UC-NRLF
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LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY
_ OF
iJUjFORNl^
3FwnJ»-^Publicaiio«, l^la. B2.
LA FAYETTE'S
SECOND EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA
IN 1781.
A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society,
June 14th, 1886,
By E. M. ALLEN
Jkltimore, 1891.
LA FAYETTE'S
SECOND EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA
IN 1781.
SfuniJ-^Publicalion, "2Ho. 32.
LA FAYETTE'S
SECOND EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA
IN 1781.
A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society,
June 14th, 1886,
By E. M. A LLEN.
DalliiiicuT. 1891.
PEABODY PUBLICATION FUND.
Committee on Publication.
1891-92.
HENRY STOCKBRIDGE,
BRADLEY T. JOHNSON,
CLAYTON C. HALL.
Printed by John Murphy & Co.
Printers to the Maryland Historical Society.
Baltimo re, 1891.
LA FAYETTE'S SECOND EXPEDITION
TO VIRGINIA IN 1781.
IT has been said that there was, properly, no
second expedition to Virginia led by La Fay-
ette, because the troops under his command
that proceeded from Elkton by water on the way to
Virginia, only went as far as Annapolis ; but as
La Fayette himself went to Virginia at that time,
and. as the whole body returned to Elkton and
started again under fresh orders from the com-
mander-in-chief, and with a different object, I
dt cni it proper to call the expedition that went
by land, and which reached Virginia, the Second
Expedition.
As tar as 1 know, no connected account of this
expedition has been written, including the part
taken by La Fayette individually, and by the
troops he commanded, and I regard it as consonant
with the objects of this organization to preserve
in a form easily accessible, all facts that will
enable those who are to succeed us to have full
5
6
knowledge of even the minute circumstances
connected with the Revolutionary struggle.
In order, therefore, to enable the student to com-
prehend the importance of the expedition which is
the subject of this paper, it is necessary to place
before him the situation of the country, and the
prospects of the American cause in the beginning
of the year 1781, including the state of public sen-
timent, the condition of the finances, the situation
and strength of the armies, and the objects of the
campaign of that year.
We had fought many battles since blood was
first shed at Lexington in 1775. Bunker Hill,
Trenton, Brandy wine, Camden, and King's Moun-
tain, and other bloody fields had attested the deter-
mination of the American people to be a free and
independent nation ; yet no battle like Zama or the
Boyne, or Waterloo, had changed the policy and
the hopes of the nations that contended for suprem-
acy on the American continent.
The war had been waged more than five years ;
yet nothing had appeared to lift the gloom that
shrouded the American cause, save the French
alliance and the French material aid. There was
not even a confederation of the states, for Mary-
land, the last State to give in her adhesion to
that flimsy compact, had not yet done so.
The want of a concentrated federal powei
threatened total ruin to the cause of In depend-
ence, and it may bo safely said, thai 1<> ordinary
human calculation, it was unwise to continue the
contest.
The treasury was empty. The British had
"flooded the country with counterfeits of the
American currency, and ten millions of dollars
issued by Congress had to be called in from this
cause.
I have seen a bill in which four hundred dol-
lars was charged for a pair of boots, and one
hundred dollars for a handkerchief, about that
time, in the paper issues of the Government.
Calls made upon the states for men and money
were often disregarded, and in general the re-
sponse was dilatory and feeble.
Congress in 1779 called for eighty battalions
to recruit the army. jNTot one of the states filled
its quota, but Massachusetts led the states in
responding to this call.
Many of the people, in all the states, openly
.tilled the cause of the mother country, and more
secretly wished it success in its efforts to crush
out the infant Government.
The troops of Connecticut had mutinied, and
the Pennsylvania line, their spirits depressed by
thoughts of their needy families, with no pay,
upon the verge of starvation in camp, and a
vigilant and well provided enemy in front, had
followed the pernicious example.
8
The general gloom had been increased by the
treason of Arnold, and even the execution of
Andre had been made by some of the wavering
a justification for returning to their allegiance to
the British crown, and it may well be said that
"shadows, clouds and darkness" rested upon the
land.
But the clouds had a silver lining.
That sturdy love of liberty that led the pilgrims
from home and friends, and the graves of their
fathers, to brave the perils of an untrodden wilder-
ness, and to scorn the tomahawk of the savage ;
that spirit that glowed in the breast of Hampden,
and that nerved the arm of the immortal Crom-
well, was still alive, and on that spirit rested the
hopes of all the friends of liberty that this land
would yet be the " land of the free," because it was
the "home of the brave."
Lord George Germain, the British Secretary of
State for the colonies, in a letter to Sir Henry
Clinton, dated March 7th, 1781, says : " Indeed, so
very contemptible is the rebel force in all its parts,
and so vast is our superiority everywhere, that no
resistance on their part is to be apprehended that
can materially obstruct the progress of the King's
armies in the speedy suppression of the rebellion ;
and it is a pleasing, though at the same time, mor-
tifying reflection when the duration of the rebellion
is considered, which arises from a view of the
9
returns of the provincial forces you have trans-
mitted, that the American levies in the King's ser-
vice are more in number than the whole of the
enlisted troops in the service of the congress."
But, ' , Man proposes and God disposes." God,
who wills not that "Man's inhumanity to man"
shall make "countless thousands mourn" to the
end of time, but wills that all men shall have lite,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness in their own
wav. had j}iveii us to guide us in council and to
lead us on the field of battle, that man, whose
name is destined to be hallowed among all the
generations of mankind — George Washington !
On him the people leaned. His unshaken faith
in ultimate triumph, his perfect rectitude, his dig-
nity and his blameless life, commanded the confi-
dence and justified the hopes of our patriotic
fathers. The army had almost ceased to exist, and
only two armed vessels remained of the navy: the
others had been captured or destroyed.
While the affairs of the states were in this des-
perate condition, General Clinton, who commanded
the British forces in America, determined to ^cwd
an expedition to Virginia under the traitor Arnold,
consisting of a fleet of armed vessels and Land
forces to cooperate with it, in order to subjugate
what was then the most important member of the
( lonfederacy.
Genera] Washington sent General La Fayette
with a detachment from the main army in New
10
Jersey, to capture Arnold, if possible, and at least
to impede his progress and circumscribe the area
of his operations.
La Fayette had passed from Elkton to Annap-
olis in boats with his troops, and after a reconnois-
ance in Virginia, he was compelled to return to
Elkton, because the French fleet that had been sent
from Newport, R. L, under the Chevalier Des-
touches to cooperate with him, had been unsuccess-
ful in an engagement with the British fleet under
Admiral Arbuthnot off the capes of the Chesa-
peake, and had returned to Newport, leaving
Arbuthnot with a superior naval force, in the
Chesapeake Bay.
On the return of La Fayette to Elkton, the
return also having been made bj water, he
received the following letter of instructions from
the commander-in-chief:
" New Windsor, 6 Apr., 1781.
" My Dear Marquis, —
"Since my letter to you of yesterday I have atten-
tively considered of what vast importance it will be
to reinforce General Greene as speedily as possible ;
more especially as there can be but little doubt that
the detachment under General Philips, if not part
of that under the command of General Arnold, will
11
ultimately join or in souk* degree cooperate with
Lord Cornwallis. [Philips and Arnold wore at this
time in Virginia, and Cornwallis was in the Caro-
lin.is.] 1 have communicated to the general officers
.it present with the army, my sentiments on the
subject; and they are unanimously of opinion that
the detachment under your command should pro-
ceed to join the Southern Army. Your being
already three hundred miles advanced, which is
nearly half way, is the reason that operates against
any that can be offered in favor of marching that
detachment back, you will therefore immediately
on the receipt of this, turn the detachment to the
southward.
" Inform General Greene that you are upon your
march to join him, and take his direction as to
your route, when you begin to approach him.
•• Previously to that, you will be guided by your
own judgment, and by the roads on which you will
be most likely to find subsistence for the troops
and horses.
" It will be well to advise Governor Jefferson of
your intended march through the State of Virginia ;
or perhaps it might answer a good purpose were
you to go forward to Richmond yourself, after put-
ting the troops in motion and having made some
necessary arrangements for their progress. You
will take with you the light artillery and smallest
12
mortars with their stores and the musket car-
tridges.
" But let these follow under a proper escort, rather
than impede the march of the detachment, which
ought to move as expeditiously as possible without
injury to them.
" The heavy artillery and stores you will leave
at some proper and safe place, if it cannot be con-
veniently transported to Christiana River, from
whence it can easily be got to Philadelphia. You
may leave it to the option of Lieut.-Colonel Stevens
to proceed or not as he may think proper. His
family is in peculiar circumstances, and he left in
the expectation of being absent but a short time.
" Should there be other officers under similar cir-
cumstances, you may make them the same offers,
and they shall be relieved.
" I will now mention to you in confidence, the true
reason which operated with me, more than almost
any other, in favor of recalling your detachment
and forming another.
" It was the uneasiness among the field officers
of those regiments which furnished the men, upon
the appointment of Colonel Grimat and Major Gal
van to commands in the corps.
" They presented a memorial to me upon the
subject, and I gave them the true reason, which
was, that the regiments in their lines were so
13
extremely thin of field officers <>t* their own. thai
necessity, if nothing else, dictated the measure.
*• I have heard nothing of the discontent Lately ;
but should I find it revive again upon its being
known thai the corps is to continue together. I
shall be obliged, for peace sake, to relieve those
two gentlemen by officers properly belonging to
the lines from which the regiments were formed.
Yon will therefore prepare them for such an event,
and tell them candidly the reasons, founded princi-
pally upon their having already had their tour in
the infantry.
" Should they be relieved, they will probably
incline to continue with the Southern Army.
'• There is as much or more probability of their
finding employment there, than with us, as we shall,
from all appearances, remain inactive.
•' I am. my dear Marquis, &c,
"Geo. Washington."
It will be observed that this letter of instructions
is dated April 6th, at New Windsor, in Connecti-
cut, distant about one hundred and fifteen miles
east from New York, and therefore about two
hundred and fifty miles from Elkton, where La
Fayette received it. It is fair to presume that in
those days of slow conveyance, several days were
required to traverse this distance with horses,
•>
14
which furnished the swiftest conveyance in the days
of the American Revolution.
The letter from Washington giving the order for
the return southward being dated April 6th, two
hundred and fifty miles away, the fact that La
Fayette was on the march on April 11th is a
striking proof of the promptness of La Fay-
ette in giving effect to even disagreeable orders,
for he preferred to operate at this time in the
North.
He left Elkton on the 11th of April, having
under his command the following troops, as near
as now can be ascertained :
INFANTRY.
Major-General Marquis De La Fayette.
Division Inspector, Major Wm. Barber, of New Jersey.
First Brigade.
Brigade Major, Captain John Hobby, Tenth Massachusetts.
First Battalion.
Colonel Joseph Vose, of Massachusetts.
Major Caleb Gibbs, of Rhode Island.
Eight Massachusetts companies.
Second Battalion.
Lieutenant-Colonel Gimat.
Major John Palsgrave Wyllys, of Connecticut.
15
Five companies. Four Massachusetts and one Rhode
Island company.
Third Battalion.
Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Barber, of New Jersey.
Major Jos. R. Reed (of H ), Wu Jersey.
Five companies. New Hampshire and New Jersey troops.
Second Brigade.
Brevet Brigadier-General Moses Hazen, of Canada.
Brigade Major, Captain Leonard Bleeker, First New York.
First Battalion.
Lieutenant-Colonel Ebenezer Huntingdon, of Connecticut.
Major Nathan Rice, of Massachusetts.
Four companies. Massachusetts and Connecticut troops.
Second Boitalio n .
Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Hamilton, of New York.
Major Nicholas Fish, of New York.
Four companies. Two New York and two Connecticut
troops.
Third Battalion.
Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens, of South Carolina.
Major John N. dimming, of New Jersey.
- Four companies. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and
Connecticut.
Fourth Battalion.
Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Ant rill.
Major Tarleton Woodson.
Hazen's Canadian Regiment.
16
The names of all the aids of the division com-
manders do not appear. In the campaign, La
Fayette had Majors George Washington (nephew
of General Washington), Richard C. Anderson
and Wm. Archibald, of Virginia, and Captain
Angus Greme, an officer of the French Army.
La Fayette, in his memoirs, says the richest
young men of Virginia and Maryland had come to
join him as volunteer dragoons ; and from their
intelligence, as well as from the superiority of
their horses, they were of essential service to him.
But while the army records show that La Fay-
ette's division comprised these at the siege of York-
town, it is known that at least one of the officers
named here was not with the army on its march
through Maryland. This officer was Alexander
Hamilton, a man whose talents and virtues entitled
him to the proud position among the sons of men,
given him by that supreme judge of human capa-
bilities — the renowned Talleyrand.
Talleyrand, when in this country in 1794, seeing
Hamilton at work in his office late at night, said :
" I have seen one of the wonders of the world, I
have seen a man laboring all night to support his
family, who has made the fortune of a nation. I
consider Napoleon, Fox and Hamilton the three
greatest men of our epoch, and without hesitation
I award the first place to Hamilton."
17
Hamilton became, on the death of Washington,
commander-in-chief of the armies of the United
States.
La Fayette wrote a letter in the old house still
standing near Bald Friar, in Earford county, to
Hamilton, in which he expressed the hope thai he
would remain with Washington, but entreating
him, in ease he took service in the field, to join him
in the South. It is certain, therefore, that Hamil-
ton was not then with him in Harford county, but
that he joined him afterwards is equally certain.
La Fayette himself, after leaving Elkton, passed
the first night at the house of Job Haines, near
Rising Sun. while part of his troops encamped at
the Brick Meeting-house, and another part near
Rising Sun in Cecil county.
It is among the traditions of the neighborhood,
that on leaving Mr. Haines', after spending the
night there, he gave each of Haines' sons a piece
of money.
To one of the sons, named Louis, he gave a gold
piece, because he was of the same name as La Fay-
ette's sovereign, the unfortunate Louis XVI.
The next day they crossed the Susquehanna at
Bald Friar, where La Fayette became the -nest of
Colonel James Rigby, then one of the chief citizens
of Harford county.
Colonel Riffby seems to have been a man of
■
importance in his day, for there is still standing
18
near his house a log building that was used as a
jail in his time.
It seems t'o be constructed of yellow poplar logs,
laid close together, and it was, doubtless, when in
good order, a secure place of confinement for ordi-
nary criminals who were without edge tools.
Colonel Rigby seems to have had no sons who
had descendants. The name has therefore disap-
peared from the county, as far as I know ; but his
descendants remain with other names, one of his
great grandsons being James Rigby Massey, Esq.,
a highly respected citizen of the region in which
his distinguished ancestor dwelt. I trust I shall
be excused for giving even the minutest details of
this expedition, for I believe that what is interesting
to myself in connection with the great events of our
history, will be interesting to most men in the years
that are to come.
As I stated in a former page, the affairs of our
struggling country were in an almost hopeless con-
dition.
The troops with La Fayette were from the north-
ern states — some of them even from Canada, and
they had shown great aversion to a southern cam-
paign. They were on the verge of mutiny, and it
was predicted with confidence, that not half of his
force would be with him when he reached Balti-
more.
L9
The heart of La Fayette was full of a lofty con-
fidence; but we who enjoy the fruition of his labors
can imagine the difficulties of his position and
thank Grod thai he was gifted with such signal
power to moot them.
In imagination we can go back to that night in
the early spring of 1781, and to the capacious fire-
place with its blazing logs in the old Rigby
mansion.
The old fireplace was in one of those wonderful
chimneys that seem to have been the pride of our
forefathers, and has been a marvel to persons now
living. The present owner of the property pulled
it down some years ago, and after building from it
a modern chimney, had bricks enough from it to
build a capacious outbuilding, and great store of
bricks left over.
In the fields about the house the men and horses
had such food and shelter as their scanty commis-
sariat afforded. A consultation was held. General
Hazen was there, and Colonels Vose and Gimat,
Barber, Huntingdon and the other field officers.
What was to be done to stop desertion ? A
proclamation was prepared that night in this old
house that may have achieved the independence of
the United States of America !
Who can tell the influence of the act most insis;-
nificant in the lives of men, or in the history of
nations?
20
Jefferson used to say that we were indebted to
flies for the Declaration of Independence.
He said that after much debate in Congress, it
was found impossible to come to a vote on the
declaration by reason of the parliamentary tactics
of the opposition. Delay was increasing the
strength of the friends of the old government,
when on a hot summer afternoon a great gust of
wind and rain approached. The heat was great,
and the stocking-covered legs of the grave con-
gressmen were besieged by hungry flies.
They beat their limbs with their bandannas, in
vain efforts to obtain relief. The friends of inde-
pendence saw their opportunity and proposed an
immediate vote.
Rather than endure such torment, a vote was
allowed, and independence was carried. Jefferson
expressed the belief that if there had been no flies,
there would have been no independence.
What would have been the fate of France if
Grouchy had not mistaken Bonaparte's orders at
Waterloo ?
Had Richard Cromwell possessed the ability of
his great sire, what would have been the history of
England for the last two hundred years ?
If Williams, Van Wart and Paulding had been
corrupt, what would have been our own history
since the treason of Arnold ?
21
It* Ln Fayette and his officers had not devised a
plan by which desertion was ended in the army
under his orders, it is probable thai Cornwallis
would not have been captured, and as a conse-
quence the American colonics might have beer
still dependencies of Greal Britain.
They determined to appeal to the noblest feel-
ings of the soldiers, not to their fears, not to their
greed of gain.
La Fayette, from this old house in Harford
county, issued a proclamation in which he stated
that he was on his way to meet and fight a power-
ful foe. That for himself, no diminution of num-
bers would deter him, but that in firm reliance upon
the God of battles, and the justice of the American
cause, he would continue his march to meet the
enemy.
He closed by offering a free pass to every soldier
who would apply for it at headquarters, by which
he might go home.
Not one man availed of this offer, and from that
time desertions ceased. But La Fayette's conduct
on this occasion reminds us of the exhortation of
Cromwell to his soldiers — "Trust in God. hut keep
your powder dry.*' for he hung one soldier and dis-
graced another who had been caught, after a pre-
vious desertion.
His trust was not altogether in the smiles of Provi-
dence, or in the honor of his troops.
3
22
In the passage of the river, the scow which La
Fayette was in ran aground before dry land was
reached, and Aqnilla Deaver, a man known to men
whom I have known, carried him from the scow to
the shore on his back.
Deaver went to Port Deposit in 1824 to see La
Fayette, when he held a reception there.
He told the General that he was the man who
had carried him to the Harford shore on his back,
La Fayette remembered him and greeted him with
great cordiality.
This old soldier lived, in the latter part of his
life, in a house afterwards for many years owned
and occupied by Samuel Harwood, and now owned
by Jeremiah P. Silver, Esq., in the second district
of Harford county.
One of his grandsons, now living, lately gave me
some account of the old gentleman.
He seems to have been a philosopher, as well as
a patriot, for his grandson states that in his latter
years he received a pension as a revolutionary sol-
dier, and that, dwelling in peace, the only break in
the monotony of his life was when, twice a year,
his pension fell due. Then he would get up his
horse and wagon and drive to Baltimore. There
he would collect his pension and lay in a stock of
the comforts of life sufficient to last until his pen-
sion would fall due again, and chief among these
comforts was always an ample supply of whiskey.
•2:\
By bis own direction he was buried in a corner
of liis own land, wbere be lies in an unmarked
grave, and I commend the marking of it with ;i
Btone, properly inscribed, to this organization, as a
matter consonant with its objects.
An old man who paid his respects to La Fayette
on this occasion, told me some circumstances con-
nected with that reception, one of wbicb was this:
the genera] was exceedingly urbane in his deport-
ment, and had something pleasant to say to each
person who was presented to him.
The old man, wdio was not then old, said that
when La Fayette took the hand of the man who
was presented before him, he expressed his pleas-
ure at seeing him, and said, "Are you a married
man?" Receiving an affirmative reply, he said,
•• Happy man."' And when my informant immedi-
ately followed, La Fayette asked him the same
question. He replied that he was not married,
when La Fayette said " Lucky dog" and, smiling,
greeted the next in the line of his grateful admirers.
It is not common for commanders to march with
the body of an army, unless when in the presence
of the enemy, and La Fayette seems to have passed
rapidly through Harford and Baltimore counties,
to Baltimore, for we are told that he reached there
at night after leaving Bald Friar, or Susquehanna
Ferry, as ho calls it, in the morning of the same
day. He dined, however, at Bush, in Harford
24
county, which information I have from an aged
resident of that region whose father dwelt near
Bush,
By way of showing the length of the links that
connect us with the past, I will here state that I
knew a lady well, in my early years, who met and
talked with La Fayette on that day. She was with
her brother on the way from Baltimore, and meet-
ing La Fayette and his staff, they made some
inquiries about the route. This old lady died in
1843, aged over eighty years, and she was therefore
about twenty years old in 1781.
The troops marched by way of the Trappe
Church, Priestford, and Bush, to Baltimore.
Before they reached the " Trappe " a trunk, said
to contain coin, was lost from a baggage wagon.
It was found by Reuben Jones, grandfather of
some present residents of the fifth district of Har-
ford county. Jones mounted a horse and, over-
taking them, told them where the trunk was.
They sent after it and Jones reproached them in
language not polite, to the end of his days, for
giving him no reward for the trouble he took.
There lived, a few years ago in Harford county,
a gentleman whose father was on the staff of La
Fayette in this march.
La Fayette did not command Frenchmen in the
war of the Revolution, as some believe, but when
he was ordered to Virginia with his detachment,
25
he asked and obtained leave to take with him
Colonel Gimat and Captain Grreme, French
officers then with the French troops in the
[Jnited states.
A son of Captain Grreme, who lived to a great
age, and died in my house in 1880. lias often
related to me incidents connected with this march,
told him by his father or family.
When the officers reached thai part of the road
that descends to Priestford, from the "Trappe"
Church, they wore enchanted with the beauty of
the scene.
Far the greater part of the region they had tra-
versed was rough and forbidding. The agriculture
was rude and the roads were bad. Looking west-
ward, in descending to Deer Creek, they beheld the
beautiful valley that stretches across the creek and
up Jericho and Thomas' runs. The morning was
one of those that still bid man " Look through
nature up to nature's God," in the early spring.
" The flowers sprang, wanton to be pres't,
The birds sang love on every spray."
The plodding husbandman, "drove his team
afield," the herds grazed in peace in the grassy
fields, and the lark, soaring high in air. chanted
his morning song.
Colonel Gimat and Captain Grreme had long
been soldiers together, and the sufferings and
26
triumphs of their profession had united them in
more than a common friendship.
Gimat was a man of wealth, and death having
robbed him in early life of her whose "witching
smile " had caught his "youthful fancy," his chief
aim was to seek some quiet spot, when Avars alarms
were past, where, in the company of his friend, he
could be at peace.
The two friends then and there agreed that
when the Avar was over, they would return to
France, and, after arranging their affairs, they
would return to America, buy the property, iioav
the beautiful home of Dr. Mag-raw, and there,
" In the cool sequestered vale of life,"
Keep "the noiseless tenor of their way."
They did go home to France, and they did
return, and purchased the property which they
had selected as the home of their old age.
Gimat paid for it, and presented it to his friend,
Greme, and they went back to France to make
their final arrangements before leaving their old
home forever.
They looked forward to many years in Avhich
each might " Shoulder his crutch and sIioav Iioav
fields were Avon."
But " this world has no fulfilment for hopes that
rise above it," and all their plans were frustrated.
21
That mighty cyclone, I may call it, the French
Kc\ olution of L789 came on.
Napoleon Bonaparte, the mightiest of the race
of man since Julius Caesar, appeared upon the
scene.
That wonderful man intoxicated the French
people with the grandeur of his aspirations, and
the marvels of his career.
Colonel Gimat and his friend, dazzled by the
glory of France, and by the mighty achievements
of her wonderful leader, deferred their return to
America until peace and order should triumph
over the horrors of the Revolution.
When <»rder was restored at home, Gimat and
Greme were induced to go with the French army
to San Domingo to suppress the insurrection there.
Greme, in the meantime, had married in Paris,
and taking his bride to Martinique, both intended
to come from there to Maryland, when the insur-
rection was suppressed. But Colonel Gimat, the
friend of Washington, the chosen companion of
La Fayette, lost his life in San Domingo, falling a
victim to the fury of the savage population of the
island.
Greme did come, bringing with him his wife
and several children, and he lived and died on the
place lie and his friend had chosen as the most
beautiful spot they had seen in America. He lies
buried, having died in 1800, in the grave-yard of
28
the Trappe Church, in Harford county, where a
stone marks his grave, having an inscription stat-
ing his connection with the army under La Fayette.
Colonel Gimat seems to have been one of those
rare men, " born to blush unseen," who live in the
conscientious performance of every duty.
He led one division of the American army in
the assault at Yorktown, and Alexander Hamilton
led the other. They both captured the positions
they attacked before the French troops succeeded
in the part assigned to them, and crowned them-
selves with honor.
But, in the isle of San Domingo, where so many
thousands of brave Frenchmen sleep,
" Where the flower of the orange blows,
And the fireflies glance in the myrtle boughs,"
rests the brave, the trusted, the honored, and the
unfortunate Colonel Gimat.
Let every American, let every Frenchman, let
every lover of the beautiful and the true in human
character, cast a flower upon the grave of Colonel
Gimat !
La Fayette was lionized in Baltimore, the chief
citizens emulating each other in paying him such
attentions as were due to his distinguished character.
A ball was given in his honor at the Assembly
Rooms, then at the corner of Holliday and Fayette
streets.
29
During the progress of the dance a lady asked
La Fayette why he was so sad. He replied, that
he could not enjoy the gayeties of the occasion,
because his poor soldiers aeeded so many of even
the necessaries of life, clothes being their chief
want.
The lady replied, " We will supply them."
Nexl day the ball-room was turned into a clothing
manufactory, patriotic husbands and fathers sup-
plied the material, and fair women plied the shears
and the needle.
Colonel McHenry wrote to General Greene, April
Kith. 1781, from Baltimore, " While I admire your
policy. I have more than once pitied the Marquis'
situation. His troops passed here yesterday, dis-
contented almost to general desertion; destitute of
shirts and proper equipments, and in most respects
unprovided for a march. You know the Marquis,
lie has been with us two days; but in this time he
adopted an expedient to conciliate them to a
degree, that no one else would have thought of.
To-day he signs a contract, binding himself to cer-
tain merchants of this place, for above two thou-
sand guineas, to be disposed of in shirts, over-alls,
and hats for the detachment.
•• Without these, the army could not proceed,
and with these he has managed t<> reconcile them
to the service.
30
" He is also bent upon trying the power of
novelty on their minds by giving to the march the
air of a frolic.
•' His troops will ride in wagons and carts from
Elkridge Landing to the limits of this State, and
how much farther he will continue this mode of
movement, depends upon Virginia."
As stated by Colonel McHenry, at Baltimore
he borrowed from merchants about two thousand
pounds sterling, for which he gave theni his per-
sonal obligation, payable two years after date.
This time was asked, as he states in a letter to
Washington, dated April 18th, at Baltimore, in
order to enable him to dispose of his estate to pro-
cure the means of repayment. The march from
Baltimore was resumed, and on the 19th the troops
encamped near Elkridge Landing, in sight of the
place, where now a hundred trains a day, carrying-
thousands of passengers, and thousands of tons of
merchandise, rush forward to and from the busy
centres of population and commerce, propelled by,
what was then, a force almost unknown. In cross-
ing there in scows, one sank, and by this mishap,
nine men were drowned.
They reached Alexandria on the 2Lst of April.
There La Fayette bought some shoes for his needy
troops, and they pursued their journey through
Fredericksburg and arrived at Richmond on the
29th, where the detachment was joined by Baron
31
Steuben, General Muhlenberg, and the Virginia
militia, commanded by General Xelson.
La Fayette had started on this expedition to re-
inforce Genera] Greene in the slates farther south,
l»ut movements bad taken place that brought Gen-
eral Cornwallis to Virginia, and that State now
demanded the full force of the armies for her
defence.
Greene had met Cornwallis at Guilford Court-
house, and the bloody battle had been fought at
that place.
Cornwallis had been so reduced by that battle,
and the long and exhausting marches preceding
and following it, that his force had dwindled from
near two thousand five hundred veteran troops, to
but little more than fourteen hundred. He was in
the midst of a hostile population, destitute of reg-
ular supplies, and encumbered with many sick and
wounded. He was forced to seek a defensible
position, where his exhausted troops might recu-
perate.
Pie therefore retreated to Wilmington, IN". C,
where he arrived on the 7th of April, the day after
Washington wrote the letter instructing La Fay-
ette to proceed to the South and reinforce General
( rreene.
His intention was, as soon as the vigor of his
force was recruited, and reinforcements from Ire-
land, which he expected, arrived, to return to the
32
highlands to endeavor to aid the operations of
Lord Rawdon in South Carolina. His plans were
disconcerted by intelligence that Greene had rap-
idly marched toward Camden, S. C.
Cornwallis was greatly troubled, and his despair-
ing expressions are almost comical.
" My situation here," he wrote to Sir Henry
Clinton, "is very distressing; Greene has taken
advantage of my being obliged to come to this
place, and has inarched to South Carolina ; " and
further on he says, " I much fear that Lord Raw-
don's posts will be so distant from each other, and
his troops so scattered, as to put him in the great-
est danger of being beaten in detail, and that the
worst of consequences may happen to most of the
troops out of Charleston."
It was too late to follow Greene with reasonable
hope of averting the danger ; before he could
reach the scene of action the blow would have
fallen.
After remaining several days at Wilmington, he
decided to take advantage of the defenceless state
in which Greene's southern march left Southeast-
ern Virginia, to march into that region and form
a junction with the force under General Phillips.
By this move he hoped to draw Greene away
from Lord Rawdon and by the reduction of Vir-
ginia to make a great stride towards the subjuga-
tion of the whole country.
S3
General Phillips was at Portsmouth, having
under him three thousand five hundred men <>t'
thai hardy material that tonus the regulars of the
British Army.
He left Portsmouth on the L6th of April, and
proceeding up .lames River, reached Manchester,
opposite Richmond, on the morning of April 30th,
to find that La Fayette had reached there on the
evening before.
La Fayette had been reinforced by two thousand
militia, and sixty dragoons, and he posted himself
strongly on the high banks that commanded the
south side of the river.
History affords few more striking illustrations of
the uncertainty of man's judgment, than the results
of this memorable campaign afford.
Here was La Fayette, a youth, twenty-three
yens of age, with little experience in the science
of war, commanding an inferior force, in numbers,
and inferior in a greater degree in all that makes
it possible for commanders to organize victory in
the ( ahinet.
His forces, in the sense in which the British
were regulars, men trained in the manual of arms
and to the hardships of the life of the soldier in
the field by long service, were all of them merely
raw militia-men. About two thousand were sol-
diers called regulars, because they had enlisted for
longer terms than the transient levies that should-
34
erecl the musket when their homes were invaded,
and, when the enemy left that immediate region,
went home to tell the news. The remainder were
of the kind last described. Opposed to him was
Cornwallis, a veteran General of the regular Brit-
ish Army, of twice the age of La Fayette, yet still
in the matured strength of vigorous life.
Cornwallis wrote to Sir Henry Clinton, at New
York, " The boy cannot escape me," and " La Fay-
ette cannot, I think, escape him," wrote Sir Henry
Clinton to Lord George Germain, the British Col-
onial Secretary of State.
Here we see contempt for his adversary shown
by this lordly soldier of the Crown, while La Fay-
ette writes to his beloved chief that he had a " pro-
found distrust of himself."
La Fayette, conscious of the superiority of
the British Regulars in the open field, warily
avoided an engagement, and marching northward
formed a junction with General Wayne on the
Rapidan.
Cornwallis, after the return of two ravaging
expeditions which he had sent out under active
officers, established his headquarters at Elk Hill, a
plantation of Gov. Jefferson.
Thence he marched down the river to Williams-
burg, where he arrived on the 25th of June.
An express from Sir Henry Clinton obliged
Cornwallis to change his plans.
35
Washington threatened New York, and Clinton
required Cornwallis to send him pari of his troops
for its protection.
It is a singular fact, tli.it while Washington had
no purpose to attack New York, his demonstrations
against that place, which he made for the purpose
of creating a diversion in favor of General Greene,
by inducing Clinton to withdraw part of the Brit-
ish troops in the South to protect that city, had
produced effects far more beneficial than he
expected.
It is true, that at a conference held at Wethers-
field on the 22d of May, between Washington and
Rochambeau, it was decided that a concentration
of the French and American forces in the neigh-
borhood of New York was advisable, in order
to he ready to take advantage of any oppor-
tunity which the weakness of the enemv might
afford.
Vet it was not deemed wise to attack that place
unless the force there was further weakened, and
it was not further weakened, therefore there was
no probability of such an attack. Clinton was
alarmed. He wrote to Cornwallis, then at Wil-
liamsburg, Va., on the 11th of June, that New
York was the object of attack by the combine.)
French and American Armies, and required Corn-
wallis to send him three thousand troops from his
command. Clinton wrote him that there was no
36
prospect of reestablishing the power of the Crown
in Virginia, so general was the disaffection there,
and advised him to take any healthy position he
chose.
On the 4th of July he took up his march to
Portsmouth, which position he chose, because, if
reduced to extremities, it afforded a chance of a
retreat to the Carolinas.
His engineers, after the most extensive surveys,
reported that ships in Hampton Roads would not
be secured by works on Point Comfort, and Clinton
had told General Phillips on his embarkation for
the Chesapeake in April, that there was no place
so proper as Yorktown for the protection of the
King's ships.
As the successor in the command in Virginia,
General Phillips having died in May, he felt bound
by Clinton's opinions, in the absence of specific
orders. Cornwallis earnestly advised Clinton
against the establishment of a defensive post on
the Chesapeake, and asked leave to give up the
command to General Leslie, and for himself to go
back to Charleston.
These requests were denied him, and on the 12th
of July, he was directed to hasten the embarkation
of the three thousand men ordered to jNTew York.
Early in August, Cornwallis embarked his
troops, and leaving Portsmouth, passed up the bay
and landed his whole force at Yorktown.
37
Clinton had intercepted letters, written to de-
ceive him. in which the attack on New York was
stated to be the main objeel of the campaign.
It must be borne in mind that the intention of
Washington up to this time was merely to prevent
Buccor being sent from New York to the British
commanders in Virginia, and further south.
But the lives of men are in the main alike,
whether the individual has in hand the forces and
the destinies of nations, or controls only the simple
and the feeble means and forces of the humble
dweller in the lowly cottage.
The vast future is opened to man by slow
degrees : often his way seems barred by objects
that appear to stop all further progress; then sud-
denly all difficulties vanish, and at other times,
when all his wisdom has been exercised to give
direction to his powers, the scene shifts as sud-
denly as the aspect of the sunset glow, and all his
plans and labors must be shaped anew.
A son of General Rochambeau arrived at this
time in the United States with the intelligence
that the Count De Grasse had left the harbor of
Brest, in France, destined for the French posses-
sions in the West Indies, and that he had orders
to sail t<> the United States in July or August.
The French frigate, "Concorde." arrived at New-
port shortly after, with despatches from De Grasse,
stating that he would leave San Domingo on the 3d
38
of August with twenty-five or thirty ships of the
line, and a considerable land force, and that he
would steer for the Chesapeake.
This changed the state of affairs, and the Amer-
ican and French commanders at once determined
that all the French Army, and a large part of the
American troops, should proceed at once to Vir-
ginia, and the Count De Barras, then at Newport,
also determined to join De Grasse in the Chesa- j
peake Bay.
Washington wrote to De Grasse, expecting his
letter to find him in the Chesapeake, to send all
the transports possible to Elkton (Head of Elk) by
the 8th of September.
General Heath was put in command of West
Point.
The utmost secresy was observed and camps
were marked out, ovens for baking bread were
erected, and every preparation was made in New
Jersey, as if the army would occupy that State in
force. Late in August they turned their faces
southward.
Clinton's eyes were at last opened. He resolved
to make a serious raid into Connecticut in the hope
that at least part of Washington's force would be
faced about to save that State.
The command of this expedition was given to
Arnold, who executed the orders of his chief with
his accustomed vigor and success, and in that raid 1
39
lie. \vli<> before was a traitor, earned additional
ignominy by the massacre of the brave Ledyard
and his soldiers at Fort Griswold.
Washington reached Philadelphia on the 30tli
of August, where he was received with every
demonstration of confidence and affection, Imt the
people wondered at the object of Ins visit. A ray
o[' light had broken in the clouded sky of the
nation ; yet great difficulties existed still.
The troops gave evidences of discontent, their
pay being long in arrears, and to march southward
had always been distasteful to the troops from the
North.
Even a small sum of money, it was thought, if
judiciously employed amongst them, would put
them in more cheerful mood.
The treasury of the nation was empty, and Mor-
ris, the financier, could supply no funds.
In this emergency, General Rochambeau came
to the relief of Washington and loaned him twenty
thousand dollars, which Morris engaged to pay by
the 1st of October.
About this time Laurens arrived at Boston with
about six hundred thousand dollars in coin, loaned
by the French King, and then everything promised
a successful issue for the great events in progress.
The American troops arrived in Philadelphia on
the 2d of September; the French, in all the pomp
and beauty and precision of military display,
40
arrived the day after. Washington left Philadel-
phia September 5th, on his way to Yorktown.
Having passed Chester a few miles, an express
met him conveying the intelligence that De Grasse
had arrived in the Chesapeake with twenty-eight
ships of the line, and three thousand troops, from
San Domingo.
Washington was so overjoyed that he immedi-
ately returned to Chester, to rejoice with General
Rochambeau over the cheering news.
Rochambeau had reached Chester by water.
They met and had a joyful dinner together.
Washington reached Elkton the next dav. The
troops had begun to embark, and he wrote from
there to De Grasse congratulating him on his arri-
val, and giving him all needful information in
regard to his plans and his hopes. La Fayette
was to effect a junction with the troops on board
the ships of De Grasse, who were under the com-
mand of the Count De St. Simon, and the French
and American Armies were to cooperate to pre-
vent the escape, and finally to defeat and capture
Lord Cornwallis.
Washington and Rochambeau crossed the Sus-
quehanna at Havre de Grace on the morning of
the 8th of September, and proceeded to Baltimore.
Starting early on the 9th, Washington, having Col-
onel Humphries with him, left Baltimore and
arrived at Mt. Vernon late on the same dav.
41
Rochambeau arrived there in the evening of the
next day, and the Marquis De Chastellux and his
aids, on the 1 ltli.
Washington had not been at his own fireside
since his country called him to Cambridge more
than six years before.
On the 12th of September they left Mt. Vernon
and. proceeding to Williamsburg, joined La
Fayette.
Cornwallis. meanwhile, had been aroused to a
keen sense of danger, by the appearance of De
Grasse in the bay on the 28th of August, and
worked diligently to strengthen his position, call-
ing, at the same time, on Sir Henry Clinton for
more troops.
De Grasse urged La Fayette to attack the
British at Yorktown before their defenses were
completed: but La Fayette preferred to await the
arrival of General Washington, with the forces
under his command, being now assured that, if De
Grrasse remained in the Chesapeake, the British
could not be reinforced.
At this time. Admiral Graves appeared off Cape
Henry, with twenty sail of British war ship-,
which De Grrasse regarded as a challenge to come
out and fight him.
De Grasse did not decline the contest, but
promptly weighed anchor and put to sea with
twenty-four ships.
42
On the 7th of September the two fleets engaged
at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, when, after a severe
battle, night closed the engagement.
The French had the weather gage of the adver-
sary, and, after manoeuvring in sight of each other
for five days, neither party being anxious for a
renewal of the fight, De Grasse, learning that a
smaller French fleet had passed in the capes to the
Chesapeake, returned to his anchorage in the bay,
bringing with him two British frigates which he
had captured.
Graves, crippled in the tight, bore away for New
York. De Barms had brought with him a fleet of
transports, with troops, artillery and munitions of
war for the use of the Americans.
The French commander, aware of the presence
of Washington and Rochambeau, and wishing to
have a personal interview with them, sent the
"Queen Charlotte," an elegant vessel recently
captured at sea, with Lord Rawclon on board, up
James River to convey the distinguished chiefs
of the American Army down the bay to their
vessel.
Washington, Rochambeau, Knox and Duportail
proceeded to visit the French fleet on the 18th of
September, and were received with the highest
naval honors, the yards being manned and the
national airs played by the bands of musicians on
board the ships.
43
After agreeing upon plans to capture Cornwallis,
Washington and his companions, on the same
evening, again boarded the "Queen Charlotte" and
started on their return to the James River; bu1
contrary winds and storms delayed them so much
that they wore four days on the return passage.
At this time Admiral Digby arrived at Now
York with British troops and six war ships.
De Grasse, having boon reinforced by the fleel
of De Barras, panted for a sea fight with Digby,
and proposed to take all but the ships at York
River and seek him.
Tins would have seriously endangered the
success of the campaign, for an English fleet
might enter the Chesapeake at any moment,
attack the four French ships at Yorktown, beat
them, and bear Cornwallis and the troops away to
attack us at some unprotected point, Washington
was greatly disturbed at this prospect. He wrote
De Grasse, urging him to remain, and made La
Fayette bear the letter, in order that Ms personal
appeals might give additional weight to his own
arguments. De Grasse consented to remain, and
it was agreed that a large pari of the fleet should
anchor in York River, while four or five vessels
should patrol .lames River, to prevent Cornwallis'
escape in that direction.
Clinton at this time wrote Cornwallis that
twenty-three ships, under Admiral Digby, would
44
sail from New York for his relief on the 5th of
October, having, also, five thousand land troops,
and directed him, on hearing heavy firing at the
mouth of the bay, to send up two columns of
smoke to indicate his continued occupation of
Yorktown.
In his reply, Cornwallis expressed the hope that
the Americans would advance, and was confident
of being able to hold his position until succor
arrived.
The American and French land forces numbered
about twelve thousand men, exclusive of the
militia of Virginia under General Nelson.
By the 9th of October the investment of the
place was complete, and Washington himself
applied the match to the first cannon fired on the
beleaguered place.
A furious cannonade was kept up until the
night of the 14th, when it was determined to storm
the British works; and, for this object, a detach-
ment was made from both the French and Ameri-
can Armies, the Americans commanded by La
Fayette, and the French by the Baron De Vio-
menil.
La Fayette gave the honor of leading the
advance to his trusted friend, Colonel Grimat.
Colonel Hamilton loudly complained of the
injustice of this, claiming the honor of leading
the advance as his right, it being his tour of duty.
4o
La Fayette's defense was the sanction Washing-
ton had given to the arrangement. Hamilton
appealed by letter to Washington, whoj finding it
really was Eamilton's tour of duty, directed that
Bamilton's wishes should be respected.
It was arranged that Colonel Gimat's battalion
should lead, and that Hamilton's should follow,
hut that Hamilton should have command- of both
battalions.
Even when surrounded by suffering and death,
man's nature still asserts itself, as if all was happi-
ness and peace. Before the assault was made, the
Baron De Vionienil had said to La Fayette that
the French forces would accomplish their object,
and would soon be in the entrenchments of the
enemy, but he had some doubts as to what the
untrained Americans would do.
The Americans, led by the brave Gimat and the
impetuous Hamilton, captured the part of the
defenses they attacked first, when La Fayette sent
an aid to De Vionienil, stating that they were in
the enemy's works, and asked if he had captured
his part of the entrenchments, offering, also, to send
the Baron help if he needed it.
De Viomenil replied, "Tell the Marquis that I
am not in mine, but will be in five minutes."
Cornwallis now attempted to escape, and, in the
darkness of the night of October 16th, in the midst
of a violent storm, he embarked a large part of his
6
46
forces in boats, intending to convey all over to the
Gloucester side of the river, and to fight his way
to the North and join Sir Henry Clinton at New
York.
Part of them had crossed, and others had
embarked, but the violence of the storm drove the
boats down the river and threatened their destruc-
tion. With difficulty they regained the place of
embarkation, and morning found them divided by
the river.
He brought back those who had crossed, and
awaited the inevitable.
On the 17th he proposed to capitulate, and, after
the arrangement of the terms in great detail, on
the 19th the British troops marched out of York-
town and became prisoners of war.
This expedition had a most important influence
on the great contest, from which we emerged a
free and happy people.
It is almost certain that if La Fayette had not
been in Virginia, Cornwallis, finding himself in
danger, would have retreated to the South, and it
is equally probable that, but for the importunity of
Washington and La Fayette, De Grasse would
have left the Chesapeake in search of Admiral
Graves, in which case Cornwallis, having the
freedom of the waters, would have returned to
Portsmouth on his transports in the way he left
there.
47
It is highly probable thai it* Oornwallis had doI
been captured, the American Involution would
have been a failure, while it is qoI probable that
we should have been at this day subjects of Queen
Victoria ; for other causes, in Later times, when our
strength had become move matured, would have
led to independence.
In 1781 France had need of peace, and further
Buccors could not have been expected; without
them, if the campaign of 1781 had been fruitless,
we should have retired disheartened from the long
and bloody contest.
When the mind has been long turned back to
these eventful scenes in the days that are past, and
when the great actors in the events that were
fraught with such mighty influence upon the
affairs of nations are about to pass from consider-
ation, we cannot repress a kindly interest in their
later lives.
Washington, we all know, lives in the memory
of the American people, and is embalmed in their
heart of hearts ; and we know, too, that in all the
earth, wherever letters are known, and even in the
abodes of the untutored savage, who knows not the
true Grod, his name is synonomous with all that is
pure and noble in human character.
All "nations, and kindred, and tongues, and
people" accord him the highest niche in the
temple of eternal fame.
48
There is a beautiful and spontaneous tribute
paid to the memory of Washington that is not
known, perhaps, to many of the American people.
Some years ago I was on a steamboat coming up
the Potomac River. Suddenly the tolling of the
steamer's bell broke the stillness of the summer
night. I arose and inquired the cause of it. I
was told that we were passing the tomb of Wash-
ington, and I learned that it was never omitted by
steamers when in front of Mt. Vernon. There
happened to be a band of musicians on board, and,
when the bell ceased its tolling, they struck up the
inspiring strains of " Hail, Columbia."
Until that hour I had never comprehended, in
its full force, the practical fact that Washington
was indeed " First in war, first in peace, and firsl
in the hearts of his countrymen."
The second great actor in the events of 1781 was
the unfortunate Louis XVI of France.
Having suffered the keenest torments that can
fall to the lot of man, he filled a bloody grave with
thousands of his murdered countrymen, and it is
not certain that any part of his remains were
found when the attempt was made in 1815 to give
them honored burial beneath the temple of glory
that was begun by Bonaparte.
Sir Henry Clinton had an honorable career
after the American war, and died Governor of
Gibraltar.
49
Cornwallis rose to considerable eminence, and
became twice, al periods wide apart, Governor
General of India, and died in India while holding
thai responsible place.
Rochambeau became a Marshal of France, and
narrowly escaped the guillotine during the reign
of terror there. Xapoleon made him a grand
officer of the Legion of Honor. Pie died in 1807.
His son. who was with him as aid in this
country, became a General in the French Army,
and was killed in the dreadful battle of Leipsic, in
1813.
La Fayette was one of the world's heroes. Born
to aristocratic privileges, he early espoused the
cause of universal equality, and drew his sword in
defence of the rights of man. He possessed very
considerable military talent, as his campaign in
Virginia abundantly proved. He had great
influence in France, which was exerted at various
periods in behalf of liberty and order. He visited
the United States in 1824, and was received and
entertained with distinguished honor, as the guest
of the nation. During his visit, Congress voted
him two hundred thousand dollars, in money, and
a vast tract of the public lands.
I have stated that a view of the situation of the
States, and of France in 1681, justifies the belief
that we could not have succeeded in that war if
Cornwallis had escaped at Yorktown.
50
We have seen that Cornwallis' invasion of
Virginia was a diversion in favor of Lord Rawdon,
who was attacked in the Carolinas by General
Greene.
This plan of Greene's — leaving Virginia to be
succored from the North, and marching against
Lord Rawdon, which induced Cornwallis to march
from North Carolina to Virginia, was urged upon
General Greene by General Henry Lee, the father
of the soldier who led the forces of the Southern
Confederacy from 1861 to 1865.
Let the descendants of these great men, not re-
gard the liberty secured by their sacrifices as a
self-acting principle.
Let us not forget that "eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty," and that if that vigilance is slack-
ened Constitutions are undermined by slow attack
from the base and vicious elements that pervade
all human societv, until at last the fairest structures
of human wisdom topple to their fall, perhaps to
rise no more.
I conjure my fellow inheritors of the precious
boon conferred upon us by the deeds of the great
men whose actions we commemorate, to stand
shoulder to shoulder in defence of every principle
that belongs to our inestimable birthright.
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