND Labour Party : M. J. Savage, M.P., Trades Hall, Auckland. 
NORWAY Det Norske Arbeider Parti : N. Nillsen, Folketshus, Christiania. 
POLAND Parti Socialiste Polonais : Ignace Daszynski, rue Warecka 7, Warsaw. 

Kommunistische Arbeiterpartei Polens : P/A K.P. Deutschoesterreichs, Alserstrasse 69, 

Vienna, AUSTRIA. 
PORTUGAL Partido Socialista Portugues : Cesar Nogueira, Rua Sebastian Saraiva de Lima, 

A.F.I.D., Lisbon. 
RUMANIA Partidul Socialdemocrat diu Roumania ' D. Marinesco, 12 lonica, Bucarest. 

Partidul Socialdemocrat diu Ardeal si Banal: J. Receany, Strada Rosenanger 14, 


RUSSIA Communist Party: E: Preobrajensky, Tsentralny Komitet, K.P.R., Moscow. 
Social Democratic Labour Party : P. Axelrod, Plattenstrasse 37, Zurich, SWITZERLAND. 
Social Revolutionary Party : E. Roubanovitch, 838, Boulevard Raspail, Paris XIV. 


SOUTH AFRICA Labour Party : New Trades Hall, Rissik Street, Johannesburg. 
International Socialist League : W. H. Andrews, 54, Fox Street, Johannesburg. 
SPAIN Partido Socialista : Nunez Arenas, Carranza 20, Madrid. 
SWEDEN SociaUemokratiska Arbetare-Partiet '.: M. Moller, Folketshus, Stockholm. 

Socialdemokraiiska Vdnsterpariiet : F. Strom, Thorsgatan IOD, Stockholm. 
SWITZERLAND Parti Socialiste de Suisse : E. P. Graber, Zahringerstrasse 14, Berne. 
TURKEY Par ti Socialiste de Turquie : Kahrouman Zade Uan, Sirgedji, Constantinople. 
UKRAINE Parti Socialdemocraie Ukrainien : B. Matiuchenko, Geisbergstrasse 22, Berlin 

Parti Socialiste Revolutionnaire d'Ukraine: M. Hruchevski, Letna, rue Dobrovski 28, 

UNITED STATES Farmer-Labour Party: F. J. Esper, 166, West Washington Street, 

Chicago, 111. 

Socialist Party : O. Branstetter, 220, South Ashland Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 
Socialist Labour Party : A. Petersen, 45, Rose Street, New York. 
URUGUAY Partido Socialista : C. Mibelli, Calle Colonia 114 Montevideo. 



INTERNATIONAL International Federation of Trade Union*: E. Fimmen and J. 

Oudegeest, 61, Vondelstraat, Amsterdam, Holland. 

International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions : A. Losovsky, Moscow, Russia. 
International Trade Union Secretariats : 

Agricultural Workers : P. Hiemstra, Spoorstraat, 12, LEEUWARDEN, HOLLAND. 

Bakers : M. Durchi, Kornerstrasse 12, ZUERICH, SWITZERLAND. 

Bookbinders : N. Hochstrasser, Kapellenstrasse 6, BERNE, SWITZERLAND. 

Boot and Shoe and Leather Operatives: J. Simon, Breitegasse 25-27, NUERNBERG, 


Building Workers : F. M. Paeplow, Wallstrasse i, HAMBURG 25, GERMANY. 

Carpenters : F. Schrader, Besenbinderhof 57, HAMBURG I, GERMANY. 

Commercial and Clerical Workers: G. I. A. Smit, jr., Plantage Franschelaan 5, 


Compositors and Printers: P. Stautner, Kapellenstrasse 10, BERNE, SWITZERLAND. 

Diamond Workers : L. v. Berckelaer, Plantyneis 66, ANTWERP, BELGIUM. 

Factory Workers : R. Stenhuis, Stadhouderskade 68, AMSTERDAM, HOLLAND. 

Food and Drink Trades Workers: J. Schiflerstein, Kornerstrasse 12, ZUERICH IV., 


Furriers : A. Regge, Weinstrasse 8. pt., BERLIN, N.O. 43, GERMANY. 

Garment Workers : T. v. d. Heeg, Helmerstraat, 66, AMSTERDAM, HOLLAND. 

Glassworkers : E. Girbig, Gosslerstrasse 29, n BERLIN, O. 17, GERMANY. 

Hatters : A. Metzschke, Nordstrasse 57, ALTENBURG, S-A, GERMANY. 

Hairdressers: Fr. Etzkorn, Bornholmerstrasse, 89, in, BERLIN N. 113, GERMANY. 

Hotel and Restaurant Workers: J. G. v. Heusden, Westeinde 17, AMSTERDAM, 


Lithographers : Fr. Poels, 17 rue Joseph Stevens, Brussels, BELGIUM. 

Miners, F. Hodges, 55, Russell Square, LONDON, GREAT BRITAIN. 

Metal Workers : C. Ilg, Kapellenstrasse, 6, BERNE, SWITZERLAND. 

Painters : O, Streine, Claux-Crothstrasse i, n, HAMBURG, GERMANY. 

Paving Operatives : A. Knoll, Wiclifstrasse 17, BERLIN N.W. 21, GERMANY. 

Post and Telegraph Staffs : L. Maier, Mittersteig 3A, VIENNA IV., AUSTRIA. 

Pottery Workers : A. Drunsel, Wienerstrasse 7, BERLIN, SO., 36, GERMANY. 

Public Service Employees: N. Van Hinte, Stadhouserskade 68, AMSTERDAM, 


Saddlers : M. Spliedt, Briickenstrasse 16, BERLIN S.O.i6, GERMANY. 

Seamen : M. Damm, 8, Dubois Street, ANTWERP, BELGIUM. 

Stone Masons : R. Kolb, Langstrasse 10, ZUERICH III., SWITZERLAND. 

Textile Workers : T. Shaw, Weaver's Office, COLNE (Lancashire), GREAT BRITAIN. 

Tobacco Workers : H. J. J. Eichelsheim, Plantage Hadlaan 18, AMSTERDAM, 


Transport Workers : E. Fimmen, Vondelstraat 61, AMSTERDAM, HOLLAND. 

Woodworkers : G. Wouderberg, De Genestetstraat 10, AMSTERDAM, HOLLAND. 

ARGENTINE. Confederation Obrera Regional Argentine : Majico 20^0, Buenos Aires. 

Federacion Obrera Regional Argentina : Calle Belgrano 2545, Buenos Aires. 
AUSTRALIA. Federal Grand Council of Labour : E. Kavanagh, Trades Hall, Sydney, New 

South Wales. 
AUSTRIA. Gewerkschaftskommission Deutschoesterreichs : A. Hueber, 97 Rechte Wien- 

zeile, Vienna. 
BELGIUM. Commission Syndicate du Parti Ouvrifr et des Syndicats Independents : 17 

rue Joseph Stevens, Brussels. 
BRAZIL. Confederazione Obrera Brasileano R. des Santos, Caixa Postal 1437, Rio de 

BULGARIA. Zentralverband der Bulgarischen Geu'erkschaften : G. Dimitrov, 60 rue Maria 

Luisa, Sofia. 
CANADA. Dominion Trades and Labour Congress : P. M. Draper, Hope Chambers, Ottawa. 

One Big Union : V. R. Midgley, 308 North West Building, Vancouver, B.C. 
CZECHO-SLOVAKIA. Landesgewerkschaftskommission . Farbergasse, i/n, Reichenberg. 

Odborove Sdruzeni Ceskoslovenske : Hybernska 1033, Prague. 
DENMARK. De Samvirkende Fagforbund i Danmark : C. F. Madsen, Norre Farimagsgade 

49, Copenhagen. 

FINLAND. Suomen Ammattijarjesto : Sirkuslsatii 3, Helsingfors. 
FRANCE. Conftdtralion GMrale du Travail : L. Jouhaux 211 rue Lafayette, Paris X. 


GERMANY. AUgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund : Th. Leipart, Engelufer. 15, Berlin 

GREAT BRITAIN. Traces Union Congress, Parliamentary Committee: Rt. Hon. C. W. 

Bowcrman, M.P., 32, Eccleston Square, London, S.W.i. 

General Federation o/ Trade Unions : W. A, Appleton, O.B.E., Hamilton House, Bid- 
borough Street, London, W.C.I. 

GREECE. Confederation Gtntoale du Travail: Le Piree, Athens. 
HOLLAND. Nederlandsch Verbond van Vakvereenigingen : J. Oudegeest, Reguliersgrtcht 

80, Amsterdam. 

HUNGARY. Ungarldndischer Gewerkschaftsrat : Kiraly-utca 52, Budapest VII. 
INDIA. Trades Union Congress Committee : Lajpat Rai, Lahore. 
Madras Labour Union : B. P. Wadia, Adyar, Madras. 
Workers' Welfare League of India : T. Potter-Wilson, 18, Featherstone Buildings, High 

Holborn, London, W.C.i., ENGLAND 

IRELAND Trades Union Congress : Th. Johnson, 32, Lower Abbey Street, Dublin, 
ITALY. Confederizione Generate del Lavoro : R. Rigola, via Manfredo Fanti a, Milan. 
JAPAN Federation of Trade Unions : Shikokumachi, Mita, Tokio. 

General Federation of Labour, Yuai-Kai : Bunji Suzuki, Mita, Shiba-ku, Tokio. 
JUGOSLAVIA Commission Syndicate : Radnitchki Dorr., Kratja Milano Ulica, Belgrade. 

AUgemeiner Arbeiterverband fur Kroaiien-Slavonien, Ilica 55, Agram n. 
LUXEMBURG. Commission Syndicate de Luxemburg: P. Krier, 13 rue Neypergstrasse, 


MEXICO. Confedfracion Regional Obrera Mexicana : Mexico City. 

NEW ZEALAND. United Federation of Labour : Hiram Hunter, Trades Hall, Wellington. 
NORWAY. Faglige Landsorga'iisalion, fforge: Ole Lian, Folketshus, Youngsgadan 13, 

PERU. Centra International Obrero dt Solidartdad : Litano-Americano, 294, Portal de San 

Agustin, Lima. 

POLAND. Poliscie Zwiaski Zawodowo. rue Electoralna 31, Warsaw. 
PORTUGAL Confederacao Geral do Trabalho : Calcade do Combro 38 Aa, Lisbon. 
RUMANIA. Comisia Generala a Sindicatelur diu Rumania : D. Pop, Plata Amzei 26, 


RUSSIA. All Russia Council of Trade Unions : A. Losovsky, Moscow. 
SOUTH AFRICA.^Sot<*A African Industrial Federation : A. Crawford, New Trades Hall, 

Rissik Street, Johannesburg. 

SPAIN. Union General de Trabajadores : Casa del Pueblo, Calle di Piamonte a, Madrid. 
SWEDEN. Landsorganisation i Srerge : H. Lindquist, Barnhusgatan 16, Stockholm. 
SWITZERLAND. Schweiserischer Gaeerkschaftsbund : O. Schneeberger, Kapellenstrasse 8, 


TURKEY. Maison Centrale du Travail: Kassim Pacha, Constantinople. 
UNITED STATES. American Federation of Labour: F. Morrison, A.F. of L. Buildings, 

Washington, D C. 
Industrial Workers of the World: Wm, D. Haywood, 1001, West Madison Street, 

Workers' International Industrial Union : I. Shenkan, Box 651, Detroit, Michigan. 


INTERNA TIONAL. International Co-operative Alliance H. J . May, 4, Great Smith Street, 

London, S.W.I., ENGLAND. 
ARGENTINE. El Hogar Obrero : Buenos Aires. 

AUSTRIA. Verband Deutsch-oeslerreichischer Konsumvereine : Praterstrasse 8, Vienna. 
BELGIUM. F6dtralion des Soci&Ss Cooperatives Beiges : V. Serwy, 48, rue du Rupel, 


BULGARIA. Socittt Co-op frative de Consommation, " Bratski Troud " : Sofia. 
CANADA. Co-operative Union of Canada : 215, Nelson Street, Brantford, Ontario. 
CZECHOSLOVAKIA. Ustredni Svas C eskoslevanskych Drutstev v Froze : Prague. 
DENMARK. Faettesforeningen for Danmarks Brugsforeninger : Copenhagen. 
FINLAND. Yleinen Osuuskauppojen Liitto : Helsingfors. 
FRANCE. Ftdtration Nationale des Cooperatives de Consommation : E. Poisson, 13, rue 

de I'Entrepdt, Paris. 
GERMANY. Zentralverband dfutscher Konsumvereine : H. Kauftnann, Beim Strohhause 38, 

GREAT BRITAIN. Co-operativ\Union : A. Whitehead, Holyoake House, Hanover Street, 



HOLLAND. Centr alt Bond van Nederlandsche Verbruiks-cooperaties : Gedempte Burgwal 3 5 

The Hague. 
HUNGARY. Hangya a Magyar Gatdasxovetseg Fogyyasxtasi 6s Erltkesito Svovetkaete I 

Kozraktar-utcza 34, Budapest. 

Maeyarorstagi Stovetkestek Sxovetsfge : U116i-iit aj, Budapest. 
INDIA. Co-operative Union of India : Calcutta. 
IRELAND. Irish Agricultural Organisation Society : R. A. Anderson. The Plunkett Houw, 


ITALY. Lega Naxionale deUe Cooperative : Via Pace 10, Milan. 
JAPAN. Central Union of Distributive and other Co-operative Societies : Tokio. 
JUGOSLAVIA. General Union of Serbian Agricultural Co-operative Societies: Rue 

Ressavska 15, Belgrade. 

NORWAY. Norges Kooperative Landsforening : 4, Kirkegatan, Christiania. 
POLAND. Zwiazek Stowanysxen Spozywcrych : Ul. Mickiewicza Warsaw-Mokotow. 
RUMANIA. Casa Cenitale a Handler Populare si Coopertivelor Satesti : Bucharest. 
RUSSIA. Vserossiisky Tsentralny Soyus Potrebitelnych Olshtshestv : Moscow. 

The A II- Russian Co-operative Society. Ltd. : " Arcos," 68. Lincoln's Inn Fields, London. 

SPAIN. Federacion Regional de Cooperative de Cataluna: Pasaje de San Jos*, Letra D. 

Barce ona. 

SWEDEN. Kooperatira Forbundet i Syerge : Stadsgarden la, Stockholm. 
SWITZERLAND. Verband Schuieiterischer Konsvmvereine : Thiersteineralle 14, Basle. 
UNITED STATES. Co-operative League of America : a, West isth Street, New York. 


ARGENTINE. Vanguordia (socialist daily) : Buenos Aires. 

AUSTRALIA. The Australian Worker (weekly) : St. Andrew's Place, Sydney, New South 
Wales. - 

The Australian Communist (weekly) : English Buildings, George Street, Sydney. 

Tht Socialist (weekly) : Socialist Hall, 184, Exhibition Street, Melbourne. 
AUSTRIA. Die Arbeiteneitung (socialist daily) : Rechte Wienerzeile 97, Vienna V. 

Die Geuierkschaft (trade union weekly) : Rechte Wienerzeile 07, Vienna V. 

Die Rote Fahne (communist daily) : Bandgasse 87, Vienna VII. 
BELGIUM. Le Peuple (socialist daily) : 35, rue des Sables, Brussels. 

L'Exploilf (left socialist bi-weekly) : 15, rue du Marche, Brussels. 
BULGARIA. R&botnitchesky Vestnih (communist daily) : Sofia. 

Napred (socialist daily) : Sofia. 
CANADA. Canadian Labor Press (labour weekly) i Journal Building, Ottawa. 

The One Big Union Bulletin (weekly) : Robin Hotel, Adelaide Street, Winnipeg. 

The Western Union (socialist bi-monthly) : 401, Pender Street East, Vancouver, B.C. 
CZECHO-SLOVAKIA. Pravo Lidu (socialist daily) : Hybernska 7, Prague II. 

Svoboda (Communist daily) : Kladno. 
DENMARK. Social-Dtmokraten (socialist daily) : N. Farimagsgade 49, Copenhagen. 

Arbejdet (communist daily) : 8 Montergade, Copenhagen. 
FINLAND. Suomen Sosialidemokraaiti (socialist daily) : Sirkuskatu 3, Helsingfors. 

Viesti (communist monthly) : Thorsgaten IOD, Stockholm, Sweden. 
FRANCE. L' Atelier (trade union weekly) : ao8, rue St. Maur, Paris X. 

Le Bulletin Communiste (weekly) : 133, rue Montmar tre, Paris. 

La France Libre (right socialist daily) : 43, rue Notre Dame des Victories, Paris. 

L'Humanite (communist daily) : 142, rue Montmartre, Paris II. 

L'Information Sociale et Ouvritre (bi-weekly) : 7, rue Pasquier, Paris VIII. 

Le Peuple (trade union daily) : 67, Quai de Valmy, Paris X. 

Le Populaire (socialist daily) : ia, rue Feydeau, Paris II. 

La Vie Ouvritre (left trade union weekly) : 96, Quai Jemmappes, Paris X. 

La Voix du Peuple (official trade union monthly) : an, rue Lafayette, Paris X. 
GERMANY. Freiheit (Independent Socialist daily) : Breite Strasse 8-9, Berlin, C.a. 

Die Kommunistische Arbeiteneitung (Communist Labour Party organ) : Hamburg. 

Per Kommunistische Geuierkschafter (left trade union weekly) Rosenthalerstrasse 38, 

Korrespondentblatt der Gewerfuchaflen (official trade union weekly) : Engelufer 15, 
Berlin, S.O. 16. 

Die Rote Fahne (communist daily) : Stallschreiberstrasse 34-5. Berlin. 

Vorwdrts (Majority Socialist daily) : Lindenstrasse 3, Berlin S.W. 68. 
GREAT BRITAIN. The Daily Herald (labour daily) : a, Carmelite Street, London, E.C.4. 

The Communist (official communist weekly), 16, King Street, London, W.C.a: 



The Guildsman (monthly) : 39, Cursitor Street, London, E.C.4. 

Justice (SJJ.F. weekly) : 37-8, ClerkenweU Green, London, E.C.I. 

The Labour Leader (I.L.P. weekly) : 30, Biackfriars Street, Manchester. 

The New Age (weekly) : 38, Cursitor Street, London, E.C.4. 

The New Statesman (weekly) : 10, Great Queen Street, London, W.C.a. 

The Plebs Magazine (Labour College monthly) : na, Penywern Road, London, S.W.5. 

The Socialist (S.L.P. weekly) : 50, Renfrew Street, Glasgow. 

Solidarity (left trade union weekly) : 10, Tudor Street, London, E.C.4. 

The Worker (Scottish Workers Committees' weekly) : 31, North Frederick Street, 


The Workers Dreadnought (communist weekly) : 400, Old Ford Road, London, E.* 
HOLLAND. Het Volk (socialist daily) : Keizersgracht 378, Amsterdam. 

De Tribune (communist weekly) : Amstel 85, Amsterdam. 
HUNGARY. Nepszava (socialist daily) : Konti-utca 4, Budapest VII.- 
ICELAND. Althydubladid (socialist daily). Reykjavik. 
INDIA. New India Labour Supplement (at intervals) : Besant Power Press, snd Line 

Beach, Madras. 

IRELAND. The Watchword of Labour (weekly) : Liberty Hall, Dublin. 
ITALY. Avanti (socialist daily) : via S. Damiano 16, Milan. 

Battaglie Sindacale (official trade union bi-weekly) : via Manfredo Fanti 2, Milan. 
// Communista (official communist bi-weekly) : via Visconti 14, Milan. 
Communismo (communist monthly) : via S. Damiano 16, Milan. 
Critica Sociale (right socialist organ) : Portici Galleria 23, Milan. 
V Ordine Nuovo (communist daily) : via Arcivescovado 3, Turin. 
'L'Umanita Nuova (anarchist daily) : via Goldoni 3, Milan. 
JAPAN. Shakaishugi (official socialist monthly) : 44, Ichome, Motozonacho, Kojimachi-ku, 


Rodo Undo (trade union weekly) : 12 Kita-Kogacho, Kanda, Tokio. 
JUGOSLAVIA. Radnitchkc Novine (communist daily) : Kralja Milana ulica, Belgrade. 
LUXEMBURG. Der Proletarier (weekly) : Neypergstrasse 13, Luxemburg. 
MEXICO. Gale's Magazine (monthly) : P.O. Box 518, Mexico City, D.F. 
NEW ZEALAND. The Maoriland Worker (weekly) : 390, Wakefield Street, Wellington. 
NORWAY. Social-Demokraten (daily) : Younsgatan 13, Chris tiania. 
POLAND. Robotnik (socialist daily) : Warecka 7, Warsaw. 

Svit (communist daily) : 13, Lerchengasse, Vienna VIII., AUSTRIA. 
PORTUGAL./! Batalha (daily) : Calcada do Comoro 38 a 3, Lisbon. 
RUMANIA. Socialismul (daily) : str. Academiei (R. Pcincar6) 37, Bucharest. 
RUSSIA. Isviestya (official Soviet daily) : Tverskaya 43, Moscow ; and other towns. 

Pravda (official communist daily) : Sotsialisticbeskaya 14, Petrograd ; and other towns. 
Krasnaya Gaxeta (Red Army daily) : Krasnaya ulitsa 40, Petrograd. 
Ekonomicheskaya Zhisn (economic daily) : Myasnitskaya 20, Moscow. 
: Pour la Russie (anti-communist bi-weekly) : 9 bis rue Vineuse. Paris XVIe, FRANCE. 
Russische Korrcspondenz (monthly) : A. Seehof Verlag, Berlin C.54, GERMANY. 
Soviet Russia (weekly) : no, West 4Oth Street, New York, U.S.A. 
SOUTH AFRICA. South African Review (weekly) : Fletcher's Chambers, Darling Street, 


The International (International Socialist League weekly) : 54, Fox Street, Johannes- 

SPAIN. El Socialista (daily) : Calle de Carranza 20, Madrid. 
SWEDEN. Social-Demokraten (daily) : Barnhusgatan 14, Stockholm. 

Folkets Dagblad Politiken (left socialist daily) : Thorsgatan IOD, Stockholm. 
SWITZERLAND. La SenlineUe (socialist daily) : Pare 103, Chaux-de-Fonds, Switzerland. 
La Feuille (weekly) : 9, rue Necker, Geneva. 

La Nouvelle Internationale (communist weekly) : Case Postale, Eaux Vives, Geneva. 
Le Phare (communist monthly) : rue P. H. Mathey, 27, Chaux-de-Fonds 
UNITED STATES. The New York Call (socialist daily) : 112, Fourth Avenue, near nth 

Street, New York City. 

The Milwaukee Leader (socialist daily) : Chestnut Street, Milwaukee. 
The Seattle Union Record (labour daily) : 600 Union Street, Seattle. 
The American Federationist (A. F. of L. monthly organ) : 9th Street, Washington, 

The Bulletin and The Eye Opener (official Socialist Party organs) : S2O, South Ashland 

Boulevard, Chicago. 

The Communist (United Communist Party weekly). 
The Liberator (monthly) : 138, West I3th Street, New York City. 
The New Majority (Farmer's Labour Party weekly organ) : 166, West Washington Street, 


The Socialist Review (monthly) : 70, Fifth Avenue, New York City. 
The Weekly People (S.L.P. weekly) : 45, Rose Street, New York City. , 


Aaland Islands, 39. 

Afghanistan, 132. 

Africa, forced labour in, 139, 143. 

South, see South Africa. 
Albania, accession to League of Nations, 

Alsace-Lorraine, President Wilson on, 


Amritsar massacre, 119. 
Amsterdam International Trade Union 

Congress, 199. 
Anarchism in Italy, 369-370 ; in Spain, 


Anglo- Japanese Treaty, 31, 136. 
Anglo-Russian Convention (1907), 123. 

Trade Agreement (1931), 84-5. 

Trade Negotiations, 160-1. 
Angora Government, 137. 
Anti-Slavery Society, 175. 
Arabs, self-government, 130. 
ARGENTINE : budget, 55. 

constitution, 315. 

co-operation, 216. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54 

economic statistics, 315. - 

exchange rates, 60. 

socialist and labour movements, 


Armaments, expenditure, 32. 
ARMENIA : constitution, 316. 

foreign relations, 16, 126, 129, 168. 

racial problem, 131. 

socialist movement, 216. 
Armistice negotiations with Germany, 9. 

terms with Germany, 12. 

terms, interpretation of, 48, 166-7. 
AryaSamaj, 117. 

Asia, relations with Europe, 131-3. 
Asia Minor, Tripartite Agreement (1930), 

AUSTRALIA : budget, 55. 

constitution, 316. 

co-operation, 319. 

debt, 54. 

Labour Partv, 217 8. 

socialist parties, 218. 

trade, 63, 64. 

trade unionism, 218-9. 

" White Australia" policy, 134. 
AUSTRIA : accession to League of Nations, 


budget, 55. 
constitution, 219. 
co-operation, 221-2. 
* debt, 54 

economic statistics, 219. 
famine, 53. 

socialist and labour movement, 220-1. 
transport breakdown, 51. 


Treaty of St. Germain, 15. 

comments on territorial causes 


economic effects, 51-3. 
Workers' Councils, 221. 
Works Councils Act, 221. 
Avksentieff, 83. 
Azeff, 7on. 
Azerbaijan, 129. 

Bagdad Railway, 136, 130. 
Baku Oriental Congress, 137. 
Bakunin, 183. 

influence in Spain, 393. 
Balfour, A. J ., and the League of Nations, 


on control of foreign policy, 153. 
Balkans, ii, 125. 

see also Bulgaria, Greece, Jugoslavia, 


BELGIUM : budget, 55. 
coal production, 61. 

rights under treaty, 14. 
constitution, 222. 
co-operation, 223. 
currency, 58. 
debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 222 . 
iron and steel production, 63 . 
military treaty with France, 31. 
socialism, 222. 
trade unionism, 223. 
Berne International Socialist Conference 

(1919), 186. 
Beveridge, Sir William, on Famine in 

Austria, 52. 
BIBLIOGRAPHIES : Economic Conditions 

after the War, 53. 
Egypt, 124. 
Far East, 137. 
Foreign Poficy, 159. 
International Co operation, 214. 
,, Labour Legislation, 41. 
Socialism, 196. 
,, Trade Unionism, 205. 
League of Nations, 34. 
Peace Conference, 18. 
Russia, 89. 

Bolshevism, see Russia and Communism. 
BRAZIL : constitution, 223. 
currency, 58. 
economic statistics, 223. 
socialist and labour movement, 233-4. 
trade, 63, 64. 

Brest-Litovsk Treaty, negotiations, 76-80. 
terms affecting Turkey in Asia, 

Briand, 334. 



BRITAIN : budget, 55. 
coal production, 6x. 
communism, 355. 
constitution, 252. 
Council of Action, 163, 174, 257. 
co-operation, 206-7, 251. 
debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 252. 
exchange rates, 60. 
foreign policy, control, 153-9. 

interests in Middle East, 125, 

128, 130. 

relations with Japan, 135-7. 
relations with Russia, 79, 83-7, 


Iron and steel production, 62. 
Labour Party, 252-4. 

foreign policy, see Labour Foreign 


naval policy, 137. 
prices, 57, 61. 
shipbuilding, 63. 
socialist parties, 254-5. 
trade, 63-64. 
trade unionism, 255-7. 
Triple Alliance, 84, 86, 257. 
BRITISH EMPIRE : Constitution, 144-151. 
Constitutional Resolution (1917), 146. 
Dominion status, 147. 
forced labour in, 142-3. 
Imperial Conference (1921), 144. 
relation to League of Nations, 147, 

British Institute of International Affairs, 


Brussels Convention (1919), 13. 
Financial Conference, 31-3. 
Budgets, statistics of, 55. 
BULGARIA : accession to League of 

Nations, 35. 
budget, 55. 
constitution, 224. 
co-operation, 224. 
economic statistics, 224, 
socialist and labour movement, 124. 
Treaty of Neuilly, 16. 
Bullitt, W. C., and Russia, 85. 

Cachin, 235. 

California, Japanese in, 134-5. 

CANADA : Ambassador at Washington, 


budget, 55. 
coal production, 61. 
constitution, 225. 
co-operation 226. 
debt, 54. 

Durham Report, 145. 
economic statistics, 225. 
iron and steel production, 6. 
Labour Party, 226. 
One Big Union, 225. 
prices, 61. 
shipbuilding, 63. 
socialist parties, 226. 
trade, 63, 64. 
trade unionism, 215. 
Carson, Sir E., 92. 

CHILE : constitution, 226. 

currency, 58. 

economic statistics, 226. 

socialist and labour movement, 

CHINA : budget, 55. 

Consortium, 133. 

constitution, 227. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 227. 

relations with Japan, 132-3. 

socialist and labour movement, 


Churchill, W. S., on Bolshevism, 83. 
Cilicia, 126, 131. 
Coal, in Austria, 51. 

in Germany, 14, 18, 49, 165. 

production statistics, 61. 
Colonial questions, communist policy, 199. 

League of Nations policy, 33. 

Wilson on, 10. 

See also British Empire. 
Colour problems, 131-2, 134, 140-1, 292-3. 
Communism, 190-3. 

See also separate countries, 215-306. 
Connolly, James, 92, 264. 
Co-operation and agriculture, 209, 

international, 207-214. 

relations with native races, 309. 

relations with the State, 211-3. 

socialisation through, 213-4. 
See also separate countries. 
Copenhagen International Socialist Con- 
gress (1910), 184. 

Neutral Socialist Congress (1915), 184. 
Council of Action, see Britain. 
Currency, 57-9. 

statistics, 58. 

Curzon line (Polish frontier), 28, 162. 
CZECHO-SLOVAKIA : budget, 55. 

constitution, 228. 

co-operation, 324. 

economic statistics, 228. 

famine, 53. 

socialist and labour movement, 218-9, 

Treaty of St. Germain, 17. 

Dail Eireann, 94 5. 

Danzig, under the League of Nations, t6. 

Social Democrats, 36. 
Debts, National, 53-4. 
Democracy, Lenin on, 76. 

Second International on, 188-9. 

Vienna resolution on, 195. 
Denikin, 85, 86, 398. 
DENMARK : budget, 55 

constitution, 229. 

co-operation, 230. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 339. 

socialist and labour movement, 229- 

shipbuilding, 63. 

trade, 63, 64. 
DIARY, 1-7. 

Diplomatic Services Royal Commission 
(1914), 155. 


DIRECTORIES : Co-operation, 310. 
Labour Press, jn. 
Socialist organisations, 307. 
Trade Union organisations, 309. 
Voluntary Associations on inter- 
national affairs, 175-179. 
Disarmament, League of Nations action 

on, 31. 
Versailles Treaty on, 13, 18, 30. 

Economic Conditions after the War, 44-64. 

See also separate countries. 
EGYPT : British occupation, 131. 

capitulations, lai. 

Milner Mission, 1*3-4. 

Protectorate, 132. 

revolt (1919), 133. 

statistics, 130. 

Treaty of Versailles on, 13. 
England, see Britain. 
Esperanto Association, 173. 
ESTHONIA : budget, 55. 

constitution, 330. 

economic statistics, 330. 

socialist and labour movement, 


Eupen-Malmedy plebiscite, 13, 36-7. 
Exchange, Rates of, 59-60. 

Fabian Society, 354. 
Famine in Austria, 52. 

in Germany, 50. 

in other countries, 53-3. 
Far East, 131-137. 
Farmer parties, in Canada, 336. 

in the United States, 303-3. 
Fight the Famine Council, 175. 
FINLAND : Aaland Islands, 20. 

accession to League of Nation*, 35. 

budget, 55. 

civil war, 82, 333. 

constitution, 331. 

co-operation, 333. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 331. 

socialist and labour movement, 331-3. 

trade, 63, 64. 
First International, see International 


Foch, on the Armistice terms, 13. 
Foreign Policy : control, 153-4. 

Labour view, 160-175, 

machinery, 154-9. 
Fourteen Points, 10-13. 
FRANCE : budget, 55. 

coal production, 61. 
,, rights under Treaty, 14, 165. 

Communist Party, 336. 

Confederation Generate du Travail, 

Conseil Economique du Travail, 240. 

constitution, 333. 

co-operation, 213, 340. 


currency, 38. 
dbt, 54. 

economic statistics, 333. 
exchange rates, 60. 
foreign policy, in Middle F.ast, 136-8. 
military mission in Poland 161. 
military occupation of Germany, 

166, i67n. 
military treaty with Belgium, 


recognition of Wr angel, 161. 
suppression of Luxemburg 

Workers' Councils, 378. 
iron and steel production, 62. 
prices, 57, 59, 61. 
shipbuilding, 63. 
Socialist Party, 333-6. 
trade, 63, 64. 
Freedom of the Seas, 10. 
French, Lord, on Ireland, XOIB. 

Gandhi, 119. 

Geneva International Socialist Congress 

(1920), 186. 
Geneva International Labour Conference, 


GEORGIA : constitution, 341. 
co-operation, 31 1, 341. 
foreign relations, 129. 
socialist movement, 341. 
GERMANY : budget, 55. 
coal, production, 61. 
coal, treaty obligations, 14, 18, 49, 


communist parties, 348-9. 
constitution, 341. 
co-operation, 351. 
currency, 58. 
debt, 54. 

disarmament, 13, 18, 166. 
economic statistics, 341 ; ie *lto 

48-50, 54-63. 
elections (1920), 346. 
famine, 50. 

general strikes (1918), 78. 
Independent Socialist Party, 144, 


iron and steel production, 63. 
revolution, 344-6. 
shipbuilding, 63. 

Social Democratic Party, 343, 346-7. 
socialist and labour movement, 
pre-war, 242-3. 
during the war, 343-4. 
after the war, 244-250. 
trade, 63. 

trade unionism, 342-3, 249-230. 
Treaty of Versailles, 13-15. 

effects, 46, 47, 48-50, 164 5. 
Workers' Councils, 244-6. 
Works Councils Act, 250-1. 
Gompers, S., 200, 305. 
Goode, Sir \Vm., on famine in Austria, 

Great Britain, tu Britain. 


GREECE, budget, 55. 

constitution, 258. 

co-operation, 212. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 258. 

foreign policy, 126-9, 168. 

socialist and labour movement, 

Guesde, 234. 

HOLLAND : budgets, 55. 

coal production, 61. 

constitution, 259. 

co-operation, 212, 260. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 259. 

exchange rates, 60. 

shipbuilding, 63. 

socialist and labour movement, 

trade, 63, 64. 

Hoover, on Central Europe, 46. 
HUNGARY : budget, 55. 

constitution, 260. 

co-operation, 262. 

debt, 54. 

disease, 52. 

economic statistics, 260. 

socialist and labour movement, 

Soviet Republic, 261. 

Treaty of Trianon, 17. 
Huysmans, C., 184. 

ICELAND : constitution, 262. 
co-operation, 263. 
economic statistics, 262. 
League of Nations Commission on, 


socialist and labour movement, 

262 3. 
Indemnity, see Germany, Treaty of 

INDIA : British rule, 112-3. 

budget, 55. 

constitution, 114-6. 

co-operation, 264. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

dividends, 1140. 

economic conditions, 113-4. 

Government of India, Act, 115-6. 

Home Rule for India League, 118. 

Moderates, 118-9. 

Muslim League, 1 18. 

National Congress, 117, 118-120. 

Non-co-operation, 119 

Rowlatt Act, 119. 

trade, 63, 64. 

trade unionism, 263-4. 

Workers' Welfare League of India, 

Industrial Workers of the World, 305-6. 

in Australia, 219. 

in Canada, 225. 

influence in Norway, 380. 

INTERNATIONAL Associations, voluntary, 

Association for Labour Legislation, 


Conference of Co-operative Whole- 
sales, 208. 
Co-operative Alliance, 207 ; see also 


Financial Conference (1920), 31-3. 
Government, see League of Nations. 

,, minor organs, 41-3. 
Justice, Permanent Court of, 30. 
Labour Office, 35. 
Labour Organisation (Peace Treaty), 


First International, history, 181-3. 
influence in Denmark, 229. 
influence in France, 236. 
influence in Spain, 293. 
Second International, economic policy, 


history, pre-war, 183-4. 
history during the war, 184 5. 
history after the war, 186-7, 189. 
Negotiating Commission, 189. 
political policy, 188-9. 
Third International, constitution, 


history, 189-90. 
theses, 193. 

twenty-one conditions, 191-2. 
Vienna International (International 

Working Union), 194-6. 
methods, 195-6. 
rules, 194. 
Young Communist International, 


International Federation of Trad* 

Unions, 197-201. 

International Trade Union Secre- 
tariats, 203-5. 
Red Trade Union International, 


IRELAND : British Army in, 96. 

co-operation, 266. 

Dail Eireann, 94-5. 

economic hUtory, 91. 

economic statistics, 264. 

Easter rising, 93. 

Home Rule movement, 90-2. 

Home Rule Bill (1919), 99. 

Labour policy on, 174. 

Military terror, 103-113. 

Peace with Ireland Council, 177. 

repression, 93-4, 97, 98. 

Republic, 100-101, 102. 

Republican Army, 96. 

Sinn Fein, origin, 93. 

socialist and labour movement, 


Iron production statistics, 63. 
ITALY : anarchism, 269. 

budget, 55. 

coal production, 61. 
,, rights under treatiM, 14. 

constitution, 366. 



co-operation, 213, 373-4. * 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 266. 

Ex -Combatants' League, 270. 

Labour Control Bill, ijta. 

metalworkers' seizure of factories, 


prices, 57, 59, 61. 
shipbuilding, 63. 
socialist and labour movement, 266- 


syndicalism, 272-3. 
trade, 63, 64. 

JAPAN : budget, 55. 

constitution, 274. 

co-operation, 275. 

currency, 58. 

economic statistics, 274. 

emigration problem, 133-5. 

foreign policy, 132-6. 

secret treaty with Russia, 132. 

treaty with Britain, 135. 

naval programme, 137. 

prices, 57, 59, 61. 

shipbuilding, 63. 

socialist and labour movement, 274-5. 

trade, 63, 64. 
Jaures, 334. 

Jellicoe, Lord, Report on Navy, 137. 
Jouhaux, 238-9. 
JUGO-SLAVIA : constitution, 275. 

co-operation, 276. 

disease, 52. 

economic statistics, 275. 

socialist and labour movement, 275-6. 

treaty with Allies, 17. 

Kemal, Mustapha, 127-9. 
Kerensky, 73-4. 

Keynes, J. M., on Reparations, it, 48. 
Kiau-Cbau, 13, 133. 

Kienthal, International Socialist Con- 
ference, 185. 
Kolchak, 84, 86, 289. 
Korea, 132, 274. 
Korniloff, 74. 

Labour Foreign Policy, 160-172. 

on international economic questions, 

171, 173-4- 
on Ireland, 174-5. 
on machinery of foreign relations, 


on native labour, 141-2. 

on Peace Treaties, 170, 172. 

on Russia, 163, 174. 

Labour movements, see under countries. 
Labour Research Department, 176. 
LATVIA : constitution, 276. 

economic statistics, 276. 

socialist and labour movement, 

LEAGUE OF NATIONS : action under 
peace treaties, 25-7. 

communist view, 193. 

covenant terms, 19-24. 

disarmament policy, 31. 

judicial functions, 30. 

labour view, 169-170. 

mandates, 29. 

membership, 25. 

registration of treaties, 31. 

relations with Russia, 27, 162. 

secretariat, 33-4. 

settlement of disputes, 27-9. 

Wilson on, 12. 

League of Nations Union, 176. 
Lenin, character sketch, 80. 

pre-revplutionary policy, 68, 386. 

revolutionary policy, 73, 74, 80. 

view of democracy, 76. 
Liebknecht, ;8n, 244, 245, 248. 
LITHUANIA : budget, 55. 

constitution, 277. 

economic statistics, 277. 

Polish dispute, 28. 

socialist movement, 81, 277. 
Lloyd George on the peace terms, So. 
London Diplomatic Conference (1921), 

17, 129, i67n, i6gn. 

International Trade Union Confer- 
ence (1920), 200. 
Longuet, 235-6. 
Lucknow compact, 118. 
LUXEMBURG : accession to Leagu* of 
Nations, 25. 

budget, 55. 

constitution, 277. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 377. 

socialist and labour movement, 177-8. 
Luxemburg, Rosa, 244, 245, 248. 

Mala testa, 269. 

Mandates, apportionment by Allies, 29. 

Covenant terms, 23. 

League of Nations action, 29, 170. 

Middle Eastern, 126, 130. 
Mannheim Agreement, 242. 

abrogated, 350. 
Martov, 386, 388. 
Marx, 181-3. 

MEXICO : constitution, 378. 
, economic statistics, 378. 

peonage, 139. 

socialist and labour movemut, a;8. 
Mesopotamia, 139-130. 
Middle East, 135-131. 
Milyukoff, adherence to Allies, 73. 

adherence to Germany, 83. 
Millerand, 234. 
Milner, Lord, Mission to Egypt, 123-4. 

on Russia, 71. 

Minority Clauses in Treaties, 17. 
Montagu-Chelmsford Report, 115. 
Morley-Minto Reforms, 115. 
Moscow Communist Congress (1919), 

189 ; (1920), 190. 
Mosul, 126. 
Muslim League, 118. 


N'anien, and Russia, 8511. 
Nationality, League of Nations ruling 
on, 29, 

relation to the Treaties, ii-xa. 
Native Labour, 138-143. 

co-operative policy, 209. 

organisation in South Africa, 293. 
NEW ZEALAND : budget, 55. 

constitution, 279. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 379. 

socialist and labour movement, 279- 

trade, 63, 64. 
NORWAY : budget, 55. 

constitution, 280. 

co-operation, 281. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 280. 

shipbuilding, 63. 

socialist and labour movement, 8o-i. 

Okhrana, 67. 

One Big Union in Australia, 219. 

in Canada, 225. 

in Ireland, 263. 
Otsovists, 70. 

Pacific Ocean, strategic issues, 135. 

Palestine, 126. 

Paris Diplomatic Conference (1921), 18. 

Parnell, 91. 

Peace Treaties, see Treaties, 

Peonage, 139. 

Persia, 125, 130. 

PERU : constitution, 281. 

economic statistics, 281. 

labour movement, 281-2. 
Petlura, 161, 298. 
Plebiscites, Eupen-Malmedy, 13, 26. 

Schleswig, 13. 

Silesia, 13, i66n. 
Plekhanov, 286, 288. 
Plumb Plan, 305. 
POLAND : budget, 55. 

constitution!, 282. 

co-operation, 283. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 282. 

Lithuanian dispute, 28. 

Russian War, 27, i6i-x6t . 

socialist and labour movement, 

treaty with Allies, 17. 

typhus, 52. 
PORTUGAL : budget, 55. 

constitution, 283. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 283. 

socialist and labour movement, 

Pravda, forged issue, BTH. 
Prices, 56-7. 

and currency, changes compared, 39. 

retail, index numbers, 57. 

wholesale, index numbers, 57, 61 . 
Prinkipo Conference proposal, 85. 

Red Terror in Finland, 232. 

Red Trade Union International, soi-s. 

Reds and Whites, 8 in. 

Renaudel, 235. 

Reparations, see Germany, Treaty of 


Riga Peace (1920), 163. 
Rowlatt Act, 119. 
Ruhr, military occupation, 1670. 

RUMANIA : constitution, 284. 
currency, 58. 
economic statistics, 284. 
socialist and labour movement, 184-}. 
treaty with Allies, 17. 

RUSSIA : blockade, 70-1, 161-3. 

Bolsheviks, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 286, 

287, 288. 

Communist Party, 287. 
concessions, 136. 

Constituent Assembly, 83, 287, * 88. 
constitution, 285. 
co-operation, 210-1, 291-2. 
counter-revolution, 83, 84-86, 161- 


debt, 86. 
Duma, 71, 72. 
economic system, 285-6. 
foreign relations with Allies, 66, 73-4, 

76, 80,81,82-7, 160-4. 
with Central Powers, 76-82. 
with Eastern peoples, 127, 168. 
with League of Nations, 27, 162 
with Poland, 161-3. 
with Turkey, 127. 
Labour laws, 286. 

Mensheviks, 68, 69, 73, 286, 287-8. 
People's Commissaries, 74, 285. 
Revolution (1905), 68-70, 290. 

(1917, March), 71-4, 287, 

(1917, November), 74-5, 287, 

socialist and labour movement, 286- 

Social Democratic Labour Party, 

68-70, 286-8. 

Socialist Revolutionary Party, 288-9. 
Soviets, 69, 72-6, 285. 
Supreme Economic Council, 285. 
trade relations, 84-5, 160-1, 164. 
trade unionism, 289-291. 
Tsarism, collapse, 70-2. 

early expansion, 65-6, 125, 289. 
political system, 66-8. 
War effects, 70-1 
Wilson on, u. 



Saar Basin, Governing commission, 25. 
Saint-Mand6 pact of French socialists, 


San Marino, and League of Nations, 31. 
Satyagraha, 119. 
Second International, tee International 


Serbia, see Jugo-Slavia. 
Serrati, 268. 

Sevres Treaty, see Turkey. 
Shipbuilding statistics, 63. 
Siam, 133. 

Silesia, Upper, plebiscite, 13, i66n. 
Sinn Fein, 96, 
Socialisation, co-operative scheme, 213-4. 

effects of war on, 44-7. 

Second International resolution on, 

SOUTH AFRICA : budget, 55. 

colour conflict, 141, 292-3. 

constitution, 292. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 292. 

socialist and labour movement, 292-3. 

trade, 63. 
Spa Conference, 18. 

SPAIN : budget, 55. 

constitution, 292. 

co-operation, 295. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 293. 

socialist and labour movement, 293-5. 

trade, 63, 64. 

Spartacus League, 244, 248. 
Starling, Professor, on conditions in 

Germany, 45, 50. 
Steel production statistics, 62. 
Stockholm Conference proposal (1917), 


Stolypin, 70. 
Stuttgart Congress resolution on war, 

Swadeshi, 116, 117. 

SWEDEN : Aaland islands dispute, 29 
budget, 55. 
constitution, 396. 
co-operation, 297. 
currency, 58. 
debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 296. 
exchange rates, 60. 
prices, 57, 59, 6x. 
shipbuilding, 63. 

socialist and labour movement, 196-7. 
trade, 63, 64. 

SWITZERLAND : budget, 55. 

constitution, 297. 

co-operation, 298. 

currency, 58. 

debt, 54. 

economic statistics, 297. 

exchange rates, 60. 

socialist and labour movement, 297-8. 

trade, 63, 64. 
Syndicalism, 237-8, 294. 
Syria, 126, 130. 

Thibet, 132. 

Third International, * International 


Trade statistics, 63, 64. 
Transcaucasia, 128-9. 
Treaties : Brest-Utovsk, 79-80. 

Neuilly, 16. 

Riga, 163. 

Saint-Germain, 15-16. 

Sevres, 16-17. 

Trianon, 17. 

Versailles, 13, 

and see under countries. 
Triple Alliance (Britain), 84, 86, 237. 
Trotsky, 74, 76-79. 
Turati, 267-8. 

TURKEY : break-up of Empire, 12, 13, 


Kemalist rising, 127-9. 
revolution (1908), 125. 
Treaty of Sevres, 16, 126, 128. 
criticism, 12. 
revision, 17, rag. 
Wilson on, 12. 

Twenty-one Conditions, 191-3. 
Twenty-one Demands, 132. 
Typhus, 52, 53. 

UKRAINE : constitution, 298. 

economic situation, 298. 

Germans in, 82. 

Rada, 79. 

socialist and labour movement, 298-9. 

wars and revolutions, 298. 
Ulster, labour in, 265. 
Union of Democratic Control, 177. 
United Kingdom, see Britain. 

UNITED STATES : Amalgamated Clothing 

Workers, 305. 

American Federation of Labour, 304-5. 
budget, 55. 
constitution, 299. 
coal production, 61. 
communist parties, 301-2. 
co-operation, 306. 
currency, 58. 
debt, 54. 

economic statistics. 299. 
Europe's debt to, 53. 
exchange rates, 60. 
Farmer labour, Party, 302. 
foreign relations, Japan, 134-5. 
Industrial Workers of the World, 


iron and steel production, 62. 
naval programme, 137. 
Non partisan League, 302-3. 
Plumb Plan, 305. 
prices, 57, 59. 
Rand School, 303. 
shipbuilding, 63. 
socialist parties, 299-302. 
trade, 63, 66. 
Uruguay, 55. 


Vanderlip, F. A., on Spanish syndicalism, 

Vanderlip, W. D., reported Russian con- 
cession, 136. 

Varandian, on Georgia, 241. 

Venizelos, 127. 

Versailles Treaty, see Germany. 

Viborg Manifesto, 86. 

Vienna International Socialist Congress 
(1921), 194. 

Vilna, ? 8. 

Viviani, 234. 

War debts, 53-4. 

effects, 44-7. 

guilt, 164, 186. 

International Socialist resolution on, 


Washington International Labour Con- 
ference, 36. 
White Terror in Esthonia, 231. 

in Finland, 232 . 

in Hungary, 261. 

in Ireland, 90-112. 

in Rumania, 285. 

in Spain, 294. 

in the United States, 301, 306. 
Wilson, Fourteen Points, 10-12. 
Women's International League, 178. 
Workers' Councils : Austria, 221. 

Germany, 254-5, 250-1. 

Luxemburg, 278. 

Norway, 281. 
Works Councils Acts : Austria, 221. 

Germany, 245, 250-1. 

Italy, 272. 

Luxemburg, 277. 

Norway, 281. 
Wrangel, 87, 161, 162. 

Young Communist International, 193-4. 
Yucatan, 278. 

Zagloul Pasha, 123. 
Zeligowsky, General, 28. 
Zimmerwald Congress, 185. 

Ht*dly Bro... Aihlord, K.ot, A 18 Utvonihir. St .1 C.I. 

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