Lala Lajpat Rai: The Man in His Word.

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rus

L/slB^ALAJPATRAI:

OX.lt SBH* «c Oa

' /

■>

I:

Patriots Series No. 2.

LAU LAJPAT RAI:

THE MAN JN HIS WORD.

MADRAS :

GANESH & Co.,

Thuinhuohelty Street, E.

1907.

THE PUBLISHERS* NOTE.

In l)ringing^ oxt this little .book the Publishers desire to
express their obligation to the Editors of the Hindustan
Revieiv, the Indian Review, the Modern Review, the D. A. V, College
Magazine and the Punjahee for permission' to reprint articles which
have appeared in their pa^^es. Mr. Narayan Prasadarord, b.a.^
of Cawnpore, has also tendered valuable help in collecting the
igrreat Lala's writings and speeches.

: i

TO

Oi\x ^otbeiv

" struggle between truth and untruth, between vice and vir-
tue, between honesty and dishonesty, between expediency
and righteousness, between indolence and energy, between enter-
priseand spirit of lethargy and between time-serving selfishness and
noble disinterestedness, without this struggle no nation can ever
•aspiue to be great and influential. This struggle we have just en-
tered upon . ' '

(TjAl\ Laj]»at Rai, On Hindic Nationalism.)

^

r

VANDE MATARAM

Hail, Mother!

Sweet thy water, sweet tliy fruits.
Cool hlows the scented south wind,
Green waves thy corn,

Mother !
Land of the glad white moon-lit nights,
Land of trees with flowers in hloom,
Land of snviles, land of voices sweet,
Giver of joy, giver of desire.

VANDE MATAKAM !
Millions and Millions of voices resounding

Millions and Millions of arms in resolve uplifting.
Dare any call Thee weak ?
Oheisance to Thee! O Thou, naighty ,with multiple might.
Redeemer thou, Repeller of the enemy's host,

brother !
Thou art knowledge, Thou our religion,
Thou our heart. Thou the seat of life.

In this our frame Thou art the hreath of life.
O Mother, the strength of this arm thine,

Thou the devotion in the heart!
Thine the image consecrate
From temple to temple !

VANDE MATARAM !
The wielder of ten arms, Dhurga, Thou,

Thou the Goddess of wealth, hower'd in the lotus.
Thou the Muse dispensing wisdom,

VANDE MATARAM !
Salutations to Thee ! Holder of wealth,

Peerless,
With thv limpid water and luscious fruit,

Mother! Hail Mother!
Verdant, unsophisticated, sweet-smiling
Radiant, holding, nourishing.

Mother !

VANDE MATARAM.

CONTENTS.

Introduction

Life Sketch

Open letters to tlie Hon 'hie Sir Syed Ahmed Khan
Bahadur, k. c. s. i.
^The Economic Industrial Campaign in India
famine Orphans and Waifs ...
-^ study of Hindu Nationalism
--The Social Genius of Hinduism
^'he Eeligious unity of Hinduism
*T?lie one pressing need of India
-Reform or Revival ...
^Religion as defined in the West
MDur Struggle for Freedom : How to attain it
\[ndia and English Party Politics
^ Repressive Measures in Bengal

Education in India ... ...

The Swadesi Movement

Indian Patriotism towards the Empire

The National Outlook : The great

need of

situation ...
The Political situation in the Punjab ...
The Congress Organisation in the Punjab
Desh Bhakti

Scholarships for Political Training
Speech at the Anniversary of the Aryasamaj
The Indian National Congress : Some suggestions
Are the Deportations legal.

the

P.UXTKI) AT THK IXDIV PIIINTING WORKS, MADIAS.

INTRODUCTION.

''People once awakened, and airakened rightly,
cannot he put doivn " — Lala Lajpat Rai.

The publishers of this book need offer no apology
for bringing to public notice the life and teachings of
a man whose name is at present on everybody's lips and
whose sufferings in the cause of his country have
*' raised political agitation and the struggle for political
liberty in India to the dignity of a Church. '* It is but
proper that the meanest in the land no less than the
highest should know Lala Lajpat Eai's claims to the
people's good will and the Government's execration —
how the Lala wanted to serve the Nation and how the
bureaucratic Government came to think him at last so
dangerous to its very existence, that it thought
fit to kidnap Lim from his beloved country.

After all the controverseal writings which have
appeared in the Indian Press about Lala Lajpat Eai's
deportation it would be idle to dwell here on the merits
and demerits of a measui*e w^hose only redeeming feature
is that it is an Act of State. It is as idle now to expatiate
on the retrograde and impolitic act of government as
it is to dwell on the social and domestic virtues and also
the political foresight of hirf whom Indians at all events
believe in their heart of hearts to be a martyr. Ever since
Mr. Morley condescended to recognise the belligerency

11

existing between Educated India and Bureaucratic
India by calling the former " enemies " in open
Parliament, it is as foolish on the part of the })eople
to pray for favours — even the favour of releasing
Lajpat Rai, as it is on the part of the Goverment to
expect more loyalty and less sedition from the people.
For Belligerents never waste their breath in exchanging
prayers and admonitions, but look to their own resources,
" If you adopt a manly policy be prepared for the logical
consequence " said the Lala to the Benares Congress
delegates. Bureaucracy at least is arming itself with all
the formidable weapons at its command to suppress a peo-
ple's legitimate aspirations and, under the impression that
all India is one great Kurukshetra, is bringing forth one
by one its battalUons of Acts and Ordinances to bind, gag
and suppress all freedom of speech in the land — Yes,
Bureaucracy is more earnest than the people in re-
cognising the belligerency in India! What though
guns and swords play no part in this great one
sided war? In their place are hurled Edicts, Circulars^
Ordinances and Acts— all in the perhaps sincere belief
that the whole of India is seditious and on the verge of
a civil war !

Bureaucracy is arming itself^^ meanwhile what is

the Nation doing ? The Nation at present appears like
a house divided against itself. Its house is not in order
— it is not prepared for the struggle. Some would fain
give up the struggle for political rights in despair. They
argue that a house divided against itself cannot stand.

Ill

Yes, it may not stand — still 1 It must march on ! Let
Lajpat Eai's noble -O'drds come to the rescue of those-
who are destitute of faith in the Nation's cause : —

''Struggle, hurd struggle is the lair of progress. Yes,,
struggle we viust^ both inter 3e as well as against others..
There must he a struggle between truth and untruth,
between vice and virtue, between honesty and dishonesty^
between expediency and righteousness, between indolence
and energy, between enterprise and a spirit of lethargy and
between timeserving aelfi-^hness and noble d is interest eil-
ness. Without this struggle no nation can ever aspirer
to be great ami tJifluential. This struggle we have just
entered upon.''

Yes, we have just entered upon this struggle both
inter se as well as against outside forces. The so-
called dissensions of the Congress on the one hand prove
it ; Mr. Morley*s famous epithet proves it on the other.
We have enemies in the camp as well as in Downing
Street. ** Shall we yield ?" is the cry of many and many
a wearied weakly soul, that expected Liberty to grow like
a common Jack Fruit by the way side, that expected
freedom to drop from above like a ripe mango all
ready for the eating ! Shall we .yield and close this>
agitation of ours for more rights and more privileges and
be content with the morsels thrown now and then from
a lord's dining table as at a favourite dog ?

No ! "A people once awakened, and awakened
rightly, cannot be put down." says the Lala !

It is impossible even for an all-powerful Bureaucracy

\

IV

to put down an awakeaed nation, let it hurl its
edicts ever so assiduously. The more such edicts, the
more unpopular the Bureaucracy — the stronger be-
comes the Nation's cause. But the people need a
warning not to commit political harry-carry in their
premature despair. To such as are weak of heart and
dull of political faith, a perusal of Lala Lajpat Kai's
*' Study of Hindu Nationalism " might be recommended
as a wholesome tonic. " Let us not be impatient of
what in my humble opinion seems to be a healthy sign
of (political) growth. Let us not strangle it by drawing
its undesirable (yet unavoidable) concomitants in high
colours or by attaching undue importance to the
same. *.* * * * * * * *
Because there are some violent men, some bad temper-
ed, some dishonest men, some traitors and some time-ser-
vers, it is no reason to record a wholesale condemnation
of the same or to be disappointed with (or feel despair
for) them." Like the deadly poison that arose at the
Churning of the Ocean for making Heavenly Nectar,
undesirable concomitants will always turn up when
least expected. And in many instances they are
unavoidable. But has not our religion taught us that
even that Deadliest Poison may be rendered harmless
to Iswara's children by His Heavenly Grace! The
Lala*s writings therefore call on the readers ^ have
more faith in the political regeneration of the country.
For " how can a Nation destitute of faith produce
Martyrs ? '* He might well have said: —

Hold ye fast, the siorm is coming!

Hold ye fast, brother to brother : —

The storm may conu — the wind may rage.

But hold ye fait and brave the xreather.

It requires all the nerve and all the strength of
the Nation to brave and . break the repressive fetters that
are now being forged for the People's benefit by the
Bureauciacy, and a proper study of the Lala's
writings is sure to inspire the reader with the sanguine
enthusiasm and robust faith in the Nation's glorious
destiny with which every page of those writings is replete.

It has well and truly been said that Lala Lajpat
Kai is the leader of the New Movement — the movement
which recognises the limitations to the British Supre-
macy in India and emphasises the part which the Nation
Las still to play in the history of the world. The New
Party's ai-ticles of faith need not be here explained —
they are fully expounded in the speeches and writings of
Babu Bepin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai. The
new party prefers to pursue a manly policy, and in the
language of Lala Lajpat Rai, it is " prepared to follow
the logical consequences of tLat policy." It craves no
favours from Bureaucracy, it in fact recognises the state of
belligerency darkly hinted at by Mr. Morley. Only Babu
Bepin Chandra Pal called it a game of Chess in-
stead of a game of War. And in that game, he said,
" We do not know what shall be our next move until
we know the move of our opponent. " So the New
Party and Mr. Morley seem to understand each other well

vi

enough ! The political atmosphere has thus been cleared
and the fog of political dissimulation no longer clouds
the scene of operations. Each side knows what it is
about. The Kew Party wants thecomplete manhood of tLe
Indians to assert itself in spite of every obstacle: the
Bureaucracy wants to retain its hold as long as possible
upon the country. The opposite parties have met face to
face. The resources of Bureaucracy are matched against
a people's determined will. There ought not to be any
doubt as to the result of the contest. The bureaucracy
will have to yield to the people what the latter have
long been striving after, viz. — Popular Government.

And what form of Government will it be ? We hear
this query many a time put in the Indian Press ; and in
many ways Las it been answered. The last Congress
declared for ** Swaraj ** — and Swaraj will be either self-
government under British Control or it will be absolute
independence, according as tlie British are sympathetic or
otherwise towards the manly aspirations of Indians. The
well wishers of the British Raj indeed pray that it may be
under the sympathetic guidance of Britain and they say it
will be Britain's fault if she forces this foster child of hers
to completely break away from her. One thing, however,
is clear — the struggle for Political Progress must go on
— whether with or without British sympathy, time alone
can decide. In fact, it cannot affcrd to wait for British
sympathy. A wise father retains the affection of Lis
grown-up children — but what shall be said of him who
stands in the way of his grown-up son setting up Louse

Vll.

for himself and feels peevish whenever a better ariatige-
tnent in the' house itself is suggested ?

The struggle is just begun. The arrest of Lala
Lajpat Kai was the beginning of the struggle. The
Bureaucracy with Mr. Morley at its head acknowledges
it. The New Party with Mr, Lajpat Kai at its head
recognises it. Of the two opponents, Bui'eaucracy and
the People, the former is an organised entity with the
traditions and heritage of over a century, the latter is a
new growth, yet somewhat nebulous, its numbers yet
uncertain, its resources yet untried, its heroes still in
the making. The Bureaucracy is in its hoaiy age, the
Nation is still in its youth, in its budding adolescence.
All the good that Britain has till now done not only
for India but for all humanity, the victories she has
won, the arts and sciences she has developed, the edu>
cation she has spread, the equality of man she has pre-
ached, the Christianity she has advocated — these and
numberless other acts of benevolence and grace that
characterised the gi-eatness of Britain in her early days
of conquest in India — all these stand as bulwarks in
support of a jealous and timeworn Bureaucracy. There
are many among Indians who gladly and sincerely
forgive the present day haughty Englishmen all their
sins on remembering the good deeds and qualities of
their old-time predecessors. But with all their virtues
and with all the benefits hitherto afforded to Indians
by Engishmen — the fact still remains that Indians
hanker after something more than a mother's milk.

vni

more in fact than even bread and butter. The tender care
bestowed upon the infant by its father may have been
angelic; but " there is a whisper rising in this country
that loyalty is not a phrase, faith not a delusion, and
popular liberty something more diffusive and substantial
than the profane exercise of the sacred rights of sovereign-
ty by j)olitical classes ; that we live in an age when to
be young and to be indifferent are no longer synonymous
and that we must prepare for the coming hour." "

It is asked i-f the New Party desires immediate
separation. This question has been repeatedly asked
and been as repeatedly answered in the Press. The new
party contemplates no such thing — it only keeps the
goal clear in view — it may take decades and even
centuries to reach the goal ; but the goal is there and it
is held aloft for public view in a serene atmosphere of
open truth, unclouded by simulation, trickery or any
paltering with conscience. For an Indian to deny that
he has that goal in view is for a youth to deny that he
will ever reach manhood. If all Indian parties were as
clear in their statement* of their ideals as this new
party is, our political progress would be achieved much
quicker. Does the new party then desire an immediate
revolution as has only too often been alleged by the
Anglo-Indian Press ?

From what we have read and heard of the writings
and speeches of the leaders of the New Party we can
emphatically say, No\ and why ?

* '* Sybil or the two Nations" by Disraeli.

"Recalling all the evil passions that a revolution
arouses, all the ties it dissolves, all the blood it com-
mands to flow, all the healthful industry it arrests, all
the madmen that it arms, all the victims that it dupes
— it is doubtful whether any man really honest, pure, and
humane, would ever hazard it, luikss he was assured that
the victory was certain — ay, and the object for which
he fights not to be wrested from his hands amidst the
uproar of the elements that the battle has released."

Xo, the New Party contemplates no such thing as
an immediate revolution ! This should be clear to even
a cursory reader of the writings and speeches of Lala
Lajpat Kai. The Lala is conscious of tlie defects and
weaknesses ot the Indian Nationality, and like
a sagacious politician his writings are mainly aimed at
remedying those defects and removing those weak-
nesses. But be refuses to be overwhelmed by the
difficulties in the way and asks his compatriots
not to mind the thorns but to Lave the eye fixed on the
divine rose of political freedom. His writings streng-
then weak minds, while they encourage the timid
and censure the indolently inclined. In these days of
political activity — when the very air is surcharged with
politics, nobody who follows the march of events with
any pretentions to careful study can afford to miss a
perusal of the speeches and writings of the first great
martyr in the sphere of India's Politics.

G. ANNAJI RAO, m.a., b.l.,

LALA LAJPAT RAI.

Who is a great man ? asks Lord Beaconsfield, and ans-
wers the question himself. It is he who * affects the mind
•of his generation/ Judged by this test Lala Lajpat Rai
is undoubtedly a great man. Whether one agrees with his
views or not, no one who reads these pages will doubt
the earnestness and sincerity of purpose with which he
has worked for the National Cause, understanding by the
term the development and enrichment of the people along
all lines of activity, moral, social, intellectual, educa-
tional, spiritual, political and economical ; nor will any-
Ibody think him capable of engaging in enterprises which
•cannot bear examination in broad daylight. Every one
•of the virtues which Mazzini attributes to Garibaldi —

a whole life devoted to one object — his country ; consecrated
rby deeds of honour first abroad and then at home ; Valour and
constancy more than admirable ; Simplicity of life arid manners
which recalls the man of antiquity ; all the more mournful
trials and losses manfully endured: Glory and Poverty ! Every
particular relating to such a man is precious —
finds a counterpart in the life of the great leader of the
Punjab.

Lala Lajpat Eai was born in 1865 of humble but
respectable parents in ihe small town Jagaran in the
•district of Ludhiana. He comes of an old Agarvara
Baniya family. Lajpat never wearied of acknowledging
his indebtedness to his mother. The Baniya ca^te is
famous throughout India for its thrift — thrift practised

Xll

as assiduously by the women who spend as the men
who earn. In such a community Lajpat Kai's mother
was remarkable for hei- skill in household management.
None could excel her in the art of making a little go a
long way. There was one uniform level of comfort
maintained in the family whatever be the amount of in-
come. The son testifies ' that when he was earning
thousands his family was not more truly prosperous than
when the family income was less than fifty — thanks to*
his mother's management. Jn the mother of Lajpat RatJ
was realised the noble Hindu ideal of a grihaim.

His father Munshi Madha Krishen Lala, who is-
fortunately li\ ing, has been a teacher of Persian and
Urdu in a Government School. He is an excellent Urdu
writer and the author of numerous pamphlets and hooks.
Straightforward and honest, he is a great lover of
knowledge. Among his works is a political pamphlet
which attracted attention at the time of publication,
written in reply to the famous monograph of the late^
Sir Sved Ahmed Khan in which the latter enunciated
the policy which the Aligarh party is still pursuing.
When again Sir Syed Ahmed Khan wrote an article-
against the principles and composition of the Indian Na-
tional Congress, Lala Radha KrisLen, surprised at the-
changed attitude of the leader of the !Mussalman commu-
nity, addressed an open letter to him which appeared in
the Urdu paper ' Kohinoor'. Lala Lajpat Eai trans-
lated these letters into English and published them in
1888 when the Congress met at Allahabad under the-

Xlll

IPresidency of Mr. George Yule. The veteran's pen is
far from idle to-day. Munshi Radha Krishen's mofcto is
plain living and high thinking. He would not on prin-
•ciple allow himself to be dependent on any of his sons
and so he carries on a small business at Jagaran — his
native town — which brings in enough to meet his
modest requirements. Within the last few years he has
•suffered S9veral grievious bereavements including the
death of the second of his foui* sons — a promising graduate
of the Punjab University — and of his noble wife. Now
that Lala Lajpat Rai has been snatched away — not by
death I — from his side, what a storm of mingled feelings
must be raging in the breast of the venerable old gentle-
<man : with the natural pang of sudden and forced sepa-
ration from his first born, there must be mixed up a
feeling of exultant pride at his belovod son having justi-
ified the training in public spirit and self-sacrifice which
^he had received from his father. The burden upon his
Jheart must have no doubt been to a great extent lighten-
ed by the consciousness of sympathy demonstrated from
•end to end of this vast continent with the sufferings of
Lala Lajpat Rai and hisfamily. Butthose who wish toknow
^hat heoric stuff the old gentleman is made of and how
bravely he has stood the shock of his son's deportation,
cannot do better than read, mark and ponder over the
following epistle which he thought fit to address to the
public press just three weeks after the mournful event: —
" Scarcely 50 years ago the Hindus of the Punjab
twere a grossly ignorant and superstitious body. The

XIV

religion consisted of silly fables and they could not face
the attacks of Christianity and Islam. Conversions to
these two religions were therefore somewhat common-
Then arose Swami Dayanand, who nationalised Hin-
duism sweeping away the inventions of priests and
charlatans, and striking at the root of image worship^
The reconstructed Hindu mind of this Punjab now stood
forth boldly to attack those before whom it had cowered
so long. Ccn versions and deflection to other religions
came to an end ; and carrying the war into the enemy*&
country, the Arya Samajists began to take back into the-
folds of their neoflinduism people who had gone over to
Christianity, or to Islam. Controversy raged furiously
and very often courts of law had to be atppealed to.
Christians and Moslems who had been in the habit of

a

having it all their own way when fighting Hinduism^
began to feel a new pressure and, being w^orsted in con-
troversy, gave out that the Aryas were a spiteful and con-
tentious l)ody. Christian Missionaries to whom each
successive famine had been a veritable time of harvest,
found their vocation gone ; for, the Hindus led by Aryas^
began lo look after their own orphans instead of handing
them over to Christian propagandists. Ifc was not seldom
that English judges were appealed to, to decide who.
should be given the guardianship of Hindu widows and
orphans and had to make the Christian Missionary hand
over his future convert to his enemies ? It became a
common thing for a Missionary preaching in the bazaars,
to suddenly depart at the approach of an Arya I

XV

" It was thus that the Arya Samaj became unpopular
with certain very influential classes. As ill-luck woald
have it, the Efditor of the Punjabee was an Arya Samaj ist.
But it is difficult to find out why some orthodox Hindus
in the Punjab have been rejoicing at Lajpat*s deporta-
tion. They should know that the efforts of the Samaj,
and of men like Lajpat Eai, have conferred great benefits
on orthodox Hindus. Their children and destitute
widows have been saved for Hindu Society. The
thousands of souls rescued by Lajpat Rai, from famine
and conversion were not the offspring of Arya Samaj ists,
but belonged to orthodox Hindus. The chief sin of my
son Lajpat consisted in this, that he stood forth a
champion of his people and I rejoice that I had a son
like him."

How many a father in similar circumstances would
feel and think as the Munshi Radha Krishen has done !
If ever India is to become a self-respecting member in
the commonwealth of nations it can only be through
such self-respecting fathers and self-res[)ecting sons.
Despite his advanced years Krishen Lala's step is as
elastic, his frame is as erect and his brow as serene as in
the happiest days of his youth.

Lajpat Rai had a brilliant career as a student. He
distinguished himself at every stage, his weak health and
narrow circumstances notwithstanding. His intellect
was as strong as it was quick : he was regarded by his
fellow students as an intellectual prodigy. He studied
in the Government College at Lahore for two years

XVI

being in receipt of .a University scholarship. Having
passed the first certificate examination of Law of the
Punjab University he started practice in 1883, when he
was hardly 18 years of age.

Two years later he passed the final examination
standing second in a list of thirty condidates. This bare
record of his student career does not however bring out
clearly the influences amidst which he grew to be the
man he is. In the evolution of character hereditary
tendencies mark only the starting point of a man's career,
the direction of which is however very considerably
determined by the influence of environment. Endowed
with a rich legacy of moral and infcelletual attributes
peculiar to the genius of the eastern Aryan, the good Lala
had the benefit of an education in which the practical
rationalism of Western science combined with the
religious purity and moral elevation of Eastern litera*
ture put on him the hall-mark of true culture. He
was naturally attracted towards some of the noblest
spirits of his age of whom the most notable were Lala
Hansraj, the late Guru Datta Vidyarthi and Chethanand.
All these men, diflferently gifted as they were and diflfer-
ently circumstanced too, were moved by one common
impulse — viz.j a keen desire to work for the regeneration
and elevation of the Motherland which to them was no
vague patriotic abstraction but was concretised in the
land, of the fi\e rivers.

In their close association with one another were
born those ideals of patriotism, of self-sacrifice, of untiring

xvn

work and of unconquerable faith which have sustained
Lala Lajpat Kai in later years of strain and stress and
have also inspired the foimation during the last two
•decades of enthusiatic bands of ardent young men who
in their turn, each in his own way and in his own sphere,
have been leading most of the progressive movements of
north western India. Not a single movement started in
recent times for the furtherance of educational, social
religious or political reform but has had the benefit of
Lajpat Rai*s counsel or participation, and has received the
impulse of his vivifying genius. While sympathising with
and aiding every movement which made for progi-ess,
Lala Lajpat Kai early in his life identified himself with
the Arya Samaj in which* he found at first ample scope for
the exercise of. his patriotism, philanthrophy and religious
zeal. The visit of Swami Dayanand in 1877 marked a
turning point in the social and religious development of
the Punjab. The Brahmo Samaj, while it emancipated
the souls of men from the thraldom of superstition and
blind alligeance to custom, was too eclectic for men who
wanted a definite and tangible standard to rally round,
and wandered too far afield in the region of belief and
practice to satisfy the patriotic craving for a national
heritage. Swami Dyanand, though assisted in his lour
by the more liberal Brahmos especially of the Adi Samaj,
noticed this tendency of the Brahmo movement and
sought to supply a corrective by insisting on the authority
of the Vedas as the revealed Word of God and proclaim-
ing the social and religious ordinances of the Eishis as

XVlll

all sufficient for the social, moral and spiritual needs of
the Hindu people.

This was just the sort of teaching for which the
young Punjab was dimly yearning. By pointing to the
prestine purity and simplicity of the Vedas, Swami Dya-
nand condemned on one hand the corruption and decay
which had crept into popular Hinduism, and on the other
satisfied the cravings of the National spirit which in
those early days sought to realise itself in the field
of social and religious reform. A gospel like the
illustrious Swami*s was a trumpet call for men to
array themselves in opposite camps. Men had to declare
themselves either foes or friends. No middle way was
possible. The orthodox were pronounced in their opposi-
tion, while the Brahmos sought to take the life out of this
rival reform movement by startin-^ a number of associa-
tions in connection with their own Samaj which sought
to supply the deficiency which the Swami pointed out.
But it was too late. Swami Dayanand felfc the need of
an organization which would on one hand ensure healthy
progress and on the other be a bulwark against denation-
alization. He conceived the formation of a grand
National Vedic Church in which Patriotism and Reform
went hand in hand and supplied the corrective one to the
other. The opposition to Swami Dayanand's work
was as determined as the zeal of his followers was fervent^
The struggle between his followers whose number was
rising by leaps and bounds and the ecletic and ultra-
conservative Hindus was at its keenest between 1880 and

XIX

1885 when Lala Lajpat Rai was studying at Lahore*.
Lala Lajpat Rai and his friends were not the men in those
stirring days to look on unconcerned as if they had no
part to play in the fray. They determined to throw in
their lot with the Dayanand party which w^as sorely in
need of young men to defend its cause against the redoub-
table champions of orthodoxy. Guru Dutt, Hansraj and
Lajpat Rai were constituted Apostles of the new evangel-
It was true they were students. But they did the work
of grown up men, — preaching, debating and spreading
the cause throughout the length and breadth of the
Punjab. Their organizing capacity was truly marvel-
lous. Hansraj being the eldest of the three counselled,
Guru IJatt inspired, and Lajpiat Rai carried out the plan
of missionary operations. In internal constructive work
too, the three young men took a leading part. If the Arya
Samaj of to-day may be said to be the creation, next to-
Swami Dayanand, of any particular men — those men
were the three who fought its battle in their student days
and nourished it with their earnings and their energy in
adult age.

Having qualified as a pleadeii Lala Lajpat Rai
elected to settle down to practice at Hissar in the Punjab.
As in. his early days, so now in his manhood good fortune
followed him in the matter of genial associates and
happy comrades. Among his new acquisitions were the
noble hearted Pandit Lakpat Rai who has only recently
given away all his life's earnings for philanthropic
and educational undertakings ; and Lala Churamani, the

XX

founder of a famous Industrial School for waifs and
strays, the father of Jaswant Rai, m.a., the proprietor of the
Punjahee, Lajpat Kai practised down to i892 at Hissar
when he became the leader of the local bar. He also
•acted for three years as honorary secretary of the Hissar
Municipal Board. It may be mentioned in passing that
.professional avocations did not take up the whole time
and energy of Lala Lajpat Kai and his Hissar friends,
the greater portion of their time being nobly and unself-
ishly spent in discussing questions concerning the wel-
fare not only of their proviiice but of India as a whole.
Lajpat Eai*s abilities and gift of speech earned
for him an extensive practice, but his unambitious,
unassuming and self -abnegating spirit, his plain simple
mode of living combined with his profound and varied
■erudition in western and eastern literatures enabled
him to attract a circle of friends and admirers
to whom the Deportation has come as a personal
calamity. In i892 he transferred liis practice to the
wider field of Lahore, the nerve centre of the Punjab,
whose Chief Court is practically the High Court of the
Punjab.

Fortune's smile attended his advocacy, but since
i9o2 he has slackened his professional activity partly we
believe on account of successive attacks of illness but
mainly in order to devote himself more fully to the cause
of his counti-y. He has taken it upon himself to utilize
his income from professional pursuits for the benefit
of the Indian public.

XXI

In education, secular and religious, Lala Lajpat Eai
has long taken a very active interest. He took part in.
the foundation of the Dayanand Anglo- Vedic College at
Lahore, a First Grade college with an endowment pf some-
five lacs which he was largely instrumental in collecting ;
it is, according to the Government Inspector's report in
i9o5, " the most numerously attended college in the
province". He is a vice-president of the institution, and
oft' and on for about a dozen years he h^is acted as its
honorary secretary. He has taken an acii«te part in
teaching, having several times acted as honorary lecturer
in History. He has made large donations to its funds.
He is secretary also to the Anglo-Sanskrit College at
Jalunder and a member of the managing committees of
a number of Arya Samaj schools in the province."

It was chiefly his interest in education that took
him to America in i9o5, where he visited many educa-
tional institutions and took careful notes for future
guidance. We may also mention that he gave impoitant
evidence before Lord Curzon's University Commission
in i9o2. After his return from the political mission on
which he went te> England as a colleague of the Hon*ble
Mr. G. K. Gokhale, he organised a political society and
collected funds for educating the patriotic sons of the
Punjab in politics and economics with a view to send
chem out as political missionaries on the model, we
believe, of the * Servants of ]ndia Society' of Poona.

His attention was not confined to matters educational..
In other departments of social service as well, the Lala's.

XXll

activity has been marked. His noble heart bled foi* the
needy, the friendless, the houiseless, the suffering and the
starved. He organized relief works and orphanages,
the outcome of his disinterested love for humanity in
rgeneral and his community in particular. For several
years he has been General Secretary of the Arya Samaj
Orphanage at Ferozepur, by far the largest Hindu
orphanage in Northern India, having several hundreds
of orphans in its books. He is a member of the
managing committee of the waifs' orphanage at Meerut,
also a well endowed and flourishing institution. In
1897, and again in i899 — i9oo, he organised a Hindu
Orphan Relief movement which succoured over 2,000
orphans, and he acted on both occasions as its General
Secretary. The Government availed themselves of his
experience in i9oi, when he was Invited to give
evidence before the Famine Commission. His evidence
was specially valuable as he had personally inspected
the areas largely affected by famine. In April i9o5,
on the occasion of the great earth-quake in the Kangra
District, he organised a relief committee on behalf of
the Lahore Arya Samaj ; and as Seci-etary of that
-committee he visited areas particularly afflicted, collect-
-ed funds and himself supe rvised the administration of
relief. The orphanages and relief works which Lala
Lajpat Rai has organised and supervised with scrupulous
care and pious devotion are standing monuments which
bespeak the high and noble character of the Lala who
dn this respect followed faithfully the ideals of humanity

XXUl

and charity which are enshrined in the scriptures of
India. A veritable Darmaraj of the Punjab, no earthly
motive or ambition couid deter him from ihe noble work
of love and sacrifice into w^hich he completely threw
himself, heart and soul, despite tremendous difRculties in
the way. The Karnan of his age, he has been the
sunshine of many a gloomy and despondent heart.
His philanthropic undertakings — living embodiments
of his Thyaga andParopakava — testify to his high capacity
as financier and organizer.

Lala Lajpat Hai is also a man of extensive
business connections. He is a Director of the Pan jab
National Bank, the first and the largest Indian Bank
in Lahore. He is interested in several cotton mills
and cotton presses iH the Punjab, being in several cases
on the Board of Directors.

Lala Lajpat Kai claims attention as a man of
letters. As a journalist, he has for several years edited
a vernacular magazine and a vernacular weekly journal,
both conducted in the interests of religious and social
reform and educational progress ; He has published
in Urdu biographical monographs on Mazzini, Gari-
baldi, Sivaji, Swami Dayanand and Sri Krishna —
books which have been widely read and greatly appreciat-
ed in the province. He has been in constant touch
with several newspapers conducted in English, contribut-
ing to them frequently on the leading questions of the
day. He has also written in English a life of
Pandit Gurudatta Vidyarthi, m.a., the Indian reformer.

^

XXIV

He has compiled a concise historical account of Hindu
civilisation down to the commencement of the Musalman
period. He has published various pamphlets and booklets
of an occasional character.

Lala Lajpat Kai has always felt drawn towards poli-
tics : which indeed was a subject on which Hansraj and
he could not look eye to eye. The elder patriot held that
the work of the Arya Samaj Avas work enough for one life
nay, for hundreds of lives. The younger and more for-
ward leader's view, like Justice Kanade's was tbat the work
of national regeneration was a larger and more comprehen-
sive object than could be acconiplisbed by any single
agency however catholic it may be, and that it needed
to be pursuetl along many lines of activity, moral,,
social, intellectual and political. He felt it hrs duty
therefore, to promote, political activity first in his own.
province and through that in the whole country.

Jt was in 1888 A. D. that Lala Lajpafc Kai joined
the Indian National Congress movement when it met
at Allahabad under tbe Presidency of Mr. Georgs Yule.
Ever since his connection with this " un-official but
National Parliament," to quote the words of Mr. Lai
Mohan Ghose, his political activity has expressed itself
in various shapes and forms, and in the political field, as
in other fields, he has done ail that, a man could do with
pen, tongue and purse.

In 1905, the Indian National Congress Committee
having recognised in him an austere, sincere and selfless
devotion to his country and her cause, selected him as one

XXV

of its delegates to place before the British public the
political greivances of the Indian people. The Indian
Association of the Punjab voted Rs. 8,000 for the expenses
of his tour in Knjjland : but he who had himself disbursed
money for philanthropic and patriotic objects would have
none of the money but gave it back to the support and
benefit of students, and mefc his expenses out of his own
pocket. The two Indian national delegates worked
together for some time in England : but the Panjabee
leader determined to visit America and study the working
of institutions in the far western country — that latest
born child of Modern Democracy. On his return he
resumed Lis woi-k in England with Mr. (1. K. Gokhale ;
and in the political campaign carried on in several parts
of England the Indian representatives brought home to the
mindof the Britisher the evils of unsympathtic bureaucratic
government under which India was labouring, and pleaded
in eloquent language, adducing facts and figures in support
of their contention, the cause of the half-starving and half-
dying people of India. This political campaign, it may
be confidently said, was a success, were it for nothing
else but the message which as Lajpat Kai put it*' the
people of England wanted to send to you through me viZ',
the message that in our utterance, in our agitation, and in
our fight and struggle for liberty, we ought to be more
manly than ^ve have been hithertofore "

After his return from England he has " been busy
devising and organising ways and means for the political
advancement and industrial emancipation of his country.

XXVI

In the deliberations of the Indian National Congress
^yhich assembled in 1 905 at tlie holy city of Benares
under the presidency of Mr. G. K. Gokhale, he took a
IcaeuJing part, and supported a resolution on the " repres-
«ivj« pleasures in Bengal". His wit and humour, his
thorough grasp of the situation, his warm appreciation of
and eloquent tribute to the Bengali manliness, his sturdy
patriotism, and above all, Lis unquestionable loyalty to
the British Raj and his anxiety to befriend every popular
measure of the Government, these are discernible in
that short stirring speech (reproduced on page 149 of
this book) which he delivered in the sacred hall of
the National Congress.

The greatest fact in Lala Lajpat Rai's career and
the one which has made his name a household word in
every part of India is Lis Deportation. How this event
has come to pass — though happily at the time of
writing, the news of his release has caused joy in
the heart of every Indian, be he Moderate or National-
ist — be he Mahomedan or Hindu — orthodox or Aryasamaj-
ist — how that unique event has come to take place, will not
be fully and accurately known until official records sup-
plemented by non-official testimony are in the hands qf
the public. But Lala Lajpat Rai, though perhaps sur-
prised by the warrant of Deportation, was not quite
unprepared for what has taken place. *• Coming events
east their shadows before." Lala Lajpat Rai, true
mariner that he is, read the signs of the coming storm .
and the letter {vide page 220) which he handed over to the

XXVll

editor of the Vunjuhee a few hours before his arrest, re-
mains the most remarkable example of political pre-
srience which has ever emanated from the pen of any
Indian politician.

India was pa<?<?ing^ through stormy weather. The noto-
rious Partition of Renewal was the precursor of a new
political phenomenon in India — the birth of the nascent
Nationalism. This infant political sTowth, the Anorlo-
Indian bureaucrats could not and would not tolerate. Of
the ways and means they devised to sfrangfle the nationa.l
movement one was to strike a blow at the influence of
popular leaders. Lajpat Rai was the first to thunder
aeainst S^ir Bampfylde Fuller who insulted the elite of
Bensjal Society, including Babu Surendranath Banerji,on
the occasion of the Bar i sal conferance. He protested
against the insinuations of Lord Minto in speaking of
** Honest Swcuhshiam. " In his own province executive high-
handedness reigned rampant, the Government of Sir D.
Ibbetson had one rule for the Punjabee and another for the
Civil and Military Gezette, Unpopular measures, like the
Colonization Act which has since been wisely disallowed
by the Viceroy, had stirred popular feeling which vented
itself in public meetings. Of these meetings the Lala, ac-
cording to Mr. John Morley himself, attended only two meet-
ings, not on his own initiative but at the express request
of the people. When the Lala who was sent for by the
people. ta explain the object of the unpopular measures of
the GoFernment, was on his way to the meeting at Rawal-
pindi he was intercepted by Mr. Agwew — ^^V^fe ^s^^s^.v^ivY^\^.

XXVlll

magistrate who was persecuting: the leaders of the Ra-
walpindi Bar for their alleg^ed chamoionship of the cause
of the people— and by the Superintendent of Police,
and was advised not to deliver any lecture on pain of
forcible dispersal of the meeting, and the loyal Lala La j pat
Rai accordingly informed the assembled people of the
intentions of the magistrate and cause 1 them to disperse
peacefully. But the genius of Bureaucracy which little
knows the feelings and thoughts of respectable citizens
of India would not stop where it had during all these
years stood, repressing the growth of full national life.
The policy. pursued by officers of Government is forcibly
exposed in the Hiniustan 'Review. : —

" You first drive a people into frenzy, to the point of
desperation, by passing a number of highly unpopular
and oppressive measures, without consulting them and
without paying the slighest heed to their most reasonable
objections urged in temperate language, tf they keep
their counsel to themselves and do not take the trouble
to represent their opinions, you misconstrue their silence in
to acquiescence in your doing. If they make known their
views in respectable and mild language you pass by
their representations in contumptuous silence. If they
speak loudly and strongly, and seek to make themselves
felt, you clap them into jail and go the length of banish-
ing them from the land of their birth, without hearing,
without trial, without consideration. Let this violent act
of yours raise further loud-tongued protest, you set aside
the legislature of the country and pass an executive
oi'dinance wii^hdrawing the indefeasible right of British

XXIX

•citizens to meet in public ior the ventilation of griev-

<Lnces. "

When public affairs come to such a sad pass
in this cx^untry, persons of unselfish motives, of noble
intellect and of unswerving loyalty to the highest
interests of their mother-land, will come forward and
espouse the cause of the people even at risk to their own
Jives, and they will not surrender their conscience and
patriotism to the dictatorial mandate of panic-stricken
Bureaucrats, alien in race, complexion and habits, in
thoughts and feelings, in ideas and ideals, in interests and
ambitions. The frown of the authorities cannot in itself
make an action bad or ignoble. The law is glorified
when thieves and robbers, decoits and murderers, and
persons of moral and spiritual depravity are visited
with condign punishment. But when the flower of a
nation are chosen for arbitrary punishment, the law
degenerates into a savage weapon. Lala Lajpat Uai is
undoubtedly among the choicest spirits of the age and of
the race. Like Captain Dreyfus, he is an innocent
victim of the rulers of the land.

" A man so open-hearted and straightforward, so
genial and disposed to be fiiendly to one and all without
■distinction of class or creed ; whose services were at the
public command no matter from what quarter it came :
of unsullied private character and spotless public career,
his life was an open book that any one might pass and
read ; who loved light and worked in the li«^ht ; to whom
nothing was so abhorrent as the powers of darkness — of

XXX

tyranny and treachery, of persecution and perfidy, of bad
faith and low associations ; who shunned dark corners of
dubious patriotism and always kept himself before the
public gaze and in the sunlight of public criticism — how-
could, every one felt puzzled, such a man of open
movements and open actions bring upon himself a blow
aimed in the dark that in its terrible swiftness will not
even allow him to lay bare his heart and show to all
concerned Low clean, how spotless, how devoid of mis-
chievous thought and intent in any shape whatsoever it
was/' (Pniijabee),

We wonder how a Government which had indented
on the splendid, versatile services of the Lala on the
occasion of the University and the Famine Commissions,
can, in' the name of consistency, policy or even expediency
justify its conduct and character in inhumanly depriving
one of the most intelligent and serviceable supporters of
the British Raj of the elementary rights of liberty and self-
vindication by banishing him from his native land on
the beautifully vague pretext of **state reasons'* under the
sanction of a military, despotic Regulation which it does
not blush to call a " law. " His letter addressed to the
Punjabee a few hours before his secret arrest and
dark deportation seems providential ; but his appeal and
warning to his Bengal friends assembled in the Benares
Congress is prophetic, " If you have adopted this manly
and vigorous policy, be prepared for the logical consequence
(cheers). Don't conceal your heads, don't behave like
cowards. Once having adopted that manly policy, stick

XXXI

to it till the last." The orie reads like an unconscious auto-
biography, but the other fully lays bare the straight
forwardness of a mind standing four square to all the
winds. that might blow. Questions without number
were put in the British Parliament to the biographer of
Gladstone and Burke, but these have been treated with
scant courtesy. Under great pressure, Mr. Morley first
tried diplomatic methods of persuasion to inspire
confidence in the persistent members of Parliament who
are interested in Indian progress, and these proved
futile. It was only after his conference with Sir D.
Ibbetson, " one of the ablest and most experinced Lieu-
tenant-Governors," that, he gave out the grounds on which
he sanctioned this extreme and quite uncalled-for action.
The Indian Parliamentary Committee met and denounced
this high-handed measure and also passed a resolution
that the Regulation of 1818 and other similar measures
must be repealed : but wh^* would Mr. Morley listen to
their proposals, seeing that the Regulation comes so
handy to an infuriated and frightened officialdom ?

There is not a single Indian or unbiassed foreign
journal that has not condemned this Military Act and
the executive action of the Government of India. The
most prominent politician, the Hon*ble Mr. G. K.
Gokhale, has challenged the alleged conspiracy on the
part of the Lala. Legally the action of Government
Las been questioned ; and this aspect of the matter is
ably handled in a letter which we reproduce at the end
of the book from the pen of an Indian and originally

XXX 11

published in the Justice, the organ of Social Democracy
in England.

The Lala may have entertained very strong politi-
cal views, l^ut he is the last man to hatch a conspiracy
in darkne.ss and secrecy. In the deportation of the Lala
— an idealist, enthusiast, litcyntciiy, practical philan-
thropist, hijld politician, accomplished lawyer, cool-headed
financier, cautious investor, earnest religious ])reacher
and devout Arya Samajist, politics in India has entered
upon a new phase and will, ere long, develop into a
force which it will be impossible for any human power,
armed thou-;^h it he with the most drastic laws and a
formidable array of soldiers and a magazine of shots and
bullets, to change; and on the right evolution of the
collective and mutually inter-dependent forces brought
into play, the salvation of India depends.

It is a happy sign of the times that this fact is
recognised even in the highest quarters. For what said
Lord Mill to a few weeks ago in his place at the head of
the Viceregal Legislative Council? "I am well aware of
the growing strength of political hopes and ambitions in
this country and 1 welcome them as the natural lesult
of the education British administrators have done so
much to introduce and encourage. 1 have said so over
and over again and 1 deny the accusation of want of regard
for thegrowiuj^ influenct; of the educated classes of India.
Far from wishing to check the growth of ])olitical
thoughts, 1 have hoped that, with proj)er guidance,
Indian capacity and Indian patriotism might earn for its

XXXlll

people greater share in the Government of their country,
They have proposals before them now which 1 trust
will greatly contribute towards that end. The Govern-
ment of India would be blind, indeed, to shut its eyes to
the awakening wave which is sweeping over the Eastern
w^orld, overwhelming its old traditions and bearing on its
front a tioud of new ideas. We cannot check its flow,
we can but endeavour to direct it into such channels as
may benefit the generations that are to come. We
may repress sedition — we will repress it with a strong
hand — but tlie restlessness of new-born and advancing
thoughts we oannot repress. We must be prepared to
meet it with help and guidance. We must seek for its
causes."

One wonders whether LordMinto has realised all that
his words signify in the shape of a conciliatory policy
and a policy of encouraging, without stifling, the aspi-
rations of the people after a self-respecting national exis-
tance. If Lord Mi n to and his adjutants in the Govern-
ment of India had only sought the help of men like
LalaLajpat Kai in seeking lor tie causes of the unrest
in the Punjab and in the whole country, they would have
found in them friends and not " our enemies," such as
tliey have imagined him and other pojmlar Rawalpindi
lawyers to be.

At any rate, it is a matter for rejoicing that the
Government of India have at last thought lit to restore
the spotless and illustrious Lala to his proper sphere.
The Government of India, more than the happy Lala,

XXXIV

deserve conrgatulation on an act of justice for which.
there should have been no occasion.

Long: Live Lala Lajpat Rai.

** Come onward, come ! Ye sons of Ind !

The motherland your aid implores.
With dauntless hearts and ardent zeal,

Enlist ye in your country's cause.
Let one resolve your actions guide,

One spirit move your heart and soul :
Your feelings, efforts, hopes and aims,

Let them all tend to the self-same goal.
Go, roam abroad in distant lands.

And ever newer wisdom gain ;
Awake, arise with ardour fresh,

And chant a nobler — manlier strain.
Let not applause be your sole aim.

Nor let abuse your soul subdue.
Devote your life to what is good.

And what is great, and what is true.
Let all our party-stfifes and feuds,

Be scattered to the winds and skies !
Let Hindu clasp his Moslem friend

For, all are one in Mother's eyes."

^

OPEN LETTERS

TO THE

HON'BLE SIR SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K. C. S. I.

No. I.

Sir, — Would you excuse me if I encroach upon j'our
valuable time for a short while ? Before I address you
on my matlah*, I think it advisable to state for your
information that I have been a constant reader and ad-
mirer of your writings. From childhood, I was taught
to respect the opinions and the teachings of the white-
bearded Syed of Aligarh. Your Social Reformer was con-
stantly read to me by my fond father, who looked upon
you as no less than a prophet of the nineteenth century.
Your writings in the Aligarh Institute Gazette^ and your
speeches in Council and other public meetings, were con-
stantly studied by me and preserved as a sacred trust by
my revered parent. It was thus that I came to know
that you once approved of the contents of John Stuart
Mill's book on " Liberty," and it was thus that I came to
know (if my memory does not deceive me) that the pre-
sent Chief Justice of Hyderabad, a staunch opponent of
the National Movement, once translated Jeremy Ben-
tham's book on ** Utility " for the readers of your Social
Reformer. Is it strange then that I have been astonished to
read what you now speak and write about the " National

* />., the subject-matter tor d\sc\iss\otv.

^ OPEN LETTERS TO THE

Congress " ? Any person, in my circumstances, would
shout ot.it : Times have changed and with them convic.
tions ! Flattery and official cajoleries have blinded the
eyes of the most far-seeing ; cowardice has depressed the
souls of the foremost of seekers after truth, and high
sounding titles and the favours of worldly governors have
extinguished the fire of truth burning in many a noble
heart. Is it not a sad spectacle to see men whose days
are numbered, whose feet are almost in the grave, trying
to root out all the trees planted with their own hands 1 1 1

Under these circumstances, Syed Sahib, it is, surely,
not strange if 1 ask what has been the cause of this
lamentable change in you. Old age and exhaustion of
faculties may, perhaps, have some share in causing you
to forget what you once wrote and spoke. Has your me-
mory lost its retentiveness, or is it the blindness of dotage
which has permitted you to stray into your present un-
^ happy position ?

If the former, I from amongst your old admirers will
take upon myself the duty of reminding you of what, in
moments of wisdom, was recorded and published by your
pen and tongue, and this duty, I promise, I will fulfill with
the utmost pleasure and with feelings of the highest satis-
faction.

I will begin with your book on the " Causes of the
Indian Revolt," which was written in 1858, though only
translated and published in English in the year 1873. It
may be worth while to note here that the translators of
this were no others than Sir Auckland Colvin, the present
Lieutenant-Governor of the North- Western Provinces,
^nd Lieutenant-Colonel Graham, the writer o^ v^vir bio-

HON*BLE SIR SYED AHMED KHAN BAH.XDUR, K.C.S.I. 3

graphy. In this book, after having tried to prove that
the mutiny of 1857 was no " religious war," nor the re-
sult of a preconcerted conspiracy, you say that " most
men, I believe, agree in thinking that it is highly condu-
cive to the welfare and prosperity of Government — indeed,
that it is essential to its stability — that the people should
have a voice in its Councils. It is from the voice of the
people that Government can learn whether its projects
are likely to be well received. The voice of the people
can alone check errors in the bud and warn us of
dangers before they burst upon and destroy us." To
make the matter more clear you go on saying that " this
voice, however, can never be heard, and this security
never acquired, unless the people are allowed a share in
the consultations of Government. * * * The security
of a Government, it will be remembered, is founded on
its knowledge of the character of the Governed as wjH
as on its careful observance of their rights and privi-
leges." These are noble words, nobly spokeu ; words
of sterling honesty and independence of spirit. Can
they bear any other meaning than that which attaches
to that resolution of the National Congress which prays
for the introduction of a representative element into the
constitution of our Legislative Councils ? Pray, tell me
how can the people have a voice in the Councils of a
Government if not by representation ? How can the
people of a country have their voice constantly heard
if not through their representatives ? But, to leave no
doubts on the subject, I will go on giving quotations in
proof of my assertion, that you have yourself in former
times strongly advocated the iutrodviclv^Tv <5\ ^a^ x^x^'^<K$.<txv-

4 OPEN LETFERS TO THE

tative element into the Legislative Councils of India^
After Uying much stress upon the necessity of a Govern-
ment respecting the opinions of the people it governs^
you say : " The evils which resulted to India from the
non-admission oi: natives into the Legislative Councils of
India were various. * * * ♦ It (j e., the Govern-
ment) could never hear, as it ought to have heard, the
voice of the people on the laws and regulations which itr
passed/* Again you say : " But the greatest mischief
lay in this, that the people misunderstood the views and
the intentions of the Government. They misapprehended
every act.'* After this you proceed to say that " if Hin-
dustanis had been in the Legislative Councils, they would
have explained everything to their countrymen, and thus-
these evils which have happened to us would have been
averted.** In your opinion, as expressed there, this non-
representation of the voice of the governed in the Legis-
lative Council of the realm was " the one great cause "
and the "origin of all smaller causes of dissatisfaction."
Nay, further, not to leave any doubts in the matter, and
to prove that in your book you even go to the length of
saying that your countrymen should be selected to form
an assembly like the English Parliament (which demand^
at the time you advanced it, was certainly more prema-
ture than it now is, though the National Congress, with
all the advantages that the country has had in the way of
education and enlightenment since that miserable year of
1858, only advocates the partial introduction of a repre-
sentative element in the Legislative Councils), I shall
give some more extracts from the same work.

There you say : " I do not wish to enter here into the

HON'bLB sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 5

question as to how ths ignorant and uneducated natives
^f Hindustan could be allowed a share in the delibera-
tions of the Legislative Council, or as to how they should
be selected to form an assembly like the English Parlia-
nient. These are knotty points. All I wish to prove
here is that such a step is not only advisable but
ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY,* and that the disturbances are
due to the neglect of such a measure '*. Could clearer
words be used than what have been quoted above ? Is
there any doubt as to their meaning ? because, if so, I
«hall be obliged to quote the exact Hindustani words
Hised by you to express the ideas propounded in the above
lines. But no, I do not suppose you can feel any doubt
on that point, because the English rendering was under-
taken by no others than Sir Auckland Colvin and
Lieutenant-Colonel Graham, the former of whom, at
least, is now being proclaimed (whether rightly or wrong-
4y, God knows) as an opponent of the National Congress.
Sir Syed, does it not sound strange that the writer of
the words above quoted should put himself forward as the
Jeader of the Anti-Congress movement? Is it not one
more proof of India's misfDrtune that the writer of the
^bove words should impute bad motives to the supporters
^f the National Congress, mainly because they advocate the
introduction of some sort of representation in the Legisla-
tive Councils of India? Is not your charge of sedition
against the promoters of the Congress, in the face of these,
.a mere mockery, a contradiction in terms ? Thirty years
ago, you advocated the institution of a Parliament, and
yet you chide us saying that we want an Indian Parlia-

♦ The capitals are mine.

b OPEN LEITERS TO THE

fnent, notwithstanding that v;c protest that for the pres^
ent, and for a long time to come, we do not claim any
such thing ? Mark the difference. India is no longer
what it was 30 years ago. In the course of this period it
has made a marked advance towards a higher civilization*
The natives of India are no longer, with very few excep-
tions, ignorant or uneducated. The rays of education
are penetrating and shedding their wholesome light in*-
side most Indian homes ; hundreds of thousands of
Indians are as well educated as any average English
gentleman, and we see scores of our countrymen every
year crossing the " black waters ** to witness with their
own eyes the proceedings of the great British Parliament
and personally familiarize themselves with the political
institutions of the English nation. Can you in face of
these facts still call us *' seditious"? According to
your writings, w^e are the most loyal subjects of the
Government, and if, notwithstanding what you have
written, you still deserve to be called " the ablest of our
loyal Mahomedan gentlemen,'* why, w^e deserve to be*
styled " the ablest of the most loyal subjects of the
English Government.*'

To give a still more clear idea of what you thought
about the fitness of India for this sort of Government, I
give one more extract to the point, and then I will have-
done with your old writings for the present. After giving:
many arguments in proof of your position that the law
which allowed the sales of land for arrears of Government
revenue was also a cause of the outbreak of disturbances^
in 1858. you say: "A landed estate in Hindustan is-
very like a kingdom. It has always been the practice to*

HON BLE SIR SYBD AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 7

elect one man us the head over all. By him matters
requiring discussion are * brought forward ' (mind, not
decided), and every shareholder, in proportion to his'
holding, has the power of speaking out his mind on the
point." You are wrong when you say " in proportion to
his holding.*' However, let it remain as it is. You
proceed and say: " The cultivators and the choudhries of
the villages attend on such an occasion and say what-
ever they have to say. * * * * You have here, in fact,
in great perfection a miniature kingdom parliament."
How is it that now you have changed your mind and
have come to opine that these kingdoms, as you called
them, should have no voice in the making of laws which
materially affect the person, the property and the repu-
tation of the people ?

Some persons insinuate that these writtings which
I have quoted came from an honest, uncorrupted mind,
at a time when the writer had no prospect of being
raised to the Legislative Council by mere favour^ No,
Sir Syed, no I I, on my own part, do not want to make
such an insinuation againt the fearless writer of those
noble words which have beeen quoted above.

Then the problem to be solved remains the same,
viz., why this change, why this inconsistency ? I pause
for a reply, with a promise of more in my next, and ia
the meanwhile be^ to be allowed to subscribe myself,

^th October, 1888. The Son of an old Follower of

Yours.

8 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

N0. II.

Sir, — It is more than two weeks now since my first
letter was published, and I think, 1 have waited long
enough for the reply which, it seems, you have no mind
to send However, in fulfilment of my promise, I am
bound to go on giving quotation after quotation, bringing
home to you your own former political teachings, and I
hope I shall be able clearly to prove that you .)nce be-
lieved in all the principles upon which the different Reso-
lutions of the National Congress are based. This will
leave you no alternative but either an open and unre-
served confession of your apostacy or an unreserved
retreat from politics.

Do not think, Sir Syed, that I shall rest satisfied
with the publication of these letters in India. No, they
will be duly published and distributed in free England,
side by side with the pamphlets of your own pet Assso-
ciation of yesterday.

In the book, already so often referred to, i.e., " The
Causes of the Indian Revolt," you say: "Government
were but slightly acquainted with the unhappy state of
the people. How could it well be otherwise ? There was
no real communication between the Government and
the governed, no living together or near one another, as
has always been the custom of Mahomedans in countries
which they subjected to their rule. Government and
its ofBcials have never adopted the course without which
no real knowledge of the people cm be gained." Fur-
ther on you say that " this cannot be expected from the
English, as they almost all look forward to retirement in
their native land, and seldom settle for good amongst the

HON*BLB SIR SYBD AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 9

natives of India."

Now, I take the liberty of asking has there been any
improvement of late in this direction ? Have the majo-
rity, or even one per cent, of the retired English officers,
permanently settled in India ? On the contrary, we find
that they are birds-of-passage just as much now as, or
perhaps more than, they were when the above sen-
tences were written. Then, have the Englishmen
and the natives taken to living together or near
one another ? Do you ever see Englishmen living
in the Mahallas of your towns, however large the
towns or however respectable the Mahallas may
be ? None of the Englishmen have ever been seen
doing that. In fact, their mode of living is so pe-
<:uliar that they cannot.* Or, do you think that the
point has been gained by a few Anglicised natives like
yourself having taken to living in Bungalows ? If that
18 what you argue, I assure you, you are sadly mistaken.
Your living in Europeanized houses cannot be said to
be a gain to native society. It is rather, if I may be
allowed to say so, a very severe and* deplorable loss. In
the sentence quoted above, you admit that living to-
-gether or near one another enhances our sympathies
and gives us more occasions of seeing, mixing with, and
obtaining a more intimate knowledge of each other. It
is thus clear that Europeans can only really know us if
they see us in our native homes, in our small thatched
huts full of misery and sickness. How poor and miser-
able India is, they can feel only if they live amongst or
near the houses of our agriculturists, and there see with
there own eyes respectable native ^2ivcvvVve% ^^^^vw^*>sv

10 OP^N LETTERS TO THE

rooms into which an English beggar would scorn to step*^
Why is this ? Is it because we Indians do not know
how to live ? Now, if you say that, go to those Indian
residences which are occupied by our few rich or even
well-to-do countrymen, and there you will find that our
mode of living is quite on a par with that of Europeans.
Does any one then ask how it is that I say that respec*
table natives live, everywhere, in buildings which can
only properly be called hovels ? The answer is, be-
cause they are miserably poor and cannot alford to build
comfortable houses. Taxation is so high that they
never ffeel themselves secure of their respectability. In
fact, it is always in danger. The poor fellows are daily
and nightly engaged in making the two ends meet^
What I mean to say is that the fact of you or a few"
other natives havinjj taken to live in Bungalows and
imitating the English customs of eating and drinking
and dressing cannot do any good either to India or to*
England. In fact, this will never help the English to
realize the unhappy state of the people. Then the-
question is, how can the Government know the wants
and wishes of its subject? ? They cannot know them*
through ofBcial reports, because these reports are al-
most all prepared by parsons who seldom see the real
state of the people whom the reports concern. You'
ycurself said : " But even these officials themselves were
ignorant cf the real thoughts and opinions of the people,
because they had no means of getting at them " (vide
your Biography by Colonel Graham, p. 49.) Then can
the Government get this knowledge through the petitions
of their subjects ? I say, as you said — no. You said

HON*BLE SIR SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. II

that thcsie petitions " were," and I say they are, " sel-
dom if ever attended to and sometimes never heard "
(vide the same page of your Biography.) I add to this
that even if«they are ever attended to, enquiry into the
allegations made in them is often entrusted to the same
officials whose conduct forms the subject of complaint.
Their reports are taken to be gospel truth and the
petitions are thrown out.

Then, can the Government know the real opinion of
the people through tlie Native press ? No, because the
Government officials have always been hostile to itr
and have ever asserted that these papers represent
nobody but themselves.

Public meetings even are not effectual, because these
are invariably declared to be the work of professional
agitators, stump-orators and wire-pullers.

The question then is, that admitting as you do, that
it is essential for the purpose of good administration
that the people should have a voice in the consultations
of the Government, ho a? should that voice reach the
Council Chambers, and how should the people be con-
sulted before laws are passed ? You once said that ** laws
affecting the subject should be made after consultation
with the representatives cf the people " — ba salah wa
mashwarah riyaya ke naibon ke — (yirfe Social Reformer
of the 15th Shawwal, 1290, Hijri, equivalent to the 6th
December, 1873, p. 163), and there cannot be any other
answer to this question. Further on you said : " I am
very sorry that this is not being done in India, and in
not doing so Government is in error to a certain degrecr
but in a larger measure it iaov?\tv% to ^^ vc^.^xsv^^xjwv^ni

12 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

of the subjects, but I am confident that after a certain
period — (baad chand roz) — sufBcient education will re-
jmove both." {Vide the same Journal, same page.) It
18 fifteen years now, Sir, since the above^ lines were
•written, and it is, surely, time to ask, or, at least, to con-
sider, whether that period, or " chand roz," to speak in
your own words, has not expired yet. I am ready to
concede, though it may be for argument's sake only, that
"the period has not expired, but are we not making steady
(progress towards the desired end? Your objections,
^unfortunately, are not based upon considerations of time,
ibut are put forward as matters of principle. Then ad-
mitting, as you do, that this voice can only reach the
•Council Chamber through the representatives of the
people, the only question to be solved is — who should
%e those representatives, or, in other words, how should
Ihey acquire that position ? Can men, like Rajah Shiva
Prashad and yourself, be properly considered as repre-
sentatives of the people, and can the method of selec-
tion, by which you were sent to the Council Chamber,
•be accepted as of any value ? I think no reasonable
man would contend that it would have been possible, if
Rajah Shiva Prashad had been an elected representa-
tive of the people of India, for him to have libelled the
whole Indian nation, as he did, in his notorious speech
-on the Ilbeit Bill. Could Rajah Peary Mohan Mukerjee
and other native members have consented to the raising
^f the Salt tax if they had thought that their seats de-
pended on the voices of the people, whose throais were,
$0 to speak, to be cut by that obnoxious and inhumane
measure? Then the correct -olution is this and no

HON'bLB sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 13^

Other, that the people must be represented by delegates,
elected by themselves; and subject of course to the*
restrictions to be imposed by the Government Co-
sharers in the business of governing or legislating, these
representatives must be such as to be totally indepen-
dent of official favour or disfavour. If the selection o&
members for the Legislative Councils is to be entrusted
to officials, I say it is a downright farce, and there can:
be no representation.

The majority of the quotations given above comer
from a book which was written about 30 years ago, and
you may find an excuse by saying that the state of the
people has since then undergone a mighty change, and
that, in consequence of this, the remedies then suggest-
ed are no longer suitable. My dear Sir, this reply
cannot stand a moment's examination. I am going to-
show that in 1881, which is only seven years ago, you
held the same views and felt rather proud of them..
When it was proposed to raise the old Punjab Univer-
sity College to the status of a University, you were one
of the foremost opponents of the proposal. You, your
admirers and followers, should not have forgotten that
you wrote certain articles under the heading of '• Our
Vernacular,'* and got them published and circulated in a
pamphlet form. These articles were published in almost
ail the leading vernacular papers of Northern India, and
the educated community of the Punjab, who were
strongly opposed to the establishment of a University
on the lines suggested by Dr. Leitner, obtained effective
support from these writings of " the ablest of the loyaJ
Mahomedan gentlemen. " In cue o^ \.V\<im V:^^^'^'^^ ^'cv^

14 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

perhaps), which was published in your Social Reformer
for 1297-98 Hijri (equivalent to 1881 1, at p. 135, you say:
-** National progress and National Government are both
sisters born of the same mother. When a nation loses
its independence, its progress only depends upon its
learning the language and sciences of Conquerors and
thus taking a part in the Government of the country.
* * * * 3y ^j^y Qf flattery whatever may be said,
and as a matter of policy whatever may be stated, the
fact is that in realitij the relations of Hindustanis to their
rulers are no better than those of slaves to their master ^
The italics are mine. I have tried to give a faithful
translation of your Urdu sentence. If I have erred, 1
ihope to be excused, and that my mistake may be pointed
out. However, to satisfy the scruples of sceptical
readers, I prefer to give the last portion of the sentence
in Roman characters and leave them to judge for them-
selves whether the rendering is correct or not. The
original words are : " Khushamad ki baten jo chahe kah
le, aur political tariqe men jo kuchh beyan karna ho,
keya javve, magar Hindostanion ka hal apni fatahmand
qaum ke sath gulami ki halat se kuchh ziyada nahin
hai." In the same article, further on, you said that the
•"' University College was being raised to the status of a
University with the object of throwing obstacles in the
way cf our National advancement, and that the result
of the clamour after Oriental studies could be nothing
but that of keeping ourselves in the state of serfdom."
<Iska natija yehi hai ki gulami ki halat men rakhne ke
liye).

Sir Syed, would you still call us " seditious" ? Re-

HON'BLE sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 15

member that we are the product of that education which
you so strongly recommended and which you have never
been known to condemn. Our English education, the
study of eminent European minds and European scien-
ces — alas! that you cannot feel this I — has expanded our
souls, and we can no longer be selfish "Sat Bachina"
prodigies of your Oriental language. Sir, your fall seems
to remind me of the fall of Adam. Just as Satan is said
to be the cause of the fall of that progenitor of our race,
this seeking after wordly honours seems to be the real
explanation of your decline. It is nothing to you, be-
cause your term in this world must at no very distant
period expire ; but to us, who are yet, we hope, to live
long and to fight out the bloodless battle of liberty, it is
destined to remain a permanent disgrace. The line of
argument against us would be that the races which pro-
duce such inconsistent philosophers are not fit to receive
the boon of Local Self-Government. Sir Syed, if you
have changed your political opinions, the sooner you
announce it the better it will be, both for yourself and
for us. It is simply childish to persist in your claim to
consistency in the face of the above quotations. Better
announce this change and explain why and how this took
place. Again pausing for a reply, with a promise of
more in my next, I beg to subscribe myself.

15ih November, 1888. The Son of an old Follower op

Yours.

■0-

\

16 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

No. HI.

Sir, — Well may we apply the opening sentence of
Dickens*s Tale of Two Cities to the present times in
In<^ia. Well may we say that it is "the best of times "^
as well as " the worst of times. '* Best^ as the country is
on the point of having a ncktion, worst as a particular
section of the community wants to check the progress
of the country and unfortunately is headed, or at least
is said to be headed, by a man who has been a frequent
\ advocate of representative Government in India. It is
"the age of wisdom" as the country has risen from its*
deep lethargy and made up its mind to assist the Govern-
ment by wise counsels. It is "the age of foolishness'*
as a particular party has the audacity to believe that
their opposition will cause the national movement to-
die in its infancy. It is "the epoch of belief" because*
the different sectional interests have begun to believe in
each other's sincerity: it is "the epoch of incredulity "
because you, Sir, are said to be now-a-days against the
introduction of a representative element into the Legis-
lative Councils of India. It is the " spring of hope "
when we see eminent English statesmen advocating the
rights of the dumb millions of India. It is the "winter
of despair" when we see her own sons deserting the
cause of awakened India.

Sir Syed, I must remind you that it is the same
India for the welfare of whose sons you established "The
Siddors's Union Club " at Aligarh. Do you remember.
Sir, that in that Club the alumni of the Mahomedan Col-
lege were trained in the art of discussing public matters
in public councls ? I ask you, Sir, why -^-ou es.t'akfoVv^Vvid

HON*BLE SIR SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 17

-that Club ? Why did you formulate those rules of
discussion which predict the establishment of repre-
sentative institutions in the country ? Oh, if we had only
known that it was to end in this ! ! I feel that I have
gone astray and must look to those extracts from your
writings and sayings so dear to me, which foretold the
establishment of representative Councils in India.

Will you please turn to page 49 of your Biography
by Lieutenant-Colonel Graham where you are described
as saying : " The people were isolated, they had no
champion to stand up for their rights and to see justice
done them, and they were constrained to weep in silence."
Can you in the face of these words still say that the
people never needed such champions, and that the Gov-
ernment has been doing and will go on doing without
xiemand what it has thought and what it will think neces-
sary for the welfare of the people ? That it never needed
the voice of such champions for the redress of grievances
and the attainment of rights ?

Having pointed out what the Government ought to
have done to make itself popular (quotations as to which
have been given in letters Nos. I and II) you said in the
end of the same book, " The Causes of Indian Revolt,"
that " it was necessary for the Government to win the
friendship and the goodfeeling of its subjects." Further
on you said : " As yet, truth compels me to state, Gov-
ernment has not cultivated the friendship of its people as
was its duty to do * * * * the father loves his
child before the child loves him. * * * * If a man
of low degree try to win the esteem of one in high posi-
tion he is liable to be styled a fta\tetet -a^tv^ tv^^.'a^ Vv^^^
2

18 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

It was, therefore, for Government to try and win the
friendship of its subjects, njt for the subjects to try and
win that of the Government. * * * * If Govern-
ment say that what I say is untrue — that they have tried
to cultivate friendship and have only been repaid with en-
mity — I can only say that if it had gone the right way to
work, its subjects would most undoubtedly have been its
friends and supporters instead of, as in many instances,
rising up in arms against it. Now, friendship is a feeling
which springs from the heart and which cannot be kindled
by * admonitions.' * * * * Government has hither-
to kept itself as isolated from the people of India as if it
had been the fire and they the dry grass — as if it thought
that, were the twj brought in contact the latter would be
burnt up."

I have given this large quotation to recall to your
mind some of the reasons upon which you formed the
opinions which I have already quoted in my letters Nos. I
and II. These reasons may also go to prove that the
prayers of the National Congress as to the concession of
volunteering to be allowed to the native subjects of Her
Majesty are nothing but reasonable and consistent with
the noble principles involved in the above lines. Now I
have done with your book on " The Causes of Indian
Revolt," so far as it concerned that resolution of the
National Congress which prays for the introduction of a
representative element in the Legislative Councils of
India. Most of these extracts, except one or two here and
there, were abstract, and perhaps you may, with your
usual calmness, have the boldness to say that there is
nothing in these quotations which goes to prove that you

HON'BLE sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 19

ever meant to say that these representatives to the Coun-
cil of India should be elected by the subjects. Very good,
I will search out quotations which will leave nothing
doubtful. You may not have forgotten that two months
after the opening of your Scientific Society you delivered*
" a vigorous speech " at the laying of the foundation
stone of the New Gazhipore, now the Victoria College.
In the course of that address you said : " Bear in mind,
gentlemen, that Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Vic-
toria has had proclaimed in this country that her servants
and subjects, European and native, are to be considered
as being on an equal footing ; and this assurance^ gentle-
men, is not a mere matter of form hut a reality :' The italics
are mine. Now, Sir Syed Ahmed, will you still laugh at
us because we believe this — this very proclamation — to
be our Magna Charta ?

Further on in the course, of the same address you
said: " The appointment of natives to the Supreme
Council was a memorable incident in the History of
India. The day is not far distant I trust, and when it
does come you will remember my words when that
Council will be composed of representatives from
EVERY Division or District, and that thus the laws
which rr will pass will be laws enacted by the feel-
ings of the entire country." t

" You will see that this cannot come to pass unless
we strive to educate ourselves thoroughly. I once had a
conversation with one in high authority on this very
subject, and he said that Government would be only too
glad if a scheme, such as I have sketched above, were

* On the 9th of January 1864. "X 'Y\v^ c^^VwX^ ^\^ xs\\sNe..

20 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

practic4ble, but he felt doubtful ; if it were stated that
there were qualified men in every District, Govern-
ment would gladly avail itself of their knowledge and
give them seats in Council. I knew this only too well
and felt ashamed that such was the case. What I
have above stated is only to inculcate on your minds
the great fact that Her Most Gracious Majesty wishes
all her subjects to be treated alike; and let their reli-
gion, tribe, or colour be what it may, the only way to
avail ourselves of the many roads to fame and useful-
ness is to cultivate our intellects and to conform oursel-
ves to the age." Sir Syed, have the happiness to know
that the day, which you in 1864 said was not far distant
is coming nearer, and nearer, and that you need no
longer feel so much ashamed of your countrymen for
not conforming to the age. Your prophecy is not ful-
filled yet, but we are certain that sometime or other it
is sure to be fulfilled, and then you will have the satis-
faction of feeling that you did not prophesy in vain. Sir
Syed, do you wish to withdraw this prophecy of yours,
and if so why ? Please explain — I and others like me
are waiting in suspense. Only say that this prophecy
was one of t e hallucinations of a head which had been
turned by the sudden inrush of Western ideas and we
will be satisfied. Only say that with the return of sobriety
and the calmness of old age you have come to know
your own errors, and we will no more trouble you with
these prophecies. Sir Syed, would you please point out
what else could be the meaning of the above sentence
except that, that India would some (in 1864, not far dis-
tant) day be governed by Councils composed of members

HON'BLB sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K C.S.I. 21

elected by the people themselves ? If not this, how can
the laws be said to be " enacted by the feelings of the
entire country.'*

Two months before you spoke the words quoted
above, you, on the 9th January, 1864, started a Transla-
tion Society now known as the Scientific Society of
Aligarh ; and in the course of a speech then delivered
pointing out the ignorance of your countrymen you said :
** From their ignorance of the events of the past, and also
of the events of the present — from their not being acquaint-
ed with the manner and means by which infant nations
have grown into powerful and flourishing ones, and by
which the present most advanced ones have beaten their
competitors in the race for position among the magnates
of the world — they are unable to take lessDns and profit
by their experience." Sir, we took your advice, and
your countrymen have learnt the means and the manner
by which they can advance the growth of their " infant
nation " to the position of a " powerful " and a " flourish-
ing" one. How is it that this growth w^hich you so
much desired in 1864 is an eyesore to you now? How
is it that now at this period you cannot feel any pleasure
in seeing a combination of all the different races and
sects towards the accomplishment of the great end for
which you have been until recently struggling so hard ?
How is it that you are going to prove that you did not
deserve the distinctions so deservedly, as we thought,
bestowed upon you ? By your present attitude, by your
present utterances, you mean to prove that all that you
once said, all that you once did, for which you were
rightly honoured both by the Govevt\m^tv\.2ccv^'<icvR: ^^"^sJss^n

22 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

and for which you were said to be deserving of being
** awarded a conspicuous place on the list of benefactors"
of India, was, after all, but utter nonsense — because
that is the phrase you now apply to the repetition of
those same principles which you once so strenuously
advocated by the supporters of the National Congress.
j On the 10th of May, 1886, you addressed a large

and influential meeting of the European and native
residents of Aligarh on the necessity of Indian affairs
being more prominently brought before Parliament and
of forming an association for this purpose (at least so
says your biographer on pp. 88 and 89). In the course
of this speech you compared the British rule with that
of the " former emperors and Rajas" of India. You
said " it " (i.e., the rule of the latter) " was based upon
nothing but tyranny and oppression ; the law of might
was that of right ; the voice of the people was not lis-
tened to; the strong and the turbulent, oppressed the
feeble and the poor, and usurped all their privileges
with impunity for their own selfish ends. It is only
therefore by such usurpers and turbulent spirits that a
despotism, such as flourished in Hindustan for many long
centuries, is at gll to be desired." Know, sir, that the
National Congress wants nothing but that the voice of
the people be listened to, and that the " strong and the
turbulent" may not oppress " the feeble and the poor.'*
The National Congress wants to achieve these ends by
peaceful means and in fact by prayers ; while it can
only be the usurpers and the tu 'bulent who desire to
threaten, as you now do, the use of arms. It can only
be the self-assumed *' strong *' who can threaten ** the

HON'bLE sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 23

poor " with the use of the arms, by '* the followers of the
prophet/J Further on you regretted the indifference,
with which the affairs of India were treated in the Par-
liament, and laid the blame of it to a great extent upon
the shoulders of your own countiymen. You said :
-** India, with that slowness to avail herself of that which
would benefit her so characteristic of Eastern nations,
has hitherto looked on Parliament with a dreamy apa-
thetic eye, content to have her affairs, in the shape of
her Budget, brought before it in an annual and generally
inaudible speech by Her Majesty's Secretary of State for
India." You entreated your countrymen to discontinue
this apathy, and you asked them to exert themselves to-
"wards securing the proper representation of their inte-
rests in the governing body of the British Nation. You
appealed to the " entire native community " " to co-ope-
rate " with the London Association established for the
purpose. To your countrymen you continued to say:
^* You will have only yourselves to reproach when in after
years you see the European section of the community
enjoying their well-earned concessions whilst your wants
remain still unmet." Sir Syed, the country then res-
ponded to your call, though imperfectly, and it is now
i:hat the country has felt the value of your words and be-
gun to throw away the deep indifference which you so
forcibly lamented. Pray will you tell me whether, prior
to the movement of National Congress, there was no
agitation for the redress of the grievances of Indians in
India ? If so what was all this which you were doing ?
Why did you establish and support all these associations?
"Why did you call upon the entire country to '*t<i-wsj%\^^v<^'

24 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

with these Associations if the Government had of its^
own accord been doing all that was needed for the wei'
fare of India ? In your criticism upon the Lucknow
speech of the Hon*ble Pandit Ajudhia Nath of Allahabad
you meant to ask (if I did not err in understanding and-
reproducing it from memory) the Congress-wallahs if any
of their agitations had been existing when the Govern-
ment granted all the boons which we enjoy. I have
quoted largely from your own writings to show that such
an agitation did exist, and that you yourself were one of
the most prominent agitators. You even went the length
of saying that no fear need be entertained of your (i.e.y
of those who meant to take part in such associations,
&c.,) being called discontented by the Government. To-
quote your own words you said : " I am afraid that a
feeling of fear — fear that the Government or the district:
authorities would esteem you factious and discontented,
were you to inaugurate a measure like this — deters you
from coming forward for your country's good. ♦ ♦ * ♦
Believe me that this moral cowardice is wrong — the
apprehension unfounded, and that there is not an
Englishman of a liberal turn of mind in India who
would regard with feelings other than those of plea-
aure and hope, such a healthy sign of increased civiliza-
tion on the part of its inhabitants, ♦ ♦ ♦ * The
natives have at present little or no voice in the manage-
ment of the affairs of their country, and should any
measure of Government prove obnoxious to them, they
brood over it, appearing outwardly satisfied and happy
while discontent is ranking in their mind." Further on
you said that the natives were in the habit of inveighing.

HON'BLB sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 25*

against such measures in their homes, but to the Euro*
peans they represented that they were satisfied with the
justice and wisdom of these very measures. You loudly
proclaimed ** that such a state of affairs is inimical to the
welfare of the country. Far better would it be for India
were her people openly and honestly to express their
opinions as to the justice or otherwise of the acts of Go-
vernment." Would you pray tell me, Sir, why tve are
seditionmongers ; is it because we speak " honestly " as-
to the justice or otherwise of the acts of the Govern met r
IS it because we have overcome the moral cawardice with
which you charged us ? Are we seditious because we do*
not want to keep "discontent rankling" within our hearts?
Are we disloyal because we, according to your own teach-'
ings, have come forward to speak up for our country's
good ? If we deserve all these epithets on account of
all these I must say, Sir, that you are the father of all
this. You taught us to do exactly what we have begun
doing now. You not only taught but encouraged us by
your own example. Why do you now deprecate " this
healthy sign of civilization " as you once called it on the
part of Indians ? If we, the followers of your old princi-
ples, have exceeded the proper dimension which, I
humbly maintain, we have not, it is surely not advisable
to root out these instincts from within us, but rather to
point out the place and the occasion where we have
exceeded. How have you come to oppose the principles
themselves, the principles so lovingly promulgated by
you ? Say that the principles are not to be discarded^
but the men abusing these principles are to be despised r
We will then know how to love th^ iputvcv\\R.^ ^^^ 'wsx

26 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

the men. We loved you because you held these princi-
ples, because we thought you loved your country above
everything, because we considered you to be one of the
fathers of the present India, and if we have erred we
must say we think that you should have pointed out our
error in time. Truly has a poet said : " Khwab tha jo
kuchh ki dekha tha afsana tha jo kuchh ke suna tha, *'
i.e., " what I saw was but a dream, what I heard an idle
tale." Ah I human delusions are then destined to delude
the human eye for ever I

Again with a pause, with a promise of more in my
next,

I am yours, &c.,
22nd Nov., 18S8. The Son of an old Pollower op

Yours.

■o-

No. IV.

Sir, — The fourth meeting of the Indian National
Congress is soon to be held at Allahabad, and so I think
I must hasten to give some more of the most important
quotations in this letter of mine. The less important
ones I leave for some future occasion.

When this letter reaches you, you will be, possibly,
smiling over the ex-Viceroy's speech delivered at the
St Andrew's Dinner, Calcutta. If you will only take
the trouble of reading that speech with your eyes open,
you will find that your uproar against the introduction
of some representative element in the Legislative Coun-
c'ilti of India is not liked even by those whom you have

HON*BLE SIR SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 27

undertaken to flatter, and whose National traditions
you try to belie.

Sir Syed, for God's sake, reconsider your position
and do not disappoint us just when the morning of hope
has begun to davsrn over us and our mother-land.

Now to proceed with your old writings and sayings ;
please turn to pages 207 and 208 of your Social Reformer
for 1298 Hijri, equivalent to the year 1881 A. D.
There, while giving an account of your voyage to
London, you said that on the way you happened to see
JVlr. D. Fitzpatrick, the former Deputy Commissioner
of Delhi, with whom you talked about " the good-
ness or badness of the Punjab administration." Therein
you profess to have said that the Government of the
Punjab was a Despotic one, though a thousand times
[better than that of the Sikhs. Further on you say " the
people of the Punjab may be happy and perhaps may
like it because they have been just taken out of fire and
made to sit in the sun. But we cannot like it. The
goodness or badness of the Punjab Government, i,e., of
the Government of the non- Regulation Provinces, should
be asked of the inhabitants of the Delhi, Panipat Rohtak,
Hissar and Sirsa Districts, which onc2 used to belong
to Regulation Provinces and have now been subjected to
a non-Regulation (or heqanum) Punjab Administration*
As far as I know people think that of many other punish*
tnents, which had been awarded to the inhabitants of
Delhi and its adjacent districts in the Mutiny, this was
also one that they were made over to the Government
of the Punjab and thus made the subjects of non-R^ula"
tion Provinces." These lines were 'wtvXXe^ ^V -a^ >oxol<5.

' ^ "

28 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

when the North- Western Provinces did not enjoy the
blessing of having a Provincial Legislature of its own,
and so the only superiority in the administration of the
N.-W. P. over that of the Punjab then, was the exist-
ence of a High Court instead of the Chief Court in the
Punjab, and the constitution of a Board of Revenue in-
stead of a Financial Commissionership here. The word
Despotic is your own, and is used in your Urdu style, and
thus you cannot say that the word has been unwittingly
thrust upon you by the translator. Even at the risk of
unidiomatic English I have tried to give a literal trans-
lation of your Urdu sentences. If you think that this
translation is incorrect, I trust you will not, for the sake
of your own reputation, fail to publish a true translation
of the sentences quoted. Now, will you please explain
on what principles you designated the Government of
the Punjab as Despotic, and how you distinguished it in
that respect from the Government of India or that of
N.-W. P.? I can venture to say that the Government
of the Punjab was never more Despotic than the Gov-
ernments of other sister Provinces. No doubt the
merit of each Government to a considerable degree de-
pends upon the personal character of its head. The
Governments of Montgomery, Aitchison and even that
of Sir James Lyall cannot be said to be more Despotic
than that of any of the Governors of other Provinces.
Can you, Sir, in the face of this broad accusation of
yours, still designate us as reckless accusers of Govern-
ment and its policy ? Further on in the same article
you go on saying : "In fact the present time is not one
in which people may like a Despotic Government, nor are

HON*BLB SIR SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 29

those virtues (which in ancient times used to be mixed
with a thousand vices) of a Despotic Government, and
by which the influence of the former were an antidote
for the latter, to be found in these days. Now-a-days it
is. not possible for those virtues to exist in any Despotic
Government, and the people who think that in India a
Desjjotic Government, such as it used to be in by-gone
times, would be more appropriate and useful than the
•constitutional form of Government, are greatly mis-
taken. They are just like one who judges a garden by
its state in the autumn without caring to think what it
will be in the spring. " The word Despotic throughout
this quotation is your own. Sir.

At another place, on page 132 of the same journal
for the same year, under the heading of the Eastern
Arts and Sciences, you exhort us not to devote our-
selves to them but to the study of Western ones. You
ask us even " to forget our mother- tongue " (an impossi-
bility in itself) because you said our National advance-
ment only " depended upon the spread of Western Scien-
ces. " You said: "Let us by all means remain loyal
to the Government, let us always regard it to be our
patron and well-wisher, and let us at the same time try
to extricate ourselves from that servile and savage state
in which we are." Nobly and truly did you say that
this, and this only, should be the object of a generous
Icind-hearted Government who rules over a nation for
the good of the latter, or, say, for the good of the human
race. In the course of the same article on the same
page of your " Tahzib-ul-Ikhlaq '* you say " no nation can
ever advance in parallel lines all tra.v^VV\tv%^ lt<^Tcs. c^xNa.

30 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

point to another. Nations always advance in the shape
of a triangle, whose one corner projects in advance of
the others. To think that we may not be divided in
diflperent sects is to pray that we may not be enlightened
by the light of Western ideas " 1 n contrast to this,
please reconsider your Meerut speech, in which in fact
you wanted to express that the whole nation must re-
main in the background because you ihlnk that the
Mahomedan community has not sufKcIently advanced to
fully reap the benefits to be enjoyed by the granting of
the boons prayed for by the National Congress. (1 do
not admit that the Mahomedan community is not suffi-
ciently advanced.)

On page 136 of the same Journal you say : " I sin-
cerely believe and wish to assure the Government that
the same discontented educated critics " (meaning those
educated gentlemen who severely criticize the Govern-
ment measures and who are blamed for it) " yield to
none in their appreciation of the British rule ; hence it
is not just to effect the ruin of our education on account
of any apprehension of such criticism." These are the
words which you addressed to those politicians who
advocate the closing of Government Colleges and Schools,
and who are of opinion that education in Western ideas
and sciences has made the Indians disloyal. You would,
I suppose, like to re-read those words also by which you
encourage your own educated countrymen to fight out
the battle of their national advancement bravely and
without fear. You say ; " Without doubt, there are
many difficulties in the way of our doing so " (i.e., pro-
mulgating those blessings of education, instruction and

HON*BLE SIR SYED AHMED KHAN BAHABUR, K.C.S.I. 31

enlightenment which we acquire in those civilised coun*
tries to which we go or completing our education). "On
one side we are to contend against the prejudices and
ignorance of our own countiymen, and on the other
side we are to bear the opposition of those narrow-
minded men of the conquering race to whom our social
and political advancement is an eyesore, and who dis-
like us because we have adopted English life, English
politics and the manners of an English gentlemen; and
change of dress even infuriates them to such a degree
that they look at us with angry eyes as a pious man
looks at a great criminal. But we should keep the good
of our nation at heart and should bear all the difficulties
and troubles which beset our way with the greatest
possible forbearance and perserve ranee. I do not wish to
conceal that Time, the Great Reformer, will let all these
things b^, and no opposition or discontent will be able
to keep them back. But still there is no doubt that thi^
narrow-mindedness is kindling the feelings of discontent,
and is surely calculated to cause all sympathy and love
between the governors and the governed to be banished.'*
Sir Syed, have the happiness to learn that your country-
men took you to be a true prophet — that they are going
to stick to every word which you wrote — are not to be
daunted or baffled by any opposition, — no, not even by
yours. How is it that you preached to us to perservere
and yourself could not do this ? (" Digran ra nafihat wa
khud ra fazihat. ") We have persevered, but the old
man has fallen; what a pitiable spectacle of human
weakness I

Next I will give an extr?ict u^otv tVv^ ^>c^^\. ^i^'^'siCsa^

^2 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

of native volunteers with which one of the Resolutions of
the National Congress deals. On page 332 of your
Biography, says your Biographer, that in March, 1883,
when Mr. A. O. Hume (the beloved General Secretary
of the National Congress) advocate the cause of native
volunteers in India, and stated that in the mutiny he
had a brigade of infantry, cavalry and artillery in the
Etawah yeomanry levy — all Volunteers — he (i,e,, Lieute-
fiant-Colonel Graham) addressed a letter to the Editor
of the Pioneer in which he tried to rebut many of the
arguments advanded by Mr. Hume, which letter he says
brought you (Sir Syed Ahmed) down upon him in a
letter which you wrote to him. He gives an extract
from that letter on page 334, which runs thus : ** I have
perused your reply to Mr. Hume's letter advocating the
volunteering^ of the Natives of India. In not allowing
the natives to become Volunteers, the Government
mean to say that they do not trust the Natives of
India. Its consequences should be judged from the
saying: * IP you want U3 to trust you, you should
also trust us.' There yet exists a wide gulf between
European and the Natives of India, and unless it be
filled up nothing can secure aud improve the prosperity of
the country, " The italics are mine. This you wrote in
the middle of 1883, and now in 1887 and 1888, you say
Indians do not want anything. On the same page
Lieutenant-Colonel Graham writes as follows : " What
I would advocate would be the selection by the local
authorities in all large stations in India of a certain
number of picked Native Volunteers — men of good
family and well-known for their loatly — to be placed

HON'bLE sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 33

under the command of the Officer commanding the
European Volunteers. I would let them select their
own company officers, and once started I would also
permit them to select their own recruits as vacancies
occurred. "

I say " give us this much and we will be satisfied for
a long time to come."

A few important extracts more and I will have done
with your old writings and sayings for the present.
Contrast the meanings attached to the words "Nation**
and ** National ** by you in your Meerut speech with
those promulgated by yourself at Gurdaspur on the
27th of January, 1884. At Gurdaspur you said that "we
(i,e,, the Hindus and Mahomedans) should try to
become one heart and soul and act in unison ; if united
we can support each other. If not, the effect of one
against the other would tend to the destruction and
downfall of both (Cheers.) In old historical books and
traditions you will have read and heard, and we see it
even now, that all the people inhabiting one country are
designated by the term one nation. The different
tribes of Afghanistan are termed as one nation, and so
are the miscellaneous hordes peopling Iran, distinguished
by the term Europeans, though abounding in vkriety of
thoughts and religions, are still known as members
of one nation, though people of other countries also
do come and settle with them, but being mixed
together they are called members of one and the
same nation. So that from the oldest times the
word Nation is applied to the inhabitants of one couatc^^
though they differ in some pecuV\2iv\\lv^s >k\\\Ocv '^x^
3

I

34 OPEN LEITERS TO THE

characteristic of their own. Hindu and Mahomedan
brethren, do you people any country other than Hindus-
tan ? do you not inhabit the same land ? are you not
burned and buried on the same soil ? do you not tread
the same ground and live upon the same soil ?
Remember that the words Hindu and Mahomedan are
only meant for religious distinction — otherwise all per-
sons, whether Hindu or Mahomedan, even the Christians
who reside in this country are all in this particular respect
belonging to one and the same nation. {Cheers,) Then
all these different sects can only be described as one
nation ; they must each and all unite for the good of
the country which is common to all. "

Again in your Lahore speech, which was delivered in
reply to the address of the Indian Association of Lahore,
you, on the 3rd of February, 1884, said as follows "Even
granting that the majority of those composing this
Association are Hiudus, still I say that this light has
been diffused by the same whom I call by the epithet of
Bengalees. I assure you that Bengalees are the only
people in our country whom we can properly be proud
of, and it is only due to them that knowledge, liberty
and patriotism have progressed in our country. I can
truly say that really they are the head and crown of all
the different communities of Hindustan. * * ♦ I
myself was fully cognizant of all those difficulties which
obstructed my way, but notwithstanding these I heartily
wished to serve my country and my nation faithfully. In
the word Nation I include both Hindus and Mahomedans
because that is the only meaning which I can attach to
it (L e,, NATION or quamy Here in the end the

HON'BLE sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 35

-word nation is originally used by yourself (see the
:account of your trip to the Punjab by Maulive Iqbal
AH, p. 167, line 18th). The capitals are mine. To
resume : " With me it is not so much worth considering
♦ivhat is their religious faith, because we do not see
anything of it. What we do see is that we inhabit the
same land, are subject to the rule of the same Gover-
ners, the fountains of benefits for all are the same, and
the pangs of famine also we suffer equally. These
are the different grounds upon which 1 call both
those races which inhabit India by one word, t. ^.,
Hindu, meaning to say that they are the inhabi-
tants of Hindustan. While in the Legislative Council
I was always anxious for the prosperity of this nation"
The italics are mine. This letter of mine has already
exceeded its proper dimensions, and therefore I think
I must not give more extracts, and must leave the rest
to be commented upon by abler hands than mine.

Anybody reading these extracts will be once for all
convinced of the former loftiness and present lowness of
your position. Foreigners reading these extracts will not
believe that your now famous Meerut and Lucknow
speeches were in reality delivered by the same Sir Syed
Ahmed Khan who was once proud (whether rightly or
wrongly God knows) of his broadmindedness. This much
seems certain : either you were not the author of those
ideas reproduced in the above quotations, your
recent utterances were inspired by some mind or other than
your own.* Poor Sir Syed, you must feel sorry for all

* Can it be that your once massive, manly intellect Iva.^ '>>\i5is:x>c^^'t^
;to the feeble, schoolgirl-like sop\\\sU\ts ol ^om\ ^•c^\ci^-^'2^'^^^

36 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

this inconsistency, though you may not have the boldness
to say so. Sir, I assure you that you should not despair;
a small sacrifice at the alter of your country, a renewed
profession of the faith that was once in you will suffice to-
regain for you the confidence of your countrymen. If you
are not prepared to do so, I must think myself justi-
fied in impeaching you in the name of consistency, in
the name of honesty and fair play, in the name of the
great Mahomed whose decendant and follower yotf
profess to be, in the name of Madhi Ali, your old
devoted friend who once felt proud of showing to the
world that the original Mahomedan rule was based
upon democratic principles (see your Social Reformer for
129D Hijri, p. 136, lines 8 to 23) ; and lastly in the name
of the pupils of your own Mahomedan Anglc-Orientaf
College, Aligarh, whom you trained in the priniples which
you now affect to detest. It is a year since you actually
engaged yourself in creating and keeping up an opposi-
tion to the National Congress, but up to this time your
countrymen have not been clearly enlightened as ta
what It is that you object to in the proceedings of the
National Congress. You say we are not fit for a Repub-
lie and so do we say. You say we are not yet fit for a
parliament and so do we say.

If you say that the introduction of some represen-
tative element even into the Government would be
injurious to our community, we ask why and how, and

employe ? That Merlin-like, the great heart that once beat true for
India is now pulseless, and that you lie bound, inextricably, by the
treacherous spells of a modern Vivient, even more despicable than
hjs female prototype ?

HON'BLB sir SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, K.C.S.I. 37

pray when did you receive that revelation, because up to
1884 you yourself acknowledged the necessity of these
^Legislative Councils being reconstituted upon some
representative basis. Then, again, when were you
inspired with the idea that the Hindu and the Maho-
medan interests are sure to clash at least in this respect?
Because up to 1884 you belived in the doctrine of Hindus
rand Mahomedans -having one and the same political
interests and being members of one and the same
nation. To your friends Maulvles Mahdi Ali and Madhi
Hussain, whose tergiversation is not less amazing than
your own, I have only a few words to say. To the
former that he had better now suppress his Lecture
published in the Social Reformer for 1290 Hijri on pp.
136 and those preceding and following it. To the latter
^hat he should now publicly recant the views set forth in
his article under the heading of " Liberty " published in
jour Social Reformer for 1298 Hijri, 1881, from pp. 231
to 341. Until they do this I will ask them to abstain, if
they desire any human being to credit them with com-
jnon honesty, from abusing us and denouncing our
principles, and to my other countrymen as well as to our
rulers 1 have only to say further —

" I know a maiden fair to see.
Take care.

She can both false and friendly be.
Beware ! Beware !

Trust her not,

She is fooling thee.

She has two eyes so soft and brown,
Take care.

38 OPEN LETTERS TO THE

She gives a side-glance and looks down,-

Beware I Beware I
Trust her not,

She is fooling thee I
And she has hair of a golden hue,

Take care !
And what she says it if not true,

Beware I Beware I
Trust her not,

She is fooling thee.
She has a bosom as white as snow.

Take care !
She knows how much it is best to show*

Beware I Beware I
Trust her not.

She is fooling thee."

With a promise to begin afresh in the year 1889,

I beg to subscribe myself, Sir,

Yours, &c., &c.,
^th December, 1888. The Son of an Old Follower of

Yours.

[iV. B.-'The extracts from your " Social Reformer *' and
the account of tfour trip to the Punjab by Maulvie Iqbal A*li
have been transhtted into English for the purposes of these'
letters by myself. — L, 2?.]

THE ECONOMIC AND INDUSRTIAL
CAMPAIGN IN INDIA.

There can be no denial of the fact, that the industrial
and economical future of our country mainly depends
upon the introduction and successful working of the
Joint Stock system. Gifted with vast natural resources,
which can produce any amount of raw materials and with
an enormous and ever increasing population which is
always in want of employment, India could achieve
wonders in the line of manufacturing industries, only,
if it had the necessaiy capital and the still more neces-
sary skill at its command. Of artistic skill it has plenty.
What it lacks is the power and capacity of calling in the
assistance of modern Science, and modern appliances in
the refining of its arts, and the production of larger
quantities, at lesser cost, of its articles of art. Precious
little has up to this time been done in the way of enabling
qualified Indians to acquire this skill. Beyond providing
some facilities for acquiring an elementary and mainly
theoretical knowledge of modern sciences in connection
with the Arts Colleges, the Government has done practi-
cally nothing in the way^^f enabling or encouraging
Indian youths to acquire mechanical skill with a view to
the industrial development of the country. It was not
perhaps to the interest of the British to take steps which
might have eventually closed the Indian markets to
English goods. If so, they probably did not foresee that
the doctrine of free trade might drive even the English
goods out of Indian markets in favour o^ ccvMv^^\R.%\5«iC«!at

40 THE ECONOMIC AND INDUSTRIAL CAMPAIGN IN INDIA.

placed in their natural resources and in their populations
than the British Isles. Thus their neglect has not only
injured India, but brought no permanent benefit to Great
Britain. Is it not a fact that English goods are being
driven out of markets by the cheaper productions of
Germany, United States, France and Japan ? But in
the absence of Government initiative in the matter, we,
Indians, too have not done much to provide facilities for
the acquisition of mechanical skill by our youths, because
of want of foresight and of power of organisation in us.
Instead of putting the horse before the cart we have been
all this time busy in making the cart go with the horse
behind. Instead of applying most of our humble resources
in equipping our countrymen with mechanical skill in
order to enable them to stop the exploitation of this
country by foreigners, we have been spending lacs upQn
fruitless agitation for political enfranchisement. It never
occured to us that in these days of science and machinery
a nation poor in economics and skill could never be
politically great or free. Thank God that after a lot of
dissipation of energies we have been awakened to a
sense cf our duty in this direction and on all sides there
is a demand for technical training and Industrial edu-
cation. But few of those who cry for technical educa-
tion and are even prepared to incur some amount of
expenditure and sacrifice for the same know what techni-
cal education is, and how it can be introduced in this

country.

The movement therefore is suffering for want of
exj>€rt knowledge and no amount of agitation or en-
thusiasm can make up for that unless the latter is accom-

THE ECONOMIC AND INDUSTRIAL CAMPAIGN IN INDIA. 41

«

panted by earnest efforts to provide means to Indian
youths to acquire this knowledge. Many an industry can
be made to flourish if we had only technical knowledge
to work it up. The first thing therefore to do is to
send Indian youths to Europe and America to be trained
as experts. Let each province send one youth every
year to learn all that is required to start and suc-
cessfully work up a particular industry. Japan has done
the same through its Government, because there the
Government represents the country. In India the case
is different and the country will have to do this by itself
what in Japan has been done by its Government.

Capital is the second important factor in the deve-
lopment of industries. Individual wealth is powerless
before the accumulated wealth of millionaires who have
joined together on the joint stock principles. Rich citi-
zens can no doubt do a lot by investing their riches in
manufactories and industries which can be run by them
with their own resources. But Joint Stock enteiyrlse must
be met by similar combinations and these combinations,
to be successful must be organised on sound principles
and with perfect confidence in those who are at the helm
of the afiFalrs. This confidence can only be begotten by
the promoters themselves being men of substance, hav-
ing substantial risks in the enterprise and of acknowledg-
ed integrity and honesty of purpose. Joint Stock enter-
prise in India is yet an infant of very tender age, it is a
foreign plant that has yet to grow and take root before
it fructifies and as such it requires great care and caution
to watch its growth and secure it a fruitful crop. The
friends of Industrial development need aotb^ taV^l Vv^^

42 THE ECONOMIC AND INDUSTKIAL CAMPAIGN IN INDIA.

8US{>icious and indolent the people of this countr}^ are.

Our lacking in enterprise is mainly due to want of
faith in each other and unwillingness to co-operate for
common good. It is therefore of the gi'eatest import-
ance that the business of company- promoting in this
country should be entirely above suspicion. There seems
to be no room for encourag/ng individual speculations
under the sense of company-promoting. The English
company-promoter, of whom we have of late read so much
in British Journals, must not be allowed to abuse the con-
fidence of those Indians who are disposed to give a fair
trial to joint stock system and who if once deceived are
not likely to enter the lists again. But equally vigilant
must we be against the Indian company-promoter, if
there are any, who may be disposed to copy their British
co-adjutors and make a profession of company-promoting
at the cost of those who might be willing to invest a
portion or the whole of their hard earned savings, in »
business or businesses which is or are likely to be of profit
to themselves as well as to the country at large.

The Indian shareholder is generally a sleeping part-
ner and prone to leave the business to those, relying
upon whose name and fame, he signed his application for
shares. He is no good for control or check and there-
fore gives a carte-hJanch to the managers. If he is proved
to have been unfortunate in placing his confidence alt
that he shall do will be to curse his stars and nothing,
further. He will not move an inch to see that those who-
have played fast and loose with his money, receive their
deserts and thus deter others from similar acts of trea-
chery and bad faith. Much less is he to be moved bjj:

THE ECONOMIC AND INDUSTRIAL CAMPAIGN IN INDIA. 43^

considerations of public good or the good of the country.
Under these circumstances the friends of industrial de-
velopment can not be too vigilant against this class of
company-promoters. In England itself a cry has already
been raised to the effect that the existing laws do not
sufficiently protect the shareholder from the devices of a
cunning and sharp director. A writer in the Contempo-
rary Review of June 1901, while reviewing the causes of
the economic decay of Great Britain pens the dirge on
the Company Laws of England. Says he, " Our com-
pany law is a most excellent law in favour of cunning
company-promoters, financiers, stock-brokers and oT
eveiy one who wishes to rob the nation of its accumulat-
ed saving. " After giving a table of figures showing the
amounts of capital involved in companies liquidated from
1892 to 1899 as ranging between 34 millions sterling
and 77 millions he quotes the following remarks of the
Inspector- General of Companies in liquidation:

" It appears that the total number of abortive and
liquidating companies during 1899, were in proportion to-
the new companies registered, 6^ jt>^>* cent as against 56
per cent during the previous year. " To explain it still more
he is believed to have further said, " About S7 per cent of
the Capitttl belongs to the more or less solvent class while the
remaining three-fourths in number or 63 per cent of capital
wanted represent the insolvent class, " The italics are ours.
Upon this data the wrtier bases the following pregnant
remarks of his own—" Whilst the thrifty part of our
population has been robbed within a few years of several
luindred pounds earned by millions of British toilers
during a life-time of patient labour, tvotve csl \kN& ^ww^'j^^n^-

44 FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS.

promoters who perpetrated these enormous frauds on
the nation, nor their satellites have been imprisoned with
hard labour. The new Company Law is not designed to
protect the unsuspecting public but tc protect the

company-promoter and his associates It is a

law in favour of the strong against the weak. In
consequence of this immunity from punishment for
fraud, in consequence of the growing difficulty of making
an honest living by productive industry and in conse-
quence of the ease by which company frauds may be per-
petrated under the shelter of our company law then po-
pularity of promoting swindling companies is on the in-
crease." The Indian Company Law is much the same as
the English, in fact, almost a copy of it, and the rapidity
with which companies here too are being floated and then
wound up or sold at considerable loss to the shareholders
raises an apprehension in our mind lest in a few years
the state of a!Tairs here might justify the same strictness
as we have quoted above about the class of professional
-company-promoters in England. Let us hope at any
rate that the occasion for such a complaint may not arise
soon, although signs are already visible which excite our
worst fears.

Lajpat Rai.

FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS.

That the last two famines have told very heavily upon
the numerical strength of the Hindus is a fact which
does not require to be established by any great array of
facts and figures. The tracts mostly affected by these

FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS. 4^

famines were mainly Hindu and consequently it was^
amongst the latter that the suffering was the most acute
and the effects extremely disastrous. In these tract s^
the community not only lost lacs by death, but an immen-
sely large number have so seriously deteriorated in
physique, that though not totally incapable of bearing
children, the offspring which they might bring forth must
be small in number and extremely weakly in body. Be-
sides actual losses by death many a family has been
deprived of the means of continuity of line by the survival
of women doomed to life-long widowhood. Even men
who have survived the ir wives are not seen to be re-
married. Add to this the loss by conversion to other
religions, which have been sufficiently numerous to cause
a gap which will not be easily filled up. However true
it may be that people whom sheer want of food and drink
forced to accept the protection of other religions in these
periods of dire calamity can hardly be called converts^
but it is a fact all the same that they are lost to Hindu-
ism. The Hindu is conservative to the core, and loves
his religion and nationality, above every thing else.
To him the loss of religion is worse than death itself, but
what is he to do when starvation and other privations
following in the train of grinding poverty root out the
very idea of religion from his mind. It was only in ex-
treme agony, that they sacrificed their beliefs, to the neces-
sity of keeping body and soul together. The choice lay
between two agonies — one of starvation, the other of
loss of every sentiment and connection that was dear
and sacred — and it is no wonder that many succumbed
to the second, though only after they had y^^lcW^Sl nJcsr.

46 FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS.

last Stage of suffering be^^ond which there was only the
.awning abyss of annihilation. Many must have willingly
preferred death to the acceptance of relief at such a
heavy cost, but how can we blame even those who,
fearing the pangs of slow dissolution, exchanged life or
religion. Be what it may, it is a fact that in these
calamitous scarcities which have held the country in
their squeezing grip for the last five years consecutively,
a very large number of men and women have been lost
to Hinduism, which, otherwise would have been a source
of strength and power generally as well as a source of
increase to its numbers. Then again numerous fami-
lies have been ruined and have practically (at least from
a Hindu point of view) ended, by their young ones
having been taken away to long distances from their
homes, and kept in charge of organisation which are
beyond the reach of their parents and relatives, if any
living. These children though living, are for all purposes
dead to their parents, their relatives, their caste and their
<:ommunity. We are talking not of orphans only but even
of those who either deserted by their parents in the vicissi-
tudes of famine or who strayed away from their homes
either in search of food or in search of absent parents who
had already left for labour, and who while thus straying
were collected and relieved, as they say, by benevolent
philanthropists belonging to other denominations. These
children were principally the victims of that short sight-
ed policy, which in the first instance, allowed very large
number of relief seekers to accumulate on large works
distant from their homes and their villages, and then
allowed philanthropy to take charge of other people's

FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS. 47

children during the pendency of the famine, either from
the Government poor-houses, and Government orphan-
ages by the authority of Government Officers or from the
streets etc., when they were straying in search of food
or relatives. In plain words the truth is that the vari-
ous missions engaged in the work of famine relief purchas-
ed so many converts to their faith at an awfully cheaper
price per head than it ordinarily costs them to evan-
gelise one non-Christian soul in India in years of normal
rainfall. It is an open secret that even ordinary
methods of sale and purchase were resorted to. Children,
boys and girls, were sold and purchased at a few annas,
or a few pices per head.

Don't you be thinking, gentle reader, that these are
imaginary statements. We know what we state and we
can prove it, if necessary, to the hilt. Why, quotations
from Christian papers themselves, will bear out the
truth of our statement. What, then does it amount
to ? Briefly told it amounts to this, that a Christian
Government, with its anti-slavery laws, allowed the
missionaries of its own faith, to take charge of deserted
children, in many cases Vv'ith parents living, and in some
cases to purchase them of parents themselves, with the
ostensible object of converting them to Christianity in
lieu of supporting them with food and water, in the
time of famine. Ah I but for fallen Hinduism, the state
of things should have been the reverse. A Hindu would
gladly feed and clothe any number of the poor of other
religions, in times of famine, or no famine and would
never think of taking advantage of other people's mis-
fortunes and troubles and poverty . bvxt ^\ve.^\v^ >c^o^vc^'^

48 FAMINE ORPHAN'S AND WAIFS.

the help of others he has to pay for it dearly. Neither
a Muhammadan, nor a Christian will feed him except at
the price of his religion. * Even in this famine, if well-
to-do Hindus had used some discrimination in the dis-
tribution of their charities they could have saved thou-
sands of their people and their little ones from being
sent out of the bosom of Hinduism for ever. Rich Hindus
swelled the lists of famine Charitable Funds, a decent
portion of which was spent through the Christian
Missionary who used it in the Christian interest as ef-

' fectively as he could. Broad-mindedness and charity
to the poor, without any distinction of creed and caste
is a noble trait of character of which Hinduism might
be proud, in the abstract, but in this world of sects and
creeds and in these days of struggle and competition
between creed and creed, it does not pay. If over-rich,
superfluously rich, resourceful Christianity cannot stand
it how can poverty-stircken, slavery ridden, helples.
Hinduism afford to indulge in it pjBut we have digressed*
It was not our object to read a sermon to the Hindus.-
We meant to state facts and to comment upon them a
little.

To resume, in Rajputana alone, Hinduism lost
seventy thousand of these unfortunate children, who
were collected by Christian Mission of various denomi-
nations and despatched to distant places in various-
parts of India. The Arya Samajists took charge of about
a 1,000 and sailed them of to the Punjab. There
were some married girls amongst the latter who had
been deserted by their husbands and who would have

joined the seventy thousand mentioned above, but for

FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS.

49

their timely rescue by the Arya Samajists. The latter are
now searching their husbands and using all possible means
of restoring them to their families, but those whom the
Christians took away, are gone for good, whether married,
or unmarried, orphan or no orphan. The Arya Samajists
removed these children to the Punjab because they could
not maintain them on the spot. They depended entirely
upon local support in their own province which they could
not have got but by the removal of the children to the
land of five rivers. No amount of descriptive rhe-
toric, short of the actual sight of misery, would have
moved out people to the necessity of taxing their
scanty means. The removal of the famine stricken
children to the various districts in the Punjab was an
effective appeal which touched more successfully the
heart of every Hindu who could save even a little out of
his own necessities. Then the question of maintaining
and training them after the famine, was another diffi-
culty in the way of providing relief on the spot. In the
case of orphans at least, it was out of the question to
give them temporary relief during the pendency of the
famine, unless the relieving agencies were prepared to
make permanent arrangements for bringing them up as
useful members of society w^ho could, in the course of
time, earn their own livelihood. Of course all these ends
could be achieved even in Rajaputana, if the Arya
Samajists could command the same amount of funded
help as was at the back of Christian Missions. Fail-
ing this, mere necessity forced them to remove the
children to their province. But there was no siieK dv^-
culty in the way of the Pain, V\e %,ot \v\^ Iwcv^'s* V^^^^
4

50

FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS.

England, America or other parts of Europe. To him
Rajapuf.ina was as good as the Punjab, Bengal, Madras,
Bombay, or any other place in India, still there might
be some justification for those missions who had their
permanent or/)hanages and buildings at the places to
which they removed the famine stricken children of
Rajaputana or the Central Provinces. But what possi-
ble justification could there be for the transfer of these
children to distant places by those missions who had to
keep them in hired buildings ? At Lahore, itself, two of
the mission orphanages, one containing more than a
100 boys an A the other more than a 100 girls are located
in hired buildings. Is it not, then, reasonable to infer,
that besides the avowed facilities of management and
economy, there was another object too, which induced
our philanthropic Missionaries toVemove these children
to places distant from their homes ? What ever be the
object, however, there can be no denial of the fact that
this action of theirs has resulted in the complete loss
of those children to their families and homes, at least
of such who have parents or other relatives living
and willing to take them back. And this has taken
place under the policy of neutrality followed by the
Government. The truth is, that with these of recurring
famines, which have become an almost permanent fea-
ture of this ill-fated country, this system of orphan relief
is a standing menace to Hinduism, and it is therefore
with great satisfaction that we have read the recom-
mendations of the last Famine Commission on this sub-
ject. Our gratification enhances still more when we
remember that in 1898 even a strong corvscveutlous ruler

FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS. 51

like Sir Antony MacDonnell failed to carry into practice
the principles now so clearly enunciated in this report,
iln 189S Sir Antony allowed Christian missons to remove
Hindu orphans of the N.-W. P. and Oudh to distant
•parts of India, while he had practically refused the same
privileo^e to the Arya Samajists of the Panjab, a few
months before. Consequently we are glad to find that
the last Famine Commission have recognised the great
importance " of this question and have recommended
that the " policy of the Government in regard to orphans,
should be formulated in Provincial Codes, hetfoml risk of
miaconcepiion either hij its officer's or hi/ the public.''* So
far as the principles of this policy are concerned, we be-
lieve they have been the same all this time on paper at
least. What wx are thankful for, is the unambiguous and
clear language which the Commissioners have used in
making their recommendations. Should the Local
Governments formulate their policy in the Provincial
•Codes in similar style, we feel sure, much of the mis-
apprehension hitherto caused would be removed, and
.much unnecessary discontent would be stopped. The
Hindus will know what they can do to keep children of
jtheir community within the pale of their religion. The
following recommendations should therefore be hailed
with delight by the whole Hindu community, as they
Are the persons principally affected by these rules, the
Mahomedans being sufficiently powerful, united and
influential to allow the destitute children of their com-
munity to be taken away with impunity by persons and
.Associations of other denominations.

* Ths ita/ics are ours.

52 FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS.

Para. 234 of the Report recommends that the*
following policy be adopted by Government with regard
to orphans or destitute children viz. that " the State*
should be, in times of famine, the temporary guardiaa
of children whom it finds deserted and should not, in
our opinion divest itself of the care of them until a
reasonable time has elapsed after the close of the
famine, during which efforts should be made to discover
the natural protectors of the children or, failing these,
respectable persons of the same religion who are willing
to adopt them." According to this recommendation it
is the duty of the State henceforth to discover respec-
table persons of the same religion who may be willing to-
adopt children whose natural protectors have either
died or cannot be found out. Failing such respectable
persons the deserted children are not to be made over
to persons or institutions of different religions ** until
all efforts to find persons and institutions of their own
religion willing to take charge of them have failed '"f
This is a most substantial concession for which we are
heartily thankful to Sir Antony and his colleagues on the
Commission. The next important recommendation is
contained in para 235, which proposes to place certain
obligations upon private orphanages with a view to en-
able the District Magistrate to institute the enquiries
contemplated by the 1st part of para 234 i. e., the search
for natural protectors, and also to enable the parents
and re4atives of lost children to trace out their children
in such orphanages. This recommendation requires the
private orphanages to maintain a register containing
f The halics are again ours.

FAMINE ORPHANS AND WAIFS. 63

-full particulars regarding the children in these or-
-phanages and also further that "a copy of the register
-should be periodically forwarded to the District Magis-
-trate in order that he may make enquires for the
parents or relatives of such children." But the most
-substantial part of these latter recommendations con-
sists in recognising the right of the ostensible parents
.and relatives of the inmates of famine orphanages to
free access to such institutions in order to reclaim their
little ones. The hasty removal of the children to places
distant from their homes is proposed to be stopped or
checked by the rule " that no unclaimed child be removed
from the district in ivhich it is found until a period of
three months has elapsed after the close of relief operations
in the district, ^^ *

Categorically put the Commissioners first admit :

(1). — That the action of European and native philan-
-thropists in having taken charge of deserted children
and in some instances in despatching them " to private
orphanages" and homes in distant parts of the country
has given rise to " misunderstanding."

2ndly. — That " it is of great importance that the
policy of the Government in regard to orphans should
be formulated in Provincial Codes, beyond risk of miscon-
xeption either by its officers or by the public."

3rdly. — That " it is common experience that besides
^hose children who are true orphans, others are deserted
by their parents or relatives in the stress of famine, and
reclaimed w^hen it is over."

4rthly. — That " it is also common expervetvcA ^ksa^'t^-

* The italics are ours.

54 A STUDY OF HIXDU NATIONALISM.

latives and caste-fellows and sometimes co-religionists are-
ready to adopt children at the end of a famine."
And then they make the recommendations we have
already referred to ahove. We hope Hindus all over
India will profit by these recommendations and exert as
they can to relieve and protect the orphans and other
deserted chiLlren of their community in times of famine-
Nay, we think, it is only fair that the recommendations-
contained in para 235, at least, should be given a retros-
pective effect and persons claiming as relatives and
guardians shouLi be allowed free access to all orphana-
ges to find their lost children or the children of their
deceased relatives. The Hindus of different provinces
should combine and make a joined representation to-
Government to achieve this end.

In the end beyond thanking the Commission for
their clear recommendation as far as they go, we have
to express our disappointment at the absence of a>
suggestion that during the pendency of a famine all
orphans or deserted children whether found by Govern-
ment or other private charitable agencies be brought to*
Government orphanages, and be not allowed to be de-
tained OP admitted into private orphanages except after'
the requirements of para 234 had been complied with.

Lajpat Rai.

■0

A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM.

I have read with considerable interest the article by
a " Hindu Nationalist," on the "creation of a Hindu
Nationality, " In the June number oi the Samac?tar, as-

A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM. 55

also the contribution on the same subject, in the lastt
number of this Journal, by my friend Pandit Madho Ram.
While I heartily join inthe "Hindu Nationalist's*' appeal
to the educated Hindus, yet I do not share his opinion
that "the idea of Nationality is an essentially European
and modern idea, " nor can I agree with his reading of
the facts of history relied upon by him in support of his
assertion. In my humble opinion the ideas of "nationa-^
lity" and "patriotism" are as old as the different coun-
tries into which the earth is divided, as ancient as the
distinctions of race and religion that have been existing
in this world from times immemorial and pre-historic.
They may have been more phenomenal in one epoch
than in another. Their hold on different races and na-
tions may have varied in intensity or extent, but that the
ideas have always been there, as fixed and immutable as
those of truth and falsehood, is my firm belief. It is not,
however, my intention to enter into a speculative or an
historical controversy with the " Hindu Nationalist*' on
the origin of the sentiments of nationality and patriotism^
Suffice it to say that I agree with most of his conclu-
sions and am prepared to generally endorse the remedies
suggested. In fact some of the thoughts expressed in his
article were, as if, foreshadowed by me in my article on
the Congress published in the iSamachar for October
1901. This reference has been made not to suggest any
borrowing on the part of the " Hindu Nationalist, " but
to show that these thoughts are just now uppermost in
the minds of all such Hindus as claim to love their peo-
ple and to think of the means of .their progress.

The "Nationalist" begms b^ b^mo2ccvv5\%,\NNs: '2^'^'^'^^^

56 A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM.

of the idea oi nationality amongst Hindus, and ascribes
all our misfortunes pa>t and present to the same fact.
*' The Hindus," he says, "offer a curious instance of a
people without any feeling of nationality." Having thus
laid down the proposition he appeals to the pages of his-
tory to support his conclusion and apparently seems to
have made out a strong case. But he ha3 evidently
missed the fact that his own proposition assumes the
existence of a people having a common name, who have
made history by that name. Quite unconsciously he
assumes the existenc3 of a Hindu nationality when he
talks of the unsuccessful efforts of the Rajaputs and the
Mahrattas to throw off the foreign yoke and to found a
Hindu empire. What he complains of is that these
efforts were spasmodic, not supported by the general body
of the people and therefore not quite national, but all
the time he admits by implication that there was a na-
ation which could and should have made a combined
effort* Otherwise what can he possibly mean by saying
that " the Mahratta were left to fight the last battle of
the Hindus alone, unaided by the Sesodia or the Rahtore?"
He admits that "if allowed to grow unchecked the
Mahratta confederecy might have developed into a natio-
nal empire." In the face of these facts we cannot deny
the existence of a nation simply because all the members
of that nation did not join in the struggle for defence, or
that some of them suceeded, or proved traitors, or joined
the enemy's camp. Nor can we deny the existence of
the sentiment of nationality, because that sentiment was
not sufficiently strong and marked to overcome all diflfe-
rences among the different members of that nation, to

»

A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM. 57

enable them to stand as one man in defenc3 of national
interests. In the next place, why ignore the united front
presented by the Hindus of all classes to repel the fourth
invasion of Mahmud of Ghazni, and why forget the
^empires of the Pandavas, of Asoka, of Siladittya, Vikram,
©hoja, and others ? Even the ill-fated Prithwi Raj, the
last of the Hindu Emperors, who paid the penalty of the
empire in the battle of Thaneswar, could twice command
;the united services of almost the whole nation in his
:noble and valiant defence of the empire and the father-
land. Who knows that but for the treachery of that
fratricide of a Jai Chand, history would have been made
otherwise ? But the treachery of Jai Chand and the
defeat of Prithwi Raj do not detract from the character
of the heroic stand which the nation made against the
foreigner. Victories and defeats are not solely ms^de
by man but are regulated by many a cau^e some of
which may be quite outside the control of the parties at
war. If in 1193 Providence decreed the fall of the
Hindus that alone is not sulftcient to justify us in
damning the Hindus of that period as men who were
•totally bereft of the sentiment of nationality. Then, as
4 have already hinted, the very fact of our people being
known to other peoples by a distinctive name, is a proof
of the existence of a Hindu nationality.

I I am too old now to continue to believe that the

name Hindu, was for the first time given to us as one
involving abuse, contempt and reproach by our Moham-
inedan invaders. Rather, I believe that our fall and
•degradation helped the fall of the word also, and perhaps
ia peep Into the philogical hvsVor^ ol iVve. >no^^ tcvv^c^

58 A STUDY OF HI.VDU NATIONALISM.

prove that all the bad meanings that are now assignecT
to the word in the Persian lexicon were of a compara-
tively later origin, and an outcome of the fall of the Hindu
nation. Long before the Mohammedan invasion, and
perhaps long before the advent of the Prophet of Islam,.
we were known to the people of other countries as
Hindus. If so, what did this name signify? Was it a
tribal distinction ? I say, no, because the Hindus were
of many tribes. Was it a racial name ? I again, say, no,
because the Persians of Iran too, belonged to the same
race. Was it then a religious designation ? Yes, partly
religious no doubt, but mainly national, and in evidence*
I can produce a number of quotations from the produc-
tions of early Greek Historian?, and Mohammedan*
writers. For example, in what other sense does the*
Homer of Persia, the gifted Fird«)usi, who has im-
mortalised the struggles for supremacy between the
Iranians and the Turanians, use the expression Hindtr
in the follov*ing verses, which I pick at random from his
great work, the Sliahnam : *

Then we find manj' references to our people as Hin-
dus in the sacred books of the Parsis, the Vindkln.d and
others. So far as the name is concerned, our only diffi-
culty arises when we fail to find any trace of it in our
own literature where our people are invariably styled as'*'
Aiyas, But here again we find enough traces of the
sentiment of nationality in the passages in which the
Rishis ordained all Aryas to combine against the attacks
oiDoatirtx, Chandalas and Mlechhas, Gods are often invoked

• The verses are in urdu characters which we reproduce at the
^nd of the book.

A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM. 59^

for protection against these latter. As for indications
of an imperial spirit amongr.t the Hindus, why the liama-
yana and the Mahahharat are full of evidences of the
same. What was King Yudhishthira's Rajsuya Yagna
and by what name would you style the ambitious scheme
of Jarasindhu P

The fact is that the best and the most glorious
/ period of Aryan supremacy is yet closed chapter to us.-
Almost the whole of the pre-Buddhistic period is shrou-
ded in mystery. Even the literature that has reached
us is so full of allusions, enigmas, signs, and names
and is written in such an archaic language that the
whole thing seems to be a mystery. According to-
the best of European authorities, the language of the
Vedas is so full of obsolete and archaic forms and ex
presstons that the whole seems to be a cipher which
with the best of efforts might yet take years to decipher.
Still we know and understand enough to be proud of,
and to glory in the heritage which has descended to us
from our " barbarien " (?) ancestors in the shape of a na-
tional literature. And this must be the fulcrum of the
lever with which we are to rise as a nation. It will not do to*
be unjust to our forefathers and to deny the idea of natio-
nal love in them. No, they were patriots according to the
best of their own light. The history of our country, from-
the standpoint of a Hindu, has yet to be written and till that
is done, let us suspend judgement, remembering that the
men whom we desire to judge and whom we are some-
times inclined to hastily condemn (often unheard) were
master minds, whose productions and teachings are of
the loftiest in the whole range oi vct\We,tv o^ Vs\^^^»

60 A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM.

thoughts. We the English educated . Hindus of the
present day, who claim to have imbibed the new spirit of
nationality and patriotism from the West would really
do well to study a few chapters of the Vedic literature
with care and thought, and I am confident that this
study wiil open a panorama of new ideas to our view.
Such a study will, I am sure, enable us to see that the
Ijey-note of the pre- Buddhistic Vedic religion was the
sacrifice of all for all. True that the genius of a jealous
and perverted, sometimes corrupt and selfish, priesthood
huilt such a vast and stupendous superstructure of con-
ventionalities and formalities, with an almost intermi-
nable labyrinth of rituals and ceremonials obscured by
which the true spirit of the religion was practically lost
:and could no longer be the stay of the nation.

It is this submergence of the true spirit of the anci-
.ent Hindu faith under the load of conventional rituals
and formal ceremonials, that has since been the bane of.
the Hindus and not the entire absence of the idea of
nationality. But you might say, that we have been
producing martyrs and no one can be a martyr except
by the strength of faith. How can a nation destitude of
faith produce martyrs ? Is there a nation who have shown
more of faith in their religion, in their individuality, in
their sacred laws than the Hindus ? How can you other-
wise explain their tenacity in clinging to their forms of
religion, their pertinacity to stick to their customs ? I
purposely say, forms of relifjlon became real religion — the
religion that guides and moulds a man, or a nation, and
that elevates and ennobles them, that raises them to
/i/gh ideals, that evokes the highest of sacrifices, has

A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM. 61

long ago disappeared from us. In fact it was never in
the post- Buddhistic period restored to its altar in the
temple of hearts. True, martyrs we have certainly been
producing, ever and anon, and sometimes in numbers,.
but when I accuse the Hindus of want of faith, 1 do not
mean individual faiths but that social faith which is the
parent of victory ; the faith that arouses the multitudes r
faith in their own destiny, in their own mission and in
the mission of the epoch ; the faith that leades on to-
struggle; the faith that enlightens and bids men advance
fearlessly in the ways of God and Humanity, with their
religion in their heart and their future progress as
their goal. It is such a faith that we have been
wanting in since the time of Buddha and it is such a
faith that we require to become a nation again.

I shall now discuss the observations of Mr. Madho
Ram and I shall remark at the outset that even admit-
ting for argument's sake, the absolute accuracy of all
his statements and facts, and also the correctness of
the inferences he draws therefrom I would beg to differ
from him in a matter of princijple. My esteemed friend
seems to think that all these internecine quarrels, strifes
and sectarian struggles which he records at such great
length in the course of his article largely take away
" the chance for the progress of Hindu Nationalism in
our* country," or to be more accurate in quoting his
words, he questions the Hindu Nationalist, if in the face
of circumstances stated by him " there is much chance
for the progress of Hindu Nationalism in our country. "
I answer the question in the affirmative. Wh^^ V ^\».
anxious to point out is, that tV\e e^\?,\.^Tvc^ ol ^<5L%e ^^^^'^^'

^2 A STUDY OF HINDU NATIOXALISM.

rels and strifes is neither a bar to the progress of Hindu
Nationalism nor is it proof sufficient of the absence of
the idea of Nationality amongst the Hindus. And this,
for the simple reason that the idea of nationality does
not necessarily imply a complete union amongst all its
members on all matters, social, religious or political ;
nor does it suggest the existence of a state of perfect
concord and harmony among its members or leaders,
or the freedom of the latter from all human weaknesses
such as lead to personalities or indulgences in strong
or even abusive language amongst, and towards each
other. Has there been any nation in the world in the
past, or is there any nation now living, which has been
or is free from these differences or quarrels? Surely,
Roman, Grecian, and Mohammedan histories must be
admitted to present splendid and noble types of nationa-
lity and nationalism, and the present times can not
furnish better and nobler types of nationality than the
English, the German, and the American and the French,
not to speak of others equally noble though not so influ-
• ential and powerful, such as the Swiss, the Italian, and
the Dutch. Religious and social differences have played a
prominent part in the histories of these nations and even
now they are not free from the same. A mere glance at
the English and Irish papers, a perusal of the speeches
in Parliament and out of Parliament by political men, a
study of the literature of different religious sects in the
West and a perusal of the biographies of public men in
these countries, will show that the incidents narrated by
my friend, altogether lose in significance and weight in
the presence of the more vituperative and sometimes

A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM. 63

highly abusive difference and quarrels of these magnates
■of the European world. The truth is that honest differ-
ences, controversial discussions, and criticisms of public
men by public men, are absolutely necessary for the
healthy growth and progress of nationality. Then we
inust he prepared to meet with human weaknesses,
partialities, jealousies, personalities, insinuations, innu-
endoes, use of strong language etc., in these discussions,
and controversies. Carried beyond a certain degree and
limit, they mij.^ht retard the growth of nationalism, or
might bring down an already completed edifice of natio-
nality. 1 am not however prepared to admit that the
differences and the disputes amongst the different classes
of educated Hindus at the present moment exceed that
limit, ht is wrong to suppose that the idea of nationalism
.or nationality requires a complete union in all details of
religious, social, economical, or political life or that it
requires a complete freedom from sectarian quarrels or
disputes or jealousies. To expect so, is to expect what
is an impossibility and what entirely ignores human
nature, in my humble opinion it is suf^cient for the
growth of nationality, if the different parts that claim the
shelter of its ways have a sense of unity, which is sufB<;ient
to make them combine against a common enemy and a
.common danger. Run on a few basal principles in reli-
gion, on the community of a sacred language, and on
the community of interests, the Hindus ought to foster
the growth of a national sentiment which should be
sufficiently strong to enable them to work for the common
good in the different ways and according to the lights
vouchsafed to each. Let us keep o^b \^^'a\\i<5.\<^v^ ws^

64 A STUDY OP HINDU NATIONALISM.

Let our ideal be sufficiently high to cover all, sufficiently
broad and extensive to include all, who take pride in ove
common name, a common ancestry, a common History, h
common reUgion, a common language and a common
future.

We will not advance the cause of nationality by one
inch, if we decide to preserve an attitude of silent
quietude, and non-disturbing peace in all matters religious
and social. Such an attitude can only mean stagnation
and gradual extinction. Struggle, hard struggle, is the
law of progress. Yes struggle we must, both inter se as
well others. There must be a struggle between truth and
untruth, between vice and virtue, between honesty and
dishonesty, betwen expediency and righteousness, bet-
ween indolence and energy, between enterprise and a
spirit of lethargy and between time-seeing selfishness and
noble disinterestedness. Without this struggle no nation
can ever aspire to be great and iufluential. This struggle
we have just entered upon. We have just emerged out
of stagnation, and it is no wonder that we are sometimes
apt to exceed the limits of propriety, or to irresistibly
throw in more of sectarianism and personality, where
more or much less is needed. But national delinquencies
or faults are not made up or remedied in a day. Let us
not be impatient of what in my humble opinion seems to
be a healthy sign of growth. Let us not strangle it by
drawing its undesirable concomitants in high colours or
by attaching undue importance to the same. Then
there are men and men in all public bodies, religious and
social. Because there are some violent men, some bad
tempered, some dishonest men, some traitors, and

A STUDY OF HINDU NATIONALISM. 65

limeservers in our public associations, it is no reason to
record a wholesale condemnation of the same or to be
disappomted with them. Public opinion in this country-
has yet to grow. It is a very feeble plant yet. Its growth
must cause some unpleasant friction and struggle. Let
us not be impatient of it. The country has yet to foster
a cold spirit of disinterested, fearless criticism. Few peo-
ple in this country are guided by purely public interests*
Fewer still are those who can be moved to take interest
in things which do not concern them exclusively and in
which they have little at stake. The interests of others
do not move them. What little criticism exists in the
country, is at once dubbed as sectarian, as interested, or
as the outcome of jealousy or personal animosity. This
criticism, that potent weapon, which alone can effectually
check the vicious or selfish tendencies of great and power-
ful men, is discouraged and strangled. What we should
aim at is not the silencing of criticism but the purging it
out of personalities, jealousies, abuse and vituperation.
This will take time, but so long as this is not achieved,
let us not discourage, run down and do away with criti-
cism altogether. At any rate, in my humble opinion im-
patience at, or silencing of mutual, criticism, or absence
of all controversy will not necessarily mean unity, or a
healthy progress of nationalism. Having thus disposed
to the best of my power the objections of the " Hindu
Nationalist " based — to my mind — on a wrong view of
our ancient history, and that of Pandit Madho Ram, who
has, in my opinion, drawn erroneous inferences from the
facts detailed by him and the accuracy of which I have
assumed for the sake of argument, I eoT\e\v\^^ 'OcCvs* ^'c*Cv:\^
5

66 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

with a hope that I may be able to return to the subjects
in a latter issue and discuss the present condition and
prospects of Hindu Nationalism, the evidence of its pro-
gress and the chances of its future growth.

Lajpat Rai.

I

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

I.

An idea seems to be gaining ground amongst Hindus
educated on Western lines that the genius of Hinduism
is essentially individualistic and anti-social and that
therefore no substantial reform in social life can come out
of a revival of the past, and that we can only draw on
the West and take light therefrom. They do not place
much faith in reform on national lines and would
rather go in for wholesale or bodily adoption of
most at least, if not all, of the social institutions of the
West. Tney would rather build a new social edifice on
rationalifii as distinguished from natlonaliti/, in religion
and in social life. A^ain there are a large number of
Hindus who, although they are prepared to grant that
there is much in our national religion as handed down to
us in our sacred literature which may satisfy even the
highest cravings of the human mind, whether in the
sphere of the spirit, intellect or morals, cannot yet see
the existence of a spirit of nationality among the old
Hindus, or the old Aryans (as 1 will prefer to style the
j?re'Pauramc ancestors of the Hindus).

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM. 67

This current impression of the educated Hindus has
very much been strengthened by the utterances of some
eminent Hindus of the Western Presidency, whose lear-
ning, scholarship and devotion to the cause of the coun-
try entitle them to be heard with respect and admira-
tion. They are supposed to say that Hinduism was
wanting in the social principle, being ostensibly indi-
vidualistic.

It is very unfortunate to have to differ in any point
from men of such vast erudition, deep learning and
great reputation. Ordinarily any man will shrink from
such an unpleasant and risky task however strong and
cogent his reasons may be for that difference of opinion.
Still, what sometimes deters men of deep learning and
^reat reputation, may not stand in the way of a man
who, though possessed of lesser qualifications, is pos-
sessed of a stronger faith in the truth of his cause and
believes that the question is of vital importance to the
cause of progress and reform amongst his people. It is
therefore upon the strength of this faith, though with the
greatest possible diffidence and hesitation, that I venture
to express an opinion on the question raised in the open-
ing sentences of this paper. Let me however make it
clear that I quite concur in the opinion expressed by so
many eminent social reformers, that the question of
social reform is one of paramount national importance.
There can be no doubt that the whole future of the
nation depends upon the amount of social efficiency we
secure and display, but I do not at the same time share
the general belief that socially, the ancient Hindus were
a very inferior people and had no, or x^r^ ^Q>ci^^ ^^sKno^

68 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

of social or national responsibilities. In one of my paper
on a similar subject, I have already expressed an opi-
nion, giving my reasons and proofs, that the old Hindus
were not entirely void of the idea of nationality or patri-
otism. In this paper I propose to discuss their social
ideals and standards. I am prepared to grant that the
tendency of the prevailing Hindu beliefs (which are
gerierally styled orthodox and Pauraaic) has a greater
leaning towards individualism and appeals more to the
interest and well-being of the individual than to that of
the society to which the believers belong. But beyond
this I cannot go. I do not share the commonly accepted
opinion that Hinduism as a whole is either essentially
or even principally individualistic at the cost of the
social obligations. No religion can be worth its name
which does not take sufficient care of the individual.
The development of the individual soul and its attain*
ment of spiritual beatitude must be the goal of all reli-
gions. There can be no religion without this object. A
religion without the teaching of spirituality is a misnomer
and a lever without a fulcrum. All purely spiritual deve-
lopment must, from the very nature of things, be individu-
alistic, and it should be the ambition of every human
being to strive after the elevation and refinement of the
spirit in him and thereby secure spiritual perfectioa
resulting in perfect bliss, or (as some religions style it)
salvation. No religion can, therefore, be condemned as
individualistic, because it attaches great importance to
the unfolding and developing of the spiritual side of men^
nor can any religion be extolled as socialistic which either
ignores the spirit altogether or gives it only a subordinate

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM. 69

or secondary position. In judging of a religion or of a
system of religious beliefs, what has to be seen is whether
it gives sufficient importance to the different requirements
and the different sides of human nature without sacrific-
ing one for another. To be a perfect and sound religion,
it must make adequate provisipn for the harmonious
development of all those sides of human nature which
are to form the basis of the upward progress of man.
Such a religion cannot afford to neglect even the physical
side, much less can it throw into the back-ground the
social.

But before we proceed further we should like to clear
the ground by first examining the social ideal which our
English-educated friends have set up before themselves.
The social ideal of Herbert Spencer is stated to be " a
state of fhings in which the antagonism between societies
having utterly ceased on the one hand and the concilia-
tion between the interests of the individual and those of
the social organism having been perfectly attained to, on
the other, the individual also will have reached a stage
of development in which it will afford him the highest
pleasure to act in a manner conducive to the good of the
social organism, and this even where such conduct is to
all appearance directly antagonistic to his own material
interests. Just as at present the highest happiness is often
obtained in parental sacrifice.** He expects that this
altruistic instinct will, in course of time, " attain a level
at which it will be like parental altruism in spontaneity"
and so lead the individual to obtaining the highest of all
satisfactions in voluntarily sacrificing himself in the in-
terests of the social organism. In his DiUa of EiK\^

70 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

Spencer professes to see in the process of social evolu-
tion going on around us, a reconciliation taking place
'•between the interests of each citizen and the interests of
citizen at large, tending ever towards a state in which
the two become merged in one and in which the feelings
answering to them respectively fall into complete con-
cord."

Leaving out of consideration for the present that
social millennium of Spencer in which the antagonism
between societies shall entirely cease, we are just now
concerned with the internal social efficiency of our own
social organism. The point to be seen is whether the
religion and the laws that have guided the formation and
development of that social organism do or do not contain-
the germ of that principle by which members may be re-
quired to sacrifice what to them appear to be their best
interests as individuals for the interests of the or-
ganism to which they belong, or, to put it more
accurately, whether Hinduism as a religion, in its teach-
ings and in its system of laws contemplates that concord
between the interests of its individual members and
those of the community at large which, according to
Spencer, is the key-note of the process of social evolution
going on around us^ and w^hich he so admiringly holds
up as affording prospects of that social millennium which,
according to him, will soon be established on earth.

In the opinion of Mr. Benjamin Kidd the Darwinian-
science of evolution as it is now understood, does not
afford " any warrant for anticipating the arrival of that
state of society contemplated by Mr. Herbert Spencer."
Further he rejects his conception of the process

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM. 71

of social evolution (quoted above from his Data of Ethics)
" as being inconsistent with the teachings of evolutionary
science."

Admitting that *' the forces which are at work in the
evolution of society, are certainly, on the whole, working
out the greatest good of the greatest number in a pro-
gressive community ; he takes care to point out that the
earlier utilitarian conception of the greatest number
being related merely to the majority of the existing mem-
bers of society at any time, has now ^iven way to the
greatest number being " comprised of the nvmber of gener-
afions yet unborn or itn thought of, to ivhofe interefnts the exis-
ting individuals are absolutely indifferent." And in the pro-
cess of social evolution which the race is undergoing, says
he, ** it is these latter interests which are always in the
ascendent." Applying the principle to the limited sphere
of a particular social organi?m it comes to this, that the
social efficiency of the latter depends not only on the
subordination or merging of the individual interests of
its members to or in the intersts of the whole, but also
in looking forward to and guarding the interests of the
generations yet unborn. A Social organism can there-
fore be considered as efficient, only if, beyond requir-
ing its members to sacrifice what to them seems to tend
to their individual good, happiness or prosperity ; if the
same clashes or is inconsistent with the good of the
whole, it also takes sufficient care of the interests of the
generations yet unborn so as to guarantee the continu-
ance of that state of efficiency in the future. The social
system of a nation is perfect or imperfect, complete or
incomplete, natural or unnatural, progressive or cetto-

72 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

gressive, according as it does or does not fulfil the require-
ments set forth above. But before we proceed to examine
the social system of the ancient Hindus in the light of
these considerations, we prefer to clear two more points.
The first is that there must surely be something wrong
in a social system from which has developed the modern
civilization of Europe, which has evoked strong and
sweeping condemnation from so eminent a scholar and
scientist as Professor Huxley.

** Even the best of modern civilizations," he says
^'appears to me to exhibit a condition of mankind which
neither embodies any further ideal nor even possesses
the merit of stability. I do not hesitate to express the
opinion that, if there is no hope of a large improvement
of the condition of the greater part of the human family
if it is true that the increase of knowledge, the winning
of a greater dominion over nature which is its conse-
quence, and the wealth which follows upon that dominion
are to make no difference in the extent and the inten-
sity of the want with its concomitant physical and mo-
ral degradation amongst the masses of the people, I
should hail the advent of some kindly comet which would
sweep the whole affair away as a desirable consum-

mation."

What Professor Huxley says about the whole hu-
man family can more or less be said of the internal
state of every great nation of Eu.'ope.
/ The solution of the social p/oblem of India there-

fore does not necessarily lie in the wholesale imitation
of the West to the entire neglec: of its past, with its
glorious heredity of laws and principles which might

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM. 73

shine even with greater splendour if studied in the light
of modern history. We do not mean to say that we
should decline to take any light from the West or be
prejudiced against it because it is of the West. But
what I do maintain is that social reform should only
proceed on safe and, as far as possible, on reasonable and
national lines. The best and safest social reformer will
be he who can read the ancient system of the Hindus in
the light of the modern knowledge thrown upon it and
who out of this joint study can recommend the line of
action which he considers to be likely to lead to true
social progress (felicity). 1 may at once say that I do
not believe in the possibility of a wholesale bringing
back or revival of the past such as perhaps some of the
Theosophists and also some of the Arya Samajists con-
template. Such a thing is impossible and it will be a
waste of energy to try to achieve what is impossible. It
is very important that my co-religionists should realize
the impossibility and also the futility of this attempt,
and should desist from doing or sying anything which
may tend to lead the Hindus astray and make them di-
rect their energies into unprofitable or doubtful channels. J
I have already said that the Jirst necessity of the Hindus
of to-day is the acquistion of that degree of social effici-
ency which alone can enable them to hold their own in
the stress and strife of this world of competition. No
nation can as such be spiritually high or pure which is
socially corrupt, degraded or inefficient.

What I aim at in the present paper is to show that
there is a great deal in our past which can rightly in-
spire or guide us in the building up of our future socAai

74 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

edifice, or in the mending of the existing one and that
we should be going equally astray if in our anxiety to
copy the West we ignore or neglect our own laws and
lessons which a study of our past alone can impress
upon us.

The second point which I want to clear up is that it
is not by reliance on unguided and uncontrolled reason
that we can get at the true principles of social progress.
Reason when uncontrolled, is styled by K idd to be " the
most profoundly individualistic, anti-social and anti-evo-
lutionary of all human qualities." In this opinion the
central feature of our evolution has always been the sup-
reme struggle in which the control of this disintegi*ating
influence is being continually effected in the intersts of
society first and of the race in the next place; and that the
function of the immense and characteristic class of social
phenomena which we have in our religious r.ystem is to
secure the necessary subordination of the present inte-
rests of the process of evolution that is in progress.^
"It would be impossible, " adds he, "to conceive any
altruistic feeling of this kind which could exceed in
strength the parental instinct. Vet one of the plainest facts
of our time and of past histortf is the perversion of this instinct
under the injiiience oj rationalism and the suspension of its-
operation in furthering the evolution the race is under-
going. We have discussions proceeding in the literature
of the time in which rationalism, with reiterated empha-
sis, points out, to use the phrase already quoted, that
" there is something pathetically absurd in this sacrifice
to their children of generation after generation of grown
people." No observant person, who has watched the

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM. 75

signs of the times, can have the least doubt that in o
state of unrestricted raiionalum, the institution of marriage
and the familif woidd undergo modijications incompatihle with
the continuance of that jyrocess of simple self sacrifice with
which the interests of the race are bound xqt. We have un-
mistakable evidence of the perversion of the parental
feelings amongst the Greeks and Romans under such
rationalistic influences. Speaking of the decay of the
Athenian people, Mr. Francis Galton says, " We know,
and may guess something more, of the reason why this
marvellously gifted race declined. Social morality grew
exceedingly lax ; marriage became unfashionable and
was avoided ; many of the more ambitious and accom-
plished women were avowed courtesans,and consequently
infertile, and the mothers of the incoming population
were of a heterogeneous class.'* The same state of
popular feeling with respect to marriage prevailed during
the decline of the Roman Empire . "The courtesans,"
says Mr. Lecky, "were raised in popular estimation to
an unexampled elevation, and aversion to marriage became
very general.'* And we have at the present day that

striking example, , of the perversion, under

similiar circumstances, of the parental feelings amongst
the most brilliant and able race amongst the European
peoples and the consequent failure of that race to main-
tain its place amongst others in the evolution which is
proceeding under our eyes in the civilization in which we
are living.

It will, I hope, be now clearly seen how dangerous
it is to give under prominence to " rationalism " in any
pr(^ramme of social reform and to divorce vtCtoxxs.x^siVvs^^SkVw

76 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

We are, in any case, in a position now to judge of
the wisdom of the ancient Aryans in developing all the
social laws on the basis of religion and in making the
latter so comprehensive as to include everything that is
necessary for the right progress of man, as a member of
a family, as a member of a social organism and last but
not least as a member of his race.

11.

With these introductory remarks I proceed to pro-
duce evidences of the social conception of the Hindus,
showing the idea of social unity in their religion and in
their rules of life. Firsthjy in my opinion one could
hardly come across a more beautiful, a more comprehen-
sive and a truer view of the unity of the social organism
than is expressed in the idea of the division of 'castes, —
the much abused, much maligned and much misunder-
stood idea of the four castes representing the different
parts of the creator's body — the Sharir of the Furusha. To
take the earliest and the highest authority, first, liig Veda
X. 90, verses 11 and 12, literally translated into English
by Dr. Griffiths, run as follows : —

*11. When they divided Purusha how many por-
tions did they make ? What do they call his mouth, his
arm ? What do they call his thighs and feet ?

* 12. The Brahman was his mouth, of both his arms
was the Rajantfa made. His thighs became the Vaishya^
from his feet the Shudra was produced.'

These Verses give expression to two of the sublimest
truths about the social relations of man with man as an
individual and with mankind as a whole. They establish
the oneness of humanity in the body of the Lord and

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM. 77

they explain away the phenomena of differences in the
capacities, powers and faculties of individuals. As parts
of the same whole, they are to sustain, support, supple-
ment, help and co-operate with each other. As indi-
vidual units of one organism they have, each of them^
their own separate functions to perform. Applying this
to a particular social organism as distinguished from
general humanity, they form the basis of a complete
system of social duties. In no other way could one
better express the mutual inter-dependence of all parts
of society upon one another, be they high or low, and
also the essential oneness of the whole.

Taking it in another and a higher sense, it is a bet-
ter and more effectual representation of collective Huma-
nity representing God himself, than any put forward by
the Prophets of the Religion of Humanity from Augustus
Comte downwards. Read in that light, the verses stand-
ing by themselves explain only a partial or a relative
truth. For the whole truth, you must read the whole
hymn together. It was our misfortune that such a grand
exposition of the greatest of social truths should have
so degenerated in the hands of an interested priesthood
as to be made the basis of the present-day inhumanly,
ingenious, corrupt, invidious, and demoralising distinc-
tions between man and man. But this experience is not
so very exceptionally confined to Hinduism only. The
evil genius of man has in this and other countries, and
in this and other systems of religion, more than occasion-
ally subverted and distorted some of the sublimest
truths taught to him by God and nature with a view to
advance the interests of particular individuals ov: o^ ^"accxi^

78 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

-cular classes and to oppress others. Take the history of
any great religion, be it the humility-professing Christia-
nity,militant Islam,or Buddhism, you will find similiar dis-
tortions in abundance, thus showing that the tendencies
of priesthood have been almost the same everywhere-
The same idea of the good of the whole runs through
the various duties that the Hindu Shastras assign
to the four orders. Manv. Smriti (a treatise on laws,
the compilation of which the European scholars fix
at about 200 B. C.) is one of those books which
lay great stress on caste distinctions, and advo-
cate vast and rather astounding inequalities of treat-
ment between the Brahmans and Shudras, verging
in some places almost on inhumanity and cruelty. It
is a book held in universal esteem by the orthodox Hindus
he they of any sect or school. As such we shall be on
the safe side in giving quotations from it, supporting the
original social conception of the caste system. Verses
88-91 prescribe the duties of the different Varnas : —

88. ** To Brahmans he assigned teaching and study-
ing (the Veda), sacrificing for their own benefit and for
others, giving and accepting (of alms).

89. The Kshatriya he commanded to protect the
people, to bestow gifts, to offer sacrifices, to study (the
Veda), and to abstain from attaching himself to worldly

pleasures.

90. The Vaishya to tend cattle, to bestow gifts, to
offer sacrifices, to study (the Veda), to trade, to lend
money, and to cultivate land.

91. One occupation only the Lord prescribed to the
Shudra, to serve meekly even these (other) three castes."

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM. 79

The one note that runs throughout these rules is the

service of others and the social good and the prosperity of

the whole community. The Brahmana is enjoined to

study not for the benefit of his soul only, but to teach

others, a purely social duty. In the same way, it was'^the

duty of the Kshatriyas to protect the people,

Mark, please, the distinction between ruling and prO'
teciing. The same may be said about the duties assigned
±0 the Vishyas and the- Shudras, We may, here, for a
moment take the liberty of drawing the attention of the
promoters of the different caste conferences and caste-
organisations to these rules of Manu. These rules show
that each of these castes was understood to exist and
work for the benefit of all, and not for the benefit of
their own caste-people only. If it was the duty of a
Brahmana to teach all, a Kshatriya to protect all, similar-
ly the duty of a Vaishya was to produce and to trade
for all and that of a Shudra to labour for alL

From the division into varnas (castes) we might pro-
ceed to the division of an Aryan life into the four Ashra-
mas and there also j-ou will find the same idea running
through the duties and obligations assigned to each.
For instance, wherein can you find such a system of free
and compulsory education deeply interwoven with religi-
ous merit as amongst the Hindus ? Every twice-born
Hindu was bound to educate his children unless he
intended to degrade them to the level of a Shudra, and
every Aryan householder was threatened with severe
religious demerit if he refused food or alms to a Vidyarihi.
The various rules laying down the respect that it was
the privilege of the teacher to commatvd, ^Vvo^ X^'i ^<ia^

80 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

importance which the old Aryans attached to the position
and the professionof a teacher. Shloka II, 165, lays down
the obligation of studying the Veda, for all Aryans: — "An
Arya must study the whole Veda together with the Ra-
hasyas, performing at the same time various kinds of aus-
terities and the vows prescribed by the rules of the Veda."

Shloka 154 gives precedence to one who has learnt
the Veda, over all those whose claim to respect lies
either "through years," i.e., age or. " through white hair,"
Le,, old age, or *• through wealth ** or " through powerful
kinsmen."

A householder destitute of the knowldege of the
Veda was looked down upon as unfit for social intercourse
with the twiceborn. A student was not to accept food
from the house of any one who was deficient in the
knowledge of the Veda or in performing sacrifices or who
were not known as earning their livelihood by lawful
means. Similarly at the time of the selection of a wifcr
a good man was ordained to " avoid the ten following
families, be ihetf ever so great or rich in kine, horses, grain
or (other) property.'* " (Viz.) One which neglects the
sacred rites, one in which no male children (are born)^
one in luhich the Veda is not studied, one (the members of)
which have thick hair on the body, those which are sub-
ject to hemorrhoids, phthisis, weakness of digestion^
epilepsy, or white and black leprosy," The same idea is
again prominent in III. 63 :— " By low marriages, by
omitting (the performance of) sacred rites, by neglectiiig
the study of the Veda, and by irreverence towards Brah»
man as, (great) families sink low."

Jn the case of Brahmana it is so very pronounced in

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM. 81

the following verses : — " II, 197. The oblations to gods
and manes, made by men ignorant (of the law of gifts),
are lost, if the givers in their folly present (shares of
them) to Brahma nas who are mere ashes.

" III, 168. As a fire of dry grass is (unable to con-
sume the ofPeriiigs and is quickly) extinguished, even so
(is it with) an unlearned Brahmana; sacrificial food must
not be given to him, since it (would be) offered to ashes, "

See also 133 and 142.

Texts to this effect, full of similar 'sentiments and
breathing the same spirit, can be multiplied by hundreds,
not only from the Manu Smriti but from the other Sutras
and Smritis as well.

Looking to the life of a Hindu Grihasta (house-
holder), what ideals of altruistic sentiments are set forth
by the texts that describe his daily duties ? Where, on
earth, will you find rules such as those which are so
explicitly laid down by the epics, the Puranas, and other
books containing pictures of ancient Aryan life, and
which rules were so scrupulously observed in olden times?
The five great daily duties of the Hindus are well-
known. In English phraseology they are styled • sacri-
fices' • In Sanscrit they are called Maha (great) Yajnas,
Tracing back their origin you find the germs and the
ideals in the Veda Mantras, but in the Shatapatha BraJi-
mana, one of the most ancient Hindu Shastras, whose
place in antiquity is, by common consent, only next to
the Vedas themselves, you see them in a more organised
shape. We quote from the translations of Julius Eggling,
published in the Sacred Books of the East series, Vol,
XII, pp. 190 and 191.
6

82 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

" 1. Verily, whoever exists, he, in being born, is
born ar. (owing) a debt to the gods, to the Rishis, to the
fathers and to men.

2. For, inasmuch as he is bound to sacrifice, for
that reason he is born (owing) a debt to the gods ; hence
when he sacrifices to them, when he makes offerings to
them, he does this (in discharge of his debt) to them.

3. And further, inasmuch as he is bound to study
(the Vedas), for that reason he is born as (owing) a debt
to the li'ishis ; hence it is to them that he does this ; for
one who has studied (the Vedas) they call * the RisJiis *
** treasure-warden."

4. And further, inasmuch as he is bound to wish
for offspring, for that reason he is born (owing) a debt to
the fathers ; hence when there is (provided by him) a
continued, uninterrupted lineage, it is for them that he
does this.

5. And further, inasmuch as he is bound to prac-
tise hospitality, for that reason he is born as (owing) a
debt to men ; hence when he harbours them, when he
offers food to them, it is (in discharge of his debt) to
them that he does so. Whoever does all these things
has discharged his duties ; by him all is obtained, all is
conquered.

6. And, accordingly, in that he is born as owing a
debt to the gods, in reg.ird to that he satisfies (ava —
day) them by sacrificing ; and when he makes offering in
the fire, he thereby satisfies them in regard to that
(debt) : hence, whatever they offer up in the fire, is
called avadanam (sacrificial portion)."

This quotation speaks only of the four i/ainas. But

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM. 83

the Sutras and the Smrities which are mostly of later
date, speak of five, adding as fifth the debt which
man owes to the animals and plants, &c. The Smriti
which goes after the name of Manu and is by European
scholars believed to be a compilation of about 200 B C,
also speaks of five and ascribes the rule to the necessity
of expiating the sins committed by each householder,
in the use of hearth, the grinding stone, the broom, the
pestle and mortar.

Below I give all the verses bearing on the subject, a
comparison of which with the quotation given from the
Saiapatha will give the reader a very clear idea of the
difference between the ideals of the pre-Buddhistic and
post-Buddhistic periods of Aryan civilization.

" III.— 67. With the sacred fire, kindled at the
wedding, a householder shall perform according to the
law the domestic ceremonies and the five (great) sacrir
flees and (with that) he shall daily cook his food.

68. A householder has Jive slaughter-hovses (as it
were), viz,, the hearth, the grinding stone, the broom, the
pestle and mortar, the water vessel, by using which he is
bound (with the fetters of sin.)

69. In order to successively expiate (the offence com'
mitted hif means of all these {Uve) the great sages have
prescribed for householders the daily (performance of
the five) great sacrifices.

70. Teaching (and studying) is the sacrifice (offer-
ed) to Brahmana, the (offerings of water and food called)
Tarpana the sacrifice to the manes, the burnt oblation,
the sacrifice offered to the gods, the bali offering that
offered to the Bhutas, and the V\O5»^\V?0o\^ t^^^'^'Cv^'^ ^

88 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM.

life. They represent a high state of national righteous-
ness.

" IV. 2. A Brahmana must seek a means of sub-
sistence which either causes no, or at least little, pain
(to others), and live by that except in times of distress.*'

" IV. 17. Let him avoid all (means of acquiring)
wealth which impede the study of the Veda ; (let him
maintain himself anyhow, but study (because that)
devotion to the Veda-study secures the realisation of
his aims.**

" IV. 18. Let him walk here (on earth), bringing
his dress, speech, and thought to a conformity with his
age, his occupation, his wealth, his sacred learning and

HIS RACE.*'

" IV. 170-174. Neither a man who (lives) un-
righteously nor he who (acquires) wealth (by telling)
falsehoods, nor he who always delights in doing injury
ever attains happiness in this world. Let him, though
suffering in consequence of his righteousness, never turn
his heart to unrighteousness ; for he will see the speedy
overthrow of the unrighteous, wicked men.

Unrighteousness, practised in this world, does not
at once produce its fruit, like a cow ; but advancing
slowly, it cuts off the roots of him who committed it.

If (the punishment falls) not on (the offender) him-
self, (it falls) on his sons, if not on sons, (at least) on his
grandsons, but an iniquity once committed never fails
to produce fruit to him who wrought it.

He prospers for a while through unrighteousness,
then he gains great good fortune, next he conquers his
enemies, but (at last) he perishes (branch and) root."

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM. 89

" IV. 176. Let him avoid the acquisition of wealth
and the gratification of his desires if they are opposed to
the sacred law, and even lawful acts which may cause
pain in the future or are offensive to men."

The following lay down a perfect standard of chari-
ty :-~

" IV. 120, A Brahmana who neither performs

austerities nor studies the Veda, yet delights in accept-
ing the gifts, sinks (with the donor) into hell just as (he
who attempts to cross over in) a boat made of stones
{is submerged) in the water.

191. Hence an ignorant (man) should be afraid of
accepting any presents ; for by reason of a very small
(gift) even a fool sinks (into hell) as low into a morass.

192. (A man) who knows the law should not offer
even water to a Brahmana who acts like a cat, nor to a
Brahmana who acts like a heron, nor to one who is un-
acquainted with the Veda." (For a definition of cats
and herons see 195 and 196).

" 193. For property, though earned in accordance
with prescribed rules, which is given to these three
(persons), causes in the next world misery both to

THE GIVER AND THE RECIPIENT.

194. As he who (attempts to ) cross water m a boat of
stone sinks (to the bottom ), even so AN ignorant donor and

AN IGNORANT DONEE SINK LOW.

195. (A man) who, ever covetous, displays the flag of
virtue, (who is) a hypocrite, a deceiver of the people, in-
tent on doing injury, (and) a detractor (from the merits)
of all men, one must know to be one who acts like a
cat.

90 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

196. That Brahmana, who with downcast look, of
a cruel disposition, is solely intent on attaining his own
ends, dishonest and falsely gentle, is one who acts like a
heron.

197. Thos2 Bramans who act like herons, and
those who display the characteristics of cats, fall in con-
sequence of that wicked mode of acting into (the hell
called) Andhaiamisra,**

The following shlolcas will show how the social and
national interests of the community were guarded
against an undue and unseasoned desire towai*ds abnega-
tion and ascetic life.

" VI. 35-37. When he has paid the three debts, let
him apply his mind to the attainment of final liberation ;

HE WHO SEEKS IT WITHOUT HAVING PAID (HIS DEBTS) SINKS-
DOWNWARDS.

36. Having studied the Vedas in accordance with
the rule, having begat sons according to the sacred law,,
and having offered sacrifices according to his ability, he
may direct his mind to (the attainment of) final libera-
tion.

37. A TWICE BORN MAN WHO SEEKS LIBERATION WITH-
OUT HAVING STUDIED THE VeDAS, WITHOUT HAVING BEGOTT-
EN SONS, AND WITHOUT HAVING OFFERED SACRIFICES SINKS-
DOWNWARDS.**

The following extracts will show how strongly the
ancient Aryas felt and believed in the unity of a poli-
tical or social organism.

In their opinion the safety and welfare of all con-
sisted in the righteousness of all. Any failure of duty
by individuals operated to corrupt the whole society, and

IHE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM. 91

if ever the number of those who failed to fulfil their
obligations or act in accordance with law, increased, it
was considered a sure sign of the decay of the nationa^^
power, strength and virtue. The king representing the
commonwealth was required to protect his people,
always to keep their interests in view, to see that all
orders and classes and individuals performed their res.
pective obligations properly. His neglect or failure to
secure the due performance of every one's duty was
(Calculated to result in disaster to the whole community.

There are numerous texts in Manu and other Shas-
tras which can be quoted in support of the above position,
but I am afraid, I will be only increasing the length and
size of the paper if I did so. I will therefore confine
myself only to a few, by way of example, in which the
Mea stated by me seems to be sufficiently prominent.

VIII. 22. Foretells the ruin of a commonwealth
by /amine and disease in which the number of the twice-
born decreases and which principally consists of Shudras
(i. «. labourers and menial classes). How can a nation
continue to exist which has no brain to guide the or-
ganism, no arms to protect it, and no traders and
manufacturers to maintain and increase its wealth ? No
one can conceive of a self-governed community consist-
ing of labourers only. An increase of the labouring classes
with a corresponding decrease of the learned, the fight-
ing and the producing classes, is a sure index of decay
and coming ruin.

" That Kingdom" says Manu, " where Shudras are
very numerous, which is infested by atheists, and desti-
tute of twice-born (inhabitants), sootv iB.^tVKE\x ^^t'v^^^.

92 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM.

afFected by famine and disease/*

Being " destitute of twice-born" is equivalent to
being destitute of knowledge, power and wealth. A
nation not possessing these cannot exist as a nation and
is bound to lose its position as such. Famine and disease
are sure to follow in the train of ignorance, weakness
and poverty. Let my countrymen ponder over the sub-
lime truth preached in this verse and it shall at once dawn
on them as to why they are such frequent victims of
famine and disease. The true course then to be followed
in order to uproot them is to increase the stock of national
knowledge, national strength and national wealth. That
is the best, the safest, the most effective, and the only
cure of these national afflictions of ours. Here is a
remedy, an unfailing remedy, pointed out by the son of
** Swayambhuva" himself, the great Manu. Let us apply
it with faith, and it is sure to drive away the diseases
with which we, each and all of us (both individually and
socially), are at the present moment afflicted.

The idea of the ruling class being only a part of the
whole social organism and of its earning merit or de-
merit by the actions of the whole is beautifully and with
characteristic force expressed in the following four
Molcafi which we quote from chapter VIII : —

304. A king who (duly) protects (his subjects),
receives from each and all the sixth part of their spiritual
merit, if he does not protect them, the sixth part of their
demerit also (will fall on him).

305. Whatever (merit a man gains by) reading the
Vedas by sacrificing, by charitable gifts, (or by) worship-
ping (Gurus and Gods), the king obtains a sixth part of

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM. 93

that in consequence of his duly protecting (his kingdom).

306. A king who protects the created beings in
accordance with the sacred law and smites those worthy
of corporal punishment, daily offers (as it were) sacri-
fices at which hundred-thousands (are given as) fees.

307. A king who does not afford protection, yet
takes his share in kind, in taxes, tolls and duties, daily
presents and fines, will after death, soon sink into hell."

There are many more texts which similarly tell us of
an advanced political science including political econo-
my, having been developed by the Hindus. Elaborate
rules and provisions are laid down for the appointment
of state officials, the imposition of taxes, tolls and
fines, the regulating of state expenditure, the administra-
tion of civil and criminal justice, the control of RevenueSr
the necessity of paying special attention to agriculture,
trade, commerce and manufactures, &c., &c.

These all give one an idea of the social position of
the Hindus- There are among them some rules which
undoubtedly appear to be very invidious, childish, and
grotesque but they form only the exceptions even if we were
to grant that they are not subsequent interpolations or
additions by interested priests. That they are later
interpolations can be proved in many ways and by the
testimony of the best scholars. However, this is only by
the way.

Before I have done with the laws of Manu, I should
like to point out that there are various texts in Manu
which bespeak an anxiety for the welfare of the unborn
generations. Amongst Hindus, marriage is a sacred
duty and a sacrament, and as such vt \^ t^^vaXaXa^ N^rs;

94 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM.

strictly and with the greatest regard for the interests of
the unborn generations. The rules as to Brahmacharya,
marriage, and its consummation are all framed with that
express object in view. It is the procreation of good,
virtuous and strong progeny whch is the object of an
Aryan marriage according to the Aryan laws. Hence all
marriages are regulated accordingly. *• Let him, " says
Manu, " who desires to raise his race, even form connec-
tions with the most excellent (men) and shun all low ones."

With these laws before us, it is surely unjust to say
that the genius of Hinduism is essentially individualistic.

I have given these quotations from Manu-Smriti
alone, although most of these rules and many more simi-
lar to these are also to be found in other books on the
laws of the Aryas. Some of the rules are to be found
expressed in almost the same language in every book on
Hindu law.

Ill

From the laws of Manu, we proceed to examine the
Vedic literature for traces of the social idea therein.
Taking the Rigveda first, which is (according to Euro-
pean scholars) the most ancient of all the Vedas or for
the matter of thajt, the oldest book in the Library of the
Aryan race, we find the following exhortations in the 10th
Mandala, Hymn CXCI.

" 2. Assemble, speak together : let your minds be
all of one accord. As ancient Gods unanimous sit down
to their appointed share.

3. The place is common, common the assembly,
common the mind ; be so their thoughts united. A com-

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OF HINDUISM. 95

men purpose do 1 lay before you, and worship with your
general oblation.

4. One and the same be your resolve, and be your
minds of one accord.

United be the thoughts of all that may happily
agree."

The translation is that by Dr. Griffiths, but that
there is a mistake or a misprint is clear from a compari-
son of the third stanza as given above with the original
Sanscrit. *

The word (mantrah) means scripture or vedic hymns*
— " A portion of the Veda including the Samhita and
distinguished from the Brahmana, " — a charm, a prayer,
a revolution or plan or policy (see Dr. Apte*s Dictionary,
p. 842). I fail to find any authority for its being trans-
lated by ''place''

The 1st stanza, which we have not reproduced, is a
prayer to God (Agni) in which the Lord is asked to bring
about the gathering of all friendly creatures round the
common altar.

The translation of the second stanza, 2nd line,
seems to imply that none should encroach upon other's
rights and all should peaceably enjoy their shares.

In the second line of the third stanza again, the
original gives the idea of a common worship.

The teaching of the hymn is reproduced in Atharva
Veda, Book VI. 64, which Dr. Griffiths translates as
below : —

" 1. Agree and be united: let your minds be all of
one accord.

* We reproduce the stanzas at the end olxVYe^oooV.

96 THE SOCIAL GHNIUS OF HINDUISM.

Even as the Gods of ancient days, unanimous, await
their share.

2. The rede is common, common the assembly^
common the law, so be their thoughts united.

I offer up your general oblation : together entertain
one common purpose.

3. One and the same be your resolve, be all your
hearts in harmony : one and the same be all your minds
that all may happily consent. "

In this translation the word ^^manirah'' is rendered
into " rede ** and the idea of a " common law " is express-
ly given out.

In my opinion these two Mantras inculcate the
conditions of an effective social organisation which is
thus made to depend upon — (a) community of language*

" Speak together or speak alike."

(h) Respect for individual rights.

(c) Common scriptures, common social life and com-
mon laws.

(d) A common (national) purpose or mission.

The same idea is more clearly and still more beau-
tifully expressed in Atharva Veda, III. 30, which, as
translated by Dr. Griffiths, runs as follows : —

" 1. Freedom from hate I bring to you, concord
and unanimity. Love one another as the cow loveth the
calf that she hath borne.

2. One-minded with his mother, let the son be
loyal to his sire.

Let the wife, calm and gentle, speak words sweet
as honey to her lord.

3. No brother hate his brother, no sister to sister

THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM. 97

be unkind. Unanimous, with one intent, speak ye your
speech in friendliness.

4. That spell through which Gods sever not, nor
«ver hear each other hate, that spell we lay upon your
tiome, a bond of union for the men.

5. Intelligent, submissive, rest united, friendly and
Icind, bearing the yoke together. Come, speaking sweetly
-each one to the other, I make you one-intentioned
^nd one-minded.*

6. Let what you drink, your share of food be com-
mon : together, with one common bond I bind you.

Serve Agni, gathered round him like the spokes
about the chariot nave.

7. With binding charm I make you all united,
•obeying one sole leader and one-minded even as the Gods
who watch and guard the Amrita, at morn and ever may
ye be kindly-hearted."

The same spirit runs through Atharva, VI, 73
and 74.

•* 1. Let Varun come hither. Soma, Agni, Brihas-
yati come hither with the Vasus. Unanimous, ye kins-
men, come united, come to the glory of this mighty
guardian.

2. The inclination, which your hearts have harbour,
^ed, the purpose which hath occupied your spirits,

* Bloomfield's translation (Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XVII ,
P. 134): stanza 5 is translated as follows:

*' Following your leader, of (the same) mind, do ye not hold
yourselves apart. Do ye come here, co-operating, going along the
same waggon-pole, speaking agreeably to one another i render
you of the same aim, of the same mind.'*'
7

98 THE SOCIAL GENIUS OP HINDUISM.

This annul with sacrifice and butter. In me be
your sweet resting place, O kinsmen.

3. Stand even here ; forsake me not. Before us
may Pushan make your path unfit to travel.

Vastoshpati incessantly recall you ! In me be your
sweet resting place, O kinsmen I"

" I. Close gathered be your bodies : be your minds
and vows in union !

Here present Brahmanspati and Bhoga have assem-
bled you.

2. Let there be union of your minds, let there be
union of your hearts ;

All that is troubled in your lot, with this I mend
and harmonise.

3. As, free from jealousy, the strong Adityas have
been the Vishnu's and the Rudra's fellows. So free from-
jealousy. Lord of three titles ! cause thou these people
here to be one-minded."

Passages like these are to be found in abundance ii>
the Vedic literature (Sacred Books of the East, VoL
XIII., P. 360) and can be multiplied at pleasure. For
the actual working of this spirit of unity you may study
the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. In the latter you
find a Devayani being appealed to sacrifice all her
kshatriya pride, anger and^dignity for the welfare of all
of her race with success.

In its pages you find many interesting and instruc-
tive sermons on political science, the most noteworthy
of which are those given by Bhisma on his death-bed.
Then the celebrated Chanakya also says in his Niil-

THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM. 99

" Sacrifice a member for the sake of the family, a
family for the sake of a village, a village for the sake of a
district, and even the earth for the welfare of the soul."

There are other treatises on political science which
promulgate the same truth. These quotations are only
relied on to show that the sacred books of the Hindus
contain the germs and the foundations of the highest
social ideals and testify to the prevalence of a very high
standard of social life amongst them with all the duties
and obligations that such a life involves and implies.
/^It is not my intention to suggest that we can or
need learn nothing from the Europeans, but my object
is only to show that there is sufficient in our sacred
books round which we can rally for social strength and
reform, and that with all our eagerness to sit at the feet
of European savants and scholars we need neither des-
credit our ancestors nor indulge in general lamentations
for want of social ideals in our past."^ [

Lajpat Rat.

THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM.

(a). THE AR TAN SCRIPT ORES.

•m

It is often said that Hinduism is not the name of a
particular religion, nor that of a religious nationality, and
that it does not represent one set of beliefs, common to

* In the above article I have relied upon the English transla-
tion of Sanskrit Texts by European scholars so that there may be
no occasion for a charge of straining the words or of extorting
meanings or of inventing theories of my own ; altliough I do not
believe that these translations are the be^l xVv^X co>3W \i^ ^q,^nr..

100 THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM.

Jill who call themselves Hindus, and that therefore it is
perfectly idle to appeal to the Hindus in the name of a
common nationality. It has become almost a fashion to
insist that the term -Hinduism is too vague to be proper-
ly deRned, and that there is hardly anything substantially
common which binds one Hindu to another in the ties of
national brotherhood. Hinduism, in short, is said to be
more of a congeries of different religions, sects holding
diverse and not unoften diametrically opposite views on
matters of faith and doctrine. Hinduism is said to in-
clude and cover almost every form of religious faith
known to or practised by mankind, from the purest
monotheism to the lowest form of animism, polytheism,
heno-theism, pantheism, in fact all sorts of isms. There
is a fairly large class of Hindus who suffer from want
of faith in the potentialities of their religion to unite
them or to inspire them to the lofty ideals of a
great religions platform whereupon to bring together
a Hindu union. To many the idea of a Hindu union
seems to be nothing more than an unrealizable dream.
In their opinion, the talk of a Hindu nationality is a
senseless talU, and the attempt to bring about a union
amongst Hindus on the basis of religion is extremely
impracticable. Some even go further and opine that the
religious difficulties of the Hindus cannot be met with,
removed or solved by an appeal to the Shastras, and
that amongst Hindus religious reform, too, must pro-
ceed on lines and ideas borrowed from the West. We
confess we are unable to subscribe to these views, and
are rather inclined to hold just the otherwise. We have
:substantta.\ reasons to maintain that Hinduism is at

THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM. ' 101

least as much a feligious nationality as its sister faiths,
Christianity or Islam. These two latter contain as'
many varieties and shades of religious beliefs and doc-
trines in themselves, if not more, as Hinduism does, of
course giving due consideration to the ages of these three
religions. If Hindus have got their Vedantists, the
Muhammadans have their Sufis and the Christians have
those who have raised the banner of higher Christianity,
If Hindus have their Trinity in Brahma, Vishnu and
Shiva, the Christians havetheirs in Father, Son and Holy
ghost. If the Hindus have got their Avatarts, the Chris-
tians have (besides the great incarnation of God in the
body of Christ) their Popes and saints. If the Hindus
believe in different deities, there are Muhammadans and
Christians who believe in saints, WaHs, Mahdis, &c.,
&c.. If the Hindus have their sacrifices, the Muhamma-
dans and Christians have theirs also. If there are
Hindus who are steeped in superstitious beliefs and ob-
serve many gross forms of worship, there are millions
and millions of Muhammadans and Christians also,
particularly the latter, whose religious practices are as
gross as those of the multitude of Hindus. If there are
fables in the Puranas, there are equally ridiculous sto-
ries in the Quran and the Bible. What is, then, that
deprives Hinduism of that binding force which knits to-
gether the different discordant elements in Islam and
Christianity ? What are the special features of the latter
that are absent in the former ? Is Hinduism entirely
devoid of any basal principles on which the foundations
of a church national could be laid ? It is these latter,
that, we, at first propose to take in hand and eKamloe.

102 THE RELIGIOUS UNITY CF HINDUISM.

touching upon the former whenever it is relevant to do
so. Our first contention is, that, like the general mass
of Muhammadans and Christians, the Hindus, likewise,
directly or indirectly profess to accept the Vedas as their
religious scripture. The great bulk of the latter, like the
great bulk of the former, believe that their scriptures are
the word of God, and are infallible. There are learned
Muhammadans and Christians who cannot go so far
and do not believe that the Quran and the Bible are the
word of God. On the question of the exact authority of
the scriptures in these great {religions of the world there
are as many schools and shades of thought with all their
varieties and niceties in one as in the other. There are
scoffers, agnostics and sceptics everywhere. Everywhere
there are men who do not care a jot for the scripture,
make no secret of their views, but still cling to the outer
form of the religion, the very essence of which they take
pleasure in decrying. The number of such Christians is
legion who do not believe that Christ was the Son of God
or the son of the virgin, or that the Bible is the revealed
word of God, but who do not still care to go out of the
pale of outward Christianity. For the purpose of reli-
gious rites and ceremonies, for the purposes of baptism,
marriage, etc., they are as much Christians as those who
believe that every letter of the Bible was spoken by God
Himself.

We have said all this not with the intention of dis-
paraging either Islam or Christianity but only in support
of our contention that in these respects the religious diffi-
culties of the Hindus are in no way greater in extent, or
larger in volume, than those of their fellow subjects, the

THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM. 103

jMuhammadans and the Christians. We know there are
some people who are so hepeless of Hindu unity, or who
are so much perplexed with the endless variety of religious
belief in Hinduism, that in moments of despondency
they have been heard to apostrophize if it would not be
l^etter for India if all Hindus were to accept Christianity,
But irrespective of spiritual efficiency or inefficiency of
Christianity, we are afi-aid even from the unity point of
view we will not thereby be nearer the desired millenni-
um. That such is the opinion of all impartial and dis-
interested observers will be amply borne out by the
following quotations which we cull from a paper written
by the late Professor Theodore Goldstucker on the
^* /Religious Difficulties of India.'* In the paper under
reference were noticed certain (then) recent publications*
by two learned Hindu converts'to Christianity, criticising
Hindu religion and philosophy and exhorting their late
co-religionists to solve their religious problem by em-
bracing Christianity.

After giving copious extracts from these publica-
tions containing the views of these learned Padries
on the inconsistencies and anomalies of Hindu religion
and Hindu philosophy, with his own comments there-
upon, the learned Professor says : — " There is an-
other serious perplexity into which our learned authors
must be aware that they will throw even those Hindus

* (i) Dialogues on Hindu Philosophy .comprising the Niyaya,
•Sankhya and the Vedanta to which is added a discussion on the
authority of the Veda by K. M. Bannerjee of Bishop College, Calcutta.

(2) A Rational Refutation of Hindu Philosophical Systems by
Niikanth Shastri Gore.

104 THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM.

who may be clever enough to overcome all these diffi-
culties, but it has as little been removed by them as
indeed any difficulty which besets the solution of the
religious problem in India. Their object as we have
seen, is to persuade their countrymen to embrace the
Christian religion, but they have neither explained to-
them what the Christian religion is, nor where it may
be found. Any Hindu, who follows the deductions of
Mr. Bannerjee, would simply infer that there is but one
Christian religion, which a devout student of the Bible-
might easily acquire from a perusal of the sacred book.^
Let him descend, however, from the region of abstrac*
tion into that of reality, and he will soon discover the'
endless variety of opinions which may be founded on the
apparently so intelligible scriptural text, and he will soon
learn that, so far from this being a mere possibility,
hundreds of creeds have sprung up from this same
scriptural soil, every one of which claims to be in ex-
clusive possession of Christanity. Andif he be disposed'
to investigate hifdoricalhf the mutual relation of all these
creeds he will Jind that their difference is so essential that it
tvas strong enough to perpetuate the most inveterate animosi-
ties and to result in wars the like of which cannot he traced in
the history of ang other creed,

" We have no desire to enlarge upon this theme,,
for we have said enough to explain why we hold the
solution proposed by Mr. Bannerjee to be an im-
possibility. Attempts of conversion are too frequently
made without examining the limits within \chich they are
possible and the result in which their momentary suc-
cess may end. If a man derives his religious views-

THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM. 105

from his own individual information or from sources
which are void of authoritative influence, he may
yield them to the views which are of a higher range
without causing injury to the nobler part of himself.
Bttt if the creed of an individual is founded on texts held
sacred and authoritative, it is a national creed ; no indiiidual
can abandon it without seveHnrj himself from the national
stem ; no nation can surrender it without latfing the axe to
its own root. For religion ha*ted on texts believed sacred,
embodies the whole history of the nation tvhich jn'ofesses it ;
it is the shortest abbreviation of all that ennobles nations
mind, is most dear to its memory aad most es^'ential ta
its life. No religion has better illustrated this truth
than the religion founded on the Bible. It coula be,
and <Vas successfisUy, introduced amongst all nations
which possess no texts supposed to be divinely inspired,
and therefore of general authority, and whenever a
nation possessing merely the semblance of such a text,
adopted it, it thereby decreed its own end. The Romans
and Greeks, when becoming Christians, ceased to be the
continuation of the classical Romans and Greeks, in
history, in literature, in character. Their political im-
portance based on the conditions of the past, was brought
to a close, and they had to grow into another nationality.
The conditions under which this religion introduced
itself into the countries of Europe was always the
absence of a book ascribed to divine authorship. When
Mr. Bannerjee speaks of the Jews, he has chosen an
exact counter instance which goes far to prove that even
a people without land, without any history which can be
called their own — that a people exposed to all the

106 THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM.

horrors of persecution and all the allurements of seduc-
tion did not and does not espouse that very religion
which exercises the most powerful influence on its actual
destinies and which it even supports and favours amongst
those who profess it. The Jews do not become Christi-
ans, simply because they believe that their Testament is
a sacred book."

Having expressed these views as to the undesirabi-
lity and impossibility of converting Hindus to Christianity!
Professor Goldstucker further addresses the Hindus
themselves, and lays down what, in his opinion, is the
true key to the solution of their religious difficulty. We
cannot do better than once more quote his words which
are full of significance and pregnant with great meaning
to all educated Hindus : — "

"We have been carried, however, with these remarks
to the point where we cannot shrink from expressing the
views which we entertain of the duties of the Brahma-
nical Hindus of our own days. We need not empha-
sise mere than we have already done, that we reject as
unwise and unpractical any attempt to persuade them to
become Christians or to adopt the Biblical scriptures as
their spiritual code. We want them to become a nation
worthy of their ancestors and worthy of the great role,
which in ancient times they have acted in the history of
the human race, and we are satisfied that they cannot
regain that position by breaking the spring ties of their
life, and by exchanging their own religious uncertainty
for that of any other creed. It is necessary, however,
that they should realise the condition in which they are.
We need not prove to them that the minds of the en-

THE RELIGIOUS UNITY OF HINDUISM. 107

lightened portion ef their nation are estranged from the
sectarian worship as it is practised now, but who could
satisfy them that they are utterly remiss in examining
where the root of the evil lies. Every Brahmanical
believer, if asked, will tell that the mode of his worship
is founded on the Vedas. He refers us, it is true, occa-
sionally to the Puranas and Tantras, but he himself
admits that these works have no authoritative powers
unless they can prove that the tenets they contain are
drawn from the Vedic source. The pivot, then, on which
all religious questions of, India turn, is and remains — the
Veda. Philosophers and non-Philosophers, Vishnuits and
Sivaits, all echo the word Veda ;♦♦♦♦♦"

Forty years have elapsed since these words were
written by one of the profoundest Sanskrit scholars and
one of the most competent and shrewd students of com-
parative religions, which Europe produced, but the words
hold as good, as true and as forcible to-day as they were
ever. In fact, the events of these forty years have, in-
stead of showing any flaw either in ths arguments or in
the sentiments of the learned Professor, proved, if any
further proof was needed, how accurately did he grasp
the real situation and how truly did he lay down the
solution.

We repeat, therefore, before we close, for the pre-
sent, that the pivot on which all religious questions of
Hindu India turn is, and remains — the Veda. To the
Veda, therefore, we must go for light and guidance in
our religious troubles, and in the Veda we shall find our
solace.

Lajpat Rai.

THE ONE PRESSING KEED OF INDIA.

(a sense of public duty and a high standard of

PUBLIC morality)

A question has often haunted us, asleep or awake,,
as to why is it that notwithstanding the presence
amongst us of great vigorous and elevating religious
truths, and of the very highest conception of morality^
we have been a subject race, held down for so many cen-
turies by sets of people who were neither physically nor
spritually nor even intellectually so superior to us as a
fortiori to demand our subjection.

We do not require a Herbert Spencer to tell us that
the social efficiency of a social organism as such, de-
pends upon the sense of social responsibility amongst
the members of such an organism. The greater and the
intenser the sense of responsibility amongst the indivi-
dual members, regarding the safety and the welfare of
the whole, the greater and the stronger the efficiency of
the organism.

It is precisely this sense which is wanting in us and
which stands in our way as a nation. Physically we are
the equals of any people on earth. Barring those high
class Hindus who think their glory consists in weak
constitutions, delicate limbs and womanly features or who
are given to determine their position in society by the
amount of fat on their body and by the amount of physi-
cal inactivity which attends their business in life, the
majority of our countrymen possess fine physiques and
are able to withstand any amount of hardship and strug-

THE ONE PRESSING NEED OP INDIA. 109

gle. Even with the little they get to satisfy their animal
wants, with their C3arse food, scanty clothing and ill-
ventilated and excessively crowded homesteads they pro-
duce a soldiery which ranks amongst the best in the
world. Whether it be the Rajput, the Jat, the Sikh,
the Gurkha, the Purbia, the Marahtta, or the Punjabi
Mussulman the view expressed above holds equally good
in the case of all. All of them have by turns, earned
the highest praises of military experts under whom they
had occasion to serve beneath the British flag. What-
ever may be said of the many mistakes of head and
heart by which they lost their own battles before the ad-
vent of the British, no one can question their bravery
and valour. History is full of their deeds. Intellectually
too, given the opportunities, the sons of India have
given no occasion to shame their mother country. The
Hindu civilization, the Budhistic achievements are
standing monuments of their high intellectual calibre.
Under Mohammadan rule as well, when according to the
celebrated Alberuni, the elite of the Hindu community
sought the safety of the remote?.t and the farthest parts
of the country to be secure from the molestation of the
fanatically disposed Mohammadans, the country conti-
nued to produce intellectual giants whose names still
shed luster on the country of their birth. Under the
British, too, with the few opportunities that are posses-
sed by the Indian scholar to distinguish himself, the
country has produced a Bose, a Ramchandra, a Paranj-
pe, a Ranade, and many others whose names are the
common property of all Indians. Then if we look to the
domain of religion we stand almost unequalled* WboA.

110 THE OXE PRESSING NEED OF INDIA.

other country in Europe can show the equals of the un-
known authors of the Upanishads, Budha, and Shankra-
charya ? From religion if we come down to the regions
of philosophy, where in one country could we find such
a galaxy of truth loving, honest and bold thinkers, as the
immortal authors of the six Darshanas, and some of their
commentators and elucidators ? Again, glancing at the
history of chivalry and noble deeds, does not the history
of the Rajputs ifldd like a romance ?IWhy then, are we sa
jow in the scale of nations? What is it that keeps us down
and does not allow us to raise our head above the waters ?
We are not wanting in flexibility or adaptability. Where
on earth will you find another case parallel to Hindu-
ism ? Notwithstanding 12 centuries of Islamic propa-
ganda backed by all the forces of political ascendancy
and of that moral superiority which is the ancher sheet
of a virgin religion and a conquering creed ; notwithstan-
ding again of 100 years of active evangelical work done
in the name of Christ by devoted Missionaries, Hinduism
still reigns supreme in the land and baffles all attempts
made from time to time, to displace and overthrow it.
How is it then, that with all the education we have re-
ceived during the one century of British rule, with fran-
tic professions of patriotism that are the natural result
of a knowledge of our degradation and helplessness, with
wild cries of nationality in danger, with pathetic appeals
for reforms in the administration of the country, we have
so far failed to gain anything substantial in our quest
after national liberty? How is it that our cries
make no impression, our appeals go unheeded and
our professions turn to be of no avail? While

THE ONE PRESSING NEED OP INDIA. Ill

sparing no occasion or means of criticising Govern-
ment measures, very often offering right and sen-
sible criticism, with that amount of persistency which
sometimes we show, we are yet powerless to obtain even
the smallest measure of reform either in constitution or
in administration, or even of remedial justice ? Why
leaving the political sphere aside, how is it that even in
matters of social reform which being in our hands no
Government prevents us from giving effect to, we have
so far failed to achieve that amount of success which
the Herculean efforts of men like Ram Mohan Rai^
Dayaeand Saraswati, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar and
Madadeva Gobind Ranade deserved ? The reply is the
same as we have already given above. We are in-
dividually wanting in that sense of social responsibility
which requires each and every member of the organism
to place the interests of the community or the nation
over and above those of his own. Amongst us selfish-
ness, greed and calculation reign supreme. Most of us
cannot even think of the society or the community or the
nation. But even those who can think and do profess
to care for them do not care a farthing for the same,
when their own individual interests seem to clash with
the interests of the society. Most of us, including some
of the very highly educated men, who do not fail to
exhibit often an unpardonable pride in the amount of
learning locked in their brains who very readily spend
hours in finding fault with the commas and semi-colons
of less gifted brethren, who do not fail to parade their
knowledge of the philosophy of Herbert Spencer, of the
Science of Huxley or of the fine ipoe-Wc %^tv\x\^ o\'ac^^'^-

112 THE ONE PRESSING NEED OF INDIA.

ley or a Tennyson are utterly dovoid of a sense of social
responsibili ty. \

We know that men who denounced the institution
of child marriage in the vehement language they could
"Command, where at the same time conscious of the fact
that they had themselves already fixsd a date for the mar-
riage of their seven years aged g'rl with a boy of a similarly
tender age. We have known men whose professions
of patriotism were often the most profuse giving a
point blank refusal to any demand of help for any na-
tional institution. We have known of great patriots roll-
ing in wealth, possessing palatial residences, enjoying the
Wessing of a good fixed income, never moving their finger
to reduce misery that was next door to them* Wa have
seen gresit patriotic Indians passing by in a spirit of per-
fect indifference, when another countryman of theirs was
being cruelly beaten by a European. No Indian is suppos-
ed to make any move unless such move pays or benefits
him in cash or in kind in any way. If you go to a gen-
tleman to ask him to join such and such an association
or to do such nnd such a thing, the question that he puts
to you or if he has not the courage to do so openly, to
himself, is what shall he gain thereby ? We know that
people give subscriptions, attend meetings, join Associa-
tions and Samajes and do a lot of other things that have
the look of public spirit or national help but how many
of them, may we ask except when moved by religion, db
so by a sense of public duty and individual rosponsibi-
lity for the national cause ? 1 1 is very unpleasant to speak
ill of one's own countrymen or to appear to be ungrate-
/i// to those estimable gentlemen who do keep public

THE ONE PRESSING NEED OF INDIA. 113

movements going but to be truthful we shall be failing in
our duty if we were to pretend a belief in their patrio-
tism. It is our firm belief that if the country could have
claimed the one tenth part of that patriotism which is
often paraded and assumed, the state of things would
have been different and no Government could have ignor-
ed the existence or the demands of such patriotism. But.
the facts are otherwise ; not that the social ideals taught
by our religion are low and mean, not that this rank selfish-
ness and base calculation of self interest is countenanced
by the teachings of our greatmen, not that this sense
of national and public duty is entirely absent from the
teachings of our Shastras. No| Political degradation
for so long as practically extinguished the very germs
of this noble sentiment from our blood. Our immediate
ancestors did not possess it, so w^e could not inherit it
from them. As for its inculcation from without we are
sorry that the advantages of Western culture have not
been unmixed. While very few have imbibed its noble
sentiments, a large number have taken and adopted in
life its materialistic tendencies. We know that we re-
quire the latter, too, rather badly but we cannot forget
that, if we once allow ourselves to be possessed of these
only without the other necessary and counteracting ten-
dncies, we are done for. The country may grow rich,
it may extend its commerce, it might even begin to
manufacture for other countries ; but unless all this
is accompanied by a sense of public duty in the people
of this country, all this will not avail us, nay, might be
the very foundation of future fall, if further fail is
yet possible. Yes, we want, all this, bvxt ^^^\. '^^x.^
8

114 REFORM OR REVIVAL?

foremost of all we want the habit and ssnse of sub-
ordinating our individual interests to end before the in-
terests of the community at large. In short, what we
pre-eminently want is that every Indian may be suffici-
ently patriotic and dutiful to believe and act up to the
belief that the interests of the country are paramount
•and must override all private considerations. We want
this to be regularly taught as the highest religion that
will bring about the salvation of India. To promulgate
this we want faithful and true preachers who may be
living examples of the truth of their propaganda and who
can show the power of their faith in their own persons.
Let each province produce a number of such preachers
and we are convinced that patriotism will gain firm
ground in the country and the cause of nationality will
advance with leaps and bounds. Without this we may
go on crying for decades and decades but we shall not
advance an inch. \

" o

REFORM OR REVIVAL?

We thought that with the fall of the old class of
Pandits we had done with thdse wars of words which
were formerly carried on with all the weight of great
learning and accompanied by a demonstrative show of
deep erudition, but we had evidently counted without our
hosts the great body of Indian reformers that are the
products of English education, who owe nothing to the
old school of Pandits and for whom the old school of
Pandits have incurred no responsibility whatever. Be-

REFORM OR REVIVAL? 115

fore the spread of English education in this country
there were only two classes of public literary or in-
tellectual entertainments to which the people were
treated now and then and which supplied some diversion
from the otherwise dull monotonous or in some places
extremely hazardous lives which they generally led. The
•one was the most popular and useful practice of reciting
the ^a^Aa« to mixed and general audiences consisting of
all classes of people from old men to boys and from old
ladies to young girls. The ancient epics of the land —
the chornicles of the life of Rama and his consort, ajid
the great Mahabhart — were very often the books that
•were thus recited.

These hath<i8 were greatly instrumental in keeping
-the national spark alive through so many vicissitudes of
national fortune, when on occasions it had almost reach-
ed the point of total extinction. The second were the
periodical religious discussions, which in most instances
originated with the advent of a learned Pandit from the
outside.

Very often the new Pandit's discourses had caught
the popular ears and the local Pandit or Pandits thought
their dignity, presitige and even emoluments were in
danger, to prevent which calamity they considered it
their duty to come out and give a challenge to the newly
arrived, to prove his superiority in the knowledge of the
shastras by an open discussion. Or it might be that the
new-comer thought his success depended on drawing out
the local theologian and giving him a defeat. Be it as it
may, the invariable result was that the discussvow Vs^^;a.'^
with words, the accuracy ol c^rtavu Q.y.^v^s^wC^ws* w-.^^'^'i

116 REFORM OR REVIVAL?

one or the other, the applicability or the non- applicabi-
lity of certain rules of grammar and ended often if
not always in words and sometimes in blows. I am
sorry to observe that the present quarrel over " reform or
revival" between the reformers seems to me to resemble,
at least in parts, the above mentioned wordy polemics
between the Pandits. The reformers claim to be the:
leaders of the community. They have occupied the place*
of the Pandits and divines of former times. They profess
to lay down rules for the guidance of the general mass
of people. They are agreed that the state of Hindu
society is bad and rotten, that it needs great and radical
changes and that without these changes the whole
social fabric stands in danger of giving way and burying
the nation down in its debris. They have remedies
ready, patent and infallible. On most of these they
agree, only to differ on the name by which the same is
to be styled. Their agreement as to the remedy disap-
pears in their differences about the wordy habitat to be
given to the proposed and contemplated changes. One
class of people who have already established a name for
themselves do not like to give up the name they have
patented and by which they have gained distinction.
These latter gentlemen call themselves reformers and
insist upon certain social changes being introduced in
the name of " reform " and reform only. The other class
who have lately come into prominence call themselves
" revivalists ", and they swear that any change in the
social customs and institutions of the community can-
only be introduced under the shadow of revival. They
think they cannot tolerate reform. The result is that

REFORM OR REVIVAL? 117

•while the former taunt the latter as " revivalists and

ireactionaries*', the latter mock the former as " reformers

and revolutionists ". Both classes cont'ain amongst them

^reat and good men, men with pure motives and noble

intentions. They are generally prominent men — well read

;and deep in the lore of history. Both classes are to all

^appearances sincere in their convictions and efforts, but

to the great misfortune of the country and the nation

rthey cannot join their heads and work amicably. The

wordy weapons are sometimes changed, and while the

^reformers take their stand on *• reform on rational lines"

-the revivalists plead for " reform on national lines." Here

for once at least they seem to agree on reform, as the

force of the difference is centred on the words " rational "

rand " national ". The result is that much ink and paper

are uselessly spent in dilating upon the necessary sound*

ness of reform and the danger and risk of revival, and

vice versa. Unfortunately no one ever sees and deplores

the great waste of valuable time and precious energy

which this quarrel involves — time and energy which could

he usefully employed in, nay, which is imperatively de-

-jnanded, by so many other things that are the sine qua

non of national progress and that should be done but

:are not done from want of working hands. On both

•sides are arrayed tough warriors armed with the know-

Uedge and experience which is gathered by deep study

iand growing years. On both sides are arrayed sturdy and

stout soldiers possessed of and carried by the enthusiasm

«of youth, full of ambition, and proud of credentials gain-

,ed by academical successes and literary achievements.

On both sides the pen and the totv^vxe ^te \iw\^ nx'sr.^

118 REFORM OR REVIVAL?

with strength. and vi*;our not totally devoid of grace. It
is very perilous to come between such daring, bold, and
determined fights • specially for a comparatively ill-pro--
vided and poorly circumstanced man like myself who can^
wield neither the pen with the dexterity that comes of
practice, nor the tongue with that skill which is the
outcome of discipline. In fact 1 am rather inclined to
think that it is positively dangerous for recruits wha
have not had the advantage of regular lessons in drill'
or of the discipline that comes out of exercises at the
manouevres, to interfere between such veteran combat-
ants. But the interests at stake are so great, the field'
is so vast, the workers in the field are so few and far
between, the amount of energy available is so little and
the resources are so limited, that on better thought I
have decided to take the risk and raise my voice against
what to me looks sheer waste of opportunities and mis-
application of energy.

I will begin by examining into the respective pro-
grammes of reformers and the revivalists and see if there
are any vital and real differences which justify so much
contemptuous talk of each other. On both sides, I be-
lieve that the social reform programme begins and very
rightly too, with the question of early marriage. I con-
fess I am unaware of any radical difference between the
views of the reformers and the revivalists on the point,.
In provinces other than the Panjab Mrs. Besant is be-
lieved to be the leader of the latter. Now, who does not
know that she is opposed to early marriages and de-
nounces them as unshastraic and disastrous ? She has
in fact taken pains not only to definitely pronouncer

REFORM OR REVIVAL? 119

against this evil custom, but to give force to her utter*
ances, has shut the doors of a department of her school
at Benares against those who might have been or might
be by the improvidence have their guardians married at
a tender age. The Arya-samajists also may to a certain
extent be called revivalists, but in this matter of early
marriage and the marriageable ages of boys and girl*
they go to a step further than even the most radical re*
former is prepared to go just now. They say and preach,
and try to enforce their precept, that no girl be married
under 16 and no boy under 25. Now let us ask if there
is anything irrational in saying that the institution of
child-marriage is not only condemnable by reason, but is
actually opposed to the letter as well as the spirit of the
Shastras. From the question of child-marriage we may
proceed to the great evil of the present divisions and
sub-divisions of caste. Mrs. Besant and her school have
already pronounced against the sub-divisions in the main
castes. Her defence of the original Hindu conception of
four castes principally coincides with the views of the
Arya-samajists in the matter and practically knocks the
present caste system on the; head, though in theory only.
In practice neither the Arya-samajists nor the reformers
can go further than denunciation. All of them agree that a
beginning should be made with the siib-divisions. The sub*
divisions having been swept away (which is not likely to
be achieved very soon or very easily) the time will then
come to think of the remoulding or the fusion of the
main castes on shastraic or rational lines. For the
present we are all agreed that the existing arrangement
is an unmixed evil, and the sooner it va dowe. ^n^^ ^^5C^

120 REFORM OR REVIVAL?

tlie better. From castes let us proceed to the question
of foreign travel, and here again we find a practical un-
animity. Of cours-?, there are and there shall continue
to be ultra-orthodox people who will not give up their
opposition to any of these measures and will continue to
say that they are un-Hindus ; but just now we are not
concerned with them, as we dare say there is no one
who can justly or even contemptuously be called a
revivalist who condemns foreign travel on the plea of
revival and no reform. Then let us take up the great
question of female education. I know of no sensible
man in the country, not to speak of the revivalists only,
who is a man of culture and education, who is opposed
to it. The school of Mrs. Besant, the Arya-smajists,
and the reformers are all pledged to it. There may
be and there are practical difficulties in the way of
educating our girls and sisters and wives, but nobody
questions the desirability, nay the necessity, of giving, if
possible, the very highest education to girls. People
may differ on the modus operandi or may have different
views about schemes of education to be enforced, in the
case of females, but there are no two opinions on the
question of principle. There may be some among the
so-called revivalists who are not favourably disposed
to an exact copy of European customs and usuges relat-
ing to females being adopted by the Hindus, but surely
there is none who can in the name of revival defend the
existing Purdah system or the universal ignorance of
women. Similarly we do not think there is much
difference of opinion at least so far as practXc^ tiv^"ac«vvc^%
feasible at present are concerned, on tVve tveet^^^vVj cA

REFORM OR REVIVAL ? 121

raising the social status and bettering the condition of
low castes, if Hinduism is not bent upon social indi-
fference and mad neglect of vital interests which might
Tesult in disastrous consequences. With the exception
of some apparently spurious passages in Manu and other
'Smritis, there is absolutely nothing in the more ancient
literature to justify the inhuman and cruel treatment to
which the low castes are at present or were till lately
subjected. We think we have almost exhausted the list
of prominent subjects comprised in the list of reforms
advocated by the social reformers, having reserved one
important matter to be discussed last, viz. the question
of widow remarriege.

On this question there exists undoubtedly real
•difference of opinion between the so-called reformers
and the so-called revivalists. We grant that the ques-
tion is a very important one ; but still we are not pre.
pared to admit that a difference on this single question
justifies all that bitterness which characterises the writ-
ings of these two classes about one another. The real
and important differences are on questions of religion
and worship which the social reformers profess to exclude
from their curriculum of school and college education-
Here in the Punjab, fortunately we have been spared
that bitter fight over these words which is going on in
the Western and Soutnern Presidencies, although we are
not unware that of late attempts have not been wanting to
introduce it in collegiate and inter-collegiate debates. We
cannot but deprecate these unwise attempts aad h^vII
warn our young men from tVvtomtv^, \}w^tt\^«^N^*3. \\>xj^
the vortex o£ this absolutelv utvtv^ce^^^^^ ^'^^ vysx^^zKss^

122 REFORM OR REVIVAL?

for fight over words. We may be pardoned for point'
ing out that to us the fight seems to be generally on
the same lines and on the same grounds which marked
the polemics of the old class of Pandits. fThe real truth
is that the so-called reformers are mostly in faith and in
religion Brahmos. They were the earliest in the field and
fought for reform when the revivalists had not yet come"
into existence. The revivalists are the products of a
wider diffusion of Sanskrit literature whcih has taken
place principally within the last quarter of a century..
This study has afforded them sufficient and strong evi'-
dence of their ancestors having enjoyed a great and
glorious civilization from which most of the present evil
practices and customs that are the bane of modern
Hinduism were absent. They therefore naturally look tO'
the past for light and guidance and plead that a revival
might lead them into that haven of progress which is the
object of all. They have found that most of the social
evils existing in their society were not to be found in
ancient Hindu race and they have therefore begun to-
appeal to the authority of the past and the shastras for
the introductions of these very reforms for which re-
formers had been pleading with much force though with
scanty success on grounds of utility and natural justice.
The revivalists are naturally popular in Hindu society as
they take their stand on the authority of the Hindu Shas^
tras and thus threaten to oust the reformers from their
hard earned position. Then to add insult to injury, their ex-
position of the popular religious beliefs of the Hindus is
so injurious and cunning as to justitv a re2LSotv«^:^^ i^^t
/n the minds of the reformers that tVie^ are \.a^5AT^^ ^^

REFORM OR REVIVAL? 123^

nation back to superstitions and low and debased forms
of worship from which English education, contract with
Western religion, and a study of the master-minds^
of the West was just extracting them with so de-
sirable a success. The reformers had thus based
their religious propaganda on the same basis on which
their social programme rested, viz., grounds of ration-
ality. The revivalists having taken to the defence of
the so-called national, have extended the same base ta
the removal of social evils and thus the fight began
between "reform on national lines" and ** reform on ra-
tional lines." But, as I have pointed out above, so far
as real social reform is considered, both lines of work
lead to a common conclusion. It is not therefore fair to-
entangle social reform in this quarrel which is really
based on differences in religious views. Let •* the refor-
mers" by all means if they like, ridicule the religious-
views of "the revivalists " ; and criticise or hold them to
derision, but it is not, to say the least, graceful and fair
to talk of them contemptuously in matters of social re-
form. The same should we say to the revivalists. Hap-
pily here in the Punjab, a? we have already said, there is
not much difference between reform and revival. By
far the strongest reforming agency in the Panjab ap-
pears to accept both. To them reform is revival and
revival is reform. It is true they attach much importance
to nationality or to national lines, but subject to the im-
portant proviso that then ^*'^ **^^ irrational. The Arya-
samajists shall . have nothing irrational though it may
^veii have the look of being natvon^iX. T\\<t^ ^^wv^ ^'w^-
tbiag nationsLl which is rationaV 21^ vjeW- 'IVve:^ ^^i^^ ^^

124 REFORM OR REVIVAL ?

In for things n9.tional if only they are not irrational ; but
no further. According to them nothing can be either
national or rational which is against the letter or the
spirit of the Vedas. So far there seems to be no danger
of the Panjab being involved in this meaningless distinc-
tion between reform and revival, but we think it is better
to take time by the forelock and sound this note of war-
ning to guard against any contemplated or impending
jnischief. But over and above that, it is our earnest
request to the leaders of the Hindu community in the
AVestern and the Southern provinces to abjure this absurd
distinction and to work harmoniously for social reform,
^t least so far as all are agreed upon. Lately I had occa-
rsion to listen to an address on social progress by an
esteemed friend of mine who is a pronounced social re-
former. In the course of his remarks he treated the
revivalists with scant respect, and in support of his views
read the following quotation from the Amraoti speech of
-that great reformer — the late Mr. Justice Ranade : —
^* On the other side, some of our orthodox friends find
fault with us, not because of the particular roforms we
have in view, but on account of the methods we follow.
While the new religious sects condemn us for being too
orthodox, the extreme orthodox section denounce us for
being too revolutionary in our methods. According to
these last, our efforts should be directed to revive and
not to reform. I have many friends in this camp of ex-
treme orthodoxy, and their watchword is that revival
and not reform should be our motto. They advocate a
return to the old ways, and appeal to the old authorities
and the old sanctions. Here also, as in the instance

REFORM OR REVIVAL? 12S

quoted above, people speak without realising the full sig-;
nificance of their own words. When we are asked to
revive our institutions and customs, people seem to be
very much at sea as to w hat it is they want to revive^
What purticular period of our history is to be taken as-
the old ? Whether the period of the Vedas, of the
Smritis, of the Puranas, or of the Mahomedan or modern
Hindu times ? Our usages have been changed from time
to time by a slow process of growth, and, in some cases,.
of decay and corruption, and we cannot stop at a parti-
cular period without breaking the continuity of the whole.-
When my revivalist friend presses his argument upon
me, he has to seek recourse in some subterfuge which
really furnishes no reply to the question. What shall
we revive ? Shall we revive the old habits of our people
when the most sacred of our caste indulge in all the abo-
minations, as we now understand them, animal food and
drink which exhausted every section of our country's
zoology and botany ? The men and gods of those old
days ate and drank forbidden things to excess in a way
no revivalist will now venture to recommend. Shall we
revive the twelve forms of sons, or eight forms of mar-
riage which included capture, and recognised mixed and
illegitimate intercourse ? Shall we revive the Niyoga
system of procreating sons on our brother's wives when
widowed ? Shall we revive the old liberties taken by
the Rishis and by the wives of the Rishis with the mari-
tal tie ? Shall we revive the hecatombs of animals
sacrifieed from year's end to year's end, and which human
beings were not spared as propitiatory offerings ? Shall
we revive the ahakti worship of the left K2.tvd ^\\kv*\\.^

126 REFORM OR REVIVAL?

indecenies and practical debaucheries ? Shall we revive
the sati and infanticide customs, or the flinging of living
men into the rivers, or over rocks, or hook-swinging, or
the crushing beneath Jagannath car ? Shall w^e revive
the internecine wars of the Brahmans and Kshatriyas
or the cruel persecution and degradation of the aborigi-
nal population ? Shall we revive the custom of many
husbands to one wife or of many wives to one husband?
Sha ; we require our Brahmans to cease to be landlords
and gentlemen, and turn into beggars and dependants
upon the king as in olden times ? These instances will
suffice to show that the plan of revivmg the ancient
usages and customs will not work our salvation, and is
not practicable. If these usages were good and beneficial,
why were they altered by our wise ancestors ? If they
were bad and injurious, how can any claim be put for-
ward for their restoration after so many ages ?. Besides,
it seems to be forgotten that in a living organism as
society is, no revival is possible. The dead and the
buried or burnt are dead, buried, and burnt once for all,
and the dead past cannot therefore be revived except by
a reformation of the old materials into new organised
being-" Now, if it be permissible for a comparatively
young and inexperienced man without laying himself
•open to a charge of disrespect for one of our revered
leaders whose great wisdom, deep learning, and general
judicial-mindedness are accepted all around, 1 will, with
due deference to the late Mr. Ranade, beg to point out
the injustice of the observations quoted above. Cannot
a revivalist, arguing in the same strain, ask the reformers
into what they wish to reform us ? Whether they want

REFORM OR REVIVAL? 127

MS to be reformed on the pattern of the English or the
French ? Whether they want us to accept the Divorce
laws of Christian society or the temporary marriages
^hat are now so much in favour in France or America ?
Whether they want to make men of our women by put
ting them into those avocations for which nature never
meant them ? Whether they want us to substitute the
legal vhjoga of the Mahabarat period with the illegal and
immoral nhjoga that is nowadays rampant in European
society ? Whether they want us to reform into Sunday
drinkers of brandy and promiscuous eaters of beef? In
short, whether they want to revolutionise our society by
an outlandish imitation of European customs and man-
ners and an undiminished adoption of European vices ?
The revivalists do not admit that the institutions which
they want to revive are dead, burnt and gone. The very
fact that they wish to revive them goes to show that
they believe that there is still some life left in them and
that given the proper remedy, their present unhealthy
and abnormal state is sure to disappear and result in the
bringing about of the normal and healthy condition of
affairs. In fact, in an earlier part of the same address):'
Mr. Ranade summed up the position of the revivalists in
a few well chosen and apt words when he admitted that,
** In the case of our soc'ety especially, the usages which
at present prevail amongst us are admittedly not those
which obtained in the most glorious periods of our his-
tory. On most of the points which are included in our
programme, our own record of the past shows that there
has been a decided change for the worse and it is surely
within the range of practical possvbvUu^?. ^ov w^ \.Qk \vsy^<^

128 Religion as defined in the west.

that we may work up our way back to a better state of
things without stirring up the rancorous hostilities which
religious differences have a tendency to create and
foster. " It is exactly this working up our way back,
which the revivalists aim at. No revivalist has ever plea-
ded for the institutions selected by Mr. Justice Ranade
as the butt end of his attack against them.

The real significance of these words, — " reform " and
•* revival " — if any, seems to be in the authority or
authorities from which the reformers and the revivalists-
respectively seek their inspiration for guidance in matters-
social. The former are bent on relying more upon reason
and the experience of European society, while the latter
are disposed to primarily look at their shastras and the
past history, and the traditions of their people and the
ancient institutions of the land which were in vogue
when the nation was in the zenith of its glory. On our
part we here in the Panjab are prepared to take our in-
spiration from both these sources, though we prefer to-
begin with the latter and call in the assistence of the
former mainly to understand and explain what is not
clear and ambiguous in the latter. But so long as our
conclusions are principally the same, I think the fight is
not worth beino- continued and may be dropped for good-

Lajpat Rai.
o

RELIGION AS DEFINED IN THE WEST

A consideration of the religious problem must be be-
gun with a considersitxon of the pntuat^ o^w^^\\ow, »vi,,
^ what Is religion ? " One would tV\\t\k \\v?it, utvvs w«a\ ^^

RELIGION AS DEFINED IN THE WEST. 129

the idea of religion is, there must not be any differences
about its meaning and conception and that everybody,
all over the world, must have the same notion about it*
But, strange to say, there is no other subject upon which
there exists a greater want of unanimity than that of
religion. There are great, important, wide and extensive
differences in men's conceptions of religion. No two
communities understand quite the same thing from it.
Professor Max Muller says, "If there is a word that has
changed from century to century and has a different as-
pect in every country in which it is used — nay which
conveys peculiar shades of meaning as it is used by every
man, woman or child — it is religion." Still a compara-
tive study of religions will disclose a fair amount of
agreement or at least some salient points which form
the fundamental basis of most of the great religions of
the world. Before we come to these common salient
points we think we might profitably consider the
various definitions of religion, that have from time to
time been attempted by those who have discussed the
subject and thrown light upon the same. We might
begin with the root-meaning of the word and its etymolo-
gical derivation, though perhaps we may not gain much
therefrom. Unfortunately even here we fail to find a
unanimity. Some amongst them whose derivation has
been accepted by Max Muller, derive it from Latin re-
legere, to gather up again, to take up, to consider, ta
ponder — opposed to nec-legere, to neglect. According
to this derivation religion originally m^^tvl ^x^-^^vo^
regard, reverence and awe aud vj2ks tvo\. ^<^'5^.^:\R.\R.^ ^»
reverence for the gods. Very sootv,Vvo^eN^^,\^.^^^'^^^'^
9

130 RELIGION AS DEFINED IN THE WEST.

more an \ more restricted to reverence for the gods
and divine beings. People began to speak of a man's
religion, meaning his piety, his faith in the gods, his
observances of ceremonies till at last an entire system
was called religions or religion. There are others who
derive religion from religare, to bind up, to fasten, to
moor I. e. what binds or holds us back. But it is quite
clear that if religio or religion originally meant attention»
regard, or reverence it did not continue to retain that
simple meaning. The word has had such a vast and
varied use that it is almost hopeless to invent such a
comprehensive definition as to cover the meanings of
all those who have used it, discussed it and lived by it.
With some the word has been synonymous with all
that is good and noble in this world, with others it had
nothing to do with the affairs of the world. With some
it was only another name for morality ; with others it
overlapped morality and expressed a sense of spiritual
ecstasy. With some it expressed the relationship of the
spirit of man with that Universal Spirit, God. With
others it directed a number of ideas in which God had
no place at all, while there were others whose conception
of religion even directed the existence of what we call
human soul or spirit. By way of illustration we will
notice a few of these attempts at defining religion.

Kant, for instance, one of the greatest European
savants, says, "religion is morality." Accoi"ding to him,
looking upon all our moral duties as divine commands
is religion. To the question whence originates the
building force of those moral duties, Kant has no
satisfactory reply. Having no faith in revelation, he

RBLIGIOX AS DEFINED IN THE WEST. 131

-cannot ascribe this authorship to God. Wnat then
does he mean by asking us to look upon moral duties as
divine commands ? He calls them divine because in his
opinion we are directly conscious of them. In the words
►of Professor Max Muller, any outward divine authority
is in the eyes of a Kantiah philosopher mere phenomenal
or as we should say a mere confession of human weak-
ness. Fichte, however, an equally great name in
European philosophy, takes an exactly opposite view.
He denies that religion is morality because he says
religion is never practical and was never intended to
influence life. In his opinion pure morality serves the
latter purpose and religion is knowledge which gives man
a clear insight into himself, answers the highest questions
and thus imparts to us a complete harmony with our-
selves and a thoroujh satisfaction to our mind. Appa-
rently this seems to be very much like the 6r//an of the
Indian Vedanti of the school of Swami Shankaracharya.

Then there are the two definitions of Schleier
Macher and Hegel expessing two opposite views. Ac-
cording to the former, *• religion consists in our conscious-
ness of absolute dependence on something which
though it determines us we cannot determine in turn. *'
The latter, however, declares that "the feeling of depen-
cdence is the very opposite of religion." According to
Hegel, " religion is or ought to be perfect freedom," for it
,is, according to him, nothing more nor less than
the Divine Spirit becoming conscious of himself through
the finite spirit. This again sounds like Vedantism.

The next step from this was taken by Comte who
has tau^^ht that man is " not on\y t\-ve ^.vxNSn^^c^. \iw\."2vs.^^

132 RELIGION AS DEFINED IN THE WEST.

the object of religion and religious worship. We are told
that man cannot know any thing higher than man ; that
man therefore is the only true object of religious know-
ledge and worship, only not man as an individual but
man as a class." This last qualification is the keynote
of Comte's philosophy and no doubt reaJs very solemn,,
even sublime. But it was reserved to Fenerbach to give
the last of the brush and remove even " this last mystic
hold ** off the brow of religion. According to him " self
love is a necessary, indestructible, universal law and
principle and inseparable from every kind of love. Reli-
gion must and does confirm this on every page of its
history. Wherever man tries to resist that humaa
egoism, in the sense in which we explained it, whether
in religion, philosophy or politics he sinks into pure
nonsense and insanity, for the sense which forms the
foundation of all human instincts, desires and actions is*
the satisfaction of the human being, the satisfaction of
human egoism.'* Hegel's rough but curt criticism of this
definition is so pertinent that we cannot resist the temp-
tation of quoting it. He says that if the feeling of depen-
dence were the sole test of religion then a dog would be
the most religious of all creatures.

Thus if universal philanthropy or humanity is reli-
gion according to Comte, pure selfishness is religion*
according to Fenerbach. To the same school belongs
the definition of Gruppe who says that " religious belief
is a doctrine professing to be able to produce union witb
a being or the attainment of a state which, properly
speaking, lies beyond the sphere oiV\um2Ltvs\.nN\t\^2ctv^^v
tainment" According to him, "religion \s ^LV^ut^vtvN^tvMvotkv

RELIGION AS DEFINED IN THE WEST. 133

•of some body's imagination, the acceptance of which is
^ue to the unconscious vanity of its founders, a belief in
-the happiness which it procures to its believers and the
-substantial advantages which society derives from it."

From the philosophers* definitions of religion we
ifiext proceed to the definitions of European theologians.

Martineau describes it as "A belief in an ever-living
•God, i.e. a Divine Mind and Will ruling the universe, and
holding moral relations with mankind.** Professor Flint
defines it as * man's ' belief in a being or beings, mightier
than himself, and accessible to his senses, but not
lindifferent to his sentiments and actions, with the
feelings and practices which flow from such a belief*
.Spinoza says, " religion is the love of God founded on a
knowledge of his divine perfections." Reville : — Religion
is the determination of human life by the sentiment of a
bond uniting the human mind to that mysterious mind
whose dominations of the world and of itself it recognises
and to whom it delights in feeling itself united. These
•definitions are objected to because they exclude certain
systems of belief and practice which, although univer-
sally recognised as religious yet ignore the existence of
•God or gods (such as Budhism). Consequently an
:attempt has been made by Professor Max Muller and
some other writers to invent definitions of religion which
may be sufficiently wide and comprehensive to include
:all that has till now been known or styled as religion.
He defines it to be " a mental faculty which independent,
^ay, in spite, of sense and reason, enables man to
.apprehend the Infinite, under different names, and under
-varying disguises." In antlc\pa\\otv ol ctVtxcA^'^ \Nfc\vba.

134 OUR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM :

taken pains to point out that by " Infinite " he does not

mean God but '* Indefinite,'* thereby including Budhism

as well. With great deference to these great names we

cannot help remarking that we have quite failed

to realize the necessity of finding such a definition of

religion as may cover all those forms of belief or faith

that have to this day bi^en, whether rightly or wrongly,

described or styled as religions. This, in our humble

opinion, is not the correct way of teaching '* what is

religion/* It may be a suitable definition for historical

purposes but certainly not for theological or ethical or

moral.

LAJPAT RAI.

-0-

OUR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM : HOW TO

CARRY IT ON.

No patriotic Indian can return to his country after
a trip to England, including a visit, however short, to

other countries in Europe, without being forcibly struck
by the intense desire for political liberty and freedom
that fills the European atmosphere and that distinguish-
es the West from the East. He finds that in Europe
people are always agitated about their political rights
and are extremely jealous of interference with or sup-
pression of popular rights and privileges. Life in Eng-
land or in Europe is a great struggle — constant, unend-
Jng struggle for J/ght and liberty. Freedom from limita*
t/ona and restrictions, removal of dv«\u2\\^c«L'^otv% ^xv^
trammels, be they of any nature, periect Ite^^otcv \vo\a

HOW TO CARRY IT ON. 135

bondage of everykind, is the ever increasing and ever
recurring cry of modern Europe. Democratic spirit is
the key-note of Western Civilization in all its branches
and departments, but in politics it rules almost supreme*
The Government of the people, by the people and for
the people is the ideal all over whether in Domocratic
England, Monarchical Germany, Autocratic Russia or
Republican France. The Press, the pulpit and the plat-
form are all ringing with the cries of " away with the
tyrants and autocrats who stand in the way of the demo-
cracy and who desire to check or stop the wheel of pro-
gress onwards or who have the audacity of trifling with
the wishes of the people." One should be here in Europe
to realize the truth of the above remarks on occasions
when anything is done or attempted to be done by the
various Governments in power, which is opposed to the
democratic spirit of the times or by which a popular de-
mand is thrown out or anything else is done which is
opposed to the wishes of the people or which does not
tend to further their interests. In July last the rejec-
tion of the London Tramways Bill by the House of
Lords afforded such an occasion. The City of London,
as our readers know, is situated on the banks of the
Thames. The river divides the city into two main divi-
sions one on each side of the river, the tramways end on
each side and are not allowed to run across the bridges.
This results in great inconvenience to the people as they
have to leave the tramway at one end of the river, cross
the bridge on foot and then take ?Ltvot\\e?c Vx^tcv^j^-^^^ '^^^'^
other end. For busy London ipeo^Xa, xc^^w ^'cA ^^"«nr.'^>
boys and girls who come to t\ve cvl^ eNe.x-s ^^^ '^^^'^

136 OUF STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM :

miles for business and then return to their homes after
business hours, this means a great waste of time and
money. The London County Council, therefore, pro-
posed to take their tr^^mways across the bridges and
thus add to the comfort and the convenience of that great
mass of people who cannot afford to engage cabs and
hansoms. The Bill passed the House of Commons and
was rejected in the House of Lords on the ground that
its acceptance involved the destruction of the spectacu-
lar effect of the bridges and would make them look
ugly. The days and nights that followed the rejection
of this bill presented a spectacle in London which re-
quired to be seen in order to be fully realized and which
is past all description. People were mad with rage and
frenzy and on all sides and from all quarters you heard
the cry " down with the Lords," " down with these heri-
ditary robbers and thieves." In clubs, in theatres, in
political meetings, on the tramcars, on the * buses, ' in
trains, everywhere in fact, the audacity of the House of
Lords was the one absorbing topic of discussion and
comment, and the proposal for abolishing the House of
Lords was being freely and seriously discussed. It found
loud expression in the columns of the democratic press,
was re-echoed in society papers and was exhibited on
the stage. Angry resolutions were passed at the meet-
ings of the London County Council and at other public
meetings whether convened for that special purpose or
not. For a few days the atmosphere was surcharged
with revolutionary ideas. The semi-official liberal and
radical press joined in the cry and dematid^d tVv^ 25a^\-
t/o/2 of the House of Lords as tV\e on\v tem^d>j. 'lYitt

HOW TO CARRY IT ON. 137

Tory press could not but disapprove of the action of the
Lords and was either discreetly silent or printed in-
different paragraphs. No serious attempt was made to
defend the action of the Lords by anybody.

In short, the whole city seemed to be in a state of
ferment and the public mind was intensely agitated.
Even the Dailii News, the organ of the Whigs, demanded
an abolition of the House of Lords. The country re-
sounded with the cries of " end it or mend it." Almost im-
mediately following this, came the defeat of the Govern-
ment on Irish supplies and the statement of the Premier
that he intended neither to resign nor to dissolve the
Parliament. On this question, of course, the country was
divided and the Whigs and the Tories sided with their
respective parties. But even the Tory papers acknow-
ledged that a crisis had come and in a suppressed tone
the Times also admitted that a great constitutional issue
Ihadbeen raised.

One of the Radical extremists wrote : —
" It is no less than Revolution I The King is dead.
Mr. Balfour has established an autocracy to supplant
the monarchy. As defiant of the nation as the Tsar and
his bureaucracy, he laughs at public opinions and
-governs by paper constitutions. He has only to pro-
pose a measure prolonging the life of the Government
indefinitely and the cowardly criminals at his back aided
'by the land thieves in the hereditary chamber will pass
it. Defeated in the House of Commons, he ignores a
hostile vote and continues the g,Gveti\ttts.tvl ^i vwr.^'^sw-
petence and corruption. This \s ReNoVu^votvr

Another paper after lamentAUfe iVvaX vVve. ^es\ %,cssi«^-

138 OUR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM I

ment of the country was not in the hands of the electo-
rate but in those of the rich wrote as follows : — ** Let
us rejoice, then, that we have been reminded before the
election and not after it, of the Permanent Tory Opposi-
tion which will confront us after the battle is won. Now
that we have the i sue raised again, in sheer wantonness
by the old and new nobility. Let us not suffer it to be
dropped. We will come into power in 1906, not only with*
a mandate upon the fiscal question and education and
the publicans and Chinese slavery and labour legislation,
but upon that monstrous survival of the bad old times
which we call the House of Lords."

At about the same time occurred another incident
which showed the ascendancy of the deinocratic spirit
in this country. The Government announced what was
practically a dropping of the Unemployed Bill and said
there was no chance of the Bill being passed into law
this session. This announcement met withr a chorus of
disapproval from the public, and at once a number of
monster demonstrations of the unemployed were
organised.

Thousands of the unemployed assembled in different
places and protested. In some cases thousands marched
to London to prove to tne Government the intensity of
feeling on the subject.

At a meeting of the unemployed at Manchester a
regular march to London was proposed. In discussing:
the proposed measure one of the speakers said : ''They
had no hesitation in declaring that such a march would
be a menace to the towns they passed through, but if
the Government wanted to prevent it, th^^ must ^ive the

HOW TO CARRY IT ON. 139^

legislation asked for." Another speaker said that if in
the opinion of the authorities, "Human life was not worth
any consideration, they, the unemployed, would say that
they were not prepared to consider property (Hear,.
Hear). They would take immediate steps to see to it
that they had that which was necessary for their suste-^
nance and they would not be particular where they got
it." The demonstrations of the unemployed men were
supplemented by similar demonstrations of the un-
employed women, and the wives of the unemployed in
London who eventually sent a deputation to the House
of Commons to meet the Premier. The result was that
all parties had to give in and the " Unemployed Bill *'
was taken up and passed into law.

Then there is another question that has been agi-
tating a section of the British public for several years
past, viz., the Education Act. This Act forces Non-Con-
formists to pay rates which they consider iniquitous.
The Bill was passed in the teeth of a great and vigorous
opposition and the Non-Conformists have not yet been
reconciled to it. \ great number of them every year
refuse to pay taxes voluntarily and the same is realized
by the seizure and distress of their property. This has
been going on for the last three years and still continues.
The methods of agitation followed by the Irish national-
ists are too significant and well known to need special
mention. In the House of Commons they obstinately
obstruct business and at times make the transaction of it
almost impossible. Their policy in this respect is open
and avowed. In the country itself they throw as many"
difficulties in the way of the Govertvtnttvt^'&^Jei^^ ^^w*

140 OUR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM :

Their success in these methods is well known and,
•as a result thereof, they have extorted many valuable
concessions from unwilling and hostile Parliaments. In
'Other parts of Europe they go a step further and in the
demand for political liberty have recourse to Anarchist
tnethods, which at times culminate in murders, assassi -
nations and crime. This is wicked no doubt, but it
shows how intense is the desire for political liberty and
at what risk and under what conditions people are
striving to get it, in their own way and according to
their own means. Now, on seeing and studying all
this, one cannot help contrasting the same with political
•conditions that prevail in India. Not that he necessarily
wishes that all of these methods may be adopted
by his countrymen but because he keenly feels by
contrast the apathy, the indifference, the want of ear-
nestness, the absence of a spirit of sacrifice for the cause
and for the principle, the collossal timidity and the con-
•sequent failure of those who carry on political agitation
in India. There are neither leaders nor followers who
fully realize what political freedom is and what stupend-
ous efforts and sacrifices are required of them in order
to get to even the fringe of the same. One is apt to
feel that a set of wordly-wise (or perhaps unwise), greedy
and cowardly people as we are, we do not deserve a
better treatment at the hands of our rulers than what
they accord to us. Why ? What sacrifices do we under-
go to deserve what wc want ? Anything more than the
trouble oi attending the annual session of the Con-
gress and enjoying a holiday ? 'Yes, a ^evj do mot^ ^^ti
^Aat. They write articles and deVwer speecVv^%, kte«

HOW TO GARRY IT ON. 141

do even more than that, they subscribe small sums of
money for the political propaganda. But what propor-
tion does that bear to their incomes or to their expendi-
ture on luxuries and holidays, &c., you should not ask.
Because in answer to that question even the greatest
and the loudest of Indian Patriots will have to hide his
head in shame. But why be so hard on them ? Have
they not big families, sons, grandsons, daughters, wives,
mothers, and last but not the least, their great selves to
provide for ? Why, have they not to leave estates, build
palaces and otherwise provide for the dim uncertain
future ? Yes, they have to do all that, and we have no
quarrel with them for doing so. Only we object to their
assuming that they are patriots. / In our humble opinion
no one is entitled to call himself a patriot who holds any-
thing (excepting his religion, of course,) dearer than his
country. But this is a very high and almost unapproach-
able ideal, you will say. Very well, let us in any case try
to do something better and more tangible than we have
been doing heretofore. Let us, at the close of each
5'ear, feel certain of some progress. Let us take stock
and say if we are, to be sure, making substaintial pro-
gress. Looked at from this point of view even, I am
afraid we cannot hold out a cheerful and promising
record. Our past record shows that in truth, the strug-
gle for freedom has not even yet commenced, we have
done absolutely nothing to inaugurate it. The country
is as yet wanting in those conditions which must precede
the dawn of an era of real, earnest struggle.

Where are the poUtlcaV t.Vvvt\Vw^t^ cA \^^ ^^vx^x^.^^,
whose sole thought by day or by tv\^\., %\^e.vv^%.^^ ^*^*

142 OUR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM:

ing, should be, how to initiate and carry on the struggle

for freedom ? Where are the political Sanyasis whose

sole work in life should be the preaching of the gospel of

freedom, who should, even at the point of the bayonet,

say with Galelio, " there they are, I see them moving " ?

Where are the Vaishi/as of the movement who will only

earn and make money for the struggle and who will

finance it ; who will live poorly and modestly and save

every pie for the sacred cause in order not to let it suffer

for want of the sinews of war ? And last but not least

where are the peopJ^e who will quietly, ungrudgingly,

without complaint or rw^irmur, suffer for the cause and

in their persons prove theNtruth of the saying that " the

blood of the martyrs is theVseed of the church '* ? In

short, where are the people w'ftio will raise agitation for

political rights and liberty to thettlig"ity ^^ ^ church and

live and die for the same P \

Let us look round and find ouif if there are men in
the country who' are fit to properly iVnitiate and inaugu-
rate the struggle for freedom. Beng^V is renowned for
its writers and speakers. Let some ofV^it^ best sons con-
secrate their lives to the cause. Their.* ^^^1^ business in
life should be to write books, tracts, pd imphlets, articles
and notes, also to give speeches all d >^^^ *^^ country
expounding what liberty is, how it wiii^ won by other
people and how it can be won by us. L-1^* ^^^^ ^^^^ "^
payment for their labours but what is sui^^^^"* ^^^ *^^'^
sustenance. Let them build no houses, cr'l^^*^ "^ estates
and live simple frugal lives. If possible, li ^* ^^^^ ^ ^^*'
bates, Maharashtra has justly earned a n • ^^^ ^^^ states-
mp.nsh}p and powers of or^aviisatlotv. Lte^^^ ^^'^" °^ ^**

HOW TO CARRY IT ON. 143

best sons consecrate their lives to the work of organising
political movements in India. Oui revered friend, Mr^
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, is one of the fittest persons to
undertake the work, if the Government which has been
persecuting him so long, is inclined to let him alone,
which is not likely, he having roused its worst suspicions.
Well, in that case, the best thing for him is to bid good-
bye to his motherland, be a voluntary exile and take his
residence somewhere abroad. He should devote himself
to the task of influencing English and foreign public
opinion in favour of political reforms in India. The
other leader who is fitted to do this work is Mr. Gokhale.
I may be pardoned for hazarding an opinion to the effect
that the Supreme or any other Legislative Council
Chamber is not the place for him. He has shown the
way to others, he has proved to the world sufficiently
that even poor Indians can hold their own against clever
autocratic bureaucrats of the class of Lord Curzon, and
that is enough. Let the non-official members of the
Bombay Legislative Council find another representative
champion for the Supreme Council and leave Mr. Go-
khale alone, to be the whole-time Secretary of the Con-
gress, to organise a central office, to go about, and guide
the Provincial Congress Committees. The other pro-
\inces, also, should, if possible, prevail upon one or two
capable persons in each centre to renounce their profes-
sions and take to the work of carrying on political agita-
tion and spreading political propaganda.

If there are any provinces which cannot fix upon
their own leaders, let them follow the lead cf the better
situated and more lucky ones and assist in bringing abavit.

144 OUR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM I

one compact political organisation determined to carry
on the struggle for political right.

As to actual work, we think, the time has come for
more vigorous measures and for a substantial change in
the methods of our agitation.

Bengal has just shown the way in agitating against
the Partition of Bengal. What Bengal has done should
be done by every province in ventilating its grievances.
Besides occasional provincial demonstrations like those
recently held in Bengal, we ought to improve upon the
general annual demonstration at the Congress session by
arranging to bring about a greater and a bigger meeting
every year attended by "o ^^ss than a hundred thousand
persons from all parts of India. The educational and the
political value of such gatherings cannot be over-estimat-
ed. Let the next session of the Congress at Benares set
the example. Actual deliberative work should be done
by a smaller conference attended by not more than a
hundred of the best men of the country. Two whole
days may be reserved for this work and one da]/, the
opening day, for popular demonstration, at which
speeches may be delivered to the assembled masses from
\- different platforms by different men in their own verna-
culars. The executive and administrative work of guid-
ing the movement all round the year should be done by
a still smaller standing Committee of 20 to 30 men..
This committee ought to meet at least twice or three
times a year, and if Sir Pherozeshah Mehta cannot spare
time to attend its sittings at some central place, let us
unanimously agree to fix Bombay as the headquarters
and meet only there. Or if that be not acceptable to

HOW TO CARRY IT ON. 145

our Bengal friends who are equally indispensable, let
Bombay and Calcutta have the honour of being the
meeting place every alternate year. For the sake of
unanimity and for the sake of our motherland let us all
agree to this even though it may be inconvenient and
expensive to Madrassees and Punjabis to do so.

Then the next thing which the whole country ought
to do simultaneously with the above is the adopting of
and giving effect to the Bengal resolutions re the boy-
cotting of English goods. This in my opinion is the
most effective way of bringing the Government to its
senses and will be most telling on England. Even if we
cannot do without foreign goods let us import them
from Japan and China first and from Germany, France
or the United States next. Let us try to gain the
sympathy and good-will of the Indian retail-sellers, and
there cannot be the least doubt that we can carry on an
effective political propaganda. There is another thing
which I would do, viz,, to spread a knowledge of English
laws and Regulations broad-c?,st. Let the people realize
the full significance of the laws under which they live and
demand the full pound of fles'i given to them by the same.
If all these measures carried out for a number of years
fail to make an impression upon the Government, though
I am sure they will, then there will be time to think
of more effective methods of constitutional agitation to
bring about the desiiel reforms in the government of
the country.

I have my own ideas about carrying on the Indian
political campaign in England which I reserve for another
occasion. \ Lajpat Rau

10

INDIA AND ENCLI8H PARTY POLITICS.

I am of opinion that those who talk of identifying
the Congress with the Liberal Party in England, pre-
sume too much. Firstly, they assume without justifica-
tion and perhaps against all experience that the Libera!
Party, as a party, are prepared to open their arms to
them. My experience tells me just the otherwise It
is true that the response to the circular letter of the
Chairman of the British Committee of the Indian
National Congress, asking for platforms for the Indian
Delegates came mostly from the Liberal and Radical
Associations of England, including Trade Unions, Labour
and Socialist circles. It is equally true that what little
■hearing we received in England was given to. us by the
Liberals, but then we cannot shut our eyes to the fact
that the Liberal leaders and the Liberal executives kept
themselves as much aloof as the Conservatives. These
latter are in substantial agreement with the Conserva-
tives in keeping Indian affairs out of party politics. At the
discussion of the last Budget in June there was only
one influential Liberal (Sir Charles Dilke) who spoke in
favour of Mr. Herbert Robert's motion for a Parliamen-
tary enquiry. The other leading Liberals went in a
body against it. You have only to be a few days in
England to come to the conclusion that the Liberal exe-
cutive is as indifferent to the Indian affairs as the
Conservatives and that as a party the Liberals are not
prepared to receive your advances. For the time being
some of them may utilise you for party purposes in those
matters in which they differ from their rivals, the
Tories, but beyond that they will not go. As such, it is

INDIA AND ENGLISH PARTY POLITICS. 147

futile to discuss the wisdom or the no n- wisdom of iden-
tifying the Congress with the Liberals as a party. The
question is, at present, outside the range of practical
politics. Though it were possible to do so, I would
rather have the Indian affairs fought and discussed on
party lines. So far I am quite in agreement with Sir
Pherozeshah Mehta. Any one even slightly acquainted
with political life in England will tell you that, as a rule,
English politicians are not prepared to devote any time
and attention to any matter which does not further party
interests. Matters outside party politics receive hardly
any consideration. Nobody cares for the same. People
do not feel sufficiently interested to spare any time or at-
tention formatters which do not seem to concern them in
any way. The Press cannot afford to spare space for them
or it does not pay them. The man in the street is absorbed
in his own affairs. The ordinary citizen or voter argues that
a matter upon which both parties agree and hold the
same views must be well looked after and needed no
care on his part. To be just and fair to English Liberals,
I must say that those who could be approached were
found to be very sympathetic and for the time being at
least appeared to have been touched by the tale of
woe narrated before them. Some of them passed
resolutions of sympathy and so on, but beyond that I
don't believe they will take any further trouble of pressing
it either on their representatives in the House of Com-
mons or on their party leaders as such. So far the great-
est sympathy has been expressed by the Labour and
Democratic and Socialist circles. The working men in
England are now awake and they are as much dv^<i^^\sA.

148 India and English party politics.

with the present system of class Government as we are,^
They are pushing forward their own candidates and they
hope to return a solid body of Labour members in the
next General Election. The Democratic and Socialist
sections are in favour of Home Rule for India and so, of
course, are the Irish. These are the people upon whose
active sympathy Indians can safely rely and who might
help Indians if they are sufficiently strong to make
themselves heard. But they are poor ; and poverty in
England is, perhaps, a greater curse and calamity than
anywhere else in the world. They generally denounce the
Liberals as well as the Conservatives, though their
members in Parliament seem to have a certain sort
of alliance with the Liberals. They are perfecting
ttieir organisations and are advancing steadily. The
Socialists and the Democrats are allied with them. I
was much impressed with their sincerity of purpose and
genuineness of sympathy, and I am of opinion that it is
this class only with which at present an alliance is
possible, if any. It is no doubt true, that in high Whig
circles this class is not looked upon with favour and
very reasonably too. They aim at their overthrow and
claim a share of the power of which the former have
been enjoying an exclusive monopoly so far. The fact
that of all countries in the European world, England is
the most Conservative and very slow to adopt new ideas
makes it probable that the Labour and Democratic
influence will take a long time to develop and to attain
the power which they aim at. But all the same it is
hopeless to expect anything at the hatvds o^ \.Vv^ VlvVj^t^^
/or India. When in power they m\6ht setvOi 2. s^m^^v-W^-

RBPRESSIVB MEASURES IN BENGAL. 149

-tic Viceroy but that they cannot and will not follow a
systematic, persistent policy of advance in applying
Democratic principles of Government to India, is as
<:ertain as that Sun will set this evening and rise to-
morrow morning.

There are some good Liberals who sincerely desire
■to rule India on sound Liberal principles, but at present
.they are in a hopeless minority, their voices do not
<count for much and there is little chance of their gaining
any prominence or coming to the front Benches, in the
.near future.

Under the circumstances, the only advice I can
•offer my countrymen is as follows : —

(1) That they should mainly look to themselves
and their own exertions for political progress. The
English voter, whether Liberal or Conservative, is a
sympathetic creature no doubt, but then he is absorbed
in his own troubles and affairs and to care for us has
neither the time nor the inclination to attend to anything
which does not directly concern him or which is likely
to affect his pocket injuriously.

(2) That if there is any class in England which
deserves our confidence and upon whose votes we can
place any reliance at all it is the Labour party, including
the democrats and the Socialists and the Irish of course

REPRESSIVE MEASURES IN BENGAL.

RESOLUTION XIII, OF THE 21 ST INDIAN NATIONAL
CONGRESS HELD AT BENARES 1905.

Mr. President, brother»de\egaX.e.%n \adA<5.% 'a.tv^ '^^^'^-
mem—l am afraid I cannot deVv^et 2l sv<tec\v\o.>i^^ ^^.^-asa^

150 REPRESSIVE MEASURES IN BENGAL.

which we have been hearing on the resolution of the
" Partition of Bengal *' and the present resolution before
you. I give it my heartiest support on two grounds. You
have been hearing of the misfortunes of our brethren of
Bengal. I am rather inclined to congratulate them on
the splendid opportunity (cheers) to which an all-wise
Providence, in His dispensation, has afforded to them by
heralding the dawn of a new political era for this country
(cheers). 1 think the honour was reserved for Bengal, as
Bengal was the first to benefit by the fruits of English
education. ^Bengal up to this time — excuse me for saying
that^^tKe Bengal lion, by some cause, had degenerated
into a jackal, and I think Lord Curzon has done us a
great service by provoking the lion in his own den
(cheers) and rousing him to a sense of conscientiousness
of his being a lion. I think no greater service could have
been done to India, to the cause of India or to Bengal,
by any other statesman. There are times, gentlemen,
when I am inclined to pray that from time to time God
might be pleased to send Viceroys like Lord Curzon to
this country, in order to awaken the people of this coun-
try to a sense of their responsibility in this matter.
Gentlemen, I believe, and 1 believe earnestly, that the
political struggle has only commenced, it was only in
the fitness of things that, when Congress attained its
majority, the attaining of that majority should have been
preceded by a manly and vigorous protest on the part of
the people of this country. It is only in the fitness of things
that the movement's coming to age of majority should
have been preceded by a vigorous and manly declaration
of its approaching manhood. I think in the circumr

REPRESSIVE MEASURES IN BENGAL. 15t

Stances like ours, in conditions like ours, we are perfectly
justified in taking the attitude that our brethren of Ben-
gal have taken. What else was left for you ? j It has
been explained that all possible things that could be done
in the name of constitutional agitation have been
exhausted. What was the example given to you by your
fellow-subjects in the other parts of the Empire? English-
men have been our teachers in all branches of human
knowledge. Englishmen have given us constitutional
rights. Was it not perfectly right to take a page from
the book of the Englishmen on the methods of constitu-
tional agitation and adopt those methods which will be
appreciated by themselves ? Now let us see what
Englishmen in England do. I do not say that our condi-
tions allow of our exactly copying or imitating them, but
surely we have a right to adopt that spirit, understand
that spirit and follow it. Let me tell you what are the
methods adopted by Englishmen in England when they
have a grievance to be listened to by Government. The
method w hich is perfectly:, legitimate, perfectly, constitu-
tional and perfectly justifiiable,.jLS the-niethod:. of. passive
; resistan ce (cheers). l\lthough I am not at the present
moment quoting any social democrat or labourman, I
must admire them ; I have great respect for them. I
must tell you that the message which the people of
England wanted to send to you through me w^as the
jnessage that in our utterance, in our agitations and in
our fight and struggle for liberty, we ought to be more
manly than we have been heretofore (cheers). An
Englishman hates or dislikes nothing like beggary. ' I
think a begger deserves to be hated. l^Yv^telcv'c^^Ww^vyx

152 REPRESSIVE MEASURES IN BENGAL.

duty to show Englishman that we have risen to the
sense of consciousness, that we are no longer beggars
and that we are subjects of an Empire when people
are struggling to achieve that position which is their
right by right of natural law (cheers). Gentlemen,
in every stage people were arbiters of their destiny,
but we are not so at the present moment. We are
perfectly justified in trying to become arbiters of our
own destiny and in trying to obtain freedom. I think the
people of Bengal ought to be congratulated on being
leaders of that march in the van of progress (cheers). I
rather envy them. I am rather jealous of them ; at the
same time I am proud of them. They have begun the
battle, they have begun the fight and they have begun it
in right manly style. They have effaced all those taunts,
they have effaced all those insinuations against them
of being timid and cowardly ; they have exhibited
a manliness, they have exhibited a spirit in this
battle which has to be commended to other Provin-
ces of India. If the other Provinces of India will just
follow their example, I say the day is not far from distant
sights. But if you simply go there as a beggar without
the consciousness of your power, of your right to demand
your rights, you go there simply to be rejected (cheers).
If, therefore, you want to be heard, and you want to be
heard with respect, you must approach with determina-
tion, with evidences of determination, with signs that yom
are determined to achieve your rights at any cost. Vttr
Jess you do that, the goddess of liberty is very jear
^i/s. She shall never aMow you to appto^cVv V«t ^tA
^^e shjill never allow you to enter Vver porta\%- H«^

REPRESSIVE MEASURES IN BENGAL. 153

must remain outside because you are profane : you can-
not enter because you are not sufficiently pure ; you
must purify yourselves through the ordeals of fire of
self-sacrifice. The goddess of liberty is the most sacred
goddess in the world, and before you can approach her,
you should show by your life, life of self-denial, that you
are fit to enter her temple (cheers). What have we been
doing to be fit to approach that temple? I am afraid that
our record is extremely poor and extremely humiliating:
it is extremely bad to look at. But there are signs of
the rising sun. And if the people of India will just learn
that lesson from the people of Bengal, I think the strug-
gle is not hopeless. We are just awakening to a sense
of our duty and a sense of responsibility to the mother-
land. It may be that with th** consciousness of that
strength we may tread the right way, the right path in
the struggle for freedom. I have only to say one word
about that part o: the resolution which deals with repres-
sive measures. I think the repressive policy of this
'Government is very encouraging. A Government com-
manding 280,003 or 5')0,000 soldiers stooping to strike us
hy striking at our boys (cries of shame) ! I say what
have these wise statesmen of Government conrie to ? Are
they not displaying disgraceful weakness, a weakness of
which the people are conscious? It would be difficult
for them to remain where they are. What wouki people
•conclude that thi« mighty Government, with so many
.-guns and canons, wi*h so many armies and with such
:array of statesmen, have begun to ^^Kl >«\\.Vv Vs<s^%
Series of shame)? I say that, as iviend^ olo^^'i^^'J^^ Vv^^^^
ofpoefceiul p;-o^re»s, as friends ot I'ae i^Tit^e.x\^ ^wc^'c^

154 REPRESSIVE MEASURES IN BENGAL.

ment, because we are not ungrateful, we advise them to
eschew these weak methods, disgraceful methods, and
re-assert their manliness by pursuing paths of righteous-
ness, flf we were to adopt the methods of revolutionists ^
if we were to adopt to some secret methods which the
Government of Lord Curzon has adopted in pushing
forth the Partition Scheme, if we were to adopt the
same methods that the Government of India and beau-
racratic rulers are adopting in dividing people against
people, in setting the Hindu against the Mahomedan
(shame), the Hindu against the Sikhs, it will be a dange-
rous game. I say that the Government is giving weapons
which are sharp but which are disgraceful and which show
signs of weakness. I, therefore, say that it is a dange-
rous game which the Government is playing. It might in-
jure them at any moment. Therefore, as friends of Go-
vernment, as friends of order, we warn Government
against treading this path of danger and diHiculty. Let
Government remember, and let you, gentlemen, also re-
member, that people once awakened and awakened right-
ly, cannot be put down (cheers). It is impossible for the
Government of India, after a century of British rule, after
a century of liberal education, after havinc; put the books
of Burke, Bain and Mason in our hands, to put us down
like d(^s and slaves. That is impossible. The Bengalis
have just now shown. Th^y are only now showing that
the task is impossible even for a mighty government like
the British Government. Therefore, wisdom requires^
statesmanship requires, that people should be governed
on right lines, on liberal principles, on those democratic
principles which are just now stirring the whole worlds

REPRBSSIVE MEASURES IN BENGAL. 155

The wave of democracy is out. I defy any Government
in the world where there is any just civilization to keep
the people out of their rights for any length of time.
The history of Europe is before you. What is the fate
of the autocratic methods ? We pray our Government
not to adopt those methods. As my friend the Chair-
man has been telling English audience, the British
Government is foolish in following Russian methods.
We are great admirers of British rule. As people who
are benefited by that rule, we call upon Government not
to trample under foot the best traditions of British rule,
but to re-trace those steps and not leave the people of
this country mider the impression that their Government
18 going to adopt nothing better than Russian methods*
If these methods continue, gentlemen, what will be the
difference between the Russian Government and the
British Government ? There will be nothing left for the
people of this country to be loyal to the British Govern-
ment if these things are taken away — if the rights of
meetings, if the rights of petitions and if the rights of
constitutional agitation are taken away from us. Let
my Governors tell me what shall be left to us to be loyal
to them ? Why shall we be loyal to them ? J, there-
fore, say that it is in their own interests that they ought
to retrace their steps and follow the noble example
which has been set by some of their noblest statesmen,
and remedy the state of things that exist^ One word
more and I have done. I see the time is going fast
(cries of " go on **). No, I am not going to break the
rule. I think I have already exceeded the limits. There
18 only one word I should like to vic^. \^ '^o.w Xv^'i.

156 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

adopted this manly and vigorous policy, be prepared for
the logical consequence (cheers). Don't conceal your
heads. Don't behave like cowards. Once having adopted
that manly policy, stick to it till the last. Glorify your-
selves as I have told you. Is it not a matter of shanie
for us that this National Congress in the last twenty-one
years should not have produced at least a number of
political Sanyasis that could sacrifice their lives for the
political regeneration of the country ? Now that the
Congress has come to a stage when it could become a
father, a parent, I earnestly appeal to you to let it have
its legitimate offsprings, a band of earnest missionaries
to work out the political regeneration of the country
' (cheers). There is no use of our talking aloud, there is
not much use of our showing signs of discontent and
disaffection, unless we are true to ourselves, true to our
noble country, true to the mother-land, true to the cause
of political regeneration and political agitation. If you
show, in a few years, to our rulers that we are steadfast
in our determination, that we are steadfast in our
devotion to our cause, I assure you that there is no
power in the v.orld that can prevent us from going for-
ward (loud and continued cheers). V

EDUCATION IN INDIA.*

It has now more than abundantly been established
that the efficiency of a nation depends upon the amount
and nature of brain power which it can put forth ifl

* The conclusions and comments noted above are based on thtf
figures of 1901-1902. We know that since then someting more tmi
been done by the Government of India towards extending the scope and

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 157

the affairs of life. . In an address delivered some two
years back, Sir JmQp Lockyer, the illustrious President
of the British Association, traced conclusively and con-
vincingly the intimate relation that exists between the
provision made by a nation for the higher education of
itft people and the position taken by that nation in the
ceaseless competition between the great countries of the
world. Relying upon facts and figure?, he compared the
educational facilities and the intellectual out-put of Great
Britain and Ireland w^th'those of its rivals, Germany and
United States, and came to the conclusion that the latter
were much in advance of the former. Nay, he went a
step further and held out young Japan as an example to-
be followed with profit in the matter of intel'ectual
efforts. Those who are in touch with the cur-ent litera-
ture of the West, must have been struck by the extreme
importance which all the civilized nations of the world
have, by experience, begun to attach to education as the
foundation of all national greatness both In point of
wealth as well as of intellect. If, then, in the struggle
^ for life, education and educational eff^orts are matters of
supreme importance to advanced, independent and ^If-
governing nations like the English, the German and the
American, it only stands to reason that they are of still
greater importance to a country like India where igno-

sphere of education in this country. An examination of what has been
done in these j^ears and whether that justifies the Policy and attitude of
tBe Government towards private enterprise in education may better form
t& subject of a separate article wherein we may compare the results
Mlieved by the Government of American and European states ia
the matter of Education.

158 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

ranee and superstition reign supreme, where penury and
poverty are the order of the day, where want and starva-
tion are generally prominent, where independence of
thought and action is almost unknown, and where the
destinies of the nation are completely in the hands, and
at the mercy, of a handful of foreigners who, in spite
of all the generosity and benevolence of intentions that
they can put forth in the Government of this country,
are loth to admit the sons of the soil to any decent
share in the management of the affairs of their own
land. In a country where the economic circumstances
brought about by an alien rule force the people to
look to other countries for even the necessaries of
life, where the unlimited resources provided by a bounti-
ful Providence are closed to the sons of the soil and
are only accessible to clever, energetic, and enterprising
foreigners, where the wealth of the country is being
daily drained out of the country, and where a fairly
intelligent population are, for want of education and
opportunities, being reduced to the position of
drawers of water and hewers of wood, education, I say,
is a question of life and death. Our future principally
depends upon the amount and the sort of education we
shall receive.

Having once put the educational machinary into

^ motion, our rulers have of late been showing signs of

great dissatisfaction with the results. The history of

English education in this country shows that originally

the framers of Government Educational policy were

actuated partly by se/jfish and partly \s^ pVuV2Ltv\.\\toi^VQ. and

^igh motives. To qxiot^ the words o^ t\\e Cjovettvmetvlol

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 159

India resolution of 1904 :

They regarded it as a sacred duty to confer upon the
natives of India those vast moral and material blessings
which flow from the general diffusion of useful knowledge.
They hoped by means of education to extend the influ-
ence which the Government was exerting for the sup-
pression of demoralizing practices, by enlisting in its
favour the general sympathy of the native mind. They
also sought to crenie supplii of puhlic servants to whose prohit if ^
offices of timst mitjht with increased confidence he committed^
and to promote the material interests of the country by
stimulating its inhabitants to develop its vast resources.

The italics are mine. This policy appears to have
been faithfully carried up to 1882, by which time the out-
turn of the educational activity in the land had come to
be immensely in excess of the requirements of the ad-
ministration merely. To quote the resolution again :

The growth of schools and colleges proceeded most
rapidly between 1871 and 1882, and was furthur aug-
mented by the development of the Municipal system, and
by the Acts which were passed from 1865 onwards pro-
viding for the imposition of local cesses which might be
applied to the establishment of schools. By the year
1882, there were more than two million and a quarter of
pupils under instruction in public institutions. The
Commission of 1882-83 furnished a most copious and
valuable report upon the state of education as then exist-
ing, made a careful enquiry into the measures which
had been taken in pursuance of the Despatch of 1854,
and submitted furthur detailed pTopo?ffl\^ \o^ cac^ct^vess^^viX.
the principles of that Despatch. Tliey aOlxjW^ -cao ^j.o.^^'^-

160 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

reliance upon, and sjisteinatic encourarfement of private effort
and their recommendations were approved by the Govern-
ment of India.

The italics are again mine. This was the first step
towards reaction. The Anglo-Indian bureaucracy raised
a cry against high education and bitterly complained
that the Government was entirely wrong in spending
large sums out of their resources on high education. It
was thus laid down as a principle of policy to gradually
withdraw from the work of secondary and high education
and confine the energies of the State to the task of ex-
tending Primary Education. In pursuance of this policy
some Government Colleges were abolished, a few transfer-
red to private management, and the fees in all Govern-
ment and aided colleges were greatly raised. To the
great misfortune of those provinces which had only
recently come under the British rule and where education
had only very recently been introduced, as the Punjab,
the policy formulated by the Government of India in
1882 affected them most injuriously and was very
effectual in retarding high education therein.

As a natural result of this policy, however, the peo-
ple of the country began to look up for themselves, and
systematic efforts were made by them to provide against
the loss likely to follow from the partial withdrawal
of Government from the field. This withdrawal of
Government, or the contraction of Government expendi-
ture on high education, and the raising of fees, have had
different effects in different provinces, but so far it has^
had only a most disastrous effect in the Punjab.

The truth of this remark will appear from a glance

EDUCATION IN INDIA.

161

at the following table in which the 5 large provinces range

themselves according to fee incidence ; —

Punjab

... 5-4

Bengal

.-. 3-9

Madras

... 3-5

Bombay

... 3-0

United Provinces...

... 3-0

The following figures show that of all the 5 important
provinces into which British India proper is divided, the
Punjab is only next to the most backward of them in
the matter of University education.

The following table gives the number of boys of
school-going age of which one is an Arts College, in the
5 University provinces of India: —

Bengal ... ... ... ... ... 711

Madras... ... ... ... ... 755

Bombay ... ... ... ... 1,029

Punjab... ... ... ... ... 1,319

U- r^. ... ... ... ... ... i&,uUZ.

The following table shows the increase in all British
India in the total number of collegiate students in the 3
quinquenniums that have elapsed since 1882 :--

1887-88 to 1891-92 ... ... ... 4,364

1891-92 to 1896-97 ... ... ... 1,509

1896 97 to 1901-02 ... ... ...3,215

Thus it took full 10 years for the private colleges to
develop in order to reduce the decrease that was so
marked and startling in the second quinquennium of this
reactionary period.

During the last quinquennium while Bengal gained
1,768 pupils (collegiates)
11

162 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

Bombay ... ... ... * ... 877

Madras... ... ... ... ... 239

Punjab with the N. W. F. P. only gained 160 while
the U. P. fared still worse and only gained 44. in 1896-
97 the number of scholars receving education in Arts
Colleges in the Punjab was 1,101. In 1899-00 it rose to
1,180 and in 1900-01 it was only 1,152.

The following figures show that but for the private
colleges, the collegiate education in India would have
fared disastrously, as in 1901-02 there were only 4,000
students in Government Colleges and 12,000 in privately
managed colleges, 54 per cent, of the latter only being
in aided institutions — the unaided colleges of Bengal
alone educating no less than 4,541 of them. The figures
of increase in the number of students in different classes
of institutions show to what extent, during the last quin-
quennium alone, private enterprise in education has come
to the rescue of high education in this country. This
increase is divided as follows : —

Government Colleges ... ... ... 448

Aided Colleges ... ... ... ... 998

Unaided Colleges ... ... ... 1,695

With the exception of Bengal, where the average

annual cost of educating a college student is the lowest

because of the very large numbers receiving education in

cheap private colleges, the cost is the lowest in the. Pun-

jab, as shown by the following table : —

\J * f^. ... ... ..• ... ••• £tiiO

iViauras ... ... ,., ,,, ,,, Yoo

Bombay ... ... ... ... 188

Punjab ... ... ... ... ... 136

EDUCATION IN INDIA- 163

Bengal ... ... ... ... ... 97

^hile the total expenditure on collegiate education stands
<hus : —

Bengal ... ... ... ... 8| lacs.

Madras... ... ... ... 6J lacs.

vJ * Jr. ... ••• ... ... s^ lacs*

Bombay ... ... ... 3^ lacs.

Punjab ... ... ... ... If lacs.

Of these 25f lacs, only 8,96,000 are furnished by
Provincial Revenues while fees contribute 9f lacs, i, e.,
:80,000 over and above the conirilmtion of Government,

During the last quinquennium the expenditure from
public Revenues has actually diminished by Rs. 67,000
while that from fees has increased by Rs. 231,000.

Compare with the above the amount of money
-contributed by the Government of Great Britain and
Ireland on University education alone, viz. £ 1,55,600.

The University of London alone gets a grant of
£8,000 (see Contemporary Review of December 1903,
P. 838) ;the University of Berlin gets a grant of £1,68,780
from its Government and the University of Tokio (in
1895) £ 1,30,000.

SECONDARY EDUCATION.

Descending a step lower and looking at secondary
.education we shall find that altogether a sum of
Rs. 126,84,000 is spent on secondary schools, of which
only Rs. 32,76,000 are contributed by public funds
.(Imperial and Provincial Revenues, Local and Municipal
Funds all together) and Rs. 60,76,640 b^ fe^^^^V^^^&«.
balance being made up from pmai^Le %o\itc^.^»

In the Punjab the fee- ratio o^ eYL^etveCx^-vx^^ '^^ '^^^^

164 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

in the following quotation from the Review of H. H. the
Lieutenant-Governor on the Education report for 1900 01,

It is interesting to notice that on the average native
parents are called upon to pay Rs. 1-3-0 per annum for
the education of a son in a Primary School ; Rs. 11-8-6
in a Secondary School ; and over Rs. 80 in an Arts-
College. These figures, hower, do not take into account
assistance given in the form of scholarships.

In the Nineleenili Century for Oct. 1903 appeared an
article on " London Education " from the pen of the
Hon'ble Mr. Sydney L. C. C, in which the writer has
noticed the work of the London county council in provid-
ing improved educational facilities for London boys and
suggested desirable reforms and changes. Commenting
upon the facilities which exist in London for secondary
education the writer remarks that :

Every year about eirjlii hundred of the ablest boys and'
girls in the public elementary or lower secondary schools,
between eleven and thirteen years of age, are picked by
competitive examination for two to five years of higher
education. These hvo thousand scholarshijjs provide for the
cleverest children of the London wogeeamers a more genuineli/
occeasihle ladder than is open to the corresponding class in ani/
American, French, or Gasman dtj/. In addition to these
maintenance scholarships there are free places at most of
the London secondary schools, from St. Paul's downwards,
w^hich are utilised, as is found to be the case with all
provision of merely gratutious secondary education, by
the lower middle and professional classes. Above these
opportunities stand the intermediate and senior county scholar-
^Aips, and others provided by various trust funds, probabJy^

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 165

4iltojeihev about two huudred in each yem\ for candidates
between fifteen and nineteen years of age. These serve
partly to carry on the best of the junior scholars ; partly
to admit to the highest secondary schools the ablest
children of parents ineligible for the lowest rung of the
ladder; and partly to take the very pick of London'^
young people to the technical college and the university.
This scholarship scheme has now necessarily to be
revised, to bring it into accord with the changes lately
made in the school-leaving age and the pupil-teacher
system. Practically all children now stay at school
^ntil fourteen, and it is no longer necessary for any sub-
-stantial payment towards the maintenance of the scho-
larship to begin before that age. On the other haad
there is a consensus of opinion that, when a child passes
from an elementary to a secondary school, it should do
-so before the age of twelve, and should remain for not
less than four years. It looks as if the limit of age for
the normal junior scholarship should be reduced from
-thirteen to twelve, and its duration extended from two to
four years, whilst the annual maintenance allowance up
•to the age of fourteen might be reduced to 51, rising to
lOZ, and 1 5Z, in the last two years. And if the need for
pupil-teachers causes the number of scholarships to rise
to 2,000 a year, it would perhaps be possible to effect
the further desirable reform of beginning the selecting
jprocess by a preliminary examination, conducted, by
-the head-teachers themselves, in their own schools, of
^11 the children who had attained the fifth standard
before the age of twelve ; and of undertaking to award
4:he scholarships, not to any fixed number of wiaaecs

166 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

but to all who, in the subsequent centralised competitive
examination, reached a certain percentage of marks
Such a reform would organically connect the scholarship
system with all the public elementary schools, instead ofr
as at present, only about a third of them ; and would
bring London's * capacity-catching machine' to bear on
every promising child.

There must, however, be an adequate supply of
eflRcient secondary schools for these picked scholars to
attend, not to mention the needs of those who cam
afford to keep their boys and girls at school until
seventeen or nineteen. There is a common impression*
that the public secondary schpols of London are few and"
inefficient. Yet, including only Foundations, of which
the management is essentially public in character, Lond(m
has Jo'daj/ certmnlii not lesa than 25^00 hoj/s and {firU, hei^
ween seven and nineteen in ifs secondavii schools^ dcUudhf a
larger number than either Paris or Berlin, In the haetc-
ground^ and not included in this calculation, stands the hard
of private adventure * commercial academies' and ' colleges for
yoking ladies ' of the genteel suburbs. These we may leave
gently on one side. The publicly managed schools number
about ninety, well dispersed over the whole country^
ranging from those like Parmiter's School (Bethnal
Green) and Addey's School (Deptford), where the leaving
age is sixteen or seventeen, through the dozen admirable
institutions of the essentially public Girls, Public Day
School Company, up to such thoroughly efficient * first-
grade ' schools as the North London Collegiate, for girls-
^St. PancrsLs) and Dulwhich CoUege (^C2LmV>^t^N^^V^ ^tvd.
^t. Paul's (Hammersmith) for boys, ^et so ^^tvs^ \^

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 167

London that, with one or two exceptions, the very exis-
tence of these schools is forgotten by the ordinary citizen
and is often ignored by the legislator or administrator.
Many a middle class family which could well afford to
send its boys and girls to secondary schools is unfamiliar
with those which exist within a mile of its home. Even
to the best informed educational administrators the
real state and quality of the London secondary schools
taken as a whole, are far less accurately known than
those of the elementary. All the information points to
the conclusion that the efficiency varies immensely from
school to school ; that nearly all of them have good
buildings, mostly well provided with science laboratories
and suitable equipment; and that, where any school
falls below the mark, the weak point is the staffing. In
at least a third of the Lond&n secondart/ schools the income
from feeM and endoivment is insufficient to provide more than
one good salart^ which goes to the head teacher whilst the
atsistants^ who are to he iiniversitt/ graduates^ ore paid, for
the most part, less than is earned by an ordinart/ certificated
teacher in a board school. Yet even recognising all the
shortcomings of these schools, the department of secon-
dary education is not one which will give the London
County Council any serious trouble. About forty of
the publicly managed schools are sufficiently well ofP to
be independent of its aid, and these, nearly always charg-
ing high fees, and providing an education of high grade
may be left to themselves. The other fifty, including
practically all those in need of help, have already shown
by their cordial co-operation mtVvXi^e'l^OcvtCvc.'ji^ ^^^^^^^^^
tlon Board their willingness to \^\V\tvlo\vcve.. \\.^*^^^^^^

168 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

of course, be necessary to disturb the present governing
bodies, on which the local authorities are already well
represented, arid it would he untviae for the Council to
interfere in the details of ctdministration. In no department
is it so important to maintain variett/ and independent ex-
periment as in the secondary schools.

But construct what scholarship ladder we will, the
secondary schools can be used only by a small fraction
of the population. For the secondary education of the
masses there has been organised, by the School Board
on the one hand, and the Technical Education Board on
the other, an extensive assortment of evening classes .
providing instruction in every imaginable subject of lite,
rature, science, art, and technology. The classes of the
School Board, which enrol over 1,20,000 students for the
winter session and have an average attendance of half
that number, are conducted in 410 of its day-school
buildings, mainly by the younger and more energetic of
its staff of day teachers. The work of the Technical
Education Board, dealing usually with a more advanced
stage and older scholars, is concentrated in the forty
polytechnics, art schools, and technical institutes under
its management or control which have in the aggregate
about 50,000 students. Here the lecturers and teachers
are specialists in their respective subjects, teaching in
institutions specially equipped for their work. At six of
the polytechnics, the highest classes have been included
in the faculties of the reorganised London University.
These two schemes of evening instruction have now to
be co-ordinated, differentiated, and developed. There
cMa b^ no question of stopping either the one or the

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 169

Other ; on the contrary, both sides of the work will have
to be increased. It ought not to be too much to asJc that every
hoy or girl who leaves school at fourteen or fifteen should^ up
to twentji one, he at any rate entailed at some evening-class in*
^titution even if attendance is conjined to an hour j^er weelc. Yet
there are in London over 6,00,000 young people between
fourteen and twenty-one and not a third of these are at
present members of any sort of institution, recreational
or educational. Out of 84,000 boys and girls between
fifteen and sixteen, only 21,000 are on the rolls. What
is happening to the others ? We cannot, as yet, compel
them to come in, as the Bishop of Hereford proposes,
though this is done in various parts [of Germany and
Switzerland. But we might try the experiment of using
the school attendance officers to look after those who
have not joined an evening school, using the method of
persuasion, just as they look after the younger defaulters
from the day school. Meanwhile we could bring the
whole of the evening instruction in each borough into a
single hormonious organisation ; we could allocate the
work in such a way as to provide appropriately for each
-age and each grade, and avoid overlapping ; we could
take care that each subject is taught under the most
effective conditions, and properly co-ordinated with more
advanced instruction elsewhere ; and we could arrange
for the progression of the students from stage to stage,
until they reach the highest classes of the nearest poly-
technic, or the technical college itself.

The italics are everywhere mine and adopted to
enable the reader to compare the existing state of things
in India with the existing state of thltv^^ vcv L^Ok^'Swe^ «t

170 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

with what in the opinion of the writer in the Nineteenth
Century should be the state of things there.

It will thus appear that while the London authori-
ties are anxious to see that every hotj and girl^ whether
rich or poor, is in receipt of some aort of secondary edu-
cation up to the age of 21, the authorities in India have
ruled that the classes in the rural schools be so formed
as to exclude the possibilities of scholars reading in
them joining the ordinary secondary schools in towns.

The statement that in at least a third of the
London secondary schools the income from feen and
endowment taken together is insufficient to provide
more than one good salary which goes to the head-
teacher whilst the assistants who ought to be university
graduates are paid for the most part less than is earned
by an ordinary certificated teacher in a Board school, is
significant and may with profit be pondered over by the
educational authorities in the Punjab who are so strict
towards the private schools and are at times inclined to
exact higher standards of efficiency than even those ob-
served by some of the Board and Mission Schools in the
province. If even London tolerates the existence of in-
efficient secondary schools wherein the income from the
fees and endowment together is so meagre, surely there
can hardly be a case against similar schools in India
which is educationally so backward.

Primary education.

Coming down to the Primary School we find the
state of things still gloomier. The total expenditure on
Primary Education is Rs. 1,05,45,000 to which the Pub-
Hc funds (Revenues, Local and Municipal) all contribute

KDUCATION IN INDIA. 171

only Rs. 60,50,090 while from fees are realised Rs. 31,15,
211. The Provincial and Imperial Revenues contri-
buted only 13i^ lacs (see page 178 of report.) As compared
with the magnificent figure of 13J lacs of Rupees spent by
British Government on Primary Education in India, the
Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland voted £ 1,24,1 7,
368 for elementary education in those islands in 1901
alone. The extent and enormity of the evil have been
recognised by the Government of India in their resolution
of 1904, Paras 14, 15, and 16.

How, then, do matters stand in respect of the exten-
sion among the masses of primary education ? The
population of British India is over two hundred and forty
millions. It is commonly reckoned that fifteen per cent
of the population are of school-going age According to
this standard there are more than 18 millions of boys
who ought now to be at school, but of these only a little
more than J are actually receiving primary education. If
the statistics are arranged by Provinces, that out of a
hundred boys of an age to go to school, the number
attending primary schools of some kind, ranges from
between eight and nine in the Punjab and the United
Provinces, to twenty-two and twenty-three in Bombay
and Bengal. In the census of 1901 it was found that
only one in ten of the male population, and only seven in
a thousand of the female population were literate. These
figures exhibit the vast dimensions of the problem, and
show how much remains to do done before the propor-
tion of the population receiving elementary instruction
can approach the standard recognised as indispensable in
tnore advanced countries. While the need for educatloa

172 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

grows with the growth of population the progress towords
supplying it is not so rapid as it was in former years. In
1870-71 there were 16,473 schools with 607,320 scholars; ifl
1881-82 there were 82,916 with 2,061,541 scholars. But in
1891-92 these had only increased to 97,109 schools with
•2,837,607 scholars, and the figures of 1901-02 (98,538
•schools with 3,268,726 scholars), suggest that the initial
force of expansion is somewhat on the decline, indeed the
last year of the century showed a slight decrease as com-
pared with the previous year.

On a general view of the question the Government
of India cannot avoid the conclusion that the primary
education has hitherto had insufficient attention and an
inadequate share of the public funds. They consider that
it possesses a strong claim upon the sympathy both of
the supreme Government and of the Local Governments,
and should be made a leading charge upon provincial
revenues ; and that in those Provinces where it is in a
backward condition, its encouragement should be a
primary obligation.

It may be remarked that these obligations were also
admitted in 1882-83, but little was done to fulfill them,
as will be clear from a perusal of the following facts and
figures which we cull from vol. II of the Government of
India's reports on the progress of Education between
«7.98 to 1901-02.

No. OF Primary Schools for Bovs.

1886. 91-92, 96-97. 1901-02.

84,673 91,881 97,881 92,226

-which means an actual decrease of 5,655 in the last 5
jrears. The Punjab showed this decrease to the extent

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 173

of 42, i.e. in 1901-02 there were 42 Primary Schools less-
in the Punjab and N. W. Frontier Provinces combined.
In 96-97 there was one school for a group of 5*8 towns
and villages. In 1901-02 there was one for a group of
6*2. In the Central Provinces there is one Primary
school for 23*4 towns and villages, in the United Pro-
vinces of Agra and Oudh one for 15*6 and in the Punjab-
one for 14*5. In the Central Provinces the mean average
distance in miles between each boy's Primary school is
8*2 miles and in the Punjab 7'1. This does not mean
that schools are equally distributed over the whole area.
The fact is that in some districts there is no school for
many tens of miles.

During the last 5 years, while the number of Schools
fell by 5,655, the average strength per school rose only
by 2 (?. e. from 31 to 33 per school). The following
figures will show the progress made by primary education
in the number of scholars receivir^ education. In 96-97,.
30 lacs and 28 thousand boys received instruction in
Primary Schools for boys but in 1901-02 the number fell
to 30 lacs and 9 thousand (a fallof 17,000). In the
Primary Schools attached to secondary schools the
numbers in 96-97 were 31 lacs and 83 thousand and in
1901-02 the numbers were 31 lacks and 84 thousand Le.r
an increase of 1,000. Total loss 16,000. In the Punjab
and N. W. F Province (combined) the numbers in the
former schools were 10 lacs and 8 thousand in 96-97 and
the same in 1901 and 1902, but in the latter class of
schools it rose slightly, i.e., by 4,000.

In the Census Returns of 1901-02 only 13 million
males in British India have been entered ^s ^VA<5, \.^ ^'^^^

174 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

and write out of a total male population of 11 7| millions
which means that 104^ millions cannot read and write at
all. In 1901-02 only 174 out of a 1,000 boys of school-
going ag« were receiving instruction, i.e.. 826 went with-
out any education at all. But in the Punjab 914 out of
a 1,000 went without any instruction at all. Thus in
the matter of Primary education, the Punjab — that
nursery of the Indian soldier — the land of the brave and
the loyal Sikh — is the most backward of all the Provinces
even Assam, Burma and Central Provinces showing
much better figures (i.e., 197, 167, 137 per thousand res-
pectively) against 86 of the Punjab.

Now to judge of the quality of education imparted in
^hese schools we have only to examine the figures relat-
ing to the average cost of a school and the average
annual cost per pupil, the former being lesdthan 10 Rs. a
month and the latter being 3«7 (per year). The following
figures show that there has been practically no improve-
ment in this direction within the last 10 years.

Average annual cost of a boy's Primary School : —
91-92 96-97 1901-02.

94 101 114

or say the improvement can be valued at less than one
Rupee per month.

Coming nearer home we find that in the Punjab
the progress has been in the other direction. In 91-92
the annual cost of a boy's Primary School in the Punjab
was Rs. 222, in 96-97 it fell to Rs. 195 and in 1901-02 it
could only slightly rise to Rs. 202. The net result is that
as compared with 91-92 there is a falling off of 20 per
year. The increase in the average cost of educating a

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 175

boy may be judged from the following figures.

91-92. 96-97. 1901-02.
General average cost ... 3*2 3*2 3*7

Punjab 4'4 4*4 4*9

Now let us examine the so-called "unparalleled

liberality*' of the British Government in paying the

teachers employed in the schools.

The following table shows the average of monthly

pay of primary school teachers : —

G DO P T3 D3 3

&3 mo»5-E. ^

s>3 2 z. o*

65 *<

3

H) — ^ ^ CO

CO -rj

^ ^ ' : o

•

>X

o

o o

g o o

Oi

to

3 1 ^ ? 5*
jr. —• ,1 70.

^ ' S •^ f^ 2

C CL 0,05

V r+- CO ; CO

O o * *

1 05 Oi

to to en o

0.

ifi

CO CL

CO

•

•

3 f?

JO "1

c

•
•

•

CO

l-t-

<

1

ym

3 s«

-A

00

CAd

C/1 00

2:

rt"

r^

r-h «-»-

*

(/3

«•
«•

ym

5 CO

n

X

cn

^ to

en

OC

r

CO

•

&3
73

70

3 CO

D3

»^

*1

01 00

%

r+-

;x

r+ rt"

3

&3

W

:o

X

r>

CO

5 CO

X

•

2.

•

§

*<

•

\Ni^JV

T^

176 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

I do not know how to characterise the conduct of a
Government who expect teachers who get the royal
salary of Rs. 2 to 5 a month to spread and strengthen
the sentiment of loyalty amongst their pupils. In these
days even an ordinary illiterate day-labourer gets 6
annas per diem. The prosperity of this country under
British rule may better be judged by these scales of pay
which we have given above. Any furthur comments are
not needed-
Compare with this the following figures giving the
annual cost per child in the Primary Siage in Great
Bricain and Ireland.

Board School. Private School,.

England £3.0-9J. i, e., Rs. 45-9. £2.6s.4d., ?. e.

and Wales. R. 34-12

Scotland. £2 17-4 i.e, Rs. 43. £2-15s-6d-i.e. Rs. 37
Ireland. £2-10-11 i.e, Rs. 38.

The average pay of a teacher of Primary School i»
Great Britain and Ireland is £129 sterling per annum,
2. e. RS. 1,935 or say more than Rs. 150 per month.

So long as the cost of General Administration re-
mains what it is, and no reduction is effected by the
larger employment of native agency for the high-paid
and costly European agency, and so long as the military
is maintained on that ruinous scale as at present, there
is little prospect of increased expenditure being incurred
on education from Provincial and Imperial Revenues,
Every sensible man will agree with the Government that
the wider extension of education in India is chiefly a
matter of increased expenditure ; and any material im-
provein en t oF its quality is largely dependent upon the

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 177

same condition. A Government which could heretofore
afford to spend only a crore and ^ lacs upon the education
of more than 24 crores of its people in its charge is not
in a position to assume that supreme position in matters
educational which it has, by its recent policy, decreed to
itself. While the Government in India cannot afford to
give more than 1 crore and 4 lacs for the education of
more than 24 crores of its people, compared with about
19 crores spent by the Parliament of Great Britain for
the same object, the former aims at officialising, super-
vising and controlling every educational agency in the
land. In the name of sound education they decry those
institutions which, if not up to date in the supply of
appliances and apparatus, if not quite up to the mark in
the efficiency and competency of their teachers, if not
located in beautiful buildings, if not possessed of grand
and inspiring surroundings, are at Isast helping the cause
of education and literacy in the land. A Government
which pays teachers at the munificent rate of from 5 to 10
or 20 Rupees a month in Government and District and
Municipal Board Primary Schools, and at the lowest
rate of 4 and 5 Rupees a month * to teachers in the
Secondary Schools is surely not in a position to vote
the Private Schools out of existence even if the managers
of the latter cannot treat their teachers better than or
80 well as the Government does. In a country where
the number of male literates per 1,000 of the male
population ranges from 54 to 378 with an average of 102
for the whole of India ; where the number of boys in the
Primary stage per 1,000 of male population of school-

* See page 71 Vol. II. of the report (ox ^"]-^ Vo \<yi\-\^Q>'2..
12

178 EDUCATION IN INDIA.

going age ranges from 63 in the N. W. F. P. and 68 in
the Punjab to 232 in Bengal with an average of 174 for
the whole of British India ; where the Government can
only spare 13J lacs of Rupees upon elementary educa-
tion for a population of more than 24 crores ; in a
country where in some parts of it, only one out of 278 is
in the s«condary stage of an English School and one in
1,032 in the same stage of a vernacular school ; in a
country where on the average only one out of 1,079 of a
population of school-going a^^e is in an Arts College, the
Government can hardly be justified in assuming that
aggressive and dictatorial attitude towards private enter-
prise in education which it has lately done.

Even in advanced countries where a very large part of
Government Revenues is spent upon education ; where
education is considered as a national asset ; wherethe num-
ber of literates in the population is over 93 per cent ;
where education is compulsory ; even in such countries the
Government is not so hard or does not require high and
rigid and almost impossible standard of efficiency from
private Schools and Colleges as the Government has lately
been laying down for the same class of institutions here
in India. We wonder why the Government of Lord
Curzon should have forgotten that the systems of educa-
tion now prevalent in England, United States and
Germany, which he has taken as his models, are the
growths of more than a century at least if not 0£
centuries ; that all those countries are self-governing '
countries, where the interest of the rulers and the ruled
are identical and where the former only exist for the
benefit and the protection of the latter. To apply the

EDUCATION IN INDIA. 179

-systems, standards and principles in force in these
countries to India is more absurd than even the putting
• of the cart before the horse. But even ia England the
voluntary and denominational schools were the pioneers
of education and till lately enjoyed — nay, to a great ex-
tent even now enjoy — the freedom which the Government
of India by their recent policy refuse to the private
Schools, and Colleges of this country.

/it is not strange, then, that the people of India should [y
be suspicious of ths intentions and the motives of the
Government, and that the recent policy of the Govern-
ment in matters of education should have raised a storm
of indignation in the land. We say, why should the
Government prescribe a tuition fee for the private school
and the private college in this land where dense ignorance
prevails, where more than 90 per cent, of the population
is illiterate, and where the Government of the country
cannot spend more than l^annas per head on education?
Again, we ask why should the Government, if it is honest
and actuated by the best and the highest motives, in a
country like this, throw obstacles in the way of private
enterprise in education ; why should it try to prevent the
same from competing with the Government institutions;
why should it frame such ruks and regulations as to
take away all liberty of action and freedom of initiative
from them and compel them to submit to dictation and
supervision from Government and its officers ? If under
the circumstances the Government is misunderstood and
its motives and intentions misconstrued, it has only to
thank itself for these misunderstanJinc^s and misintcr
pretations.

180 THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT,

Under the new regulations the Government has al-
most made it impossible for a new private educational
institution to come into existence and to thrive. No .
private school or college can, under the present rules'-
dare to make an humble beginning. Large funds, high-
class buildings, official good will and a very high state
of efficiency in all respects, are the conditions precedent
even for a start. Under the present rules, institutions
like the great Metropolitan one of Calcutta, the Fergusson
College of Poona, the D. A. V. College at Lahore, would
not have come into existence. Similar attempts are^^
as a matter of fact, impossible under the new policy.
I The conclusion, which the people then are irresistably
led to, under the above circumstances, is that the Govern-^
V i ment of this country is neither willing to spend its own
Revenues on education, nor will it tolerate the doing of it
by people for themselves unless the latter are prepared to
place their funds and efforts under the control of the
former. \

THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

It is commonly supposed that there are two sides to
the Swadeshi movement, one the political and the other
the economic. Pure Swadeshi, as some of the Anglo-
Indians choose to call it, is an economic movement and
they profess to have a great sympathy for the same.
Boycott of foreign made goods is held to be a political
weapon upon the uses and ethics of which there is a
£reat divergence of opinion. The Anglo-Indian can see

THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT. 181

nothing but mischief in it. In their opinion it is morally
wrong, politically pernicious and economically unsound
And impracticable. But there are a number of Europeans
and Americans who see nothing pernicious in it and
consider it to be not only a perfectly legitimate weapon
but a very powerful and effective one to bring pressure
upon any imperial race having commerce as its principal
business. Amongst the Indians themselves different
.<?lasses of people look at it from different points of view.
Firstly, there is that class who can never see differently
from their Anglo-Indian patrons. The opinions of this
.class do not count for mnzh anl n^ed not bt considered
-at all. Secondly, there are those, who both by nature
:and habit are in favour oi peace at antj cost. They cannot
approve of any methods which are calculated to cause
the least disturbance in the relations of the different per-
sons and communities, whether Indians or aliens, who
ure in some way or other interested in India. These
^ood people have great faith in moral persuasion and
prayers — prayers addressed to the Great Ruler of the
Universe as well as to our rulers in affairs mundane
They believe that a combined force of these two is sure
to bring about a quiet, bloodless, moral revolution in
India which will set matters right and remove all the
political disqualifications and disabilities from which the
Jndians at present suffer and which result in so much
iiardship, oppression and wrong to the people of this
country.

I Personally I am a believer in the efficacy of prayer as
an instrument of religious discipline but it will require a
^reat stretch of imagination aad atv vucotv^^vN^^^^ "wxva\«c^

/

182 THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

of credulity on my part to accept that prayer to the Al-
mighty coupled with prayers to the ruling nation are likely
to lead to any practicable results, in matters political and
international. Prayers to the Almighty may be useful
in intensifying your desire for political liberty and politi-
cal privileges. Prayers to the ruling nation may be useful
to you in proving the Vftelegsness of appealing to the higher
sense of man in matters political, where the interests of
one nation clash with those of another and in driving you
) to the conclusion that human nature, constituted as it is, is
extremely selfish and is not likely to change or bend unless
:the force of circumstances compels it to do so in spite of
[itself. But beyond this I cannot pin my faith on pray ersr^
The third class of Indians consists of those estimable
gentlemen who believe in the righteousness of the British
nation as represented by the electors of Great Britain
and Ireland and who are afraid of offending them by the
boycott of English made goods. If there are any two
classes into which the British nation can roughly be
divided they are either manufacturers or the working
men. Both of them are interested in keeping the Indian
market open for the sale and consumption of their
manufactures. Any movement aiming at the closing or
contracting of this market is sure to offend them. They
are said to be our only friends to whom we can appeal
against the injustice of the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy.
Offend them, say these friends, and you are undone. You
lose the good will of the only class who can help you and
who are prepared to listen to your grievances.^ But these
good friends forget that, boycott or no boycott, any move-
jneijt calculated to iiicrease the manufacturing power of

THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT. 183

India is likely to incur the displeasure of the British
Elector. The latter is a very well educated animal, a
keen man of business who can at once see through things
that are likely to affect his pocket however cleverly they
might be put or arranged by those who hold an interest
which is really adverse to his. He is not likely to be
hood- winked by the cry of Swadeshi minus the boycott
because really speaking and effectively worked and
organised both are one and the same.

The Swadeshi aims at the 'production of those arti*
cles at home which are at present imported from abroad.
The boycott means the discontinuance of the consump-
tion of those articles not made in this country. So far,
then, it is not likely to be of much use to drop the boy-
cott in order to secure for us the continuation of the
friendly attitude of the British Elector. But then we may
go a step further and maintain that up till now the alleged
friendliness of the British Elector has been of no
good to us. Past experience shows that they have
more than once stood between the people of India
and some of its more nobleminded Anglo-Indian
rulers whenever the latter tried to obtain econo.
mic justice for the former. The latter from their
knowledge of the growing seriousness of the econo-
mic situation in India have now and then made a bold
stand for Justice to India against the demands of the
British manufacturer, but they have almost always had
to give in because the latter proved too strong for them.
Here then we are on the horns of a dilemma. To our
wrongs the British Elector is indifferent, to our
rights^even if supported by good Ew^Vv^Vvwv^tv *v^\Ts.^>a-v

184 THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

they have been opposed. The British .Elector has no
doubt a sympathetic ear to the tales of wrong and op-
pression that you may carry to England but unfortunate-
iy he is too busy and too absorbed in his own aifairs to
spare any time, to listen to your tales or to take a seri-
ous view of them. The burden of the empire is too heavy
to be conveniently shifted from the shoulders of a few —
magnificently paid for the work — to those of the English
people. The struggle for wealth, for luxury is too keen
and too intense to leave the latter any leisure or inclina-
tion for the study of the ethics of Imperialism. Under
the circumstances the sympathy of the British Elector
is for the present at least a negligible quan tity. / The
question directly put comes to this; — are the British
prepared to give us full political privileges in exchange
for open markets for their goods? Any attempt to
answer this in the affirmative must be put down as
chimerical. But even granting that the argument has
some force, is it not worth our while to impress upon the
Britons at home the enormity of the wrongs inflicted
upon us by their representatives here in this country,
by supplementing the Swadeshi by boycott ? Admitting
that Englishmen at home have the power to set matters
right how are you to force their attention to the state
of things in India except by directly threatening their
pockets ? The logic of losing business is more likely to
impress this nation of shopkeepers than any arguments
based on the ethics of justice and fair-play. The British
people are not a spiritual people. They are either a fight-
ing race or a commercial nation. It will be like throw-
ing pearls before swine to appeal to them in the name

THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT. 185

of higher morality or justice or on ethical grounds. They
are a self-reliant, haughty people, who can appreciate
self-respect and self-reliance even in their opponents. It
is then for the Indians to decide whether they mean to
continue to appeal to them in the name of political justice,
fair-play or whether they intend to attract their atten-
tion to the existing intolerable condition of things in
India by inflicting losses in business and by adopting an
attitude of retaliatory self-reliance.

But then there is another class of Indians who
tread on more solid ground than any of those spoken of
above. This is the class who oppose the boycott on
Economic grounds. Here we feel we are on more sub-
stantial ground. Theirs is no plea of expediency, nor
<loes it arise out of fear of the authorities in India or of
the British Elector at home. Their warning note has a
scientific basis and deserves the most careful and attentive
consideration of all patriotic Indians. Whether Free
Trader or Protectionist, you cannot dismiss them off-
hand nor treat their reasoning with contempt. They
may be fadists (a term which in their turn they apply to
Swadeshists) but they are neither cowards nor traitors.
Speaking for myself I am an out and out Swadeshist and
have been so for the last 25 years, in fact ever since I
learnt for the first time the true meaning of the word
patriotism. For me the words Swadeshi and patriotism
are synonymous though I do not maintain or insinuate
that those who are freetraders are not patriots. I advised-
ly do not say " not Swadeshists, " because I am not
prepared to say that those Indians who are free-traders
are not necessarily Swadeshists, Be it as vl wv^.^^ V "^ssv

186 THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

(>er8onally inclined to attach the greatest importance
possible to the Swadeshi Movement. I look upon it as
the remedy upon the right and continued use of which
depends the alleviation of the sufiFerings of our country.
I regard it as the salvation of my countrij. The Swadesh i
ought to make us self-respecting, self reliant, self sup-
porting, self sacrificing, and last, but not least, manh/. The
Swadeshi ought to teach us how to organise our capital,
our resources, our labour, our energies and our talents
to the greatest good of all Indians, irrespective of creed,
colour or caste. It ought to unite us — our religious and
denominational differences notwithstanding. It ought
to furnish us with an altar before which we can all
stand in the fullest sincerity of our he;rts and in the
deepest strength of faith to pray for the good of our
common mother-land, with a determination to stand to-
gether and work together. In my opinion the Swadeshi
ought to be the common religion of United India, But
all this notwithstanding, as a practical Swadeshist, I
want a better understanding of the economic needs and
requirements of the country and a practical programme
of industrial development based on scientific calculations.
As an indication of the lines upon which I shall like this
programme to be framed, I cannot do better than quote
from a very famed paper from the journal of the Royal
Economic Society of London for the month of March
1903, under the heading of * Protection of infant Indus*
tries.' Discussing the economic effects of a protective
tBnff the writer remarks :

" We see that when the import oi good* V% Q\\tO&fc&
^e exchanges sure affected in a way wYvVcVv teuda to t^v^

THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT. 187

prices at home ; and that this rise continues until impor-
tation is again possible, unless such heavy duties are im-
posed that the country can be cut off both from impor-
tation and from exportation, and so become entirely self-
contained. We find also in this process the explanation
of the fact that the relief afforded by a protective tariff
is frequently of a somewhat temporary character. For
a few months the home producer has the field to himself:
then his costs of production gradually rise : at last he
finds foreij^n competition pressing on him once more ;
and finally he falls back upon the fatal demand for more
Protectior.

But this — the common course of protection in both
the new and the old countries — is not the only possible
course in theory. It is caused, so far as I can see, princi-
pally by the attempt to do too much at once. Your new
country is inclined to be generous to its home manufac"
turers, and to start manufacturing in all lines at once : by
so doing it fritters away energy, and spreads expenditure
over a wide field which if concentrated might produce im-
posing results.

For, supposing that a" new country would consent
to do one or two things at a time, its difficulties would
probably be far less. If it started, for instance, by at-
tempting to found one textile or one branch of metallurgi-
cal industry, it could afford to give to its infant for a few
years a genuine and important assistance. Gold prices
would, of course, still be to some extent affected, but in
an infinitely smaller degree than when a dead sat v^
made against all manufactured %ooOl^ 2c\. otv^«.. KvA.^"^
concentrating the money whicV\ \s 2iv2a\^V^ ^"^ ^'^'^ "^^

188

THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

instead of dividing it among several hundreds, more real
progress would indubitably be made. After all, under
modern conditions, no industry ought to remain an infant
for more than five years : during those years it probably
needs more assistance than can easily be given it under
a general Protective System ; later on, the less help it
has, the better.

Other important gains could be made — both politi-
-cal and economic — by this system of concentration. In
the first place, the opportunities for log-rolling would
certainly be diminished. If the system were once esta-
blished, a most salutary division of the Protectionist
forces would assuredly take place : as it is, the tendency in
-many countries is for everybody to favour protection on
the off-chance that he may make more by it than he
loses : on the system proposed everybody would know
that only one or two industries were to be protected at
a time, and those only for a few years. Again the present
certainty that a protective system will last much longer
than there is any need for it would be removed. For
as only one or two industries would receive help at any
one time, all the other industries would combine to
reduce that time to a minimum in the hope that their
turn would come next. *'

In my opinion, the leaders of the Swadeshi move-
ment including men actually engaged in business ought
to put their heads together and promulgate an indus-
trial pronouncement for the next five years, prepared on
the lines indicated in the above extract.

INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE.

In May last (1906) the Director of Public Instruc-
tion of the Panjab issued a circular order to all the
headmasters and managers of Government, aided and
unaided, schools , in the province, requiring them to
celebrate the empire-day in a certain way. One of the
items of the programme laid down by him for observance
was "the recitation of Urdu poems on loyalty to the
Crown of England and patriotism towards the empire."
We do not know if the head of the Panjab Education
Department was responsible for the wording of the above
clause. The document seemed to bear on it abundant
marks of that jingo statesmanship which has for a
number of years, been in ascendancy in the councils of
the British empire. One thing, however, is clear. The
Government was sensible enough not to declare the
empire-day as a public holiday. The compulsory celebra-
tion of the empire-day in 1906 was therefore confined to
the schools, may be, to the schools of the Panjab only.
We propose to examine in this paper if the step taken
was educationally sound and in any way calculated to
improve the moral tone of the schools where it was, by
order, enforced.

Till lately the impression was that the British were,,
at least, frank by nature and valued frankness and sin-
cerity on the part of others, however distasteful and
unpleasant, at times, they may be to their imperial tem-
per. The idea was that although coasclovs.?. ^1 xJ^&

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INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE. 191

introduced into the English language by the presump-
tuous genius of the jingoes as an antidote towards the
sacred sentiment of patriotism, in the development of
which amongst the subject races, they see a dangerous
enemy to their own despotic rule. The lexicographers,
if they can be accepted as reliable guides, in explaining
the meaning of English words to us, almost unanimously
agree in expressing the general opinion, as to patriotism
signifying " love of country." Johnson defines it as " zeal
for one's country " and Webster as ** the passion which
aims to serve one's country." The Encffclop(edic Diction'
artj says that patriotism is ** devotion to the interest
and welfare of one's country" and the Century Dictionari/,
as ** the passion which moves a person to serve his
country either in defending it from invasion or protec-
ting its rights and maintaining its lands and institu-
tions " and so on and so forth. But how can a subject
race governed by another be patriotic towards ks rulers
passes one's comprehension, unless one accepts the
theory that the latter rules solely for the benefit of the
former? Even in this ca^e it is love of his own country
and Certainly not patriotism towards the empire (signi-
fying love for the empire) which evokes loyalty for the
existing Government. Honestly speaking the two senti-
ments are antagonistic, viz., loyalty to a foreign govern-
ment and love for one's country, which is patriotism ;
unless the patriot is to reconcile his patriotism with
loyalty by the idea that in loving the foreign ruler he
loves his own country. It may be allowable to a patriot
to soothe his conscience by identifying his loyalty with
patriotism, but to carry it furthur and to extetvd \1 ^ci \!ew^

192 INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE.

empire is coining a new expression with an entirely new
meaning. When, therefore, in the name of the Empire^
the British appeal to the patriotism of the Indians in-
stead of to their loyalty, their object is to give a higher
pedestal to the shame which every member of a subject
race (having the least vestige of self-respect and honour-
able feeling in him) must feel at his political helpless-
ness and at the political non-existence of his country*
The object is to cover the shame of pDlitical bondage
with the halo of glory that attaches to the word "patrio-
tism" and thus to remove the sting that bites the con-
sciences of those of the ruling race and puts to
shame those among the ruled, as are still open to any
sense of honour.

However commendable the motive and however
praiseworthy the object may be, one does not require
much common sense to see through the device. jThe
fact is that human nature with all its inherent disposition
towards selfishness is always apt to find excuses for
its idiosyncracies and will not allow itself to be denied
the pleasure of putting a gloss of high and pure motives
on its basest and meanest acts, whereby it deprives
others of the simplest rights of humanity and the price-
less treasure of liberty. No wrong-doer, however edu-
cated and cultured he may be, can at times help feeling
mortification at the wrongs which in the pursuit of self-
interest he has inflicted or does inflict upon others, and
it is then that his guilty conscience runs riot in search
of pleas and justifications for his wrongful conduct.
Makers and rulers of empires are no exception to this
general rule, which governs human nature everywhere

INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE. 193

and in every phase of life. Now empires are neither
made nor maintained by right. They are made by might,
both physical and intellectual, including that diplomacy
and cunning without which no supremacy can ever be
gained over other peoples and natipnsj " Only by force
can empire, as a rule, be created ; only by force can
empire, as a rule, be maintained," rightly remarks Mr.
Goddard in his excellent book on Racial Supremacyr
although instances are not wanting in which wise and
sagacious empire-makers and their equally clever suc-
cessors have maintained empires for a longer period
than they otherwise could, by doses of benevolence
and justice in the management of its affairs. But racial
supremacy is one of those necessary evils of which the
world can never be purged. Its roots are deep. No
amount of philosophizing and high thinking will see its
complete overthrow from the world, and as long as this
necessary evil exists, which is tantamount to saying
that it must always exist, you cannot do away with
empires and empire-makers. Still that is no reason why
those who are the victims of empires and empire-makers
should feel grateful to their masters for having extended
their empire over them and for having included them in
the category of their subjects. As to the ethics of empire-
making and as to the claims of the British to the grati-
tude of those included in their empire, we will prefer to
quote some English authorities on the subject rather
than give expression to our own views.

First, as to what does " empire " signify ? In the
language of Mr. J. G. Goddard, a member of the new
House of Commons, it " simply means rule, dominion^
13

194 INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE.

sway." According to Lord Rosebery, empire is " the
predominance of rule." According to Herbert Spencer
" not the derivation of the word only but all its uses and
associations imply the thought of predominance— imply
a correlative subordination. Actual or potential coercion
of other individuals or communities is necessarily involv-
ed in the G:)nc2ption. " In the words of Mr. Goddard
then *' imperialism is the spirit of rule, ascendancy or
predominance ; the rule of one race of people by another
race of people involving — of course, the subjection of the
former to the latter. "

Mr. J. M Robertson, another member of the
House of Commons, also defines empire as "rule over
other communities than his own. " Mr. Joseph Chamber-
lain, the jingo imperialist of modern England, has, how-
ever, assured us that ** the new conception of empire is
of a voluntary organisation, based on community of inte-
rests and community of sacrifices, to which all should
bring their contribution to the common good. "

How far this is in accordance with existing facts
has been made clear by Mr. Goddard in examining the
above statement, in his book referred to above. In the
opinion of this writer imperialism tends to demoralise
the dominant race, while it is simply the bane of the
subject races. Taking the case of India as the most
prominent and pertinent instance of the government of
one people by another people, he concludes by saying
that India is ruled in the interest of the dominant race
rather than in hers and endorses the well-known remark
of John Ruskin that " every mutiny, every danger, every
crime occurring under our Indian legislation arose direct-

INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE. 195

ly out of our native desire to live on the loot of India. "
The writer further coaiemns imperialism on the ground
that it is destructive of liberty and applying it to the
-case of India he pronounces an indictment on imperia-
lism in this country in the following terms : —

Here we have CDuntless millions denied the rights
accorded to the English agricultural labourer, taxed to
pay for a GDvernm^nt in whi<*.h they have no voice, con-
demned to support an army they cannot control, rack-
rented for land they cultivate mainly for the benefit of
others, compelled to yield interest on an expenditure
they did not make, and generally reduced to the condition
of hewers of wood and drawers o^ water, with sufferance
as the badge of all their tribe.

Discussing the ethics of empire the same writer
examines the claims of the dominant races in placing
themselves in quasi loco parentis over subject races, as
follows : —

The bond which unites father or mother with son
and daughter is one of mutual affection and so far from
self-sacrifice on the part of the dominant race being
present, the opposite characteristic is manifested, and
there is certainly no constant endeavour to promote the
welfare of the putative child. The most serious flaw in
the analogy, however, has reference to the main purpose
of control. For the primary object of the parental rule
of children, is to develop their faculties, and that for
their own benefit. It is a teniporartj and not a permanent
rule, devoted to the purpose of rendering the child a self'
governing person, capable as manhood is readied of exercising
shn'thir rule. The primary object o' v^c'.^V ^\i.^*v$.^q\.vq

196 INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE.

develoj) the faculties of the govet'ned ; even if some develop-
ment takes place, it is not for their own benefit ; the rule
is regarded not as temporary, but rather as permanent
and it is not devoted to the purpose of rendering them
capable of exercising similar rule. No doubt, in point
of time, the infancy of man is incomparable to the in-
fancy of a race, and a far larger period is requisite for
development. But a dominant nation does not work for
or contemplate the abrogation of its power, even in the
distant future ; its rooted idea is that of its own supre-
macy ; its constant aim is to secure the maintenance
and generally the extension of that supremacy ; its funda-
mental conception of the relations which exist is subjec-
tive and not objective. Hence, on almost all points the
analogy is absolutely false and misleading. One, and one
only, of the many parental functions is selected, and the
rest are implicitly or explicitly ignored. The maturity of
the parent and the immaturity of the child are at the out-
get assumed to respectively distinguish the two races ;
and then from a distorted simile an attempt is made to
convert the temporary and qualified and specialised-
control which a parent exercises into a justification for
the permanent and unqualified and general control which
a nation claims.

Passing to the consideration of the second hypothe-
sis of the imperialist, viz., that benevolence characterizes
despotism, Mr. Goddard points out that in order to make
despotism benevolent the one condition essential — that
the power should be vested in one individual — is wanting
in the case. Thinking on the same line 1 have often
w'jshed that we had been ruled by Queen Victoria or by

INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE. 197

King Edward, or by any other single individual exercis-
ing the power of a despotic nxonarch rather than by the
Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland representing
the British nation, for you can, at times, successfully
appeal to the humanity and benevolence of individuals
but to hope for justice and benevolence from a nation is
hoping against hope. The rule of a foreign democracy,
IS, in this respect, the most dangerous. The democracy
is swayed by so many diverse interests and motives that
it is simply impossible to expect anything like unanimity
or even a preponderance of opinion in dealing justly with
a subject race, because justice to a subject race often
'Clashes or is inconsistent with the interest of some class
of the ruling democracy. Whenever an attempt is there-
fore made to do justice to the former, the latter rise up,
raise a storm and prevent the Government from doing
the right thing. Looking to the history of the cotton
duties in India, every one will see the truth of my re-
marks. How many times have the Government of India
^been overruled in the matter, simply because the Home
<jovernment can not afford to risk the opposition of
Lancashire and incur its displeasure ?

As a matter of fact, we are at present ruled by a
<iemocracy which represents the British nation and in
the appointing and controlling of which the Sovereign
has really no hand. In my opinion the benevolence of
:an individual has greater chances of being effective than
that of a whole nation. To me the benevolence of a
whole nation seems to be nothing more than a myth and
:a fiction, as there can never be an absolute unanimity
both as to what constitutes benevolence vw %\n^tv ^v^^n^xcw-

198 INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE.

Stances, as well as to how it is to be reduced into
practice. Applying the benevolence plea to the ca§e pf
India and other subject races of Britain, Mr. Goddard
concludes (a conclusion in which other eminent authori-
ties agree) that the plea is simply untenable. Examining
the plea of benevolence in imperial relations in the light
of historical facts Mr. Goddard says: " The truth is that
whilst it does not necessarily give rise to exalting acts of
cruelty, so far from its ever being largely tempered by
benevolence, it has invariably one prominent charac-
teristic, namely, the exploitation of its victims. The
primarj' object and result of alien government is not to
confer benefits upon the subject races but to obtain bene-
fits from them". He further says that : —

Perhaps the most striking testimony to the

virtues of benevolent despotism is seen in the employ-
ment of native races to fight our battles for us. Wild
animals are sometimes lured to their doom by means of
one of their kind trained to act as a decoy, and we occa-
sionally hear setting of a thief to catch a thief. The
process has been adopted with a magnificent effrontry
and a grim sense of humour to the needs of aggressive
imperialism, and having extended the empire by bringing
the "inferior races" under our swaj', by a master stroke
of genius, we utilise them to still further extend and
also to defend the empire and convert them into instru-
ments for bestowing upon their brethren the boons whiqh
they themselves have obtained- It is very largely in this?
way that our Indian Empire has been built up.

Then let us see what another English author, Mfr
J. A Hobson, says about the sophistries of imperialism^

INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE. 199

*'The idea*' he says " that we are civilising India in the
sense of assisting them to industrial, political, and moral
progress along the lines either of our own or their civili-
sation is a complete delusion, based upon a false estimate
of the influence of superficial changes brought by
Qovernment and the activity of a minute group of aliens.
The delusion is only sustained by the sophistr}' of im-
perialism which weaves these fallacies to cover its
nakedness and the advantages which certain interests
suck out of empire." Even the late Professor Seeley
writes in the same strain where he says : " We are not
disposed to be proud of the succession of the Grand
Mcgul. We doubt whether with all the merits of our
adipinistration the subjects of it are happy. We may
^ven doubt whether our rule is preparing them for a
happier condition, whether it may not be sinking them
lower in misery." But what Professor Seeley states in
rather halting language is expressed affirmatively by
another great writer on India, Mr. W. S. Lily. "The
test of a people's prosperity", says Mr. Lily, " is not the
extension of exports, the multiplication of manufactures
or other industries, the construction of cities. No. A
prosperous country is one in which the great mass
of the inhabitants are able to procure w*ith mode-
rate toil what IS necessary for living human lives,
lives of frugal and assured comfort. Judged by this
standard can India be called prosperous?** His
answer, of course, is a positive *No.* He adds that
<< comfort is a relative term and that in a tropical coun-
try like India the standard is very low *♦♦♦♦♦♦♦
but millions of peasants in India are 8ttu%^Uti% V^Vvi^

200 INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE.

pn half an acre. Their existence is a constant struggle
with starvation leading too often in defeat. Their
difficulty is not to live hutnan lives — lives up to the level
of their poor standard of comfort — hut to live at all and
not die.**

Such then is the verdict of level-headed Hnglishmen
on the result of imperial rule in India, which testimony
is of hundred times greater value than the interested
sayings of stock exchange brokers and speculators, whom
the British System helps in hording up millions upon
millions at the cost of the Indian peasant, the Indian
labourer and the Indian handicraftsman. I could add
the testimony of many more Englishmen as to the bane-
ful effects of imperialism in India, but the fear of adding
to the bulk of this paper prevents me from doing so, and
I will conclude this part of the paper by adding one more
quotation from the fascinating work of Mr. Goddard,
wherein he shows how detrimental benevolent imperia-
lism is to the interests of the subject races : —

The gravaman of the indictment of " benevolent
despotism " is that it tends to perpetuate the despotism*
Whilst in practice the benevolence, if manifested at alli
is relatively small, and whilst even if it were exhibited
to the fullest extent circumstances admit, it would be
no adequate justification ; its supposed or actual existence
obscures the facts^ satisfies the conscience, and leads to
acquiescence in the permanent withdrawal of liberty*
instead of efforts towards its restoration. ^

It will be seen that in saying all this I have only dis-

cusscithe general effects of imperial rule in India and

/i^ve not even touched upon particular g^rievances. I

INDIAN PATRIOTISM TOWARDS THE EMPIRE. 201

have made no allusion to the brutal treatment we receive
in South Africa, Australia and other parts of the empire,
and I have made no mention of the disabilities from
which we suffer in India. Is it then right to ask us to
celebrate the empire-day ? Is it then likely to improve
habits of sincerity and truthfulness amongst our boys,
by compelling them to glorify the empire ? Is it then
honest on the part of our teachers and professors and
directors to flatter us by saying that we are either the
sons of the empire or its citizens, while we are neither,
but are treated as the subjects of the empire — the
victims of the imperial spirit that rules? Britishers may
or may not glory in their empire. Perhaps from the
ordinary point of view they have every reason to be proud
of it and to glory in it. It tickles their fancy to think
of their possessions, their dependencies and their sub-
jects, though the sober-minded amongst them have begun
to talk loudly as to the evil efl'ects of the imperialism on
the morale of their own people. The once sturdy and
vigorous, both in thought and in deed, the simple but the
high-minded, the reserved but solid Britisher is perhaps
exchanging his virtues for the comforts, ease and luxu-
ries, which attend an unchecked sway of empire and the
bumptiousness and the vulgar pride of unbounded into-
xication of uncontrolled power. Be however as it may,
we do not and we cannot object to the Britisher at
home or in India celebrating his empire-day, but it is
nothing short of adding insult to injury to ask us and
our boys to do so. Devoted patriots, as the British are,
is it fair on their part to ask us to celebrate the empire-
day in the name of " Patriotism to^2Ltds iVv^ ^tcv:^vc^" —

202 THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK :

a patriotism which we do not feel, which does not in-
spire us with noble thoughts and which evokes neither
love nor homage in our bosoms ? As helpless victims of
the aggressive imperialism, as servants of the Crown and
as students of schools and colleges, we might silently
put up with the humiliation, but 1 dare say I am not
wrong in reading the hearts of the bulk of my educated
countrymen when I say, that the idea is simply revolting
and extremely provoking to their sense of honour and
shame. Those Britishers and Indians who thus trade
in hypocrisy, and who thus would inoculate the minds of
the innocent boys and girls with the serum of hypocrisy,,
are doing a positive injury to human nature, and to the
principles of sound education without doing any good to
British rule in India. In the name of loyalty we are
prepared to submit to any order which the authorities
issue, but we earnestly beg of them not to drag our patri-
otism into the mire and not to force us to compromise
the same. The demands of patriotism are sacred and
ennobling, which require no hypocrisy, and which evoke
the deepest feelings of love for our country and for our
people.

o

THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK : THE CHEAT NEED OF THE

SITUATION.

;, Problems of the gravest import await our s(^ution
. — " problems which need all our nerve, all our determi-
nation, all our courage, all our hope and which affect the
life and death of us all, " were the words uttered by one

THE GREAT NEED OF THE SITUATION. 203

of the most popular divines of England, portraying "na-
tional perils " for the consideration of his countrymen.
Well did he say that the conditions of things .then or at
any time may be looked at in two different ways. There
is one set of facts, which when considered exclusively,
would make us hopeless pessimists. There is another
set of facts which when taken by themselves may furnish
good ground for the most sanguine optimism.

The truth, however, generally lies between the two.
While pessimism is positively harmful as dispiriting and
discouraging, optimism may be misleading as tending to
produce a frame of mind which is always sanguine, prone
to ignore difficulties and to neglect very necessary pre-
cautions. The best and the safest course, therefore,
will be to steer clear of extreme views, to weigh the situa-
tion as accurately as may be possible in the light of our
own history, that of the ruling race, and that of other
countries and people similarly situated. Practical wisdom
lies in eschewing, over-estimating as well as under -esti-
mating. While it is no good under-estimating our diffi-
culties and overestimating our capacities, it is perhaps
more harmful to have a very low opinion of ourselves
and our people. Both are equally bad ; though if com-
pelled to make a choice between the two, I would rather
choose the former than the latter. Keeping the past
history of the Hindus in mind I would rather see them
indulge in optimism than in pessimism.

We have so long been in doubt about ourselvesr
libout the world and about the good in the world that it
Is time to exchange this latter attitude of mind for confi-
dence in self, confidence in our people, and hope for a

206 THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK:

our efforts and the object of all our agitation, has been
placed before us in clear, unambiguous and unmistakable
terms. In a happy and inspired moment Mr. Naoroji
struck upon that noble word — " Swaraj, " which sums up
all our political aspirations. Henceforth, " Swaraj " is
our war-cry, our all-inspiring and all-absorbing aim in life.
Henceforth, the duty of our earthly existence should be
to forget self in this aim prescribed for us by the exigen-
cies of the times and accepted by us after consideration
of all the pros and cons.

For the first time in the history of political agitation
in this country under British rule, the goal of all our poli-
tical effort has been so clearly laid down before us ; and
thank God that for that we are indebted to no other but
one who is the flesh of our flesh and the bone of our
bone — a chip of the old block. We are now no longer
groping in the dark as to the final goal of our political
ambition. Swaraj has now been, officially, so to say, and
definitely set up as the polestar in the firmament of Indian
nationalism, and there it shall stay and shine with ever-
resplendent glory and splendour as the guiding star of
our hopes and aspirations. So far well and good. The
next question that now arises is how to reach that goal
and how to realise that aim ? Like practical men, who
have every desire to go into the matter in a businesslike
spirit, we should first of all make a complete survey of
the difficulties in the way of our success and then take
stock of our resources, so that we might successfully
employ the latter to meet the former. Coming to our
difficulties in my opinion the ioremo^l ipV-a^c^ ^tao^\%^\.
tl^em must fej given to our want o^. tiC\\.Vv va ovxt^An^>A^

THE GREAT NEED OF THE SITUATION. 207

the scepticism that is the ruling doctrine of our life, to
the habit of too close an analysis which paralyses both
action and thought.

Unfortunately for us, though born in a country domi-
nated by a religious atmosphere of great depth all round*
we are wanting in " that piTjiv oF faith and will which
neitier counts obstacles nor mea ui'es time." At present,
we are nothing more thaa a S2t of doubting Thomases
fond of analysis and entirely devoid of synthesis. Per-
haps we are getting into a habit of destroying rather than
that of building. We cm calculate profits and losses to
annas and pies, but we are devoid of that spirit of enter-
prise which can dare and at time play boldly. In a coun-
try whose history is brimful of instances of thousands of
men and women having willingly and gladly sacrificed
their all for the sake of honour and faith, we find that a
century of Western domination has so changed the rul-
ing impulses of life as to convert the people into a set of
clay-puppets having no will or faith of their own. Thank
God, the country has not lost all sense of spirituality.
The gold is there. It requires the touch of a magician to
find it out and to make it over to them whos3 it is by
birthright. The true solution of the problem lies in
appealing to the true instincts and tendencies of the
Indian heart, mute just now, but revealed to us in the
pages of our history. In the words of Mazzini, the first
step towards this aim is " to make war against the exist-
ing idolatry of material interests and substitute for it the
worship of the just and the true: aad to c<3^m*vcv'^'^ ^^^
[Indians] that their sole path to reaVvt^ \^\>cvcQk\x^'s.'2c^'^V
Bc2— constancy in sacrifice. The \NorV >o^\o\'e ^'^

\^

208 THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK:

not only an endeavour to create a united nation H^f
to make her great and powerful — worthy of her filioUirf
glories and conscious of her future mission." ^

India is just now materialistic, bslie/mg in'ljiiiar
benevolence of English Ministers or English ParliamisttfdbCl'
seeking rather the amelioration of the condition ot':jgAM
classes than to constitute itself a nation. The cou^oestflioil
and its leaders rather fight shy of high princip* stepflf
and are ready to accept any compromise, any ofiw**'''
of a post here or a post there, any tinkering with,
their rights, any mode of assistance and last but
not the least " always ready to accept any maa
brought forward with a promise of relieving her
immediate sutTerings" as their Messdah. Our attitude
towards the questions of the day is not determined by its
inherent rignteousness, but by the chance of its reception
at the hands of the powers that be. We are not always
actuated by truth and justice, but by expediency and
tactics. Our object is to propitiate our foreign rulers*^
but not to inspire our people. We choose to live in a
world of myth and fiction and not in a world of truth,
faith and duty. We conceal our sentiments not because
they are not true and just but because we cannot afford
to offend those whom they might hurt. In trying to
deceive others we often deceive ourselves. The result is
that we are lacking in that power of faith which alone
i can make us men, able to create a nation and win liberty
for the same.

'' Our mortal disease is that unlimited confidence in
every thing bearing the outward s^mb\'3L^e^ ol ?\\ q.'^Xq.vIS.'^.-
t/on and tactics, that constant distrust oi ^W etvM\vM%\^"&^.

THE GREAT NEED OF THE SITUATION. 209

{greatest l^ simultaneous action — three things which sum
from witl^^^ science of revolution. We wait, study and
To tb""^^*^"^^^ J w^ neither seek to dominate nor to
are open-F"'* ^^ honour with the name of prudence
The latteries* *" action, merely mediocrity of intellect,
the formei?^^ ^*^^ ^''^"^ ^^P *o bottom smacks of fear,
the heads/ °^ losing in the estimation of those whom we
that the 1*^ ^^ hearts believe to be only usurpers ; fear of
,4*<»»^-o u ^ sunshine of the smile of those whom we be-
lieve to be day and night engaged in the exploitation of
our country and the spoliation of our people, fear of
offending the false gods that have by fraud or force taken
possession of our bodies a|(\d soulsi fear of being shut up
in a dungeon or prisibn house, as if the freedom that we
enjoy, is not by its own nature, one to be abhorred*
despised and hated, — a freedom by default or by suffer-
ance. In my opinion the problem before us is in the |
main a religious problem — religious not in the sen^e of
doctrines and dogmas — but religious in so far as to evoke '
the highest devotion and the greatest sacrifice from us.
Our first want, then, is to rise our patriotism to the level
of religion and to aspire to live or to die for it. We believe i
in religion for the sake of the truth in it which is tosecure
for our souls communion with God. There in the pre-
sence of our God we forget our tiny selves, the pettiness
of our minds and rising above the same, drink from the
pure fountain of bliss and love. In the same way, let the
edifice of patriotism be raised on the solid rock of truth
and justice. In worshipping truth and justice let vv&V^^^
honest and bold, regardless oi wotVdV^ \o^%<i% ^^^ ^vcc^*
Let the people first learn to tVmV.Vvoues^^ ^^^ N^^V^^
14

210 THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK : \

This will in course of time be followed by hor^ation'^ boM
and truthful words and the latter by honest,] her ' boHaif
inspiring deeds. i v

If we do this, the future of our country kg i^jsio oyf
hands. There is no power on earth that can iirliairstajid bet-
ween us and our country as there is no petition Cf ^odthat
can ever come between the conscience of an hCxe coxst,bM
worshipper and his Almighty Maker. The fir^jrlncs? sfq)rf
the political ladder, then, consists in our edu<i,a.^.T<j^''r«iifc*
people in a school of true politics, of our initiating them
into a religion of true patriotism with a creed of Nation,
ality, Liberty and Unity, to be believed and striven after
with all the sincerity of heart and devotion, worthy of the
oriental mind. Let us first renounce all kinds of self-
interest and class-interest, in favour of a noble and
universal patriotism embracing all the people and all the
provinces of mother India, irrespective of creed, caste
and colour. All talk of unity is futile unless we succeed
in bringing about a unity of purpose in the minds of the
people whom we desire to unite. An attempt to base
this unity of purpose on material interests, might land us
in interminable dissensions and endless controversies —
in insuperable friction and unsurmountable irritation.
But a sincere effort to give a higher and spiritual basis
to our unity of purpose might save the situation and lead
us safely to the haven of our hopes. That oneness of
purpose is very happily summed up in the sacred
salutation Bande Matarani and in the war-cry of

Let us aext proceed to examine tVve lotce^ >^^\. ^e
//Ire/y to oppose us in our propaganda. Wete> a%a\w^ >SQSi

THE GREAT NEED OF THE SITUATION. 211

greatest danger is, in my opinion, from within and not
from without.

To the Government there are only two paths that
are open — a system of terror or a system of concessions.
The latter possesses more possibilities of success than
the former. A system of terror invariably recoils over
the heads of those that resort to it, and I am confident
that the British are sufficiently wise not to forget that
there is a great deal of truth in what is so often quoted
by European revolutionists that : —

" Blood calls for Blood, and the dagger of the cons-
spirator is never so terrible as when sharpened on the
tomb-stone of a martyr."

A system of small concessions, however, might be
more effectual to stem the rising tide of nationality.
Therein probably lies a greater danger to the rapid
growth of the idea of nationality in the country than in a
system of repression. Trivial changes in administrative
fnachinery. the reform of the most crying Governmental
abuses and a few more ineffectual concessions not
involving any fundamental change in the principles of
Government or in the constitution of the same, should
not satisfy our people, unless the same are accompanied
by a guarantee of fixed institutions, and a fundamental
contract recognising a right, a power and a sovereignty
in the people. That the opposition of the dominant race
will be tremendous and terrible, I readily grant ; but
vfhat I fear most is the opposition from within,
the opposition of the classes enjoying the special ^atco-
nage of the Government, the opp;ii\\!votv <^V\tCu^^'^'^^ '^^.
opposition of pririlege, and VasTbvii'^tv^^'C \^'^^'i.'^^'^^ ''^'^

s.'-'-

212 THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK:

opposition of timidity and cowardice. The divine, whom
I quoted in the opening lines of the paper, has in one
of his essays on social amelioration drawn the following
picture of the attitude of his countrymen towards the
social evils existing in English society. He says : —

" The attitude of some — let us hope very few — is
simply not to care at all to live in pleasure on the earth
and be wanton : to have hearts as fat as brawn and
cold as ice, and hard as the nether mill-stone ; to heap
up superfluous and often ill begotton wealth, to be
hoarded in acquisition, squandered in luxury, or reserved
for the building up of idle families. But to men, whose
immense riches are squandered, in all but an insignificant
fraction, on their own lust and their own aggrandisement
comes the stern strong message of St. James, **your
riches are corrupted, your garments are moth-eaten.
Ye have lived delicately on the earth, and taken your
pleasure. Ye have nourished your hearts in a day of
slaughter. " The attitude of others is that of a scornful
pity, half cynical, half despairing. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ The attitude
of others again is stolid acquiescence. They are weary
of the whole thing ; sick of hearing anything about it It
annoys, .them. Tell them of it and they shrug their
shoulders with an impatient " what can we do I " Ask
them for help, and they hare " so many claims, " that
they practically give to none. Press the claims and
they resent it as a personal insult: Suggest a plan and
they will call it " Utopian. '• Describe a case of anguish
and they will call you "sensational." Take part in a
public effort and they will sneer at you as " self adver-
tising. " The one thing they believe in is selfish laise&

THE GREAT NEED OF THE SITUATION. 213

-faire. Things will last their time and that is all they
care about. They grow too indulgent and too selfish to
care about anything but their own indulgences and their
own ease. "

Applying this to Indian society, I am afraid, the pic-
ture will have to be painted ?/ great deal blacker. There
are at any rate no traitors iry English society. In our case
the chief difficulty does nrft solely lie in the persistent and'
deliberate discouragement which is held out by a large sec-
tion of the community to all efforts towards progress. Here
it is not the scoffer and the cynic only that stand in the way
of advance but even more dangerous are those who insist
to be of you, and with you, but whose heart is not with
you, and whose interests, as understood by them, lie
the other way. Although they are apt to betray them-
selves at every other step, they cover their shame by
ridiculing the zealous and the earnest, by quietly
and philosophically questioning their motives and by
poisoning the minds of others against them. Their
attitude undergoes no change whether the reform advo-
cated is religious social or political. The first bores them
as an affection of the brain ; the second annoys them as
tending towards puritanism and misanthrophy ; the third
frightens them. The beauty of the whole thing, however,
lies in the fact that large number of them cannot help
poking their noses almost everywhere. They enlist as
members of societies whose proposed object is to preach
religion. They display great interest in social reform so
long as it does not interfere with what they call the joys
of life. Maintaining an attitude of boldness and defiance
to public opinion when the latter proipo%e.% \.Qi vsx^j^.^^^'^^'vck

214 THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK:

any way with the " pleasures of life," they are docile as
lambs when their ladies and biradmn (caste) people insist
on the celebration of the marriages of their boys and
girls at tender ages. As for political associations, these
are their special hunting grounds. They have no objec-
tion to preside at public meetings or to move or second
resolutions or to attend Conferences and Congresses, if it
suits their convenience or is likely to be profitable, but
all the same they will continue to revel in scoffing at
and laughing down those who are seriouaj and earnest
about the matter. The general mass of the people are
so ignorant of political ideas that it is impossible for
them to understand or find out the real game which
these gentlemen are playing. Consequently they are
often cowed down and persuaded to let matters alone
rather than make a bold stand for their rights.

The first necessity of the situation is, therefore, the
/ coming forward of a number of whole-time workers in
each province, devoted to the work of giving poHtical
education and imparting right ideas, irrespective and
regardless of the scoffer and the cynic. Mr. Dadabhai
Naoroji exhorts us to agitate, agitate and agitate. I say,
Amen ! but on the clear understanding that agitation is
an educational duty which has to be performed regard.
less of success in the shape of concessions. Let the
pupblic be accustomed to agitaiefor the sake of agitation
and not in the hope of getting any immediate redress.
That is, in my opinion, the only way to ward oflF disap-
pointments and to prepare the people for more effective
methods of political activity. Our e^X^e^m^^ Q.Q!vxw\3n3ma.ti
Mr. Tilak advises the peopVe to tcv^Ve^ ^^Jcv^ ^wNl ^\

THE ORBAT NEED OF THE SITUATICN. 215

administration oh the present lines impossible by passive
resistance. I say, that is only possible by training the
people to a habit of suffering for principles, i. e., to dare
and to risk ; and by infusing in them a spirit of defiance
wherever a question of principle is involved. The way is
to be shewn by personal example and not by precept
alone. There is the old truth * no risk, no gain.' The
line of least resistance, of empty resolutions on paper, of
3Jmple resolutions, -memorials, and not petitions backed
up by anything which would place our earnestness be-
yond the shade of a doubt, is a line of action more
worthy of women than of men. If I may be permitted
to question the political leaders of the country, what
irresistible proofs have they up to this time given of their
earnestness for the political demand made by them ? If
the time was not and is not ripe for these proofs then why
did they not follow the Japanese in making quiet pre
parations at home before coming put openly with fiery
speeches and long winded resolutions ? If, however we
have not wasted 22 years on political agitation and if the
Swadeshi and Boycott are not lip- platitudes to be indulg.
ed in for the edification of our audiences, let us now take
to it seriously and give incontestable proofs of our
earnestness for political privileges.

Hitherto our work has lacked that system and
solidity which are the outcome of well thought out and
well organised plans. Hitherto the political movement
has only been carried out by fits and starts. It has
completely depended on the moments of leisure which
gentlemen engaged in learned ptiAe^i\otv% ^^A \i>x^\»s»»»>
sould conveniently spare for tVve s^itcv^. \\.\vas. V^'kcl ^

216 THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK:

labour of love to them, but it has always occupied ft
secondary position in their thoughts. The country has
so far failed to produce a class of men whose chief and.
prime business in life will be political agitation and
political education. The chief and crying need of the
\national movement, in the coming forward of a class of
earnest, sincere, able and devoted men, who will move
about the country freely and preach the Gospel of
' freedom, both by word of mouth as well as by example—
men who will win over the masses to the cause of Truth
and Justice, by words of wisdom and lives of service.
The non-existence of this class at the present moment,
combined with other difficulties makes the national out-
look very gloomy indeed, but the remedy to change the
face of things lies in our own hands^

There is an all round awakening in the land, and if
the awakening were to bs properly utilised by the class
of men I have spoken of above, I am sure that the dense
gloom that prevails now, will soon be thinned by streaks
of encouraging and cheering light, crowed by the dawn
of hope and the sunrise of national birth. Most of our
people are unnerved by the prevailing disunion and other
vices which are the nece^ary outcome of a foreigti
domination. It is true that foreign domination is always
brought on by disunion but once it has come in, it accen-
tuates the same and adds to its volume and intensity, as
without it, it loses the chief reason for its continuance^
Some of our people are very angry (and at times rightly)
at the narrow, sectarian, denominational spirit that i»
rampant in the land. In their eyes, it is the chief obs<st*
ch in the way oF political independence and as a meaiysr

THE GREAT NEED OP THE SITUATION, 217

to obtain the latter, they set about in all sincerity and
earnestness to root out the former. All honour to their
sentiments and to their impulses. But a calm considera-
tion will show that; the task is almost impossible. If
the boon of Self-Government is to be denied to us so
long as the people of this country do not give up
denominationalism and do not take to t)ne religion or nb-
religion, I am afraid there can be no hope for us. The
problem before us is, to accept the facts before us as
they are, and then to build up the edifice of nationality
on them or in spite of them. I hope I shall not be
misunderstood. I am not opposed to the cultivation of
a spirit of catholicity amongst the followers of the
different religions that are to be found in the country.
By all means carry on your work in this direction as
zealously as you can. I wish you all success. But 1
can not persuade myself to believe that it is possible to
uproot denomiationalism from this land* and for the
matter of that, from any land. Our best efforts should
then be directed to create a nation in spite of them. I
am not quite sure, if it is desirable to do away with
religion or with religious denominations altogether, even
•if it were possible to do so. All these differences in
religion serve their own purpose in the general economy
of the world, and there are a good many people whose
views are entitled to the greatest respect from us, who
are inclined to think that the world would be poorer and
monotonous by the entire removal of these differences.
Our readers are probably aware of the rebuke admini-
stered by Burke to the authors of the French Revolution
in their efforts to enforce a universal e<\vsaivfc^. Vcv V5«»

218 THE NATIONAL OUTLOOK:

" Reflections on the French Revolution," addressing the
people of France, he questions the wisdom of the sweep-
ing changes effected by them in their constitution in the
following words : —

In your old States you possessed that variety of parts
corresponding with the various descriptions of which
your community was happily composed, you had all that
opposition of interests, you had that action and coun-
teraction which in the natural and in the political world
from the reciprocal struggle of discordant powers, draws
put the harmony of the universe."

I express no opinion upon the force of the anathe-
mas hurled by Burke on the French Revolution, but I
cannot help remarking that there is a great deal of truth
in the general observation quoted above. tfThe world is^
no doubt, good and beautiful only witn its diversity-
The chief object of human yearning is, has been, and
ought to be, tQ find harmony in diversity. Nations are
built and unified by the diffe^-ences that exist between
the various classes of their population. The Apostle of
Unity in order to succeed must find a common object to
achieve and a common enemy to fight. All differences
must be sunk in the presence of the latter and to achieve
the former but not necessarily otherwise.

For as this and this only can be the common basis of
nationality, 1 do not think there are insuperable difficulties
in the way of Indian Unity, if the denominational and
other differences are faced in that spirit {

Another evil which often sts^ersnis, is the illiteracy
Bud ignorance of our people. Here a^^Cvu^ '^VviXe. ^idxcvvt-
t/ng the absolute necessity of educa\itv%^^^^^s«^^^^

THE GREAT NEED OF THE SITUATION. 219

to see the soundness of the proposition, that universal

education must precede any demand for self-government.

In fact it is hopeless to expect anything like universal

education without self-government. Over a century and

a quarter of British rule has failed to educate more than

5 or 6 percent of the people of India, while Japan has

been wholly educated within less than 40 years. The

educational work is one of the most important of our

national duties, but by no means should it be made a

condition precedent to our demanding self-government.

Here, too, the principal question is of men and money.

Find out the former and the latter will be forthcoming.

That is, therefore the chief thing, for the finding of which,

the nation should put forth its best energy and talent.

I Give us a dozen men in each province, exclusively

devoted to the work of national regeneration, and the

situation will at once assume a bright appearance and

will promise the most hopeful results. Let us hope that

the best talent and the best patriotism of the country are

engaged in tapping the resources which are eventually

to give us the desired class of men who shall be our

national Sannyasis in the present cri^sjlt was probably

said of times like these that ** These are the times that

try men's souls. The sunshine soldier and the sunshine

patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their

country ; but he that stands to it now, deserves the

thanks of man and woman. Tyranny like hell is not easily

conquered ; yet we have this consolation with us, that

the harder the contest, the more glorious the triumph.

.What we obtain too cheaply, vie e^\.ee.t«\ \5^^K\"^*^\^

is dearness only that gives e\erytVv\t\%,\\s» n^Xn^^* >^^«^'«^^'^

220 THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE PUNJAB."

knows how to set a proper price upon its goods ; and it
would have been strange indeed if so celestfel an article
a s Freedom should not be highly rated- "

Lajapat Rai

•o-

To His Government and Countrijmen.

"THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN

THE PUNJAB"

CA USES OF DISCOJSTENTMEJS T IN THE PUNJAB '
Some people think that the situation in the Punjab
has become very serious. The panic in official circles
resulting in the arrest of 5 respectable citizens of Rawal
pindi no doubt justifies that view. In my opinion, how-
ever, this panic has beenjartificially created by the Secret-
Police and the Government has simply played into the
hands of its own agents. It is silly to reproach this or
that man for having brought about this state of things
to suggest that any one or two or three men in this pro-
vince possess the power or influence to bring about this
state of things is both stupid and absurd. It may be
highly flattering to his vanity and in a sense compli-
mentary also, but it cannot stand the test of close
examination on the basis of actual facts. Discontent,
no doubt, there is and a great deal of it. But this dis-
content has been brought about by Anglo-Indians them-'
selves, and the causes of these may be thus summarised
in chronological order.

(/r) The letters and articles &c, that appeared in the
Civil and Military Gazette sometime \t\ ^wVj 2jcv^ ^w\>j^'s»\
i^st year under the heading " Sign^ ot t\veTvKve.V' %lc.

" THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE HUN JAB." 221

{b) The prosecution of the Punjahee, coupled with
the refusal of the Government to take similar action
against the C. and M. Gazette.

(c) The Colonization Bill.

(d) The Land Alienation Act Amendment Bill.

(e) The increase of Canal rates on the Bari-Doab
canal.

(f) The abnormal increase of Land Revenue in the
Rawalpindi District.

(7) The appalling mortality from plague which has
made the people sullen and labour scarce, and raised the
wages abnormally.

Now the first 6 causes are directly attributable to
Anglo-Indians. The last is a visitation of God. The
first two might perhaps have been innocuous but for the
four following. Joined however, they have increased the
volume of discontent enormously. The sixth has played
the most important part. The silent economic revolution
caused by the same has acted terribly on the minds of
men belonging to the lower strata of Government ser-
vants, and has very naturally brought about strikes such
as would have been incredible a few years before. Under
the circumstances can the Government honestly and
conscientiously acquit its own officers of want of fore-
sight and statesmanship in insisting on unpopular mea-
sures and passing them in the teeth of universal opposi-
tion, of disregarding the economic changes, and failing to
recognise the claims of classes of Government servants
to an increase in their salaries ipro^ov>L\o^^\R. Xsi '^^\'^-
crease in the wages of private Vabout^v?.! W^^ ^v^^'^'^'^

222 " THH POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE PUNJaB."

done in time with consideration, all discontent would
have been quieted.

Agitators Responsible and Irresponsible
Are the agitators to be blamed for having pointed
out the Government's mistakes and identified themselves
with popular grievances ? What have they done ? They
have enlisted the sympathies of the masses by standing
for their grievances and agitating for the removal of the
same. The Government had from time to time reproach-
ed them for standing alone, aloof from the masses and as,
therefore, having no justification to speak in their name.
Here was an opportunity for them to remove this re-
proach. Can any one honestly say that they have
done wrong in utilising this opportunity ? Should they
have stood aloof from the people and refused to take
up their cause and articulate the same ? Had they done
so they would have been unworthy of their education and
guilty of treason to their own people. Why should they
then be blamed for having espoused the popular cause i'
A year before they were incomprehensible to the m-isses.
The masses did not and could not ht expected to follow
them in their cry for Self-Government. As for the
demand for an increased employments of Indians in
higher offices under Government, the people were not
quite certain if that would immediately help them very
much. They said that it made no difference in their lot
whether they were governed by a Mister or a Lala or a
Maulvi. The recent legislation, however, made them
think differently. They found that the services rendered
by them to the empire in the pastYvad te^Vj cckxi^xXa^Vw
nothing and could not su^p^ct t\\at GoN^ttvm^xvX. nix%

"THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE PUNJAB." 223

treating them very badly up the class legislation indulged
in by Government, so defiantly in the proud consciousness
of their unlimited strength has affected class after class
iintil there was hardly any class of population left which
could honestly display any enthusiasm for the Govern-
ment. We know that there is a class of Government
tiangers-on — their contractors, news vendors, title hunters,
&c., whose leaders are always enthusiastic for the
Government as it pays them so well to do so. But even
they cannot honestly lay their hand on their hearts and
say that they had no hand in the agitation over the
Colonization Bill and the canal water rates resolution*
The difference is this, that they acted behind the purdah,
keeping appearances all right, while others acted boldly and
openly. These unpopular measures gave an opportunity to
some "young talkers* who utilised it to their heart's con-
tent. Their fearless speeches and their readiness to suffer
for their convictions went straight to the people's hearts
and attracted thousands to their meeting places. Now
it is silly to assume that they had any responsible people
at their back, for the simple reason that no thoughtful
or responsible man could possibly bring himself to believe
that the country was at all ready for a political cataclysm.
The cry in the Punjab has always been for " organised
work. " No organisation could be started or perfected
in the state in which the Province has been for the last
nine months. The tree of organisation requires a cool
atmosphere and undisturbed soil to take root and fructify.
People have not rushed into print or in the public meet-
wgs to denounce youthful and \rcv^\xW\N^ '$j^'>^^<^'^^ ^^
writers, but they have all the same do^^ ^V^vc X^n^X^^^^

224 "THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE PUNJAP.**

to influence them towards moderation and towards more
permanent and solid ways of doing things such as might
leave solid and lasting results behind. It is unfortunate
that they did not succeed to the extent they wished, but
even their failure has its own significance. If amateur
orators and others whom nobody knew two or three
months before, repulsed the advances of respon-
sible leaders to control and guide them with impunity, if
they have refused to listen to their advice, questioned
their moral courage, and have at times denounced them
as cowards and still have practically kept the field to
themselves, that shows that they could depend upon the
sympathies and appreciation of the people in general,,
ignoring those who wanted to control and guide them^
They had soiiie thing in them which appealed to the
people and which brought them appreciation and en-
couragement.

Real grievances vioced by the agitators.

It is again silly to suppose that their audiences
consisted only or mainly of the juvenile population ; could
any one in his senses maintain that meetings at Lyalpure
Multan, Batala, Amritsar, and Delhi consisted of Stu-
dents only ? Who attended the meetings at the local
Bharata Mata office after the schools and colleges had
been closed on account of the plague ? What is the total
strength of the school population at Lahore or at Rawal-
pindi or at Delhi compared with the members that have
been attending the meetings addressed by Sardar Ajit
Singh and Syed Hyder Raza. The fact is, and it cannot
honestly be ignored, that the propa^siuda carded on by

** THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE PUNJAB." 225

these gentlemen has met with popular approval, it meets
the fancy of the masses and their utterances find a
ready and appreciative response from the thousands
whom they address, and from tens of thousands, more
who devour their speeches or writings as reported or
published in the Vernacular press. The irresponsible
writer in the Anglo-Indian journal may talk or write
what pleases him, but the responsible authorities can no
longer shut their eyes to the fact that Sardar Ajit singh
and syed Hyder Raz really represent a solid bulk of
public opinion which it will be madness to ignore or treat
with contempt. I do not, however, believe that the state
of things has come to such a pass as to justify the panic
which appears to have got hold of Anglo-Indian circles
in the Punjab. The discontent in the Punjab has not
yet assumed proportions so as to lead people to overt
acts of Violence. The stray acts of Violence hitherto in
evidence represent the doings of the secret Police, or of
Gundas, or of a few frenzied boys or perhaps of all these
combined.

The right path for the government.

But there is no denial that this may lead to further
and greater disorders if nothing is done to remove the
discontent that is at the bottom of it and to sooth the
angered, outraged feelings of the people. Repressive
measures might cow down the people for a time, but
that they are bound to fail in the end, if it is intended to
crush the spirit of the people thereby, is certain so long
as people believe that their interests and those of the
Government clash.
15

226 "THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE PUNJAB."

And so long as these two are in conflict, so long the
popular feeling is sure to burst out from time to time»
do what you may to crush or kill it by force. The thing
is new just now. After over 50 years of peaceful Govern -
ment, when the people have quite forgotten the troubles
of a disordered state of society, and after they have taken
to easy-going modes of life, it shocks them to hear of the
arrests such as have taken place in Rawalpindi. It may
unnerve them for the time and the political movement in
the Punjab may be put down for some time to come.
But as soon as the people recover their stunned senses
and begin to think how insignificant are individual
interests in the struggle for national rights, their sympa-
thies for the first victims will change into homage for
the cause and for those who were the first to suffer for
the cause. Fear will give way to the desire for martyr-
dom and panic will disappear. This process will be
facilitated and dishastened If these arrests become too
common, as they are likely to be, in the present state of
panic in official circles, but that these arrests will seal
the fate of the national movement I decline to believe.
The efforts of the Government at repression are only
natural, the effect of these measures on the public
mind will show how much real political life there
is in the country and how far it can be relied on.
It will give a fresh starting point to those who
desire to devote their lines to this cause. National
evolution is bound to proceed on the lines of repulses,
defeats, struggles, &c- None need despair. True wisdom
3s well as the spirit of resignation to t\v^ \^\n\vl^ NN*^
^^^ches taking things as they come, dramtv^ tv^X. c.^w-

COPK}RESS ORGANISATION IN THE PUNJAB. 227

4;lusions therefrom, modifying ways and means in accord-
ance therewith, and then proceeding steadily and surely.

CONGRESS ORGANISATION IN THE PUNJAB.

In accordance with the resolution passed at the last
-session of the Congress laying down certain rules of con-
stitution it is necessary that the Punjab Congressemen
should proceed to form a Provincial Congress Committee
at once. The questions deserving consideration in con-
inection therewith may be roughly stated as below : —

(1) Whether the Indian Association of Lahore
should be converted into a Provincial Congress Com-
mittee for the Punjab, with such modifications in its
constitution as maybe found necessary or desirable or whe-
ther a separate Provincial Committee be organised which
shall include the members or representatives from Dis-
-trict Associations, and such other persons from Districts
where the latter have not been organised as yet, who
have ever attended a meeting of the Congress as
.delegates. This may not necessarily mean the exclusion
of persons who may be otherwise qualified and also will-
ing to become members.

(2) What should be the minimum subscription
qualification (a) for ordinary members and (6) for mem-
bers of the Executive Committee. I would suggest that
all such persons as are prepared to pay Re. 1 per month
for political work in the Punjab (including Re. 0-8-0 per
month charged by the District Association) should be
accepted as ordinary members ol iVv^^tcvNvcvcX^^^'^^'^'^^

Committee. This will secure ?Lt \e?cs\: '^v^^v^"^^^^'^^'^'^

228 CONGRESS ORGANISATION IN THE PUNJAB.

per member to the Provincial Committee and enable the
latter to maintain an Office. The number of the Execu-
tive Committee should not be very large although it
should be sufficiently large to allow of proper representa-
tion being given to the District Associations. One way
of securing an effective committee is to fix a fairly high
subscription qualification for the membership, say 5
rupees a month, with power to make a few exceptions in
favour of deserving-men the total strength of the latter
not to exceed 20 per cent of the former. I am very
strongly of opinion that there is no use of talking of the
want of political activity in the Punjab and throwing the
odium of it on certain individuals unless there are at least
some 20 people in the Province who are prepared to
give time and money to this work.

(3) What to do of the Bradlaugh Hall. I am of
opinion that such of the members of the Provincial
Congress Committee as have paid Rs. 100 or are now
prepared to pay Rs. 100 towards the construction of the
Hall should form themselves into a society to rebuild
and maintain the Hall. I understand that was the origi-
nal intention of those who started the movement for a
permanent public Hall in Lahore. Before I conclude
1 may add that these are only suggestions for considera-
tion and discussion ; personally I will accept any rules
which are after discussion, agreed to by the majority.

I do not know what is the idea about the next meet-
ing of the Punjab Provincial Conference. If it is likely
to meet during the first six months of the year, the mat-
ter may be finally settled there. If otherwise, a special
meeting of delegates of the Indian A.ssocvait\otv ^tvd oC the

DBSH BHAKTI. 229

•several District Associations that have been formed or
may be formed by that time, may be convened to settle
this matter. The Punjab has all along been very keen
about the constitution of the Congress. Now that a ten-
tative constitution has been obtained it is absolutely
necessary for the good name of the Province that we
should show our readiness to act up to it and to profit by
the same. I propose that the matter may be taken up
for early discussion by the Indian Association of Lahore,
and the District Associations that have been formed
Subject to considerations of health and engagements
already made. I am prepared to go to mufassil stations
for organising District Associations whenever invited to
do so by men who, in my opinion, are likely to do the
thing successfully.

Dbsh Bhakti.

Lala Lajpat Rai delivered a most impressive and
eloquent lecture in Anaj Mandi, -A^noia, before a large
■audience composed of men of all callings and professions
in the course of which he said that it is but natural for
€very man to possess feelings of love ; but love is of two
ikinds, selfish, having the achievement of immediate gain
in view, and unselfish — which impels us on to do works
of public utility with more or less depending on the
extent of the feelings of unselfishness selfless motives.

Selfish love cannot however, make our minds peace-
ful or calm the inner cravings of man for blissfulness ;
tor the attainment of this end we must all needs do some

i

230 DESH BHAKTI.

selfless work. No country can prosper until her sons and
daughters are imbued with a genuine sense of unselfisk
devotion towards her and ready to subordinate their
personal interests for country's good.

The Japanese have recently shown to what lofty
heights patriotic fervour can rise. A mother's stabbing
herself in order to free her son from the burden of her
maintenance so that he may go to war and die for her
beloved country and the readiness of an overwhelmingly
large number of sailors to drown themselves with ships ia
front of Port Arthur are instances which nothing
short of a deep love for country's honor — much less lust
for gold or glorification of vain self — can prompt Even
in European countries, with their long legend of national
patriotism, such examples of sublime devotion are rare.

A degenerate country, like ours, badly needs for her
service such selfless workers as neither wealth nor power
could buy. We had a large number of them in our glori-
ous past when our country's towering moral and physical

" capabilities had elevated it to the lofty pinnacle of pros--

I perity and happiness.

Not long ago all our requirements were met with'
by articles of cleM manufacture. Woe, however, to our
present situation of helpless dependence on foreigners,,
who drain away most part of the money earned by us-
with the sweat of our brow. And this drain is responsi-
ble for the oft-recurring famines and pestilence, which'
mainly victimise the poor owing to the unhealthy state-
of their habitations and their inability to get sufficient
and wholesome food. Lord Curzon's government esti-
mated that the Indian's aversige income then was Rs, 30

DESH BHAKTI. 231

per annum or 2-8 a month. When this is the average
there must be many who live on Rs. 1-8 or, even, Re. 1 a
month. It is a mystery how a man can even parsimoni-
ously feed and clothe himself for a month on this paltry
income unless he half starves.

As a matter of fact there are seven crores of men
who get only one meal in a day and there are many more
who live on roots and barks of trees. About forty to
fifty thousand are devoured by plague and other diseases
«very week. Any country having such a horrible and
heart-rending tale of sorrow and devastation can never
have a hopeful future. Europeans are living comfortably.
The reason is that they are true to their country, follow-
ing Stvadsshi in its true essence. Plitgue and pestilence
do not touch them because they live in commodious, '
well-ventilated houses in the healthiest parts of the towns.
They carry most of our corn to their country — even when
our own men are starving for want of food and famines
are fiercely raging in the land — for maintaining an ade-
quate supply of staple food for their own countrymen.
Our raw products find their way to England in order
to develop her trade in manufactured ariticles, which
are brought back and sold in India at enormous
profits. They do not scruple to provide lucrative
employments for their own men in this con try and
are always ready to do everything that is calculated to
promote their people's welfare. This genuine regard for
providing for the good of their whole community is the
secret of their prosperiy and success all round.

Our countrymen sadly lack in that spirit of patriotism
that characterises the citizens of every ^reat axvd ^5:^^^

232 SCHOLARSHIPS FOR POLITICAL TRAINING.

perous country in the world aud consequently there is no
end to our troubles. Nothing short of true desk hhdkth
which consists in sacrificing the hankering after pelf and
power in favour of the unremunerative yet — important
and divine — task of working for the welfare of ouf
countrymen, — can save us from the death and destruction
that is staring us in the face. Genuine and selfless
devotion (BhaJcti) for our detth ought to be the dharma, the
noble mission of life, of every one of us and in the
service of our country we should spare neither money
nor life.

o

SGHOLARSRIPS FOR POLITICAL TRAINING.

Lala Lajpat Rai's letter

TO

The Ediioi'f Funiohee.

Sir, — You are aware that in 1905 when I was deputed
to go to England as a delegate from Punjab, Rs. 3000 were
•collected by public subscription towards the expenses
of my trip. The expenses actually incurred having by
far exceeded that amount, I, on my return, promised to
repay the s^id amount by giving half of it in aid of the
Foreign Education Fund of the D. A. V. College and by
spending the other half in furtherence of the cause of
political education in this province. The 1st mentioned
promise has already been made good. The other remains
yet to be fulfiled though I have never lost sight of the
same and have been thinking of the best way to use it.
At one time I proposed to orgamae a ^m^AV Pdlkictfl

SCHOLARSHIPS FOR POLITICAL TRAINING. 233

Council consisting of a limited number of members
paying Rs. 50 as admission fee and Rd. 100 as annual
subscription to start political work in this province on
active educational lines. I intended to make over the
amount to that council. The scheme was printed knd
circulated amongst a limited number of friends. It met
with a fair amount of response in so far that over 15
gentlemen promised to join it on those terms. The
idea was to have an office and a Library at Lahore in con-
nection with the council. After a great deal of cogitation
over the matter I have now decided to give up the idea
of a separate political council (for the present at least)
and resolved to utilise the money in my hands in provide
ing for a traming to a few Punjabi youths in methods of
political work. I have so far decided to offer two scho-
arships of the value of Rs 50 per mensem each, to two
masters of Arts or B.A. LL.B.'s of the Punjab University
who promise to devote one year to the exclusive study of
politics and political methods. It may be a presumption
on my part to assume that I can guide even a novice in
political studies but as at present advised I see no better
course open to me. The terms of these scholarships
are : —

(1) The scholarship shall run for a year.

(2) The candidate selected shall have to live at
Lahore or travel to parts of India, at my discretion, hts
travelling expenses being borne by me.

(3) He shall not aim at a career in Government
service and shall give a declaration to that effect.

(4) He shall prepare for no examination during the
tUiie he gets the scholarship.

234 SCHOLARSHIPS FOR POLITICAL TRAIMING.

(5) These scholarships are open to all Indians
irresspective of caste, creed or colour.

(6) The scholarship will be held during good be-
haviour and may be discontinued on proof of misconduct
or for want of diligence in studies.

(7) In case of qualified M. A/s or B. A., L. L. B.'s
not coming forward to take the scholarships one of these
may be given to a distinguished B. A., who has read up
to the M. A. Standard, in English, History or Philoso-
phy, or has passed the Intermediate in Law Examination
of the Punjab University, and the other may be split into
two or three, to be given to candidates of lesser qualifica"
tions.

(8) Applications shall be considered and elections
made by a committee consisting of the foUowisng mem
bers of the Indian Association, Lahore: —

(a) The undersigned. (Lala Laiput Rai).

(b) Lala Shadi Lai, m. a., Bar-at-Law, Lahore.

(c) Lala Duni Chand, Bar-at-Law, Secretary, Indian
Association, Lahore.

(d) Lala Mulkraj Bhalla.

{e) Sirdar Gurcharan Singh, b.a., Bar-at-Law, La-
hore-

(9) Condition (6) shall not be enforced unless a
majority of the above mentioned committee agree to do
so.

(10) Rs. 1,500 will be deposited in the Punjab Co-
operative Bank and the scholarships shall be payable on
bills signed by the undersigned(Lala Lajput Rai).

(11) Applications shall be received up to the 15th
of April and decision arrived at b^ iVve \st o£ Nlay« Ap-

SPEECH AT IHB ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ. 235

plications should be siddressed to the undersigned.

o

Alles:ed Seditious Spoeclies of Lala Lajpat Rai,

The Fnnjabee.

The following is the full text of Lala Lajpat Rai'&
speech delivered at the Anniversary of the Arya Samaj
in November 1905, as published in the PaiaaAhhhar from
which the Wafadar made certain extracts.

Paisa Akhhar, December 7^, 1905 {page 6),

We publish below the lecture delivered by Lala
Lajpat Rai Sahib, Pleader, and renowned patriot, on the
26th November on the occasion of the anniversary of the
Arya Samaj, Lahore, (College party) when a very large
ntMnber of enthusiastic hearers was present : —
/ " Brethren, — Yon have come here as our guests and
I am ashamed to find that we are unable to show the
hospitality (of providing you sufficient accommodation
here.) This poverty of ours is an index of the poverty of
our country. However, there is no occasion for anyone
to complain. We have been doing whatever is in our
power, but there can be no help for that which is beyond
our means, and we beg to be excused for it.

This morning I had begun by saying, that while I
was in Europe I tried to find out a solution of the ques-
tion, What is the secret of the progress of Europe ?
What are the causes which have raised the sun of pros-
perity of Europe to its zenith ? How is it that, although
the Europeans are few in number, yet they reign supreme
in the whole world and nobody dare disobey their com-
mlind ? From the day on which I set my foot on Euro-
p^an soil I began to ponder over this question* TKe. €as.t:

236 SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OP THE ARYASAMAJ.

is that he who has his eyes open can cleary see
through such things as these. As soon as you set
your foot on European soil, you begin to see things
working in a way which itself suggests the solution of
the question. He, who has his eyes op3n, can see that
they (the Europeans) are more intelligent than ourselves.
He sees that in their systems of education, in their arts
and industries, and in their commerce there exists
organization (i. «., the quality of doing a thing systemati-
cally and continuously). Every man, then, is fond of
-organization, and nobody dare interfere with the law
of organization. You find this law working not only in
the navies, the armies and other Departments of Wes-
tern Governments, but you find it also in their ho.tiis^
The home of a European is typical of the marvellous
system of organization that prevails in West, and from
their very childhood they grow under its influence. There
is not a single man who is not under (does not belong to)
some sort of organization. In short, it is organization
which rules supreme in Europe. But, gentlemen, the
one thing that forms the backbone of organization is edu-
cation. If any one wishes to see (an illustration) of the
truth that knowledge is power and that even the elements,
t. €., air, firewater and the oceans all recognise the Sway
of man, let him go and see the ships, the machinery of
the factories of Europe. There he will see how the stu-
pendous power of nature has been enslaved to provide
for the comforts of man. But the secret of all this*
power lies in the system of education which obtains there.'
AH the nations of Europe are not equally great. Some of
hese are of ordinary position, while others are highly

SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ. 237

advanced and powerful by virtue of the vastness of their
empires and the influence they exercise over the world.
The power and influence of the various nations of
Europe depends upon their respective systems of edu-
cation. The people of Switzerland do not busy
themselves with taking away the liberty of any other
nation. The system of education that obtains there
(in Europe)deveIopes the intelligent and makes man
active and bold. In Europe, the prevalent notion about
education is that it should make a man flt to meet his
personal and national requirements, that, while, on the
one hand, it should develop private virtue in him, it should,
on the other, help in making him a true and honest lover
of his country. The system that is followed there is such
that it makes man fit and well equipped for all those re-
quirements. It is necessary that a man be influenced
by his surroundings. No one has the power to avoid
the influence of his environments. Even plants and
trees that grow in the jungle develop by absorbing the
elements that are around them. Nothing in nature is free
from the effect of the things that are about it, and deve-
lopment of each individual depends to a great extent
upon his circumstances. European children are highly
fortunate in that they are born of civilized parents, and,
as siich, are ii^fluenced, to a great degree, by that civiliza-
tion. As soon as a child attains the school-going age, he,
in a way, becomes free from the protection of his
parents, and another power with vast and unbounded
resources steps in to take upon itself the responsibility
of bringing up the child- This power is the Government
tf the country. In cases, where psiTetvls 2cc^ tvo\. vcv 'aw

238 SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ.

position to satisfactorily discharge the duty of giving a
proper education to their children, the Government takes
this task upon itself, the fulfilment of which it considers
the very object of its existence.

The Government there represents the people ; it is
the head of the nation and is composed of del^ates
chosen by the people. The state is responsible for the
prosperity and protection of the nation. The Govern-
ment takes upon itself the duty of seeing that no child
grows up in ignorance and, therefore, legislates that
education up to a certain age is compulsory for all
children, whether male or female. In the education of
their children, parents are relieved of the burden of
providing them with books, pen, ink and fees. The
children are not required to take these things with them
to school, but they are supplied to them in school. The
school authorities supply these things free of charge.
Now they have gone a step further, in as much as poor
students are supplied with good food on behalf of the
school. Seeing that poor children are placed at a dis-
advantage compared to the children of the rich, and
that mental work tells upon the physique of the former
and consequently they cannot derive the fullest benefit
from their education, it has been decided that those who
cannot afford to get substantial food from their parents,
are to be provided with it at the cost of the State. When
this question came up for consideration before the
Governments of the various self-governing countries of
Europe, the French Government was the first to solve
the difficulty and it laid down that the State should
provide proper nourishment ior \.V\o?,e children whose

SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OP THE ARYASAMAJ. 239

irents cannot afford it. In England also the London
)unty Council has introduced the same system in
hools under its charge. There girls are taught cookery
indicrafts, needlework and singing as part of the
ucational curriculum.

In connection with cookery they are taught Chemis-
Y, and are told the ingredients and properties of various
Dds (and such details as the quantity of oxygen and
^drogen that go to make up a thing. In one room they
ceive theoretical instruction on the subject, in another
rangements are made for practical demonstration,
lere girls cook food with their own hands. The food
us prepared is given to those boys and girls who
Lnnot themselves provide with it.

This would be sufficient to show how keenly the
uropeans feel and realise the importance of education,
^e here (in India) wish to provide the cheapest form of
lucation for our children, regardless of the fact whether
e influence exercised by the institution is for good or
r evil. And with all this we (Indians) want to imitate
id rival those (the Europeans) who are the rulers of
e world. In Europe no problem is considered of such
iramount importance as the educational one. In India
e function of a teachei' ends when the school time is
rer, the relation of teacher and the taught also ending
ith it. But in very European country a large class of
•eat thinkers is always busy in devising means for im-
•oving and perfecting the educational system of the
ation. Some of the best intellects of the country are
lid high salaries in order that they might go and study
le educational system of every country and compare It

240 SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OP THE ARYASAMAI.

with their own with a view to find out the defects of the
latter and devise means for their removal. The results
of such investigations are published in reports for the
information of the people, they are discussed in public
and conclusions are drawn therefrom. A large class (of
experts) is always busy in thinking over educational
matters and seeing that the country does not lag behind
in any department of national advancement.

Here (in India) it is customary for the teacher to
resort to the use of the cane as soon as the boy begins
his alphabet. But in Europe the case is entirely different ;
there the children are given oral instruction for 2 or 3
years when they are instructed in drawing figures and
entertaining exercises. They are taught the methods of
bringing their hands and feet into play, such as walking,
running, &c. After this, they are taught the alphabet.
Drawing (i, e., sketches and figures), singing, physical
exercise are considered the essential points of elementary
education. Boys brought up in these schools are never
morose. No power can keep them back from the service
to their country, the sense of and responsibility towards
the nation. Neither can anything develop in them feel-
ings of hatred towards their own nation. Through the
teaching of music patriotism and love of the nation are
impressed upon the mind of the children- They are
taught colour painting as soon as they learn the elements
of drawing, needle-work and cookery. The minds
of the pupils are not unnecessarily burdened with useless
information. They are told the names, colours and
numbers of flower, which is intended to teach them the
distinction of colours, thevr t\a.me?. atvd also Arith-

SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ. 241

metic. The teacher places various things upon the table
and enquires from the puplis their names, colours and
number. In Europe, children have not to read at home
after school hours. We think, and it is no doubt true,
that the minds of the children, here, are stinted in growth
under unnecessary burden. In Europe the number of
subjects taught in primary schools is not less than what
it is here, but (the method of teaching there is such) that
it does not burden the minds of the student. The result
is that after an instruction of 5 or 7 years, the child can
use his hands, feet and brain to good advantage and he
is in a position to adopt any profession he likes. The
grounding in education that he has received stands him
in good stead everywhere. On the other hand, we, too,
receive theoretical education in Geometry, but in practice
we are unable to draw a straight line correctly. An
Englishman, who begins his education withdrawing, can
draw good pictures with the least effort. In Europe, in
one place, a teacher lectures theoretically (say) upon the
art of making a table and the things required for it, and
in another place the children are afforded the opportu-
nity of translating theory into practice by direct manipu-
lation- After receiving this sort of elementary education
up to the 14th year, they have to decide how they are to
live in the world. The arrangements for this purpose are
wonderful indeed, some boys study for 5 hours and
spend the rest of their time in earning their livelihood.
Facilities for high education are provided for those who
wish to earn in the day and study at night ; even the
best equipped educational institution in India does not
possess the aparatas, which every night school of tha
16

242 SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OP FHE ARYASAMAJ.

London County Council possesses. There (in England)
absence of pecuniary support does not invariably mean
the loss of higher education. Here, on the contrary, those
who are intelligent but poor have, after a time, to give up
their education and find out means for their livelihood,
thus hampering their advancement in life. This involves
individual as well as national loss, and the nation is
deprived of the valuable services which he would have
rendered to the nation by occupying, in his after life, an
eminent position. In Europe steps have been taken to
avert this national and individual loss. The education
they receive is, moreover, intended to make the recipients
honest, high-minded, religious and patriotic and capable
of earning their livelihood by honourable and industrious
means. Some of the officals, here, frequently remark
that Indians do not acpuire education for its own sake,
but as a means of^earning livelihood ; but if such a re-
mark were made in Europe, people would ask in amaze-
ment, what on earth is the object of education, if it is
not to make one better able to earn a living ?

A great struggle for supremacy is going on in
Europe, every nation is trying to march ahead of the
rest. Every nation fears that if her educational system
becomes defective and consequently its members are
superseded by others in sending the cheapest and the
best things to the markets of the world, she will lose her
position in the field of commerce. The chief object of
their education is to keep their people abreast of the
others in Commerce and Industry. The competition of
Germany and America is at present threatening to
weaken the commercial ascendancy of England. It is

SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ. 243

certain that the educational system of Germany is com-
paratively much superior (to that of any other country in
Europe) but after careful investigation great changes
have been introduced into the educational system of
England within the last 5 or 6 years. Now every school
in England possesses a workshop for practical training^
The English are seriously thinking that they may not be
beaten by the Germans in the race of commerce.

Paisa Akhbnr, IStJi December, 1905, {page 6)»

The object of educating a child is that in addition
-to being useful to himself and to the society, he should
.develop parti otic ideas, inferior to those of no other
nation. Europeans in general and the English in parti-
cular are dovoted admirers of Liberty. They cannot
tolerate a single word directed against it. They hate the
word Ruler. Although they have got their own King and
Parliament yet they do not look upon them as more than
advisers, helpers and leaders in national advancement*
A recently published book," Struggle Against the
Monarchy," forms a part of the scheme of studies for
young boys, which is intended to show that the rights of
privilege which the English enjoy have been obtained
after manifold sacrifices. It has been stated above, music
is an essential part of their elementary training. Boys
:and girls assemble in the halls of the schools to sing such
songs as to impress upon their minds the importance erf
the fact that the child is the custodian of national inte-
rest

Here in India physical training is considered a thing
of minor importance, there it is a part of the instruction.

244 SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ.

The bodily organs are devoloped by means of physical
exercises in such a way that in times of emergency they
may be able to be put to the best use in the service of
thte State. Europeans regard this world as a paradise
(i. €,, a place worth living in), being the finest specimen
of the w^orkmanship of the Almighty Creator. They want
to live in this world seeing that it is so fine, and they
think it their duty to prolong their lives as far as they
can, no matter how. We also daily pray for a life of
hundred years, but we regard the world as a place
of misery, hence we can achieve little. Unless we
look upon this world as a place of bliss we can never be
prepared to make any sacrifices for the attainment of
happiness. So long as we do not consider the world as
the abode of eternal happiness, our nation can make no
progress. Europeans impress upon the minds of their
children that the world is vast and is full of happiness,
hence they teach them to be prepared for all sorts of
struggles that they shall have to undergo in their onward
march. They point to the vast world before them and
direct them to go and achieve honours for themselves
and for their nation.

In Europe no mother cares what her son will do in
his life. They love their children (as well as we) but
they themselves realise and make their sons realise that
jusH: as this world is infinite so their courage should be
vast and boundless. It is our duty, therefore, to absorb
this spirit from Europe. Besides this, there they have
established schools for imparting technical education.
Our rulers here are showing signs o€ impatience at the
establishment of four or five Universities and the number

SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ. 245

of boys educated therein, but in the West there exists a
University in every big town, and still the Government
there are not impatient at all and are not busy devising
means for reducing the numbers of students. On the
contrary, their chief anxiety is to improve and perfect
Iheir educational systems and to remove whatever de-
fects exist therein. The Universities there are autho-
rised to impart education in all departments of learning
and confer degrees in Banking, Commerce and the vari-
ous branches of industrial and technical education. The
question for us is how can we do anything for ourselves
{i.e.9 can we help ourselves in any way) ? If you really
wish that your industries may improve and you be not
dependent for your necessaries upon foreign countries,
then you should prepare your youngmen for (the task.)
It is fortunate that there are a number of schools here,
but they are not sufficiently efficient for the purpose. It
is necessary for us to send our youngmen to foreign
.countries. The men of means among you should send
±heir children to other countries for receiving industrial
training. Instead of leaving large sums of money and large
quantity of gold for your children at the time of death, it
is better that you should give them education of the kind
which might enable them to earn their living wherever
they may happen to be. The vast world is before you. If
there are not sufficient manufactories in India to provide
(appointments) for those who return after a technical
course in foreign countries, then why not go and earn a
living in (the factories of) other contries ? In America
Arabs, Japanese, Chinese and Austrians labour during
the day and receive education at night. T\\&^ ^x<5. ^^t.

246 SPEECH AT IHE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASABIAJ.

anxious to calculate what work they shall have to do on
return to their own country. He who knows an art need
not be anxious about the capital to work his schemes-
with. Indians who go outside think that on their return
others should start factories for them. But a trained
man should not complain on that score. When I think
of the day when there will be colonies of Indians in all
parts of the world who will not only pray for India and
the Indians, but at times of need render them assistancer
I feel immense pleasure. If there be settled in other
countries 500 Indians trained in any art, they can at any
particular time fully meet at a minute's notice all our
requirements with respect to particular art. If the
Indians spread themselves into the whole world and learn
various arts and industries then what is the thing which
they will not be able to achieve ? (For instance) what
an important thing ship building is for all nations ? Now^
if there be Indians who have learnt the art of ship-build-
ing in the great-making factories of the world, they can
be helpful to India, to a great extent, in meeting her
nautical requirements.

A number of factories exist in the Punjab, but they
are not showing satisfactory progress. (The reason is)
that those who work these factories do not posses suffi'
cient skill and efficiency for the purpose. If the proprie-
tors of these factories combine and send a number of
young men to other countries for industrial training, on
condition of the latter working in these factories on their
return then both the factories and the student will be
benefited. Such young men should not be married per-
^o/7s. If they do not object (tVilnk \t V>Ao>n \Vv»t ^ti»^>

SPBECH ArT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ. 247

to labour, then nothing can stand in the way cf receiving
neccessary training. In America even an unskilled
labourer who has not received any Special training in any
particuiar art or industry, gets at least | 1-50 or Rs. 4-8
as daily wages. If a number of youngmen gird up their
loins to receive technical education in other countries
and support themselves thereby labour and if there be an
organisation formed here to find passage money and
preliminary expenses for them and to render them other
assistance whenever they are ill or out of appointment,
a great deal can be done in this direction. iThe test of
our progress, our advancement, our prosperity, aye, our
very existence, is education, ^Twenty years ago the Arya
Samaj put forward Swadeshi and National education as
the two tests of advancement in the National struggle,
tindnotv you find Bengal demonstrating practically that the
programme which the Arya Samaj adopted in this respect
was the right one- The scheme of the Dayanand
College, which was framed, after long and careful
consideration of the needs of the nation, and taking into
account the direction in which events were marching in
India (has been shown) to be correct. The ideal of educa-
cation put forward by the founders of the Dayanand
College is the same which Europe has now adopted^
Japan says that we cannot live so long as we do not
appeal to our souls, so long as we do not keep in view
our past greatness and do not draw the attention of the
people to the grandeur of our ancient literature and civi-
lisation. I do not wiah to follow blindly ancient civilisa-
.tion. I have p ondered over the question and I have come
to the conclusion that the ancient clvllU^ktvotv oil Vcki^iSiK

248 SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ.

was ^ipgrior to the m odern civili sation of Europe and if
I were a6ked to express my opinion (about the two) I
would unhesitatingly give it in favour of the former. But,
my friends, it is not in our power to save ourselves from
the influence of modern Western civilisation. Western
civilisation is a gigantic force and we cannot protect our-
selves from its advancing march. We can struggle
against this civilization by modern weapons alone.
Ancient weapons cnnnot check its progress in the least.
It is absolutely essential that we should brave it with
Western methods and Western means. We are only a
portion of the world, we do not live beyond the globe,
(and) as such cannot live without taking into account the
forces that are working in the world. It is, therefore,
only meet and proper for us that, while saving ourselves
from the vices that prevail in the West, we should
adopt Western virtues. In short, in this struggle with
Western civilization we can hardly make any progress
without adopting the means and methods that are adop-
ted in the West. I

The educsffion of females depends upon the education
of males. A nation can never be great until its mothers
are great also. Our country does not now produce noble
yeomen like the mothers of Jaimal, Fatta, and other
Rajputs. In these days, we do not suck the same sort
of nourishing and invigorating milk from the breasts of
our mothers as our ancestors did from theirs. The path
of progress is straight, but so long as our country does
not possess high-souled and patriotic mothers no advance-
ment can be made. What can the sons of those mothers
who do not allow their children to at\t.out?»vdft. tVve four.

SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ. 249

-walls of their houses do, as compared with the sons of
those highminded ladies who are not afraid even of the
roarings of the oceans? In Europe, women possess both
virtU3s and vices ; (but) so is the case here. If we wish to
make any progress we should try to get rid of the vices
and retain the virtues (that are in them) and make the
greatness of women the test of our national advance-
ment. Come I Let us all try and make the Da^'anand
Anglo- Vedic School a model for all other schools. Let
this school possess well-equipped apparatus, and wellpaid
ieachers. Let us all come and help the cause of the
Dayanand Collge because it is the custodian of our hon-
our. This institution is the centre of all our national
activities for (eductiaonal) advancement. It is the life
and soul of our existence as a nation. The Dayanand
College is also the head and heart of the Punjab. If the
head and heart get weak or palsied how can the body be
expected to exist for any length of time ? This College
is your own property. It can satisfy all your require-
anents. Others have no hand in its conduct and cannot
interfere with it in any way.

I was extremely pleased to learn in England that
the number of new admissions in the College this year
has been larger than it was last year. The students have
in this way given a practical reply to those who are bent
upon ruining the College. The (students) have thus
shown that the latter cannot succeed in this matter. If
national progress is proceeding on the right line nobody
has the power to stop its advance. We value greatly
University degrees, and we all are helping our young men
±0 obtain these degrees. But if insurcuovi5\tab\s. dySw<2>^-

250 SPEECH AT THB ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ.

ties are placed in your way, in qualifying yourselves for
those degrees then you may give out this craving for
these degrees. The Dayanand Anglo- Vedic College is a
national institution. If it is a question between Univer'
sity degrees and national honour, you should give up the
former for the latter, i wish that the world be filled
with young students for the Punjab J There is no other
Province in India which can beat the Punjab in determi-
nation and intelligence^ Those who possess these quali*
ties (determination and intelligence) will prosper every-
where. Young men I step forward, spread over France,
Germany, .Japan and Canada, you will then see how the
powers of the material world quake before you. Those
who now despise us and trample us under their feet will
then respect us. The wide world is before you, the Aryan
blood runs in your veins. None can stop your progress..
You are the descendents of persons who imparted know*
lec^e to the whole world. (Have you fallen so low now
that you are unfit even to learn at the feet of others ?
Those among us, who marry their children at an early age
and thus stun their development by putting a heavy load (of
family life) round their necks, ruin their children entirely.
Keep your children free (from these trammels) and let Aryan
young men soar upon their wings, (i. e,, grow to the full
height of their manhood.) Do not cut off their wings and
like fecHhdrless birds, cause them to be trampled under feet by
others.

Gentlemen 1 May I appeal to you in the name of

nationality? Alas, where is nationality ? This congeries

oi sects holding different views cannot but be altogether

wanting in the sentiment b! iiatvot«iV\icj • OMt >»L>^^tsLd

SPEECH AT THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARYASAMAJ. 251

kin have become our enemies, while others (non-Hindus)
are bur friends. Our own (kith and kin) are despised by
tis, while others are worshipped ! Would that in spite of
internecine quarrels we could show a united front to the
outer (non-Hindu) world I We shall realize the true
meaning of nationality when in the name of * nationality'
we shall become one to face the antagonist. We have
entirely lost, the virtue of national self-respect. The
nation gave birth to Rama Bai, and Rama Bai has been
declaring in America that no girl of 13 or 14 years of age
can boast of her chastity in India I But are there not
many even in this assembly who are warm admirers of
the same Rama Bai ? Had we possessed any sense of
national honour, would it be possible for us to be crush-
ed under the heels of others or to be exposed to such
calumnies? How can national honour be said to exist
where 70 millions of the nation's children are found
starving and where girls are made over to outsiders
(Christian Missionaries and Mahomedans) to save thenv
from starvation I

Ye youth of the Panjabee ! There is one thing alone
in the name of which I can appeal to you, and, that is^
that during the last twenty years [referring to the foun-
ation of the D. A. V. College in 1886] you have shown
sighs of life [by contributing to its success], and I appeal
to you in the name of that very life I Come, let us spurn
away all worldly desires and stick to our word. We
should not leave undone what we have once taken in
hand. A wave of national advancement (in education)
has arisen in another province [referring to the Bengaf
J^sociation for the Advancemetvt otScv^ti^^c. ^xvsi Vets^^Sccv-

252 THE COMING INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

al Education.] There money is pouring in, young men
are coming forward. Youngmen, your blood is warm.
The national tree requires your life blood for its water-
ing. Heaven has written in letters of blood the history
of the intellectual advancement of a nation , i. e,, it
has been ordained that a country can advance intel-
lectually only if its members practise the virtue of
self-sacrifice. Your sacrifices will leave their mark in the
history of the world. Concrete is required to strengthen
the foundations of a building. Let us throw ourselves
like concrete into the foundations of the national edifice.
Let us forget ourselves in the interests of national pro-
gress. Ye student of the Punjab I students have written
the history of the world in letters of gold. Old men can
never accomplish what young men can do. Come, let us
<:rown our national institutions with the spires of the
edifices of our sacrifices, so that a time may come when
we may also take our place among the nations of the
world. If the young gird up their loins, our existence is
insured and no body can destroy us.

THE COMING INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS-SOME

SUGGESTIONS. <K^

The date fixed for the celebration of the annual na -

tional festival of the educated Indians is drawing near and

it is, I think, time to spend a few hours and devote a

few thoughts to its programme, and see if there is any

possibility of some serious business being gone through

at the next meeting, along with the usual festivities.

/ purposely caUit a festival, because asVvvtVvetto conducted

SOME SUGGESTIONS. 253

it is at best only a festival — an occasion on which some
educated Indians put on their best dresses, take a trip-
to one of the best cities in India, and after a year's hard
struggle in life enjoy a few days holiday, and derive the
greatest pleasure they can from seeing sights, hearing
sights, meeting friends, making acquaintances, exchang-
ing greetings, purchasing presents etc, in short, giving
themselves up as completely as circumstances, to mirth
and meirrment. Some of them enjoy all the fun at th^
cost of others. There are others who make name and
add to thcif fames if they are already on the ladder, by
uttering plausibly worded platitudes and well-disguised
commonplaces in the shape of speeches. Even the last
are losing their charm, as platitudes have become too
common, and the commonplaces too apparent, to delude
any longer people who are possessed of even ordinary
intelligence and share a little at least, of common sense c
I do not know if the Anglo-Indians are much to be blam-
ed, if they judge the prosperity of British India, by the
appearance and evidently rich surroundings of the Con-
gress. The delegates mostly look well-to-do people who
can spare enough money for taste, elegance and show.
The decorations, receptions, furnishings, etc. are done on a
scale which can hardly lend weight to our contention of
being perhaps the poorest people on the face of the globe.
These so-called political work done after all this fuss is
of such a doubtful and ephemeral character as to raise
serious doubts in the minds of even enthusiasts. Whe-
ther we are not frittering away our energies in triflles
and, besides wasting away our own time and money,
keeping the nation in delusion and undet i^V^<^ W^'s^'Sk

254 THB COMING INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS :

I am not prepared to deny that as a festival alone
-the annual meeting is not without its value and
^should not therefore be altogether given up. Let
ime assure you, my brothren of the congress that
by saying these unpleasant things, I mean no
•offence to any body. 1 am one of you, and all that I
have said above applies to me with equal, perhaps
greater force than to any body else. Nor do I mean
there are no exceptions. There are honourable and good
men amongst us who can be truly called patriots but
-their number is so small that I will prefer to make no
exception. The truth is that till now, we have not
realised the full significance of this "partriotism." We
have been taking it easy, and never realised in our heart
of hearts that patriotism is a cult requiring the most
rigid and ascetic course of life from its devoties. It is
^nly one degree lower than the absolute self-denial of a
Sanyasi. What I am anxious for is to see, if it is not
possible to achieve better and more laudable results and
from this annual gathering of the best and most intelli-
gent of the educated Indians. As at present conducted
its principal defects are : —

(1) Its unwieldy size which precludes the very idea
of serious work whether in shape of deliberations, dis-
cussion or action.

(2) The anxiety to speak in the name of all
Indians, a good many of whom think otherwise, and
repudiate all sympathy with it. This attempt at forced
union is mostly at the bottom of the discontent which at
present prevails even amongst those who have ail along

supported it, and who think that till now the congress

SOME SUGGESTIONS. 255

^agitation has been a mere waste of energies, funds
£ind opportunities.

(3) The want of sense of real responsibility amongst
its members which results in total inactivity during the
course of the year.

(4) The failure to afford the opportunity of compa-
ring notes and exchanging views, by which the unity of
the nation or at least of its principal components, maybe
really furthered and definite progress in this direction
may lead to more exertion towards the same end.

This is mainly due to the mismanagement of the
short time that is at the disposal of the delegates,
owing to the lengthy programme of speeches and re-
solutions etc.

(5) Failure to take some practical steps to check the
growing poverty of the country and to dispel ignorance
which is still the crying need of India.

(6) Its unbounded but unreasonably mistaken con-
fidence in its power to enforce the redress of the grievences,
to extort political privilege by the passing of Resolutions
and the making of speeches, which result in misleading
the nation to place unjustifiable faith in the over-efficacy
of the Congress agitation, and fails to impress upon them
the necessity of a stupendous preparation attended with
great sacrifices and mighty efforts before even one step
can be gained in the ascent to political progress. The
temple of freedom is not easily opened into those who
claim admission into it by simply knocking at its gates.
Mere aspiration is no guarantee of success. The intend-
ing worshipper or claimant for admission must show his
mental by sacrifices and trials before he calvob\a^xv\Rk^5s^R.

256 THE COMING INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

States of a pilgrim, because the goddess of liberty is sa
jealous of its sanctity that it would admit none but tried
of unquestionable sincerity, devotion and faith.

I will stop for the present and suggest remedies
which in my opinion are calculated to remove the defects
and which might be considered by Congressmen, before
they meet at Calcutta, and then adopt or reject them with
such modifications or alterations as to them seem desir-
able.

Under clause (1) : — I will suggest that the sitting of
the general assembly be shortened as much as may be
possible to do, at once. In no case should it exceed two
days with a maximum sitting of 5 hours every day at the
most. The programme might be something as follows : —

(a.) Welcome by the chairman of the reception
committee who will in it produce the presidentelect as the
nominee of the Indian National Congress committee.

(b) Speech of the President.

(c) Omnibus resolution including all matters and
subject upon which the Congress has, by the end of the
preceeding year, pronounced definite views and upon
which public opinion in this country is practically set-
tled.

(d) Resolutions upon new subjects that have crop-
ped up during the course of the year, on which the Indian
Congress committee have recommended for inclusion in
the Congress programme, and upon which there is a prac-
tical unanimity of opening between Indians of all classeSr
creeds, shades of opinion.

(e) Such other subjects recommended by the Indian
Congress committee upon which there is a likelihood of

SOME SUGGESTIONS. 257

a difference of opinion.

In the general assembly no speaker, whether the
proposer or the supporter, should be allowed to exceed
the limits of 10 or 15 minutes respectively except the chair-
man of the Reception Committee, the President or the
proposer of the resolution or amendment falling under
clasue (e).

This will leave the different committees, sub-com-
mittees and other special conferences, already organis-
ed or to be organised sufBcient time to devote to serious
work requiring discussion and deliberation ; as, for
example, the Indian Congress committee should every
session devote at least some hours to the question of
starting political organisation in places where there are
none, and perfecting those where they already exist
2ndly, the education committee and Srdly, the
industrial committee. With the work of these
two latter we will deal under clause (5). Under
clause (2) I will suggest (a) total discontinuence of
all such practices as are, if at all, adopted, encouraged
or connived at to bring in such people to the congress
as are otherwise either not eligible for its membership, or
do not possess sufficient interest therein, or are of no
use to it, except in increasing the number of delegates
from a particular class. It should be the business and duty
of every congressman to jealously maintain the honor,
the dignity and the prestige of the congress, and nothing
should be allowed or encouraged which has even the
least semblance of being dishonourable, undignified, or
likely to lower its reputation or to lessen its sense of
self-respect.
17

258 THE COMING INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

r

(b) The number of subjects upon which there is
any likelihood of a reasonable friction existing, or coming
into existence, between members belonging to the diffe-
rent religious nationalities in India, ought to be reduced
to a minimum, if there is still any room for the same, in
the agenda paper of the general assembly, such subject
being reserved for separate treatment by the inclusive
organisations of these nationalities. This will lead
to the necessity of a Hindu political or a semi-politi-
cal congress or conference being organised, and the
sooner it is done the better. As at present situated the
absence of such an organisation places the Hindu at
distinct disadvantage, and takes away from them, the
chances of a united action or of a united expression of
opinion upon matters, which affect the unity, prosperity
the well-being and generally the interest of Hindu all over
India. In order to leave no room for doubt as to the neces-
sity for this step I will be more specific. In my opinion it
should be the business of such a Hindu Congress or
conference to support and take, as far as possible, such
steps which might conduce to their unity and strength as
a religious nationality, as for instance, the language ques-
tion, the question of characters, the advisability of having
•common Text-books, the teaching of Sanskrit language
and literature all over India, the taking of steps which
might lead to the protection of Hindu orphans from the
hands of the proselytising agencies of other denominations
and if necessary to record a protest against those confi-
dential circulars of the Government, which aim at the fa-
vouring of other communities to the loss of the Hindus.
/jJn my humble opinion it is futile to atl^mi^t ata chimerical

SOME SUGGESTIONS. 259

-and premature union of the various religious nationa-
lities that are to be found in India, the principal of which
re Hindus, the Mahomedans and the Christians. The
wisest course will be to wait for a physical union and to
aim at the same. This is impossible to achieve till these
nationalities have had a free hand to strengthen them-
selves, and to exhaust all means by which they can do
so at the cost of other or others. A physical union pre-
supposes a common danger and a conviction that they
vcannot overcome it or meet it but by uniting and
combining against a common foe. At present this
conviction is wanting, and there is still lurking in the
mind of at least one community, that they can
crush out the other or the others. So long as one
community looks the other down and talks of it with con-
tempt, it is ridiculous, nay suicidal, for the latter to try
to force a union and make advances which are liable to
be misconstrued, as the outcome of fear or of expediency,
or of treachery. I quite agree with a talented writer in
the Kayaaiha Samachar that the springing up of so many
castes orconferences against the Hindus is a menace to the
development of the idea of Hindu nationality and might
lead to harm. He has, I think, done a distinct service to
the cause of Hindu nationality by giving public expres-
sions to an idea, which has been causing a serious anxiety
to many a lover of the idea of Hindu nationality or to
many a Hindu Nationalist. It is time that the leaders
and promoters of these conferences take notes of the
warning so judiciously given — not to destroy the fabrics
which they have constructed, but to so mould and guide
them as to make them instrumental vtv tlas. ^n<5xv\&.vSS. ^^xsc-

260 THE COMING INDIAfJ NATIONAL CONGRESS.

fitruction and building up of a Hindu Nationality. Theirs
should be the attempt to dekroy the sub-castes, to bring
about a fusion of the different sub-divisions in a caste;
and to eventually bring round Hinduism to its four original
castes. There will be ample time then to think and
talk of the evils of the caste system, and of modification
in the latter, to suit the requirements of the times. Then
the conferences can be used to spread education amongst
the backward classes and to bring them to the level of
the times, but their promoters ought to proceed very
carefully, lest in their efforts to unite the sub-divisions of
a caste they might be creating permanent schisms bet-
ween the different main castes, and be creating barriers
amongst them, impeding the fructification and the
realization of Hindu nationality. It is therefore far
immature and far before the time, to talk of intermarriages
between the different castes of Hindus, as it is futile to
think of bringing about a complete political union oi
Hindus and Mohamedans at once.

The Mohamedans think that the Hindus are physi-
cally inferior to them, and wanting in certain qualities
— energy, pluck, boldness, fearlessness, stamina of
character, capacity to command and ability to make a
^tand — which go to make a good, effective and capable
administrator. But, in short, the Mohamedans thinks
that they belong to a race of rulers, and their fellow-
subjects, the Hindu, having been in slavery so long, can-
not claim an equality with them in the scale of nations.
Even the otherwise amiable Sir Syed talked of Hindus^
with contempt The result is that every MohamadaOr
-Jbe he a pulaha or a Pmya or the Vvke, thinks that he can*

SOME SUGGESTION. 26L

dominate over the Hindus and claim a superiority over
them in the art of governing. The latter, on the other
hand, retorti that, as a nation they have never displayed
'Cowardliness, always proving equal to the occasion when-
ever necessity forced them to take up arms and assert
their dignity as men, as is abundantly evident from the
history of the Rajputs, the Sikhs and the Mahrattas
and that the physical inferiority of certain of their
fsections, even if admitted, is so much counter-balanced
by their intellectual and moral superiority over their
rivals that in this age of science of Art, they think they
are sure to win the race and acquire qualification which
alone can confer a political status in these days of learn-
ing and knowledge.

This is not the occasion to discuss how far these
.claims are well-founded, but it is a fact that a large class
of educated Mohamedans keep aloof from the Hindus
and suspect their organisations and agitations as likely
to prejudice them in the race for progress and advance-
tment. They think they have better chances of political
prosperity as a separate nationality and in keeping aleof
from the majority who are Hindus. There are a good
many far-seeing men amongst them who can read the
•signs of the times and think that this game wont pay
but the number, on the other hand, is preponderant, be-
cause in the case of the leaders especially and of other
newly-educated young Mohamedans generally, personal
Jjenefit which follows this line of policy lends great weight
to the other arguments and considerations by which
their present political attitude aspires to be actuated*
All welcome therefore to those who are i^te-i^^jc^^i \.^ 1<^^<^-

262 THE COMING INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

see the future and join with the Hindus in the struggle
for political rights. Let therefore there be a general
assembly which can voice the joint aspirations of such
Hindus, Mahomedans and Christians by all means, but
let not this general assembly stand in the way of Hindu
progress and in the name of a higher, though at present
impracticable, impulse, lull them to sleep over their inte-
rests as such, make them forego the opportunities of
furthering their own unity inter se, and neglect the placing
of it on a firm, sound and unassailable basis. Once wisely-
led, no power in the world can stand in their way, retard
their progress and stifle their aspirations. The Hindus
have existed as a nation since times to which the memory
of man runneth not, in weal or woe they have maintained'
their individual existence and have from time to time,,
given to the world lessons in religion and morality,
which even to-day when the sun of European civiliza-
tion is at its zenith, shine in the splendour of their
purity and in the grandeur of their truth. Are they then
to die as a nation in this twentieth century of the
Bikram Era. True that just now we are in a very sad
plight and if judged by the national vices that have
crept into our society, and by their national weakness
which are too numerous to be mentioned here, the last
ray of hope often disappears and turns the most hopeful
optimist into a disappointed pessimist. It is only in
unity that the safety of the Hindu lies. No wise or
prudent Hindu can therefore neglect the opportunities of
seeking the safety. Let them once make up their mind
to be a united nation and to continue as such. Let them
once be inspired by a living iavth vt\ thek future, and by

SAME SUGGESTION. 26S

a conviction that when God has willed the individuality
of a nation and given it a mission to perform. He has
at the same time given the people constituting that nation
means, power, and capacity, by which they can succes-
sively resist all those forces which tend to disintegrate
or disorganise them, and which trace their existence as
a nation.

True that our selfishness and estrangement from
national interests is simply indescribable. There have
been and there are Hindus who have now and then sold
the nation and its interests to the enemy, and aggrandised
themselves at the cost of the former, still to a close and
thoughtful observer who can feel the pulse of the
nation and who has a mind and capacity to read the
signs of the time, enough of life and vitality seems yet to
be left in Hindustan, to enable the latter to respond to
skillful treatment and kind and devoted nursing.
Skill and devotion must therefore be put forth for this
purpose by the whole Hindu community or at least
by the thinking portion of it. It is on these ground g
therefore that I suggest the formation of a Hindu
congress or conference to meet annually at the place
of the congress, and to discuss only such matters and
devise such measures as are likely to further the cause
of Hindu Unity and otherwise tend to the well-being and
prosperity of the Hindus as such. Of course such an
assembly should only consist of not^ very large number of
men, say 100 of the best and the most representative
of Hindus. One word about the social conference. Indian
social conference as at present constituted is no more a
Hindu organization than the Congress, Yovi«v\^\.^'5»NR'^

264 THE COMING INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

call the latter also a Hindu Congress. It is as powerless to
do anything for the Hindus exclusively as the latter. In the
anxiety to give it a national character the Mahomedans and
Christians have been allowed to take part in its delibera-
tions, and resolutions have been altered and weakened,
nay rendered meaningless, in the attempt to make them
acceptable to all. Here again Hindu interest, as such*
have been sacrificed for a false idea of nationality and in
the attempt to achieve it at once. For example, what on
earth have the Christians and Mohamadans to do with
the Shuddhi movement. The Shuddhi movement, which
aims at the purification and readmission of all Hindu
apostates is a purely Hindu movement, in which the
Hindus alone are interested, the same may be said, of
the resolution dealing with orphans. At the last conference
both these resolutions had to be modified into vague
generalities which deprived the proposition of much of their
force and effect, and rendered them incapable of producing
any impression either on the public or on the government.
Then the conference is a gathering and an assembly of the
advanced Hindus and does not represent the orthodox por-
tion of the community who are still in an overwhelming
majority over their English educated brothers. Then
again, the conference, as at present constituted, cannot
ventilate the grievances of the Hindus and is not in a
position to speak for them. Hence the necessity of a
general Hindu organisation with its provincial branches
all over India. The functions and constitution of the
provincial branches will be similar to those of the many
Islamic anjumans already existing in the co untry with-
out criticising the policy of the Government in the ab-

SOME SUGGESTION. 265

stract, without passing resolutions on abstract political
propositions, these Hindu organisations will confine
themselves to concrete objects and tangible grievances. As
such, the country will not be deprived of the valuable
assistance which it can get from the co-operation of
those Hindus who are in the employ of government and
who in fact constitute the pick and the cream of the
nation. I have been rather too long on this part of the
subject but the importance of the point necessitated a
full expression of my views. iThereupon clause (2) requires
no further comments.

Under clause (3) : — I will suggest that only res-
ponsible and really working men should be selected as
members of the Indian congress committee. Menwhose
interest in the movement is confined to annual visits
ought not to find a place on this committee. One of the
best methods of testing one's earnestness in a particular
cause is to see if he is prepared to spend his money for
the same. I will therefore repeat the proposal that
was made at the last meeting of the congress at
Lahore by one of the Punjabi delegates, and which
was unceremoniously dismissed at the general meeting
and ridiculed in the meeting of the subjects committee by
two of our revered leaders that every member of the Indian
Congress committee should be required to pay at least 5 Rs«
a month towards the funds of the congress. The Provin-
cial committees, moreover, ought to see that only such men
are placed on this committee who take a real interest
in the Political Reform Movement, and who are prepared
to undei^o some amount of sacrifice, in the cause of
the country's political progress. Members who Ca^L ta

266 ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LEGAL.

attend even one meeting in the course of the year ought
to be disqualified for re-election. Clause (4) does not
require any further comment. The remedies suggested
under clause (1) will remove this complaint.

Under clause (5) : — I will suggest, that the least
that should be undertaken at once, is the employment
of a paid officer whose business should be to go round
and collect information on both these heads. I am glad
to find that the Indian congress committee have decided
to pass a Resolution whereby it is proposed to ask the
Government to undertake an industrial survey of the
country. This is a right move, no doubt, bat the mere
passing of the resolution does not advance us one inch
in the cause which we have at heart. In my opinion
we ought to be prepared to give a more substantial proof
of our earnestness by voting a certain amount of money
to be spent in the coming year, by ourselves on the
object in question. One year's experience will give us
sufficient ground to judge of the usefulness of the project
and will strengthen our demand. I am afraid I have
already exceeded the limits of an ordinary article and
must stop here for the present.

Lajpat Ral

ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LEGAL ?

The following is published in Justice, London, from
the pen of an Indian : —

LEGAL aspect.

In considering the legal aspect of the deportations-
/propose to discuss the question under two heads —

ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LEGAL. 267

(1) Whether deportation is legal or illegal. In putt-
tng this part of the case before your readers I will assume
the legality of the Regulation under which the two-
gentlemen are deported. I may say by the way, how'
ever, that the question whether the Regulation is ultra
vtres or not is undoubtedly a very important one and
requires to be carefully considered, discussed and
thoroughly threshed out. (2) If the deportation is illegalr
whether there is any tribunal (a) in India or (6) in Eng-
land, legally authorised to entertain, hear and finally
determine an application if one is made on behalf of the
sufferers.

As to (1) the second clause of Section 2 of the
Regulation in question gives the form. of the warrant, and-
the third clause enacts that the warrant of commitment
shall be sufficient authority for the detention of any
State prisoner in any fort, gaol, or other place withi»
the " territory subject to the presidency of Fort William."
Then we come to the Punjab Act II of 1872, which
extends the application of this Regulation to the ** Pun-
jab," and if we read the Punjab in the place of the
** territories subject to the presidency of Fort William,""
then the persons in the Punjab could be kept in confine-
ment only in some place within the limits of the Punjabr
This is the only possible interpretation of the Reguiatiofv
and the Act read together, and consequently the deten-
tion of Messrs. Lajpat Rai and Ajit Singh outside the
Punjab is clearly illegal.

The Regulation III of 1818 is, be it noted, repealed iir
part by Act XVI of 1874 amended by Act XII of 1891^
and supplemented by Acts XIV of 1850 2.t^d \U, ^1\^^%

268 ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LBGAU

A drowning man, it is said, catches at a straw, and
accordingly, the Government of India will, I am sure, try
to rely on the last named Act (III of 1858) in justifica-
tion of their action. Section 5 runs as follows.

" The Governor-General in Council may order the
removal of any State prisoner confined under the provi-
sions of any of the said regulations as amended and
extended by this Act from any fortress or gaol or place
in which he may be confined within either of the said
Presidencies to any other fortress, gaol or place of con-
finement within the territories under the Government of
India. " I submit that neither the Act nor the particular
-section has any application to the present case for the
following reasons : .

(1) That the Act is only applicable to cases of
persons belonging to a place within the Presidencies of
Bengal, Madras, or Bombay, to none of which, either of the
±wo gentlemen belongs, and (2) that the section in ques-
tion empowers the Governor-General in Council the re-
imoval of a State prisoner who is in the first instance con-
fined in any fort, gaol or place of confinement within the
territories under the Government of India. The section
^ives no power to the Governor-General in Council to
confine, in the first instance, a person dealt with under
-the said Regulation in any place outside the three Presi-
dencies.

For these reasons and apart from the question of

the inherent illegality of the Regulation itself as well as

apart from the question of the insufficiency of the grounds

^n which the powers given by the Regulation are to be

exercised, I hold that the detentioa ot tVvase two gentle-

ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LEGAL. 26^

men is ah initio illegal. Let us now turn our attention to
the second question.

(a) As regards courts in India the position is this;
the Supreme Court was invested with jurisdiction to issue
writs of habeas corpus by charter of the year 1774. The
jurisdiction was of a very limited character and was
allowed only in cases where a person within the local
limits of the ordinary jurisdiction of the Court, or a
British European subject without those limits, alleged
wrongful confinement.

Under the old Criminal Procedure Code (1872), this-
writ was issued by the High Courts of Calcutta, Madra&
and Bombay : Section 82 of that code having empowered
them to do so. But such powers now no longer obtain^
Section 82 is replaced by section 491 (1) of the Code of
Criminal Procedure of 1882 which provides that the
three High Courts of Calcutta, Madras and Bombay
may, whether they think it, issue, not the writ of habeas
corpus itself, but directions in the nature of such writ.-
I may be permitted to set out in full the whole section in
view of the fact that some of the English newspapers
are very fond of indulging in isolated phrases and com-
menting on them (at least as regards matters Indian).

CHAPTER XXXVn.

Directions in the nature of the Habeas Corpus.

Section 491 (1) : Any of the High Courts of Judica-
ture at Fort William, Madras and Bombay may, when*
ever it thinks fit, direct powers to issue directions in the
nature of habeas corpus.

(a) That a person within the limits of its ordinary

-230 ARE THB DEPORTATIONS LEGAL.

original civil jurisdiction be brought up before the court
to be dealt with according to law ;

(b) That a person illegally or improperly detained
in public or private custody be set at liberty ;

(c) That a prisoner detained in any gaol situated
within such limits be brought before the court to be
ithere examined as a witness in any matter pending, or
-to be inquired into in such court ;

(d) That a prisoner detained as aforesaid be
brought before a court martial or any commissioners
acting under the authority of any commission from the
Governor- General in Council for trial or to be examined
■touching any matter before pending such court martial or
commissioners respectively.

(e) That a prisoner within such limits be removed
from one custody to another for the purpose of trial :
and,

(f) That the body of the defendant be brought in
on the sherifs return of cepi-corpus to a writ of attach-
ment ;

(2) Each of the said high courts may from time to
time make rules to regulate the procedure in cases under
-this section.

(3) Nothing in this section applies to persons de-
tained under the Bengal State Prisoners Regulation II
of 1819, Bombay Regulation XXV, of 1827, or the State
Prisoners Act 1850, or State Prisoners Act 1858.

The section is clear. Under its provisions (I) no

writ of habeas corpus properly so-called can be issued ;

(2) even the directions in the nature of habeas corpus

.sre allowed to be issued only in cases of persons within

ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LEGAL. 271

^he ordinary original civil jurisdiction of the particular
high court, but (3) the most significant part of the sec-
tion is put at the end and it expressely excepts the Regu-
lation III of 1818 under which the deportation has been
ordered : and (4) the section does not apply to the
Punjab whence the two gentlemen were taken, nor to
places where they are kept in confinement. Thus no
-courts in India have any authority to hear any applica-
tion to enlarge these gentlemen.

As regards courts in England the fundamental prin-
ciple of the English constitution denoted by the various
phrases " right of personel security " " liberty of persons"
-** liberty of the subject " which is the essential part of the
common law of England and which is defined and declar-
ed though in no sense originated by Magna Charta and
a number of statutes affirming that enactment, is effec-
tively protected by the common law writ of habeas
corpus I will make a passing reference to two of these
statutes.

(1) Habeas Corpus Act 1678. It is entitled " An
Act for the better securing of liberty of the subject and
for the prevention of imprisonment beyond the seas.

(2) Habeas Corpus 1816 which is entitled '* An Act
for more effectually securing the liberty of the subject "
Under this Act amongst other things, judges are em-
powered to examine and determine the truth of the facts
set forth in the return and in all cases of doubt to bail
the prisoner I mention this particularly, as I am, Whilst
writing this, put in mind of the most evasive and annoy-
ing way in which Mr. Morley has been answering the
questious put to him by Sir Henry Cottotv ^xv'l <^^6^RX

272 ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LEGAL.

members of the House regarding his information as to
the allied connection of Lala Lajpat Rai with Ajit Singh
of the so-called seditious speeches and I wonder if the
matter is at all brought before the court empowered to
examine and determine the truth of the facts whether it
will not be *' injudicious" and "entirely adverse to public
interest" for Mr. Morley to open his heart there.

After this Act and in the year 1861, in the matter of
John Anderson, a very important decision was given by
the Court of Queen's Bench. In that case a writ of
habeas corpus was issued to a gaoler in Upper Canada.^
In the course of the judgment the court said : —

"We are quite sensible that it may be felt to be
inconsistent with that higher degree of Colonial inde-
pendence, both legislative and judicial, which ha&
happily been carried into effect in modern times ; at the
same time it is observed that in establishing local-
legislation and local judicial authority the Legislature
has not gone so far as expressly to abrogate any juris-
diction which the courts in Westminster Hall might
possess with reference to the issuing of a writ of habeas
corpus into any part of Her Majesty's dominions. The
writ of habeas corpus has been issued even into domini-
ons of the Crown in which there were local judicatures
and local legislatures. Hence we feel that nothing short
of legislative enactment depriving this court of such a
jurisdiction would warrant us in omitting to exercise it
when we are called upon to do so for the protection of
the personal liberty of the subject." This led to the
passing of the Statute 25 and 26 Vict., chap. 20. Thi*
Statute has partially restricted the common law jurisdic*

ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LEGAL. 273

tion vested in Courts of issuing thitj prerogative writ of
habeas corpus, which is supposed to issue on the part
of the King, and which, therefore, runs into any part of
the King's dominions. The title to the statute is " Act
respecting the issue of writs of habeas cropus out of
England into Her Majesty's possessions abroad " The
sections run : —

(1) No writ of habeas corpus shall issue out of
England by the authority of any judge or Court of Justice
herein into any colony or foreign dominion of the Crown
where Her Majesty has a lawfully-established Court or
Courts having authority to grant and issue the said writ
and to ensure the due execution thereof throughout such
colony or dominion.

(2) Provided that nothing in this Act contained
shall affect or interfere with any right of appeal to Her
Majesty in Council now by law existing.

In construing this statute you will excuse me if I
take you back to my observations in the first part of this
letter wherein I have made it clear that there is no court
in British India authorised to grant and issue the writ of
habeas corpus (as it is understood in this country) and
to ensure the due execution thereof: that section 161 of
the present Criminal Procedure Code allows the issue of
the directions in the nature of habeas corpus by the High
Courts of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay : that this
limited jurisdiction is again further restricted by the sec-
tion to cases of persons within the ordinary civil jurisdic-
tion of the respective high courts that even this limited
and restricted jurisdiction did not and does not obtain
either in the Punjab or in Burnv?^ \.W V«Ck ^\&s:.^'5. Ni\>jCsv

274 ARE THE DEPORTATIONS LEGAL.

which we are at present concerned and lastly that proviso
at the end of the section takes away in one breath what
the section gives in another by enacting that persons de-
tained under Regulation III of 1818 have no right to
appeal under this section.

In this state of the law I have no doubt that the
prerogative writ of habeas corpus in vc^ue in England
still runs in all parts of British India for the reasons
given above, with much more force in the Punjab and in
Burma.

I may add, in conclusion, that any one has a right
to move the proper tribunal in England for the issue of
such a writ and venture therefore to express the hope
that my countrymen will give the question their most
serious attention and careful consideration and organise
a campaign to take the necessary steps to regain the
liberty of the two gentlemen so ruthlessly taken away by
the monstrously illegal and inhuman action on the part
of the despotic and irresponsible Government which
knows no constitution, recognises no limits to its powers
and no apology to offer for any thing that it does.

Vaxde Mataram.
o

PRIXTED AT THE "ERAH\IX\M>\^'' P^^^-^^ ^^KQ^K^