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Records of Early English Drama 







Records of Early English Drama 

150 Charles Street West 


M5S 1K9 

Records of Early English Drama 




University of Toronto Press 1991 
Toronto Buffalo London 
Printed in Canada 
ISBN 0-8020-2862-4 

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data 

Main entry under title: 

(Records of early English drama) 
Includes bibliographical references. 
ISBN 0-8020-2862-4 

1 . Performing arts - England Lancashire - History - 
Sources. 2. Theatre - England Lancashire 
History - Sources. I. George, David II. Series. 

PN2595.5.L3L3 1991 790.2 09427 6 C91-093351-3 

The research and typesetting costs of 

Records of Early English Drama 

have been underwritten by the 

National Endowment for the Humanities and the 

Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada 




Historical Background xiii 

Drama, Music, and Popular Customs xxxix 

The Documents liii 

Editorial Procedures c 

Notes cvii 


Symbols 2 

Boroughs, Parishes, and Other Localities 3 

Monasteries 114 

Households 145 

Province of York and Diocese of Chester 2 1 3 

County of Lancaster 218 


1 Post- 1642 Records 239 

2 Lancashire Entertainers 242 

3 A Lancashire Minstrel at Windermere 249 

4 A Masque at Knowsley House 252 

5 Musical and Dramatic Entertainment in the Isle of Man 

6 The Stonyhurst Pageants 282 
Robin Hood Plays in Lancashire 283 

8 The Black Knight of Ashton 286 

9 The Ghost Maypole of Cockersand Abbey 290 



Introduction 385 
Latin Glossary 389 
English Glossary 398 

INDEX 423 


Records of Early English Drama 

The aim of Records of Early English Drama (REED) is to find, transcribe, and publish 
external evidence of dramatic, ceremonial, and minstrel activity in Great Britain before 
1642. The executive editor would be grateful for comments on and corrections to the 
present volume and for having any relevant additional material drawn to her attention. 



PETER CLARK University of Leicester J.J.ANDERSON University of Manchester 

JOANNA DUTKA University of Toronto HERBERT BERRY University of 

JOHN R. ELLIOTT Syracuse University Saskatchewan 

DAVI D GALLOWAY University of New Brunswick DAVID BEVINGTON University of Chicago 

IAN LANCASHIRE University of Toronto A.C. CAWLEY University of Leeds 

PETER MEREDITH University of Leeds L.M. CLOPPER Indiana University 

A. H. NELSON University of California, Berkeley DAVID MILLS University of Liverpool 

j. A. B. SOMERSET University of Western Ontario RICHARD PROUDFOOT King s College, 

PRUDENCE TRACY University of Toronto Press London 

ROBERT TITTLER Concordia University 


University, Pullman 

WILLIAM COOKE Paleographer/Glossarian GLYNNE WICKHAM University of Bristol 

SHEENA LEVITT Administrative Assistant LAETITIA YEAN OLE Folger Shakespeare 

SALLY MCKEE Patrons Researcher Library 
MIRIAM SKEY Bibliographer/Copy Editor 
ABIGAIL ANN YOUNG Paleographer/Glossarian 


A volume of early records drawn from widely scattered locations such as this one must neces 
sarily involve a lot of time, money, and people. These Lancashire and Manx records have 
been collected from thirty repositories, particularly the British Library, the Cheshire Record 
Office, the Lancashire Record Office, the Liverpool Record Office, Manchester Central Library 
Archives, and the Public Record Office. Such a scattering of records over so many locations has 
inevitably meant that the present editor could not visit them all in person. In fact, records from 
the Borthwick Institute, Chester City Record Office, Childwall AJ1 Saints , Cumbria County 
Record Office, the Dean and Chapter Library at Durham, Hatfield House Library, the Hunt- 
ington Library, John Rylands University Library, Kings College, Cambridge, Manchester 
Cathedral, the Manx Museum Library, Melling St Thomas , the National Library of Wales, 
Warrington St Elphin s, and Wigan Archive Service had to be obtained by correspondence or 
another researcher. 

The period required for the collecting and editing of the present documents spans the years 
1978 to 1991. During these thirteen years, I made trips to England in 1978, 1980, 1982, 1983, 
1984, 1987-8, and 1989; the 1987-8 trip was a six-month sabbatical in London with my fam 
ily, but otherwise my wife and children sacrificed six summers to the project. I am unable to 
express adequately my gratitude for this selflessness. My wife Rita also did most of the Index. 

The moving spirit behind the 1982 and 1983 trips was Stanley Kahrl of the Ohio State Uni 
versity. Prof. Kahrl s kindness to me and his encouragement were crucial in helping me to go on 
when I was not sure I had the energy to do so. His death was a personal loss. 

Apart from institutional help, however, a close-knit family connection in Lancashire made 
possible the stretching of grants in aid. My two sisters and their husbands, Mr and Mrs David 
Hirst and Mr and Mrs Allan Aspinall, made me welcome at no cost more times than I can 
without embarrassment remember. Without their kind hospitality and encouragement the 
many weeks I spent at Preston would have been many fewer. I must also thank my cousin, Mrs 
Lois Howell, and her husband Ronald for similar hospitality and for identifying obscure Lanca 
shire place-names in their area. 

The number of persons who helped in obtaining information, supplying photocopies, and 
typing drafts is so large that this collection may properly be called a collaborative venture. In the 
United States, N. Frederick Nash, curator of rare books at the University of Illinois, Urbana, 
kindly answered my query about William Harrison s The Difference of Hearers. Dr Mary L. 


Robertson, curator of manuscripts at the Huntington Library, sent me a copy of MS EL 6299 
from the Ellesmere Collection. John Wasson, of Washington State University, answered queries 
concerning companies in east Lancashire who may have travelled into the West Riding of York 
shire. Kenneth Parker, now Brother Michael Parker, OSB, corresponded with me in detail about 
Fleetwoods Sabbatarian campaign of 1587-8 and about the Chester Visitation Books. Of par 
ticular value was an advance copy of his book, The English Sabbath, now published by Cam 
bridge University Press. Laetitia Yeandle, curator of manuscripts at the Folger Library, patiently 
answered many queries concerning rare books, sending photocopies whenever needed. Alan 
Nelson of the University of California, Berkeley, has answered the call many times to check a 
detail or find a manuscript while he was in London. Mrs Joyce Zirkle of Urbana offered to do 
much typing and indexing without charge, and without her services 1 could not have pro 
ceeded in term time. Her knowledge of Lancashire and Cheshire made her the ideal assistant. 
The readiness of Thomas Clayton, of the University of Minnesota, to keep our Shakespearean 
work on hold and to transcribe manuscripts at the British Library is a tribute to his friendship. 

At Urbana University library, the staff has been tireless and uncomplaining in obtaining 
many antiquarian books for me. I wish to thank Hugh Durbin, Jennifer Midgley, and espe 
cially Mrs Jeanne Gamble for their services. The Urbana University president and dean were 
most generous in granting leaves (a quarter, a year, and a semester off in ten years). 

In England, 1 received valuable advice from Monica Ory of Warwick County Record Office; 
Stanley Miller, local historian at Blackburn; Mrs H.M. Whitlock Blundell at Little Crosby; 
V.A. McClelland of the University of Hull; the Right Reverend B.C. Foley, former bishop of 
Lancaster; R. Sharpe France, former county archivist at Lancashire Record Office; K. Hall, 
current county archivist at the LRO, and the splendid staff there: R.J. Bond, archivist, Judith 
Baldry, Sylvia Birtles, Colin Duffield, Sue Goodwin, Anna Hardman, Ann Hickey, Simon Jelf, 
Ann Jepson, T.W. Scragg, Roger Tedesco, Andrew Thynne, and Carol Walsh. The permission 
to photograph certain very fragile documents under staff supervision was invaluable. Mr Hall s 
frequent correspondence and seeking of permissions to publish from owners of manuscripts 
held at the LRO went far beyond the ordinary calls made on an archivist s time and expertise. 
From Cumbria County Record Office came parish register photocopies and transcriptions, 
and for these services 1 wish to thank A.C.J. Jones, area archivist, Barrow in Furness; Jim 
Grisenthwaite, assistant county archivist, and Mrs Vivienne M. Gate, research assistant, both 
at the Cumbria County Record Office, Kendal; and Mrs Sheila J. MacPherson, county 
archivist at the Cumbria County Archives Service. At the Cheshire Record Office I received 
excellent service and advice from P. Miller and Mrs H.R. Haynes. Simon Harrison, archivist at 
the Chester City Record Office, answered queries concerning the City of Chester Great Letter 
Book, and Mrs M. Lewis, city archivist at the Chester City Record Office, also advised on this 
matter. Mr Ian Dunn, Cheshire information officer and archivist at the Cheshire Record 
Office and Chester Diocesan Record Office, verified information and gave permission for all 
the material collected at the Cheshire Record Office to be published. J. Gordon Read, keeper 
of archives at the Liverpool Museum, examined Molyneux family records for me. Over many 
years at the Liverpool Record Office, I was granted reading privileges of the Liverpool Town 
Books; Janet Smith, principal archives officer, Liverpool Libraries and Arts Department, 


answered my many queries concerning the Town Books and other Liverpool matters with 
model patience. From the Stockport Central Library, Mrs M.J. Myerscough, archivist for the 
Director of Leisure Services, sent me a report of the Library s manuscripts of possible REED 
interest. T.W. Scragg, now principal librarian at the Metropolitan Borough of Knowsley Library 
Services, reported on Prescot documents at Knowsley. Olga Homer, of the University of Lan 
caster, corrected biographical details of the Middleton and Assheton families. 

G.C.G. Thomas, senior assistant archivist at the National Library of Wales, supplied a pho 
tocopy of A Masque at Knowsley and corresponded with me about the history of that manu 
script. Daniel Huws, keeper of manuscripts and records at the National Library of Wales, also 
answered queries. Mrs Christine Fyfe, archivist at the University of Keele, described documents 
there in detail so that I was able to determine their relevance to the present collection. Sheila 
M. Doyle, assistant librarian at the University of Durham Library, wrote advising me about 
York archdiocesan visitation articles, and M. Shibley, honourable keeper of rare books at 
Emmanuel College, Cambridge, sent me photocopies of the York visitation articles of 1640. 
Mrs Lorise C. Topcliffe, of Exeter College, Oxford, sent me the Chester visitation articles of 
1605 and Conel Condren transcribed the Chester visitation articles for 1634. Michael Heaney 
of the Bodleian Library corresponded with me at length concerning all the visitation articles 
printed in this collection, assisting me in obtaining photocopies of those visitation articles I 
could not get and investigating manuscript Lancashire histories on my behalf. Arthur Owen, 
honorary archivist at King s College, Cambridge, assisted with inquiries and Mrs Margaret 
Farrar checked manuscripts concerning Prescot held at King s College. W. Hilton Kelliher, 
curator of manuscripts at the British Library, assisted with REED inquiries and granted permis 
sion on behalf of the British Library Board to publish extracts from BL manuscripts. 

In Manchester, I had invaluable help from Michael R. Powell, librarian at Chetham s Library, 
who described numerous documents held there and supplied photocopies of others. Peter 
McNiven, of the John Rylands University Library, supplied details of items held there. At the 
Greater Manchester Record Office, Miss Maureen Patch, county archivist, answered queries 
and C. McKernan, the succeeding county archivist, drew my attention to the Marian visitation 
articles of 1 556-8. Miss Jean M. Ayron, archivist at the Manchester Central Library, guided me 
through the holdings of the Archives Department and directed me to the Town Hall to examine 
the civic records. She also granted permission, courtesy of the City of Manchester Leisure Ser 
vices Committee, for publication of extracts from documents held at the Manchester Central 
Library Archives. Queries concerning the Manchester Central Library Archives used in this col 
lection were answered by Dora Rayson, assistant archivist. John J. Anderson, of the University of 
Manchester, visited Chetham s Library and Manchester Central Library Archives on my behalf 
and it was he who did the basic search of the Manchester Manor Rental books. His willingness 
to help me over the years has left me deep in his debt. At the Salford Local History Library, Tim 
Ashworth, local history librarian, helped with inquiries. Dudley E.G. Green, of Clitheroe Royal 
Grammar School, corresponded concerning the Clitheroe school record of 1619/20. Entries 
from the registers of Manchester Cathedral are included by kind permission of the Dean and 

At the Borthwick Institute, York, C.C. Webb, archivist, answered queries and granted per- 


mission to publish extracts from the archdiocesan records used in this collection. W.J. Connor, 
district archivist, West Yorkshire Archives Service, Leeds, also gave assistance with inquiries. 

Several documents printed in this collection are in private hands and in almost every case I 
was shown great courtesy when I requested an opportunity to visit the owner and transcribe 
these documents. The Right Honourable Lord Derby graciously granted me permission to read 
in the library at Knowsley Hall and the librarian there, Mrs Iris Young, provided me with every 
facility for consultation of Knowsley manuscripts. Mrs Brenda Burgess, also librarian at 
Knowsley, assisted with REED inquiries. Fr F.J. Turner, librarian at Stonyhursi College, allowed 
me to read Sir Richard Shireburn s rental book in the college library, putting up cheerfully with 
the inconvenience of my lengthy visit. Major R.G. Adams, JP, by courtesy of Sir Bernard de 
Hoghton, Baronet, of Hoghton Tower, very kindly allowed me to track down the welcoming 
speech to James I written in 1617. Lord Clitheroe, descendant of the Assheton family at Down- 
ham, wrote advising me of the accidental burning of the diary of Nicholas Assheton of Down- 
ham. Lord Kenyon of Cumbers House, Wales, owner of the Kenyon manuscript book, granted 
me two day-long visits to his home to read and transcribe from the manuscript, and offered hos 
pitality and encouragement at the same time. I am still overwhelmed by his generosity. 

A special visit was the one I made to Gawthorpe Hall in order to measure and photograph 
the Great Hall, which seems to have been the room used by the Jacobean actors who came in 
Richard Shuttleworth s day. The reception given to me by Tony Mather of the office staff and 
the artistic director, Roger Dyson, was truly gracious. The Right Honourable Lord Shuttle- 
worth kindly granted permission to publish extracts from the Shuttleworth account books, 
held at the LRO. Brian Hughes, director of Education and Arts, Bolton Metropolitan Borough, 
was instrumental in obtaining for me a good photograph of the Great Hall at Smithills for an 
exploratory article I wrote on the Shuttleworths. 

In some cases a document had to be obtained without a visit and the following persons 
generously assisted in supplying photocopies: Gil Swift, Director of Leisure for Metropolitan 
Wigan, photocopies of Bishop Bridgeman s Ledger and Wigan parish register entries, courtesy 
of Wigan Archive Service; Mr E.E. Newton, MBE, honourable secretary of St Thomas , 
Melling, parish council, photocopies of the Melling simnel play entry; Mrs Rosemary McFie, 
Manchester Cathedral archivist, photocopies of entries in the Collegiate Church s registers; and 
Canon J.O. Colling, rector of Warrington, a photocopy from the earliest Warrington parish 
register. Without the assistance of C.D. Rogers, general editor of the Lancashire Parish Register 
Society, I would not have made contact with Mr Newton or Canon Colling. 

Permission to publish privately held documents and documents at the LRO and elsewhere 
deposited by private individuals requiring permission before use has in all cases been gener 
ously granted. In addition to persons and institutions named above, thanks should also be 
made to the following for permissions: J.G. Parker, high master of Manchester Grammar 
School; the rectors of St Mary s, Eccleston, St Wilfrid s, Standish, St Peter s, Burnley, St Wil 
frid s, Ribchester, and St John s, Preston; the incumbents ofSt Michael s, Kirkham, St Helen s, 
Churchtown, St Chad s, Poulton le Fylde, St Michael s, Cockerham, St Michael s, Whittington, 
and St Bartholomews, Great Harwood; the provost of Blackburn Cathedral; the headmaster, 
Queen Elizabeth s Grammar School, Blackburn; the chief executive, the Ribble Valley Borough 


Council; the town clerk and chief executive, Lancaster City Council; Messrs Tickle Hall Cross 
of Prescot, and Messrs Dickinson Parker Hill and Son of Ormskirk, solicitors; and the follow 
ing individuals: Sir Henry Farrington, Bt; Captain R.C. Petre; Mrs N. Swann of Dorchester; 
and Colonel Sir Joseph Weld, QBE, TD, of Lulworth Manor. I would also like to thank the 
Right Honourable Lord Salisbury for permission to publish the Lancashire informer s letter 
about recusant priests. In this case the permission was obtained and a photocopy supplied by 
Robin Harcourt Williams, librarian and archivist to the Marquess of Salisbury. 

Special thanks go to those researchers hired by REED to carry on with the research in England 
when I could not. The researches of Jodi Anne George, Clare Lees, Ann Rycraft, Eileen 
Simpson, and Eileen White have been outstanding. Each one made important contributions: 
Jodi Anne George combed the Star Chamber cases from Lancashire; Clare Lees found the 
Whalley Abbey bursars accounts at Manchester; and Ann Rycraft checked transcriptions of 
archdiocesan court records in the Borthwick Institute. Eileen Simpson searched records in 
the Chester diocesan archives to find cases for Didsbury, Farnworth, Garstang, Goosnargh, 
Hawkshead, Kirkham, Manchester, Melling, Ormskirk, Penwortham, Poulton le Fylde, 
Ribchester, Rochdale, Samlesbury, Standish, and Walton le Dale. She also visited Cumbers 
House to do invaluable checking of material from the Kenyon Memorandum Book and trans 
cribed the original of the Warrington Grammar School Foundation Deed. While providing 
essential research assistance in a variety of Lancashire record offices, Eileen White discovered 
new records from Childwall, Clitheroe, Downholland, Eccles, Great Harwood, Halsall, 
Lancaster, Manchester, Melling, Newchurch, Prescot, Walton on the Hill, and Woodplumpton. 
She was assisted at All Saints Church, Childwall, by the vicar, the Rev. Colin Rookwood, and 
Harold Caldicott, the parish record keeper. Roger Dickinson of the University of Liverpool 
researched and composed Appendix 5, on musical and dramatic entertainment in the Isle of 
Man. He was introduced to REED and its work by the kindness of David Mills of the University 
of Liverpool. Mr Dickinson was assisted in his researches at the Manx Museum, Douglas, by 
Miss A.M. Harrison, librarian and archivist. John McKinnell of the University of Durham 
supplied the long run of Lytham Priory records from his research for the REED County Durham 
collection. A.J. Piper, of Durham University Library, completed the Lytham Priory checking 
that could not be done in Toronto. Tom Pettitt, of the Engelsk Institut, Odense Universitet, 
Denmark, offered insightful remarks on the Melling simnel play and other folk customs. 
Alan Coman of the Faculty of Education, University of Toronto, has been doing research into 
renaissance school records in England over the past several years. I am grateful for the informa 
tion he gave me about dramatic records from Blackburn Grammar School. 

In Canada, behind the scenes but coordinating everything, there was the REED staff, which 
cannot be praised enough. The early assessment by Alexandra F. Johnston, director of Records 
of Early English Drama, was that Lancashire would not yield a great number of early 
manuscripts containing references to drama and entertainment. I concurred with this prelimi 
nary verdict. As time went on, however, it became clear that Lancashire had enough early 
records to form a volume by itself and Prof. Johnston gave full support and encouragement to 
the effort required for this project. Her leadership of REED is the reason for the completion of 
this volume. She also checked the English Glossary. Over the years I have been helped and 


guided by Theodore De Welles, Mary Blackstone, Heather Phillips, Sheena Levitt, Miriam 
Skey, Abigail Ann Young, William Cooke, and Sally-Beth MacLean, executive editor of the 
REED project. Among them they have found several documents that I could not, particularly 
those relating to the Prescot playhouse. Miriam Skey copy-edited and proofread the entire vol 
ume. Abigail A. Young prepared the section on the procedures of the consistory court in the 
Introduction and she is also largely responsible for the Latin translations, which John Parsons 
checked. Dr Young also proofread the English Glossary. She and William Cooke are responsi 
ble for the wording of a number of endnotes. Dr Cooke composed the headnote to Appendix 3 
as well as all of Appendix 7, and revised Appendixes 4, 8, and 9. Both Dr Young and Dr Cooke 
worked on the order of the documents in the Sabbatarian campaign of 1 587- 8. Dr Cooke also 
checked and amplified the Index and proofread the Records. During the last four years of this 
work, he has at every turn corrected, informed, and inspired me, and I have come to envy 
greatly his exact prose style. Robert Tittler, of Concordia University and historian on the REED 
Advisory Board, read the Introduction and made many useful suggestions concerning sources 
and recent historical scholarship. Michael Waldin, cartographer, is responsible for the map of 
Lancashire (see pp cxxii-cxxiii). William Rowcliffe typeset the volume. Alan Somerset, of the 
University of Western Ontario and a member of the REED Executive Board, obtained printed 
sources. The Inter-Library Loan Department of Robarts Library, University of Toronto, 
secured many books needed for research and checking of quotations. 

Dr MacLean is the pattern of editors: she has trimmed back misplaced enthusiasms and 
lapses, prudently cut irrelevant records, added others of great interest such as the institution of 
horse-racing at Liverpool, been patient with my heavy teaching schedule, and encouraged me 
when I was flagging. She also compiled the Patrons List with the help of Sally McKee, drawing 
on the biographies of major patrons from REED S growing master-list of medieval and renais 
sance patrons of travelling companies. Without her good humour and optimism, I might often 
have considered the volume unfmishable. 

The research and preparation of this volume were made possible largely by grants from 
the National Endowment for the Humanities, an Independent Federal Agency, and the Social 
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Additional funding for research trips 
in 1984 and 1987-9, came from the faculty development funds of Urbana University, where 
I teach. A grant from the Jackman Foundation by courtesy of the Rev. Edward Jackman, O.P., 
historian for the Archdiocese of Toronto, has allowed Dr MacLean to work closely with the 
cartographer in the preparation of the complex county map. 

There is no doubt that this Lancashire volume was built up cumulatively and collabora- 
tively, and I was delighted to watch the number of people who were involved growing with the 
collection. In a sense this collection is their work as well as mine. To each and every one of 
them I owe a debt of heartfelt thanks. 

Historical Background 

Old Lancashire, as defined before the 1974 reorganization of British counties, was for cen 
turies the last county on the northwestern side of England with any sizeable population before 
the Scottish border. Its geography is relatively simple: hills on the east, plains, estuaries, and sea 
on the west. At one point it was cut in two by Morecambe Bay and the traveller had to pass 
through old Westmorland to set foot in Lancashire s Furness District, with its coppices and 
rounded hills. However, in 1974 the Furness District or Lancashire over the Sands was trans 
ferred to the new county of Cumbria. 

The line of hills and moors to the east of the county is part of the Pennine Chain, a north- 
south range of low mountains extending from the Cheviot Hills on the Scottish border to the 
Peak District in Derbyshire. Not much of the Pennine Chain is actually in Lancashire- most of 
it is in Yorkshire-but the eastern part of the county in a line roughly from Manchester to Lan 
caster sweeps up to the range and is thus hilly moorland and mostly non-arable. The popula 
tion was for a long time-until the Industrial Revolution-sparser in these moorland areas than 
it was farther west. The western part of the county, with the exception of the Manchester dis 
trict in the southeast, always had the larger part of the population in the period of these 

Journeys from England to Scotland have for centuries required a choice between the easterly 
and westerly routes. The route west of the Pennines was less popular, involving a sharp turn east 
at the Scottish border to reach Edinburgh; the Scottish capital is best reached by the easterly 
route. The westerly route still runs through Lancashire, cutting almost through the centre of 
the county by way of Warrington, Wigan, Preston, and Lancaster, and so avoiding the hilly ter 
rain to the east and the river estuaries to the west. Another road ran from Warrington to 
Manchester, continuing through the Pennines into Yorkshire. 2 

Yet despite the roads that ran through Lancashire, this county was isolated from the rest of 
England and communities were often remote from each other. As Christopher Haigh notes, 
The Pennine spurs, the fells of Bowland and Rossendale and much of Lonsdale, with poor soil, 
difficult terrain and inadequate drainage, made intensive arable farming impossible, while on 
the Fylde coast and in the south-west the undrained mosses and wet land prompted pastoral 
agriculture. Haigh also notes that stock-raising is not labour-intensive and implies a sparse 
population; small, isolated hamlets and scattered homesteads characterized the region. 

Lancashire was divided into three distinct farming areas. The western half of the lowland 


plain of south Lancashire and Amounderness was mainly pasture and meadow, marshy at the 
coast and mossy inland, and was good for little but turf for fuel and grazing for cattle. The 
eastern half of this plain supported mainly mixed farming and cattle raising. Further east was a 
hilly pastoral region, stretching from Lonsdale to Manchester, made up of grit and limestone 
moorlands and used only for cattle rearing. 4 The county was far from homogenous in land 
scape and levels of agricultural productivity. However, farming was not the only means of 
livelihood. Industrial activity was also engaged in; coal mining near Wigan, St Helen s, and 
Prescot was developed and textiles were produced in Manchester and the Pennines immediately 
to the north. 

"William Smith described the county as follows in The Particular Description of England, 

LANCASHIRE lyeth along the Irish Sea, Reaching ffrom Cheshyre to Cumberland. 

On ye est, it hath Yorkshyre, on ye south Cheshyre, on the west, the said Irish Sea, on the 

north, it toucheth vppow Cumberland & Westmerland. 

The length therof, is from ye north to ye south 55 myles, The breadth at the South end, is 

36 myles. But the more northward it goeth, the narrower it is. So that toward the further, a 

litle beyond Lancaster (at Kent Sand, where the river of Ken falleth into the Sea). The Sea 

hath eaten throwgh Lancashire, & at a full Sea toucheth vppon Westmerland. 

In this Countrey, I ffynd to be 16 Market Townes, and 98 parish Churches, And 36. 

Chapells, which may pass for Churches, Besydes Villages, Castells, And gentlemens 

howses, wherew/thall it is very well furnished. "" 

The county was formed rather late, after most other counties, in 1 1 82. In 1 086, writes 
Paul Booth, when the great Domesday survey was compiled, our county was divided into two 
distinct pans. In the south, the "land between the Ribble and Mersey" was part of Cheshire, 
while the northern section belonged to the West Riding of Yorkshire. 6 But much of the later 
Lancashire had already been given to Count Roger of Poitou at the Conquest and about 1088 
he was given Lancashire north of the Sands (the Furness District). When he fell from royal 
favour in 1 102, the area, then called an Honour, was not broken up but used as a gift within 
the royal family. At last, however, when the account of 1 181-1 182 came to be audited [at 
Westminster] ... a separate membrane was allocated for "Lancaster," to the heading of which 
was added "quia non erat ei locus in Northumberland"- because there is no place for it in 
Northumberland. 7 

The population of this county, which covered 1,880 square miles, could never have been 
large in the medieval period. Of the sixteen towns he mentioned, Smith noted that Manchester 
was the Cheiffest Towne in Lancashire, next to Lancaster, & in many Respects passeth ye 
same. 8 But even Manchester was not large, perhaps having a population of 2,000 in Elizabeth 
is reign. 5 Liverpool had only 700 in 1565 and 1,000 by 1590. 10 The total population of Lan 
cashire was similarly small: Lancashire at this time [in Tudor and early Stuart times] was a 
poor region, a fact borne out by tax returns from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries 
and emphasised by the small number of castles and monasteries.... The county s population, 



however, more than doubled between the late fourteenth and the mid-sixteenth centuries. Dr. 
C. Haigh estimates it as about 95,000 in 1563- " John K. Walton agrees with Haigh s estimate 
of 95,000 in that year, if Walton s total of 19,000 Lancashire households had on average 4.75 
persons each, as he assumes, or, more logically, 5 persons per household as Haigh assumes. 12 By 
contrast, London had 70,000 in 1 550 and grew to 1 50,000 in 1 600. York had 8,000 in 1 548 
and Newcastle upon Tyne had over 10,000 in the mid-sixteenth century. 3 The population of 
Lancashire grew considerably as the seventeenth century wore on. By 1690, it has been esti 
mated at 196,100, so that the population had doubled again in under 130 years. " 

Peter Clark and Paul Slack have pointed out that small market-towns and boroughs with 
populations of less than 2,000 ... certainly formed the vast majority of English towns in the 
early seventeenth century. 15 When Christopher Saxton made his map in 1577, Lancashire had 
over 300 named towns and villages, which suggests that the population must have been spread 
very thinly. Many of these places cannot have contained more than 300 people and some of 
them fewer. In 1588, William Smith identified the principal towns of Lancashire as Black 
burn, Bolton, Bury, Colne, Dalton, Garstang, Kirkham, Lancaster, Liverpool, Manchester, 
Ormskirk, Preston, Rochdale, Ulverston, Warrington, and Wigan. Of these, Lancaster, Liver 
pool, Preston, and Wigan returned two members of parliament, but so did two minor towns, 
Clitheroe and Newton in Makerfield. Lancaster and Preston were too poor to send MPS to par 
liament between 1331 and 1529 and none were returned by Liverpool and Wigan between 
1307 and 1547. 6 Clitheroe and Newton were not added to the list of parliamentary boroughs 

until 1559. 17 

By 1640 there were ... not more than thirty market towns in the county. 18 Preston was 
exceptional; an important market town, it had close to 2,000 inhabitants before 1630-1, when 
plague killed more than half the people, leaving 887 survivors. 19 Liverpool s population of 700 
in 1565 had grown to 2,000-2,500 by 1642. 20 Wigan had about 2,000 inhabitants at the 
Restoration and the next closest seven or eight towns in population had over 1000 inhabitants 
at the Restoration. 21 Cartmel, Colne, Dalton, Garstang, Haslingden, Hawkshead, Hornby, 
Kirkham, Leigh, Padiham, Poulton, Ulverston, Walton le Dale, and Whalley were the smallest 
of Lancashire s market towns, probably not even qualifying with 600 people, the minimum 
number given by Clark and Slack for the population of a market town. The five largest towns 
in the county (Liverpool, Manchester, Preston, Warrington, and Wigan) can have accounted 
for little more than one in seventeen or eighteen of a Lancashire population ... [of] 95,000 in 
1563. 22 If we allot 16,000 people to the thirty market towns mentioned by Everitt, around 
80,000 of Lancashire s Tudor and Stuart population, or five persons out of six, lived in villages, 
hamlets, on landed gentry estates, or in isolated farmsteads. A market town like Prescot, with a 
little more than 400 people in c 1592, was really a village. 2 - 1 Such tiny places would not have 
attracted the attention of most itinerant troupes of entertainers. Yet it was the remoteness of 
Lancashire settlements -some reached only by crossing wet mosses, others only by crossing 
moorland-rather than their size that is more significant in explaining the paucity of recorded 
players in the county. Finally, Lancashire s status as among the very poorest of English counties 
throughout the period of the records in this volume was perhaps the most significant factor of 
all in its lack of metropolitan entertainment. 2 1 


Civil Governance 

The governance of Lancashire over the three and a half centuries between 1300 and 1642 need 
concern the theatre historian very little except for the matter of control and regulation. A few 
paragraphs arc needed to clarify the two kinds of government at work in Lancashire, ducal gov 
ernment and ordinary county machinery. 

Lancashire s governance became involved with the royal house in 1266 when Edmund, 
younger son of Henry in, became lord of the honour of Lancaster. Edmund, who was styled 
earl of Lancaster, passed the county on to his son, Thomas. Thomas was executed by Edward 
II and the earldom was reclaimed by the Crown; however, Thomas brother, Henry, was rein 
stated under Edward in. The king was even more generous to Henry s son, a second Henry 
(called Henry of Grosmont). He made him duke of Lancaster and in 1351 Lancashire was 
erected into a county palatine, within which its lord could exercise royal privileges, the word 
palatine being derived from the Latin palatium, the royal palace. Despite this new status, 
however, Lancashire remained entitled to send to parliament two knights of the shire and two 
burgesses from each borough. 

The dukes of Lancaster exercised wide authority within the duchy (whose holdings went 
beyond the county itself)- The first earl Henry (1326-45) had had the return of all royal 
writs, all pleas of withernam ("de vetito namio") [taking of other goods in lieu of those dis 
trained from someone and recovered by him], and all the fines and amercements imposed 
upon his men and tenants in the king s courts. " Also, he had the right to carry out summonse 
of the exchequer and to make all arrests following on pleas of the Crown, to confiscate goods 
forfeited by his men and tenants, and to be exempt from a number of tolls. The foundation of 
the duchy and county palatine increased these privileges. Especially important for the future ol 
the county was the creation of a duchy chancery, with a chancellor and other officers, which 
(like the royal chancery) sat as a court of equity for the duchy and had the right to appoint jus 

When the third duke, Henry of Bolingbroke, became King Henry iv in 1399, he not only 
remained duke but kept the administration and bureaucracy of the duchy separate from that o 
the rest of England. Hence it is known as the royal duchy of Lancaster.* 6 From then on the 
ducal lands (including Lancashire) were administered from London by the duchy council, 
which retained its own seal, chancellor, judges and officers. 27 In 1485, when Henry vii 

ascended the throne, parliament Vested the whole Duchy ... in Henry and his heirs [I]n 

subsequent generations the Duchy has followed the crown. 28 Thus in 1 556/7 Roger 
Charnock s case concerning his house on Widnes Moor (see pp 99-103) went to the duchy 
court at Westminster because he was a tenant of Philip and Mary as duke and duchess of Lan 

Despite the operation of the duchy s own judicial and administrative system in Lancashire, 
the normal mechanism of county and local government was active there as well. The county 
was part of the northern assize circuit. Royal taxes were collected there. The quarter sessions, a 
joint responsibility of sherirTand JPS, continued to dispense royal justice according to the laws 
of England even after the JPS began to be appointed by the duchy. 


Although there was a shift of power and position among officials in all counties during the 
period of our records, with lords lieutenant and JPS gaining ground at the expense of sheriffs, it 
is possible to over-emphasize the reduction of shrieval authority. 29 In sixteenth-century Lan 
cashire, the sheriff still presided over the monthly meetings of the county court ... and he had 
duties in connection with the meetings of the courts of assize and quarter sessions: the empan 
elling of juries, the production of prisoners, the execution of sentences, along with other tasks. 
The York High Commission for ecclesiastical affairs relied on the sheriff to arrest religious 
offenders and make them appear in court, and to collect fines imposed on the convicted. 30 The 
position was also expensive. Any hospitality entailed in the appointment fell on the sheriff; for 
example, the bill for the opening of Lancaster assizes in 1636 was the responsibility of William 
Farington, sheriff for the year (see p 30)." 

To facilitate enforcement and administration, most English counties were divided into 
hundreds. Lancashire had six, namely Amounderness (north-central Lancashire), Blackburn 
(north-east), Leyland (south-central), Lonsdale (north), Salford (south-east), and West Derby 
(south-west). After the reforms of 1546-7, these hundreds were organized into four sessional 
divisions each with its own bench and within these divisions the quarter sessions were held 
by adjournment over a week or eight days at each of the chosen towns: Lancaster for Lonsdale 
hundred, Preston for Amounderness and Blackburn hundreds, Wigan and Ormskirk by turn 
for West Derby and Leyland hundreds, and Manchester for Salford hundred. 32 Justice was 
administered chiefly at these quarter sessions, held (usually for one day in each town) close to 
Epiphany, Easter, Midsummer, and Michaelmas. At them, jurors, representing the whole 
county, were required to present information about guilty persons. 33 The quarter sessions were 
in theory the responsibility of the sheriff, but in practice their administration was managed by 
the clerk of the peace, the j PS, and the gentlemen of the country. 

During the sixteenth century, the JPS, almost always members of the landed gentry, became 
the most powerful group of officials in England. 34 Conscientious justices were probably 
involved almost daily in the procedures for detecting and bringing to trial those suspected of 
committing crimes and misdemeanours.... Then, at quarter sessions, they changed their role 
and assumed responsibility for the trial and punishment of offenders. At the same time they 
were the principal administrative officers in the counties, as they were also responsible for the 
enforcement of the large number of new laws." In 1590, the commission of the peace was thor 
oughly revised and remained in force for over 300 years; the new commission authorized the 
justices to enforce all statutes concerning the peace; gave them powers to enquire into a variety 
of felonies and offences at common and statute law; and instructed them to hold regular ses- 

ci^^c 36 


The JPS were appointed by the Crown in most counties, but by the chancellor of the duchy 
in Lancashire and they were differentiated into two groups, of the peace and of the quorum 
The ordinary JP had authority only to hear, whereas the justice of the peace and quorum had 
legal training and so had authority to hear and determine (ie, hand down a judgment) 

Twice a year the assizes were held in each county and jail delivery took place. (At jail deliv 
ery, all prisoners currently in custody were to be dealt with and either punished or released as 
a way of ensuring that all cases were heard within a reasonable period after arrest.) A sixteenth- 


century observer, Sir Thomas Smith, described them thus: the Prince doth sende downe into 
euerie shire of Englande certaine of his ludges of Westminster hall, and some Sergeantes at the 
lawe with commission to heare and determine ioyntly with the Justices of the peace all matters 
criminall and all prisoners which be in the gaoles. 37 These Crown assizes were attended and 
assisted by twelve men from the county. Lancashire assizes were generally held at Lancaster and 
there was a Crown appointee called the clerk of the pleas of the Crown, or clerk of the assize 

A feature probably unique to Lancashire was a series of regular meetings of JPS at the sher 
iff s table during assizes week, apparently beginning in March 1598. These meetings served an 
important function in that uncentralized county. Each JP tended to sit only at the quarter ses 
sion meetings in his own division so that the bench for the entire county rarely gathered except 
during assizes week. The meetings seem to have been formal affairs with the high sheriff pre 
sent and possibly the assize court judges too. 38 

Thus far, Lancashire was run for the most part as an ordinary county but, as was men 
tioned above, it also answered to a duchy council in Westminster. In 1 568, when Sir Ralph 
Sadler was about to be appointed chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, Queen Elizabeth s gov 
ernment laid down certain precepts concerning the appointment. The powers vested in the 
chancellor, who was head of the court of the duchy, illustrate some of the means of gover 
nance at his disposal: 

The chancellor nominateth the Sheriffs and iustices of peace in that Countye Palatine 

He giveth also all other mean offices within the same county He giveth also many 
benefices, which being ill bestowed maye brede greate trouble and hurt to the Church 
He giveth the keeping of Castles which though they be not of greate force, yet being 

graunted to bad men may be vsed to doo mischeife He manageth at the least 40000 of 

her Maiesties subiects, emongst which many be of greate living and reputation. 39 

Despite this power of appointment, the chancellor was rarely able to function as an effective 
agent for central control. Possibly because he was seldom a local man the chancellor had little 
more grasp of conditions in the principal part of his jurisdiction than had the Privy Council as 
a whole. 40 For example, in the middle of Elizabeth s reign, the central government had a policy 
of uniformity in religion and prevention of over-enthusiastic bishops and gentlemen from giv 
ing offence locally; at the level of outward conformity it was broadly successful in most coun 
ties, with the conspicuous exceptions of Lancashire and the Welsh border shires. 1 " Such a 
disjunction between the policy of the central government and the actual situation of enforce 
ment on a local level plagued the assize judges as well. The whole problem is well illustrated by 
the Sabbatarian campaign of the late 1 580s, which was almost entirely the result of one individ 
ual s efforts to formulate and enforce a strict Sabbatarian policy (see pp 219-27). It worked 
only for a time and then apparently died out. Drawing on southern Lancashire for many of his 
examples, Keith Wrightson has shown the same disjunction at work in the activities of petty 
sessions and the local constables. 42 

If the privy council, the chancellor of the duchy, and even the bench were not close to the 


realities of everyday life in Lancashire, the house of Stanley, the earls of Derby, was. The Stan 
leys were well placed both to understand and to a large extent control county events. The rise 
of the Stanleys took place in the fifteenth century, Sir Thomas Stanley being invested with the 
earldom after he had supported Henry Tudor against Richard III at Bosworth Field. Once king, 
Henry Vll set the seal of royal approval on the Stanleys with a visit to Sir Thomas Lancashire 
houses at Knowsley and Lathom in 1495. By 1536, a Stanley had first become the official head 
of the county government of Lancashire and Cheshire ; and earls of Derby were often lords 
lieutenant of Lancashire and Cheshire up to 1607, after which the sixth [ie, the fifteenth] earl 
and his son retained the office with something like hereditary rights. 4 After the threat of Span 
ish invasion in the 1580s, the office of lord lieutenant attained greater importance than it had 
originally had. Lords lieutenant were appointed virtually for life in most counties, were respon 
sible for defence, and acted almost as local governors/ 4 

The Stanleys dominated the county to a remarkable extent in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries. The twelfth earl s support became indispensable to Thomas Cromwell, Henry vni s 
chief minister, during the suppression of rebels in the Pilgrimage of Grace in 1 536. As a result, 
the earl of Derby and his council ... formed the link between central and local government. 
The earl was too important to be bypassed, and the Crown ruled Lancashire through him; 
orders for the county went first to him, and he decided how instructions were to be imple 
mented and made the necessary arrangements with justices of the peace. 45 

An example of the thirteenth earl of Derby s position in 1 587 is given in the letter of 
Edward Fleetwood, probably to Lord Burghley, dated late in that year (see p 226). In it Fleet- 
wood, attempting to use ecclesiastical and county influence to secure sabbath observance, sug 
gests that letters to the justices and sheriff are needed from the archbishop of York, the earl of 
Derby, a bishop, Lord Strange (Derby s heir), and possibly the chancellor of the duchy and his 
vice-chancellor. The order is significant indeed of Fleetwood s assessment of the hierarchy of 
power in the county. The lord lieutenant had responsibility for the supervision of recusants, for 
example. 46 

The Council of the North had less influence in Lancashire than in the other northern coun 
ties. The king s lieutenant in the north stemmed from 1480, when Richard of Gloucester was 
made king s lieutenant of the throne in the north. It is perhaps worth noting that earls of Hunt 
ingdon were lieutenants of the north in the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods; Earl Henry sat 
on the ecclesiastical commission in 1579 and Huntingdon s piper visited Dunkenhalgh manor 
house in 1629/30. 47 The influence of the Council in the North was largely restricted to York 
shire, Durham and Northumberland, and Lancashire escaped its jurisdiction partly because of 
its palatinate status. 4 * 

Ecclesiastical Governance 

With the Reformation and the dissolution of the monasteries (1536), ecclesiastical jurisdictions 
were redrawn. Up to 1 54 1, Lancashire south of the River Ribble was within the administration 
of the diocese of Lichfield and Coventry and directly controlled by the archdeaconry of 
Chester. Lancashire north of the Ribble was within the administration of the diocese of York 




and directly controlled by the archdeaconry of Richmond. 49 In 1541 the see of Chester 
formed by combining these two archdeaconries under a single authority, the new bishop. 

The new diocese of Chester was intended to solve the problems created by the sprawl of the 
old dioceses of Lichfield and York, but the new diocese was 120 miles long at its longest point 
and 90 miles wide at its widest; it covered over 5,200 square miles, and was the third diocese of 
England in area. Despite its size, it was sadly underfinanced; the bishop of Chester received 
less than any of his episcopal colleagues, except for the bishop of Rochester, whose diocese was 
less than one-tenth of the size of Chester. 50 Thus the diocese of Chester was large, unwieldy, 
and ill-adapted to face problems of church discipline in the more distant parts of Lancashire, 
Westmorland, and Cumberland. 

The diocese was divided into deaneries, of which there were eight in Lancashire, under the 
authority of rural deans. The first bishop of Chester, John Bird, developed the role of these 
deans as local administrators, giving them authority to proceed in all disciplinary cases except 
simony and heresy, to prove wills ... and to collect synodals and procurations (two payments 
by clergy to the bishop). This proved to be a mistake, for by 1 571 the Lancashire rural deans 
were a sorry crew. 51 The visitation courts, which account for most of the office (or criminal) 
prosecutions, seem to have used the deaneries as court divisions, hearing presentments for each 
parish at a convenient church within each deanery. 

The distances made the two consistory courts-one at Chester and another, apparently sub 
ordinate one at Richmond-workable venues only for the most important cases. The visitation 
court offered a better chance of success, if only because of its frequency. Between 1563 and 
1605 Lancashire was visited with impressive frequency, and there were four metropolitan and 
sixteen diocesan visitations. However, if the churchwardens were lax about making present 
ments, and they frequently were, the visitation court was impaired. A further impediment was 
posed by non-attendance even after a presentment had been made. In many dioceses less than 
half of those cited appeared before the court, and at metropolitan visitations of the diocese of 
Chester the attendance- rate was only one-third. Diocesan visitations were even less effective, 
and at the visitation of Lancashire in 1592 only 27% of the charges were answered by defen 
dants. 52 

Both the bishop of Chester and his deputies and the archbishop of York and his deputies 
had the right under canon law to carry out periodic visitations. In order to ensure a full pre 
sentment for each parish, churchwardens were sent sets of injunctions and articles (ie, ques 
tionnaires) in advance of visitations. The value of such documents lies in the witness they bear 
to the existence of the practices which they seek to stamp out or control, such as ales, disguis- 
ings, summer games, dancing, piping, or rushbearings. Excerpts from visitation questionnaires 
and the records of visitation court proceedings arising from both the diocesan and archiepisco- 
pal administrations appear in the Records. 

The greatest difficulty for both levels of judicial administration was enforcement. The 
church-court machinery could offer no more serious punishment than suspension or excom 
munication, which some seem to have accepted, though in a sparsely populated area with poor 
communications, excommunication could easily be evaded. 53 Lancashire parishes, containing 
on average thirty-three square miles and 1,700 people in 1563, were larger than other English 


parishes except those in Northumberland. In a large Lancashire parish where attendance at 
church could be hindered by poor roads and where there were an average 696 communicants in 
1603, an excommunicate who waited a while would not be easy to single out from those who 
had good reason to come irregularly. 54 

Religious Division 

In order to account for a marked tension in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Lancashire 
between moderate Anglicans and puritans, between those same moderates and recusant 
Catholics, and between puritans and recusant Catholics, a brief section is needed to outline the 
religious division of the county as it developed after the settlement of 1 559. Bishop Cuthbert 
Scott of Chester, appointed by Mary, was deprived of his see in 1559 for refusing to enforce the 
Elizabethan settlement. His successor, William Downham, enforced the new order leniently, 
partly in hopes of conciliating the conservative-minded laity and partly because he feared that 
the required oath would not be taken by many of his clergy. As the early history of the Eliza 
bethan Church in Lancashire was to demonstrate, such a course [a systematic enforcement of 
the oath of supremacy] would have led to wholesale deprivations, would have left many 
benefices and especially chapels unserved, and would have revealed the narrow basis of support 
on which the new Church rested. 55 Downham s laxity gave priests with Catholic sympathies at 
least a decade in which to evade the settlement. 

The machinery adopted to enforce the 1 559 settlement was an attempt to supplement the 
inadequate administration of the diocese of Chester. An ecclesiastical commission was intro 
duced in 1562 to bring the Chester diocese into conformity with the law, but even though it 
was purged of seven members in 1567-8, it was headed thereafter by the earl of Derby, whose 
household was conservative. A superior commission was that of York, which intervened only 
occasionally in the diocese of Chester. 56 The Lancashire commission of the peace had only six 
out of twenty-five justices favourable to the new protestant faith in 1564. Eight out of the first 
nine Elizabethan sheriffs of Lancashire were conservative in sympathy. 57 

In 1574 the privy council sent a letter to the earl of Derby describing Lancashire as the 
very sincke of Poperie. 58 Roman Catholic practices and Roman Catholicism could be found 
in all parts of Lancashire, but they remained most steadfast in west Lancashire, both north and 
south of the Ribble. West Lancashire was a conservative area cut off by wet mosses for much 
of its length, but geography can hardly be used as a dividing-line between Catholic and protes 
tant areas. Clerical offenders against the settlement of 1 559 were concentrated to a degree in 
the area surrounding Liverpool, but they spilled over from the coastal wetland into the central 
pastoral plain. Haigh cites cases of Romish practices from Farnworth (near Widnes), Halsall, 
Huyton, Liverpool, Wigan, and the earl of Derby s estate at Knowsley, as well as two from 
Manchester, all in the late 1 560s and early 1 570s. 55 All these places, except Manchester, are 
within twenty miles of Liverpool. Walton explains the west Lancashire survival of Catholicism 
as stemming from isolation, a conservative gentry, the failure of Bishop Downham of Chester 
and the earl of Derby to act decisively against incipient recusancy in the early 1560s, and the 
large number of secular Catholic or Catholic-sympathizing office-holders. 60 However, in the 


autumn of 1568 the York High Commission began a massive interference in the affairs of the 
diocese of Chester which was to continue until the more energetic William Chadderton 
became bishop in 1579. " In 1578 the York High Commission discovered 304 Lancashire 
recusants, 42% in Warrington deanery (south-west Lancashire), 24% in Amounderness (north- 
central), and 16% in Blackburn (north-east), but only 8% in Manchester deanery." 

In particular, recusancy was strong in Garstang, Kirkham, Poulton le Fylde, and Prescot. In 
1600 Reverend William Forster, queens preacher at Garstang, and the pursuivant of the eccle 
siastical commission were assaulted, presumably by recusants. At Poulton Peter White, a non 
conformist and vicar there, found that many of his parishioners had their children baptized 
outside the parish because he would not use the sign of the cross in baptism. At Kirkham 
Arthur Greenacre had the same experience and he caused sixty-one people to be presented to 
the visitation court in 1605 for failing to have their children christened at the parish church. 
Thomas Meade, vicar of Prescot, proposed to use Prescot grammar school for puritan catechis 
ing in 1 592, but the recusant gentry of the area attempted to move the school out of his reach 
to Eccleston. They failed, however, in this attempt. Garstang, Kirkham, and Poulton were in 
Amounderness deanery and Prescot in Warrington deanery, where the proportion of Catholic 
recusants was always high. 63 

Certain old customs such as the lord of misrule, maypoles, morris dancing, rushbearings, 
and a simnel play seem particularly to have been associated with west and central Lancashire, 
the keeping of old customs perhaps accompanying the survival of Catholic faith. Ribchester 
had a lord of misrule in 1605. There were maypoles at Melling in 161 1, Prescot in 1624, and 
Little Crosby near Liverpool in 1641 (fondly remembered many years later), and morris 
dancing at Liverpool in 1 576-7. Rushbearings, considered popish by some, were extremely 
common in west and central Lancashire: at Childwall in 1621-2, 1622-3 and 1625-6, at 
Garstang in 1608, 1622/3 and 1623, at Goosnargh in 1590 and 1611, at Walton le Dale in 
1626, at Whalley in 1604, and at Woodplumpton in 1578. Only rushbearings at Eccles in 
1578 and Ringley in 1626, both in east Lancashire, break the pattern of old customs associ 
ated with Roman Catholicism as found in the west and central regions. Most interestingly, a 
simnel play occurred at Melling in 1616/17, possibly the sole surviving record from Britain 
of a winter-summer combat. 

Naturally, Anglicans of a puritan cast complained bitterly about the Roman Catholic indif 
ference to sabbath observance. In 1608, papists were blamed by John White, vicar of Eccles 
near Manchester, for sabbath breaking (see p 19). In 1614, the king s preacher at Huyton near 
Liverpool, William Harrison, attacked popish priests and profane pipers, the former for an 
alleged policy of continuing the people in their popery and ignorance (see pp 27-8). Harri 
son s addition of Roman Catholic priests to the indictment is probably significant. 

The south-east corner of the county, centered on Manchester, emerged as the area of puri 
tan strength. 64 As early as 1552, John Bradford devoted part of a year to reformist preaching 
in Manchester. Tradition has him warning that if Manchester did not readily embrace the 
word of God, mass would be said again in that church [Manchester Collegiate Church] and 
the play of Robin Hood acted there, which accordingly came to pass in Queen Mary s reign. 65 
He need not have been concerned about the reinstatement of Catholicism in the region. In 


addition to ministers, the Manchester area and Salford hundred had reinforcement of their 
anti-Catholicism from the bishop of Chester (who had a house in Manchester), the Collegiate 
Church, the gentry, and JPS. Edmund Assheton, writing to William Farington in 1 580, com 
ments on a Numbre of the Justices of peace herein in Sallforde hundrethe who had consulted 
with the ecclesiastical commissioners about suppressing Robin Hood and the may games (see 
p 6). Suppression of sports and pastimes, especially on the sabbath, was a characteristic of the 
puritan movement. Puritan ministers were already concentrated disproportionately into the 
south-eastern textile district by 1590, and in 1595 ten of the thirteen benefices in Manchester 
and Blackburn deaneries were held by recognisable Puritans. 66 By 1609, Edmund Hopwood 
could remark bitterly: All fanatical and schismatical preachers that are cashiered in other 
countries resort into this corner of Lancashire. 67 

Along with West Derby, the hundreds of Amounderness, Lonsdale, and parts of Leyland and 
Blackburn were also Catholic. Indeed, Haigh notes that the deaneries of Warrington, Leyland 
and Amounderness [were] the most Catholic part of all England. 68 Abrogated saints days were 
still observed at Whalley in 1571, and at Goosnargh seven years later the bells were still rung 
on All Saints Day. At least until 1573 it was usual for the congregation to make offerings at a 
ministers first communion, which was clearly as significant as a priest s first mass.... Rushbear- 
ings were common, and even in 1604 there was music and dancing at a rushbearing in Whalley 

church Eight people were using rosaries at Eccleston as late as 1604 In 1604 the curate of 

Wigan "said he would rather go to see mass than to the communion, and said the mass was 
more sufficient." The earl of Derby would not allow the Prayer Book services to be said in his 
house, at Preston the people refused to sing Genevan psalms, and at Winwick one member of 
the congregation signified his disapproval by singing Latin psalms at the top of his voice. 69 
When the Jesuit priest John Wilson required safe houses in 1596, he moved around Farington, 
Ulnes Walton, Brindle, Houghton, and Rishton, all in the Preston area (see p 86). Preston 
and Lancaster had a Corpus Christi play as late as 1603 (see p 29). Lonsdale, however, had only 
a small recusant problem and was neither obviously Catholic nor protestant. Amounderness 
and Lonsdale were predominantly royalist in the Civil War, which points to a degree of conser 
vatism. 70 

Action against Catholic recusancy was reasonably energetic under Bishop William Chader- 
ton, who took over the see of Chester in 1 579. A bishop of Chester, as noted above, had four 
instruments for the rule of his diocese: the consistory, the visitation court, the rural deans, and 
the ecclesiastical commission. Diocesan visitations were probably the most effective of these 
means; they revealed 428 Lancashire recusants in 1 582, 700 in 1 590, eighty-four in 1 592, 724 
in 1596, 498 in 1598, 754 in 1601, and 3,516 in 1604. Clearly Bishop Vaughan s visitation of 
1604 was much more effective in seeking out Catholic recusants than any of Bishop Chader- 
ton s had been. Metropolitan visitations showed 304 recusants in 1578, 534 in 1590, and 481 
in 1 595, while the one in 1630 revealed 3.433. 71 By comparison, the JPS at the Lancaster assizes 
in 1587 presented 600 recusants and indicted eighty-seven (see p 224). 

Despite all this persecution, Catholics continued to do well in Lancashire even in the late 
1590s. John Gerard saw masses in the county attended by 200 people, Richard Cowling 
implied similar numbers, and in 1598 a group of priests held a series of revivalist meetings ... 


and attracted large crowds. In the deaneries of Warrington, Amounderness and Leyland, where 
over half the gentry and several j.p.s were at least sympathetic towards Catholics, it was possible 
to pursue a separate religious life with only occasional harassment. 72 

Catholic recusants began to do well again after the death of Elizabeth I. The number of 
recusants increased and the number presented in 1604 at the bishops visitation (3,516) were 
almost exactly matched by the 3,433 presented in 1630. 7 Even as the Civil War approached, 
the Gerards of Bryn, the Blundels of Crosby, the Blundels of Ince, the Norrises of Speke, the 
Scarisbricks of Scarisbrick, the Molineux of Sefton, the Harringtons, the Fazakerleys, almost all 
the proprietors of the estates along the coast between the Mersey and the Ribble, were more or 
less devotedly attached to the Catholic faith. 74 As Adam Martindale remarked, the gentry of 
the sea-coast were almost wholly papists. 75 Many of the principal families of the hundred of 
Leyland were also Catholic, as the Bannisters of Bank, the Heskeths of Rufford, the Andertons 
of Euxton, the Andertons of Lostock, and the Charnocks of Heath Charnock. 76 Lancashire was 
to remain for centuries the most Catholic county in England. 

Sabbatarian Campaign of 1587-8 and Its Aftermath 

Puritan ministers could not have been wholly dissatisfied with Bishop Chaderton. He set up 
preaching exercises under the control of the puritan preachers in 1579. The official attitude 
towards clerical Puritans did not stop at mere tolerance of their offences, but extended to posi 
tive favour towards them and their methods. 77 The aspect of Catholicism most detested by 
puritan divines was its alleged encouragement of sabbath breaking and in 1587 Edward Fleet- 
wood, rector ofWigan from 1570 to 1604 and a JP, set himself to the task of purging Sundays 
of all sports and pastimes. Fleetwood was a busy correspondent with the central government; 
in Patrick Collinson s phrase, he was the government s Protestant conscience in Lancashire. 78 
The climate for a Sabbatarian campaign was favourable: Chaderton countenanced puritanical 
ministers; Burghley, lord treasurer, was a sympathetic member of the privy council; and war 
with Spain fostered a sense of the necessity for national discipline. The Privy Council thought 
that Sunday "side-shows" were especially organized "by such as are evil affected in religion" to 
draw people from "the service of God", and it was this feeling that the sabbath was being delib 
erately sabotaged, as much as Puritan sympathy, which led to the long series of restrictions on 
Sunday games. 79 In seeking to make popular pastimes such as piping unlawful at any time on 
Sunday, the campaigners were trying to apply a stricter rule to Lancashire than generally pre 
vailed. Canon law prohibited piping (and other activities) on Sunday while services were being 
held or in sacred space, such as the church itself or the churchyard, but not during the whole 
day. Perhaps this greater strictness was a factor in the eventual breakdown of the campaign. 

The Sabbatarian campaign documents printed in this collection are far from being precisely 
dated, but they have been placed in the order which gives the best sense of unfolding events. A 
report headed Lankisshire 6V: Chesshire (see p 219) is probably an attack on the old ecclesias 
tical commission of 1587 and seems to be Fleetwood s work. It was probably aimed at chang 
ing the composition of the new ecclesiastical commission, due to be named in 1587. Next 
a group of seventeen Lancashire preachers made a report on sabbath breaking and popish 


survivals (see pp 219-20). Following upon this came a proposal by sixteen Lancashire JPS (see 
pp 220-1). Fleerwood signed the former document and his relative Edmund the latter. The 
JPS suggested that the quarter sessions be used as the principal means of dealing with sabbath 
breakers, but that the chief authors of Sunday sports be arrested immediately and taken before a 
jp for punishment. On 7 September 1587, Fleerwood wrote a long letter to Lord Burghley con 
cerning the new commission of the peace for Lancashire (see pp 221-6). Evidently some men 
had been displaced from the commission and others put on it and the displaced men felt bitter. 
Next, probably, comes Fleetwood s letter headed The enormities of the Sabothe in \zncashire 
are these (see p 226). This letter echoes the language of the proposal of the sixteen JPS. Fleet- 
wood proposes that letters be sent by the archbishop of York, the earl of Derby, a bishop, Lord 
Strange, and perhaps the chancellor and vice-chancellor of the duchy to the Lancashire justices 
of assize, the sheriff, and the JPS, calling on them to use the quarter sessions for prosecutions 
and to arrest the chief authors of Sabbath disturbances for immediate presentation before a jp. 
Following up on this letter, on 10 December 1587, the earl of Derby, Sir Francis Walsingham, 
and Sir Gilbert Gerard wrote to Lord Strange, the bishop of Chester, the sheriff, and the Lan 
cashire JPS (see pp 226-7). They proposed that the recipients read over certain articles enclosed 
in their letter and put them into effective execution. (The articles referred to by Derby, Wals 
ingham, and Gerard are probably preserved in the Kenyon Memorandum Book, which also 
contains a copy of the proposals on f 62v). The proposals were put into effect early in 1 587/8, 
as surviving presentments from Ashton under Lyne, Edenfield, Manchester, and Rochdale show 
(see pp 4, 20, 58, and 89-90). 

By 1590 the campaign was going badly. The bishop of Chester wrote to the privy council that 
sabbath breaking was common and that the violations were upheld by the gentry and the better 
son. On 12 October 1590, Fleerwood wrote to Burghley that assize judge Thomas Walmesley 
was the major problem: Tor our Churches eve* in this shorte time of his govermewt are excead- 
inglie emptied of our people, and the streets and Alehouses filled w/th all desolute and Riotous 
Concourse, the Saboth, and the holie excersises profayned w/th lewd games & pastimes, where- 
vnto his speaches of allowaunce have given to the headie multitude no smalle Incouragemete. 
He also commented that JPS omitted their friends among the recusants from returns." 

The Sabbatarian campaign did not fade away immediately, however. There was a present 
ment at Ormskirk on 9 July 1590 for Sunday piping and three more at Preston on 12 July 
1 590 for Sunday rushbearing, piping, and bear-baiting (see pp 19, 14, 23-4,70). On 29 April 
1601 Ralph Shelmerden was presented for Sunday ape-baiting and at Manchester on 1 5 July 
that year John Thompson was presented for Sunday piping (see pp 89, 1 13). 

Sabbatarianism became an issue again in 1616 when Justice Edward Bromley signed orders 
at Lancaster assizes on 8 August suppressing Sunday sports and pastimes in any part of the day 
and on church festivals when service was in progress. 

The challenge to these orders came swiftly. In August 1617 certain persons got the ear of 
James I when he visited Hoghton Tower and he granted permission for Sunday sports and pas 
times after the afternoon sermon or service was over. Finding himself under attack from papists 
and puritans for this concession, James became draconian. Puritans and precisians could cither 
conform to James edict or leave the country (see p 230). He permitted piping, dancing, 


archery for men, leaping, vaulting, and rushbearing, but proscribed bear- and bull-baiting, 
interludes, and bowling. Catholic recusants and non-attenders at church were, of course, per 
mitted no concessions. This declaration was written at Gerard s Bromley in Staffordshire 
shortly after the king had left Lancashire. The version of 1618, from Greenwich, was more lib 
eral. It added may games, Whitsun ales, morris dances, and the setting-up of maypoles and 
other sports connected with the maypole. On the other hand, piping disappeared from the list 
of concessions though the force of this omission is unclear. 

The presentment of John Johnson at Ormskirk on 5 May 1617 shows that the quarter ses 
sions continued to be used to prosecute sabbath breakers; Johnson had permitted bear-baiting 
at his house in Litherland on a Sunday (see p 32). 

The Declaration of Sports, as James is pamphlet came to be called, was reissued in 1633 by 
his son. When a Penwortham piper, John Court, repeatedly engaged in piping on Sundays at 
Croston in 1634, the vicar accused him of violating the declaration in at least three particulars 
thereby. Court was apparently arrested under the name John Coward, brought speedily before 
a JP, and bound over in the sum of 20, and another 10 was taken from his two sureties (see 
pp 15-17). These were enormous sums of money in an age when a farm labourer (the occupa 
tion of the two sureties) might earn only 1 5s a year. 82 Such summary proceedings were in 
accord with the recommendation of Derby, Walsingham, and Gerard on 10 December 1587. 



Liverpool s history begins in 1207 when King John granted a charter to the tiny hamlet. In 
1229 the burgesses-as they were then styled-bought a new charter from Henry in, by which 
they obtained an independent court with jurisdiction over all property and civil cases within its 
area, expanded trading privileges (possibly including a market), and the right to organize them 
selves into a guild merchant, able to levy dues and deny trading privileges to non-members." 
In the same year, however, the king granted the town to Ranulph, earl of Chester, and Liver 
pool remained under close baronial control until 1333, when Edward in granted a renewal of 
old charters that came near to recognizing the borough as a corporation. Nevertheless, civic 
institutions clearly made some progress during this period. The town had a bailiff in 1292 and 
two by 1309, and by 1324 it had both an ordinary court and a great court," which was prob 
ably the ancestor of the later Portmoot. By 141 1 Liverpool had had a mayor for at least half a 
century. The day-to-day administration was conducted by the mayor s court, where aldermen, 
mainly powerful ex-mayors, advised the mayor on all important business. 

In 1 41 1 a new lease of the town s fees or taxes permitted duchy of Lancaster officers to reap 
pear in Liverpool after an absence of fifty-four years, chiefly to hold the duchy court sessions 
for local tenants who held leases from the duke of Lancaster. Henry VI came to the throne in 
1422 but during his weak rule the nobles re-asserted themselves; in Liverpool this assertion 
took the form of rivalry between the Molyneuxs of West Derby and the Stanleys of Knows ley. 


The burgesses trusted the Stanleys more than the Molyneuxs. However, neither had much 
interest in preventing the town from going into inevitable decline during the chaotic years of 
Henry vis rule. Yet while the size and trade of Liverpool declined, the king s weakness allowed 
the mayor to become master of all Liverpool s courts and the borough officers to emerge before 
Edward rvs restoration (1471) as unquestioned authority over the whole population of the 
town. " In 1471 the burgesses lost the lease from the Crown which permitted them to gather 
all the town s fees in return for a round payment ( fee-farm ); in 1485 they lost it again for 
nearly two hundred years. 

Until 1450 the main regional port was Chester on the river Dee, but then silting began 
that city s slow decline and the accompanying rise of Liverpool. Clark and Slack call Liverpool 
after 1500 variously a port, a county town, and a provincial capital. 85 Yet Liverpool s rise to pros 
perity was slow; in 1 544 it was still a decayed borough. By the late sixteenth century, with the 
flax trade from Ireland and the export of fabrics to that country, Liverpool had become more pros 
perous than Chester." Liverpool had perhaps a thousand people at the end of Elizabeth s reign. 

By the time Liverpool s extant town books commence in 1 550 Liverpool was returning two 
members of parliament, but the Molyneuxs had become owners of the fee-farm (1538), which 
they held until 1777. 87 In response to Sir Richard Molyneuxs power over them, the mayor and 
burgesses formed a united oligarchy in Liverpool; the mayors continued to be little kings, with 
full executive authority during their year of office. 88 By this time, the Assembly of burgesses 
and the Portmoot were clearly separate courts, though probably both arising from an original 
borough court." The Assembly of burgesses met each year on St Luke s Day, 1 8 October, and 
appointed a new mayor and one of the two new bailiffs (the mayor chose the other). 90 The 
Assembly also voted on rates and trade regulations." The Great Portmoot, with twenty-four 
jurati, met a few days later and Voted into office for the coming year a score or more lesser 
officials, churchwardens, moss reeves, market overseers, rate assessors, etc. to which list may be 
added the town wait. 92 The Second or Little Portmoot followed shortly after (also in October) 
under the mayor and twelve jurati. In the year 1560-1, for example, the Assembly elected the 
mayor on 18 October, the Great Portmoot met on 21 October, and the Second Portmoot on 
24 October." The name Portmoot (port s meeting) may have been in use as early as the thir 
teenth century; however, its first recorded use in Liverpool occurs in the earliest town book. 
Evidently the existence of such Portmoot officers in 1552 as two levelookers (who oversaw the 
payment of trading dues), two customers (collectors of customs duties), and a keeper of the 
common warehouse implies that the Portmoot had at some point been a borough court with a 
Merchant Gild integrated into it. 94 The Portmoots dealt with the appointment and disciplin 
ing of borough officers, the failure of burgesses in an assigned service or in respecting the local 
laws, trading with outsiders, pleading at courts outside Liverpool, and so on. However, the six 
teenth-century Portmoots were mere relics of an earlier age, the real business of the town being 
transacted at the mayor s court, which dealt with all ordinary law cases. Finally, an annual audit 
court, at which the mayor presided, followed the Portmoots; the first detailed example is from 
the year 1558. 95 

The mayor s great power in Liverpool during most of the sixteenth century clearly created 
difficulties. The choleric mayor Alexander Garnet railed at twenty youngsters and imprisoned 


them all night in early January 1 564/5, merely for playing a game called a christmas towes on 
a Sunday (see pp 37-8). He could not be gainsaid but had to be pacified. In 1 579, Edward 
Halsall, the Liverpool recorder, became mayor and proposed that the Assembly of burgesses be 
replaced by a Common Council-that is, a council of the mayor, twelve aldermen, and twenty- 
four councillors who were elected by the Assembly, which thereupon would lose all its func 
tions except the election of the mayor and other officers. The Common Council would fill 
its own vacancies. It came into being on 14 January 1 579/80.* Thus the mayor s power was 
diluted by the Common Council. It is to be noted that Assemblies of burgesses were occasion 
ally held after 1580 but as Common Council meetings were also called Assembly, there is no 
way to know which is meant. 

About 1600 Liverpool entered into a period of prosperity and the Common Council began 
two important campaigns, one an effort to free itself from the power of the duchy of Lancaster 
court at Westminster and the other a struggle to win back some of the manorial rights granted 
to Sir William Molyneux in 1 538. In 1 626 the former struggle came to an end when Charles I 
granted the town a charter that turned it into an incorporated borough. Liverpool was now an 
independent entity, capable of acting like a private individual. 97 In the other campaign, how 
ever, the Common Council was at a great disadvantage since in 1628 Charles (duke of Lan 
caster, as were all sovereigns after Henry w) sold the manor of Walton, in which Liverpool lay, 
to certain citizens of London. 98 They in turn sold it to Viscount Molyneux in 1635, with the 
result that the borough did not wrest control of its own land from the Molyneux family until 

Despite Liverpool s commercial importance by 1600, we have very few records of drama or 
entertainment from the town books. There were the municipal waits, of course, but the num 
ber of acting companies known to have come to the town is surprisingly few. The explanation 
for this paucity of players lies partly in the disappearance of most of the annual audits but also 
in Liverpool s attitude to itinerants. Mostly, however, it was caused by the town s isolated loca 
tion in the extreme south-west corner of Lancashire. As was indicated earlier, the main road 
through the north-west crossed the Mersey at Warrington, some twenty miles east of Liverpool, 
and given Liverpool s very small size in the sixteenth century, few travelling companies seem to 
have been tempted to make the trip out to Liverpool and back. 

Alone among Lancashire records, Liverpool s yield an early example of civic ceremony. No 
doubt a good deal of such ceremony went unrecorded, but the occasion of the sojourn of 
Henry, thirteenth earl of Derby, in Liverpool in 1 577 is one of the most memorable passages in 
the town books. The ceremony was very elaborate and the whole was shot through with reli 
gious content. A significant day was 22 April, the eve of St Georges Day, when the earl went to 
a 5 pm service at St Nicholas Church. A procession in due order made its way into the 
church, the S^-riente bearinge the mase before Mayster Maior And then nexte after Mayster 
Maior my Lordhis honors vssher And then the said right honourable erle in his robes of rcdde 
purple his trayne beinge borne vpp (see p 42). After church a mock battle was staged, some of 
the cannon being set up in the churchyard. Even ships in the Mersey had been cast for roles in 
this realistic skirmish. The next day the whole scene was repeated: orderly and gorgeous proces 
sion to church, divine service, and mock battle, both morning and evening. St George s Day 


itself ended with a fireworks display. Liverpool could, then, provide a lavish display for an earl 
of Derby and it says much about the town that it could entertain itself so well when the occa 
sion seemed fitting. 


How old Manchester is no one now knows. It may have begun as a Celtic settlement but the 
first known habitation was a Roman fort, built at Castlefield. Indeed Manchester, known to the 
Romans as Mancunium, was the greatest centre of Roman roads in the district. 100 Its continu 
ous history begins with its re-fortification by Edward, son of Alfred the Great, in 923 and the 
name appears as Mamecestre in Domesday Book. Manchester then received a Norman over 
lord, Albert de Grelle" or his son Robert, and it remained a manor until 1838. By the thirteenth 
century, the town had an annual fair in September at Acresfield. 101 It also apparently possessed a 
borough court since there was a court called curia burgi (as well as a curia baronis ) in a man 
orial extent (valuation of land) of 1282. 02 In the charter of 1301 these were called the Port- 
manmoot (Portmoot) and Lawmoot. The Portmoot met four times annually with all 
burgesses attending in person or represented by qualified representatives and the steward of the 
manor presiding; the Lawmoot met more frequently. 103 

The Grelles held the manor until 1309; in 1301, just before their tenure ended, young 
Thomas Grelle" granted the town a charter. By this grant Thomas Grelle" was enabled to with 
draw his burgesses of Mamecestre from the jurisdiction not only of the Salford hundred court, 
but also from that of the sheriffs tourn, or county court, and to give them courts of their own 
within the town. 104 The Manchester burgesses were also empowered to elect a reeve but this 
privilege was probably subject to the steward of the manor; he chose the electing jurors of the 
borough court ( court leet ) and could therefore select them with an eye to advising them at 
the time they chose their reeve. The reeve represented the burgesses in their dealings with the 
lord of the manor. 105 

In 1309 the manor of Manchester passed to Sir John de la Warr 106 but the erection of Lan 
cashire into a county palatine interrupted the pattern of baronial control. Henry of Grosmont 
(d. 1361), a cadet of the royal family, was created duke of Lancaster in 1351. As duke he gained 
palatine rights over all Lancashire, which in turn gave him overlordship of Manchester. 107 An 
inquiry held at Preston in 1359 decided that Roger de la Warr held Manchester not as a bor 
ough but as a market town. The upshot of this was that the tenants found themselves back 
under the legal jurisdiction of Salford hundred court and the Lancashire sheriff. 108 

Early in the sixteenth century, Manchester became an important centre of woollen and linen 
manufactures; it was described by John Leland in 1538 as the fairest, best buildid, quikkest, 
and most populus tounne of al Lancastreshire. 109 William West, Lord de la Warr, mortgaged 
the manor to John Lacy, citizen and clothworker of London, and forfeited it to him in 1581. 
Lacy, evidently not finding it returning a sufficient profit, quickly disposed of it to Nicholas 
Mosley in 1596. As far as the present collection is concerned, the Mosleys dominate the 
Manchester picture up to the end of the period. Nicholas -later knighted-died in 1612 and 
was succeeded by Rowland (d. 1616) and Sir Edward (d. 1657)." 


In the sixteenth century Manchester still had two courts, the court baron and the court leet. 
However, the court baron had lost its jurisdiction beyond Manchester and vicinity and had 
degenerated into an ordinary manorial court for trial of civil actions and probably small police 
cases. It was known as the court of Manchester and met from three weeks to three weeks. It 
transacted much of the old Portmoot s business. 1 " The court leet met twice annually and dealt 
with more public matters than the court of Manchester. The extant town books begin in 1552 
and record the semi-annual meetings at Easter and Michaelmas of the court leet. All & every 
thcninhabitauncs and howseholders of the towne of mamchestr were summoned to attend and 
hned if they did not." 2 It was presided over by the lord s steward or deputy steward and its 
recorder was the lord s clerk. Its complement of jurors varied from twelve to twenty-four, all 
leading burgesses, and its jurisdiction extended only over the township of Manchester and its 
hamlets. But the court leet clung also to ancient control over constables in outlying districts, 
even in the later seventeenth century." 1 The name Manchester, it must be noted, had no pre 
cise signification until the nineteenth century; before that the name denoted simultaneously a 
town, a parish, and a manor. It appears that there were in the middle ages three separable and 
distinguishable, yet concentric, "Manchesters" ... the "Barony of Manchester" ... included 
lands in three of the [six] Lancashire hundreds -Salford, Leyland, and West Derby ... the 
"Manor of Manchester and its Members" ... were defined to be Ashton-under-Lyne, Withing- 
ton, Heaton Norris, Barton, Haughton, Heaton-with-Halliwell, Pilkington and their members 
... and the "Town of Manchester" alone without its members. " 4 The manor was primary: it 
had its centre of gravity in the township of Manchester, and the extent of both manor and 
township was very similar." 5 Hence the Manchester court leet of 1552-1846 was manorial, not 
burghal. However, when the quarter sessions came to Manchester, it was coming to the town, 
not the manor. The parish was a vast area extending nine miles north and south and another 
nine miles east and west. 

The court leet handled such township matters as food quality at the market, weights and mea 
sures, sharp trading, water courses, loose animals, sanitation, the constables, disputes between 
tenants, undesirable immigrants to Manchester, the night watch, and the waits, as well as enforc 
ing certain acts of parliament. Still, it was not the highest Manchester court, for it was possible to 
bring an action in the duchy court against the lord of Manchester manor himself." 6 Further, the 
Manchester court leet was at odds with the court leet of the hundred of Salford in the later six 
teenth century and early seventeenth century over jurisdiction. The two towns had opposed poli 
tics in the Civil War, Manchester declaring for parliament and Salford for the king." 7 

While the reeve (or boroughreeve ) was the chief officer in Manchester s borough govern 
ment, by the sixteenth century his office had become honourable rather than active. " 8 The 
steward was the chief personage in Manchester government. Pre-1581 stewards were often 
noblemen like Edward, earl of Derby, and they received an annual fee. A deputy usually 
attended the court in the steward s place. After the manor was sold to John Lacy in 1581, 
the stewards were much lesser men, typically local lawyers or lesser members of the Mosley 
family. " The collective orders of the court leet under its steward or an order of the county 
justices were the law in Manchester. 

The Manchester constables, sworn in at the court leet, were responsible for carrying out 


these orders. They were two in number, appointed by the jurors of the court leet and on 
1 October 1612 they were ordered to submit their accounts annually at Michaelmas, in a 
book initially to be kept by the constables. The extant accounts run from 1612 to 1776, with 
a gap between 1648 and 1742. From these accounts it is clear that the constables were charged 
to deal harshly with wandering, masterless individuals, among whom were evidently fiddlers 
and pipers, under the statute made Anno primo Regw/Iacobi and intytuled an acte for the 
punishenwzt of Rogues vagaboundwand sturdye beggers (1 October 1606) (see p 63). If they 
were lucky they might be escorted out of Manchester or else arrested and whipped. In 1637 
the constables paid three troupes of players to leave town but the reason on this occasion was 
evidently the plague. 

With a population of perhaps between 1,500 and 2,000 in Leland s day (1538) and 2,000 in 
Elizabeth is reign, and a parochial area of some eighty-one square miles, the town ought to 
have been an important centre of provincial culture. 20 However, the ability of the clothworker 
John Lacy, overlord from 1581 to 1596, to buy the manor is a clue to Manchester s lack of cul 
tural importance. It was a cloth town which made or handled both woollen and linen cloth. >l21 
T.S. Willan gives it only the status of a regional capital, not a provincial centre, and Clark and 
Slack call it a new town and an industrial centre after 1500. 22 

Manchester was some distance off the main north-south road through Lancashire, which 
crossed the Mersey at Warrington some fifteen miles to the west. But it was on the other main 
road which ran from Chester to York over the Pennines. It could therefore expect some visiting 
by itinerant troupes of players, but early records of drama in Manchester are almost non-exis 
tent. Faire Em, the Millers Daughter of Manchester (c 1 589-91) shows signs of being calculated 
for performance in Manchester, being highly complimentary to Sir Edmund Trafford. Edward 
Alleyn may have led Strange s men through Manchester in 1 593 on his way from Chester to 
York (see p cvii). 

The present records include numerous entries for the Manchester cockpit, in the possession 
of William Ravalde. The payment to the manor was always 22d for certain burgages in the 
Millgate, two tenements adjoining the cockpit, and the cockpit itself; it is last recorded in the 
Manor Rental Books in 1623-4 (see p 67). The cockpit had become ould in 1608-9 (see 
p 63). This small rent is accounted for by the nature of Manchester manor. Much of the 
Manchester manor property was in the form of burgages whose rent of 12 ^/p.a. was fixed by 
the charter of 1301. 12 

Manchester s civic occasions were few, to judge by the small number of references that have 
come down to us. There was an annual fair held on 20-2 September in Acresfield, east of 
Deansgate and south of Marketstead Lane, and since halberdmen were paid it was probably 
opened with ceremony. In the late Elizabethan and Jacobean period the expense fell on the 
Mosleys, but no doubt the profits went to them too. The waits were present at the fair, but 
were paid little (see pp 60-1 , 64-6). 

An instructive comparison is with the fair at Bolton, the tolls of which were farmed in 1 575 
by the earl of Derby, Ellis Ainsworth, and Sir Richard Shireburn; the syndicate paid for the 
steward s dinner for seventy-nine persons, for minstrels, for the bailiff, for tokens, for wine, and 
for fifteen toll-gatherers. Shireburn cleared 13s 8d (see p 164). 



Prescots recorded history begins in 7 Edward in (ie, 1334), when William de Dacre obtained 
a charter for a market and fair in the town. When Henry vi founded King s College, Cam 
bridge, c 1445, he granted the advowson of Prescot church to the provost and fellows of the 
college. 124 An act of parliament dated 16 March 1445/6 shows that Henry also gave King s Col 
lege confirmation of many grants of land, a few fresh grants of land, and many grants of privi 
leges in Prescot. Shortly afterwards (1 September 1447) Prescot procured a charter reflecting 
the act of parliament. By the act and charter men of Prescot became virtually tenants of the 
College. They seem to have been satisfied with this arrangement, especially as a separate char 
ter granted to King s College on 3 March 1445/6 gave further privileges to Prescot, among 
them the appointment of JPS. Leet jurisdiction was probably introduced shortly after 1447. IK 
In 1533 Edward, earl of Derby, obtained the first lease of Prescot rectory. 

In 1836, Edward Baines gave the only testimony to Prescot s pre-1642 government. He 
described the manor and liberty of Prescot as being governed by a steward, four foremen, a 
coroner, and several constables, nominated by the jury of the court leet and baron, who are 
composed of twenty-four of the principal inhabitants of the township of Prescot, and who are 
nominated by the lords of the manor, the provost, fellows, and scholars of King s College, 
Cambridge. A court baron, or court of requests, is held for causes to any amount every fort 
night in the town-hall, which was erected in 1765, and in which the records of the town are 
preserved. There is also a general court baron held on Corpus Christi, and special courts with 
which a court leet is held. 126 

In the earliest Prescot record in this volume, dated 4 April 1510 (see p 77), we find that the 
court ( with view of frankpledge ) was presided over by two commissioners of Thomas Stanley, 
earl of Derby. The Four Men of Prescot are mentioned as early as 1 536, however. In 1608 the 
Four Men were presiding over the court leet (see p 78), as it was styled from 1 559 onwards. 127 
One may surmise that given the proximity of Prescot to Knowsley, the main seat of the Stan 
leys, earls of Derby, the Stanleys had been chief stewards for a long time and that they normally 
chose the Four Men. Moreover, the record of 1609 (see p 80) shows that the earl of Derby 
employed a minor relative, Henry Stanley, as deputy steward in the court. This was among the 
most active courts leet in Lancashire during the period of the Records, dealing with issues rang 
ing from public sanitation to good order, as well as questions of tenure. 128 

The presence of Knowsley next to this small town, which seems to have had little more 
than 400 inhabitants c 1592, meant that sports and pastimes would be fairly well protected. 29 
A cockpit is mentioned in a survey of 1 592 and later (see p 77), and a playhouse, not men 
tioned in 1592, had been built before 7 February 1602/3 but converted into tenements by 


Lancashire, being an extremely poor and remote county, appears to have had no religious 
houses at all before the Norman Conquest. The Benedictines were the first to move in, found- 


ing at Lancaster a daughter house to the abbey of St Martin of Se"ez in Normandy (1094). In 
the twelfth century the abbey of Evesham and the cathedral priory of Durham, both Benedic 
tine, built tiny houses at Penwortham and Lytham. In 1319 the Benedictine priory of St John 
of Pontefract, Yorkshire, founded a daughter house at Up Holland, near Wigan. The Cister 
cians, who sought out isolation, built two major abbeys in Lancashire, Furness (1 127) and 
Whalley (begun in 1296). Apart from monasteries, there were six houses for canons in the 
county also, four Augustinian priories at Burscough, Cartmel, Cockerham, and Conishead, and 
two Premonstratensian houses at Cockersand and Hornby. Cockersand was a large abbey, 
essentially a monastery. Franciscan friars built at Preston, Dominicans at Lancaster, and Augus- 
tinians at Warrington. 131 


Lytham Priory was located on the north bank of the mouth of the River Ribble. It was founded 
between 1 191 and 1 194 by Richard Fitz Roger, a local magnate. 1 " The house was little better 
than a grange serving as a headquarters from which the monks could manage the estates of the 
mother house at Durham; it accommodated only one or two monks besides the prior. 

Lytham Priory was relatively prosperous but for much of the time from the early fifteenth 
century until the dissolution its priors were on bad terms with many of the local landowners. 
The exception was the priorate (1431-46) of William Partrike, a rather acquisitive monk who 
took the side of the local magnates against the mother house and tried unsuccessfully to detach 
Lytham from its dependence on Durham. 1 " In view of the smallness of the house and the poor 
relationship with local gentry, it would seem that Lytham had little need for minstrels; the large 
number of payments to minstrels is therefore rather surprising, as is their absence from precisely 
the period of Partrike s priorate. Some of the early payments which include minstrels are 
undoubtedly due to the friendship between the Durham monks and the family of John of 
Gaunt but the later ones probably simply reflect the relative prosperity of the cell. The lump 
sums drop to a low level in 1464-5 before rising modestly and sinking again in 1490-1, 
becoming fixed at 10s from 1506-7 onwards. (Only in two years, 1454-5 and 1455-6, are 
payments made solely to minstrels.) Payments explicitly including minstrels stop before the dis 
solution of the cell in 1535. Except under Partrike, Lytham, like the other cells of Durham, 
made regular contributions to support the boy bishop of the mother house. 


Whalley Abbey, parts of which are still standing today, was a large foundation originally estab 
lished at Stanlaw in the WirraJ of Cheshire but translated to Whalley in Lancashire in 1296 
through the good offices of the powerful de Lacy family of Clitheroe." 4 The site was doubtless 
chosen for its proximity to the river Calder and for its rich pasture. Whalley Abbey did not do 
as well as Furness, as its late accounts reveal. In 1 535 Whalley Abbey had a gross income of 
550, but it had to spend a full 200 a year on the stipends of the vicars of its four dependent 
churches and on fees for its temporal officers. 1 " In 1381 the abbey had twenty-four monks but 


by the dissolution in 1 538 it was down to thirteen. 116 For his part in the Pilgrimage of Grace of 
1 536, its last abbot, John Paslew, was hanged, along with two other monks. 


Lancashire was dotted with gentlemen s houses, as William Smith reported in 1 588 (see p xiv). 
Lord Burghley s 1590 map (see p cxxi) marks with a cross those recusant houses requiring extra 
coercion; this excellent guide gives information on about 145 landed families. Only twenty- 
three families have left records relevant to this collection and only five of them-Hoghton of 
Hoghton Tower, Shireburn of Stonyhurst, Shuttleworth of Smithills and Gawthorpe, Stanley 
of Knowsley, Lathom House, and New Park, and Walmesley of Dunkenhalgh-have left such 
plentiful records of drama and entertainment that extended background detail is called for. 


The records concerning this family are confined in this collection to c 1 578 and 1617. The 
Thomas Hoghton who wrote the c 1578 letter to his half-brother Richard restored Hoghton 
Tower but fled to Antwerp in 1569. Since Thomas son, being a Catholic priest, could not 
inherit, the next head of the family was his brother, Alexander Hoghton of the Lea. Alexander, 
another Catholic, survived his brother by only a year and died childless; his will appears in the 
Records." 7 The next heir was Alexander s half-brother Thomas, who was killed in 1589. His 
son Richard Hoghton was made a ward of Sir Gilbert Gerard and raised a protestant; he was 
high sheriff of Lancashire in 15989, knighted in June 1599, and raised to the baronetcy in 
1611. This Sir Richard, a favourite of King James, was the king s host at Hoghton Tower in 
1617, where he died in 1630. He never fully recovered financially from the royal visit and was 
Tor some years imprisoned for debt in the Fleet. " 8 


The records for this family in this volume are mainly from 1 569-76, when Sir Richard Shire- 
burn was lord of the manor of Stonyhurst, near Clitheroe. He was a commissioner for the dis 
solution of the monasteries under Henry vm and for the sale of the dissolved chantry estates 
under Edward vi " and he spent a good deal of time at Knowsley and Lathom House in the 
earl of Derby s service; at various times, Shireburn, a man of local eminence in his own right, 
was the third earl of Derby s treasurer of the household, receiver of the southern estates and 
governor of the Isle of Man; and the fourth earl s household steward. 140 He was a JP and an 
ecclesiastical commissioner but no doubt was one of those commissioners who slowed down its 
work; Edward Fleetwood complained of the Commission in 1587 that smale reformaa on hath 
bene had in those Counties [Lancashire and Cheshire] as maie appere by the emptynes of 
Churches on Sondaies and hollidayes in the tyme of devine Smiice, mulrytude of Bastards, 
and abundance of dronckardw (see p 219). Shireburn was mentioned by Edward Fleetwood in 
his 7 September 1 587 letter to Lord Burghley as a member of Lord Derby s council and Fleet- 


wood implied that Shireburn was a barely satisfactory commissioner (see p 223). On a public 
occasion he might sign orders for sabbath observance, as he did in late 1 587 (see p 221). He 
was reported to the privy council in 1 591 as a temporizer, one who attended Anglican services 
but was secretly a Catholic. His wief, children, and famylie, for the most parte, seldome come 
to churche, and never communycate, and some of his daughters married and not knowne by 
whom, but suspected by masse priests; and intelligence to the Papists of Lancas/>/>r, as appereth 
by a Wrre. latelie deliwrd ov<rr to the Uordships. He died in 1 594 and was succeeded by his 
son, another Sir Richard, who died in 1628. 141 

The son (c 1591-1667) of this second Sir Richard Shireburn patronized players, who 
appeared at Dunkenhalgh on 3 January 1628/9, and this third Sir Richard himself visited at 
Christmas 1634/5 (see pp 197, 207-8). " 2 In the eighteenth century Stonyhurst was presented 
to the Jesuits and it is now Stonyhurst College, a Catholic school for boys. 


This family s records cover two successive houses, Smithills and Gawthorpe (both of which still 
stand) in east Lancashire. When Richard Shuttleworth (c 1541-99) of Gawthorpe, senior jus 
tice for the county palatine of Chester and a knight by 1589, married Margery Barton of 
Smithills, he became master of the house. He entertained and rewarded mostly local players at 
Smithills. His legal rights at Smithills ended with his wife s death in 1 592. The building of the 
present Gawthorpe Hall began in 1600 under the supervision of his brother and heir, 
Lawrence, and the new house was ready by 1606. Lawrence, who was rector of Whichford, 
Warwickshire, had no entertainers in the house, possibly on principle. He died in February 
1607/8 and was succeeded by his nephew Richard, who was then about twenty-one. Richard 
had already married an heiress, Fleetwood Barton, and the couple lived at Gawthorpe all their 
lives. 143 This couple entertained and rewarded numerous playing troupes, all patronized by gen 
try or nobility. In 1641 he responded, as MP for Preston, to the House of Commons call to see 
the ordinance of the militia put in force in Lancashire. 144 He fought on the parliamentarian 
side in the Civil War and in 1643 defeated the troops of James, Lord Derby, near Whalley. He 
died in 1669. Shuttleworth was considered crafty; it is noteworthy that James I in his August 
1617 progress through Lancashire did not stay at Shuttleworth s house at Barton near Myer- 
scough, though it lay on his route. Rumour said Shuttleworth had burned the hall down rather 
than incur the expense of entertaining James. 145 His sister Helen married Sir Ralph Assheton of 
Great Lever and Whalley, who was fond of horse-racing in his younger days. 14 * 


The famous house of Stanley, earls of Derby, began its climb to power in the fourteenth cen 
tury. The foundations of the family fortune were laid in 1385 when Sir John Stanley ... a dis 
tinguished soldier, married Isabel, five years later heiress of Sir Thomas Lathom, owner of 
considerable estates centred upon Lathom and Knowsley in Lancashire. 147 Lathom House was 
near Ormskirk and next to its park lay New Park; Knowsley, near Prescot, still stands, largely 


rebuilt in the eighteenth century. The family took its greatest leap upward when Sir John Stan 
ley s great-grandson, Sir Thomas Stanley (c 1433-1504), married Lady Margaret Beaufort, the 
widowed mother of the future Henry vn in 1482. At the battle of Bosworth Field (1485), Sir 
Thomas intervened late but decisively for Henry Tudor; his reward was the earldom of Derby. 
Two years later, in 1487, when Sir Thomas Stanley joined Henry vii to defeat Lambert Sim- 
nel s rebellion, he earned four sets of Lancashire estates forfeited by Simnels Lancashire sup 
porters. 148 

At the date when Stanley records are relevant to the present collection, the earl of Derby was 
Edward, the twelfth earl, or third of the new creation. Edward (1509-72) was a religious con 
servative, ie, a Catholic sympathizer; his behaviour during and after the Pilgrimage of Grace 
was dilatory. 149 During Edward vi s reign he opposed all the radical religious legislation and in 
the next reign he pursued a fairly active role in the persecution of Protestant heresy. 1 * He was 
pleased at Queen Mary s restoration of Catholic practices and naturally he played his part in 
the inactivity of Bishop Downham and Lancashire authorities against Catholic recusants in the 
1 560s and early 1570s. 151 

Earl Henry (1531-93), following the bountiful example of his father, kept perhaps the 
greatest state of any of the earls of Derby; he had spent his formative years at court and his 
households were run on a lavish scale. The main Derby house at Knowsley was set up in the 
sixteenth century like the royal establishment. By the late 1 580s it had a steward, treasurer, 
controller of the household, grooms of the bedchamber, clerks of the kitchen-l40 servants and 
dependents in all. Naturally Knowsley, Lathom House, and New Park were magnets for major 
acting troupes, perhaps invited by the earl when he was in London on privy council business in 
1 586-9. In those years the earl of Leicester s company came to play at Lathom House, the 
queen s players came to New Park, Lathom House, and Knowsley, and Essex s players came to 
Knowsley (see pp 180-2). 

Henry did not regret England s breach with Rome ... and although he did not put a 
political foot wrong in Mary s reign, he felt more at home after Elizabeth had re-established the 
Church of England. 152 Yet he was not prepared to persecute recusants. He sat on the Chester 
ecclesiastical commission of 1 579 but it made little headway against a variety of abuses (see pp 
218-19). Indeed, Earl Henry could not appear, any more than his father before him, to be too 
committed to the anti-Catholic cause, since many of his landed neighbours were Catholics. 153 
Edward Fleetwood criticized him in 1587 in his letter to Burghley, remarking of his own sab- 
batarian campaign that I feare no thinge therein but my Lord of Derby his discontinuance 
(see p 225). However, by 1589 he was earning praise from Queen Elizabeth as the principal 
cause of the staying of the country [Lancashire] from falling into Popery, and he had leading 
puritan divines at Knowsley and Lathom to preach (William Leigh, John Caldwell, Richard 
Midgley, Robert Eaton, Oliver Carter, Peter Shaw, Thomas Hunt, and Edward Flecrwood, all 
but three of them involved in the Sabbatarian campaign of 1587-8). l54 The author of A Vewe 
of ye State of ye Countie Palatine of Lancaster, bothe for Religion and Civill government, 
written in 1590, remarks that Henry Stanley hath preachinge in his house Sabothly, by the 
best preachers in ye countie, and he giveth honorable countenaunce to all the professors of reli 
gion, and is very forwarde in the publique actions for religion. 1 



Henry patronized players who were regularly attracting audiences at such places as Coventry, 
Exeter, Dover, and Stratford-on-Avon during the first ten years of Henry s "regime." They 
received their first summons to play at court in February 1 580. Companies of players frequently 
visited Lathom or Knowsley. Bagley claims that in the summer of 1 587 Earl Henry arranged a 
month-long festival of plays at Lathom. 156 Though this account may be greatly exaggerated, 
Henry freely mingled his encouragement of puritan preachers with hospitality to players, even 

on a Sunday. 

The fourteenth earl of Derby, Ferdinando (c 1559-94) (styled Lord Strange in his father s 
lifetime) lasted from 1 593 to 1 594 only; some at the time thought that he was poisoned for 
failing to join a Catholic plot against Queen Elizabeth. His brother William (c 156 1-1 642) 
became the fifteenth earl, a peer who loved the drama perhaps more than any other in England. 
He may be characterized as politically unambitious; he wrote comedies for common players in 
1599 and after 1617 devoted himself to horse-racing and music. 157 He began to give up his 
office of lord lieutenant of Lancashire and Cheshire in 1626, sharing it with his son, who grad 
ually in this and other respects took over the duties of the head of the family. 158 His players are 
frequently found visiting Lancashire houses in this collection. 

Williams son, James, Lord Strange (1607-51), became the sixteenth earl in 1642; he had 
married in 1626 Charlotte de la Tremoille, the grand-daughter of William the Silent and well- 
connected with most of the Protestant nobility of France and the Low Countries. >1M James early 
gave encouragement to puritans. He was to some extent a patron of the puritan divines in the 
diocese of Chester. Charles Herle, for example, was tutor or chaplain to his lordship in the 
1620s, and it was to the Stanleys that Herle-like Caldwell before him-owed his advancement 
to the wealthy rectory of Winwick. 160 Yet James also acted in courtly masques. l6 Not surpris 
ingly, he sat on the fence as long as he could in the emerging conflict between king and parlia 
ment. 1 " He finally declared for the king in the Civil War and was despatched to the Isle of Man 
in June 1643 to secure it for the king, leaving his wife to defend Lathom House against the par 
liamentarian forces. In February 1643/4 Sir Thomas Fairfax laid siege to the house, but Prince 
Rupert raised the siege that spring. The earl had returned to Lancashire earlier but had been 
unable to help. 1 * 5 

Charlotte and her children sailed for the safety of the Isle of Man in July 1644 and Earl 
James joined them. The presence of the Stanley household in the Isle of Man accounts for the 
masques held at Castle Rushen (see Appendix 5). Lathom House was besieged again in 1644/5 
and surrendered in December. It was so damaged that it does not appear to have been used 
again after the Restoration. 164 Earl James did not leave the Isle of Man again until August 1651 
but his efforts in defence of Charles II were no more successful than his efforts for Charles I. He 
was executed at Bolton in 1651. As his father had done, James Stanley patronized players. 


Like Sir Richard Shuttleworth, Thomas Walmesley (1537-1612) grew rich through the legal 
profession. Son of Thomas Walmesley of Showley, he was called to the bar at Lincoln s Inn in 
1567 and in 1571 was able to buy Dunkenhalgh Manor from Ralph Rishton. DunkenhaJgh, 


near Clayton le Moors and about five miles from Gawthorpe, was an estate of over 100 acres; 
as Walmesley became successively serjeant-at-law (1 580), justice of the common pleas (1589), 
and a knight (1603), he added to his holdings by purchases throughout north-east Lancashire 
and in Yorkshire. 165 

Walmesley was a temporizing conformist who died a Catholic. He evinced extraordinary 
independence for that arbitrary period. In 1583 he made before the court of common pleas a 
stout but ineffectual attempt to sustain the validity of papal dispensations and other faculties 
issued during the reign of Queen Mary. His vigour gained him respect, and he does not seem 
to have been seriously molested.... His wife was a staunch recusant. 166 In a letter to Burghley 
dated 12 October 1 590 (already quoted on p xxv above) Edward Fleerwood had complained 
bitterly ofWalmesley s new judicial influence. 167 According to Fleetwood, Walmesley actively 
opposed the puritan Lancashire preachers: 

ffor he not onelie enforced in his publike Charge the matters of inconformitie in a Crosse 
or a Surplice against ye preachers as highe pointwof martinisme, meet to be equallie 
wayed in the ballance w/ th popishe Recusancie (as he affirmed) but indeed wz th a more 
vnequall ballance then he vsed to the Recusantw, he gave out special! Articles extracted 
out of the Statute to ye Queenes Attourney ... since which we heare of his bitter 
threatning in many places breathed against vs. 168 

Walmesley s son, another Thomas (1574-1642), was apparently a Catholic but probably a 
temporizer until 1632. James I knighted him during his visit to Lancashire in 1617. l69 Thomas 
second wife Mary Hoghton seems to have been a recusant, despite being the daughter of Sir 
Richard Hoghton, a protestant. 170 The couple frequently had entertainers at Dunkenhalgh and 
all the Walmesley records printed in this volume come from the period of their tenure of the 

Drama, Music, and 
Popular Customs 

Travelling Entertainers 

The earliest references to entertainment in Lancashire are those of the Lytham Priory accounts. 
Histriones appeared at the priory in 1352-3 and the following two years but the notices are 
too scanty to permit any speculation as to the kind of entertainment they provided (see p 114). 
The Lytham Priory accounts have many summary payments to minstrels but they do not item 
ize minstrels visits. However, at Whalley Abbey such payments are listed separately each year. 
For example, at the beginning of the surviving accounts (1485), twenty-six payments were 
made to minstrels. At the end of the abbey s full run of accounts (1536), thirty-two payments 
were made, showing that the frequency of their visits was roughly the same as it had been fifty- 
one years earlier (see p 143). All the entries at Lytham Priory and Whalley Abbey which employ 
the term ministrallis may refer to musical performers or even to players. 

At Lytham Priory, the minstrels are associated with members of the ducal household in 
lump-sum payments in the earlier entries (see pp 1 14-16), but later they are bracketed with 
beggars (see p 122). Perhaps this indicates a drop in their social status. The total reward seems 
to have gone up for a time after this but it may simply be that more charitable giving was 
needed. In 15141 5 the minstrels are no longer grouped with mendicants (see p 127). 

Payments to minstrels and bearwards were made at Whalley Abbey from 1485 to 1537, a pe 
riod of fifty-two years with a two-year gap in 1 506-8. The first 189 years of accounts are miss 
ing. Over the fifty years for which we have accounts, minstrels were paid over 20s early on and 
towards the end over 40s for performing over the year (see pp 128, 143). In 1 531 an exceptional 
payment of 10s was made to a minstrel or minstrels of the princess, presumably Mary, daughter 
of Henry vin (see p 142). Bearwards got 8d early on and at the end of the period 4s 4d, with 
widely varying payments in the years between (see pp 128-44). 

A mimus and his wife (travelling performers?) stayed with one Bulcock at Wheatley Booth 
in 1559 (see p 99). Troupes of players are first found at Liverpool in 1571 when an order was 
made against players of interlude, as Comyn, Rude, &: agrest players (see p 39), and in 1574 
Lord Monteagles players, the first named company in this collection, were paid 10s 4d for 
playing at Liverpool, presumably before the mayor and burgesses (see p 41). Sir Richard Shire- 
burn gave his ward Thomas Langton 20s to attend the play of Leyland in 1 575 and he paid 3s 


4d to the players of Walton on 26 December that year (see p 164). The players at Leyland and 
the players of Walton must have been amateurs. 

The appearance of named troupes of players in Lancashire may perhaps be connected with 
a royal proclamation of 3 January 1 571/2 which called for enforcement of centuries-old 
statutes that forbade noblemen and gentlemen to permit their liveries to be worn by persons 
not their actual servitors. The Act for the Punishment of Vagabonds dated 29 June 1572 fol 
lowed this proclamation; it was designed to clear away all masterless men from the highways. 
It provided, among other things, that all Fencers Bearewardes Comon Players in Emerludes 
& Minstrels, not belonging to any Baron of this Realme or towards any other honorable Per 
sonage of greater Degree ... shalbee taken adjudged and deemed Roges Vacaboundes and 
Sturdy Beggers, and as such shalbe adjudged to bee grevouslye whipped. 171 The Liverpool 
order of 25 October 1 571 anticipated the proclamation by a few months but it too called for 
itinerant entertainers to be connected with a city or worshipful corporation or right hon 
ourable and right worshipful patrons (see p 39). Acting troupes scrambled for patronage after 
June 1572. 

However, evidence of troupes of players with patrons in Lancashire is more likely to be 
connected with the survival of records than with the royal proclamation. Records begin only in 
the late sixteenth century in any abundance and named troupes of entertainers in Lancashire 
records become commonplace after the 1570s. The troupes which appeared at Smithills fall 
into two groups, town players and noblemen s troupes. There seems to be no distinction in 
payments between the two groups. Thus Lord Morley s players got 2s 6d in 1 586 (see p 166) 
and Sir Peter Legh s players 5s in 1588 but at Christmas 1588 the players of Preston earned 
the same amount as Sir Peter Legh s (see p 167). The Christmas rewards are not predictable 
either; they vary from 2s (Nantwich players, 1 588/9) and 2s 6d (Downham players, 1 590/1) 
to as low as Is (Cheshire players, 1 591/2) and as high as 5s (Downham players, 1 595/6) (see 
pp 167-70). 

Almost contemporary with the Shuttleworth accounts for Smithills is the Derby household 
book. Since we have no earlier household book to compare it with, we cannot know to what 
extent the distinguished companies that came to the Derby houses did so because Derby was 
an active privy councillor in 1 586-9. The visit by the earl of Leicester s company is quite ex 
ceptional, however; Sally-Beth MacLean has noted that the appearance of Leicester s company 
at Lathom House lies well outside their normal pattern of touring. 172 In addition to Leicester s, 
the queen s and Essex s companies played at the Derby houses. More troublesome are references 
to Sir Thomas Hesketh s players and anonymous references to players. On 30 December 1587 
Sir TAow^whesketh plaiers wente awaie (see p 180). This has been taken to mean that Hes- 
keth and some players left at the same time. However, since Farington, the writer of the entries, 
sometimes used a possessive noun without the possessive V we are justified in considering that 
Hcsketh kept players in accordance with the bequest of Sir Alexander Hoghton in 1581. Hes- 
keth could not have patronized them immediately in 1581 because he was languishing in Lan 
caster gaol suspected of aiding the Jesuit campaign in Lancashire but he had re-formed them 

before 1585. 7 

The references to anonymous players offer the possibility that Strange s own company is 


sometimes meant. For example, on 31 December 1 588 at nyght a playe was had in the halle & 
the same nyght my LWstrandge came home (see p 181). It would be useful to know whether 
this unnamed company was Strange s, since that company s rise to eminence was just then be 
ginning. On 3 March 1591/2, Philip Henslowe, manager of the Rose playhouse in London, 
recorded in his diary a ne (ie, new) play, presented by Lord Strange s men, called harey the vj. 
This was doubtless one of the three parts of Shakespeare s Henry vi. Strange s men have the dis 
tinction of being the first company to be connected with a Shakespeare play. 17 

The two visits of the queen s company in 1589 show how important the earls household was 
at that time. The company came to play at Lathom House on 6 and 7 July and then left head 
ing north (see p 181). They reached Carlisle, the limit of their tour, and turned back south, 
performing again at Knowsley on 6 and 7 September (see pp 181-2). Eventually the company 
did go to Edinburgh and were shown great kindness by the earl of Bothwell, according to a 
letter of 22 October from William Asheby to Lord Burghley. They probably performed before 
the king but not before the queen. James sailed to fetch Anne of Denmark on 22 October, by 
which time the queen s men were in Coventry. 175 Probably this queen s company, formed at her 
request in 1 583, 176 was the most important company to play in Lancashire in the entire period 
before 1642. 

In the Shuttleworth accounts payments to players cease between 1 595/6 and 1609 but fre 
quent payments to players pick up again in 1609. The younger Richard Shuttleworth, master 
of Gawthorpe after 1608, soon improved on the best rewards (5s) given at Smithills. He failed, 
however, to have any town players at Gawthorpe. In 1609 Lord Derby s players got 6s 8d, and 
Distley s company got 20s in 1609/10 (see pp 170-1). In 1612 rewards were at their peak, 
Lord Monteagle s men earning a princely 50s (see p 173). Thereafter the rewards drop off to 
amounts that vary from 20s to 3s 4d (see pp 175, 177). What factors governed these rewards 
are difficult to discern now. In 1983 I speculated that the companies that came to Gawthorpe 
came on Lord Derby s account: in a nutshell, they were his [Derby s] own company and those 
of his aunts husbands. 177 Shuttleworth may, then, have been honouring the earl of Derby in 
welcoming players to Gawthorpe. 

The queen s men played at Gawthorpe on 10 March 1617/18 and were again in Lancashire 
on 5 June that year, when one of the Four Men of Prescot attacked a queen s player and the 
players retaliated (see p 83). 

Contemporary with the Shuttleworth Gawthorpe accounts and extending much later are the 
Walmesley accounts. Items relating to entertainers begin in late 1612 and end at Christmas 
1638. Over these twenty-six years the Walmesleys had fifty-nine visits by troupes of players at 
the house. Since Thomas Walmesley also had an estate at Cowthorpe in Yorkshire where he 
lived a great deal, that might account for the few visits of players to Dunkenhalgh. 178 

Payments to players visiting Dunkenhalgh start with 2s to a Lancashire company (Mr 
Warren s men, see p 184) but Lord Derby s and Lord Monteagle s players got 20s and 13s 4d 
in 1613-14 (see p 185), in line with what was paid at Gawthorpe for these companies. The 
queen s men commanded 30s in 1615 and 1616, and so did Lady Elizabeth s men in 161 6 
(see p 186). Thereafter rewards tended to drop off somewhat, Lord Derby s men getting 20s 
in 1617 and Lady Elizabeth s only 10s in January 1617/18 (see p 188). However, these pay- 



merits were supplemented by overnight stays with meals in 1620 (see p 190) and later. An 
exceptional 40s was paid to Lady Elizabeth s men in January 1620/1 (see p 191). The royal 
companies, together with lords and knights troupes, form the bulk of the entries relating to 
players but these entries stop about 1630, apart from three visits by Lord Strange s men in 

On 16 December 1624 the king s players came for the next to last time and apart from their 
visit of 1 1 December 1628, they proved to be the last of the royal companies to visit Dunken- 
halgh. No satisfactory explanation has been found for this change but the same thing seems to 
have happened at Londesborough in Yorkshire after 4 January 1624/5, when the king s men 
visited there for the last time. 179 It may be that the road through east Lancashire into Yorkshire 
proved too unrewarding for these major companies. Nicholas Assheton was with a party in 
1618 that went into east Lancashire from Bradford, Yorkshire, and Assheton s editor remarks 
that the road from Bradford ran to Luddenden and over the Long Causeway into Lancashire, 
bleak country indeed. 180 

The companies that replaced these royal ones were actors companies, headed by Richard 
Bradshaw, Ellis Guest, and William Perry. They began to visit in February 1624/5 and contin 
ued to come until January 1630/1 apart from one visit by Bradshaw s in 1635 (see pp 193, 
203, 209). The only troupe of these three that was not very welcome was Guest s, under suspi 
cion but paid 20s on 1 9 July 1 630 (see p 200 and p 360, endnote to LRO: DDPtl f [27v]), 
accepted for an overnight stay in October that year (see p 201), and turned away with 10s on 
16 February 1631/2 (see p 204). Guest appears to have represented his company as Lady Eliza 
beth s but the steward was not deceived. Twenty shillings seems to have been the standard pay 
ment for these actors companies, with a peak of 40s for Perry s in 1625 (see p 194). 

Walmesley also had local amateur companies at Dunkenhalgh. The players of Downham, 
Ribchester, and Clitheroe came in February 1620/1, Christmas 1624/5, and Christmas 1628/9 
respectively, usually being paid 10s (see pp 191-2, 197). The visits by the Whalley and Burn 
ley players fall between late 1633 and Christmas 1638/9 (see pp 204, 21 1), a period when the 
patrons and actors companies had stopped visiting Dunkenhalgh. One suspects that some fac 
tor such as recusancy fines, which Thomas Walmesley began to pay by 1632, played a part in 
the quality of companies visiting Dunkenhalgh in the 1630s but no clear cause is now ascer- 
tainable. 181 No players at all came after Christmas 1638/9 (see p 21 1). 

Apart from these three sets of household accounts, references to players in Lancashire are 
scanty. One notable entry comes from the quarter sessions (see pp 94-7). On 6 May 1632 
nine men were apprehended in a Warrington alehouse for acting a play called Henry \iu. There 
may have been enough actors for a performance, since there were allegedly others besides the 
nine who were arrested (see p 96), but they may have been members of an audience. Presum 
ably the nine men were the major offenders. Shakespeare s play of that name required about 
thirteen actors for an uncut performance. 

The nine men were performing at the time of divine service and were arrested by church 
wardens, which means that the Sabbatarian orders of 1 587 were still effective. At that time 
Derby, Walsingham, and Gerard suggested that churchwardens, along with other (civil) offi 
cers, could present sabbath breakers at the quarter sessions (see p 226-7). However, in the 



orders for the case, the JPS made it clear that any attempt by the Chester visitation court to try 
these men again would be met with a summons to the dean. The nine men had already re 
ceived condigne punishmirwt from the civil court (see p 96). 

Finally, Manchester records show a puritanical attitude to players in the 1630s. The 
constables paid 5s for Thomas Maskall s small troupe and 3s for another troupe to avoid 
the town in February 1636/7 and 6s 8d for John Costine s troupe to leave in plague time, 

Preston and Lancaster Corpus Christ! Plays 

The first allusion to the Preston Corpus Christi play is found in the letter of a Lancashire infor 
mant dated 1 596. In reporting the movements of Robert Hawksworth, he adds with apparent 
incriminating intent Mr Hawxworthe was att Preston att Corpus, christi play (see p 87). More 
light is shed on this play by John Weever, who was a Lancashire man familiar with Preston. In 
his Ancient Funeral! Monuments, he recalled a play, called Corpus Christi play in his countrey, 
which he had seen acted at Preston, Lancaster, and Kendal early in James is reign. He added 
that the latter was finally suppressed Vpon good reasons (see p 29). A further testimony was 
given in 1663-4, when John Shaw (born 1608) wrote in his memoirs that he had gone to 
Cartmel in 1644 and there heard about the Kendal Corpus Christi play. I went to Cartmell, 
about the later end of April 1644, and about the begining of May following, my wife came to 
me to Cartmell ... One day an old man (about 60) sensible enough in other things, & living in 
the parish of Cartmel, but in the chapelry of Cartmel-fell, coming to me about some business, I 
told him, yat he belonged to my care & charge, & I desired to be informed in his knowledge of 
Religion ... I told him, y<zt the way to Salvation was by I lesus Christ God-man, who as he was 
man shed his blood for us on the crosse etc. Oh, Sir (said he) I think 1 heard of that man you 
speake of, once in a play at Kendall, called Corpus-Christi play, where there was a man on a tree, 
& blood ran downe etc. 182 The old man must have been born about 1 584 and hence was old 
enough in 1603 to have seen the Kendal play as reported by John Weever. 

The dry humour of the old man s replies apparently escaped Shaw or we might have learned 
more about the content of this Corpus Christi play. Weever compared it specifically to an 
eight-day cycle at Skinners Well in London, which evidently covered the entire scriptures. Per 
haps the Stonyhurst Pageants, the subject of Appendix 6, were an attempt to compensate for 
the loss of a local Preston cycle play since they cover a great deal of the Old Testament. Yet the 
matter remains doubtful; as John Wasson has noted, the standard Corpus Christi play was a 
single play requiring no very great expense or preparation and of no exceptional length. 183 

School Plays 

Notices of school plays are sparse in Lancashire records. In its foundation deeds and statutes of 
1524, Manchester Grammar School mentioned plays but proscribed their being acted in the 
school or its library unless the school and library were kept honeste and cleynly (see p 55). 
Liverpool Grammar School had a school play in 1 572 ( paiaunccs ) and 1 574 (see pp 40-1 ) 


and Blackburn Grammar School in 1591, the interesting condition at Blackburn being that the 
plays not be in English (see p 4). What the authorities of these schools had in mind was doubt 
less classical fare based on humanist models in London area schools such as Westminster. The 
idea was that Latin and oratorical ability would be greatly enhanced by these productions. 

Playing Places 

Itinerant players who visited Lancashire or moved about the county most commonly played in 
the great halls of the homes of gentry and nobility. Players in Lancashire are found visiting the 
Hoghtons of the Lea, the Sherringtons of Wardley, the Shireburns of Stonyhurst, the Shuttle- 
worths of Smiihills and Gawthorpe, the Stanleys of Knowsley, Lathom House, and New Park, 
and the Walmesleys of Dunkenhalgh. Almost all of these halls are still standing, with the ex 
ceptions of Lathom House and New Park. 

Stonyhurst, Dunkenhalgh, and Knowsley have been altered too greatly to provide useful evi 
dence of renaissance playing spaces. Smith-ills and Gawthorpe, on the other hand, are well pre 
served buildings. Smithills has a large stone-flagged great hall with a steep gabled roof of dark 
beams filled in with white plaster. At the western end there are two big arched doorways that 
were probably screened off by a speer or freestanding hall screen, as at RufTord Old Hall. 184 
This arrangement would have made it possible for actors to enter and exit here, while the great 
hall would have seated a fairly large audience. 

Gawthorpe s great hall, built in 1600-5, has a hall screen and a railed minstrels gallery 
above. The room was altered in 1816-18 and again in 1850-2 but the hall screen and min 
strels gallery do not appear to have been much affected by these renovations although the ceil 
ing of the gallery was lowered. The hall screen is 20 4 1/2" wide by 13 7 1/2" high and its 
doorways at the highest point are 7 1 1/2" high, with a width of 3 3". There is a passage be 
tween the front of the hall screen and the great hall s south wall. What made the screen and its 
gallery ideal for playing was a small panelled bedchamber immediately behind the south wall, 
with the date 1604 on the ceiling. Two panels set in the wall enabled anyone in the bedroom 
to look out at the great hall. A stone staircase connects the gallery with the great hall and pre 
sumably at one time a door opened out of the old bedroom into the passage running across the 
minstrels gallery. Such an arrangement must have made the little bedroom a perfect green 

Gawthorpe s great hall may perhaps have seated as many as one hundred persons and could 
thus have been used as an intimate theatre similar to the halls of the Middle Temple and 
Hampton Court at this same period; though larger, they have similar arrangements of hall 
screens and minstrels galleries. 185 

Lancashire had one documented playhouse before 1642 at Prescot. William, the drama- 
loving sixteenth earl of Derby, may have encouraged its existence. It is not recorded in the 
1592 Manor of Prescot survey book but it must have been built before 7 February 1602/3 
when its builder, Richard Harrington, died. An allusion to the building as a messuage appears 
in a court roll of June 1603 and in 1609 the first reference to it as a playhouse occurs, when 
Thomas Malbon had converted it into a house for habitation (see p 80). Its life must therefore 



have been short and the building may perhaps be dated about 1595, when Richard Harrington 
acquired a cottage 1 50 yards from the site. 

The playhouse site is described as follows in the 1615 court roll: One prfrcell of Land in 
Prescott afforesayd lyinge in the vpper end of the heigh streete leadinge towards Eccleston 
neare vnto Churchley ffeeld gate: conteynige in breadth att the east end thereof neene yard &: 
tow footes and att the west end thereof fyve yardes. and conteyninge in length neeneteene 
yardw. vppon which prfrcell of Land is [a] erected a buyldinge heretofore vsed as a play howse. 
& for which there hath beene yelded to the schoole of prescott the yerely rent of ij s vj d. " 6 

The Prescot playhouse was on a site 29 feet at the east, 57 feet along the north and south, 
and 15 feet at the west end. This gives a square footage of 1,250 square feet, or about 140 
square yards, almost exactly half the area of the Fortune Theatre in London. " 7 However, the 
Prescot playhouse was probably smaller than its site. Whether it was an open-air or enclosed 
building is unrecorded. 

Another playhouse at Liverpool alluded to by antiquarians is unlikely to have existed prior to 
1642. Thomas Troughton wrote in 1810: During the reign of Charles I a small building for 
the exhibition of dramatic entertainments stood in a court at the bottom of St James street; but 
at the time of the civil war it was shut up, and continued unoccupied till the restoration. 188 
James Stonehouse in 1853 was able to add that it was erected about 1641, stood between James 
St and Redcross St, and was used occasionally by strolling players. 18 Neither of these writers 
gives his sources and no contemporary records have survived to support their statements. Given 
that Troughton wrote 170 years after the alleged playhouse was in use, its existence before the 
Restoration period must remain extremely doubtful. 


Lancashire yields copious references to music, many occurring in court records when it had be 
come a nuisance to somebody. The overall result is that piping and fiddling appear in a negative 
context here but that is an accident of surviving records. Official music, on the other hand, 
generally appears in records of appointment or reward and therefore in a fairly positive context. 

The best-organized music was that of the city and town waits. Waits, Walter L. Woodfill 
writes, originally seem to have been watchmen or sentinels in camps, castles, and other forti 
fied places, including towns, and to have played some kind of horn as an alarm or signal. By the 
fifteenth century towns were becoming the characteristic employers of waits, and in some 
towns waits were coming to be regarded as musicians primarily and watchmen secondarily. By 
the end of the sixteenth century the transition was general if not complete: waits were then mu 
nicipal musicians, who had traditional but relatively unimportant guardian functions. 190 Lan 
cashire had waits at Lancaster, Liverpool, Manchester, Preston, Salford, and Wigan. Liverpool, 
Manchester, and Salford have entries concerning waits in the town boob (see pp 35-55 pas 
sim; pp 56-67 passim; p 90); references to Lancaster s waits are found in the Shireburn Rental 
Books (see pp 163-4), in William Faringtons Expense Book (see p 30), and in Cumberland 
records; 191 Preston s waits appear in the Walmesley accounts (see pp 188, 192 and possibly 196); 
and Wigan s in the Nottingham chamberlains accounts of 1 588. 192 


Waics also came into Lancashire from Durham and from the Yorkshire towns of Halifax, 
Leeds, Pontefract, Ripon, York, and Wakefield; from Chester, if the musisioners of Chester 
who visited Smithills on 5 January 1 595/6 were waits; from Carlisle in Cumberland; from 
Nottingham; and from elande (see p 168), probably Elland near Halifax. The greatest dis 
tance travelled by any waits to east Lancashire was about 100 miles in the cases of Carlisle, 
Durham, and Nottingham. Waits from southern towns do not appear in any Lancashire 

The Liverpool record of 1 557/8 concerning Thomas Wawen, town wait, has Instrwmento 
sud glossed in the margin as cuw fistula sua ; fistula is the generic Latin term for a woodwind 
instrument. J.A. Picton claimed that waits played bagpipes and quoted (with considerable inac 
curacy) a 1 571/2 Liverpool Town Book entry which really runs This daye henrie halewod bag 
piper was admittid wayte of this Towne (see p 39). " The bagpipe was indeed a favourite 
Lancashire instrument, as Michael Drayton tells us in his Poly-Olbiorr. So blyth and bonny 
now the [Lancashire] Lads and Lasses are, / That euer as anon the Bag-pipe vp doth blow, / 
Cast in a gallant Round about the Harth they goe. " 4 In 1634 Lieutenant Hammond and his 
companions fled Lancaster and made as much haste as wee could away for all their mighty 
Bagpipes (see p 104). William Blundell wrote a country song about the Little Crosby area in 
1 64 1 in which the lads and lasses Tyr d out the bagpype and ffidle / with dauncing the 
Hornepipe and didle (see p 32). 

Yet these bagpipe references do not settle the matter of the instrument played by the waits. 
Woodfill in his discussion of waits claimed that the ordinary wait played the shawm (a double- 
reed woodwind instrument). Shawms seem to have been so long and widely established as the 
proper instrument of the watch that they and waits had become almost inseparable. " 5 How 
ever, he added, Another good marching instrument, the bagpipe, perhaps capable of the vol 
ume of sound of a whole noise of shawms, was the instrument of the lone wait of Liverpool 
and probably of some other towns that employed only one or two waits. The sackbut, also 
good on the march, was apparently the first instrument, after the shawm, that several towns 
bought for their waits. His final judgment was that It is likely that most of the larger groups 
of waits played several kinds of instruments. " 6 Liverpool is an interesting example of a town 
with a single wait. The wait here did not play the shawm as this would normally be played 
along with other instruments. He most probably played the bagpipe, as Picton claimed. 

The waits of Liverpool, Manchester, and Sal ford, about whom we have the only detailed 
information for Lancashire, had three recurrent problems: appointment, duties, and protection 
from rival musicians. Liverpool seems normally to have hired one wait at a time. The first 
waits known are Thomas Wawen hired in January 1 557/8 and William Poughryn in February 
1 558/9. James Atherton, who served from October 1 562 to January 1 564/5, is styled wayte 
Capitaigne (see p 37), which suggests he had others, unrecorded, serving under him. He 
was dismissed when he offended by playing a game on a Sunday called a christmas towes. 
Nicholas Forber followed in 1567; then Henry Hal ewood in January 1571/2, who offended 
by his lewdnes (see p 39), and was not wait again until 1579. Atherton was hired again in 
1 574; Forber again in 1 577; Henry Clennes served from 1 58 1 to 1 584 when he offended by 
failing to playe at euirrie mans dore that hath borne office (p 46). There was then a vacancy 


until 1 587 when Halewood was appointed again but he lost the post a second time in 1 589. 
Liverpool had gone through six waits in thirty years, reappointing three of them but in several 
years failing to appoint anyone. 

Clennes was reappointed in 1590; Edward Dawson replaced him in March 1 590/1 but was 
not named in October 1 591 . There was a vacancy again until 1 594 when Thomas Brookfelde 
was hired but he was dropped the next year. In 1 599 John Blakeden was appointed but lost the 
position to Hugh Harper in late 1600. Harper may have given satisfaction but as no wait is 
mentioned in the Town Books until 1610, he was more likely dropped. Liverpool had now had 
ten waits in forty-two years with none serving longer than three years. 

In 1610 we learn that Michael Harper had been wait but had offended by not playinge in 
Convenient tyme and at such tymes as he ought to haue done (see p 51). A system of fines for 
failing in his duties was now imposed on the wait but Harper offended again in 1611 as he had 
done in 1610. Nevertheless, he was reappointed annually until 1627. He must have been an ex 
emplary character and he probably retired from the job. There was a motion to replace him 
with a bellman in 1629 but John Hollinworth was appointed wait in 1630. How long he lasted 
is not recorded. 

Matters were more complicated at Manchester, which had two waits, Randal Lighe and 
Richard Kyrshae, in 1563, the first year when waits are mentioned. In 1567 Randal Lighe was 
reappointed, with Richard Wirrall as second wait (see p 56) and in 1569, Lighe again appears 
w/th one other to s^rue w;th him of his awne smiantes (see p 57). We hear no more about the 
waits of Manchester until 1 588 when James Burton was serving with three other waits. A pay 
ment to the Manchester waits appears in the Manor Rental Book under 1 598-9 when 12d to 
the waits was recorded for the fair day, 20 September 1598. They also got paid at Michaelmas 
and Easter court leets in 1598 and 1599, probably in connection with the opening (see p 60). 
Similar work at the annual fair and the court leets followed in 1599-1600, 1608-9, 1610-11, 
161 1-12, and 1613-14. James Burton departed or died c 1604 and the three remaining were 
Robert Fletcher, Ewan Holker, and John Smedley. Ewan Holker or Howker was buried on 
9 June 1605 and John Smedley on 20 January 1608/9 (see Appendix 2, p 245). The Manch 
ester waits visited Gawthorpe in November 1612 (see p 174). 

The court leet order of 5 October 1620 seems to be the end of the Manchester waits, since 
they were ordered not to be reputed as waites of this towne, nor could they expecte any paye or 
wages of any the Burgesses or Inhabitants/ of Manchester (see pp 66-7) for failure to perform 
nightwatch duties. Yet Robert Fletcher signed his name to the waits quarterly payment from 
Manchester Collegiate Church on 1 April 1622 (see p 67) and as late as 14 January 1635/6 we 
learn of the burial of Thomas Hall one of the waytof Manchester (see Appendix 2, p 246). 

The duties of waits were not as simple as one might expect. As noted, the waits seem to have 
originated as watchmen or sentinels; there was pressure in Manchester in 1 567 and Liverpool in 
1610 for them to be out on watch duty evening and morning, which probably meant 8 pm and 
4 am, marching through the town (see pp 51, 56-7). We can judge that the waits resisted; at 
Manchester in 1600 they were ordered to excuse themselves if they intended to absent them 
selves from the duty (see p 61). At Liverpool in 1610 Michael Harper was fined 3s 4d for not 
fulfilling his duty and a new order was laid down that a 4d fine would be levied every time the 


wait failed to go about the town as agreed (see p 51). The Manchester waits must have disre 
garded their police assignment as they were cut off from civic favour in 1620 but the displea 
sure evidently passed. 

Other duties included attending the mayor on festival and market days (see pp 37 and 60), 
playing at the doors of office-holders past and present (see p 46), giving an hour s warning (by 
going through the streets) to burgesses attending the mayor to fairs and at midsummer (see 
p 51), and playing when the sexton rang curfew at 8 pm and 4 am (see p 52). 

Finally, waits needed protection from rival interlopers. At Manchester repeated attempts 
were made to give the waits a monopoly of private music in the city. In 1576 the citizens of 
Manchester who had withdrawn their goodwill or stipend from the waits were admonished to 
continue these benefits (see p 57). In 1 588 the jury asked the citizens to cease hiring other mu 
sicians to play at weddings, before weddings, and at wedding dinners, and to employ instead 
Manchester s own waits (see p 59). In 1600 a fine was added to this order, 2s for each offence, 
and before the leet had finished sitting the fine was increased to 3s 4d for Mancunians who 
hired any but the Manchester waits to play at a private wedding dinner (see pp 61-2). At Sal- 
ford in the same month the Portmote similarly forbade Salford citizens to hire outside musi 
cians to play at private wedding dinners and to restrict themselves to Manchester and Salford 
waits under a fine of 3s 4d (see p 90). 

The problem, however, did not disappear. In 1603 the Manchester court leet reported that 
the waits had been excluded by outside waits and other musicians at wedding dinners in 
Manchester and proposed a fine of 3s 4d on innkeepers and householders who admitted out 
side musicians to play at wedding dinners (see p 62). In 1606, this measure having had small 
effect, the court leet ordered that the waits themselves should make presentments of the of 
fenders and desired the constables to enforce a statute of 1603-4 against rogues, vagabonds, 
and sturdy beggars (see p 63). After this draconian ruling the court leet dropped the subject 
but wandering fiddlers and pipers were treated harshly in 1624, 1626, 1627, and 1630 (see 

Apart from the professional music of waits, there was a good deal of other music available in 
Lancashire. Pipers existed from an early date: we find Thomas the piper of Wickleswick men 
tioned in 1427 as a witness to Henry Trafford s acquisition of the manor of Wicldeswick." 7 We 
know from the Shuttleworth accounts of the pip^rof Padiham in 1609 and the pipirrof 
Clitherowe in 1612 (see pp 171, 174). The Ashton under Lyne piper, John Ashton, found life 
precarious; his inventory, probated in February 1584/5, totals the worth of his goods at only 
4 Is 8d in money owed to him and with apparel and pipes worth 9s (see pp 3-4). 

Pipers were often in trouble both with the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. Of the many 
cases concerning Sunday entertainments presented to the Chester diocesan visitation court 
printed in this collection, some twenty-six, between 1592 and 1633, concern Sunday piping. 
Another five cases of Sunday piping went to the quarter sessions between 1 590 and 1634. 
Most of the ecclesiastical court cases specify that the piping took place in service time or in a 
sacred place but some of them, like the five quarter sessions cases, simply charge Sunday pip- 
ing-a sign of the lasting influence of the campaign of 1588 on both court systems. At Liver 
pool in 1636 Richard Holland was fined for simply having a piper in his house on a Sunday 


(sec p 55). The pipers did not always suffer these restraints in silence. At Flixton in 1 592 the 
piper William Heywood gave the sworn man (the sidesman) bad[dj wordw when caught (see 
p 21) and in 1601 at Aughton Richard Arnold and Godfrey Cropper would not stop piping 
when told to (see p 4). That same year, in a list of disreputable persons sheltered by Roger 
Coettes at Garstang, pipers are included (see p 21). Indeed, William Harrison called pipers 
profane in 1614 (see p 27). A Widnes piper was presented for fighting in 1625 (see p 103) and 
in 1634 John Court presumptuously persisted in piping outside Croston parish church when 
told to desist (see p 1 5). 

Pipers were not always in trouble, however, and they are frequently found being paid in 
household accounts. In the Shuttleworth accounts they appear on twenty-five occasions, usually 
paid 4d or 6d. In March 1612/13 Grunney was paid 18d in steede of oates (see p 175), indi 
cating that he had not been paid cash in the past. Very rarely are they named, except for Bell, 
Dynley piper, Alexander Grunney, Arthur Gurney, and Wade. At Dunkenhalgh there seems to 
have been a resident piper; there are payments to a piper at the Christmas season regularly 
throughout the period 1613/14 to 1641/2, 13s 4d being the most common rate of payment 
(see pp 185-212 passim). Key is named as piper from 1614-19 (see pp 185-8), with Browne 
succeeding in 1619 (see pp 189-91). By 1626/7 Thomas Lathom had become household piper 
(see p 197). The last piper whose name is recorded was Talier in 1628/9 (see p 197). A single 
piper did not suffice for the Walmesleys every Christmas. At Christmas time 1612/13 and 
1628/9 there were seven pipers paid 2s 4d as a group and we find similar sets of extra pipers 
almost every year (see pp 184-21 1 passim). The rate was 4d each in 1637/8 and 1638/9 (see 
pp 210-11). 

In addition to pipers, there were fiddlers, trumpeters, and groups called musicians and min 
strels working in Lancashire. In the Shuttleworth accounts we hear of the Halifax and Hepton- 
stall fiddlers as well as Mr Ratcliffe s. To Dunkenhalgh came the Knaresbo rough, Pateley 
Bridge, and Wigglesworth fiddlers. Some tomlinge fidlers (. tumbling fiddlers) paid 5s were 
perhaps specially hired to entertain Sir Gilbert Hoghton on 10 March 1631/2 (see p 204). Dick 
the fiddler was paid the relatively large amount of 2s 6d in January 1640/1 and he may there 
fore have been a resident fiddler (see p 212). If so, he could well have had other duties such as 
those of a groom or footman. " 8 

There are also minstrels in the present collection but this vague term is hard to define and 
may not always indicate a musician. Some seem to have piped; for example, in records other 
wise unrelated to entertainment, George Vawse of Blackrod is called pyper at a court appear 
ance in 1590 and mynstrell at another in 1591." 9 Others played stringed instruments. A 
minstrel who served the earl of Derby c 1 574, Richard Sheale, tells us that he was robbed of 
all his money, though he had thought that his minstrel s harp would protect him: I thought 
be th Reason off my harpe no man wold me rsusspectl / for minstres offt \vith mony the be 
not moche Infecte. 200 At Rochdale in late 1587 or early 1588 Adam Holte and the wife of 
Lawrence Collendge had minstrels playing upon gythornes in the Christmas season (see p 89). 
A gythorne was a gittern, a word applied frequently in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 
to instruments of the guitar family. The gittern had an appeal to the more unruly elements of 
society. 201 


The word minstrel seems to have sunk in respectability in the sixteenth century, becoming 
confined to wandering ballad singers who often played some instrument and perhaps mimed 
or acted, and danced. 2 " Minstrels were included among those punishable as vagabonds by the 
Act for Punishing Vagabonds of 1 572 but the word musician or musicianer was not tainted 
by use in this connection. It might not save a wandering musical performer from a whipping 
but it was helpful. Best of all, of course, was a patrons livery or a licence from two JPS. 

Music was also played by private individuals and Lancashire household inventories are rich 
in musical instruments. We find that virginals were very common but that households also 
purchased portative organs, lutes, fiddles, viols, a bandora, a base violin, citherns, recorders, a 
drum, and a trumpet. The most extensive set of instruments appeared at Robert Hesketh s 
house at Rufford (see p 153). 

Popular Customs 

Many pastimes filled up the spare time of Lancashire s common people: cock-fighting, bear- 
baiting, and rushbearing bulk largest in this collection. Winwick had a cockpit as early as 1515 
(see pp 106-12). Liverpool ordered a handsome cockpit to be made in 1 567, Ribchester had a 
cockfight in 1576, and Manchester had a cockpit from at least 1581 (see pp 38, 164, 57). 
Manchester s cockpit is mentioned as late as 1623-4 in the Manor Rental Book (see p 67). 203 
Prescot had one in 1 592, visited by Nicholas Assheton in 1618 (see pp 77, 147). Sods were 
used to make a cockpit at Clitheroe c 1620 (see p 14). 

Bear-baiting was popular too and is found at Litherland, Manchester, Myerscough, Ormskirk, 
Standish, and Wigan. These reports almost all concern Sunday bear-baiting and hence more 
bear-baiting probably took place than is here indicated. On Sunday 17 March 1587/8 a group of 
men used the Manchester bullring for a bear-bait, possibly to test the new sabbath regulations 
that were being enforced in Lancashire (see p 58) and it was presumably at Manchester s bullring 
that Robert Asmall of Gorton was killed by a bull in 1 589 (see p 59). On a Sunday in 1590 
Christopher Poulton held a bear-bait next to his alehouse at Myerscough, probably as a magnet 
for increasing custom (see p 70). In 1601 Ralph Shelmerden broke the sabbath by baiting an 
ape, a variant of bear-baiting, at Rusholme (see p 90). In 1624 Bishop Bridgeman tells us use 
fully that bear-baiting at Wigan was customarily permitted at the wakes or the day after but that 
he considered it barbarous and beastly (see p 104). Bears moving with their bearwards between 
Wigan and Manchester broke into a house along the road, upsetting the resident, Richard Lay- 
thwait and his family, in the 1630s (see p 97). Finally, the wild family of bearwards, the Whyt 
stones of Ormskirk, form a saga of their own in these records, behaving lawlessly at times and 
suffering at others (see pp 31-2, 73-4). Indeed, the Whytstones could have been involved in all 
the illicit bearbaiting mentioned in the present Records from 161 1 onwards; the places men 
tioned are all within range of Ormskirk and the Whytstones were certainly at Litherland in 


Rushbearing seems also to have been a common custom in Lancashire. Ceremonial rush- 
bearing came once a year but rushes were brought in to cover the floors more often. Indeed, at 
Childwall in 1622-3 rushes were brought three times (see p 10). In most cases in the present 


records some sort of ceremony or activity accompanied the rushbcaring; at WhaJley in 1604 a 
piper played and a man danced at the rushbcaring (see p 98) and at Goosnargh in 1611 there 
was piping in the church and churchyard (see p 24). Such activities disturbed the services at 
Eccles and Woodplumpton in 1578 (see pp 18-19, 1 13) while at Garstang in 1608 three men 
were cited for coming violently into the church at a rushbearing (see p 22). Because of such dis 
turbances, there were consistent attempts to suppress Sunday rushbearing in almost all the visi 
tation articles before and including 1617 but King James allowed it in his Declaration of Sports 
in 1617, giving leave to women to carry rushes to the church for its decoration (see p 230). 
However, Nicholas Assheton tells us that the ceremony s solemnity had declined at Whalley in 
1617 (see p 145). The day appointed for it by Bishop Morton was, by 1617, St James Day, 
July 25, and in 1623 the churchwardens of Garstang parish church were called before the 
bishop of Chester to answer for requiring rushes to be brought to the church on a Sunday when 
the bishop had reserved St James Day for that purpose (see p 23). 

There are several other customs that demand some discussion. Ales were ale-drinkings, festi 
vals, or merry-makings at which much ale was drunk. In some parts of England these were 
commonly church-ales, public and more or less official gatherings connected with special festi 
vals such as the anniversary of a local church dedication. In Lancashire, however, the ales to 
which surviving evidence attests were mostly private undertakings, put on by the host for his 
own profit and at his own house rather than on church property. At least one such ale-maker, 
William Ridyat at Newton in Makerfield in 1598, claimed that thejPs had licensed him to 
hold an ale to relieve his poverty (see p 72); his offence seems to have consisted only in choos 
ing to hold his ale on the sabbath. Most of the other people who appeared in court because of 
ales seem to have been prosecuted for holding them on the sabbath or for disorders that broke 
out at their ales, rather than for holding an ale as such. At Withington in 1601 , however, Ralph 
Marler was explicitly charged with selling ale without a licence (see p 1 13). Entertainment usu 
ally accompanied ales, most commonly piping but also bear-baiting as at Newton in Makerfield 
in 1598 (see p 72) and a drum and tabor as at Stretford in 161 1 (see p 92). Indeed the ale- 
maker might himself be a professional entertainer; John Grene, summoned to the church court 
at Manchester in 1595 for making an ale on a Sunday, was charged at the same time with pip 
ing on the sabbath day one week later (see p 60). Probably the music at ales was always in 
tended as an accompaniment to dancing; a Sunday ale at Speke in 1635 is explictly said to have 
included tippling, revelling, and dancing, all at the ale-maker s own house (see p 91). 

Greens is an obscure word, but it may refer to public merry-making with music and danc 
ing on open stretches of grassy common. John White of Eccles complained in 1608 that 
papists were given to profaning the sabbath in stage-playes, greenes, ales, and all heathenish 
customes (see p 19) and likewise William Harrison, a king s preacher at Huyton, echoed this 
complaint in 1614 when he remarked that the sabbath was profaned by public piping and 
open and lasciuious dancing, with each piper drawing many hundreds to the dancing on the 
greens (see pp 27-8). In 1632, Adam Martindale s eldest brother suddenly gave up a well-to-do 
girl for a young wild airy girle between 15 and 16 yeares of age, an huge lover and frequenter 
of wakes, greenes and merrie nights where musick and dancing abounded (see p 85). The arch- 
diocesan and diocesan visitation articles, however, are silent on this sabbath abuse. 



Maypoles are confined to west Lancashire in these records. A notable maypole was allegedly 
set up on Widnes Moor about the first of March 1 556/7, made from the Roffe tree of a house 
wrecked by a mob; it was decorated with hollyns and flowres and every Sunday a large crowd 
assembled, a hired piper played loudly, and another large crowd foregathered (see p 101). 
There was a maypole at Melling in 1611 and at Prescot in 1624 George Wright and John 
Orrell were presented at the court leet for cutting down the maypoles (see pp 69, 85). William 
Blundell, writing c 1659-79, remembered a maypole at Little Crosby in 1641. That day s ac 
tivities included music, dancing for a prize, dancing about a maypole, and a display of dancing 
by the Formby trotter, but an intended bear-bait did not take place (see pp 32-5). 

There were other entertainments for the people of Lancashire as well. In 1638 the will of 
William Sandes of Preston reveals that he had a marionette show called the Chaos that went 
about on a wagon (see p 87). There was a lord of misrule at Ribchester in 1605 and a sum 
mering at Hawkshead in March 1 622/3 (see pp 88, 26). The Ribchester case of 1 605 involved 
sabbath breaking and a piper as well. The summering at Hawkshead in 1622/3 involved five 
men dressed up in women s clothes (see p 26). A similar incident occurred at Kendal (also in 
the Lake District) in 1625, which gives greater detail. At Kendal there was a summer rod or 
maypole, with four men and boys dressed as women and three men dressed in men s apparel. 
One of the men or boys dressed as a woman was accused of wearing a devil s costume and 
scoffing at religion although he denied it. 20 " 1 This case, if parallel with the Hawkshead one, 
shows that a summering could involve some kind of role-playing and therefore some drama. 
Archdiocesan and diocesan visitation articles over the period 15711637 regularly forbade 
lords of misrule as well as summer lords and ladies to come unreverently into the churches or 
churchyards in service time (see pp 213-14, 216-17). 

Finally, Lancastrians enjoyed some horse-racing. The earliest horse-race recorded Lancashire 
took place near Liverpool on 16 May 1577 under the supervision of the mayor of Liverpool. 
The prize, a silver bell worth 6 13s 4d, was provided by the ship-owner Edward Tarbock, who 
also had a horse in the race. Four horses competed over a four-and-a-half-mile course and the 
bell was to be rvnne for w/th horses everie yeare at Lyu/rrpole on the same day (the feast of the 
Ascension) (see p 44). On 19 July 1618, Nicholas Assheton went to Clitheroe to watch a sum 
mer game. His companion Shireburn had a mare competing in a race, probably at Clitheroe, 
but she lost the bell (see p 147). 

Lancashire horse-racing may have been copied from the custom at Chester, where public 
races at Shrovetide were established by the early sixteenth century. The reward of a silver bell 
(valued at 3s 4d) was introduced at Chester in 1 539/40. m Lancashire s two recorded horse 
races in the pre-1642 period were run in May and July rather than March and may have been 
hard to follow. The Liverpool race was run between Crosby and Bank Hall over what appears 
to have been a straight course, a kind of steeplechase, in fact. If the horse that won competed 
again the next year, there was to be no course fee that year, as long as the owner had given back 
the bell to the mayor in time for the race. Evidently the other owners did pay a course fee and 
so we have at Liverpool an early form of commercial horse-racing. 

The Documents 

Most of Lancashire s drama and entertainment records can be found today in original manu 
scripts. In a few cases, such as the diary of Nicholas Assheton of Downham, the earliest printed 
source has been used. Both kinds of source- manuscript and printed-are described in this sec 
tion. The documents are widely scattered, being found in no fewer than thirty locations. While 
efforts have been made to locate all pertinent material, it is, of course, possible that future 
donations to the chief repositories, or their ever-continuing improvements in cataloguing and 
describing material, will bring new sources or lost originals to light. Very few of these records 
antedate the mid-sixteenth century. The earliest dates from 1346-7, the beginning of the run 
of Lytham Priory accounts. 

The descriptions of the documents from which records are drawn follow the order of the 
Records text and like it they are sorted principally under five headings: Boroughs, Parishes, and 
Other Localities; Monasteries; Households; Province of York and Diocese of Chester; and 
County of Lancaster. Within the first three divisions, sources are listed alphabetically by loca 
tion or family concerned, and then chronologically; in the Boroughs, Parishes, and Other 
Localities section, civic documents are listed first, followed by quarter sessions, ecclesiastical, 
and then miscellaneous documents. In the last two sections the arrangement is purely chrono 
logical. Extracts from quarter session rolls and from ecclesiastical court books are placed under 
the borough or parish where the offence took place and those documents are described under 
the first place (alphabetically) for which an extract has been made. 

Boroughs, Parishes, and Other Localities 


Will and Inventory of John Ashton, Piper 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1584; 1584/5; English; paper; 2 sheets; unnumbered; will: 
205mm x 165mm and inventory: 150mm x 99mm; repaired and mounted on modem paper, ride on 
dorse of will Testaiwwt/ct Inventor/) lorwwwis Ash(to)n parochie Ashton probatum coraw soli execw>r 
in huiusmodi tcstanvwt/ nommnto 13 die fcbruarij Anno 1584. 


Churchwarden s Presentments to the Quarter Sessions 

The Memorandum Book, owned by Roger Rigby, clerk of the peace, and Alexander Rigby, jp, 
in the sixteenth century, contains a miscellany of copies of presentments at quarter sessions, 
justices orders, lists of free tenants, subsidy lists, correspondence, and other material, written 
in various hands. Documents from this book appear under Ashton under Lyne, Bury, Eden- 
field, Manchester, and Rochdale, and in the County of Lancaster Section. 

Cumbers House, Wales, Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book; c 1574-91; English; paper; 209 leaves; 
modern foliation; 340mm x 229mm; brown calf cover with broken strap and buckle. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV l/12b; 1600-2; Latin and English; paper; 202 leaves; modern 
foliation; 305mm x 229mm; modern list of concents inserted loose, parchment cover, back half 
extremely decayed. 

This book also contains cases for Didsbury and Manchester. 


Blackburn Grammar School 

Blackburn Grammar School had one minute book, containing memoranda, which now sur 
vives only as a fragment, and the book called today the First Minute Book is probably in fact 
the second. This contains governors minutes. 

Blackburn Grammar School Memoranda 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDBk 3/9; 30 September 1591; English; single sheet; 317mm x 
21 4mm inlaid into modern paper 363mm x 248mm. Includes the statutes of Blackburn Grammar 
School, incorporated into the minutes of a governors meeting. 

Blackburn Grammar School Governors Minutes 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDBk 2/1; 1590-1704; English; paper; i + 130 + i; modern pagina 
tion; 343mm x 248mm; vellum binding with buckle and broken strap, title on front cover: The Free 
Grammar School of Queen Elizabeth in Blackburn. Founded 1567. Names of Governors, Minutes, and 
Accounts, from 1590 to 1704. 

Inventory of Thurstan Collinson, Schoolmaster 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1630; 1623; English; paper; single sheet; 406mm x 31 1mm; 
title at top: A true Inuentoric of all the goodand Chattels w/?; che did laitly ap/><rrtainc vnto mr 
Thurstan Collinson Shoolemaister of Blackburne. 



Bond for John Plombc, Fiddler 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/78/18; 1630; Latin and English; paper; single sheet; 203mm x 


Letter of Edmund Assheton to William Farington 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDF 2438/12; 1580; English; parchment; single sheet; 305mm x 203mm. 


Report on Sabbath Breaking 

See Ashton under Lyne (p liv) for Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/10; 1592-4; Latin and English; paper; 179 leaves; modern 
foliation; 318mm x 229mm; late 19th c. cardboard cover and list of contents by W.F. Irvine, title on 
front: Bishop of Chester s Visitation for 1592. With a few cases of public morals for 1593 & 1594. 
W.F. Irvine. 

This book also contains cases from Flixton and Wavertree. 
All Saints Churchwardens Accounts 

Childwall, All Saints Church; 1571 1674; English; paper; ii + 21 1 + i; modern foliation; 405mm x 
150mm (ff 1-124), 365mm x 150mm (ff 125-21 1); original independent paper booklets, bound up 
together, beginning and end leaves frayed and repaired, bound in white vellum over boards by J. Fazaker- 
ley of Liverpool, 1912, title on front in calligraphic lettering, with rubrication: Childwall Parish Church 
Churchwardens Accounts and Parish Minute Book 1571-1674. 


Examination of Participants in the Pilgrimage of Grace 

When Henry VIII ordered the dissolution of the great monasteries in 1536, resistance followed 
in the north. This is an examination of the men who took part in Lord Darcy s rebellion. 


Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDF/1; 1532-42; English; paper; 44 + i (front flyleaf cut out); 
unfoliated; 374mm x 283mm; parchment cover, title on front in a 19th c. hand; Patents Warrants and 
Letters of Edward Earl of Derby temp Henry 8th Apparently copied by a Secretary Pilgrimage of Grace 
Abbots of Whalley . Furness &c and other papers that want to be properly overlooked Letters to My Lo 
Admiral Lo Privy Scale Religious Houses &c. Ff [39-9 v] contain the examination of Chorley rebels 
from the Pilgrimage of Grace. 


Presentment of William Craven, Piper 

This roll records proceedings at Lancaster, Manchester, Ormskirk, and Preston and also con 
tains relevant cases from Eccleston, Goosnargh, Manchester, and Myerscough. James Tait 
observed that The first quarter session roll which is now preserved contains only the proceed 
ings at the July sessions of 1 590. The record of the Manchester October session survives, but is 
strangely entered on the roll of 33 Elizabeth, though her regnal year began in November. On 
the last membranes of the roll, however, there are entered short minutes of certain cases which 
came before the Manchester and Ormskirk sessions of July 1 588, and the April sessions at 
Manchester in 1 589 and 1 590 (James Tait (ed), Lancashire Quarter Sessions Records, p v). Tait 
evidently wrote 1589 and 1590 when he meant 1590 and 1588, as his records show. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSR 1; 1588-90; Latin and English; parchment; 12 membranes 
gathered at head, tied with thong at top left corner; 662mm x 265mm. 

Verdict of Inquiry into Affairs ofClitherot Grammar School 

London, Public Record Office, C 93/8/2, item b; 1619; English; parchment; single membrane; 500mm 
x 700mm; top edge wavy like that of an indenture, bottom edge has five rows of five slits for seals, all 
missing; sewn at upper left corner as the second of five sheets of records of the commission, of varying 

Inquiry into Clitheroe Leet Verdict 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDX 28/103; c 1620; English; paper; single sheet; 390mm x 
300mm; torn right edge with 35mm the deepest tear. 

Bailiffs Account 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, MBC 680; 1637-8, with added note dated 11 February 1641/2; 
English; paper; bifolium; unnumbered; 300mm x 199mm; greyish ink on recto and verso of first leaf 
except for sum total on f [Iv] and marginal sum, the latter exceptions in same brown ink as top entry on 
f [2], bottom entry on f [2] in a blacker ink, f [2v] blank. 



Information of James Hyet against John Court 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/138/51; 1634; English; paper; single sheet; 198mm x 
152mm; title at top: Att Croston; I In contempt of the kings edicte. 

Warrant for Arrest of John Court, Piper 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/138/56; 1634; Latin and English; paper; bifolium; unnum 
bered; 267mm x 171mm; under each signature a square tab has been embossed with a seal, folded back 
and stuck down with sealing-wax. 

Bond for John Coward, Piper 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/138/24; 1634; Latin and English; paper; single sheet; 305mm x 
191mm; stained and torn at bottom. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Aughton (p liv) for CRO: EDV l/12b. 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/15; 1608; Latin and English; paper; i + 172 + i; modern folia 
tion; 297mm x 195mm; bottom outer corners of first 50 leaves damaged, several leaves and last gathering 
(ff 159-72) loose, much of front endpaper and part of back torn away, contains two loose documents; 
boards missing. 

This book also contains relevant cases from Garstang and Penwortham. 


Archbishop Harsnett s Visitation Book 

York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, V.1629-30/CB; 1629-30; English and Latin; paper; 
n-211 + i (endleaves modern); modern pencil foliation 1-24 continued by stamp 25-21 1 , loose leaf 
(80mm x 195mm) between folios 3 and 4, once attached to f 3v, to which it relates; 305mm x 195mm; 
repaired and re-bound in 1988 in quarter leather, without decoration, title on label on spine: Visitation 
Court Book 1629-30. 

This book also contains relevant cases from Halsall and Kirkham. 



Archbishop Sandys Visitation Book 

York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, V.1578-9/CB.2; 1578-9; English and Latin; paper; 
ii + 1 17 + ii; modern foliation; 271mm x 181mm; paper booklets bound together, repaired and recently 
re-bound in white mock vellum; title on spine, on brown oblong cut from previous binding: Visitation 
Court Book 1578-9. 

John White, The Way to the True Church 

THE WAY I TO THE TRVE I CHVRCH: I wherein I The principal! Motiucs perswa- I ding to 
Romanisme, I and\ Questions touching the nature and authoritie I of the Church and Scriptures, are 
familiarly dispu- I ted, and driuen to their issues, where, mis day they ! sticke betweene the Papists and 
vs: I Contriued into an Answer to a Popish Discourse, concerning the I Rule of Faith and the marks of the 
Church. And published to I admonish such as decline to Papistrie of the weake and vncer- I taine grounds, 
whereupon they haue ventured their soules. \ Directed to all that seeke for resolution: and especially I to his 
louing countrimen of Lancashire. I #yIOHN WHITE Minister of Gods word at Eccles. I For the finding 
out of die matter and questions handled, there are three Ta- I bles: two in the beginning, and one in the 
end of the Booke. I & De hoc inter nos Quaestio versatur, vtrum apud Nos, an apud Illos I vera Ecclesia sit. 
August, de vnit. Eccles. cap. 2. I [ornament] I LONDON, I Printed for IOHN BILL and WIL- I LIAM 
BARRET. I 1608. No colophon; italic and roman in two sizes; SR 1608 27. lunij William Barret Entred 
for his copie vnder th[e h]andes of master Doctor OVERALL. Deane of Paules and. master Seton 
Warden / a booke called The Waye to the true Church. The Aucthor. thereof Master JOHN WHITE I 
Minister at Eccles vj d ; STC: 25394. 


Bond for Ralph Pyke, Piper 

See Clitheroe (p Ivi) for LRO: QSR 1. 


Churchwardens Presentments to the Quarter Sessions 

See Ashton under Lyne (p liv) for Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/17; 161 1; Latin and English; paper; 205 leaves; modern folia 
tion; 287mm x 192mm; covers missing, first two leaves badly damaged. 



This book also contains relevant cases from Goosnargh, Halsall, Manchester, Melling, North 
Meols, Ormskirk, Poulton le Fylde, Prestwich, and Stretford. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Childwall (p Iv) for CRO: EDV 1/10. 


Presentment of Roger Coettes, Pedlar 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSR4; 1601; Latin and English; parchment; 66 membranes gathered 
at head, tied across centre top; 71 1mm x 292mm. 

This roll records sessions at Lancaster, Manchester, Ormskirk, Preston, and Wigan, and also 
contains relevant cases from Rusholme and Withington. 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 
See Didsbury (p Ivii) for CRO: EDV 1/15. 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/25; 1623; Latin and English; paper; 121 leaves; modern folia 
tion; 288mm x 185mm; cover missing. 

This book also contains relevant cases from Hawkshead and Poulton le Fylde. 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/23; 1620-5; Latin and English; paper; i + 190; modern 
foliation; 293mm x 193mm; corners of leaves damaged; parchment cover, now dirty and discoloured 
and eaten away along the bottom edge at the front, title on modern label on front: Citation Book 


Presentment of Margaret Yat and Constance Eccles 

See Clitheroe (p Ivi) for LRO: QSR 1. 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Farnworth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 



St Bartholomew} Church Register and Account Book 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, PR 481; 1547-1619; English with some Latin; paper; v + 62 + v; 
modern pagination now out of sequence in places; 302mm x 104mm; repaired; modern rebinding in 
vellum with leather ties. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Farnworth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 

Archbishop Harsnett s Visitation Book 

See Downholland (p Ivii) for Bl: V.1629-30/CB. 

Archbishop Neile s Visitation Book 

York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, V. 1633/CB.2B; 1633; English and Latin; paper; 
i + 297 + i; modern foliation 316-612, following on from Bl: V. 1633 CB.2A; 322mm x 200mm; paper 
booklets bound together; modern repairs; original marker tabs in place for each section, bound in quar 
ter leather over purple boards, title on spine: Court Book Pt.2 316-612. 


Chester Diocean Visitation Proceedings 

See Garstang (p lix) for CRO: EDV 1/25- 


Articles Charged against Richard Romsbotham ex parte Giles Rothwell 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDC 5/1626/56; 1626; Latin and English; paper; bifolium; unnum 
bered; 305mm x 203mm; bottom 38mm much decayed. 


William Harrison, The Difference of Hearers 

THE I DIFFERENCE I OF HEARERS. I [rule] I OR I [rule] I An Exposition of the Parable of I the 


Sower. Deliuered in Certaine I Sermons at Hyton in I Lancashire. I [rule] I By WILLIAM HARRISON, 
His I Maiesries Preacher there. I [rule] I Together with a post-script to the Papists in I Lancashire, containing 
an Apotogie for the points I of controuersie touched in the Sermons. I [rule] I Luk. 8. 18. I Take heede how yee 
heare. I [rule] I LONDON, I Printed by T.C. for Arthur Johnson Dwel- I ling at the Signe of the white 
Horse, neere I the great North Doore of Paules. I 1614. Colophon on page [402] (sig Ddlv): [ornament] I 
LONDON, I Printed by Tho: Creede, I for Arthur lohnson, dwelling at I the signe of the white horse, I 
neere the great North I dore of Saint Paules I Church. I 1614. I [ornament] italic and roman; SR 14 
Dccembris 1613. Arthur Johnson Entred for his Coppie vnder the handes of [GEORGE LLOYD] the 
Lord Bishop of CHESTER and master warden ffeild a booke called the Difference of hearers 6 sermons 
by master HARRISON preacher at Hiton in Lancashire vj d ; src: 12870. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/22; 1619-29; Latin and English; paper; 307 leaves; modern 
foliation; 300mm x 195mm; top outer corners of first 25 leaves damaged; covered in parchment, now 
dirty, discoloured, and damaged at the front edge, over boards; remnants of original cloth ties, modem 
labels on spine and front cover give dates. 

This book also contains relevant cases for Rochdale and Samlesbury. 

Archbishop Harsnett s Visitation Book 

See Downholland (p Ivii) for Bi: V.I 629/30 CB. 


Town Constitutions and Orders 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, MBLa Ace 4797, Box 82; 10 April 1572; English; parchment; roll of 
7 membranes laced together head to tail; unnumbered; 450mm-590mm x 315mm; written on one side 
only in a single column, with a wide left margin (75mm) containing subject headings; first 2 mbs badly 
faded; in modern brown paper wrapper, marked with the record office s shelfmark in pencil and in ink: 
Ancient Constitution of the Borough. Inside this is a smaller piece of paper bearing an ink transcription 
of the opening paragraph. 

John Weever, Ancient Funeral! Monuments 

GREAT I Britaine, Ireland, and the Islands adiacent, with I the dissolued Monasteries therein contained: 
their I Founders, and what eminent Persons haue heene\ in the same interred. I AS ALSO THE DEATH 
AND I BVRIALL OF CERTAINE OF THE I Bloud Royall; the Nobilitie and Gentrie of these I 
Kingdomes entombed in forraine Nations. I A worke reuiuing the dead memory of the Royall Progenie, I 


the Nobilitie, Generic, and Communaltie, of these his I Maiesties Dominions. I Intermixed and illustrated 
with variety of Historicall obseruations, anno- I tations, and briefe notes, extracted out of approued Authors, 
infallible! Records, Liegcr Bookcs, Charters, Rolls, old Manuscripts, I and the Collections of iudicious 
Antiquaries. I Whereunto is prefixed a Discourse of Funerall Monuments. Ofthe\ Foundation and fall 
of Religious Houses. Of Religious Orders. Of I the Ecclesiastical estate of England. And of other 
occurrences I touched vpon by the way, in the whole passage of\ these intended labours. I Composed by the 
Studie and Trauels of I IOHN WEEVER. I Spe labor leuis. I [rule] I LONDON, I Printed by THOMAS 
HARPER- I 1631. I [rule] I And are to be sold by Laurence Sadler at die signe of the I Golden Lion in 
little Britaine. No colophon; roman, italic, and black-letter; SR 21 September 1630 Master Harper. 
Entred for his Copic vnder th [h]andes of master MARTIN and master Kingston A booke Called, A 
Discourse of Funeral! Monuments &c. by master JOHN WEAVER vj d. ; src: 25223. 

William Farington s Expense Book 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDF 2437; 1623-4 and 1636; English; paper; 209 items inserted 
into a binder; modern numbering; 303mm x 200mm; documents pasted to binder-stubs at left; white 
mock-calf binding with four clasps and a ribbon, red label on spine: Farington s Sheriffalty. 1636. 

Bond for William Fox, Bearward 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDKs 30/30; 1638; Latin; paper; single sheet; 305mm x 203mm; 
piece missing at right (varies from 65mm to 30mm high, 70mm to 10mm wide); two pieces (25mm 
square) folded back from right margin for seals, remains of seal on upper one only, endorsed Will/mus 
ffox, Beare-Ward, recognizance, non-certiryed. 


Presentment of Richard Whytstones and James Harrison, Rearwards 

The men were presented at the court leet meeting in Penwortham, which had jurisdiction over 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDF 192; 1599; Latin; parchment; single membrane; 686mm x 


Presentment of John Johnson, Husbandman 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSR 14; 1617; English and Latin; parchment; 63 membranes gath 
ered at head, tied with thong; mb 10: 610mm x 257mm; membranes written front and then back; 
wrapped in modern brown paper. 



Blundell Family Hodgepodge Book 

Its nineteenth-century editor, T. Ellison Gibson, described the Hodgepodge Book as a large 
quarto which, in addition to Mr. Blundell s notes, contains literary productions in poetry and 
prose of his grandfather, besides matters of later date. Most of the extracts and notes have a 
Latin heading in the margin, and the same heading recurs in several places, if the number of 
selections requires it (A Cavalier s Note Book, p 71). It includes extracts from Bacon, Sidney, 
Ben Jonson, and Howell and other writers on foreign travel but shows no acquaintance with 
Shakespeare (A Cavalier s Note Book, pp 72-3). 

This personal miscellany contains A Prologue to a Swoord dance spoaken at Latham (see 
p 184), A Gentry song remembring the harmetless mirth of Lancashyre in peaseable tymes, 
and also a Colliers dance. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDB1 Ace 6121; c 1590-1857; Latin and English; paper; ii + 283, 
with leaves 271 and 272 missing; original foliation; 303mm x 197mm; some leaves repaired, pages 
pasted to leaves towards end, modern brown leather-covered binding, title in gilt on dark red label on 

Town Books 

Liverpool s Town Books, which are extant from 1 550 to 1862, record principally the actions of 
the mayor and the assembly of burgesses. There seems to have been an annual audit, usually in 
early December, and other assemblies of the burgesses at various times in the year. The Town 
Books were begun by Adam Pendleton as town recorder in 1 550 and although that post went 
to Edward Halsall in 1573, Pendlecon was retained until 1576 as town clerk and continued to 
keep the book in that capacity. He recorded anecdotes along with town business and his records 
form a valuable source for civic life. The books kept by the next two town clerks, John Hewet 
(1576-1610) and Peter Tarbock (from 1610), are better ordered but rather drier, and hence less 
valuable for this collection. 

Town Book 1 

Liverpool, Liverpool Record Office, 352 MIN/COU I 1/1; 1550-71, with additions down to 1575; 
Latin and English; paper; 148 leaves; original foliation (not followed here), continuous foliation assigned; 
400mm x 310mm; some leaves pasted to modern paper; modern rebinding in half leather, title on spine- 
Book of records 1 1550-71. 

Town Book 2 

Liverpool, Liverpool Record Office, 352 MIN/COU I 1/2; 1571-1624; Latin and English; parchment; 

478 leaves; original foliation and modern pagination; 435mm x 285mm; display script for headings and 


paragraph openings, Latin headings and quotations (flF69-9v) in italic; modern rebinding in half 
leather, title on spine: Book of records 2 1571-1624. 

Town Book 3 

Liverpool, Liverpool Record Office, 352 MIN/COU I 1/3; 1624-71; Latin and English; paper; 958 
leaves; original pagination; 355mm x 254mm; modern rebinding in half leather, title on spine: Liver 
pool Town Book Oct. 1624-Sep. 1674. 


Because of their diversity, the Manchester records are here treated in four sub-categories: civic, 
quarter sessions, ecclesiastical, and miscellaneous. 

Civic Records 
Court Leet Books 

Manchester s Town Books, which are extant from 1552 onwards, record the meetings of the 
court leet, which met in mid April and late September or early October. 

Court Leet Book 1 

Manchester, Manchester Town Hall Muniments Room, Ml/57; 1552-86; Latin and English; paper; 
127 leaves; original foliation (followed in extracts) and a second from the 19th century; 330mm x 
216mm; leaves inlaid into modern edges which are referenced in pencil to Earwaker s printed edition of 
1884-90; morocco binding and red-brown paper wrapper, title on spine: Manuscript History of 
Manchester 1552-1586. 

Court Leet Book 2 

Manchester, Manchester Town Hall Muniments Room, Ml/57; 15861648; Latin and English; paper; 
ii + 213 + ii; original foliation; 457mm x 292mm; leaves inlaid into modern edges, referenced as for 
Book 1; modern morocco binding, title on spine: Manuscript History of Manchester. 1586-1648. 

Manor Rental Books 

Many manorial rental books survive in Lancashire but the only set that has so far yielded infor 
mation about entertainment is the series from Manchester. 

Manchester, Manchester Central Library Archives Department, f333 M45; English and Latin; paper; 
1 1 books of Manchester manor rentals, of which 10 yielded material for this collection, as follows: 

2. 1581-2; 21 leaves; early and matching modern foliation; 300mm x 200mm; damp staining and slight 
wear at edges, some leaves detached and repaired, no cover. 

3. 1589-90; 20 leaves; unnumbered; 180mm x 145mm; no cover. 



4. 1592-3; 20 leaves; unnumbered; 205mm x 150mm; original parchment cover, made from a re-used 
indenture turned inside out. 

5. 1598-9; 24 leaves; unnumbered; 210mm x 150mm; original parchment cover, made from a re-used 
indenture turned inside out. 

6. 1599-1600; 26 leaves; unnumbered; 195mm x 150mm; original parchment cover, made from a re 
used indenture turned inside out. 

7. 1608-9; 18 leaves of an original 20 (ff[16) and [20] missing); unnumbered; 205mm x 155mm; origi 
nal parchment cover. 

8. 1610-1 1; 20 leaves; unnumbered; 205mm x 1 55mm; original parchment cover. 

9. 1611-12; 18 leaves of an original 28 (ff [19]-[28] missing); unnumbered; 200mm x 150mm; original 
parchment cover, made from a re-used indenture turned inside out. 

10. 1613-14; 20 leaves of an original 28 (fT [20]-[27] missing); continuous foliation assigned, contem 
porary pagination (not followed here) skips ff [1 5v] and [16], which are blank; 200mm x 1 50mm; 
original parchment cover. 

11. 1623-4; 29 leaves of an original 36 (ff [30]-[35] missing, f [36] mutilated); unnumbered; 200mm x 
150mm; original parchment cover, made from a re-used indenture turned inside out. 

Constables Accounts 

Manchester, Manchester Central Library Archives Department, M91/M1/31; 1613-48; English; paper; 
290 leaves; modern pagination; 400mm x 165mm; white vellum cover, tide on front: The Townes: Booke. 

Quarter Sessions Records 

Manchester, because it was an important market centre, was one of the five Lancashire towns in 
Tudor and Stuart times where the quarter sessions were held; official records of this important 
court have survived from 1 588 onwards. There is also an unofficial report of presentments to 
the Manchester quarter sessions in the Kenyon Memorandum Book. 

Churchwardens Presentments to the Quarter Sessions 

See Ashton under Lyne (p liv) for Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book. 

Presentment of Sunday Bear-baiters 

See Clitheroe (p Ivi) for LRO: QSR 1. 


Ecclesiastical Records 

Archbishop Hutton s Visitation Books 

York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, V.1595-6/CB.2; 1595-6; English and Latin; paper; 
iv + 166 + ii; contemporary foliation 8-139, continued by modern stamp 140-174; flyleaves modern 
(in and iv original); 305mm x 200mm; paper booklets bound together; names of deaneries and some 
opening formulas of sections in display script; repaired and re-bound in 1987 in full leather, title on 
label on front cover: Visitation Court Book 1595-6. 

York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, V.1595-6/CB. 3; 1595-6; English and Latin; paper; 
i + 184 + i; 1st folio unnumbered, modern pencil foliation (followed here), superseding older sporadic 
ink foliation; 278mm x 182mm (ff2-25: 262mm x 172mm); paper booklets bound together, recently 
re-bound in white mock vellum over boards, title on purple label, cut from previous binding, 
on front cover: Visitation Court Book 1595-6. 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 
See Aughton (p liv) for CRO: EDV l/12b. 
See Farnworth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 
Manchester Collegiate Church Accounts 

The surviving accounts of Manchester Collegiate Church are individual sheets sorted in with 
other papers making up the collection known as the Clowes Deeds. 

Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Clowes Deeds CL.471; 1622; English; paper; bifolium; 
unnumbered; 225mm x 197mm; modern pencil docketing on f [2v] March 25 1622 CL.471. 

Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Clowes Deeds CL.1560(1); 1622; English; paper; 
bifolium; unnumbered; 302mm x 198mm; modern pencil docketing on f [2v]: CL 1560(1) (Cat - 
No 564). 

Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Clowes Deeds CL.504(a); 1622; English; paper; single 
sheet; 304mm x 198mm; modern pencil docketing on verso: 504 (a). 

Manchester Collegiate Church Register 

Manchester, Manchester Cathedral, Parish Register 1; 1573-1616; English; vellum; 257 leaves; modern 
pagination; modern leather and cloth binding. 


Miscellaneous Records 

Grammar School Deed and Statutes 

Manchester, Manchester Central Library Archives Department, Ll/44; 1524; Latin and English; vellum 
mounted on modern cloth backing; two membranes attached at bottom by strips of vellum that had 
seals, now gone; 835mm x 670mm and 557mm x 478mm. The first membrane contains the foundation 
deed and the second the statutes. 

George Chetham s Cashbook 

George Chetham, who dwelt in or near Manchester, possibly at Clayton Hall, in the decade 
preceding the Civil War, kept a note of various sums that he laid out for himself or others of his 
family, including his uncle, the refounder of the Collegiate Church. 

Manchester, Chethams Library, Mun.E.2.6 Allen Deeds, Parcel P; 1633-40, 1661-70; English; paper; 
72 leaves; unnumbered; 395mm x 155mm; almost half the leaves torn out; original vellum binding, 
with back cover extended to a V-shape to fit over front cover, original cord attached to V-point, on front 
cover: Thowz<Barritt Manchester Janw^ry 4 1800 from 1633 to 1637 and, in darker ink: Purchased 
from Thomas Barritt the Antiquary by the late Reverend John Taylor Allen, and presented by his widow 
to me Jaw Crossley. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Fam worth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/19; 1614-19; Latin and English; paper; 229 leaves; modern 
foliation; 293mm x 193mm; parchment cover, front half decayed with holes. 

This book also contains a relevant case from Newchurch in Pendle. 
Melling Chapel Register and Memorandum Book 

The Melling Chapel register contains various memoranda besides the obligatory christenings, 
marriages, and burials. 

Melling, St Thomas Church Safe, Register No 1; 1603-70; English and Latin; parchment; 28 leaves 
(leaves missing between pp [28] and [29], and pp [40] and [41]; unnumbered; average leaf size 340mm x 
150mm; original binding replaced with later binding, now loose, to which leaves are stitched, on cover 
1606 to 1680 crossed through and 1613-70 written above. 



Presentment of Christopher Poulton, Alehousekeeper 

See Clitheroe (p Ivi) for LRO: QSR 1 . 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/9; 1590-9; Latin and English; paper; 129 leaves; modern foli 
ation; 305mm x 210mm; parchment cover, with late 19th c. label pasted on, reading Citation Book 

See Melling (p Ixvii) for CRO: EDV 1/19. 
Archbishop Neile s Visitation Book 

York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, V.1633/CB.2A; 1633-4; English and Latin; paper; 
i + 315 + i; modern foliation; 358mm x 195mm (except ffl-77, 304mm x 195mm); paper booklets 
bound together, recent repairs, mostly to ff 1-77, some original section markers remaining; lately re 
bound in quarter leather over purple boards, title on spine: Metropolitan Visitation 1633 Diocese of 
Chester Court Book Pt. 1 1-3 15. 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/1 2a; 1598; Latin and English; paper; 148 leaves; modern folia 
tion; 292mm x 210mm; modern list of contents inserted loose, parchment cover. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Farnworth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/14; 1605-6; Latin and English; paper; i + 190; modern folia 
tion; 300mm x 190mm; contains 7 documents not bound in; parchment cover, now dirty and dis 
coloured, title on front: Visitation Anno 1605- 


This book also contains a case for Ribchester. 
See Farnworth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 
Inventory of Ralph Whytstones, Rearward 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1622; 1622; English; paper; 2 sheets; 810mm x 165mm; title 
at top: An Inuentorie of the goodes cattells & Chattells of Raphe Whitestones late of Ormeskirke in the 
county of Lancaster Yeoman. 

Deposition of Hugh Page Concerning Thomas Whytstones 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/90/40; 1631; Latin and English; paper; 2 sheets; 305mm x 
203mm; signed by a different hand. 

Petition of Griffith Whytstones, Bearward 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/194/62; 1637-8; English; paper; single sheet; 202mm x 
162mm; signed by four hands. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Didsbury (p Ivii) for CRO: EDV 1/15. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Famworth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/21; 1619-22; Latin and English; paper; 141 leaves; modern 
foliation; 302mm x 198mm; parchment cover, now dirty, discoloured and partly torn away at the back, 
original title on front, now illegible, modern labels on front and spine bear the date 1619. 

This book also contains a relevant case from Standish. 

See Garstang (p lix) for CRO: EDV 1/25. 


Court Leet Records 

The Prescot court leet rolls survive in two series: the paper rolls were written from the mid- 


sixteenth century on mainly in English, sometimes with cancellations or insertions, and were 
therefore probably a less formal and more immediate account of the events they record; the 
parchment rolls were written mainly in Latin and generally more neatly and professionally exe 
cuted, and were evidently intended as the official record of proceedings. In the paper series par 
ticular items of business tend to be written up separately, each on its own sheet and these sheets 
are now gathered into bundles, each representing a years proceedings. Interspersed with the 
records proper of the court leet in this series are drafts of deeds, constables reports, and various 
memoranda, which most often appear to be matters to be brought up at the court for the year in 
question rather than business arising out of it. The miscellaneous character of these bundles leads 
to some doubt, however, about whether the documents have always been assigned to the correct 
year and in dating the pieces excerpted for these Records, internal evidence has therefore been 
preferred. To aid researchers in finding the originals, the year assigned to the whole bundle is 
always cited as part of the shelfmark. Excerpts have normally been taken from the English rolls, 
but where the Latin roll provides the more detailed or more lucid account, that has been used. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (paper) pre-1558; 1510; I^tin; paper; 4 sheets; 
unnumbered; 435mm x 310mm. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1608; 1608; Latin and English; paper; 27 
sheets; unnumbered; vary from 395mm x 295mm to 105mm x 195mm; sheet 7 measures 395mm x 
295mm; written on both sides. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1609; 1609; Latin and English; paper; 16 
sheets and one quarter-page insert between sheets 5 and 6; sheets 14: 394mm x 31 1mm, sheets 5-15: 
305mm x 203mm, sheet 16: 394mm x 31 1mm. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1610; 1610; Latin and English; 
2 membranes and 5 paper sheets; 705mm x 315mm (parchment), 324min x 318mm (paper); written 
on both sides, tail to head on dorse, joined at head with original parchment thong. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1615; 1615; Latin; parchment; 
single membrane; 594mm x 334mm; headings and opening words of items of business in display script. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1617; 1617; Latin and English; paper; 
32 sheets; unnumbered; vary from 390mm x 310mm to 85mm x 45mm (sheet [20] measures 308mm x 
190mm); attached at head of larger sheets, smaller ones being turned sideways and attached at left edge. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1618; 1618; Latin and English; paper; 43 
sheets (sheet 8 torn out); unnumbered; vary from 395mm x 305mm to 100mm x 80mm (the largest 
group, including sheet [25], measures 300mm x 200mm); outer sheets much decayed. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1623; 1622-3; Latin and English; paper; 
51 sheets; unnumbered; vary from 395mm x 305mm to 150mm x 30mm (sheet [18] measures 300mm x 
202mm); outer sheets uttered and largely lost. 



Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1624; 1624; Latin and English; paper; 38 
sheets; unnumbered; vary from 360mm x 300mm to 90mm x 142mm, sheets [7], [35], and [ 
largely torn away (sheet [24] measures 305mm x 105mm); outer sheets tattered and largely lost. 

Manor Survey Book 

The manor of Prescot formed part of the endowments of King s College, Cambridge. Roger 
Goad (1538-1610), provost of the college, made a survey of the manor in May 1 592. 

Cambridge, King s College Archives, PRE 24/1/10/14; 1592; Latin, with occasional English; paper, with 
one parchment bifolium; i + 30 + i (flyleaves modern); 200mm x 150mm; modern foliation; opening 
words or phrases of paragraphs and marginal headings in display script; modern leather binding; title on 
f 1 (the original cover): Prescott sup^rvisio manerii anno 1592. 

Memorandum of Thomas Meade, Vicar, to Edward Orme (A) 

Thomas Meade, vicar of Prescot (1583-1616), sent particulars of the rents owing to Prescot 
Grammar School to Edward Orme, a commissioner of the earl of Derby, who then held the 
farm of Prescot rectory. The text is taken from a typed transcript formerly in the Lancashire 
Record Office but now at the Knowsley Central Library. A handwritten note at the foot of this 
states that it was Transcribed from the original letter (or a contemporary copy) found in 1938 
and given to Mr W.A. Cross. That original has not been traced. For the probable date, see the 
endnote (pp 331-2). 

Knowsley, Knowsley Central Library, DDPs 2/6; 1938(?); English; paper; single sheet; 259mm x 

Abstract of Prescot Grammar School Accounts (A) 

As overseer of Prescot Grammar School, Meade made an account of the school rents and stocks 
from 1610 to Christmas 1614. This survives only in an abstract and in a copy made from the 
abstract in turn, probably in the nineteenth century. Both were deposited in the Lancashire 
Record Office but later transferred to Knowsley Central Library; there, however, they are still 
identified by the old Record Office shelfmarks DDPs 1/37 and DDPs 1/38 respectively. The 
text printed here is taken from the original abstract. 

Knowsley, Knowsley Central Library, DDPs 1/37; 1755; English; paper; 8 leaves; modern pagination 
beginning on verso of first leaf; 316mm x 194mm; paper booklet loosely sewn, the last three leaves being 
blank; title on recto of first leaf: An abstract of Prescott School accowwttComencing Anno 1610. 

Will and Inventory of Edward Stockley 

Edward Stockley died in 161 4 and was buried 12 December. 206 


Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1614; 1614; English; parchment; single membrane; 451mm x 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1614; 1615; English; parchment; single membrane; 475mm x 
197mm; tide at top: A perfect Inuentorie of all the goodwChattels & cattle of Edward Stocldey late of 

Autobiography of Adam Martindale 

London, British Library, Additional MS 4239; 1685; English; paper; iii (modern) + 120 + iii (modern); 
contemporary foliation; leaves now pasted to stubs attached to spine (4 of last 5 leaves blank); average 
leaf 188mm x 140mm; modern binding with dark-green half-grain morocco spine and corners, front 
and back boards covered in reddish-brown cloth and stamped in gilt (within ornament) E BIBLIO- 
TION BRITISH LIBRARY ADDITIONAL MS. 4239. This has been edited by Richard Parkinson for 
the Chetham Society (1845). 


Preston s records relating to drama and entertainment are few, leading to the surmise that many 
of the town s civic archives have been destroyed, possibly by the 1947 fire at the town hall. 

Information from a Lancashire Official concerning John Wilson, Priest 

Hatfield House, Hertfordshire, Cecil Papers 205/83; 1596; English; paper; single sheet; 312mm x 
204mm. The sheet is now item no 83, pasted to a stub attached to the spine of a volume with 132 
leaves, half-bound in vellum and buckram. 

John Weever, Ancient Funerall Monuments 
See Lancaster (pp Ixi-lxii) for STC: 25223. 
Will of William Sandes 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1638; 1638; English; paper; single sheet; 300mm x 198; 
opening words in italic display script. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Farnworth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Ormskirk (p Ixviii) for CRO: EDV 1/14. 


Letter ofNatham Walworth to Peter Seddon (AC) 

Nathan Walworth (1572-1640/1) came of a family that had long been settled at Ringley. He 
entered the service of the Herbert family and became steward successively to William, twenty- 
second earl of Pembroke (d. 1630) and Philip, his brother and successor. Walworth s surviving 
letters are written to his friend Peter Seddon of Prestolee; the one printed here was addressed 
To my lovinge frend and neighbour Peter Seddon in the Owtwood. It is one of several relating 
to Ringley Chapel, built and endowed by him in 1625. John Samuel Fletcher wrote that they 
were then preserved among the deeds relating to Ringley Chapel. The deeds are now in the 
Lancashire Record Office under the shelfmark DDKe but the deposit is not fully catalogued 
and diligent efforts by the staff did not bring the letters to light. The extract is therefore 
reprinted here from Fletcher s edition. 

Fletcher, John Samuel (ed). The Correspondence of Nathan Walworth and Peter Seddon ofOutwood, and 
Other Documents Chiefly Relating to the Building of Ringley Chapel, cs, vol 1 09 (Manchester, 1880), 


Churchwardens Presentments to the Quarter Sessions 

See Ashton under Lyne (p liv) for Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book. 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Kirkham (p Ixi) for CRO: EDV 1/22. 


Presentment of Ralph Shelmerden, Ape-baiter 

See Garstang (p lix) for LRO: QSR 4. 


Portmote Records 

Salford s town books arc missing before 1 597. The remaining volume records the meetings of 
the portmote, which convened in October. 

Salford, Salford Archives Centre, no shelfmark; 1597-1669; Latin and English; paper; 273 leaves; ori 
ginal foliation; 295mm x 200mm; modern white calf binding, title on cover: SALFORD PORTMOTE 
RECORDS 1597-1669. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Kirkham (p Ixi) for CRO: EDV 1/22. 


Sequestration Accounts for Royalists 

This volume, which deals mostly with estates sequestered by the Commonwealth government 
from the supporters of Charles I in Cheshire during the Civil War, also contains some present 
ments by the churchwardens of ChildwaJl in 1635 that do not appear to have survived in the 
visitation books of the diocese of Chester. 

London, British Library, Harley MS 2130; c 1650; English; paper; v + 295 + iv; modern foliation; 
310mm x 190mm; bound in brown leather, title on spine: Sequesttation Accompts Brit. Mus. Harley 
MS. 2130E.13. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Sec Poulton le Fylde (p Ixix) for CRO: EDV 1/21. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Farnworth (p Iviii) for CRO: EDV 1/17. 


Bishop Bridgeman s Act Book 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDA 3/2; 1626-83; Latin and English; paper; 128 leaves; modern foli 
ation; 296mm x 195mm; part of first leaf torn away and corners of first 20 leaves damaged; parchment 
cover, front now missing, back dirty and discoloured. 


Detecta for Archbishop Piers Visitation 

York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, V.1590-1/CB.2; 1590-1; English, some Latin; paper; 
ii + 1 19 (i and ii modern, 1 and 1 19 original endpapers, and 2 and 118 original flyleaves); 205mm x 
150mm; headings for some deaneries in display script; repaired and re-bound in 1987 in full leather, title 
on label on front cover: Visitation Court Book 1590-1. 


Warrington Grammar School Foundation Deed 

Warrington Grammar School was founded in 1 526 with a bequest from Sir Thomas Butler of 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, Birch Cullimore Collection DBC/2391/2; 16 April 1526; English; 
parchment; single membrane from four-part indenture with two deeds of fcoffment attached along bot 
tom edge; 560mm x 808mm, top and upper right edges indented; opening words and beginnings of sec 
tions and main clauses in display script; 14 seal tags along bottom and one missing, the eighth tag and all 
following having two seals each. 

Bond for Randal Rylance, Joiner 

At the Ormskirk quarter sessions in 1632, nine working men were presented for putting on a 
play called Henry vin in an alehouse at Warrington on a Sunday, together with the alehouse- 
keeper. Each was bound over. Seven of the bonds (LRO: QSB 1/106/20-3, /25, 127, and /28) 
closely resemble that for Randal Rylance, which has been chosen for printing because it has the 
cleanest text. For further particulars see the endnote (pp 336-7). 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/106/26; 1632; Latin and English; paper; single sheet; 302mm 
x 200mm; signed and endorsed by a different hand. 


Bond for Robert Wicke, Smith 

Wickes bond is the ninth from the case outlined above. It is printed in full because it is of a 
different type from the others. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/106/24; 1632; Latin and English; paper; single sheet; 
305mm x 198mm. 

Examinations of Gregory Harison, Alehouseketper, and Others 

Harison was the host in whose house the men held their performance. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB I/ 106/72; 1632; Latin and English; paper; single sheet; 
305mm x 203mm; signed with a mark and also a signature. 

Quarter Session Orders 

These record that the performers were punished for their action and attempt to stay any fur 
ther prosecution in the church courts. 

Preston, I^ancashire Record Office, QSR 29 1632; 1632; Latin and English; parchment; 52 membranes, 
attached at top with original parchment thong; 709mm x 267mm; written consecutively on both sides, 
top to tail; in modern brown paper wrapper with identifying label. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

See Childwall (p Iv) for CRO: EDV 1/10. 


Petition of Richard Laythwait 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/130/54; 1634; English; paper; single sheet; 273mm x 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDV 1/13; 1604; Latin and English; paper; 237 leaves; modern folia 
tion; 295mm x 197mm; modern list of contents inserted loose; parchment cover, with damage to bot 
tom of back cover. 


Hallmote oflghte nhill Manor 

The records of many small Lancashire manors have never been indexed and only a printed ref 
erence made it possible to identify the following record from the manor of Ightenhill near 
Burnley. The misdemeanour is typically slight (harbouring a player) and therefore would not be 
referred to a higher court. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDHC 1/3/41; 1559; Latin; parchment; 10 membranes gathered at 
head; 838mm x 355mm; very fragile. 


The case of Roger Charnock, comprising seven documents including a bill of complaint and six 
answers by defendants, fills fT65-9 of PRO: DL 1/37. 

Bill of Complaint of Roger Charnock to Chancellor of Duchy of Lancaster 

London, Public Record Office, DL 1/37; c 1557; English; parchment; single membrane; 385mm x 
440mm. Now designated C.I 1 and mounted as f 65, item 2, in a guardbook. 

Answer of Baldwin Mason, Thomas Apleton, and Robert Rathbone to Roger Charnock s Complaint 

London, Public Record Office, DL 1/37; c 1557; English; parchment; single membrane; 495mm x 
570mm. Now designated C.I l.a and mounted as f 66 in the same guardbook. 

Answer of John Woodfall to Roger Charnock s Complaint 

London, Public Record Office, DL 1/37; c 1557; English, parchment; single membrane; 320mm x 
460mm. Now designated C.I l.b and mounted as f 67 in the same guardbook. 

Court Lett Presentment of John Wilkinson, Piper 

London, Public Record Office, DL 30/1 48; 1625; English; paper; single sheet; 145mm x 190mm; third 
sheet of a bundle, endorsed on verso of last sheet Wednes Leta 2 May 1625, kept in a box. 


Bishop Bridgeman s Wigan Ledger (A) 

Leigh, Wigan Archive Service, D/DZ A 13/1; 1708; English and Latin; paper; i * 1 56 + i; modern 


pagination 1-277 -t- blank folios; 41 4mm x 270mm; worn brown leather binding over boards, with 
some tooled decoration on both covers. 

A Relation of a Short Survey of 26 Counties 

This is an account of three army officers holiday journey in 1634, written by one of the party. 
In his edition, L.G. Wickham Legg identified the author as the lieutenant (A Relation of a 
Short Survey, p xviii); his surname was Hammond but his given name remains unknown. The 
Relation is followed in Lansdowne MS 213 by commendatory verses by an anonymous friend 
of the author and then by a companion piece by Hammond describing a tour of the south 
western counties. 

London, British Library, Lansdowne MS 213; 1634; English; paper; iii + 446 + ii; modern foliation; 
275mm x 172mm; maroon leather binding, stippled front and back, gold-stamped coat of arms front 
and back. Contains (ff 315-46v) A Relation of a short Suruey of 26. Counties, breifly describing the 
Citties and their Scytuations, and the Corporate Townes, and Castles therein. Obseru d in a Seuen 
Weekes lourney begun at die City of Norwich and from thence into the North. On Monday August 
1 1. 1 1 1634. and ending art the same Place. By a Captaine, a Lieutennt, and an Ancient. All three of the 
Military Company in Norwich. 


The Butler vs Gerard case consisting of a suit by Butler and a countersuit by Gerard (eight docu 
ments: a bill of complaint, answer, and replication from each principal, a commission to examine 
witnesses, and a set of depositions) fills ff 50-5 in PRO: DL 3/7. 

Bill of Complaint of Thomas Butler to Chancellor of Duchy of Lancaster 

London, Public Record Office, DL 3/7; 1515; English; parchment; single membrane; 320mm x 400mm; 
torn right margin reinforced, endorsed: S/ r Thomas Gerrard and in left margin: A cmificatww inter 
Thoma Gerrard milite & Thoma Buder armigd-ri. Now designated B.4 and mounted as f 50 in guard- 
book, bound in pressed card boards covered with pink and green marbled paper (front board detached), 

Answer of Thomas Butler to Sir Thomas Gerard s Bill of Complaint 

London, Public Record Office, DL 3/7; 1515; English; parchment; single membrane; 320mm x 
425mm; torn right margin reinforced. Now designated B.4.c and mounted as f 52 in same guardbook. 

Deposition of Witnesses Examined on behalf of Thomas Butler 

London, Public Record Office, DL 3/7; 1515; English; paper; two sheers written on recros only; 440mm 


x 310mm and 380mm x 310mm; right edge reinforced. Now designated B.4.g and mounted as ff 54-5 
in same guardbook. 

Articles Ex Officio Charged against William Tailor 

Chester, Cheshire Record Office, EDC 5/1596/64; 1597; Latin and English; paper; unnumbered; 
305mm x 203mm; bifolium; bottom 51mm much decayed. 


Presentments of Ralph Marler, Alehousekeeper, and John Tompson, Piper 

See Garstang (p lix) for LRO: QSR 4. 


Archbishop Sandys Visitation Book 

York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, V.1578-9/CB.3; 1578-9; English and Latin; paper; 
117 leaves; modern foliation; 272mm x 178mm; paper booklets bound together; original vellum bind 
ing, title on front cover: 1 578 dioow Cestren(sis) 1 578. 


Much to be regretted are the losses of the records of religious houses other than Lytham Priory 
and Whalley Abbey. Lancashire seems to have had a total of thirteen religious houses before the 
suppression of 1536 and it is likely that the major Cistercian abbey at Furness, dating from the 
1 120s, would have paid minstrels and other entertainers. 

Priors Accounts 

Lytham, in north-west Lancashire, south of Blackpool, was the site of a cell of the Benedictine 
priory of Durham Cathedral. Its accounts are typical of those produced by medieval English 
monasteries. They normally cover a full year; shorter accounts were the result of an accounting 
officer being replaced before the year was ended but there are a few instances of two successive 
holders of an office rendering a single account for a full year. The regular terminal dates varied 
from one series of accounts to another and from one period to another. During the later four 
teenth century the cell adopted the practice, already established by the other obedientiaries and 
heads of cells, of running their accounts from Monday after Ascension or Pentecost (late May 
or early June). This dating coincided with the annual chapter of the Durham community when 
the heads of cells were expected to be in Durham and to present accounts for the past year, in 


accordance with the constitutions for the Benedictine order issued by Pope Benedict xn in 

Accounts were normally rendered in three fair copies, one each for the prior, the sub-prior, 
and the office of the accountant himself, and some later rolls are labelled as pars Prioris, pars 
Supprioris, or pars Officij. For some rolls these copies were indented; that is, they were made 
on a single sheet of parchment which was then cut up to leave zig-zag edges along the side or 
top, edges that could be fitted together subsequently to demonstrate the authenticity of the 
documents. Some draft copies also survive. Thus accounts often survive in more than one copy 
and it is frequently not possible to say which copy is which. The modern labelling by letters 
(A-D), which distinguishes the various copies of a given year s accounts, is therefore necessarily 
arbitrary. In selecting which copy to print from, that designated A has normally been chosen. 
Where the office copy can be identified, it has been preferred; when one copy was clear and 
complete and other(s) faded or damaged, it has been chosen; if one copy gives unambiguous 
evidence for singular or plural in a minstrel payment, it has been preferred over aversion more 
radically abbreviated in that entry. 

The following annual accounts from which entries are excerpted in the records survive in 
multiple copies. 

Two copies: 1393-4, 1394-5, 1396-7, 1397-8, 1416-17, 1419-20 to 1421-2, 1424-5, 

1429-30, 1430-1, 1447-8 to 1452-3, 1455-6, 1459-60 to 1462-3, 1464-5, 1477-8, 


Three copies: 1422-3 

Four copies: 1454-5 

Durham, Dean and Chapter Muniments (in che care of the Archives and Special Collections section of 
Durham University Library), Lytham prior s accounts; 1342-1534; Latin; parchment (some drafts on 
paper); single membranes; size varies from 310mm-802mm x 203mm-335mm; single column, writing 
on dorse normally begins at reverse of foot; some ornamental penwork; some accounts fragmentary, 
faded, or damaged by damp or mice. 

Bursars Accounts 

The Cistercian abbey at Whalley provides a long series of accounts running from 1485 to 1537 
(with a gap 1506-8). Two years accounts (1520 and 1521) are preserved in a second copy, 
probably as the result of the Cistercian practice of continued supervision by the original 
mother house, in this case Combermcre Abbey in Cheshire: presumably Whalley was required 
to report annually to the abbot at Combermere. The accounting year at Whalley was virtually 
identical with the modern calendar year, running from the feast of the Circumcision (1 Jan 
uary) in one year to the same feast in the next year. Within the collection, it has been treated as 
identical to the calendar year. 


The copy for 1 520 is contemporary; that for 1 521 is an antiquarian transcription of a lost 

Manchester, Manchester Central Ubrary Archives Department, Ll/47/5; 1485-1537; Latin; parchment 
inlaid in paper; ii + 305 + iii; modern foliation; 304mm x 21 5mm; red morocco leather binding, tide on 
spine: M.S. Compoti Abbatiae De Whalley Sec. XV. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDTo/B 21/1-6; 1520; Latin; parchment; single membrane; 
940mm x 680mm. 

London, British Library, Harley MS 2064; 1 521; Latin; paper; ii + 116 + ii; original and modern folia 
tion; 378mm x 24 1mm; brown morocco binding with arms stamped in gold on front, title on spine: 
MS. 2064. 

Inventory of Abbey Goods 

The inventory of Whalley Abbey goods (see p 144) was made by Henry viii s commissioners at 
the closure of the house following the execution of its last abbot. 

London, Public Record Office, E 36/154; 1537; English; paper; iv + 123 + iv; contemporary ink num 
bers and modern pencil pagination (on rectos only); 320mm x 260mm; modern binding of green cloth 
boards with brown leather covers and spine; leaves (average size 310mm x 245mm) glued to stubs at left 
margins, title on spine: E.36 154. 


The large households surveyed for this collection have almost all lost their account books. 
Important survivors of this class of document are the Nowell disbursement book and the 
Sherrington, Shireburn, Shuttleworth, Stanley, and Walmesley account books. These books 
often give day-to-day receipts and expenses and if kept by a steward, progress from month to 
month in an orderly fashion for the master to oversee. The Sherrington books seem, however, 
to have been kept by Gilbert and Francis Sherrington themselves and those for Shireburn by 
Sir Richard Shireburn; both those sets of accounts are therefore comparatively jumbled. Large 
households also generated letters, literary compositions, and detailed wills and inventories. It 
is in wills and inventories that references to musical instruments most often appear. 


Journal of Nicholas Assheton ofDownham (AC) 

Nicholas Assheton (c 1 590-1 625) was the son and heir of Richard, second son of Ralph 
Assheton of Lever; Richard inherited the manor ofDownham in 1578 from a great uncle of the 


same name. The journal or diary was first printed by Thomas Whitaker in An History of the 
Original Parish ofWhalley, and Honor of Clitheroe, 3rd edition. Some time afterwards the MS 
disappeared (the present representative of the family, Lord Clitheroe, believes it was lost in a 
fire), and the texts published by RR. Raines in his Chetham Society edition (1848) and in the 
4th edition of Whitaker (1872-6) are taken from Whitaker s 3rd edition, as is the one printed 

Whitaker, T.D. (ed). An History of the Original Parish ofWhallty, and Honor of Clitheroe. 3rd ed (Lon 
don, 1818). 

Inventory of Goods of Ralph Assheton the Elder 

This inventory was made at the elder Ralph Asshetons death. He was born c 1 500 and fathered 
three children. 207 He was receiver for the duchy of Lancaster. 

Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Suffield deposit, no 19; 1588; English; paper; 5 sheets 
folded to make a 20-page booklet, sewn together with thread; unnumbered; 405mm x 150mm; 
endorsed on p 1: 1588 The Inventorie fandWill 1 of Raulf Assheton Esquier decessed &: Other 
writings twixt my Master and his Mother in Lawe . 

Inventory of Goods of Ralph Assheton the Younger 

This inventory was made at the death of Ralph Assheton the younger and mostly refers to the 
contents of the Lever house. Lever is now Great Lever, near Bolton. 

Manchester, Greater Manchester Record Office, E7/27/2/5; 1616; English; paper; 6 sheets folded to 
make a 24-page booklet, sewn together with thread; unnumbered; 406mm x 155mm; endorsed on back 
page: An Inventory of ye goodat Leaver." 

Bond for Robert Deane, Servant 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/49/10; 1628; Latin and English; paper; single sheet; 195mm 
x 146mm. 

Examination of Robert Deane, Servant 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/49/38; 1628; English; paper; single sheet; 196mm x 147mm. 

Presentment of Robert Deane, Servant 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSR25 1628; 1628/9; Latin and English; parchment; 55 membranes 


plus 8 smaller membranes and 3 paper leaves attached to various main membranes; mostly 670mm x 
280mm (mb 46: 620mm x 280mm); attached at head with originaJ cords; rolled up in re-used mem 
brane attached to last membrane, endorsed Rotul/ de Scssionibus Prestone in Anno Regni Regis domim 
Caroli Anglic &c quarto Annoqird0;w/ni 1628 4 th Caioli . 

Inventory of Goods of Richard Assheton 

Richard Assheton of Middleton died on 7 November 1618. This inventory probably relates to 
his seat, Blacldey Hall, now demolished. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1618; 1618; English; parchment; 5 membranes, attached tail 
to head; unnumbered; mb 2: 745mm x 152mm; written one side only; on dorse of mb 1, luriuw bon{..) 
Ashton nup<rMidleton exhibit 1618 and on dorse of mb 5, lnv(entarium) Richi Ashton aimigeride 
Middleton lese Exhibitw/w24 rrwrtij 1618 (...) Anglie cvm protestac/ ow^ &c./ 1618. 



Inventory of James Bankes 

James Bankes (1542-1617) was ofWinstanley near Wigan. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1617; 1617; English; parchment; 2 membranes joined tail to 
head; 687mm x 139mm and 272mm x 139mm. 


Indenture between Roger Bruche and Sir Peter Legh 

Roger Bruche of Bruche Hall entered into a bond in 1589/90 for 100, payable to Sir Peter 
Legh of Lyme in Cheshire if Bruche were to gamble in any way except in Legh s presence or 
stand surety for anyone. Presumably Legh, who eventually bought Bruche s estate from him in 
1600, already at the time of the bond had some kind of lien on the property and wished to 
safeguard his investment. 

Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Legh of Lyme Deeds Box R, B No 20; 17 February 
1589/90; English; parchment; single membrane, indented at head; 230mm long (28mm being folded 
back at the bottom) x 335mm wide; endorsed in a later hand, writing at right angles to signatures, 1590 
in pencil and in ink 17 Feb. 32. Wiwbcthl Roger Bruches / Engagement not/to play at Cards, dice 
&c./Box R/B N. 20 ; original red wax seal impression and parchment tag attached. 



Household Accounts and Inventory of Sir Thomas Butler 

Sir Thomas Butler (c 1 513-79) of Bewsey and Warrington died 22 September 1 579. 

London, British Library, Add. MS 36926; 1579-81; English; paper; ii + 140 + iii; modern foliation; 
average 430mm x 145mm; half-bound in green morocco, title on spine: Morris Papers. Welsh 
Property and Family History, xvi-xvii Centt. Brit. Mus. Additional 36,926. Buder s inventory and 
accounts occupy ff 102-16 and are headed, The Inventory of the goods of Sir Thomas Butler Knyght 


Inventory of Sir Cuthbert Clifton 

The goods of Sir Cuthbert Clifton (1 582-1634) were inventoried at his death. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1634; 1634; English; parchment; 7 membranes joined at 
head; 883mm x 191mm. 


Letter of William Farington the Younger to his Father 

Young William Farington was the grandson of William Farington, steward of the household of 
the earl of Derby 1 572-94. He wrote from London to his father, Thomas, at Worden, Lan 
cashire, an estate not far from Leyland. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDF 2438/103; 1608/9; English; paper; single sheet; 305mm x 
205mm; endorsed To the Right Worshipfll and his welbeloved ffather. Williaw ffarington Esquire, at 
his howsse at Worden. Yeve theesse / London. 

Will of Richard Fleetwood 

Richard Fleetwood (c 1550-1625) died at Penwortham 4 April 1625. He was the second son 
of John Fleetwood, who purchased the reversion of Penwortham Priory and settled his Lan 
cashire estates on Richard. His will was proved at Canterbury 8 July 1626. 

London, Public Record Office, PROB 10 Box 439; 1625; English; paper; 7 sheets; original(P) foliation; 
395mm x 300mm; stored in box with other wills proved in June and July 1626. 

Inventory of Robert Hesketh 

Robert Hesketh (1560-1620) was the eldest son of Sir Thomas Hesketh of Rufford, west Lan 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1620; 1620; English; 17 membranes joined at head; pencil 
numbering; 584mm x 133mm. 


Letter of Thomas Hoghton to his Brother Richard 

Manchester, John Rylands University Library, English MS 213, letter 8; c \ 578; English; paper; single 
sheet; 312mm x 174mm. Now bound with other letters (1576-1769) in volume with brown board cov 
ers, JR in roundel on front, and LANCASHIRE AND CHESHIRE LETTERS ENGLISH MS.213 
1578-1769 in gold on spine. 

Welcoming Speech to James i 

King James I visited Hoghton 1 5-18 August. Some account of the visit can be found in the 
extracts from the journal of Nicholas Assheton of Downham, described above (pp Ixxxi-Lxxxii). 
The actual welcoming speech is still in the possession of Sir Bernard de Hoghton, who has 
deposited it in the Lancashire Record Office. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDHo 474; 1617; English; paper; bifolium; unnumbered; 350mm x 
227mm; the speech occupies f [1] and the top part of f [Iv], die rest being blank. 


Will of Alexander Hoghton 

Alexander Hoghton (f 1520-81) was of the Lea, near Preston. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1581; 1581; English; parchment; single membrane with 2 
attached codicils; 520mm x 510mm. 


inventory of Edward Ireland 

Edward Ireland (1593-1637) was of Lydiate Hall, ten miles north of Liverpool. He died on 


1 April 1637; the inventory is dated within a week of his death. It was printed in full by 
Thomas Ellison Gibson, Lydiate Hall, pp 39-43. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDIn 60/26; 1637; English; parchment; single membrane; 765mm x 
345mm, with 8mm indentations along top edge; endorsed The Inventory of Mr Ireland pmonalle estate 
w/di other note and writinges concerninge the Executors accompte. 

Household Accounts of Roger Kenyan 

Roger Kenyon of Parkhead died in August 1636. Parkhead is in north Lancashire, just east of 
Gars tang. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDKe; 1620; English; paper; bifolium; 280mm x 172mm; no 6 in a 
set of accounts fastened together. 

Inventory of Sir Richard Molyneux 

Sir Richard Molyneux (1560-1623) was of Sefton, near Liverpool, and was created baronet in 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1623; 1623; English; parchment; single membrane; 597mm x 
184mm; written on one side only. 

Inventory of Edward Moore 
Edward Moore (c 1575 -1632) was of Bank Hall, just north of Liverpool. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, WCW 1632 INV; 1632; English; paper; 12 leaves; unnumbered; 
31 1mm x 203mm. 


Expense Receipt for Knighting of Sir William Norris 

Sir William Norris (d. 1630) was of Speke near Liverpool. 

Liverpool, Liverpool Record Office, 920 Nor 2/620; 1603; English; paper; single sheet; 95mm x 86mm; 
written bodi sides. 


Inventory of Sir William Norris 

Liverpool, Liverpool Record Office, 920 Nor 1/395; 30 September 1624; English; paper; 12 leaves; 
unnumbered; 415mm x 155mm; parchment covers with title on front: This booke to be produc(cd) 
vpon the 2 Inter." 


Accounts of Executors of Robert Nowell 

Nowell (c 1518-69) was a member of a branch of the Nowell family of Read Hall, near 

Manchester, Chetham s Library, Mun. A.6.50; 1568-80; English; paper; i + 1 18 -t- i; pre-1850 ink 
foliation and a second (followed in the text) provided by A.B. Grosait; varies from 290mm x 202mm 
to 287mm x 185mm; 19th c. brown cloth binding, tooled, title on spine in gold: NOWELL 


Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

The Sherringtons, known also as the Shevingtons, were from Wigan but had bought Wardley 
Hall near Worsley. The accounts are the work of the brothers Gilbert and Francis Sherring 
ton; Gilbert kept them until his death in 1597 and Francis continued them until he died in 

Leigh, Wigan Archive Service, D/D2.A 13/17; 1581-1603; Latin and English; paper; 68 leaves; modern 
pagination in red ink; 295mm x 205mm; parchment binding. 


Sir Richard Shireburn (1523-94) was of Stonyhurst, near Clitheroe. While he described his 
account books as rental books, they actually record many kinds of disbursements, including 
payments to waits, players, and minstrels. They were evidently intended for private use only for 
they are quite unsystematic and do not follow any real chronological progression. Sir Richard s 
goods were inventoried in 1 594 at his death. 

Rental Book of Sir Richard Shireburn 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDSt; 1567-71; English; paper; 470 leaves; modern pagination; 
300mm x 200mm; parchment binding. 


Rental and Account Book of Sir Richard Shire burn 

Stonyhurst, Stonyhurst College, D.3-5.1; 1571-6; English; paper; 486 leaves; modern foliation 1-155 
only; 330mm x 210mm; leather cover with flap which could be laced closed with thongs, now missing. 

Inventory of Sir Richard Shireburn 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDSt; 26 August 1594; English; paper; 6 leaves; unnumbered; 
300mm x 200mm. 

Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 

This is an extensive set of household accounts kept by stewards and running from 7 September 
1582 to 30 October 1621 (originally 12 books, with three missing for 21 August 1603 to 
6 July 1604, 1 July 1606 to 30 June 1608, and 7 November 1613 to 4 November 1616). 
The first four volumes and part of the fifth are for Smithills, near Bolton and the rest for 
Gawthorpe Hall, near Padiham, which Sir Richard Shuttleworth the younger inherited in 
February 1607/8. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDKs 18/1-18/9; 1582-1621; English; paper. Extracts have been 
taken from the following: 

1. DDKs 18/1; 1582-5; 67 leaves; modern pagination; 330mm x 102mm; parchment cover, title on 
cover in modern pencil: Accts No 1 7 Sep 1582 to March 1583 1584 {....} of 1585- 

2. DDKs 18/2; 1585/6-94; 240 leaves; modern pagination; 292mm x 191mm; vellum cover, title on 
cover in modern pencil: Vol II Accounts No 2 Mar 2 1585 to Aug31st 1594. 

3. DDKs 18/3; 1594-1600; 98 leaves; modern pagination; 305mm x 216mm; vellum cover, title on 
cover in modern pencil: Vol ill Accounts Payments 1st Sep 1594 to July 15 1599 Rects 1st Sep 1594 
toFeb 12-1600. 

5. DDKs 18/5; 1601-3; 92 leaves; modern pagination; 4l6mm x 178mm; parchment cover, title on 
cover in modern pencil: Accounts July 1, 1601 to Augt 20, 1603 Vol v. 

10. DDKs 18/8; 1608-13; 101 leaves; modern pagination; 394mm x 152mm; 6 leaves cut out be 
tween pp 2-5; parchment cover, title on cover in modern pencil: Accounts July 1608 to Nov 1613 
Vol x. 

12. DDKs 18/9; 1616-21; 82 leaves; modern pagination; 406mm x 152mm; cover missing, title in 
margin off 1: Accts Nov 1616 to Oct 1621 Volxn. 


Household Account Roll of Thomas, Lord Stanley 

The Stanleys were already of considerable consequence in Lancashire by 1459-60, which is 
the date of their earliest record here. Thomas, Lord Stanley, astutely betrayed Richard HI at the 
Battle of Bosworth in 1485 and was rewarded by the victor, Henry vii, with the title of earl of 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDHi, Box 23; 1459-60; paper; 6 sheets sewn together head to tail; 
420mm x 343mm; first and last sheets badly damaged by damp, written on both sides. 

Inventory of Edward Stanley, Lord Monteagle 

This inventory is now one item in a volume of state papers of the reign of Henry viii. 

London, Public Record Office, SP 1/27; 1523; English with Latin tags; paper; single sheet; 300mm x 
169mm; damaged and laid into modern paper; 363mm x 270mm. Now bound as ff237-7v into guard- 
book with red morocco binding, gilt title on spine: Letters and Papers Henry vin 27 III 2774-31 1 1 . 

Derby Household Book 

This MS, kept by William Farington (1537-1610), steward of Henry, thirteenth earl of Derby, 
is a record of provisions and household items used during each calendar week. The lists are 
dated by the Saturday ending the week in question and Farington has then appended to each 
week s list notes of persons entertained and entertainers performing during that week. "When 
Raines edited these accounts for the Chetham Society in 1853, he failed to grasp this point and 
concluded instead that the headings represented days when Farington sat down to plan his pur 
chases for the week about to begin and that the notices to visitors and events were appended to 
his shopping list one week later. Hence Raines dated the whole series of household entries one 
week late and Murray accepted those datings in English Dramatic Companies. AJvin Thaler first 
pointed out the error and interpreted the household entries correctly in Tat re Em (and Shake 
speare s Company?) in Lancashire, PMu46 (1931), 656. Normally the Derby household 
accounting year ended on 18 or 19 July; in 1587, for instance, Farington made a list of items 
consumed covering only Sunday the 16th through Tuesday the 18th and then wrote, The xix th 
daie of lulij ended one howle yers accompte aswell of his howsholde as of all other his receipts 
& paiewirt whatsoever./ (p 13). 

The family was, however, accustomed at this time to spend part of every summer at court 
and for that period the Lancashire household was broken up and such retainers as did not 
accompany the family to London were put out to board. In 1588 the family appears to have left 
for London on 12 February and not returned until 26 September and that whole interval is 
unrepresented in the household book. 


Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDF 2429; 1586-90; English; paper; 24 leaves; modern pagination; 
31 4mm x 210mm; parchment cover. 

Letter of Henry, Lord Scrape, to William Asheby 

A letter of Henry, Lord Scrope, governor of Carlisle, to Queen Elizabeth s ambassador in Edin 
burgh is now one item in a volume of state papers. 

London, British Library, Egerton MS 2598; 1590; English; paper; single sheet; 305mm x 195mm; now 
bound as f 82 into volume with red morocco binding stamped with Egerton arms in gold on front and 
LAND. 1589-1593. BRIT. MUS. EGERTON 2598. b 16. 

Funeral Book of Henry, Earl of Derby 

Henry Stanley, thirteenth earl of Derby, died 25 September 1593. His funeral book includes an 
inventory of his goods taken 12 July following. 

Knowsley, Knowsley House Library, NH 6 Cpd B H 84; 1594; English; paper; 161 leaves (of which the 
inventory occupies 25); unnumbered; 305mm x 195mm; brown leather binding with ED on front and 
back in gilt. 

Letter of William, Earl of Derby, to the Mayor of Chester 

Chester, Chester City Record Office, Great Letter Book ML/2/184; 2 December 1606; English; paper; 
single sheet; 305mm x 200mm; addressed on dorse To his Loveinge ffrende the maior of the Cittie of 
Chester theese deliu<rr. Now bound as letter no 184 (pp 1 15 16) in a white leather guardbook, title on 
spine: City of Chester Great Letter Book 1599-1650. 

Book of Presents to William, Earl of Derby 

Knowsley, Knowsley House Library, NH 6B H 83; 1617; English; paper; ii + 148 + ii; unnumbered; 
308mm x 200mm; brown calf binding stamped with crest of eagle and child on front and boar and 
anvil(?) on back, in gilt title f [1]: A Booke of all such Prentwas were sente vnto the Manner of Lath- 
ome for the vse of the righte honorable Willwm Erie of Derby by his Lordshipps lovinge ffrendw, Neigh 
bors, svauntw, and tenantry to warde the entfreynemente of oure soufraigne Lorde Kinge lames at 
Lathome halle the xviij h day of August ... Anno domini 1617. 

Blundell Family Hodgepodge Book 

See Little Crosby (p kiii) for LRO: DDB1 Ace 6121. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 

The accounts were kept by various stewards for Thomas Walmesley (1574-1642) and cover the 
years 1612-54. Account books 4, 8, and 19 for 1623-4, 1627-8, and 1639-40 are missing. 
The WaJmesley books are similar in appearance to those kept at neighbouring Gawthorpe but 
show that Thomas Walmesley was ready to receive and pay more players and entertainers than 
Richard Shuttleworth was. Christmas particularly seems to have been kept in grand style at 

In Books 1-3 the accounting years are quite arbitrary: Walmesley s inheritance of the estate 
led to a number of years in which the accounts were kept from January to January or February 
to February (the exact dates are given in the subheadings to the accounts printed from Books 
1-3 in the Records). Presumably the switch to a Michaelmas to Michaelmas year was made 
during the period covered by the missing Book 4. The accounts in Books 5-7 and 9-17 run 
from Michaelmas to Michaelmas; those in books 18, from 1 October to 1 October, but these 
have been treated here as conforming to the dominant pattern. Book 23 differs from the others 
in dealing chiefly with the expenses of Juliana Walmesley and in giving more details of indi 
vidual and personal expenditures. It may be what is referred to in the other books of the same 
period as the Book of Particulars. 

The annual accounts are broken up into general disbursement sections and kitchen provision 
sections. The former are in roughly chronological order within the accounting period; the latter 
are arranged in weekly lists. In the earlier books, there are groups of disbursements, especially 
for kitchen labour and entertainers, associated with the kitchen provision lists, especially during 
and around the Christmas season, when kitchen provisions were bought more frequently than 
once a week due to the large numbers of guests. In dating disbursements, an attempt has been 
made to specify as closely as possible the period during which an undated payment was made. 
If the page of payments is in strictly chronological order, the range of dates between which it 
falls is given. If payments within a month do not always appear in stria date order, a more gen 
eral date, such as the month within which the payment falls, is given. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDPt 1; 1612-54; English; paper. Extracts have been taken from the 

1. 1612-17; 71 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 210mm; paper cover, title on cover: 1612 Booke of 
accomptw. 1612 ; text written in secretary, with occasional dates and marginalia in italic, probably by 
the same hand; signed at intervals by Walmesley. 

2. 1617-22; 81 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 210mm; parchment cover, title on cover: Lancashire 
1616 . Accompm ; text written in secretary, with occasional marginalia in italic, probably by the same 
hand as Book 1, signed at intervals by Walmesley and countersigned by Thomas Winckley. 


3. 1622-3; 29 leaves; unnumbered; 305mm x 215mm; paper cover, title on cover. Lancashire 
Accompttf 1621 ; same hand and scripts as Books 1 and 2, similarly distributed. 

5. 1624-5; 26 leaves; unnumbered; 305mm x 215mm; parchment cover, tide on cover: Booke 1624 of 
Accomptwfor the howse of Dunkenhalgh ; written throughout in secretary in a different hand from 
Books 1-3. 

6. 1625-6; 33 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; parchment cover, title on cover: An account for 
this yeare begininge att Mychaelmes 1625/and endinge att Mychaelmes 1626./ H ; written in secre 
tary in a new hand, with dates beginning blocks of entries occasionally written in italic, probably by 
the main hand. 

7. 1626-7; 29 leaves; unnumbered; 325mm x 210mm; parchment cover (back loose), title on cover: 

John Hayhurst ac{coun)ts 1627 An account { ) ; written in secretary by the same hand as Book 

6, with dates beginning blocks of entries usually written in italic, probably by the main hand. 

9- 1628-9; 41 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; parchment cover, tide on cover: Lancashire 
Accomptes Betwene Mychaelmes 1628/ and Mychaelmes 1629/ Accomptes 1628 ; in secretary 
throughout, probably in same hand as Books 6 and 7. 

10. 1629-30; 34 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; cover missing, heading on first folio: The 
seuerail sonvnes of mony Recmw/since the xxviijth day of September 1629. vntill the last of 
September 1630. By mee John Hayhurst ; in secretary throughout, in 2 new main hands, with occa 
sional marginalia in 1 or more different hands. 

1 1. 16301; 33 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 200mm; parchment cover much decayed, title on cover: 
1630/ ; in secretary in the same 2 hands as Book 10, widi occasional annotations in another. 

12. 1631-2; 36 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; parchment cover, title on cover: {Ada)m 
Boulton an(nis 1631 and 1632 booke) of Accomptw ; in secretary in the first hand of Books 10 
and 11. 

13. 1632-4; 39 leaves; unnumbered; 31 5mm x 210mm; parchment cover, title on cover: Booke of 
Accompts Adam Boulton 1633 ; in secretary in die same 2 hands as Books 10 and 1 1. 

14. 1634-5; 36 leaves and 1 loose leaf; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; parchment cover, ride on 

cover: Adam Boltone ( an)nis 1634. and 163{5)/ ; in secretary in the same 2 hands as Books 

10, 11, and 13. 

15- 1635-6; 22 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; parchment cover (back cover half missing), 
title on cover: 1635 an{..) 1636 Adam Boltens Accomptes; in secretary in the same hand as Book 

16. 1636-7; 22 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; parchment cover, title on cover: My booke of 


Accounts Betweene mychalmas 1636 and Mychalmas 1637. Adam Boulten ; in secretary in the same 
hand as Books 12 and 15- 

17. 1637-8; 26 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; parchment cover, title on cover: Adam Boltons 
accompts 1637 An accompt Betweene Mychalmas 1637. and Mychalmas 1638./ ; in secretary in the 
same hand as Books 12, 1 5, and 16. 

18. 16389; 26 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 205mm; parchment cover (front damaged), tide on 
cover: Adam Boltons booke of Accompts 1638 1639 1638. and 1639. ; in secretary in the same 
hand as the foregoing. 

23. 163254; 37 leaves; unnumbered; 310mm x 210mm; parchment cover, title on cover: Adam 
Boultons Accomptw ; in secretary in the same hand as Books 12 and 15-18. 

Province of York and Diocese of Chester 

Bishop Scott s Visitation Articles 

Cuthbert Scott (c 1516-64) was bishop of Chester from 1556 to 1559. 

Manchester, Greater Manchester Record Office, E7/12/1/2; 1556 8; English; paper; bifolium; unnum 
bered; 307mm x 209mm; lower edge of f [1] ragged with 30mm high tear at bottom, lower third of f [2] 
missing, repaired and mounted on modern paper. 

Archbishop Grinddl s Injunctions and Visitation Articles 

Edmund GrindaJ (c 1519-83) was archbishop of York from 1570 to 1576. 

Iniunctions I Giuen by the most reuerende father in I Christ, Edmonde by the prouidence of I God, 
Archbishop ofYorke, primate ofEng- I land, and Metropolitan^ in his Metropoli- I ticall visitation of 
the Prouince ofYorke, I aswell to the Clergie, as to the Laytie I of the same Prouince. I Anno do. 
1571. I [ornament] I Imprinted at London, by I William Seres. I Cum priuiltgio. 

Articles I to be enquired of, within the Prouince I ofYorke, in the Metropoliticall visi- I tation of 
the most reuerent father I in God, Edmonde Archbishop of I Yorke, Primate and Metropoli- I tane 
of Englande. I In the .xiij. yeare of the raigne of our most gracious I soueraigne Ladie Elizabeth, by 
the grace of God, I Queene of England, France and Ire- I lande, defender of the I fayth, &c. I 

[ornament] I 1 Imprinted at London, by I William Seres. I Anno. 1571. 

The Injunctions and the Articles were issued together as one book (no colophon; itaJic, roman, 
and black-letter; STC: 10375). 


Archbishop Sandys Visitation Articles 

Edwin Sandys (15l6?-88) was archbishop of York from 1577 to 1588. 

[Device] I H ARTICLES TO BE I enquired off, within the prouince of Yorke, I in the 
Metropoliticall visitation of the I most Reuerend Father in Go(d) I Edwin Archbishoppe of I Yorke, 
primate of I England and I Metropoli- I tane. I In the .xix. and .xx. yeare, of the raigne of our most I 
gratious souereigne Lady Elizabeth by the I grace of God of England, Fraunce and I Ireland Queene, 
defender I of the Fayth, &c, I 1577, & .1578. I [rule] I [device] I [rule] I H Imprinted at London by \ 
William Seres. I [rule] No colophon (?); roman, italic, and black-letter; no printers devices; no SR entry. 
In the surviving copy (Oxford, Bodleian Library Arch. Bodl.: B.n.21), four-fifths of the last leaf has been 
cutaway. STC: 10376. 

Bishop Chaderton s Visitation Articles 

William Chaderton (c 1540-1608) was bishop of Chester from 1579 to 1595. 

Articles to I be enquired of with- 1 in the Diocesse of I Chester, in the visitation of the I reuerende father 
in GOD, I William Bishop of I Chester. I In the njj yeere of the reigne of our most I gracious 
soueraigne Lady Elizabeth, &c. I Imprinted at London by I Christopher Barker, Printer to I the 
Queenes Maiesrie. No colophon; roman, italic, and black-letter; tide-page border [McKerrow 221 a] 
Compartment with the Queen s arms at top, Fides and Humilitas at sides; the ensigns of the four evan 
gelists at the corners, and a tiger s head, the crest of Sir F. Walsingham, below ; no SR entry; STC: 10174.5 

Bishop Vaughan s Visitation Articles 

Richard Vaughan (1550?-! 607) was bishop of Chester from 1597 to 1604. 

ARTICLES I to be enquired of I Within the Diocesse of Chester, I in the Visitation of the Reuerend 
Father in I God, Richard, Bishop of Chester, in I the second yeere of the raigne of our I gracious Soueraigne 
Lord\ King lames, &c. I [ornament] I LONDON I Printed by Simon Stafford. 1604. No colophon; 
roman and black-letter; printer s ornament of floral pattern, lozenge-shaped; no SR entry; STC: 10175. 

Bishop Lloyd s Visitation Articles 

George Lloyd (1560-1615) was bishop of Chester from 1604 to 1615. 

ARTICLES I to be inquired of I Within the Diocesse of Chester, in I the ordinary Visitation of the 
reuerend Father I in God, George, Lord Bishop of Chester, I anno Domini 1605. and in the yeere of the I 
raigne of our soueraigne Lord, lames, by the I grace of God, of great Brittayne, France I and Ireland, King, 
Defender of \ the fayth, &Cc. I Viz. I Of great Brittayne, Fraunce and Ireland, the I third, and of Scotland 
the eight and thirtieth. I (ornament] I Imprinted at London by Simon Stafford, I dwelling in Hosier lane, 
neere Smithfield. I 1605- No colophon; italic, roman, and black-letter; printer s device showing a design 
of stalks, leaves, flowers, and a pod; no SR entry; STC: 10176. 


Archbishop Mathtw s Visitation Articles 
Tobie or Tobias Mathew (1 546-1 628) was archbishop of York from 1 606 to 1 628. 

ARTICLES I To be inquired of, I In the Metropoliticall Visitation, I of the most Reuerend Father in GOD, 
TOBIE I by the providence of God, L Arch-bishop \ <?/ Yorke, and Primate I of England. I [rule] I In the 
yeare of our LORD I GOD 1607. And in the first yeare I of his Graces Translation. I [rule] I [rule] I 
Imprinted at London I 1607. No colophon; roman and italic; no printer s devices; no SR entry; STC: 

Bishop Morton s Visitation Articles 

Thomas Morton (1564-1659) was bishop of Chester from 1616 to 1619- 

OF I THE REVEREND FA- I therin GOD, Thomas, by the\ prouideno: of GOD, Lord I Bishop of 
CHES- 1 TER. I [rule] I In the Yeere of our Lord I God, 1617. I [rule] I [ornament] I [rule] I ANNO 
DOM. 1617. No colophon; roman, italic, and black-letter; printer s ornament showing a design of 
roses and thistles, with a central fleur-de-lys; no SR entry; STC: 10176.5- 

Archbishop Harsnett s Visitation Articles 

Samuel Harsnett (1561-1631) was archbishop of York from 1629 to 1631. 

ARTICLES I to be enquired of, I In the Metropoliticall Visitation of the I most Reuerend Father in God, 
SAMVEL, I by the prouidence of God, Lord Arch- I bishop of Yorke, Primate of Eng- I land, and 
Metropolitane. I Begun and continued in the yeeres of our I LORD GOD 1628, and 1629. And in I the 
first yeere of his Graces I Translation. I [rule] I [device] I [rule] I Imprinted at London by IOHN BILL, I 
Printer to the Kings most Excellent I Maiestie, 1629. No colophon; roman and black-letter; printers 
device on title-page [McKerrow 248] Ornament of a two-tailed mermaid blowing two horns. A fringe of 
tassels below ; no SR entry; STC: 10379.7. 

Archbishop Neile s Visitation Articles 

Richard Neile (1562-1640) was archbishop of York from 1632 to 1640. 

ARTICLES I TO BE INQVI- I RED OF, I In the Metropolitcall Visitation of the I most Reuerend 
Father in God, RICH- I ARD, by the prouidence of God, I Lord Arch-bishop of Yorke, Pri- I mate of 
England and Me- I tropolitane. I [rule] I In the yeere of our Lord God, I 7633. I [rule] I LONDON, I 
Printed by lohn Norton. I 1633. No colophon; roman, italic, and black-letter; no printer s device; no 
SR entry; STC: 10380. 

God, I RICHARD, by the Providence of GOD, I Lord Arch-bishop of Yorke, Pri- I mate of England, and 


Me- \ tropolitane. I [device] I Had in the Yeere of our Lord I God, 1636.1 [rule] I LONDON Printed by 
JOHN NOR- I TON. 1636. No colophon; roman, italic, and black-letter; no printer s device; no SR 
entry; STC: 10380.5. 

Bishop Bridge-man s Visitation Articles 

John Bridgeman (1577-1652) was bishop of Chester from 1619 to 1643, when parliament 
abolished episcopacy and he slipped quietly into retirement. 

THE I ARTICLES I OF WHICH THE I Church-wardens and Swornemen, I throughout the Diocesse of 
Chester, I are to take notice and make their I Presentments thereupon, in this I Trieniall Visitation of the I 
Right Reuerend Father in God, lohn I by the prouidence of God Lord Bishop I of that Diocesse. I [device] I 
LONDON, I Printed by William Stansby, 1634. No colophon; roman and black-letter; printers device 
[McKerrow 282] of an old man receiving gifts from the hands; doves at his feet, bearing scrolls with the 
words, "Peace" and "Plentie." Motto: Thou shalt labor for or For thou shall Labor. ; no SR entry; STC: 1 0177. 

ARTICLES I TO BE I CONSIDERED ON, I And Presentment to be made there- I unto upon the 
Oath of the Church- I wardens and Sworne-men through out I the Diocesse of Chester, in the I Triennial! 
Visitation I OF I The right Reverend Father in God, I IOHN, by the Providence of GOD, Lord I Bishop 
of that Diocesse, for this present I yeere of our LORD, 1637. I [device McKerrow 31 1] I LONDON, I 
Printed for HENRY SEILE, 1637. No colophon; black-letter; printer s device [McKerrow 311] an 
old man standing by an olive tree; above him, on a scroll, the motto, Noli altum sapere; no SR entry; 
STC: 10178. 

County of Lancaster 

The county documents included in this collection are mostly concerned with sabbath obser 
vance. Few of them bear exact dates and some have been incorporated into later material in a 
way that disguises their true dating. The chronology adopted here, which differs in some par 
ticulars from the one assumed by Kenneth Parker in The English Sabbath and by other recent 
historians, is explained in the Introduction (see pp xxiv-xxv) and fully discussed in the end- 
notes to the individual documents. 

JPS Orders for Salford Hundred 

See Ashton under Lyne (p liv) for Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book. 

Richard Hollinguiorth, Mancuniensis (AC) 

Richard Hollingworth (1607-56) was minister of Sacred Trinity Chapel in Salford and a fellow 
of Manchester Collegiate Church. His Mancuniensis, a manuscript history of Manchester and 
its immediate neighbourhood, contains a passage about the ecclesiastical commissioners orders 
and injunctions (dated 1579) for the sabbath and other occasions. 


Manchester, Chetham s Library, Mun. A.6.51; c 1656; English; paper; iii + 59 + i; pre-1850 ink foliation; 
290mm x 180mm; white vellum binding, blind-tooled with the Chctham arms blind-stamped on the 
front and back boards, title on spine in gold on purple leather label: Hollingwort Mancuniensis. 

Report of Edward Fleetwood 

This report on the religious condition of Lancashire and Cheshire was probably written by 
Edward Fleetwood, rector ofWigan, for Queen Elizabeth s chief minister, Lord Burghley, in the 
summer of 1587. 

London, Public Record Office, SP 12/240; 1587; English; paper; bifolium; 304mm x 200mm. Now 
mounted as ff 292-3 in a guardbook with red morocco binding, tide on spine: SP 12 State Papers 
Domestic Elizabeth. 240. 

Report of Seventeen Lancashire Preachers 

This appears to be the full advertisement of our manifolde Enormities that Fleetwood men 
tioned in his letter to Burghley of 7 September 1 587. 

Oxford, Bodleian Library, Tanner MS 144; 1587; English; paper; bifolium; 315mm x 209mm. Bound as 
item 18, ff28 9v, in a volume of original letters and papers relating to church affairs in northern Eng 
land for the years 1 576-1727/8. 

Proposals of Sixteen Lancashire Justices Concerning Sabbath Observance 

These proposals for improved legal machinery to deal with sabbath observance have a draft 
recognisance of alehouse-keepers appended to them. 

London, British Library, Harley MS 1926; c 1556-97; English; paper; ii + 136 + ii; modern foliation; 
213mm x 152mm; modern binding of red boards, stamped with gilt crest front and back. 

Letter from Edward Fleetwood to Lord Burghley 

London, British Library, Cotton Titus B.ii; 7 September 1587; English; paper; bifolium; 315mm x 
210mm; text on rectos only; f [239v] endorsed: 7 Sept 1587 From Mr Edward Fleetwood touching ye 
state of Lancashire. Now mounted as ff 239-40 in a guardbook with a standard British Library binding. 

Letter of Edward Fleetwood 

This appears to be a fragment or excerpt from a second letter of Fleetwood to Burghley written 
in the autumn of 1 587. 

See Ashton under Lyne (p liv) for Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book. 


Letter from Derby, Walsingham, and Gerard on Sabbatarian Campaign 

This letter survives in a copy in LRO: DDKs 30/2, a miscellany of pieces dealing with legal 
administration and public affairs in Elizabethan Lancashire similar to BL: Harley 1926. For a 
fuller account of the manuscript see John Harland, The Lancashire Lieutenancy, pp iii-v. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDKs 30/2; 1576-88; English and Latin; paper; 20 leaves; modern 
pagination; 307mm x 205mm; gathered bifolia sewn as a pamphlet. 

Memorandum from Bishop of Chester to Privy Council 

This appears to be a summary of the report of the seventeen preachers, prepared in 1590 as 
pan of a renewed attempt to enforce sabbath observance. 

London, Public Record Office, SP 12/235; 1590; English; paper; bifolium; 262mm x 165mm. Now 
mounted on guardstrips as ff 146-7 in a book with red morocco binding, title on spine: SP 12 State 
Papers Domestic Elizabeth 235. 

Letter of the Privy Council to Henry, earl of Derby 

This is an official letter from the privy council in London to the earl of Derby as lord lieu 
tenant of Lancashire and Cheshire, surviving in a contemporary register. 

London, Public Record Office, PC 2/19; 1591-2; English; paper; iii + 280 + ii; modern pagination; 
345mm x 245mm; bound in brown tooled leather, title on spine: Elizabeth vol. x. Council Register. 
Oct. 1591 to Aug. 1592. 

Orders for Sabbath Observance 

A copy of these new orders appears in the Manchester Sessions Book, Manchester Central 
Library Archives Department MS. F. 347.96 M2, p 25, but the Kenyon MS, being signed by 
Edward Bromley, JP, is clearly the original and has therefore been chosen as the copy text. The 
variant readings of the Manchester text are discussed in the endnote. 

Cumbers House, Shropshire, Kenyon MS, No 28; 161 6; English; paper; single sheet; 400mm x 310mm; 
tears at bottom, repaired; endorsed: Order set downe by ludge Bromley for good observacon of Sunday 
and Observations for (the) sabaothe." 

The King s Declaration Concerning Lawful Sports 

This was issued by James i on 27 August 1617 at Gerard s Bromley in Staffordshire, a week 
after he completed his progress through Lancashire. 


Manchester, Manchester Central Library Archives Department, MS f 347.96 M2; 1616-30; Latin and 
English; paper; i + 320 + i; modern pagination; 295mm x 190mm; leaves repaired; leather binding. 

John Barwick, Icpovftctis 

This work is, in fact, a life of Thomas Morton, bishop of Chester and afterwards of Durham, 
by John Barwick, dean of St Paul s, who had been Morton s domestic chaplain. 

IEPONIKHS, I OR I The Fight, Victory, and Triumph of S. VAVL. I Accommodated I To the Right 
Reverend Father in God I THOMAS I LATE I L. BISHOP of DURESME, I In a SERMON Preached 
at his Funeral, I In the Parish Chruch of St. PETER at I Easton-Manduit \i\ Northampton-shire \ on 
Michaelmas- Jay, 1659. I Together, I With the LIFE of the said Bishop. I [rule] I By JOHN BARWICK 
(now) D.D. I And one of his Majesties Chaplains in I Ordinary. I [rule] I Rom. 8. 37. I [Greek] I Phil. 3. 
17. I Brethren, be ye followers together of me, I and mark them that walk I so, as ye have us for an Example. I 
[rule] I LONDON, I Printed for R. Roystonzt the Angel in Ivy-lane, 1660. No colophon; italic and roman 
in two sizes; Eyre and Rivington 3d October 1659 Richard Royston. Entred ... under the hand of 
Master Thrale warden a booke called The life of the Right Reverend Father in God, Thomas Lite Lord 
Bishop ofDuresme with a sermon preached at his funerall by]o\M\ Barwickc B.D. chaplaine to the said 
Bishop.... vjd ; Wing: B 1008. 

Suppression of Recusant Alehousekeepers and Musicians 

In 1626 Lord Harvey, judge of the common pleas, issued this order for all the hundreds and 
justices of the peace of Lancashire. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSB 1/4 (13); 1626; Latin and English; paper; bifolium; 273mm x 

Quarter Session Orders in Time of Plague 

The Lancashire bench issued similar orders at Ormskirk for the hundreds of West Derby and 
Leyland, and at Manchester for the hundred of Salford, prohibiting unnecessary public assem 
blies during an outbreak of plague in 1631. These survive in both the quarter session roll, LRO: 
QSR 28, and the quarter session order book, LRO: QSO 2/6. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSR 28; 1631; Latin and English; parchment; 47 membranes gath 
ered at head; mb 13: 520mm x 265mm, others: 160mm or 170mm longer; written from front to dorse 
of each membrane in turn. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSO 2/6; 1631-2; Latin and English; paper; 179 leaves; unnum 
bered; 270mm x 168mm; made up as four pamphlets, one for each quarterly session, in modern covers. 

Editorial Procedures 

Principles of Selection 

This, like other REED collections, deals with drama and entertainment to 1642 but two espe 
cially pertinent later documents have been placed in Appendix 1. In choosing what to include 
the emphasis has been chiefly on dramatic and musical performance. Hence records which 
mention performers but do not attest to actual secular performance have usually been excluded. 
This includes references to players or minstrels who appear as witnesses in court cases unrelated 
to performance or as tax-payers or landowners. One large class of such notices, however, has 
been assembled as Appendix 2, namely entries in church registers. Also, the payments to the 
waits of Manchester by the collegiate church have been included in the text because they may 
relate to non-liturgical performance. 

Bear-baitings, bull-baitings, cock-fights, and horse-races have been included as falling well 
within the contemporary definition of entertainment, as have the folk-rites of mumming, may 
pole ceremonies, Robin Hood plays, and summer games. By extension, the disguising at Chor- 
ley in 1536 has been included as probably inspired by folk custom. Previous REED editors may 
not have collected information about rushbearings but the ceremonial ones found in Lanca 
shire, often accompanied by piping, seem to meet REED S criteria for inclusion very well. 

Gaming and playing are ambiguous terms in Tudor and Stuart records; they may mean 
staging games or performances but more likely refer merely to gambling. The general rule for 
this collection has been to exclude passages where these words appear unless context or other 
evidence suggested that a performance of some kind had in fact occurred. 

Court records are sometimes set up in such a way that it is hard to decide how many accused 
persons are covered by a charge involving entertainment. In providing context for relevant ma 
terial, the rule has been to give passages in full rather than risk omitting references to possible 
performers. All letters have been printed in full and generous use has been made of such sources 
as Adam Martindale s autobiography and Lieutenant Hammonds travel narrative. In the 
Walmesley household accounts, many notices of entertainers and guests at entertainments are 
actually marginalia to lists of food and other household items bought for the week when the 
entertainment took place. Then the whole block of household entries has been reproduced as 
affording worthwhile context. In general, marginalia written before 1700 have been transcribed 
but later ones (which are especially frequent in the Liverpool Town Books) have been ignored. 

The main collection keeps to activities within historic Lancashire, except for a few entries in 


the household section illustrating Lancashire families support for entertainers while travelling 
outside the county. One incident involving a Lancashire minstrel performing just over the 
county boundary is placed in Appendix 3 and should be read in conjunction with the contem 
porary entry in the main text under Chorley (see pp 1 1-13) which it helps to elucidate. 

Since the Stanleys were the leading Lancashire family throughout a great part of the period 
spanned by the Records, it seemed appropriate to round out the account of their household en 
tertainments by printing the full text of the Knowsley Masque as Appendix 4 and by including 
in this volume Dr Roger Dickinson s account of their entertainments on the Isle of Man, which 
forms Appendix 5. As the probable work of a Lancashire author, the Stonyhurst cycle of reli 
gious pageants is noticed in Appendix 6. 

Only incidents vouched for by a contemporary authority have been admitted to the text. 
Hence Hollingworth s tradition about a Robin Hood play in Manchester a century before his 
time has been reserved for Appendix 7 and the custom of the Black Knight s riding at Ashton 
under Lyne, which may have a long history but is first attested in the eighteenth century, is 
dealt with in Appendix 8. 

The household accounts of the Plantagenet earls and dukes of Lancaster have not been in 
cluded here because they did not have their seat within the county, spent little or no time there, 
and so far as the extant records enable one to judge, never patronized entertainers within the 
county boundaries. Their records may at a later date form a distinct REED collection or an ad 
junct to one or more volumes dealing with the royal household. References to boy bishops 
would normally have been included but the Lytham Priory payments appear to have gone to 
support the boy bishop of the mother house at Durham rather than a local one and so Lytham 
Priory s boy bishop payments, along with boy bishop payments from other daughter-houses, 
have been reserved for publication in the forthcoming REED Durham collection. Two cases 
listed in Raines transcripts of Chester diocesan visitation proceedings, apparently involving 
Lancashire parishes, have been excluded. 208 John Baxter, a piper active in 1 596, could not be 
located in the visitation records for any Lancashire deanery in or around that year, despite his 
apparent connection with Garstang. George Nicholson, a clergyman who neglected his duties 
to attend a may game on Whit Monday 1621, was serving in the parish of Wybunbury in 
Cheshire and not in Leigh in Lancashire as Raines seems to have thought. 

Wills and manorial court records have not been searched exhaustively but relevant items 
noted by earlier researchers or discovered in the course of other investigation have been traced 
and printed from the original sources. 209 These small courts tended to deal with pastoral con 
cerns and those which have been read (eg, Ightenhill halmote court) have yielded little relevant 
information. At the Public Record Office in London a long list of court rolls relating to Lanca 
shire was also examined with small result. Cox mentions churchwardens accounts for Wigan 
from REED s period and Lawrence Blair s List of Churchwardens Accounts adds ones for Lancaster, 
Littleborough, and Rochdale but diligent search has not revealed any of these. 2 " Weeks and 
other older antiquaries used material for Clitheroe that cannot now be identified in the cata 
logued collections at the Lancashire Record Office but much or all of that may come to light 
again as the Record Office completes its cataloguing; all known relevant Clitheroe material has 
here been printed from original sources. 


The same is to be hoped for a manuscript play entitled The Christmas Ordinary: wherein 
is Expressed the loviall Freedome of this Festivall Presented in a p. Show by H.B. This was 
formerly at Birkdale, Southport, in the collection of Raymond Richards, which consisted 
largely of Lancashire material; the spelling of the title suggests a date before 1642 and p. Show 
may well stand for puppet show. 1 Keele University at Newcastle under Lyme in Staffordshire 
bought the manuscript in 1948 but inquiries have revealed that it is not there now and the 
university seems never to have received it. If this piece had come to light, it would have ap 
peared here alongside the Knowsley Masque. 2 " 

Certain ghost entries deserve to be noted here. From an examination of the Lancashire 
pipe rolls for the reign of King John, Thomas Baines concluded that the royal establishment 
in Lancashire then included two hundred and sixty cocks-I suppose for cock-fighting but 
these proved to be capons intended as provisions for the army going to Ireland. 212 In the will 
of Thomas del Booth of Barton, made 25 September 1368, Le Poll near which a causeway 
was to be made was most likely a pool rather than a maypole; a similar misunderstanding by 
older antiquaries, which led them to posit a maypole near Cockersand Abbey, is discussed at 
length in Appendix 9. 2 " A reference to William, son of Robert Geffeson le belleward, in a 
grant and confirmation of lands in Warrington and elsewhere in 1375-6 finds no place in this 
volume because belleward there most likely means bell-keeper, in which sense it is clearly 
attested in Middle English (MED belle n. (1) 8). 2N It is, however, found in Westhoughton in 
1634 as a dialectal variant of bear-ward (see p 97) but the date of the Westhoughton record is 
too late for a reliable parallel with 1375-6. Winifred Bowman has shown that the gist ale of 
Ashton under Lyne in 1422 was not a parish ale in the usual sense and affords no evidence for 
a parish king. 215 In the paper parish register of Great Harwood in the accounts for 1557, an 
entry transcribed by the Lancashire Parish Register Society editor as hem 6 d to Jenet M^rs^r 
for ale to Weyghts turned out to read Wryghts. 2 6 A reference to Mr Peter Lees foole that J. 
Paul Rylands claimed to find in the Warrington paper register under 30 September 1639 could 
not be found there. 217 Henry ye Foole in the Derby Household Books turned out to be 
Henry ffoole, ffoole or Foule being a common Lancashire surname. 218 

Ecclesiastical Court Records 

Because the records of church courts are highly formulaic and often very abbreviated, it is fre 
quently difficult to understand what actually happened. An outline of the proceedings will 
help clarify some of these difficulties. 

The size of the diocese of Chester meant that the visitation courts were more used for ex of- 
ficio or office cases (the ecclesiastical equivalent of criminal proceedings) than were the two 
fixed consistory courts at Chester and Richmond. There are only two cases recorded in this 
collection involving the consistory court, Holcombe 1626 and Winwick 1596/7 (see pp 26- 
and 1 12). (A case against the Garstang churchwardens in 1623 (see p 23) was heard in the 
consistory of Chester Cathedral but reported in the visitation books, so it is difficult to know 
how to classify it: a warning perhaps against our desire for clearcut categories.) In these two 
cases, the relevant section of the list of articles is printed, that is, the detailed charge as it was 


presented to the accused, rather than the less informative report in the consistory court act 

A visitation, which took place within the deanery, involved presentment, a process in which 
either the churchwardens or, in some cases, the incumbent of a parish brought forth a list of 
any offences known or believed by them to have been committed by their parishioners since the 
last visitation. Sometimes a list of questions was prepared for the visitation to ensure a full pre 
sentment. Since the officials making the visitation were the same as those empowered to hold a 
court, ie, the metropolitan (in this case the archbishop of York), the diocesan (in this case the 
bishop of Chester), or their vicars general, commissaries, or other deputies, holding hearings at 
the same time presented no administrative difficulties. 

However, the accused was frequently not present at the visitation, so that the record of the 
case may consist only of the alleged charge without any statement from the accused or other de 
tails. If the accused did appear at that or a subsequent visitation, we usually have a fuller ac 
count of the matter or at least a marginal note of the outcome. There is little here which reflects 
the full machinery of three-fold citation and summoning described in David Klausner s Here 
fordshire/Worcestershire volume and it is not clear how offenders were cited to make their ap 
pearances before the court. 2 " 

However they were cited, a failure to appear would surely have constituted contumacy in 
Chester diocese just as much as in Hereford diocese, resulting ultimately in excommunication. 
The effects of excommunication could be more easily avoided in Lancashire than in many 
other districts and therefore it does not seem to have been a strong deterrent (see pp xx-xxi 
above). In one case in Halsall, the accused was presented at a visitation in October 161 1 but 
did not appear to answer the charge or receive absolution from excommunication until Octo 
ber 1613 (see pp 24-5). This is the most extreme case included in this collection but it serves 
to underscore a difficulty which the courts must have frequently faced, albeit usually on a lesser 

If the accused appeared in person or sent a proctor (who at this time might have been a mas 
ter, patron, parent, or spouse rather than an officer of the court) in response to the present 
ment, the article containing the charge was formally laid against him or her by the judge and 
then formally either denied or acknowledged. If the charge was acknowledged, the court could 
proceed in one of two ways. Either the judge warned the offender not to commit a similar of 
fence thereafter and dismissed the case, or he ordered a public penance, normally a confession 
of the article in the offenders parish church at one or more major services in a set form of 
words and in customary penitential garb. Sometimes, however, the penance was to be per 
formed only in the presence of the minister and churchwardens and possibly a set number of 

The offender had to return to the court and certify the performance of his or her penance ei 
ther by presenting a copy of the schedule of penance, ie, the set form of words used in the con 
fession, which was taken from the court to the church and signed by the minister and wardens 
after they had witnessed the penance, or by oath. If an offender ordered to do penance did not 
return to court within the designated period to certify his or her compliance, then excommuni 
cation for contumacy was incurred. 


If the accused denied all or part of the charge, there were again several courses open to the 
judge. He might refuse to accept the denial (a rare occurrence), or he might accept the denial 
on the strength of the accused s oath, or he might require formal compurgation, a variety of 
proof peculiar to the ecclesiastical courts. 

Presumably, the judge chose whether to issue a warning or order public penance (in the case 
of a confession of fault), or accept a simple oath, or order compurgation (in the case of a denial 
of the charge) on an ad hoc basis. A simple warning to behave better in future might be deemed 
appropriate on the basis of apparent sincerity of repentance, the likelihood of a recurrence, the 
perceived gravity of the offence, or the minor role of the particular accused in that offence. A 
person of known good character might have his oath accepted whereas a person of known bad 
morals might have compurgators required. 

After the accused had successfully completed penance or compurgation and delivered any 
necessary certificates to the judge, the case was normally dismissed. This precluded further pro 
ceedings against the accused for the same charge. There were usually court fees to be paid, al 
though this is not always specified in the court books. The fees could be waived for a person 
who could certify poverty. 

The court books which record such proceedings tend to be very sparse and laconic, and the 
records of ecclesiastical courts are similarly abbreviated and often very formulaic. So much of 
the course of a case was predetermined that repeated formulas were often reduced to a word or 
two followed by etc. A reader very familiar with court procedure would have been able to sup 
ply the missing information and it is supplied in round brackets as appropriate in the transla 

A registrar of the visitation court would first enter into the court book the names of, and 
charges against, those presented, usually putting no more than four or five names on a page. 
This provided space in which he or another registrar could record the progress of the case. If 
the accused appeared, the registrar would record that fact, the plea, and the judge s disposition 
in as few words as possible. If the accused did not appear at that time, details of the ultimate 
appearance or excommunication for non-appearance might be entered briefly; often the re 
maining space is simply blank. Re-appearances, eg, to certify penance, were recorded in as few 
words as possible. A later session at which an accused person was required to appear may be 
recorded by a new registrar, in which case raised circles (...) are here used to signal the 
change of scribes. An explicit date, or the phrase Quo die if the new appearance date was 
specified elsewhere, normally signals the start of the record of a new appearance. 

Editorial Conventions 

The Records entries are arranged in the same order as in the document descriptions: that is, 
Boroughs, Parishes, and Other Localities as a group; then Monasteries; then Households; then 
Province of York and Diocese of Chester; and lastly the County as a whole. Within the first 
three classes, particular localities, monastic houses, or private households come in alphabetical 
order and under each of those headings entries are arranged chronologically. Records of secular 
and church courts are, whenever possible, assigned to the place where the offence was alleged 


to have occurred. Under Manchester and Prescot, where entries from various sources may come 
together under a single year, proceedings or orders of the court leet come first, then municipal 
accounts, church accounts, proceedings of the quarter sessions, proceedings of church courts, 
and lastly miscellaneous documents such as wills. 

Original layout has been preserved as far as is practicable. The notable departures are that 
right marginalia are moved to the left margin and marked with the symbol , sums of money 
placed over against a long account entry and linked to it with a brace are set flush right in the 
printed text at the end of the last entry line, and no attempt has been made to preserve lin- 
eation in continuous prose. Ecclesiastical court books and visitation books are often set up with 
the names and parishes of the accused in a separate left column; in the printed text that is regu 
larly transposed into an opening paragraph preceding the charge. Continuations of such cases 
are commonly written in the margin because the scribe failed originally to allot enough space; 
here such additions are run on after the main entries they continue. 

The style of transcription may be termed semi-diplomatic. Original spelling, capitalization, 
and punctuation have been retained. Capital T and ] are distinguished only when reproduc 
ing printed sources or antiquarian manuscripts in which they are clearly differentiated; in tran 
scribing original manuscript sources only T is used, ff used for modern F has been retained 
and so has Y for the numeral V in dates, as in i6i6. The character y used as an alternative 
spelling for th, descended from the Old English I>, is so rendered only when it is clearly dis 
tinct from the same writers y ; otherwise it is rendered y. Ambiguous initial letters are gener 
ally transcribed as lower-case rather than capitals. Virgules are printed as / and //. Raised letters 
are retained only in abbreviations for ordinal numerals such as xx th> for twentieth ; otherwise 
they are lowered. 

Expansions are given in italics but abbreviations for sums of money (such as li. , s. , d. , and 
also ob. and q. ) have not normally been expanded, nor have common abbreviations still cur 
rent, nor di. meaning a half. Where the context leaves the number or case of an abbreviated 
word doubtful, the ending has not been expanded; instead the abbreviated form is retained 
with an apostrophe to indicate the suspension, eg, Item Ministrall . In ecclesiastical court cases 
and long runs of formulaic accounts, abbreviation marks, especially for very common words, 
become increasingly formalized and hurried and are sometimes difficult to detect. Rather than 
burden the apparatus with discussion of such cases, the policy has been to expand the forms as 
if the abbreviations were plainly indicated, wherever the writer s intention is clear. 

To prevent ambiguity in the text, italics are used only for expansions; hence the use of italic 
type in early printed sources is not carried over, nor is italic type used for words or phrases in 
italic script appearing in documents otherwise written in secretary. Similarly, bold type is not 
used to represent manuscript display script or the use of black-letter in early printed sources. 

A wrong number of minims is the only kind of scribal error corrected in the text and then 
the exact manuscript reading is reported in a footnote. Otherwise the error is allowed to stand 
and the footnote is used to point it out and propose a correction. Matter enclosed in square 
brackets ([ ]) is cancelled in the source. Diamond brackets (( arc used to enclose damaged 
text and when that is illegible, either dots are used to represent the probable number of missing 
letters or, where the damage is more extensive, the measurement of the loss is specified in a 


footnote or endnote. A change of scribe is always marked with raised circles (...) and when 
more than two writers are involved the details are given in an endnote. The insertion (blank) 
indicates that the scribe has left space for matter to be added later but never put it in. All foot 
notes have been kept as brief as possible and any discussion of textual questions at length will 
be found in the endnotes. 

Flourishes, line fillers, and decorations are ignored. Manuscript braces are reproduced only 
when that is necessary for a clear understanding of the text, but accounting crosses and dots are 
reproduced. Personal marks used to attest documents are uniformly represented by a conven 
tional V but those few whose actual shape is of interest are dealt with in the notes. 

Biblical quotations given in the apparatus follow the Douay-Rheims version of 1609-10 
when the Latin Vulgate is translated; all others are from the Authorized (King James) version of 
1611. Quotations and references to Shakespeare follow The Riverside Shakespeare (Boston, 


The documents have been dated as exactly as possible. Original datings by regnal years and 
holy days have usually been transposed into calendar dates, which are then either incorporated 
into headings or recorded in footnotes. The few cases requiring unusual consideration are 
treated in the endnotes. Court records are nearly always put under the date of the session; 
when the date of the alleged offence is known, the evidence is either found in the text or dis 
cussed in the endnotes. Extracts from the Prescot court rolls have been dated on internal evi 
dence for reasons given in the Prescot document descriptions (see p Ixx). Wills are dated to the 
day when they were drawn up unless probated appears in the heading; it has not been possible 
to determine when certain wills printed here were probated. Extracts from chronicles, travel 
narratives, and memoirs have been placed under the date which the author assigned to the inci 
dent excerpted. 

For towns, parishes, religious houses, and households that observed a fiscal year and set 
up their accounts accordingly, that fiscal year is used as a dating framework. A double-year 
date, such as 1531-2, denotes an account year running from one Michaelmas to the next un 
less another fiscal year is specified in the subheading, as it is, for instance, in Liverpool. When 
appropriate a more exact date within that year is given in a second subheading, chiefly in the 
excerpts from the Liverpool town books and the Walmesley household accounts. Where a sin 
gle-year date is used, the period between 1 January and 25 March is signalled by using a split 
year date such as 1 531/2. In the Whalley Abbey accounts a single year coincides with the 
account year (see above p Ixxx). 

The Sherrington, Shireburn, and Shuttleworth household accounts are continuous records 
of expenses rather than formal accounts invariably cast up and balanced annually. In presenting 
them, the individual extracts have simply been dated as exactly as the evidence of the 
manuscripts permits. 


If a work appears in the Select Bibliography, full publication details are not given in these Notes. 

1 John K. Walton. Lancashire: A Social History, 1558-1939 (Manchester, 1987), 1. 

2 The east-west road running from Chester to York via Manchester was evidently used by 
Edward AJleyn, who led a section of Strange s men between those towns in 1 593 (see the 
reference to his letter to his wife in Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, vol 2, p 124). For Lanca 
shire s Roman roads see Bagley, A History of Lancashire, p 14. Lancashire s medieval and 
renaissance roads are shown in C.W. Scott-Giles, The Road Goes On (London, 1946), 
pages facing 49 and 66 and in H.C. Darby (ed), A New Historical Geography of England 
(Cambridge, 1973), 173 and 289. 

3 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 91. 

4 Joan Thirsk, Cheshire and Lancashire, The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol 4 
(1500-1640), Joan Thirsk (ed) (Cambridge, 1967), 81, 85. 

5 BL: MS Sloane 2596, f 105v. This has been edited by Henry B. Wheatley and Edmund W. 
Ashbee (London, 1879). The distances given here are in long miles ; the actual length of 
old Lancashire was 70 miles, its breadth in the south 45 miles. 

6 Paul Booth, Eight Hundred Years of Lancashire, Lancashire Local Historian 1 (1983), 13. 

7 Booth, Eight Hundred Years of Lancashire, p 19. 

8 BL: MS Sloane 2596, f 107. 

9 T.S. Willan, Elizabethan Manchester, cs, 3rd ser, vol 27 (Manchester, 1980), 39. Willan 
(pp 38-9) speculates on Manchester s population in 1543, 1563, 1607-11, and 1642 and 
estimates it to have grown upward from 2,300 to over 3,000, with severe mortality in the 
plague of 1605. See also Peter Clark, Kathy Gaskin, and Adrian Wilson, Population Esti 
mates of English Small Towns 1550-1851, Centre for Urban History, University of Leices 
ter, Working Paper 3 (1989), 97. 

10 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 92. 

11 P.J. Gooderson, A History of Lancashire (London, 1980), 55-6 (1 563 was the year of the 
bishop of Chester s survey of his diocese). 

12 Walton, Lancashire, p 25; Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 22. 

13 Roger Finlay, Population and the Metropolis: The Demography of London 1580-1650 
(Cambridge, 1981), 6; see also Steve Rappaport, Worlds Within Worlds: Structures of Life 

cvui NOTES 

in Sixteenth-Century London (Cambridge, 1989), 64 and R. Finlay and B. Shearer, Popu 
lation Growth and Suburban Expansion, London 1500-1700: The Making of the 
Metropolis, A.L. Beier and Roger Finlay (eds) (London, 1986), 49, table 5. For York, see 
John Patten, English Towns 1500-1700 (Folkestone, 1978), 100 and D.M. Palliser, Epi 
demics in Tudor York, Northern History 8 (1973), 46. See also Roger Howell, Jr., New 
castle upon Tyne and the Puritan Revolution (Oxford, 1967), 2. 

14 J.D. Marshall, Lancashire (Newton Abbott, 1974), 47. 

1 5 Peter Clark and Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition, 1500-1700 (Oxford, 1976; rpt 
1979), 10. 

16 S.T. Bindoff, The House of Commons 1509-1558, vol 1 (London, 1982), 118-28 and 
P.W. Hasler, The House of Commons 1558-1603, vol 1 (London, 1981), 186-92. See 
also Henry Hornyold-StrickJand, Biographical Sketches of the Members of Parliament of 
Lancashire (1290-1550), cs, ns, vol 93 (Manchester, 1935), 1 10-18. 

17 Hasler, The House of Commons 1558-1603, pp 187-90. 

18 Alan Everitt, The Market Town, The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol 4 

(1 500-1640), Joan Thirsk (ed) (Cambridge, 1967), 469. Even this figure may be high as 
Everitt is interested in markets rather than towns per se. 

19 WaJton, Lancashire: A Social History, p 26. 

20 Patten, English Towns, pp 103, 106. 

21 Walton, Lancashire: A Social History, p 25. 

22 Walton, Lancashire: A Social History, p 12. 

23 Bailey, Elizabethan Playhouse, p 70. 

24 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 20. 

25 VCH: Lane, vol 2 p 205. 

26 Somerville, Duchy of Lancaster, p 147. 

27 Somerville, Duchy of Lancaster, p 231 

28 Somerville, Duchy of Lancaster, p 261. 

29 A. Hassell Smith, County and Court (Oxford, 1974), 48-50; see also J.H. Gleason, The 
Justices of the Peace in England 1558-1640 (Oxford, 1969). 

30 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp 234-5. 

31 AJan G.R. Smith, The Government of Elizabethan England (New York, 1967), 85-6; see 
also Felicity Heal, Hospitality in Early Urban England (London, 1967), 308, 386. 

32 Quintrell, Lancashire Justices of the Peace, p 7. 

33 Alan G.R. Smith, Government of Elizabethan England, p 94. 

34 Gleason, Justices of the Peace, pp 1 , 121. 

35 Smith, County and Court, pp 48-9. 

36 AJan G.R. Smith, Government of Elizabethan England, p 92. 

37 Thomas Smith, De Repvblica Anglorum 1583: facsimile (Amsterdam, 1970; STC: 22857), 

38 Quintrell, Lancashire Justices of the Peace, p 8. 

39 PRO: SP 12/46, no 63, f 143- 

40 Quintrell, Lancashire Justices of the Peace, p 46. 


41 Penry Williams, The Crown and the Counties, The Reign of Elizabeth i, Christopher 
Haigh (ed) (Athens, Georgia, 1985), 140. 

42 See Keith Wrightson, Two Concepts of Order: Justices, Constables and Jurymen in Seven 
teenth-Century England, An Ungovernable People, John Brewer and John Styles (eds) 
(New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1980), 21-46. 

43 Coward, The Stanleys, pp 152, 153. 

44 Penry Williams, The Tudor Regime (Oxford, 1979), 87, 122-3; see also Lindsay Boynton, 
The Elizabethan Militia 1558-1638 (London, 1967), 71, 140. 

45 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 105. 

46 Alan G.R. Smith, Government of Elizabethan England, p 89. 

47 On Huntingdon, see Claire Cross, The Puritan Earl (London, 1 966), especially pp 

48 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 103. 

49 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp 1 , 4. 

50 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 7; see also Philip Hughes, The Reformation in 
England, vol 1 (London, 1950; rev ed 1963), 32-4. 

51 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp 13-14, citing CRO: EDR 6, pp 53-5- 

52 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp 230, 232. 

53 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 17. 

54 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp 22, 231. 

55 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 21 1. In actuality, only ten out of 200 Lancashire 
clergy were deprived in the early years of Elizabeth i s reign (see Penry Williams, The 
Tudor Regime (Oxford, 1979), 266). 

56 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 234. 

57 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 213. See Somerville, Duchy of Lancaster, pp 4614 
for a list of sheriffs, 1351-1603. 

58 Acts of the Privy Council^ John Roche Dasent (ed), ns, vol 8 (London 1894, rpt 1974), 

59 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 217. 

60 Walton, Lancashire, p 47. 

61 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 223. 

62 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp 263-4. During the period after 1 575, the privy 
council turned its weapons of coercion against the recusants The gentlemen of Lanca 
shire, Yorkshire, Norfolk, and Suffolk were scrutinized with particular care. The privy 
council began to follow on a national scale a policy already adopted for Lancashire (see 
Williams, The Tudor Regime, p 276). 

63 Richardson, Puritanism in North-West England^ pp 161-9. 

64 Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (London, 1967), 406. 

65 Hollingworth, Mancuniensis, pp 75-6. See Appendix 7 for discussion of this misleading 
Robin Hood reference by Hollingworth. 

66 Walton, Lancashire, pp 48-9. 

67 Kenyon MSS 1 5, quoted in Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 299. 


68 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 307. 

69 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 219. 

70 Walton, Lancashire, p 52. 

71 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp 269-70. 

72 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 291. 

73 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp 33 1-2. 

74 Halley, Lancashire, vol 1, p 282. 

75 r/v Z./j of Adam Martindale, Richard Parkinson (ed), cs, vol 4 (Manchester, 1845), 40. 

76 HaJley, Lancashire, vol 1, pp 282-3. 

77 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance , p 301. 

78 Patrick Collinson, The Puritan Classical Movement in the Reign of Elizabeth I, PhD the 
sis (University of London, 1957), 1081, cited in Richardson, Puritanism in North-West 
England, p 34. 

79 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 245- 

80 BL: Yelverton MSS, Additional 48064, f 69. 

81 BL: Yelverton MSS, Additional 48064, f 68. 

82 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 228. 

83 Ramsay Muir, A History of Municipal Government in Liverpool to 1835 (London, 1906), 
20-1. Unless otherwise indicated, information about Liverpool comes from Muir. See 
also J. A. Picton, Memorials of Liverpool, vol 1 (Liverpool, 1875), 1-88. 

84 Muir, History of Municipal Government, p 63- 

85 Clark and Slack, English Towns in Transition, pp 12, 27, 47, 51. 

86 Bagley, History of Lancashire, pp 77-8. 

87 Bindoff, House of Commons 1509-1558, vol 1, pp 122-4. 

88 George Chandler, Liverpool (London, 1957), 174. 

89 Muir, History of Municipal Government, p 27. 

90 Twemlow (ed), Liverpool Town Books, vol 1 , p cxxiv. 

9 1 Muir, History of Municipal Government, p 8 1 . 

92 Bagley, History of Lancashire, p 63. 

93 Twemlow (ed), Liverpool Town Books, vol 1, pp 142-7. 

94 Muir, History of Municipal Government, p 36. 

95 Twemlow (ed), Liverpool Town Books, vol 1, pp 85-8. 

96 Twemlow (ed), Liverpool Town Books, vol 2, pp xvi-xix. 

97 Muir, History of Municipal Government, p 91 . 

98 var. Lane, vol 3, p 14. 

99 Bagley, History of Lancashire, p 64. 

100 W.H. Thomson, History of Manchester to 1852 (Altrincham, Cheshire, 1967), 9. 

101 Tupling, Markets and Fairs of Lancashire, p 101. 

102 Mamecestre, John Harland (ed), vol 1, cs, vol 53 (Manchester, 1861), 134, 146. 

103 Arthur Redford, The History of Local Government in Manchester, vol 1 (London, 1939), 

104 Mamecestre, John Harland (ed), vol 2, cs, vol % (Manchester, 1861), 210. 


105 Redford, Local Government in Manchester, p 17. 

106 Mamecestre,vol2,p247. 

107 H.W. Clemesha, A History of Preston in Amounderness (Manchester, 1912), 24-5- 

108 Thomson, History of Manchester, p 51. 

109 John Leland, The Itinerary, Lucy Toulmin Smith (ed), vol 4 (London, 1964), 5. See also 
Alfred Wadsworth and Julia de Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire 
1600-1 780 (New York, 1968) for Manchester s importance as a textile centre. 

110 Mamecestre, John Harland (ed), vol 3, cs, vol 58 (Manchester, 1862), 524-6. 

1 1 1 Redford, Local Government in Manchester, pp 23, 27, 28. 

112 Earwaker, Court Leet Records of Manchester, vol 1 , p 22 (16 October 1555). 

1 13 Redford, Local Government in Manchester, pp 33, 35. 

114 RJ.C. Hearnshaw, Leet Jurisdiction in England, Publications of the Southampton Record 
Society, vol 5 (Southampton, 1908), 286-7. 

115 T.S. Willan, Elizabethan Manchester, cs, 3rd ser, vol 27 (Manchester, 1980), 2. 

116 Willan, Elizabethan Manchester, p 12. 

117 Redford, Local Government in Manchester, pp 39-40. 

1 1 8 Redford, Local Government in Manchester, p 5 1 . 

119 Redford, Local Government in Manchester, p 34. 

120 Walton, Lancashire, p 12. 

121 Willan, Elizabethan Manchester, p 128. 

122 Clark and Slack, English Towns in Transition, pp 10, 38. 

123 WiJlan, Elizabethan Manchester, pp 21-2. 

124 Raines, History of the County Palatine and Duchy of Lancaster, vol 3, p 697. All references 
are to the 1 836 edition. 

125 Bailey, Prescot Court Leet, pp 60-3, 73- 

126 Baines, History of the County Palatine and Duchy of Lancaster, vol 3, p 705- 

127 Bailey, Prescot Court Leet, p 73. 

128 There is an extended discussion of Prescot s leet in Walter J. King s article Early Stuart 
Courts Leet: Still Needful and Useful, Histoire Sociale- Social History 23, no 46 (1990), 

129 Bailey, Elizabethan Playhouse, p 70. 

130 Bailey, Elizabethan Playhouse, p 71. 

131 David Knowles and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, England and Wales 
(London, 1971), 55-7, 84, 113, 115, 139, 223, 229, 240, 318, 323; see also vcir. Lane, 
vol 2, pp 102-73. 

132 Knowles and Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, p 70; see also vctr. Lane, vol 2, 
pp 107-11. 

133 R.B. Dobson, Durham Priory J 400-1 450, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and 
Thought, 3rd ser, vol 6 (Cambridge, 1973), 327-41. 

134 Knowles and Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, p 128; see also vcir. Lane vol 2 
pp 131-9. 

135 Bagley, History of Lancashire, pp 29-30; vctr. Lane, vol 2, pp 138-9. 


1 36 Knowles and Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, p 1 1 8. 

Lord Burghley s Map of Lancashire, 1590, Miscellanea iv, Catholic Record Society (Lon 
don, 1907), 175; E.A.J. Honigmann, Shakespeare: the Lost Years (Totowa, New Jersey, 
1985), 8-9. 

138 Honigmann, Shakespeare: the Lost Years , p 1 5. 

139 Coward, The Stanleys, p 85. 

140 Coward, The Stanleys, p 85. The third earl was the twelfth in succession, Edward, and the 
fourth earl was the thirteenth, Henry. 

141 Lord Burghley s Map, p 178. 

142 Raines, Journal of Nicholas Assheton, pp 15-1 6. 

143 There may have been a puritanical streak in the younger Richard Shuttleworth. In a 1637 
portrait, he is depicted wearing a plain Puritan band, according to Raines in Journal of 
Nicholas Assheton, p 85. 

144 Raines, Journal of Nicholas Assheton, p 85. 

145 Lord Burghleys Map, p 176. 

146 Raines, Journal of Nicholas Assheton, p 85- 

147 Bagley, History of Lancashire, p 47. 

148 Coward, The Stanleys, pp 9-13. 

149 Barry Coward, A "Crisis of the Aristocracy" in Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Cen 
turies? The Case of the Stanleys, Earls of Derby, 1504-1642, Northern History 18 
(1982), 67. 

150 Coward, A "Crisis", p 66. 

151 Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, p 284. 

1 52 J.J. Bagley, The Earls of Derby 1455-1985 (London, 1 985), 59. 

1 53 Coward, A "Crisis", p 69. 

1 54 Richardson, Puritanism in North-West England, p 1 1 8. 

155 Cited in Lord Burghley s Map, p 194. 

156 Bagley, Earls of Derby, p 72. 

157 Chambers, The Elizabethan Stage, vol 2, p 127; A.W. Titherley, Shakespeare s Identity 
(Winchester, 1952), 30, 33. 

158 Coward, A "Crisis", p 73. 

159 Coward, A "Crisis", p 72. 

1 60 Richardson, Puritanism in North- West England, p 1 1 9. 

161 Bagley, Earls of Derby, p 77. 

162 Coward, A "Crisis", p 74. 

163 Bagley, Earls of Derby, pp 88-90. 

164 Bagley, Earls of Derby, p 92. 

165 Richard Trappes-Lomax, A History of the Township and Manor of Clayton-le-Moors Co. 
Lancaster, cs ns, vol 85 (Manchester, 1926), 60-2. 

1 66 Lord Burghleys Map, p 1 87. 

167 However, Walmesley was very popular and within recent memory his face and title 
( Judge Walmsley ) have appeared on an east Lancashire inn sign in Billington near Black- 


burn. He is also remembered in the WaJmsley Arms in Wigan and the Walmsley Tavern 
in Great Harwood (see A Dictionary of Pub Names, Leslie Dunkling and Gordon Wright 
(eds) (London, 1987), 140. 

168 BL: Yelverton MSS, Additional 48064, f 68v. 

169 Nicholls, Progresses of James i, vol 3, p 395. 

170 Lord Burghley s Map, p 1 87. 

171 The Statutes of the Realm, A. Luders et al (eds), vol 4, pt 1 (London, 1819), 591. 

172 Sally-Beth MacLean, Tracking Leicester s Men: Patterns and Incentives, unpublished 
paper for the Shakespeare Association of America seminar Entertainers on the Road in 
Early Modern England (March, 1991), 5- 

173 Bagley, Earls of Derby, p 74. 

174 Henslowe s Diary, R.A. Foakes and R.T. Rickert (eds) (Cambridge, 1961, rpt 1968), 16; 
David George, Shakespeare and Pembroke s Men, Shakespeare Quarterly 32 (autumn, 
1981), 306, 319. 

175 Karl P. Wentersdorf, The Queens Company in Scotland in 1 589, Theatre Research Inter 
national 6 (Winter, 1980-1), 33-6. 

176 John Tucker Murray, English Dramatic Companies 1558-1642, vol 1 (New York, 1963), 

177 George, Jacobean Actors and the Great Hall at Gawthorpe, p 1 14. 

178 vctf. Lane, vol 6, p 421. 

179 Chatsworth House: Bolton Abbey mss, Book 100, f 94v. 

180 Raines, Journal of Nicholas Assheton, p 1 29. 

181 VCH: Lane, vol 6, p 421. 

182 BL: Add MS 4460, ff7-7v, printed in Douglas and Greenfield (eds), Cumberland/West 
morland/Gloucestershire, p 219- 

183 John Wasson, Records of Early English Drama: Where They Are and What They Tell 
Us, Records of Early English Drama: Proceedings of the First Colloquium, JoAnna Dutka (ed) 
(Toronto, 1979), 139. 

184 See photograph in George, Jacobean Actors and the Great Hall at Gawthorpe, facing 
p 120. 

185 George, Jacobean Actors and the Great Hall at Gawthorpe, pp 1 15-19- 

186 LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1615, sheet 5 (9 June 1615 Court Leet). 

187 Bailey, Elizabethan Playhouse, p 76. 

188 Thomas Troughton, The History of Liverpool (London, 1 810), 98. 

189 James Stonehouse, Dramatic Places of Amusement in Liverpool a Century Ago, Historic 
Society of Lancashire and Cheshire: Proceedings and Papers, Session 5 : 1852-3 (1853), 

190 Walter L. Woodfill, Musicians in English Society from Elizabeth to Charles t (Princeton, 
1953), 33. 

191 See Douglas and Greenfield (eds), Cumberland/Westmorland/Gloucestershire, p 461 . 

192 Nottinghamshire Record Office: CA 1627, p 15, to be published in John Coldewey (ed), 
Nottinghamshire, Records of Early English Drama, forthcoming. 

cxiv NOTES 

93 J.A. Picton, Waits as Bag-Pipers, The Palatine Notebook, vol 2, no 1 (1882), 21. 

194 Michael Drayton, Poly-Olbion or A Chorographicall Description of All the Tracts, Rivers, 
Movntains, Forests, and Other Parts of This Renowned Isle of Great Britain, pt 2 (London, 
1622: src. 7229), p 134, 11. 248-50. 

195 Woodfill, Musicians, pp 84-5. 

196 Woodfill, Musicians, p 85. 

197 LRO: DDTr, Bundle 4, No 288. William Self Weeks, Clitheroe in the Seventeenth Century 
(Clitheroe, [1927]), 110, also notes a John Couper, piper, in Colne in 1423 and le Piper 
de Worston in 1509-10 but the original sources have not been discovered. 

198 The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Stanley Sadie (ed), vol 6 (London, 
1980), 531. 

199 LRO: QSR/1, mb 7d and QSR/2, mb 17d 

200 Bodleian Library: Ashmole 48, f 96, printed in The British Bibliographer 4, no 13 (1814), 

20 1 New Grove Dictionary of Music, vol 7, 4 1 2. 

202 Woodfill, Musicians, p 57. 

203 There is an additional reference to the cockpit in the same year, 1623, in the inquisition 
post mortem of its owner, William Ravalde, who long before his death was seised in fee 
of... 1 parcel of land called "le Cockeflght Place" in Manchester. See J. Paul Rylands 
(ed), Lancashire Inquisitions Returned into the Chancery of the Duchy of Lancaster . . . Stuart 
Period, Part m, 20 to 23 James i. Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, vol 17 
(1888), 409. 

204 Douglas and Greenfield (eds), Cumberland/Westmorland/Gloucestershire, p 201. 

205 See Lawrence M. Clopper, Chester, Records of Early English Drama (Toronto, 1979), 

206 Bishops transcripts for Prescot parish, LRO: DRL 2/347. 

207 See Baines, History of the County Palatine and Duchy of Lancaster, vol 3, p 190 for 
Assheton genealogy. 

208 Manchester, CL: Mun. C.6.56, pp 194, 198. 

209 The bulk and condition of the Lancashire quarter sessions rolls also precluded an 
exhaustive reading. The rolls are extant for 1588-92, 1601-6, 1608-9, and 1615 
onwards beyond REED S cutoff date. They were searched with the help of Tait s calendar 
in Lancashire Quarter Sessions Records, which covers 1590-1606, Axon s Manchester Ses 
sions which covers 1616-30, and the typed index to the recognizances in the Lancashire 
Record Office, which covers 1605-6 and 1623-43. The order books were read systemat 
ically from 1626 when they begin. Rolls for the two periods not fully covered by these 
aids, 1588-90 and 1606-23, were sampled and yielded no additional material of interest. 

210 J. Charles Cox, Churchwardens Accounts from the Fourteenth Century to the Close of the 
Seventeenth Century (London, 1913), 44-52, 356 and Lawrence Blair, A List of Church 
wardens Accounts (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1939), 1-21. 

211 National Register of Archives: 1085, unpublished report (17 April 1948) of the Ray 
mond Richards Collection, item 15. 


212 Thomas Baines, History of the Commerce and Town of Liverpool (London and Liverpool, 
1852), 86. 

213 Baines, History of the County Palatine and Duchy of Lancaster, vol 2, pp 198-9. 

214 JRUL: Leigh of Lyme collection, box M, wooden box 6, Warrington, Sankey, and Burton- 
wood Deeds, no 30. 

215 Winifred Bowman, England in Ashton-under-Lyne (AJtrincham, I960), 27. 

216 Archibald Sparke (ed), The Parish Register of Great Harwood 1547-1812, Lancashire 
Parish Register Society, vol 75 (Preston, 1937), 438. 

217 J. Paul Rylands, Extracts from the Warrington Parish Registers. Vol n (1625-1653), 
Local Gleaning 1 (1879-80), 258. 

218 Raines (ed) , Derby Household Books, pp 27, 1 1 7. 

219 David Klausner (ed) Herefordshire/Worcestershire, Records of Early English Drama 
(Toronto, 1990), 38-40. 

Select Bibliography 

The Select Bibliography lists works which transcribe documents relevant to REED and works 
which have proven essential for reference purposes. Works cited in the Introduction and in the 
Endnotes are, in general, not included here. 

Anon. The Whitestones Family of Ormskirk: Rearwards in the Early Seventeenth Century, 

Lancashire Rrcord Office Annual Report 1978 (Preston, 1978), 45-8. 
Ashmore, Owen. Household Inventories of the Lancashire Gentry, 1550-1700, THSLC \\Q 

(1959 for 1958), 59-105. 

The Whalley Abbey Bursars Account for 1520, THSLC 114 (1963 for 1962), 49-72. 
Axon, Ernest (ed). Manchester Sessions. Notes of Proceedings before Oswald Mosley (1616-1630), 

Nicholas Mosley (1661-1672), and Sir Oswald Mosley (1734-1739) and Other Magistrates. 

Vol 1: 1616-1622-23- Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, vol 42 (1901). 
Bagley, J.J. A History of Lancashire. 6th ed (London, 1976; rpt 1982). 
Bailey, F.A. The Elizabethan Playhouse at Prescot, Lancashire, THSLC 103 (1952 for 1951), 

- (ed). A Selection from the Prescot Court Leet and Other Records 1447-1600. Record Society of 

Lancashire and Cheshire, vol 89 (1937). 
Baines, Edward. History of the County Palatine and Duchy of Lancaster. 4 vols (London, 1836); 

revised and enlarged by James Croston, 5 vols (London, 1888-93). 
Bankes, Joyce, and Eric Kerridge (eds). The Early Records of the Bankes Family at Winstanley. cs, 

3rd ser, vol 21 (Manchester, 1973), 43-6. 

Bentley, Gerald Eades. The Jacobean and Caroline Stage. 1 vols (Oxford, 1941-68). 
Broadbent, R.J. A Masque at Knowsley, mstcll (1926 for 1925), 1-16. 
Chambers, E.K. The Elizabethan Stage. 4 vols (Oxford, 1923). 
Chandler, George. Liverpool under Charles l (Liverpool, 1965). 
- Liverpool under James 1 (Liverpool, I960). 

Clopper, Lawrence M. (ed). Chester. Records of Early English Drama (Toronto, 1979). 
Coward, Barry. The Stanleys, Lords Stanley and Earls of Derby, 1385-1672. cs, 3rd ser, vol 30 

(Manchester, 1983). 
Craigie, James (ed). Minor Prose Works of King James viandi. Scottish Text Society, 4th ser, vol 

14 (Edinburgh, 1982). 


Douglas, Audrey, and Peter Greenfield (eds). Cumberland/Westmorland/ Gloucestershire. Records 

of Early English Drama (Toronto, 1986). 
Earwaker, J.P. (ed). The Constables Accounts of the Manor of Manchester from the Year 

1612 to the Year 1647, and from the Year 1743 to the Year 1776. 3 vols (Manchester, 


- The Court Leet Records of the Manor of Manchester, from the Year 1552 to the Year 1686, and 
from the Year 1731 to the Year 1846. 12 vols (Manchester, 1884-90). 

Elcwall, Eilert. The Place-Names of Lancashire (Manchester, 1922). 

Farrer, William (ed). The Court Rolls of the Honor ofClitheroe, in the County of Lancaster. 3 vols 

(vol 1: Manchester, 1897; vols 2-3: Edinburgh, 1912, 1913). 
Ffarington, Susan Maria (ed). The Farington Papers. The Shrievalty of William Ffarington, Esq.; 

A.D. 1636: Documents Relating to the Civil War: and an Appendix, Containing a Collection of 

Letters Taken from the Ffarington Correspondence between the Years 1547 and 1688. cs, vol 39 

(Manchester, 1856). 
Fishwick, Henry. The History of the Parish ofGarstang in the County of Lancaster. Pt 2. cs, vol 

105 (Manchester, 1879). 

- Pleadings and Depositions in the Duchy Court of Lancaster, Time of Henry vii and Henry vni. 
Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, vol 32 (1896). 

Fletcher, John Samuel (ed). The Correspondence of Nathan Walworth and Peter Seddon of Out- 
wood, and Other Documents Chiefly Relating to the Building ofRingley ChapeL cs, vol 1 09 
(Manchester, 1880). 

Frere, Walter Howard (ed). Visitation Articles and Injunctions of the Period of the Reformation. 
3 vols. Alcuin Club Collections 14-16 (London, 1910). 

George, David. Early Playhouses at Liverpool, Theatre Notebook 43 (1989), 9-16. 

- Jacobean Actors and the Great Hall at Gawthorpe, Lancashire, Theatre Notebook 37 (1983), 

Records of Interest at the Lancashire Record Office, REEDN, 4:2 (1979), 2-6. 
The Walmesley of Dunkenhalgh Accounts, REEDN, 10:2 (1985), 6-15. 
Gibson, T. Ellison (ed). A Cavalier s Note Book Being Notes, Anecdotes, & Observations of 
William Blundell (London, 1880). 

- Lydiate Hall dr its Associations (Edinburgh, 1876). 

Gregson, Matthew. Portfolio of Fragments, Relative to the History dr Antiquities of the County 

Palatine and Ducky of Lancaster (Liverpool, 1817); John Harland (ed) (London, 1869). 
Grosart, Alexander B. (ed). The Towneley Hall MSS.: The Spending of the Money of Robert Nowell 

ofReadeHall, Lancashire: Brother of Dean Alexander Nowell. 1568-1580. ([Manchester], 


Haigh, Christopher. Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire (Cambridge, 1975). 
Halley, Robert. Lancashire: Its Puritanism and Nonconformity. 2 vols (Manchester, 1869). 
Harland, John (ed). The House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe Hall, in the 

County of Lancaster, at Smithils and Gawthorpe, from September 1582 to October 1621. cs, 

vols 35, 41, 43, 46 (Manchester, 1856-8). 

The Lancashire Lieutenancy under the Tudors and Stuarts. CS, vols 49, 50 (Manchester, 1 859). 


- A Volume of Court Left Records of the Manor of Manchester in the Sixteenth Century, cs, vols 
63, 65 (Manchester, 1864, 1865). 

Hibbert-Ware, S. History of the Foundations in Manchester of Christ s College, Chetham s Hospital, 
and the Free Grammar School Vol 1 (Manchester, 1 830). For vol 3 see Whatton below. 

The Historical Manuscripts Commission. W.J. Hardy (ed). The Manuscripts of Lord Kenyan. 
The 14th Report of the Manuscripts Commission. Appendix 4 (London, 1894). 

Hollingworth, Richard. Mancuniensis; or, An History of the Towne of Manchester, and What Is 
Most Memorable Concerning It. William Willis (ed) (Manchester, 1839). 

Irvine, William Fergusson. Church Discipline in the Sixteenth Century, As Shown by Extracts 
from the Bishop of Chester s MS. Visitation Books for the Deanery of Manchester, Trans 
actions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society 13 (1896 for 1895), 56-69. 
Visitation of Warrington Deanery by the Bishop of Chester, in the Year 1592, THSLC, ns, 10 
(1895), 183-92. 

Kennedy, W.P.M. Elizabethan Episcopal Administration. 3 vols. Alcuin Club Collections 25-7 
(London, 1924). 

Legg, L.G. Wickham (ed). A Relation of a Short Survey of 26 Counties (London, 1904). 

Mandley, J.G. de T. (ed). The Portmote or Court Leet Records of the Borough or Town and Royal 
Manor of Salford from the Year 1597 to the Year 1669 Inclusive. 2 vols. cs, ns, vols 46, 48 
(Manchester, 1902). 

Marsh, John Fitchett. On the Foundation and History of Boteler s Free Grammar School at 
Warrington, THSicS (1856), 51-74. 

Miller, George C. Hoghton Tower in History and Romance. 2nd ed (Preston, 1954). 

Murray, John Tucker. English Dramatic Companies, 1558-1642. 2 vols (London, 1910). 

Nichols, John. The Progresses, Processions, and Magnificent Festivities of King James the First. 
4 vols (London, 1828). 

Parker, Kenneth. The English Sabbath (Cambridge, 1988). 

Parkinson, Richard (ed). The Life of Adam Martindale, Written by Himself, and Now First 
Printed from the Original Manuscript in the British Museum, cs, vol 4 (Manchester, 1845). 

Quintrell, B.W. Proceedings of the Lancashire Justices of the Peace at the Sheriff s Table During As 
sizes Week, 1578-1694. Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, vol 121 (1981). 

Raines, F.R. (ed). A Description of the State, Civil and Ecclesiastical, of the County of 
Lancaster, about the Year 1 590, Chetham Miscellanies. Vol 5- cs, vol 96 (Manchester, 

- A History of the Chantries within the County Palatine of Lancaster, Being the Reports of the 
Royal Commissioners of Henry vin. Edward V7. and Queen Mary, cs, vols 59, 60 (Manchester, 

The Journal of Nicholas Assheton ofDownham, in the County of Lancaster, Esq. for Part of the 
Year 1617, and Part of the Year Following, cs, vol 14 (Manchester, 1848). 
The Stanley Papers. Pt 2: The Derby Household Books; Comprising an Account of the Household 
Regulations and Expenses of Edward and Henry, Third and Fourth Earls of Derby; Together 
with a Diary Containing the Names of the Guests Who Visited the Latter Earl at His Houses in 
Lancashire: by William Ffarington, Esquire, the Comptroller, cs, vol 31 (Manchester, 1853). 


The Visitation of the County Palatine of Lancaster, Made in the Year 1613, By Richard St. 

George, cs, vol 82 (Manchester, 1871). 

The Visitation of the County Palatine of Lancaster, Made in the Year 16645, By Sir William 

Dugdale, Knight, Norroy King of Arms, cs, vols 84, 85, 88 (Manchester, 1872-3). 
Rea, W.R The Rental and Accounts of Sir Richard Shireburn, 1571-77, THSLC 110 (1959 for 

1958), 31-57. 
Richardson, R.C. Puritanism in North- West England: A Regional Study of the Diocese of Chester to 

1642 (Manchester, 1972). 
Sanders, F. Bishop Chaddertons Visitation Articles, Journal of the Architectural, Archaeological, 

and Historic Society for the County and the City of Chester, and North Wales, ns, 13 (1907), 

Scott, Edward J.L. The Elizabethan Stage, The Athenaeum 2830 (21 January 1882), 103, cols 


Somerville, Robert. History of the Duchy of Lancaster. Vol 1: 1265-1603 (London, 1953). 
- Office- Holders in the Duchy and County Palatine of Lancaster from 1603 (London, 1 972). 
Stocks, George Alfred (ed). The Records of Blackburn Grammar School. Pt 1. cs, ns, vol 66 

(Manchester, 1909). 

Tait, James (ed). Lancashire Quarter Sessions Records. Vol 1. cs, ns, vol 77 (Manchester, 1917). 
Toller, T. Northcote (ed). Correspondence of Edward, Third Earl of Derby, During the Years 24 to 

31 Henry viu Preserved in a MS. in the Possession of Miss Ffarington, of Warden HalL cs, ns, vol 

19 (Manchester, 1890). 
Tupling, G.H. An Alphabetical List of the Markets and Fairs of Lancashire Recorded Before 

the Year 1701, Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society 51 (1937 for 

1936), 86-110. 

Lancashire Markets in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 2 pts. Transactions of the 

Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society 58 (1947 for 1945-6), 1-35; 59 (1948 for 

1947), 1-34. 

Twemlow, J.A. (ed). Liverpool Town Books: Proceedings of Assemblies, Common Councils, Port- 
moot Courts, 6-c., 1550-1862.Vo\ 1: 1550-71 (Liverpool, 1918); vol 2: 1571-1603 (Liver 
pool, 1935). 
The Victoria County History of the Counties of England. The Victoria History of the County of 

Lancaster. William Farrerand J. Brownbill (eds). 8 vols (London, 1906-14). 
Walcott, Mackenzie E.G. Inventory of Whalley Abbey, THSLC, ns, 7 (1867), 103-10. 
Weeks, William Self. Clitheroe in the Seventeenth Century (Clitheroe, [1927]). 
Whatton, William Robert. The History of Manchester School (Manchester, 1828). 
Whitaker, Thomas Dunham. An History of the Original Parish of Whalley, and Honor of 

Clitheroe. 3rd ed (London, 1818); revised and enlarged by John Gough Nichols and Pon- 

sonby A. Lyons, 2 vols (London, 1872, 1876). 
Whitaker, W.B. Sunday in Tudor and Stuart Times (London, 1933). 


-A... , _v ; .^^ 7<w/ g^ J -3 


Map of Lancashire from John Speed, 77>i? Ther*~" ~ ftL - 
f u u... T :u_ 



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BCRO Barrow in Furness, Cumbria JRUL 

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BI Borthwick Institute of Historical KCL 

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BL British Library 

Bodl. Bodleian Library LIRO 

CCRO Chester City Record Office LRO 

CL Chetham s Library MCA 

CRO Cheshire Record Office MCLA 
DDCM Durham, Dean and Chapter 

Muniments MTH 

GMRO Greater Manchester Record Office PRO 

John Rylands University Library 
King s College Archives 
Knowsley Central Library 
Kendal, Cumbria County 

Record Office 
Liverpool Record Office 
Lancashire Record Office 
Manchester Cathedral Archives 
Manchester Central Library 


Manchester Town Hall 
Public Record Office 





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Antiquarian Compilation 
Antiquarian Collection 
Chetham Society 

A.W. Pollard and G.R. Redgrave (comp), Short-Title Catalogue... 1475-1640 
Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 
The Victoria History of the Counties of England: Lancashire 
D.G. Wing (comp), Short Title Catalogue ... 1641-1700 
(after folio, page, membrane, or sheet number) see endnote 
lost or illegible letters in the original 
cancellation in the original 

a blank in the original where writing would be expected 
matter in the original added in another hand 
interlineation above the line 
interlineation below the line 
caret mark in the original 
ellipsis of original matter 

change of folio, membrane, sheet or page in passages of continuous prose 
right-hand marginale 

Boroughs, Parishes, 
and Other Localities 



Will and Inventory of John Ashton, Piper LRO: WCW 1584 

sheet 1 (Probated 13 February) 

In the name of god Amen the xiiijt* 1 day of lanuarie Anno domim 1 584 I 
Ihon Asshton of the pwrissh of asshton vnder Lyne w/thin the Countie of 
Lancaster pyper sick in bodie but of perfect memorie praised be god do 
ordeyne and make this my last will and testament in manner and forme 10 

ffolowing ffirst I geue and bequeth my sowle to god and my bodie to be 
buryed in the Churchyard of asshton AJso yt ys my will and mynd that 
whereas I haue put my ffreind lames wood to great costes and charges I do 
geue and bequeth all my goodes and dettes owing to me to lames wood 
aforsaid whatsoever the be or in whose handes the are after my forth bringing 15 
and ffunerall expencw discharged. To performe and ffulfill this my last will I 
make the sayd lames wood my Executor these being wytnesses Robm 
whiticar Thomas knott & Henry cooke. 

dettes owing the sayd 20 

Inpn mis will; tfm growneshaw xxvij s. iiij d. whereof I 

allow hym ye sayd willwm x s. 
hem myles merland xxxiiij s. iiij d. 
hem ffrancys kenion xx s. 25 

sheet 2 (9 February) 

Thys ys the trew Inventorie of all the goodes and dettes which belonged vnto 
Ihon Asshton late of the p^rissh off Asshton decessed proved the ixth day of 30 
ffebruarie Awo domini 1584 by henry hudson henry cooke and Christopher 
wodd as ffoloweth 


Inpn mis in dettes iiij li. xx d. 
hem his apparell & pypes ix s. 
[hem in debtwas may apeare 
by this will iiij li. xx d.] 


Churchwarden s Presentments to the Quarter Sessions 

Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book 
f!2v* (15 April) 

To presence 10 

4. All those yat haue kepte wakes fayres nwrkettw bearbaito bullbaiu-j, Greenes 
Ales may gammes, pipinge & dauncinge, huntinge & gaminge vpon the 

1 knowe none Saobothe 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV l/l2b 2 

f 167 (9 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Wigan parish church 
before David Yale, LID, official principal 


RicherduTH Arnold pgrocrue de Sephton 

a lewde pyper abvsed hym selfe the v th of lulie by plaing art service tyme in 

Aughton churche & aboute the church & would not bee staied by the 



Gadfreduw Cropper 

Vsed the lyke misorder as arnold dyd the same daie 



Blackburn Grammar School Memoranda LRO: DDBk 3/9 

single sheet dorse* (30 September) (Memoranda of money, deeds, and orders) 


lofm that noe r Englisshe 1 enterludes or playes shalbe from 
hencefourthe playde or vsed in the same Schoole. 


It/rn that noe extraordcnarie playe dayes to be grauntcd for [the] schollers of 
the same schoole 


Blackburn Grammar School Governors Minutes LRO: DDBk 2/1 

p 16* (17 September) 

Licence to play shall not bee granted to Scollars at there deprfrtinge from the 
Schole, Nor to any other persons, than to persons of Honor, or worshipp, 10 

or to Masters of Arte, or other persons of Equivolente accounte, and by 
Concente of some of the gou^rnors, in after nones onely, And Once at the 
most in a (blank) 



Inventory ofThurstan Collinson, Schoolmaster LRO: WCW 1630 

single sheet* (Appraised 25 September) 

A true Inuentorie of all the good and Chattels wA/ che did laitly ap<?rtaine 20 
vnto [{..)] Thurston Collinson Shoole maister of Blackburne late deceased... 

hem one lute a base violin &: Cithhorne a recorder 3 ould instruments xx s. 



Bond for John Plomhe, Fiddler LRO: QSB 1/78/18 

single sheet* (7 September) 30 

Memorandum quod Anthonius Martin de Mellinge husbandman et Thomas 
Robinson de Litherland husbandman venerunt coraw me Edivardo Moore 
armig<rro vno lusticiariorum pads et manuceperunt pro lohanne Plombe dc 
westderby fidler, qwod ipse pfrsonaliter comparebit coraw [me] lusticiario 35 

pacis domini regif ad praximam Sesstonew pacis apud wigan tenend^w, 
et q0d ipse interim geret pacew erga cunctuw populuw domini regis, et 
praecipue erga milonew wad[ding]dington de Bootle. vide/mrrQuilibet 
manucaptoruw prxdictoruw sub poena decem librarum et pradictus lohannes 
assumpsit pro seipso sub poena viginti \\brarum. Quaw quidfw sumwaw 40 

10/ than corrected from that 

BOOTLE 1630 / BURNLEY 1580 

vigm// \\brarum prxdictus Johannes Plombe, et quilibet manucaptoruw 
przdictoru/w dictaw sumwaw decem \\brarum recognoverunt, de terris 
et tenementis, bonis et cattallis suis levari, si in condic/owe subsequenti 


The Condioon of this Recognizance is such that if the w/ thin bounden lohn 
Plombe shall be & personally appeare before his mziesties Justices of the 
peace, at the next sessions of the peace to be holden at wigan; after the date 
hereof, then & their to answeare for [fi] continually fidling vpon the Saboath 
day, as also for strikeinge the constable, [& in the] after he was chardged 10 

wrth the peace, and thence doe not deprfrte w/thout licence of the Justices 
their present, & in the interim doe keepe his ma/e/ties peace towards or 
soueraigne lord the kinge & all his Hedge people, & especially against Miles 
Waddington constable of Bootle, that then this recognizance to be voyde, &: 
of noe effecte, or ells it to stand, in full power force & vertue. 15 


(signed) Edward Moore 

pr<? pace. 

et ad respondenduw 

alia malefacta "Comptfruit rdaxatus per dominum 20 





Letter of Edmund Assheton to William Farington LRO: DDF 2438/12 

single sheet* (12 May) 

I am sure (Righte worshipp/ull) youe haue not forgotten the laste yere sturres 30 
art Brunley, aboute Robyn hoode and the May games, Nowe Consideringe 
that itt is a Cause that bringeth no good effecte beinge Contrarie to the beste 
Therfore a Numbre of the Justice* of peace herein in Sallforde hundrethe 
haue Consulted w/ th the Comyssionifrs to suppresse those Lewde sportw 
tendinge to no other ende but to stirre vpp or ffrayle Natures to wantonnes, 35 
And meane not to allowe, neither olde Custome then theire excuse in 
Comynge to the Churche in the tyme of devyne service, ffor euery man may 
well knowe w/th what myndes after theire embrasinge^, kissinge*, vnchaste 
beholdingej of iche of others they can Come presently prepared to prayer, 
A ffitt assemblie to Conferre of worst Causes, over and beside* theire 40 

mattchinge, walkinge together in the nyght tyme. But Cheiffly for that it is a 
prophanac/on of the Sabaoth day and donne (in some placer) in Contempte 


of the gospell and ye Religion established, I pray god it be not so att Brunley. 
Itt is called in the scripture the Lordwdaye, and was not Lawfull in the 
olde Lawe to carry a pitcher of water on the sabaoth, Or to geath<rr stickfs, 
but it was Deathe: suche regarde was hadd in the tyme of the Lawe to the 
Conwzandemfwte of god in kepinge holy the Sabaoth, [daye] And do not wee 5 
w/thdrawe even the Practise and vse of good & godly workes vpon the same 
day A r & then in reason thother shoulde Cease 1 . Tell me I pray you yf you can 
fynd in thexcercise of the forsaide Lewde pastymes good example or profitt 
to the Comon wealth, the defence of the Realme [or] rhonor 1 to the Prynce 
or to the glory of god, then Lett them contynewe Otherwaies in my opynion 10 
they are to be w/thdrawen, for to that ende I addresse these Contents vnto 
youe, because wee wold not deaJe for any reformac/on w/thin the Lymhtes of 
yor waJke and for the better Credit! of the Consente of the Comyssyoners 
youe may pervse howe they meane to proceede against them of Brunley (who 
haue revyved theire former fTollies) yf youe redresse not the same, Nowe 15 

mr will/am I am to tell youe that yowr Consultac/on att pilkington for the 
ovmhrowe of our Comyssion in Eccleziasticall causes cometh to Late for 
those that be Indyted affore vs Cannot be holpen by the endinge of owr 
Comyssion, the records (I do meane the Indytementes yf our aucthoritie 
ende) wilbe broughte vpp to London by way of sursurari: and then yowr 20 

ffrendwand myne muste Run the same race there that is tendered to them 
here, and as good (in my opynion) to growe to order in Lancashire as at 
London. And to tell you <...)tt one worde there is not one in or Cuntry 
suspected in Religion of any accompte but he is Indyted therfore I referre the 
p<r;swation & due considerac/bn of the pr<fmyss to yowr approved wysdome 25 
And so w/ th my hartie Comendac/ons take my Leave Manchester May xij th 
Anno 1580/ 

Yowrs assured alwaies 

to vse 

(signed) Edmond assheton 30 


Itt will not be longe [butt there wilbe] Taffore 1 order taken for this dauwcinge 35 
ether by the pryvie Councell or by the Bysshoppe by ther comandemewte 
my meaninge ys I woulde have youe to doe it yowr selfe, w/>/ch will w/th one 
worde be broughte to pas, Iff youe woulde give me the readinge of a lytle 
boke [I have one] w//ch I thincke youe would Lyke well of and yf youe sende 

2-4/ and was not Lawfull ... Deathe: Exodui 35. 2, Number, 15: 32-6 
211 red o/tendered written above the line and marked for insertion with a caret 

BURNLUY 1580 / BURY 1588 

me worde by this berrar I woulde delyu^r it vnto youe att Preston vppon 
tewesday next where god willinge I meane to mete youe yf youe wolde sett 
yor hande to this precepte w/th vs I thinke it wolde [furth/r] ende theis 
disorders w/ thin prescribed/ 



Report on Sabbath Breaking 

Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book 
fflv-2* (21 July) 

The names of them yat commytted the disorder in Burye on Sundaie beinge 
the xiiith Daie of lulie 



1 . Paule Ogden 

2. Thomas A Travis [Leeze] 

of Leeze 

3. lames Taylor 
Peter Bexwicke 
Willwm Hall 
lackesone the sonne of 
Robme lacksone 
The wiffe of Edmund greave 

Alice Taylor 
Alice Tetlawe 
Margaret Hopwoode 
George [Taylor] Tetlawe 

4. John Cowp^rseruaunte 

Edmund whytheade 
[sonne of] 


of Oldham 


of Oldham 


(E)llisWhitaker j 
(Ric)hard Thorpe j 
(...) Goddarde 
(Eliz)abethe Goddarde 
(..)ne Goddarde 
(Kat)herin Goddarde 

of Chattertone 

All doughter 
of John Goddarde 
of Oldham 


Henry Whitaker of Oldham 
(o)ne Bawtree 

one Nylde and the eldeste sonne 
of lohn whitaker all of Hollinwoode 


BURY 1588 

and as I thinke in the Towneshippe 
<of ) Chattertone 

<....)alkere ( O f Chattertone 
(....)teHyne ) 

These w/th others to the nomber of threscore as I h(.)rd were at y(e) Ale 
some wherof rode & some wente o(n> foote, 1 wryte to the person of Bury 
as you. dyrected me will/rfm whitaker fFather to the abovenamed I Ellis ys 
verye Lustye as I h(...) faithe yat noe man can hu(r)te any of them ffor anie 10 
suche disorder 

I am (Ryghte worshypfull) informed, that the xiiij ch daie of this Julie instante 
beinge Sundaie there was by certaine of oldham ptfrishe in tyme of di(vine) 
service, gallowpinge of horses in the Streete of Burye, shawtinge & pypinge 15 
w/th other fowle disorders in the forenone of the same daie A Lamentable 
spectacle in the place of a pr^achinge ministery of all good men to be pytyed 
& reformed in suche good sorte as the offendores 8c other by ther example 
maye be affraide to Commyte the Lyke againe, what you knowe eyther by 
yor Self or others of Credytte yat maie procure the principally in this acc/on 20 
to be in Lawfull mzner dealte w/thall I hartilie praie you to giue me 
intelligence therof by this bearer & I am pmwaded that yf you [dyd] "woulde 1 
conferre w; th suche as kepte warde A r in the towne of Burie 1 that daie or some 
the best affected of them they or some of them woulde giue suche notice vnto 
you as the principall actors A^ighte 1 ffor ther owne benyfitte & good of 25 

others r [(...>] 1 have ther doing some what Looked into by aucthorytie ffor 
these causes so flatte againste the Lawes of god (which I in other man^rdoe 
[manifouldlie] at &C in every instante ^manifouldlye 1 transgresse) &C doe 
impudentlie thwarte the orders put downe by my verye good Lord the 
Earle of darbie & Lord Straunge w/th others [of] not of the inferioure sorte, 30 
besides, all the lustices of peace r in \3.ncashire\ haue subscribed to the same 
[orders] & greate pytye yt were but yat some experim<?te should be had 
howe this acc/on wilbe disgested by the iudgw an Lancaster, wherefore [I praie 
you put yowr helpinge hande to], ffor the boultinge out of this Knaverye (...) 
to (...) disgrace of yowr ministerie, the deface of aucthoritye w/>/ch we enioye 35 
in pyt(...) & denill & contempte of god, whose cause yt ys w/?/ch nowe 
I move you too, r[I praie you put to your helping <....>]! the<...) carefull & 
circumspecte good coosine to doe all yor beste bothe in mattrc & 

14/ di(vine): obsc ured by water ttain 
2dl \ of\nlo corrected 

10 BURY 1588 / CHILDWALL 1623 

circumstance concer)ninge the premisses. In truste wherupon, I betake you 

to lesus christe. Stanncl(iffe) xxj ch of this lulie 1588 

youwer owne and for Eaver lohn how 
Yor owne assured to hys power 
Edmund \\opwood 5 


1592 10 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/10 
f 1 1 5v* (9 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery before David Yale, LLD, 
official principal 15 


contra henricura hale de leufrpoole et Radulphuw whitfeild for pipinge 
appon the saboath Day & in the churchyard./ 



All Saints Churchwardens Accounts All Saints Church, Childwall 

f 1 1 3 (4 April 1621-24 April 1622) 

spent an Childwall being there about the rushes brought from 25 

much wolton & lytle wolton vj d. 

Item an oth<r tyme about the rushes from Wavertrie &: Thingwall vj d. 


All Saints Churchwardens Accounts All Saints Church, Childwall 

f 116 (24 April- 23 April) 

Itmi spent att Childwall being there to see Rushes brought to the 

Church in decent manner, fro lytle Wolton vj d. 35 

Itrni an othn- tyme, when wauertry townshipp did bring Rushes vj d. 

Item when Muchewolton and Litle Wolton brought Rushes vj d. 

2/ Stanncl(iffe): Stonfdough, by Kcanlty 



All Saints Churchwardens Accounts All Saints Church, Childwall 

f 128v (20 April- 12 April) 

hem spent when the Rushes were brought from Wavertrye vj d. s 


1536 10 

Examination of Participants in the Pilgrimage of Grace LRO: DDF 1 
ff [39-9v]* (after 28 November) 

A Copy of thexamynac/ ons of Percyvall Sanders Will/Wm Charnok and others 
sworn & examyned befor Edward Erie of Derby syr Alexander Radcliff syr 15 
Willwm Leylond Syr Thomas Halsall Knyghm& Bartilmew Hesketh Justices 
of peace in the Comity of \zncaster 

The said Percyvall sworn and examyned saith that on Tuysday at nyght being 
the xxviij day of nouember abowtwxij of the Cloke the same nyght Ther cam 20 
one Hugh parker assocyat w/ tAdiuerse ill disposed and trayterous persons 
their faces colored and disguysed and in harnes vnto the howse of the said 
Percyvall/ he being in his bedde and called vppon hym/ And he being sodenly 
called vppon awoke and asked who was there And the said Hugh said he and 
the cowmons and therw/tA they brake opon his dore And cam to hym lying in 2s 
his bedde And on of theym clapped a boke to his mouthe And said thou must 
be sworn to god and the king and the cowmons The said Percyvall answared 
and said he wold not be sworn and gat on his shurt And when he was in his 
shurt standing vpon his bed one of theym toke hym ouer the backe w/ tA a 
mall and stroke hym down And said if he wold not be sworn he shuld see his 30 
own blud befor his own eye And the said Percyvall for feare of his liff was 
sworn vnto theym 

The said willwm saith that the said Hugh Parker And his cumpeny cam the 
same nyght to his howse and in lykewise called vpon hym and bad hym ryse is 
And he asked theym wherto And sodenly gat vp and toke his wepon in his 
hand And stode to the dore and kept theym owt aslong as he was hablc tyll 
they with force brake opon his dore And manased hym to kyll him And 
[t]he[y] said [if] he wold not be sworn/ but said he wold goo the morn after 
befor Genkyn Gylybrond who is a gentilman And then he wold do as other 40 
dyd but in nowise they wold take no answar of hym but caused hym to be 

12 CHORLEY 1536 

sworn Also the saidw pcrcyvall and will/am saye that the same nyght on 
Laurance whyttyll owther was sworn or gave theym money to spare hym As 
the wiffof the said Laurance shewed theym And that Thursw Collyng and 
his sonne were sworne lykewise 


Hugh Parker of the age of xvj yeres examyned saith that the same nyght 
aforsaid he was at on bankes howse to got his hed rounded And in retornyng 
whom he cam to an AJehowse wher on John Pyper and John Yate were And 
there they had byn playing games and had blecked their faces And when they 
had ended their playe the said lohn Yate put on his harnesse And said they 10 
wold go vnto on bonkes howse and see whether he wold be sworn to the 
commons or no And soo they went to the said bonkes howse And called 
vpon hym and bad hym opon the doore And so he dyd And when they cam 
in the said Pyper and Yate asked hym whether he wold be sworn to god the 
king and the Comons And the said bonkes said he wold not be sworn/ And 15 
then they asked hym whether he wold not lend theym his harnes And he said 
he wold not care to lend theym his harnes and so dyd And then the Pyper 
put on his harnes And forbicause that the said Percyvall and Will/am had 
said befor that tyme that they wold not be sworn to the cowzmons to dye for 
it The Piper and Yate said they wold go to their howses and to see their 10 

boldnesses Wherupon they went to the said Will/dm Charnok^ and called 
vpon hym and bad hym opon the dore And sone after he opened the doore 
and the pyper asked hym whether he wold be sworn And then the said 
Charnok said to the said Parker he wold cum to theym if they wold do hym 
no hurt And the said porker said he wold awarant hym And therupon the 25 
piper dyd swere the said Charnoke And from thens they went to the said 
Percyvall Saunders and sware hym likewise I And when they had soo don 
they cam to the said AJehowse agayn And the piper and Yate were their all 
nyght And the said Hugh went whom to his fathers howse thinkyng no hurt 
nor intendyng no yll but thoght they had gon to make pastym for he being 30 
ignorant of their vngraciowj purpose foloed theym and no other thing dyd 
nor intended to doo but myrthe and pastyme orels he wold not haue foloed 
theym in nowise And therupon he will put his liff that he is no otherwise 
gylty therin 


lohn Yate of the Knolle in the ptfrishe of Chorley sworn and examyned saith 
that on the said Tuysday at nyght after they had made games and pastymes 
intending no hurt he put on his harnes And he and the piper and the said 

CHORLEY 1536 13 

Parker went vnto the forsaid Robart Bankes howse And oponed his dore and 
went in/ and asked hym whether he wold be sworn to god and the king and 
the commons And he said he was content to be sworn/ but they dyd not 
swere hym/ And the said bonkes said they wold haue more pastym And the 
Pyper asked his harnesse And he toke hym his lacke and his salet And they iiij 5 
persons went vnto Thurstan Collyngwand oponed the doore and went in and 
asked hym what his mynd was whether he wold be sworn to god and the king 
and theym/ And said that the commons were curamyng bitwixt that and 
whalley And they had a boke non of theym being lerned nor lettered/ And 
soo swore the said Collyngw to the king and theym And that don left hym in 10 
his howse/ And after they went to the abouesaid Willwm Charnokes And the 
said Hugh Parker called vpon hym and bad hym opon the doore for he wold 
awarant hym he shuld haue no hurt for he was their guyde And the said 
Charnoke knoyng the said Hugh Parker oponed the doore and let theym in 
And they asked hym whether he wold be sworn to god and the king & theym 15 
And he answared and asked theym whether to morow myght not seruc/ And 
the pyper said no he must nedes swere that nyght for the cowmons were 
bitwixt that place and Whalley And fromthens they went vnto Percyvall 
Sanders howse And sware hym lykewyse/ And after they went to the howse 
of on Richard Wygan Wiff And their they sware on Hugh Modesley to lyke 20 
purpose And also went vnto the howse of on Laurance whetyll And lykewise 
sware hym w/t/jout compulc/on of any of theym 

Robart Bonkes examyned saith that vpon the said Tuysday at nyght as he sayt 
be the fyre abowtwx of the clokke being in his shurt and redy to goo to his 25 
bedde his doore being vnbarred Cam a mynstrell And the forsaid Yate and 
oponed his doore their faces being blacke and coled And fyersly cam vp to 
hym And said he must swere to be true to the comons And said if he wold 
not swere he shuld dye The said Robart being hymself w/ t/>out any cumpeny 
but vij small Children whiche pyteously cryed for fear of the saidw persons 30 
soe disguysed and being sore mased with feare The said Mynstrell asked his 
harnes And for feare of his lyff and of his Childern he delyuered theym his 
harnes being a lacke and a salet And after they were cuwmon in he saith the 
said Hugh Parker cam after theym And that he had byn ther befor to round 
hym bycause he the said bonkes can shave and Rounde And then the said 35 

Robart as shortly as they departed fro his howse he went to a neghburs 
howse on Collyngwto geve theym knolage how he had byn intreted/ And 
inconcynently the said Mynstrell and Yate and the boye Parker cam vnto the 
said Collyng being of Ix yeres and aboue And sware hym And soo departed 
And the said Bonkes went vnto his own howse w/tAout any thing doing 40 

14 CLITHEROE 1590-1637 



Presentment of William Craven, Piper LRO: QSR 1 

mb 9d* (12 July) 

Sessions held at Preston before John Fleetwood, Sir Richard Shireburn, Thomas 
Talbot, Thomas Southworth, James Anderton, Thomas Eccleston, Nicholas 
Bannister, Edmund Fleetwood, and John Wrightington, justices of the peace 

hem paid that was bestowed on ye Beareward v s. 

It<?m paid to Ellen Nowell for \ohn Clarke piper xviij s. 


...Et quod Willf/wus Craven nuprrde Clyderowe in Comitatu [zncastric 
pyper xij die lulij Anno Regni domine Elizabeth Regine nunc &c xxxij 
existen/v die domimco apud Cliderowe predictam in Comitatu predicto 



Verdict of Inquiry into Affairs ofClitheroe Grammar School 

PRO: C 93/8/2, item b 
single mb* (14 January) 


And the said lurors do saie, That whereas some complaints hath bene, of 
the schole maister of the said schole for beatinge of a boye. We fynde that 
the said Boye did daunce in ryme of devyne Service in the churche and did 
plaie at coverpin, and therefore the said Master not culpable. 



Inquiry into Clitheroe Leet Verdict LRO: DDX 28/103 

single sheet 


They are agreed that Gyles Coulthurst [shall] maye gett sodds for A Cocke 
pitt att the sight of Master Bayliffes 


Bailiffs Account LRO: MBC 680 



CUTHEROE 1638 / CROSTON 1634 15 

Iturm paid to ye wife of lohn Clarke pip<rr ij s. 



I&rm paid which was giuen to ye Beareward xx s. 




Information of James Hyet against John Court LRO: QSB 1/138/51 

single sheet* 

An Croston; 15 

In Contempt of the kings edicte 

1 A r lohn Court 1 The pyper after he was warmed by the minister 

of the vnlawfullness of his pypinge there he beinge of an other 20 

parish w/;/ ch was Contrary to the kings late declaration did yet 


2 Contrary to the sayde declaration hee hath not frequented the 
Church forenoone & after nether his owne parish Church nor 25 
the parish Church where he played/ 

3 Contrary to the sayd declaration there did vsually Come to 
the sayd pypinge knowne recusants besyds Loyterers/ as lohn 
Blackhurst the Church warden Can wittness 30 

In Contempt of authoritie 

he beinge warned by the Cunstable from Mr Ashhurst a 

Justice of peace that inasmuch as his playinge there was 35 

Contrary to the kings declaration [he yet did presumptuously 

persist] & therefore Charged as he would answer the Contrary 

to surcease he yet did p^rsiste 

2 1/ parish corrected from parrsh 

16 CROSTON 1634 

In Contempt of the minister 

Though he had many Convenient places to play in where he 
vsed to play at other tymes on sundayes./ yet he played at the 
Cross J which was in the sight of the Church daore 1 [&] after 
service [for the] many tymes before the minister or halfe the 
Congregation Could get out of the Church/ 

(signed) lames Hyet 

Vicar of Croston 10 

Warrant for Arrest of John Court, Piper LRO: QSB 1/138/56 

Sessions held at Newton before Thomas Ireland and Henry Ashurst, justices of the 15 

fforasmuch as wee are credibly informed, that one John Courte of the parish 
of Penwortham in the county afforesaid Pyper frequenteth not [to any] 
A r his owne parish 1 Church, but playes on his pypes A r in Croston 1 on the 20 

Sabboth day contrary to his majesties late declarac/on for the lawfull vseinge 
of recreac/ons &c Theis are therefore (in his majesties name) straightly to 
chardge and comaunde yow and eume of yow forthwith on receipt hereof 
to apprehende the body of him the said lohn Courte and him bringe before 
vs or thone of vs A r or some other of our fellowe Justices 1 to fynde sufficient 25 
sureties for his personal! appearance at the next qwrfrter Sessions of the peace 
to behoulden at OrraJ&j rke then and there to answere to all such matters of 
misdemeanor as shalbee then objected against him And hereof fayle not at 
yowr perils Giuen vnder our hand and scales at Newton this vj 0t h of luly 
Anno domini i634. 30 

(signed) Thomas: Ireland 
To al Cunstables wnhin this 
county of \zncaster but especially 

to the Cunstables of Penwortham J5 

or Croston Greeteinge. 

(signed) Henry Ashhurst 

5/ daore /or doare (?) 

29/ Newton andv] inserted in another hand, poisibly Ashunt i 

CROSTON 1634 / DIDSBURY 1598 1? 

Bond for John Coward, Piper LRO: QSB 1/138/24 
single sheet* (6 July) 

Sessions held at Warden before William Farington, justice of the peace 


Johannes Coward de Penwortham in Comitatu prcdicfo Pyper Cognouit sc 
debere dtcto domino regi xx li. 

Thomas Hodson de Croston et Thomas Worsleye de ezdem husbandmen 
manucepmnt pro predicto lohanne, viz: vterqn F eorww sub pena v li. 
De terris et tenements bonis et Cattellis suis ad opus dicti domini regw 10 

heredw et successorum suorwm fien et levar; si defecerint in Condic/one 

The Condic/on of this recognizance is suche, That yf the aboueboundcn 
lohn Coward shall p^rsonaJlie appeare before the Justices of or said 15 

soveraigne lord the kinge, att the nexte Sessions of the peace to bee holden 
for this Countie att Ormeschurche, aswell to ainswer vnto all suche matters 
of Misdemeanor, as shalbee then obiected againste him, as alsoe to stand to 
suche further order, as by the Courte shalbee then & there enioyned him, 
& thence not deprfrte w/thout lycence, Then this recognizance to bee voyde, 20 
ortherwyse the same to stand in force and vertue./ 

By Warrante from mr 

Ireland & mrAshurste./ (signed) William ffarington 

ad Rfspondendum 25 

"Comptfruit e\aminatus per dominum 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV l/12b 

f88 (13 September) 

Proceedings of the court held for Manchester deanery at Manchester parish 35 

church, before Peter Shawe, rector of Bury, and Robert Eaton, rector ofMobberley, 
deputies of David Yale, LLD. official principal 

contra Iohtfem Vrmeston 

12/ subsequence /orsubsequenti \jj Ormeschurche: Ormsktrk 

2 \l ortherwyse yirotherwyse (?) 

18 DIDSBURY 1598 / ECCLES 1578 

for pyping neere to the Church on the saboath dale at service tyme 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/15 5 

f 136 (11 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Manchester deanery before Gerard Massie, 
commissary of the bishop of Chester 

Contra Dominicke ffletcher 

for sufferinge Roger Morgill to plaie vpon his pypes vppon the Sabboath daie 
Quo die comptfruit et Dominus iunxit ei to confes his fake before the 
preacher churchwardens & swornemen & to certefye in festo omnium 
sznctorum proximo 


1629-30 20 

Archbishop Harsnett s Visitation Book BI: V.1629-30/CB 


Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery 


vide ContraThomam Barton A r de Ormskirke 1 pyper for playing &c pyping on the 

Saboth at down holland, et Contra henricuw holland et Ioh^em Aspinwall 
et lenettaw haJe Alehouse keeper & others that are contributory, for hyring 
him so to pype as afores<z/d 
quo die (blank) 30 



Archbishop Sandys Visitation Book BI: V.I 578-9/CB.2 


Proceedings of the court held for Manchester deanery 

Offtcium domim con/wgardianos de Eccles presentment maide for bearing 



Russhes in service tyme to the disturbance thereof 

compariurttwt gardiani and ar monysshed to beare Russhes henceforward if 

they beare anye so that no Disturbance be had of service there sub pena 


John White, The Way to the True Church src: 25394 



. . . And for mine owne part, hauing spent much of my time among 

them, this I haue found, that in all excesse of sinne Papists haue bene 

the ringleaders, in riotous companies, in drunken meetings, in seditious 

assemblies and practises, in profaning the Sabboth, in quarels and braules, 

in stage-playes, greenes, ales, and all heathenish customes: the common 15 

people of that sort generally buried in sinne, swearing more then can be 

expressed, vncleannesse, drunkennesse, perfidiousnesse vile and odious: ... 



Bond for Ralph Pyke, Piper LRO: QSR 1 

mb 7d* (9 July) 


Sessions held at Ormskirk before John Fleet wood, Sir Edward Fitton, Edward 
Scarisbrick, James Anderton, Richard Molyneux, and John Wrightington, justices 
of the peace 

Memorandum qwod ad hanc prefztam Sessions* tenttfw apud Ormeskirke 30 

prfdictam in Comitatu predicto dicto nono die lulij Anno xxxij supradicto 
Coram prrfat/V lust iciarijs venitRadulphus Pyke de Eccleston in Comitatu 
predicto pyper in prapria persona sua & assumpsit pro seipjo sub pena decem 
librarww c\uod ipse durant? tempore vnius anni Modo pro\imi sequent non 
fistulabit aliquo die domimco quam quidem somam predictus Radw^Aus 
Concessit se Dominc Regine Debere & de bonis & Catallis term & 
tenirw^Tztw suis fieri & levari si Contingat ipjwm in pri?missis delinquere 
& inde Modo legittimo Convinci 

31/ no o/Anno apparently written as correction over other letters 

20 EDENFIELD 1588 / FLIXTON 1592 



Churchwardens Presentments to the Quarter Sessions 

Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book 5 

flO* (March- April) 

Bury prfrishe 

Wee presence lohn Ashworthe adulterer w/th lenette Taylor lames hunte 
w/th Ellin Ainsworthe fornicators vpon the x daye of mrfrche beinge the 10 

Saobothe daye \vi\\iam Key of Etenfielde had an Alle & minstrell viz 
Rychard Keye & hys Sonne who plaied vppon the Saobothe daye 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 

f 175 (19 October) 


Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Wigan parish church 
before David Ellis, STD, deputy of David Yale, LLD, official principal 

Contra Richan/um Pooley 

for playeinge vpon his fiddle att sermon tyme vpon the Sabboath daie which 25 

dnve manie people oute of the Church att sermon tyme 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/10 

f I66v (14 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Manchester deanery before David Yale, LLD, 35 

official principal 

contra Williwum heywood [et lacobuw Rile] 

1 1 / to/ Etenfielde written over another letter 


A piper plaied in lames Rile his howse at euen songe time appon [the] A r Ai 
holidaieand gaue the sworne man bad[d] word. monltumest [s(...)\ 
Will/mo heywood ad puMce confitendw delictwwsuuwz in ecclwia 
parochiali ibidtm and to promice that hereafter he will neudrcomwitt the 
Like to the offence of any person xxix die instan/w &:c ad certificandw 

citra ftstum man m i proximum, [( ><.->] 

Contra \ncobum Rile 

The said pip^r plaid in his house - monitww est per(...) per magistmm 

Richardson decanuw that he suffer not the Like hereafter quia now fuit 

domi tune personality 10 



Presentment of Roger Coettes, Pedlar LRO: QSR 4 15 

mb28* (28 April) 

Sessions held at Preston before William Farington, Richard Flee twood, Edward 
Walmesley, Geoffrey Osbaldeston, James Anderton, Edward Rigby, Nicholas 
Bannister, Edmund Fleetwood, Roger Nowell, Receiver General John Braddill, 20 
John Calvert, and Robert Pilkington, justices of the peace 

...Et q0d Rogerus Coett nuperde Garstange in Comitatu lanoz^/r;Vpedler 
vicesimo nono die lanuarij Anno Regni domine Elizabeth dei gwc/a Anglic 
ffrancie et hitarnie Regine fidei defensor;V &c quadragesimo tercio et dmersis 25 
alijs diebus et temporibus tam antea quam postea apud Garstange predictam 
in Comitatu \zncastrie\n domo sua mansionah illicite manutenuit custodit et 
hospitavit Rogos vagabundo^et pirrsonas suspea^ ac etiam diu^rsas p<?rsonas 
illiciuwet inordinate; vid<r//V^ pedlers tynkJers luglers pyp^rs glase carriers et 
fether carryers et eos ad ludendww ad ludos illicitos in domo sua prfd/fta 30 

et ad pacem dicte domine Regine pmurbandtfw per insults faciend^ et 
sanguinew extrahendww et diu^rsos alios malefactores et seminator litiuw 
inter vicinos suos in garstange predicta in Comitatu predicto ad magniuw 
gravamen vicinorw suorw in Contemptu leguw huiu(s) Regni Anglic ac 
contra pacem dicte domine Regine. . . 35 

61 ffitum martini proximum: Martinmas, 11 November 

22 GARSTANG 1608-22/3 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/15 

f 1 6 1 v (before 19 November) 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery 5 

Contra Rob<rrtum Swarbrecke parochiede kirkham williwuwTomeson de 

Claughton et Thomam Bee de kirkland 

for vndecente word given to the Church officers & rusheinge violently 

in to the Church att a rushbearinge 10 


Contra Richard Caluerte Thomara Dawson pyper 

for danceinge on the sabboath daie & pypeing the Calverte beinge Lord or 

leader thereof 

1622/3 20 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1 /25 
f 26 (23 January) 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery at Garstang parish 

church 25 

Contra henricuw Skelton Thomaw Rigmayden 

for giveinge the Townsfolke warninge to beare rushes vpon a Sunday 
Conmzry to the notice in the Church by the minister 
"extracted Comparuerunt Skelton et Rigmayden et [lu] fa&risunt virtute luram^w/i that 30 

the asked some persons whether they would Carry rushes [< > tamen] et 

quia prwntantur dominus eis iniuxit ad Confitendww \\uiusmod\ del/cmm 
tempore dif/orw vt supra 

16/ the Calverteyorlhe said Calverte (?) 
30/ I o/[tu] torrecttd from e 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/23 

f 144* (26 September) 

Proceedings of the court held in the consistory of Chester Cathedral before David 5 
Yale, LLD, official principal 

Officiuw dominl merum Contra lohannem Bell Henricum Knowle henricuw 
Walker et Richtfr^/um Berches Gurdianos de Garstange 

for giveinge warninge to the prfrishners to bringe Rushes vpon a Saboth 10 

day vnder payne of ten n grout a household whereas the vsuall day of 
Rushebearinge is St lames daye appoymed by Buj/wpp Moreton and 
Confirmed by the now Buf/wp of Chester quo die Comparuerunt henricus 
vide walker et Richardus Berches et quia Constat ludici that Eujhop Moreton in 

hjs rjme dyd decree the R^gg to b e Carried to the Church vpon St lames 15 
day which our now remrrend diocesan hath [{..)] since Confirmed the ludge 
hath therefore decreed that hence forward the Rushbearinge be observed vpon 
St lames day and non other and for the Churchwardens there contempte 
in the premisses as aJsoe for yat they haue not A^decentlie 1 flagged there 
Church, accordinge to an order in yat behalfe interposed as alsoe in not 20 

prwidinge bread and wine accordinge to the Cannon the Judge hath referred 
there Censure for these neglects and Contempts to my Lord and monisht 
them personally to appeare this day fornight to heare there Censure 



Presentment of Margaret Yat and Constance Eccles LRO: QSR 1 

mb 9d* (12 July) 30 

Sessions held at Preston before John Fleetwood, Sir Richard Shireburn, Thomas 
Talbot, Thomas Southworth, James Anderton, Thomas Eccleston, Nicholas 
Bannister, Edmund Fleetwood, and John Wrightington, justices of the peace 


...Et quod Margaretayat de Gosenar in Comitatu predicto spinster filia 
Christoferi yat & Constancia Eccles alizs higham nup^rde eadem in 

\2l St lames daye: 25 July 

13/ the now Bujfcop of Chester John Bridgeman, bishop 1619 - 4} 

24 GOOSNARGH 1590 / HALSALL 1611 

Comitatu predicto spinster duodecimo die lulij Anno Regni dominc Elizabeth 
Regine nunc &c xxxij existent die domimco Anglice the sonday apud 
Gosenargh predictam in Comitatu predicto asportaverf lunccos 
vocat/w Russhes ad Eccliaw. . . 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 

f!36v* (17 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery 10 

Contra Curatuw predictum 

for warninge the rushbearinge on the Sabboath dale beeinge admonished 

to the Contrarie by reason whereof there was pypinge in the Church and 

Church yord 15 


1556-7 20 

St Bartholomew s Church Register and Account Book LRO: PR 48 1 
p 102 (5 September) 

Memorandum yat ther was offerer the fyrst Sonday of Septembre 
at ye Rysshebaring v s. iij d. 25 

& in ye yere before att ye Riss(h.)bering <w)as offered v s. ij d. ob. 

here of paed to Chrwtofore polard for iij Ij of wax... 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 
f 180 (19 October) 


Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Wigan parish church 
before David Ellis, STD, deputy of David Yale, LLD, official principal 

contra Radulphum Poole Silvestruw Rymer 

241 ofFerer/orofTercd 

HALSALL 1611-33 

for keepeinge male games and Ales on the Sabboath Dale xj mo die Octobris 
1613 Coram mzgistro hugone Burches substitute &c Comp^ruit dictj 
Poole Cui dominus iniunxit ad abstinendw semper imposteruw sub pena 
luris /elf 1 quia est prima Culpa et ex mera ignorantia commissa, [et] sub 
hac Condic/oe de abstinendo semper imposreruw, dimisir: ipsumque (altos 
excommunicatum) absoluebat ecclieq? restituit 



North meholes 

vide Sefton 

vide Much 

1629-30 10 

Archbishop Harsnett s Visitation Book BI: V.1629-30/CB 


Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery 


Contra lacobuw Arnett a pyp*rof Northmeholes parish for pyping on ye 
Saboth at HaJsall et Contra henricuw hesketh for hyring him so to pype 

Contra Rzdulpkum Poole AJehouskeep^r for hyring certaine ffidlers to play on 
the Saboth day 20 

quo die (blank) 

Contra henricuw Arnett pyper for pypeing on the Sabath, he is of ye parish 
of Sephton, et Contra Thomam Gore Alehouskeepifr for hyring him so to do 
quo die (blank) 25 

Contra lacobuw Wilson Alehousekeepirr for hyring a pyper to play on Sonday 
in prayer time 
quo die (blank) 



Archbishop Neile s Visitation Book BI: V.1633/CB.2B 

f337* (25 November) 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery 


Officium domim contra Wilhwwm Arnert de Much Crosbie, et Thomaw 
Barton parochie de Ormeskirke pippers, for prophaneing the lordwday by 

vide Ormeskirke pypeing &C 

26 HAWKSHEAD 1622/3 / HOLCOMBE 1626 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/25 

f 51v* (24 March) 5 

Proceedings of the court held for Furness deanery at Cartmel parish church, 
before Thomas Stafford, LIB, commissary of John Bridgeman, bishop of Chester, 
and in the presence of Edward Morgell, notary public 


Contra chrw/oferum Sand lohannem Banke lohannem Wilson 
e\communicado ffranciscuw Strickland lohannem Robinson 

disguised themselves in womens habitt for the keepinge of a sumi?ringe 
Comparuerunt Sandwet Banke et iniuwguntur to make acknowledgement 
of this there offence coraw Ministro et gzidianis et ad abstinendww semper 15 
imposterum a tali cmificando vt supra Comptfrw/t Robinson et iniuwgitur 
vt supra 




Articles Charged against Richard Romsbotham ex parte Giles Rothwell 

CRO: EDC 5/1 626/56 
ff[l-lv]* (12 October) 


Proceedings of the court held in the consistory of Chester Cathedral before 
Thomas Stafford, LLB, vicar general of John Bridgeman, bishop of Chester, 
and in the presence of John Morgell, registrar 

3. Itfm tibi obijr/mus et argumentamur quod premissw non obstanf/j 30 

tu scis credis vel dici audiuisti that you the said Richard Romsbothom vpon 
a Sunday or Saboth Day happeninge in Annis Domim 1623 1624 et 1625 
vhimis elaps/V &t in the monethes therein concurringe or in the monethes 
of March Aprill May lune, lulie August & September Anno Domim 16(2)6 
now goinge on or in somwe or o{n)e of the said yeares or (m)onethes diddst 35 
(timore (...) postpomo I A r open or 1 Cause or procure the Church Dore or 
Chappell Dore of Holcome to be opened and didst ringe or toll a bell in 
the said Church or Chappell or didst cause the said bell to be runge or 
tolled and didst hire or procure one Robert Wood a ballett munger or one 

36/ (...): 10mm hole; mining words probably Dei 
36/ closing bracket omitted afier postponto 

HOLCOMBE 1626 / HUYTON 1614 

that vseth to sell balleto?* beinge a Wandringe fellowe and not any Wayes 
constituted into holie orders to goe into the pulpitt of the said Chappell 
or to stand in some eminent place of the said Church or Chappell to [t] 
preach or to make some ridiculous or prophaned sermon therein to the 
greate Dishonor of Almightie god and the prophanacz on of his Saboth, and 5 
that the said Robme wood did the said Sunday or Saboth Day de facto go 
into the said Pulpitt or stand in sorruwe other eminent place in the said 
Church or Chappell of Holcome and did preach a ridiculous sermon or 
pamphlett and that you the said Richard Romsbothom was presents the said 
tyme in the said Church or Chappell aforesd/d, and didst heare see &C laugh 10 
att the same to the greate prophanaczbn of the Saboth Day & the Church or 
Chappell and the greate Danger of thy owne soule hocqf fuit et est veruw 
pub/r cum notot mm manifestuw p^riter et famosuw Ac obijr/mus vt supra/ 



William Harrison, The Difference of Hearers src. 12870 

sigs [A5v-A6]* 20 

...I thinke few will complaine of the vnprofitablenes of our labours, but I 
those who doe reioyce thereat, and would haue vs remoued, lest our labours 
should become more fruitful! hereafter: who would rather haue the countrey 
still remaine addicted to popery and impiety, then brought to the obedience 25 
of the Gospell. How fruitful! our labours haue bene, your Lordship can better 
iudge then any of them. Yet must we needes confesse that the fruitfulnes 
thereof, hath bene, and still is greatly hindered by two sortes of persons, 
namely by popish priests, and profane Pypers.... 


sigs [A7v-A8] 

Moreouer I cannot but lament, and with griefe of heart complaine, that still 
in this part of the countrey, the course of religion is exceedingly hindered, 
the fruites of our labours greatly frustrated, the Lords Sabboth impiously 35 

profained, by publike pyping, by open and lasciuious dancing on that day. 
That it is not consecralted as holy to the Lord, but rather kept as a feast of 
Bacchus and Venus. That pyping should put downe preaching: that dancing 
should draw the people from their dutie: That for one person which we haue 

61 S of Sunday corrected from s 

71 P of Pulpitt corrected from another tetter 

HUYTON 1614 / KIRKHAM 1630 

in the Church, to heare diuine seruice, sermons and catechisme, euery pyper 
(there being many in one parish) should at the same instant, haue many 
hundreds on the greenes. 


...Yet our people iudge it an honest and lawrull keeping of the Lords 
Sabboth, to pype and dance all the afternoone. 

And who are greater maintainers of this impietie, then our recusants and 10 
new communicants. Their purses are euer open for the hyring of the pyper, 
their children and seruants, aJwaies ready to dance after him, and themselues 
seldome fayle to be spectators. By this meanes they keepe the people from the 
Church, and so continue I them in their popery and ignorance. 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/22 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery 


Contra lohannem Raunson 

for haueinge an ale vpon the Saboth daie w/ th pipeinge on the Saboth daie at 

divine s<rrvice time 



Archbishop Harsnett s Visitation Book BI: V.1629-30/CB 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery 35 

Contra (blank) Westby for hyring Ric/wr^Iackson to pype on the Saboth day, 

et Contra dictum Ricardum lackson et ^ffillimum graddell for pyping, 

et contra Singleton for hyring ye said graddell r to pipe 1 

quo die (blank) 4Q 

LANCASTER 1572~<:l603 



Town Constitutions and Orders 

mb [I]* (10 April) 


LRO: MBLa Ace 4797, Box 82 

These be the olde constirucions and orders vsed in the towne of Lancaster . 
examyned and ratified in the xxxv th yeare of the Reigne of Kynge Edward 
the second after the conquest of EngUW as the record therof may appere 
And now afterwards recyted examyned and ratyfied apon Thursday next 
after the Feaste of Easter in the xiiij th year of the reigne of our sovereign lady 
Elizabeth Quene of England Fraunce and Ireland Defender of the faith &c. 
by the Othes of Nicholas Olivers Major of the said Towne lohn <[.]ur)ton 
Tailor and lames Kendall then being balyves of the said Towne .. 



The office and 
duty of the 


Also that neither the Maior nor any of the balyves geve any reward 

for the towne to ( > or mynstrellw w/thout the consent of 

ffoure of the heade burgesswand foure of the (comons vpon) payne 

to fforfaite for euerie defalte vj s. viij d. 



Corpus Christ! 


John Weever, Ancient Funeral! Monuments STC: 25223 


This Marlow was Lord Maior in the yeare 1409. in whose Maioraltie there 
was a Play at Skinners Hall, which lasted eight dayes (saith Stow) to heare 
which, most of the greatest Estates of England were present. The Subiect 
of the play was the sacred Scriptures, from the creation of the world. They 
call this, Corpus Christi Play in my countrey, which I haue scene acted at 
Preston, and Lancaster, and last of all at Kendall, in the beginning of the 
raigne of King lames; for which the Townesmen were sore troubled; and 
vpon good reasons the play finally supprest, not onely there, but in all other 
Townes of the kingdome. 



10-1 1/ Thursday ... Easter: 10 April 

31/ Skinners Hall: error far Skinners Well 

30 LANCASTER 1623-38 


William Farington s Expense Book LRO: DDF 2437 

item 1 6a* (31 March - 5 April) (Lent assizes) 

Received by mee lohn Somner for the vse of my Master in Lancaster 5 

att Lent assizes there holden in Anno xxj \zcobi.l 

Wherof disbursed for my Master his vse viz./ 

Item pd to music/oners vi d. 10 


William Farington s Expense Book LRO: DDF 2437 

item 16* (19 April) (Lent assizes) 15 

Monies disbursed by lohn Rowe./l636./ 

hem for Trumpeters scarfs and Ribbins 0-19-0 


hem to the wait at Lancaster 0-1-6 

hem for the Trumpeters apparell as may appeare by ij seufrall 

bills 8-5-0 



Bond for William Fox, Bearward LRO: DDKs 30/30 

single sheet* (29 November) (Lancaster assizes) 


Memorandum quod vicesimo nono die Novembris Ano Regni domim nostri 
Caroli dei grtfr/a Anglic Scotie ffraunc/>et hitxrnie Regis fidei defensorw &c 
decimo quarto. Willimj ffox de Garstang in Comitatu \nncastrie Bearward 
in pnrpria persona sua venit Coram Dutton domino Gerard et Riozrafo 
Shutleworth Armigero duobus lusticiarijs domi{.)i Regis {.)d pacem in 35 

Comitatu \zncastrie conseruzndam assignatwet cognovi(.) (...) Regi viginti 
libras, et ffranciscus Clark (...) Bearward et Thomas Rigmayden (...) pro 

33/ Willirru/j: 3 minims in MS 367 cognovi{.): ie, cognovit 

35/ domi(.)\: ie, domim 37/ (...): tear of 60mm 

35/ (.)d: ie, ad 37/ (...): tear of 60 mm 


predicto WilWmo ffbx similit/r cognoverunt (...) domino Regi vterque 

eorwquinq<rlibrisde bonis(...) <.)hat{...> et tenements suis ad vsamdicti. 

domim Regis fieri et levar(.) (...) Willim5 ffox pmonalittr comparuit ad 

prmimam gen^ralem session(..) pacis apud Presron in Amoundmies post 

festum Epiphani(.) tene(...) et q0d ab inde non secedet sine licencia 5 

Iusticiar/0rw tune & (...) presencium. Et interim quod pacem geret erga 

dictum dominum Regem et cunctuw poplm suum et prrcipue e^ga 

lohannem Curwenn Ita quod damnwvel maJuw aliq0d [dcs] perse aut 

per alios now faciet nee fieri procurabit quovismc/o./ In Cuius rei 

testimoniuw Justiciary prl; c^i Sigilla sua apposuerunt Datrf die et Anwo 10 

supradj cfo 

(signed) D. Gerard. 



Presentment of Richard Whytstones and James Harrison, Bearwards 

LRO: DDF 192 20 

single mb* (16 April) 

Court left before Richard Fleetwood, esquire, steward of the manor 

Item presentant quod Rictfr^Ais Whitstones de Ormischurche in Comitatu 
predicto Bearward xxx die Novembris vltimo prrterito apud Leilande infra 
lurisdicc/o/zem huius Curie affraiam fecit sup^r lacobum Harrison de 
Croston in Comitatu predicto Bearwarde et de eo cum Baculo suo sanguinera 
traxit Ideo ipje in mvericordis. vj s. viij d. 

hem prentant quod prrfatus lacobus Harison die predicto apud Leilande 3 

predictam sim\\\ter affraiam fecit sup^r prrfatuw Riorr^um Whitstones, 
instigatus pro se defendendo Ideo Amerciament^ p^rcantwr 

I/ (...): tear of 70mm 4/ session(..): ie, sessionem 

21 (...): tcarof65mm 5/ piphani(.): it, Epiphanie 

21 <...>Ohat(...y. /rofea/>(xetteirlschanallis 5/ lene{...): probably tenendam 

3/ levar(.>: ie, levari 6/ (...): probably \\>\ 

3/ (...): tear of 30mm Jl dominum. 3 minimi visiblt in MS 

3/ Willimur 3 minimi in MS 23/ Ormischurche: Ormskirk 

3/ compflruityorcomparebit 




mese ne 







Presentment of John Johnson, Husbandman LRO: QSR 14 

mb 10* (5 May) 

Sessions held at Ormskirk before Richard Whatmoughe, William Charley, 
William Laithwaite, Richard More crofte, John Shawe, James Burscoughe, 
William Naylor, Gillet Nelson, Humphrey Moorecrofie, John Blakely, Robert 
Rose, Richard Jacson, and John Balshawe, justices of the peace 

...Wee present that lohn lohnson late of litherland in the countye of lancaster 
husbandman the fourthe day of Maye in the fryfteenth yeare of the Raigne of 
our Souifraigne lord kinge lames of England &c beinge the Saboth day at 
litherland afforesaid did keepe and maynteyne att his house there Beare 
Beatinge & fidlinge in greate prafanac/bn of the Saboth and that Hugh 
Whitestones late of Ormeskirke in the countie of lancaster laborer and 
Thomas Whytestonnes of Ormeskirke in the countye of lancaster laborer 
then and there did beate there beares and that Richard pooley late of of 
Prescott in the countie of lancaster laborer did then and there playe of a 20 

fiddle and did profayne the Saboth contrarye to the peace of our Sou^raigne 
lord the kinge... 




BlundeU Family Hodgepodge Book LRO: DDBl Ace 6 1 2 1 

ff 182-2 v* 

A Contry song remembring the harmetless mirth of Lancashyre in peaseable 30 
tymes. To the tune of Roger o Coueley. 

Robin and Ralph and Willy 
tooke Susan and Ginnet and Sisly 
And Roger and Richerd and Geordy 
tooke mary and Peggie and Margery; 
And daunc t a hornepype merilie 
tripped and skipped nott wearilie 
Tyr d out the bagpype and ffidle 
with dauncing the Hornepipe and didle. 



19/ of of dittography 

30/ harmetless J&rharmeless 


But Gilbert and Thomas and Harry 

whose sweetharts weare Nell Nann and Marie 

Tooke sydes against Gyles lames and Richard, 

whose wentches weare loane lane and Bridget! 

The wager was for a wheate Cake 

they daunct till thire bones did ake 

That Gilbert and Nannie and Nellie 

did swett them selues into a Jelly 

The Ladds of Chowbent weare there 10 

and had brought thire doggs to the Beare 
But they had not tyme too play 
they daunced a waye the daye 

Thomas Knex: And thither then they had brought Knex 

mosHamous to p , ay Chowbent hornepype that Nicks 15 

Tomms and Geffreyes shoone 
weare worne quit through with the tune. 

The ladds of Latham did daunce 

thire Lord Strange hornepype which once 20 

was held to haue bene the best 

and far to exceede all the rest 

But now they doe hould it to sober 

and therfore will needs giue it ouer 

They call on thire Pyper then iouially 25 

play vs braue Roger o Coueley. 

The meales men daun cd thire Copp 

and about the maypoule did hopp 

Till thire shoose weare so full of sand 30 

that they could no longer stand 

The fformeby trotter supply d 

whoe though that his Breeches weare wide 

Yett would he nere giue it o re 

till the Pyper was redy to snore 3 s 

But Gilbert and Susan[d] and Nawnie 

with Tom and Dick Sisly and Mawny 

Tripped and skipped full merily 

the Musique now sounding out chearily 40 

28/ meales: if. North Meals 


Dick booted Nel flowted he showted 
tak t thee lames Pyper of fformeby 
Ta[t]k t thee, Takt thee, Tak t thee 
takt thee lames Pyper of fformeby I 


At length it was tyme to goe 
alass Susan did heare ye Coke crowe 
The maydes might goe make vp thire fyres 
or els be chidd, ^by" 1 [with] thire S[<.)]yres 

Next holy day theyl e ^a" 1 [daunce] thire ffill to 

at lohnsons o th Talke of ye hill 
Wheare Bell shall be brought [for] to play 
Alack [good Lord] how I longe for that day! 

The second part to the tune of the Vpstroke 15 

col 1 

That day it was past 

On Twesday last 

And you might haue scene there 20 

(if that you had beene there) 

The Lasses and Lowtts 

with smerkings and showts 

S[h]uch did I nere heare on 

good Lord they would feare one 25 

ffor still they cryde merily 

hey for Crosbie. 

Hey Sefton hey Thorneton 

hey for Netherton. 

Till ho r aVse they whopped 30 

being weary they stopped. 

Then Cakes and Prunes stu de 

weare greedily Chu de 

Of ale that was good 

they pourd downe a flood 35 

And being gott giddy 

Then stepped forth Neddy 

and swore by his falcins 

that he would go dawnce againe 

I by the Makins 40 

1 1/ Talke of ye hill: probably Tulltrth Hill. Preston 



col 2 

Then hand in hand they wente 
chearily cherrily 
Caling on thire Bell 
merily merily 
AJ1 sport was forsaked 
to see loose leggs shaked 
The maydes buttocks quaked 
lyke Custards new baked 
But Rowland and Nelly 
with Susan and Billie 
Gott all the glory 
that is in the story 
And those that are sager 
Saye they woonne the wager 
ffor whylst there was any day 
they would nere ge et a waye-[{....)]am 



VB. Anno Domini 1641 




Thomas Wawen 

mortuttj eit 




Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 

f[16] (18 October- 17 October) 

(30 January) (Assembly of burgesses) 

Memorandum quod eadnn die domimca. venerwt [Rad//>/>us barley] Georgius 
asheton et petrus Rymowr balliui pro hoc Anno Radw//>Aus barley et Thomas 
Secom m et Recognoverwwf se ess<r plegv pro Thoma Wawen s^ruo pro villa ad 
ludendw cum instrwmento suo tam mane qam nocte qual/b<?t per annum 
diebwj domimcis exceptw eo qwod signuwz vel cymbaluw comune Argent; 

31/ (Radu//>/7us barleyj: underscored for deletion 

34m/ fis(. . . .): damage to right-hand margin: probably fistula 

35/ diebwidommicis correctrdfrom die dommica 

35/ comune: 6 minims in MS 


36 LIVERPOOL 1558-61 

omnino coraw maiore sit productumet habitumsub pena &c viz. sub pena 
quatuor marcariow monetc anglie &c "mortuitf d\ctus Thomas Wawen et 
plegij jw/ pr<?scntaueru>tfcymbaluw commune Rob<?rto corbet maiore anno 
pr/mo Regni Regine Elizabeth &c et dicti plegij eant acquiet/de prmiiss/r 


Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 

f [24] * (18 October- 17 October) 10 

(26 February) (Assembly of burgesses) 

Memorandum that the xxvj c h daye of februarij Anno Regni Elizzlxtke 

Regine &c pr/mo Rychard marser of this towne & lamys wylltamson 

came before mayster mayre mr Thomas more George asheton Thomas 15 

Secom a\ixander Garnet Robert holden Thomas Bastwell & manye other 

cooburgesyes &C knowledge theyme to be pledge and sureties that the 

scochyn or { ) badge of the towne WA/ch was delyu^;y(.> to wilbWm 

poughtyn owr newe wayt(.) (...) the sayd badge shalbe pr^sentyd &c 

rediliueryd to mayster mayre or to his officer or officers (...)full [&] 20 

demaunde in payne of xxvj s. (viij d.) 


Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 

f [40v]* (18 October- 17 October) 

...rd ... <.)he wayte ... mayster mayrf ... worshypp come 


Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 30 

f [46 v] (18 October- 17 October) 

(24 October) (Second Portmoot before Ralph Sekerston, mayor) 

Agreid alsoe that mayster mayre shall command the wayte at all tymes 


3/ maiore for maiori 

1 g/ ( ): triangular tear of 90mm narrowing to 20mm at foot: probably for comon 

18/ dclyufiyi.): it, dclyucryd 

19/ wayt(.) (...): further loss from tear, probably for wayte &C that 
20/ (. . . )full: further Ion from tear, perhaps for vpon theyr lawful] 
2 1/ (viij d.): visible to Twemlow, but no longer legible 



Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 

f [66] (18 October- 17 October) 

(26 October) (Great Portmoot before Thomas Secum, mayor) 


hem wee fynd it convenient that thiese officers as the waterbalie the 

Sargient, the keprrof the Comyn warehowsse & the wayte shall eume 

of thayme gyve theyr attendaunce on mayst<rr mayre eiwrie festiell daye & 

marcket daye eu^rie of thayme bearyng a handsome &t comely byll mete 

for such purpose &c 10 

f [66vJ (Election of officers) 

lamys Atherton Wayte 15 


Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 

f [83v] (18 October- 17 October) 20 

(25 October) (Great Portmoot before Robert Corbet, mayor; election of officers) 

Wayte or towns mustc/on<rr lamys Atherton 



Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 

f [90v] (18 October- 17 October) 

(23 October) (Great Portmoot before Alexander Garnet, mayor; election of 

officers) 30 

Wayte lamys Atherton. 

f[93v]* (7 January) 

This yere sondaye after the xijth daye the sayd maior imprisoned xx 
youngkardw whereof mdfy/fcr mayre calld lamwatherton than beyng wayte 
Leyngand Capitaigne & dischargd \\yrn of his office And than he impmoned George 

for reasonyng & speakyng for the Releaxyng of the sayO wayte & 



40/ sayf.): it, sayd 

38 LIVERPOOL 1565-8 

calld a they younckarckf & mayst mayre wold not suffer George a{. . .) be balyd or 

tow/"* maympraysed neyther by mr Sekerston mr C{. . .)d andleser william Secow 

&c & than mr lohn crosse movyd mayster maior t(...)ale the sayd George: 
but it cold not be. whereat (it wa(s) (...) (C)rosse chaffed &: fumed 
inwardlie soe George &C d mers younckard() (...)d all nyght &: mayster 
maior roylid styll &: seyd he wold (...) the Queenes couwcell: but he was 
afar Pacified otherwayes &c 


Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 10 

f [122] (18 October- 17 October) 

(21 October) (Great Portmoot before Robert Corbet, mayor) 

Memorandum That mayster lohn Crosse esquier & last Maior before this 
daye acknowledged vpon the benche at this inquirie openlie &: audientlie to 15 
all the halle That the Townes conisaunce badge or scochyn of syl(..)r which 
belongyth to the wayte if eny be in the towne was & sh(...)e A [be] readye in 
A [his] save custodie & readie to be brought in to th(.) (..)11 at eny tyme to be 
demaundyd by the holle Comyntie 



Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU 11/1 

f [ 1 3 2 ] (18 October- 1 7 October) 

(20 October) (Great Portmoot before William Secum, mayor) 


Item for the further & greater Repayre of gentilmew & others to this 
towne (...) it nedfull That theare be an handsome cockefeight pit made 
with also (...) 6d stockes kept in due Reparacron 

Itmi wee be agreyd That Nicolas forber shalbe wayte 30 

I/ mayst: for mayster; abbreviation mark missing 6/ (...): gap of 70mm 

I/ 3(...): gap of 28mm. probably 3$\\Hon to 16/ syl(..)n Itaf damaged probably sy\ver 

II C(...)A: gap of 35mm, probably two names Ml sh{...)e tear in leaf probably sholde 

3/ t(...)a)e: gap of 40mm 18/ th(.) (..)!!: tear in leaf; probablylhe hall 

4/ wa(s) (...) (C)rosse: gap of 50mm; s andC conjectural 111 towne (...) text lost from decay of right margin 

5/ (...)d: gap of 60mm 28/ also (...) text lost from decay of right margin 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f4v* (18 October -!? October) 

(22 October) (Great Portmoot before Thomas Bavand, mayor) 


lorm wee fynd necessarie for the vpholdyng better & long Continewyng 
of or Comyn hall of this Towne, in good ordre of Reprfrac/on of the same 
That noe licence be or shalbe grauntyd and gyvyn, to make any weddyng 
diners or pleyes of dawnsyng therein to the dawng^r, decaying or fallyng of 
the flooure of the same: and if it Chaunce vpon any vrgent Cause or earnest 10 
Request not deniable, any licence to be gyvyn therein: That then, by the same 
licencr the ptfrtie &: parties soe obteignyng licence Shall pay to the Comyn 
Cooffer for everie suche licence fyve shelyngw vsuall money. And the Stwardw 
of the same hall, the tyme beyng, shalbe Charged to Collecte &: Receyve all 
the same money & true accompte &: due payment thereof make at tyme to 15 
be demaundyd by master Maiors Comaundement in payne of (blank) 

(6 (25 October) (Second Portmoot before Thomas Bavand, mayor) 


It/rm Wee agrie that noe players of interlude, as Comyn, Rude, & agrest 
players, Iuggler{.) gesters, or wandrang people bryngyng in to this Towne any 
monstruouse, or straung(.) beastwor other visions voyde or vayne to theyr 
lucre & disceyte of the Queenes subiecter. w/th(...) licence ofmaystet Maior 
tyme beyng: &c of his deputie in payne of impn sonmewt &c fine at mayster 25 

maiors pleasure Excepte such person & persons as mey hap hyther to resorte 
ffrom any citie or worshipfull Corporac/on & Right honorable o Right 
worshipful! &c 


f7v* (17- 25 January) (Assembly of burgesses) 

This daye henrie halewod bagpiper was admittid wayte of this Towne 
Condic/onallie & vpon pleysure, & had the Townes badge delivered to hym: 
but thorough his lewdnes it was takyn from all Saynct lames fayre, to his 35 

22/ Iuggler(.): <>, Jugglers; right margin torn 

22/ g o/wandring written over A. 

23/ straungf.): it, straunge; right margin torn 

24/ with(...>: it, without; right margin torn 

25/ tymcyorfor the tyme (?) 

35/ from for from him 

35/ Saynct Iam fayrc: apparently held only on St James Day itself, 25 July 

40 LIVERPOOL 1572-3 

hindraunce & verie gricffe of repentance & after the fayre done vpon his 
repentant submission it was Lend to hym agayne of p\eysure 


Town Book 1 LlRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 

f [104] col 2* (18 October- 17 October) (Burgess roll) 

lacobwj Corlis Kicardus marstr caliamentrfTmr & henries halewod wayte 
admiss/ Iure iurat/liberi burges burgens xviij die octobris 1572 &c 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 1 9v* (18 October - 17 October) 

(24 November) (Memorandum of court business) 15 

hem & the xxiiij of novembre aforesayd Harrie halewod, wayte of this 
towne entried into bound of Recognisaunce for peace & good ordre kepyng 
w/>/ch he Rechelesslie hedid and misregardyd not onlie to vile punishement 
of his bodie at dmers tymes in le Edibw* tenebrosw& alij enorm\tatibus z] 20 

evenientibw &c prout mor at large aperith in Records Curie querelarww 

f 19* (2 December) (Annual audit) 


John Rile alsoe beyng Schole mayster in this Towne acknowledgyth hym to 
haue in his Custodie one Cheste & fourtine Smale hordes Mor twoe Coops 
the wheche he made in apparell for mayster maiors sonne Williaw Crosse, 
& Thomas Burscowgh w/th others to playe theyr paiaunces in: mor not 

&c 30 

f 24v* (19 April) (Special assembly before John Crosse, mayor) 

subsheriff/ Note qod that tuysdaye & weydynsdaye beyng vj & vij. of Aprile. 1573. 35 

(blank) vndersheriff of \z.ncashire by vertue of the Quynes maiesties writ of 
extendith caused a Iur/> Impanelid abrood in the Countrie adionyng this 
towne Where divers of this Towne &c parte of the Contrey were extend id 

9/ caliamenUn iw/Brcakiameimrius 20/ alij/oralijs 

107 burgens burgensrj: dinography 21/ &:c altered from &C pro 

LIVERPOOL 1573-6 41 

and evill trowbled: ffor remedie whereoff mayster maior of his naturaJl zele 
amitie & pure frendship in Remorse of the Common weale ease Comfortw 
& Remedie off this Towne & all the Comyntie of the same: caused a 
Congregaa on in the hall sonday the xix th of this aprile wherein he 
Comaundyd the twoe wandres & turners wyth the hobie horse to be 5 

punishe in the stocks at the high Crosse 


Town Book 2 LlRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 10 

f 44v (18 October- 17 October) 

(25 October) (Great Portmoot before John Mainwaring, mayor; 

election of officers) 

lamis Atherton wayte sub Condic/one sup<?r visuw \itterarum a 15 

prcnobile Comite derbie ad magistrum Maiorew &c aidermannos 
vna cum omnibus burgensibwj 

f 48 (1 December) (Annual audit) 


ffyrst to my Lord Mountaygles players x s. iiij d. 

More to lohn Riele scholemayster here for his Scholers playe iij s. iiij d. 

f48v 25 

mor paid by the wythin named Thomas Bastwell late baliff to 

lohn Sekerston The Erie of darbie or good Lords beyrew^rd vj s. viii d. 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

fT69-9v* (18 October- 17 October) 

(15-28 April) (Earl of Derby s visit to Liverpool) 

The ryght honorable Henrye erle of derbye havinge lycence of the Quenes 
moste excellente Ma^ mie to goe over into the Isle of Mann, came to 
Lyu^rpole the xv h Daye of Aprile Anno suprad/cfo And there his honor 
stayed vpon a wynde till the xxviijth o f the same monethe in which ryme his 
Lordship did feaste Mayster Maior his bretheren w/th the bailiffs and others of 40 
the same towne On mondaye beinge the xxijth O f Aprile aforesaid his honoure 

42 LIVERPOOL 1576-7 

came to the churche or chappell of Liuerpole aforesaid to vewe and 

appointe oute A fytte place for the clothe of estate w^/ch was on the southe 

syde of the same churche or chappell rychlie hanged w/th costlie 

Ornaments and clothe of golde And Mr Thomas Bavande beinge then 

Maior of Lyu^rpole aforesaid caused preparac/on to be made for A greate 5 

tryvmphe to honor the said noble erle at the said moste honorable ffeaste 

Appointinge Thomas Englefelde to be captaine & leader of A greate 

numbre of townesmen burgeses of Lyuerpole & others whome he caused 

his bayliffo Roger Roose and Robert Baule to se furnished & trymlye sette 

fourthe as souldiors in warre Lyke manner to m^rche and slcirmyshe before 10 

the said right honorable erle whoe did the same verye orderlie and right 

well at dium &c sundery convenient tymes duringe the said most honorable 

ffeaste as heraftirr is more at Lardge declared The same said xxij^ daye of 

Apr/le aforesaid the said righte honorable erle came to eveninge prayer at 

fyve of the clocke in the afternone accompanied w/th Mayster Maior the 15 

aldermen bailiffs & others aforesaid going in due order that is to saye the 

said twoe bailiffs formoste and then the bailiffs peares Then afar theim 

the aldermen, Then certaine of my Lor^his gentilmen Then the Serieme 

bearinge the mase before Mayster Maior And then nexte after Mayster 

Maior my \j)rd his honors vssher And then the said right honourable erle 20 

in his robes of redde purple his trayne beinge borne vppe by Mr Lee of 

bagulaye and then came after A great numbre aswell of his honors 

gentilmen as yeomen: And so his honor comynge to the churche at that 

tyme ffirst of all he did marke him selfe vnto god and then turninge him 

self did his duetie in makinge obeysaunce to the place of estate and before 25 

his honor did take his owne place made obeisaunce againe to the said place 

of estate and so sate downe: And afterwards service beinge done at his 

honors goinge from churche there was (as Mayster Maior hadde appointed) 

the said captaine Thomas Englefelde w/th his souldiors readie and there 

skirmished very bravelie and orderlie shotinge of great store (not onlie) of 30 

calliver shotte but also of greate cast ordinance & chambers beinge placed 

in the churche yaurde accordinge to Mayster Maiors appointment beside 

shotinge of from the shipps rydinge in the ryver: Then after the same 

Eveninge, Mayster Maior gave commaunderrwrt & warninge that all the 

said companie shoulde be in readines the morninge nexte folowinge, w/th 35 

theire furniture oc. which was done accordinglie and marched vpon the 

warthe and skirmished againe before the said righte honorable erle, in right 

good ordre beinge tewsdaye St george his daye when his honor came to the 

3/ churche: Saint NichoLu Church 41 yearde corrected from yaurde 

221 bagulaye: Baguley, Cheshire 

LIVERPOOL 1576-7 43 

churche very gorgiouslye, accompanied of Mayster Maior & manic 

gentilmen, moe, then on the daye before, & so came to the churche &t there 

taried A certain tyme, and after went in solempne [pro] procession aboute 

the churche yearde &C so entered again into ye churche, and there offered A 

pece of golde which was gyven to S/r lames Seddon clarke mynister there, 5 

that beinge done, Mr Cadwall his honors chaplaine made A godly and 

Learned sermon vpon the psalme 81, Audi populus meus et [const] 

contestabor te Israeli si audires &c. And at every tyme of my Lordhis 

honors departure from churche there was greate trivmphe as afore is said 

bothe after /morninge &: 1 Eveninge prayer So yat there was shotte at the 10 

leaste twelve hundred caJlyver shotte duringe ye saide most honorable ffeast 

beside the greate ordinance afforesaid And the same evening at after supper 

one Raphe Powell gonner by Mayster Majors appointment beinge readie 

with squybbes to make pastyme was commaunded by my Lord to staye tyll 

yt was A litle darker whoe afterwardw when yt was darke in ye eveninge 15 

caste the said squibbwabroade very trymlye wherat his honor toke greate 

pleasure And on wednesdaye his honor came to churche to morning I Prayer 

as aforesaid but in chaungeable robes at which tyme Mr Nutter her 

Maiesties chaplen, batchler in devinitie Sc parson of Sefton Sc Aghton made 

A passinge famouse Learned Sermon vpon the xxij th of the apocalipps. Ecce 20 

venio cito et merces mea mecum &c. which Sermon was Lyked muche 

above the other. There was manye things done & pastymes made as A 

morres daunce over & besid the premisses which were all so orderlye & 

trymlie handled as was to the great lykinge &: pleasure of the said right 

honorable erle The lyke wherof was never sene or knowen to be done in this 25 

said towne of Liuerpole for the which his honor did not onlie gyve vnto 

Mayster Maior maniefolde thanks but also constrained him to take his 

honors liberalities sore against Mayster Majors mynde to bestowe vpon the 

said companie: All these things beinge fynished in decent ordre then on the 

sondaye nexte folowinge god sending his honor A prosperous wynde & faire 30 

weather his Lordship toke shippinge at Liufrpole in the Edward Mr 

Terbockwshippe aboute foure of ye clocke in the afternone beinge 

accompanied w/ th the michaell of Liuerpole the Bee of the same The 

Elizabethe of Aulte & ye good Lucke of Dowglasse graunte his honor A 

good & luckie prosperouse voiage w/th the lyke retourne to his Lordships 35 

expectac/on w/ th p^rfeae health & dailie encrease of honor longe to 


38/ St george his dayc: 23 April 


ff69v-70* (Institution of horse-race) 

Memorandum that this yeare vpon the holie ffeaste daye of the ascention of 
our lorde god ther was a rvnnynge of horses at Liiwrpole for a Sylver bell in 
valewe worthe vj li. xiij s. iiij d. w/;h Siluer bell was devised by Edwarde 5 

Terbocke of terbocke in ye countye of Lancaster esquier and vpon his 
proper cost & chardgw made And by him the same Daye frelie gyven and 
Deliu^red vnto maystn maior of Liu^rpole aforesaid/ mr Thomas Bavande 
beinge then maior whoe receiued the same bell a his hand to thende yt 
shoulde be and remaine to mayster maior of Liiurrpole for ye tyme beinge 10 

for ever to be rvnne for w/th horses everie yeare at Lyu^rpole vpon the said 
ascention daye as yt was then rvnne for by foure horses viz one beinge ye 
horse of the said mr Terbocke/ an other of mr Davenport of brumhall 
esquier an other of mr (blank) & the iiij th of mr (blank) Sutton g&ndeman 
The course was iiij or myles and Di or thereabouts beginninge at a place 15 

caJed (blank) iuxta crosbie (blank) in &c. and endinge almost anendest ye 
banckhowse somthinge to Liu^rpoleward of ye same haule but mr 
Davenport his horse gote ye said bell in rvnnynge & the same mr Davenport 
caryed it awaye entringe into band in obligac/on of x li. to mayster maior 
aforesaid for redeliufrance yerof accord in ge to ye condic/on thervnder writte 20 

the true Copie wherof ensuethe &c.l 

Noumnt &:c. 

The condic/on of this Obligac/on ys suche that where the Daye herof 25 

makinge ther was gyven and Deliufred vnto the handw of Thomas Bavande 
nowe maior of Liuirrpole in ye countye of Lancastr? by Edward Terbocke of 
Terbocke in ye said countie esquier one Sylver bell to the valuation of vj li. 
xiij s. iiij d. To thende &. intente the same shalbe rvnne for by foure cmein 
horses prepared and alreadie appointed for the same prpose And the said 30 

Bell to be deliu/rred vnto hym whose horse shall gette or wynne the same 
Lawfullie by his iuste deserte of rvnninge accordinge to ye ordre and Lawe 
of ye game Yf the above bounden will/dm Davenpoort (whose horse nowe 
hathe gotten the said bell in rvnnynge) his heire or assignes or anye of 
theym doe well & truely redeliurr or cause to be redeliuirred the very same 35 

sylver bell in as good ordre as yt is at the Daye of ye makinge herof vnto the 
said maior of Liu^rpole for ye tyme beinge or to his Lawfull deputie or 
attourney at and vpon the ffeast daye of ye As of or Lorde god nexte and 
Immediatelie ensuinge ye daye of the Date of this obligac/on betwene the 

3-4/ the holie ITeaste ... god: 16 May 23/ Nou^rint &c: underlined in Hi 

9/ a/orat 38/ As followed by gap in anginal; for Ascension (?) 

LIVERPOOL 1577-82 45 

howres of nyne and eleaven of the Clocke in ye fornone of ye same Daye 
provided alwaies yat he whose horse gote or wan the said bell (After the 
deliume of the same as is aforesaid) shall have his horse to rvnne francke & 
free without an ye money payinge for the same his Course That then this 
prent Obligac/ on to be voide & of non effecte Or els yt to be and remayne 5 
in ffull power strengthe & virtue 

f 77 (24 October) (Second Portmoot before Ralph Burscough, deputy mayor) 


Item we are agreed that Nicholas fforber shall serve in this towne as wayte 
and have the Scotcheon and have the benevolence of the towne vpon his 
good behaviour 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f96v (IS October -17 October) 

(26 October) (Great Portmoot before Edward Halsall, mayor) 


Offycers chosen and appointed for this yeare till the feast of St Luke 
thevaungelist nexte &c. by the said xxiiij lunwas folowrth 

Haywart lohn Hollinprest \\iratusl And henry halewood wayte/ 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 1 14v (18 October ^17 October) 

(23 October) (Great Portmoot before John Crosse, mayor; election of officers) 

...waite henry Clennes/ 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU 11/2 35 

f 127 (18 October- 17 October) 

(22 October) (Great Portmoot before William Secum, mayor; election of officers) 

Weate Henry Clennes 


51 effccte: gap in this word in MS 2 l-2/ the feast ... thevaungelist: 18 Octobrr 

46 LIVERPOOL 1583-5 

f 130 (25 January) (Annual audit) 

Itnn there is founde due by the Towne to Mr lohn Crosse esquier 
for money disbursed to the Townes vse viz. towards my Lord of 
Oxefordw players iij s. iiij d., towards my Lord of Darbie his Lordships 
players x s.... 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU 11/2 10 

f 137v (18 October- 17 October) 

(21 October) (Great Portmoot before Ralph Burscough, mayor; election of 


they are agreed That Henry Clennes shalbe wayte &C receyve the 15 

rewarde of the townespeople And that he shall playe at eu^ry mans dore 
that hath borne office 

f 1 40 (29 June) (Assembly of burgesses) 

. . .And also then and there Henry Clennes waite was admitted & sworne 

a free Burg of this Towne and layd downe for his ingress/o/z vj s. wA;ch was 

gyven him againe by mayster maior w/th the Consent of the other 25 

gentlemen & burgess^ In consideracjbn that the said henry shoulde 

paye for the fasshioninge or makinge newe of the Townes skutchion. 


1584-5 30 

Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f I43v (18 October- 17 October) 

(26 October) (Great Portmoot before Thomas Bavand, mayor) 

And Henry Clennes waite 35 

Item wee doe prcsente the saide Henry Clennes finable for that he 
doeth not vse to playe at eiwie mans dore that hath borne office In the 
Towne Accordinge to the order made in that behalf by the last xxiiij" 

LIVERPOOL 1585-90 


Town Book2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 1 49 (18 October -17 October) 

(25 October) (Great Portmoot before Thomas Bavand, deputy of Ferdinando, 

Lord Strange, mayor) 

we agre to have a waite In this Towne 


Town Book 2 URO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 1 58 (18 October- 17 October) 

(27 October) (Second Portmoot before Edward Halsall, mayor) 

\\ern wee agre & fynde it meete to have a waite 15 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f I64v (18 October- 17 October) 

(23 October) (Great Portmoot before William More, mayor) 

Item they doe agree that Henry Halewood shalbe Wayte 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 172 (18 October- 17 October) 

(4 November) (Great Portmoot before Sir Richard Molyneux, mayor; 

election of officers) 30 

Wayte Henry halewood. 

1589-90 35 

Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 1 83 v (18 October- 17 October) 

(30 October) (Second Portmoot before Thomas Whicksted, mayor) 

Item the thinke it convenient^ to have a waite when mayster maior his 40 

brethrenn and the towne shall fynde one they shall have good lyking of 

48 LIVERPOOL 1590-3 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 195v (18 October- 17 October) 

(26 October) (Great Portmoot before John Bird, mayor) 

I fern they are agreed yat there shalbe a sufficient Waite w/thin yis Towne, 
and wee thinke Henry Clennes a fine man 

f 199v (Assembly before John Bird, mayor) 10 

Memorandum yat the xxiij h daye of Marche Anno supradicto the scutchion 
of this Towne was Delivered vnto Edwarde Dawson whoe then and before 
the same ys admitted waite of this Towne by maystet maior w/ th the 
Consente of his Bretheren and burgessifs of the same Towne and for the 15 

saffe kepinge and redeliume of the same Scutchion vpon demande hathe 
putt in Roberte Ball nowe bailif of Liufrpoole aforesaid whoe hathe 
vndertaken for the same in the behalf of the said Dawson as witnesseth his 
hand herevnto./ and in defalte of the said scutchion to paye the surrwze of 
xiij s. iiij d. 20 

signuwz Robfrti + Ball:/ 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 205v (18 October- 17 October) 25 

(25 October) (Great Portmoot before Robert More, mayor) 

yat it is necessarie to have a sufficient man to be our waite 8tc 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 2 1 5v (18 October- 17 October) 

(23 October) (Great Portmoot before Giles Brooke, mayor) 

To have a sufficient man to be owr waite. 

2 1 / + : Ball has signed with his personal mark 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 222v (18 October -17 October) 

(29 October) (Great Portmoot before Robert Berry, mayor) 


hem that wee shall haue a sufficieme man to be our waite./ 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU 11/2 10 

f 232 (18 October- 17 October) 

(21 October) (Great Portmoot before John Bird, mayor) 

Item they are agreed to haue a wayte./. 


F230 (2 November) 

Memorandum that the seconde daye of November in the sixe and thirtieth 
yeare of the reigne of our said Sou^raigne A lady Elizabeth the Quenes 
moste excellente majestic nowe beinge mayster maior aboue named by and 20 

w/th a comon assente & consente of the coburgess of this said towne 
before agreed vpon) deliu<rred The townes scutchion of silver contayninge 
in weighte fyve ounzes of haberdepoise to one Thomas Brookfelde a pyper 
beinge admitted wayte of this Towne vpon his good Demeanor/ and for the 
safe kepinge and redeliu^rye of which said scutchion in suche plite and 25 

manner as the same nowe is vpon reasonable Demaunde as occasion shall 
require. Thomas Rose of yis saide towne yeoman and Nicholas Abraham of 
the same towne m^rchante have voluntarily before mayster maior 
vndertaken the same for the said Brookfelde as pledgw and suerties for same 
redeliudrie of the said scutchion, and in further testimonie Thereof they 30 

haue herevnto putte theire handwye daye and yeare Laste aboue specified 
signuw manual? (signed) Nicholas Abraham 

Thome + Rose 

1595-6 35 

Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f243 (18 October- 17 October) 

(20 October) (Great Portmoot before Robert More, mayor) 

Item wee agree to haue some honest man to bee our waite. 40 

20/ opening parenthesis omitted before by 33/ + : Rote has signed with his personal mark 

50 LIVERPOOL 1597-1600 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COUI 1/2 

f 258 (18 October- 17 October) 

(31 October) (Great Portmoot before Richard Hodgson, mayor) 

Item the lurors aforesaid fmde it mete and convenient to haue a waite 
wnhin this townc/ and also that the Clerke shall ringe Curfewe, or Cause 
the same to be done from this night forth vntill the feast of the Purificat/on 
of blessed mary the virgin next to Come &c/ 

f260* (12 June) (Assembly of burgesses before Richard Hodgson, mayor) 

Item that there shalbe no pypinge nor daunsinge vpon the sabaothe Daies 
excepte it be at after eveninge praier./ 15 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f273v (18 October- 17 October) 

(22 October) (Great Portmoot before Robert More, mayor; election of officers) 20 


John Blakeden 

1600-1 25 

Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 285 (18 October- 17 October) 

(6 December) (Memorandum of civic business) 

Memorandum that sixt dale of December Anno regni d/cfe domme Rfgme 30 
nostre Elizabethe &:c quadragesimo tertio the towne Scotchin was by the 
Comaundeiwwt of mayster maior aboue namde, delyvered to Hughe 
Harpur waite of the same towne, ffor the salf kepinge wherof, as also for 
the rediliu^ry of the same lohn Seddon and Thomas Stringer of Liu^rpoole 
afforesaid came before mayster Maior the daie & yeare aboue written and 35 

did vndertake as pledge and suerties for the said Hugh Harpur and he 
the said hughe did vndertake for him self & eu?ry of theim loyntlie and 
scu<?rally for him vnto the said maior that the^aid 1 [<s..d>] hugh harpur 
shall at all tymes vpon reasonable demand redeliiuror Cause to be 

8-9/ the feast ... virgin: 2 Ffhrwiry 
30/ (hat for that ihc (?) 

LIVERPOOL 1601-12 

redeliiwed vnto the said maior his deputie or successor the foresaid 
scutchion In such lyke plite & sorte as he receiued the same, the ordinary 
wearing therof onely excepted/ 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 365* (18 October- 17 October) 

(22 October) (Great Portmoot before Thomas Hackenhall, mayor) 

Item we do prent Mychaell Harper the wayte for not playinge 
in Convenient tyme and at such tymes as he ought to haue 



done iij s. iiij d. 

f366 15 

Iti?m we do agree that the wayte shall goe about the towne at the tymes 

and howers accustomed both evenynge &c mornynge and so often as he 

mzkes default therin, he shall pay for eu^ry default iiij d., and the same 

to be gathered to the vse of the poore of the towne 20 

f 368* (25 October) (Second Portmoot before Thomas Hackenhall, mayor) 

that all Burgesses of this towne shall giue there attendance of maystn 
mayor at both the fayres and at midsomfr accordinge to the ancient order 25 

of this towne vpon payne of their ffynes and that the wayte shall giue an 
howers warninge in gowinge throughe the street/?*. 

1611-12 30 

Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 378v (18 October- 17 October) 

(21 October) (Great Portmoot before Edward Moore, mayor) 

Michaell harper the wayte for not playinge in tyme 35 

Convenyent &: at such tymes as he ought to haue done vj s. viij d. 

f 380 (Election of officers) 
Mychaell Harper Wayte 


52 LIVERPOOL 1616-20 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f422v (18 October- 1 7 October) 

(28 October) (Great Portmoot before Richard Moore, mayor; election of officers) 


MitchallK* Harpur admisswj- fuit le Wayte &c 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 428v (18 October- 17 October) 10 

(27 October) (Great Portmoot before Edmund Rose, mayor; election of officers) 

waite Michaell Harper luratus 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

F443 (18 October- 17 October) 

(22 October) (Great Portmoot before Sir Richard Molyneux, mayor) 


wee do agree that the sexton shall Ringe Corfye at Eaight in the eveninge 
and att fTour in the mornynge 
wee do agrie that the wheyte shall play at the said tymes also It^m 


f 443v (Election of officers) 

Michell Harper wheite/ 



Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 453 (18 October- 17 October) 

(25 October) (Great Portmoot before Ralph Seacome, mayor; election of 

officers) 35 

Michaell Harper wait./ 

23/ Item: blotted, frrhafi meant to be cancelled 

LIVERPOOL 1620-4 53 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f46l col 1 (18 October- 17 October) 

(23 October) (Great Portmoot before Edward Moore, mayor; 

election of officers) 5 

Michaell Harper, Weate... 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU 11/2 10 

f472v (18 October- 17 October) 

(22 October) (Great Portmoot before Oliver Fairhurst, mayor; 

election of officers) 

Michell Harp<r wayte 15 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 478v (18 October- 17 October) 20 

(28 October) (Great Portmoot before John Walker, mayor; presentments; 

election of officers) 

We present the wayte for neglectinge his office in playing at due tymes. 


col 2 






TownBook2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU 1 1/2 35 

f493 (18 October- 17 October) 

(28 October) (Great Portmoot before John Williamson, mayor; 

election of officers) 

Michell Harper Wayte 


54 LIVERPOOL 1624-9 


Town Book 3 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/3 

p 2 col 2 (18 October- 17 October) 

(25 October) (Great Portmoot before Richard Rose, mayor, election of officers) 

Wayte Michelle Harper. 


Town Book 3 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/3 10 

p 27 (18 October- 17 October) 

(24 October) (Great Portmoot before James, Lord Strange, mayor; 

election of officers) 

Wayte. Michaell Harper. 15 


Town Book 3 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/3 

p 37 col 2 (18 October- 17 October) M 

(23 October) (Great Portmoot before Edward Moore, mayor; election of officers) 

Wayte. Michaell Harper. 



Town Book 3 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/3 

p 51 col 2 (18 October- 17 October) 

(22 October) (Great Portmoot before Ralph Seacome, mayor; election 

of officers) 30 

Wayte. Michaell Harper 

1629-30 35 

Town Book 3 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/3 

p 86* (18 October- 17 October) 

(25 October) (Great Portmoot before Robert Williamson, mayor) 

Item wee doe agree [that] to haue a Bell man to goe about the Towne at 40 

Term of the Clock at night and ffouer in the morninge, to giue warninge 
to looke to there fires and Lockeinge there dores and to acquainte them 


r th the wynd and wether, and that hee shall haue the wages eaery yere that 
formirHy the waite hath done 


p 91 (18 October- 17 October) 
(7 May) (Common Council) 

Eodem die 

Yt is likewise agreed vpon that lohn Hollinworth shalbee wayte w; thin this 
Towne and shall haue such wages as haue formerly beene alloued vnto the 10 



Town Book 3 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/3 

p 100 col 2 (25 October) (Great Portmoot before John Williamson, mayor; 15 

election of officers) 

Wayte. lohtfwnes Hollinworth./ 

1636-7 20 

Town Book 3 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/3 

p 176 (18 October- 17 October) 

(24 October) (Great Portmoot before William Dwerryhouse, mayor) 

Item Richard Holland for keepinge a pyper in his house vpon ye Sabbath daye 2s 
amerced in ij s. 




Grammar School Deed and Statutes MCLA: Ll/44 
single mb* (1 April) 

Item within the same Scole nor lybrare of the same by nyght or by day any 35 

other Artes. thyng plays or other occupacions be hadd or vsed in them or 
any of theym bot all ways kept honeste and cleynly as it be semythe a Scole or 
a lybrary And that aft^r the cleyneste maner without any logyng therm of any 
Scole maister or of any Vsher or auther of theym or of any other person or 
persons/... 40 

56 MANCHESTER 1523-67 


Itirm that eiury Scole maister and vssher for eiurr from tyme to tyme shall 
teyche ffreely and indifferently euery Childe and Scoler comyng to the same 
Scole without any money or other rewarde takyng therfore as Cokke peny, 
victor peny. potacion peny. or any other what so eiur it be except only his 
said stypend and wagies herafW specified. . . 5 

hem the Scollers of the same Scole shall vse no cokfeyghtej nor oth^r 

vnlafull games & Ryddynge aboute for victorys or other disports had in 

thyis parties wich be to the grett lett of lernyng and vertue and to charge 

and Costs of the Scolers &: of their frendw. . . 10 


Court Leet Book 1 MTH: M 1/57 

f 43v (30 September) 15 

Court leet before Edward, earl of Derby, steward 

Item the lury dothe conclude and agre that Richarde Kyrshae A r & Randill 
conccmynge Lighe shall from hensfunhe shall exersyse the office of the Com wen weyte, 20 

in the towne of mamchestre & so to contynewe from tyme to tyme doinge 
this towne. 

his dewtie and vsing him selffhonestlye as an honest man owe to doe, Or 
ellis an other to be put in his Rome and to gather their wag by thelpe of 
the cunstables or their deputies 



Court Leet Book 1 MTH: M 1/57 

f58* (1 October) 


Court leet before Edward, earl of Derby, steward 

The lurie ys concluded and agreed by the consents of thenhabitant^ 

of mamchester that randill lighe & Richard wirrall shalbe weytes of our 

towne of mamchester yf they from tyme to tyme doe their duties in 35 

Playing mornyng and euening to gether according as others haue Bene 

heretofore accustomed to doe And yf the said waytes doe not their duties 

in the premisses then it is agreed by the lyke consent yar. maister steuerd 

Robart Langley gentleman Thomas willat George Pendilton Robart marler 

& Ihon Haughtone shall at all tyme &: tymes vpon their mysdemayner 40 

20/ shall ... shall: W shall is redundant 34/ y of weytes corrected from t 

MANCHESTER 1568-82 57 

put forthe eyther of them so offending and place other in rowmes according to 
their discrec/ons &t that thay do not absent them selues without lycence of the 
Steward &: too of the persons aboue said at the least at no tyme sub pena of 
the forfating of their said office. 

Testr lohannl Gloverr clfricumi ibidem 5 


Court Leet Book 1 MTH: Ml/57 

f 62* (14 April) 

Court leet before John Gregory, deputy of Edward, earl of Derby, steward 

The lurie doothe geue thaire consentes of the wayte shipp to Randall 

lyghe hollye w/th one other to se rue wz th him of his awne sf ruantes vpon 

a condicion that the towne be well smied and we wolde desyre maister 15 

steward to doe the same w/th the reste of the towne. 


Court Leet Book 1 MTH: Ml/57 20 

t&7v (11 April) 

Court leet before Randolph Hurlston, steward 

The lury doth request yat all those, who haue w/ thdrawne yeir good willes 25 

or suche stypend of money, as they haue Jbene 1 accustomed to gyve the 
Waytes, that they would the rather at or request extend theire good willes 
to further ther stypend and not to hynder yt 

1581-2 30 

Manor Rental Book 2 MCLA: f 333 M45 
ff9v-10* (29 September) 

William Ravalde holdeth by the same Tenure certen Burgagw in Ye 

Mylnegate, ye Cockepitte and I And for other therevnto adioyninge, 35 

et Reddit inde domino per Annuw xxii d. 

2/ finale 0/lycence written over c 
5/ \o\\ann\for lohanne 
5/ cl<T>n/mi for clerico 
35/ and I And: dittography 

58 MANCHESTER 1587-8 


Churchwardens Presentments to the Quarter Sessions 

Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book 
f llv* (15 April) 


The presentment of the churchewardens of manchest<rr the xvth of Aprill 
1588. Anno \egni regine Elizabef/>f xxx 

nihill ffor those yat kecpe wakes ffayres mrfrkett bullbaitw greenes Alles maye 

gammes pypinge & dawncinge, huntinge &: gamninge vppon the Saobothe 10 

daye wee knowe none 

ffor Causinge a bayre to be bayted vpon Sundaie beinge the xvijth of 

marche 1 587. att the bullringe neere the Conduyte in manchester/. 

Will/ tfm Radcliffe of manchester gentleman Rotxrte Radclif/? lames 

Radcliffe Thomas Radcliffe willwm Batesonn Edwarde Prescotte George 15 

wollsencrofte lohn Lees Smythe Robme Bridghowse & Ryc/7*m/moreton 

the yonger w/th diuerse others, wee [(.)] knowe not 

Presentment of Sunday Bear-baiters LRO: QSR 1 20 

mb 12 (15 April) 

Sessions held at Manchester before Ferdinando, Lord Strange, Sir Edmund 

Traffbrd, Thomas Walmesley, serjeant-at-law, Thomas Holcrofie, Richard 

Assheton, Richard Brereton, Francis Holt, James Assheton, Charles Holte, 25 

Edmund Hopwood, John Wrightington, and John Bradshaw, justices of the 


...that Willwm Radclyffe of manchester gentleman Rob^rte Radclyffe 
lames Radclyffe Thomas Radclyffe Willwm Bateson Edwarde Prescotte 30 

George Wolsencrofte lohn Lees Smyth Robm:e Bridgehouse Richarde 
moreton the yonger and diu^rs other vnknowne did vpon Sonday the 
Sevententh of marche in the yere of our lorde god 1 587 baite a beare at 
manchester aforesaide nere the Conducte there/... 



Court Leet Book 2 MTH: Ml/57 

f8v* (3 October) 

Court leet before Richard Swinglehurst, steward 40 

The lurie dothc gyve theire consents, That lamys Burton shall haue the 

MANCHESTER 1589-93 59 

Wayteshipp whollye to him selffe, kepinge suche nombd-r for the service 

of the towne, as he hathe at this instante, And forasmuche as they beinge 

ffoure in number, cannot be maynteyned sufficientlye w/thout reasonable 

allowance of eiurrye inhabitant in Manchester And whereas at Weddings 

strange pypers, or other Minstrells come and sometyme playe beffore 5 

weddings to ye Churche, sometyme at ye weddinge dyner, by reason 

whereof, they drawe to theym selves some gaynes, w/>j ch oughte to redound 

to the Waytes of this towne. TherefTbre in considerac/on, it is a credit! to 

ye towne to see theym well mayneteyned. The lurye dothe ord^r that no 

pyperor mynstrell, shalbe allowed to playe at any Weddinge dyner, or 10 

beffore any Weddinge w/thin the towne to ye prejudice of the Waytes, 

ernestlye desyringe Master Stewarde, as also the inhabitants w/thin this 

towne, to agree vnto this or ord^r And rather augmente theire wages, then 

otherwise, So longe as they shall vse and behaue theym selves duetiefullye 

&C paynefully as appmeyneth. 15 

Manor Rental Book 3 MCLA: f 333 M45 
f [lOv] (29 September) 

Will inn Of him for certen burgagwin ye Mylnegate, in ye tenure of 20 

Rob^rte Langley & Bartholomew ffletcher & ye cockfighte & 
ij tcnementcs adioyninge per annuw xxij d. 

Manchester Collegiate Church Register MCA: Parish Register 1 25 

p 358* (23 September) (Burials) 

Robert Asmall of Gorton slayne w/th a bull at the stake 



Manor Rental Book 4 MCLA: f 333 M45 

f [11] (29 September) 

William Of hym for certen burgagw in the mylnegate in the tenure of 35 

Roberte Langley and Bartholomewe ffletcher and the cockffighte 
& ij Knememes adioyninge per annww xxij d. 




Archbishop Button s Visitation Book Bi: V. 1 595-6/CB.3 

f 24v* (17 September) 

Proceeding of the court held at Manchester parish church for Manchester deanery 

lohn Grene made an ale vpon sonday the 25 of May 1 595 wher was great 
fighting & disorder &c 

The said lohn Grene for piping the first of June 1 595 being the Lordes 
Sabaoth to the prophanyng of the Sabaoth/ 




Manor Rental Book 5 MCLA: f 333 M45 

f [12] (29 September) 

Of hym for certen burgag in ye Myl negate late in ye Tenure 
of Roberte Langley & ffletcher & ye cockpitte &C 2 tenementes 
adioyninge per annum 

xxij d. 



Manor Rental Book 5 MCLA: f 333 M45 
f [25]* (25 March) 

paide on ye fayre daye for A potle of wyne 20 d. a potle of 
beare 4 d. to ye waytes xij d. to ye halberd-men vj d. in toto 

Item paide for Master Stewards dyn<r at ye Leetemoote ye 
v<Ji of October 1598 

iij s. vj d. 25 
vj s. viij d.] 

dyn?r at 
Eastir & 


payde for master Stewards dyner & ye officers at ye 
Leete 2 courtes. at [Easter] Michaelmas. 98. fit Easter 99 
hem in wyne & to ye waytes 


xiij s. iiij d. 
xviij d. 35 

34/ Michaf/rras. 98. &: Easm 99: 29 September 1598 and 8 April 1599 

MANCHESTER 1599-1600 


Manor Rental Book 6 MCLA: f 333 M45 

f [16] (29 September) 

William Of hym for certen burgagw in ye Myl negate in ye tenure of vxor 

Ravalde George Awyivz & vxor ffletcher and ye cockefighte & ij tenementes 

adioyninge per annum xxij d. 

f [25] (25 March) 10 

hem paide on ye fayre daye .99. for .2. qtwrtes of wyne & suger 

ij s. to ye halberdmew. xij d. & to ye waytes xij d. in toto iiij s. 



Itwz payde for master Stewards dynm at michaelmas A 99 

& Easter 1600 xiij s. iiij d. 

\\ern for ye waytes & for wyne ij s. x d. 20 


Court Leet Book 2 MTH: Ml/57 

Court leet before Richard Swinglehurst, steward 

hem wee order that noe maner of person shall Hinder our waytes in 

Manchester w/th any musicke w/ thin ye saide towne at any weding but 30 

that they shall haue the comoditye And ye benevolence of ye wholl 

companye ther sub pena to eufry one offendinge for euery cyme ij s. and 

ytft also they shall not absent theim selues at any tyme from playing 

aboute ye towne eueninge and morninge w/thout a verye reasonable 

cause made aquaynted to some two or three of ye lurye then beinge of 35 

ye lordes Leete./ 

18- 19/ michaelmas J991 Sc. East<r 1600: 29 September 1599 and 23 March 1599/1600 

62 MANCHESTER 1601-4 


Wheras there was an order hertofore made in this Leete concerning the 
waytes that noe mynstrill shall playe w/thin this towne at weddinges but 
ye waytes of OUT towne, wee doe now further Order that noe Inhabytantw 
shall suffer any other mynstrell to playe at his howse at weddinge dynners 
but onlye the waytes sub pena for eu^ry tyme soe offendinge iij s. iiij d. 

1601-2 I0 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV l/12b 
f Il4v* (7 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Manchester deanery at Manchester 

parish church, before David Yale, LLD 15 

contra Rad#^>Aum marler 

for makinge an Ale on the sabbaoth daie 

1603-4 20 

Court Leet Book 2 MTH: Ml/57 
f58v (6 October) 

Court leet before Charles Leighe, steward 


The lurye dothe order that in regard the Waitof this towne haue latelye 
receyued a man skillfull in musicke into theire societye & companie 
and also that they haue bene secluded by forreine and other music/ons 
a Weddinge dynners in this towne from the favorable and frendlye 
contribuc/ on w/?/ch the inhabitants of this towne theire lovinge frends 30 

would willinglye and liberallye haue imported and bestowed vpon theym 
in remedie whereof this lurye doth now order that the said waits shall 
hereafter be Receyued to playe musicke at all &d eu<?rye wedding dynnm 
in this towne as afforesaid and the forreyne music/ons and all others 
be hencefurth reiected, and that no Inkeep^r or alehousekeep^rdoe 35 

admytte anie in Contempte hereof sub pena to eu^rye such Inkeep^r 
and alehousekeepfr so offendinge iij s. iiij d. 

5/ Inhabytantyorlnhabytantc (?) 29/ dynners: otiote suspension mark over first n 

29/ ifor3t(?) 



Court Leet Book 2 MTH: Ml/57 

f6lv (2 October) 

Court leet before Roger Dowries, steward 

Whereas one of our late wait of Manchester by name lames Burton ys 

departed, wee doe allowe & admitte Roberte ffletcher Ewan Holker and 

lohn Smedley to be Waitw, and that all owr orders heretofore made on 

theire behalrte shall stand and be in force and so contynew till wee of the 10 

lurye se cause to the contrarie./ 


Court Leet Book 2 MTH: Ml/57 15 

f 67v* (1 October) 

Court leet before Alexander Rigby, steward 

Whereas dyuerse orders hath bene heretofore made for the secludinge of 20 

other mynstrills then the Wait to playe within this towne, and that the 
said orders haue taken smale effecte, Therefore Wee order that all former 
orders made to that purpose shall and be in force, and that the Waitw for 
the tyme beinge shall make presentmifm of all suche offences, as are 
Comwytted contrarye to the said orders and wee the lurye doe desire that 25 

the Constables for the tyme beinge will take order that the statute made 
Anno primo Regw lacobi and intytuled an acte for the punishenwzt of 
Rogues vagaboundw and sturdye beggers maye be duelye executed/ 



Manor Rental Book 7 MCLA: f 333 M45 

f [10] (29 September) 


Of hym for certen Burgages in the Mylngate in ye tenure of one 

pm:ivall Chetam wzth the Tenementes adioyninge to the ould 

cockpitte, & ye Cockepitt perannuw xxij d. 

23/ shall and be: and redundant 

64 MANCHESTER 1609-10 

f [17] (25 March) 

Item bestowed in wyne and ffruites vppon ye townesmen at 

X e ffa X re iiij s. vj d. 

hem vppon ye waytes & halbertmen ij s . 5 


paide for Master Stewards dyn^-r ye xijth of October 10 

1608 afar viij d. a person vij s. iiij d. 

Itrm in wyne ij s. & to ye waites xij d. in toto iij s. 



Ifem paide for Master Stewards dyner ye 26^ of 

ApriJl .1609. for xiiij tene persons vij s. 

Item for a qtfrte of wyne aJe & sugrfr xij d. 

hem to the waytes xij d. 20 


Manor Rental Book 8 MCLA: f 333 M45 

f [9v] (29 September) 25 

Of hym for certen burgagw in ye Mylngate in ye tenure of one 
Raualdc pm:ivall & Chetaww/th ye old cockfight & .2. tenementes 

adioyninge xxij d. 


f [17] (25 March) 

Itifm in Wyne wafers and ffrutes to ye burgesses on ye faire 

daye i6iO vj s. 35 

I fern to ye waites, and halberdmen ij s. 



Ir/rn paide for Master Stewards dyners aswell at ye Leete Courte holden 

MANCHESTER 1611-12 65 

ye .9. October 1610. & for Wyne &: to the Waytes vij s. vj d. 
As also at the Leete courte holden at Easter 1611. for ye lyke 
viij s. iiij d. in toto xv s. x d. 


Manor Rental Book 9 MCLA: f 333 M45 

f[10] (29 September) 

William Of hym for certen burgagw in ye Milngate in ye tenure of one 10 

pirrcivaJI & Chetaww/th ye adioyninge to ye old 
cockfighte and ye cockfighte per annuw xxij d. 

f [17v] (25 March) 15 

Item bestowed in wyne, suger wafers &: other ffruites vppon 

ye townsmen^ on ye ffaire daye viij s. 

Item to ye waites &: halbertmeivz ij s. vj d. 


hem paide for Mr Stewards dyiw at ye Courte holden the 

ixth Octobifr 1611. & to ye waites vij s. viij d. 

f[18] 25 

Item paide for Mr Stewards dyn^r at Easrrr Leete courte i612 

vj s. &: to ye waytes xij d. &: a potle of Wyne xij d. in toto viij s. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 
f 100* (15 October) 

Proceedings of the court for Manchester deanery at Manchester parish church 

before David Ellis, STD, deputy of David Yale, LLD, official principal 35 

contra Thomam Baylie de Shooters brooke 

had an Ale on the sondaie att sermon tyme and had a pyper and manie 

people gathered together one wooman there was wAzch att her comeinge 

thretened to sticke an other w/th a knyf 40 

66 MANCHESTER 1613-20 


Manor Rental Book 10 MCLA: f 333 M45 

f [10] (29 September) 

William Of hym for certerw burgages in ye Mylngate in ye tenure of one 

pmrivall &c others with the .2. Tenements xxij d. adioyninge to 
ye old cockfighte, & ye said cockfight per annum xxij d. 

f[17v] (25 March) , 

Item paide at the ffayre ye 21. September .16i3. to ye Halbertmen 

& waites iij s . 

Item in Wyne and ffruites to the Burgesses viij s. 


Item paide for Master Stewards dyrvr the 30 September i6i3 vj s. 

Item for a potle of wyne & to the waites ij s. 

f [19] (28 April) 20 

Item paide for Master Stewards dyn^r .i3. persons after .8 d. 

a piece viij s. viij d. 
Item a potle of wyne xvj d. 

hem to the waites xij d. 25 


Court Leet Book 2 MTH: Ml/57 

f U 5* (5 October) 30 

Court leet before William Sparke, steward 

Whereas dyume good orders haue beene heretofore made concerninge 

the Waites of this towne that the should p<rrfforme theire dueties by 35 

theire respecryue care and paines which they ought to take in the Winter 

season, by theire Walkinge and goeinge abroade in the night wherebye the 

might discouer many dangers and mysedeameanors which maye happen 

to fale out in the night This lurye doth therefore order that they shall 

not hencefurth be reputed as waites of this towne not expecte any paye or 40 

40/ not expecte for nor expecte 

MANCHESTER 1621-4 67 

wages of any the Burgess or Inhabitants W/ thin the towne of Manchester 


Manchester Collegiate Church Accounts JRUL: Clowes Deeds CL.471 

f [2]* (25-6 March) (Expenses) 

hem to the Waitw 



Manchester Collegiate Church Accounts JRUL: Clowes Deeds CL. 1560(1) 
f[l]* (1 April) (Expenses) 

Receiuedthe dale & yere abouewritten of Mr lames Chetam for 
or quarters payem?t as waitw & bellman &c Clarke iij s. j d. 15 

(signed) lohn birche (signed) Robart fletcher 

Manchester Collegiate Church Accounts JRUL: Clowes Deeds CL.504(a) 
single sheet (1 April 29 June) (Disbursements) 

to ye waytw 




paide for Midsom(e)r quarters Wages, to ye Companie 
Item to ye waytw 







Manor Rental Book 11 MCLA: f 333 M45 

f[13] (29 September) 

Of him for certen burgag in the Mylnegate in the tenure of one 
pmyvall &: Chetam With the two ten^w^tes adioyninge to ye 
Cockfight per znnum 



xxij d. 

68 MANCHESTER 1624-35 


Constables Accounts MCLA: M91/M1/31 

p 97* (5 November) (Disbursements) 

Robert Cowbornne beeinge a blind man and A ffiddler and his wiffe 5 

beeinge Taken begginge shee beeinge verye great w/th Child and beeinge 

putt in the Dungeon whitest the passe was makeinge beeinge 

not past halffe ane howre was deliuered of a Child which was 

christned and they weare both kept of the townes chardges till 

shee was churched whtche was xiiij teen dayes and for theare passe 10 

and keepeinge and bringinge to Cholertonne Rowe 00 04 1 1 


Constables Accounts MCLA: M91/M 1/31 15 

p 128 (30 September) (Disbursements) 

paid for bringeinge lohn Twiste a piper out of our Towne 00 00 2 



Constables Accounts MCLA: M91/M1/31 

p 147 (17 December) (Disbursements) 

hem for a passe &C whippinge Thomas Cowp^rof Congleton pypfr 25 

& brought to ye Constable of chowerton Rowe 17. decfmbris 6 d. 


Constables Accounts MCLA: M91/M 1/31 

p 175 (27 April) (Disbursements) 

paid for punishing two ffidlers 00 00 02 



George Chetham s Cashbook CL: Mun. E.2.6 Allen Deeds, Parcel P 

f [ 1 4] * (28 March) (Payments) 

paid for makinge A frame for the Virginal 1 000.07.06 40 



Constables Accounts MCLA: M9 1 /M 1 /3 1 

p 221 (7S February) (Expenses) 

to Tho Maskall a player &: 5 more to voyd the Towne 00 05 00 5 

to Eight players to goe, & Not to play in Towne 00 03 00 

p 222* (3 July) (Expenses) 1 

to Ion Costine a player w/ th 10 in his Compeny to avide the Towne & 

Not playe, these dangerose tymes 00 06 08 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 

f 190 (19 October) 20 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Wigan parish church 
before David Ellis, STD, deputy of David Yale, LLD, official principal 

Conmz Thomaw ffletcher, GeorgiuwAspinall, Willimw Harrison, 25 

Willimw Stoppford 

for praphaninge the Sabboath daie by fetchinge in a May poole Quo die 

comprfruerunt fletcher Aspinwall et Stopport et dominus iunxit eis to 

confes there faltwpubliquelie in Mellinge Chappell vppon sonndaie 

sevennight next & for that ytt appeareth that William Stopport is butt 30 

A boye the ludge hathe appointed his father pr?sentlj> to giue him dwe 

Correction for this falte and to certefie there confessions by christemas 


28/ iunxit: 6 minimi in MS 
30/ sevennight: 4 minims in MS 

70 MELLING 1614 / MYERSCOUGH 1590 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/19 

f!27v* (27 November) 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Wigan parish church 5 

before Gerard Mass ie, STD, clerk, deputy of George Lloyd, bishop of Chester 

Idem contra lanaw Jackson al/as Barnes 

for a scould, and for making and singing of Rymes by her neighbours 



Melting Chapel Register and Memorandum Book 

Melling: St Thomas Church Safe, Register No 1 

p [6]* ,5 

Anno Domini 1617 

Memorandum that the Seconde Sonday of Lent beinge the nynth day 

of Mtfrch Last past hyt p{... was) that the Si(..)els play was at the full 

\\ern Sonday the thyrd of Lent A the pley and brawlyng betwene Richard 20 

mellynge and Thomds Aspenwall was Thoirus Tyrer of Conschogh and 

other pnfsent hyt was the xvj* of Mdrch Last past 

Margret Martin 
Margret Molineux 
Elizabeth Martin 25 



Presentment of Christopher Poulton, Alehousekeeper LRO: QSR 1 

mb 9d* (12 July) 

Sessions of the court held at Preston before John Fleetwood, Sir Richard 
Shireburn, Thomas Talbot, Thomas Southworth, James Anderton, Thomas 
Eccleston, Nicholas Bannister, Edmund Fleetwood, and John Wrightington, 35 

justices of the peace 

...Et quod chritfoferus Poulton nup<rde Merscoughe in Comitatu \zncastrie 
Alehousekepirr die dow/nico p^rmisit vnuw Bearebate iuxta domuw suam & 
Manutenuit & Custodivit Manutentores eiusdem Bearebate in domo sua/.. 40 

20/ Lent A : caret marts place for inserting word never written or now illegible; possibly at 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/9 

f79v (16 September) 

Proceedings of the court held for Blackburn deanery 

domin\ contra. Nich0/<2uw hargreavcs for playing appon orgenns 
in the howse and drawing people for evening prayer appon the Saboth. 10 

Quo die comp^ruit vir et nega/t penltus presentzcionem [domin\ et] 
dominus qui est presentator ipsuw iniunxit ne imposteruw A r appon the 
sabath daie 1 sub pena excommunicationisl ct ad significandww 

1614 15 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/19 
f92v* (24 November) 

Proceedings of the court held for Blackburn deanery at Preston parish church 

before Gerard Massie, STD , vicar ofWigan, deputy of George Lloyd, bishop of 20 

Chester, in the presence of John Morgell, registrar 

Idem contra lohannem Stephenson 

for suffring a pyper to play in his house in tyme of divine service quo die 

comprfruit Ioh#es Stephenson et negaw/t penitw* &c Domnws iunxit ei 25 

to confes his falte publiquelie att service tyme & to certefye by Candlemas 



Archbishop Neile s Visitation Book Bl: V. 1 633/CB.2A 

f279v* (21 November) 

Proceedings of the court held for Blackburn deanery 

Officiuw domim contra henricum Parker for suffering pipeing and danceing 

to be in his house &: grounds on the Sunday 

Quo die comparuit dictus Parker et negaw/ /obiecta vnde dimittitur 

10/ (o, for f torn 13/ significandBw^reettifieandumr- ; 

1 3 ct ad corrected from etc 





Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/1 2a 

f 128* (19 September) 5 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Prescot parish church 

contra Will/ wum Ridyat de Newton 

for prophaninge the sabbaoth with pypinge & Bearbaytinge by reason of 10 

an Ale hee then had, & pypinge still vsed in Newton the pypers name not 
knowen to the Jurors Quo die comptfruit dictus Ridiatt & affirmeth hee 
beinge a poore man procured the lusticw of peace to giue hym a lycense to 
kepe an Ale whoe dyd for his mentenance & stey pypm & Bearewarddyd 
resorte to the same and submitteth hym selfe to the lawe dominus assignauit 15 
ei to aske forgivenes &C to confes his falte in winwicke church tempore 
dluinorum oportune 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 

f 194v (19 October) 


Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Wigan parish church 
before David Ellis, STD, deputy of David Yale, LLD, official principal 

Contra Antonium Cruste et Wilb wwm Atkinson parochie de Preston 

for disturbinge Divine service by pypinge & fidlinge on the Sabboath 30 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/14 

f99v* (19 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery before David Yale, LLD, 
official principal 


contraThomam Ormeshawe Iorwem Bushell 

ORMSKIRK 1605-31 

Pypers plaie vpon the sabbaoth daies Dominus iniuxit Bushell notr to plaie 
hcareafter att service or eveninge prayer tyme sub pena Juris et T\\omas 
Barton suscepit in se to certefie yf hee offend heareafter 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 

f!96 (19 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Wigan parish church 10 

before David Ellis, STD, deputy of David Yale, LLD, offical principal 

Contra humphreduw Lithom 

for haueinge a beare baite on the Sabboath Dale 



Inventory of Ralph Whytstones, Bearward LRO: WCW 1622 
sheet [1]* (9 July) 


Item one Beare called Chester xij li. 

Item one Cratch w/th certayne Cluntry Woode over the beare 

house & stable ijjj s . 



Deposition of Hugh Page Concerning Thomas Whytstones 

LRO: QSB 1/90/40 

sheet 2* (7 June) 30 

Examinations taken at Lathom before Henry Ogle, justice of the peace 

Hugh Page of Ormskirk in the said County Gloun- deposeth and saith, 

That hee this deponem togeath^r w/th othfr honest men, were comwing 35 

from Liiwpoole, and one Thomas Whytestones of the same Towne 

Bearward being in theire Company, this deponent togeathf r w/th the rest 

of the said Company were saying that theire Towne ofOrmskirk had many 

honest men in it and was a very honest Towne wherupon the said 

I/ iniuxit: yoriniunxit; abbreviation mark missing 

74 ORMSKIRK 1631-8 

Whytstones said it was the devill as well, and wished that it were on fyre so 
that his good were forth of it And this deponent further saith that the said 
Whytstones doth harbour at the tyme of devyne service in his howse, the 
said Whytestones siso?r being a maried woman, w/th one Henry Laithwait 
and in the night from Eight of the Clock vntill twoe in the morning, 5 

besides the said Whytstones doth keep continiall gaming at all tymes of the 
night. And that the said Whytstones being bownd to the peace and good 
behauiowr hath broken them both wrthout any feare of so doing, and hath 
abased the Constable and other Offionw at seu/rall tymes. And farther hee 
doth not depose./. 10 

(signed) Henry Ogle./ 


Petition of Griffith Whytstones, Bearward LRO: QSB 1/194/62 15 

single sheet (30 October 31 January) 

To the worf/>z p/w/Benche health wished &c Griffy Whystones a pore lame 


Thcese are to lett yor worships to vnderstand that Grffy Whystones of our 
towne of Orrmirk is most daungerly wounded w/th one of his Beares & is 
in greate [great] feare to be lamed by that acsident & misfortune hee moste 
humlie beseecheth yowr worships, to take it in comiserac/on, in Regard of 
his great woudes, and misaries, hee beinge not able to goe or Ryde, his 25 

humble sute is that you would spare his Recullisons vntill the next Sessiones 
of the peace [in] hopeinge in god hee will bee then able to make his 
apparance [then] then/ wee whose names heare vnder writen knoweinge the 
premisses to be true att the request of this petic/oner haue heare vnto putt 
our hand*"/ for the more sertifyeinge of the truth/ 30 

Hugh Lathom 

lames Chadacke 

Richard Shawe 

Georg Shaw 35 


21/ Grffy for 

2 )! v/oudififor wounAfi 

281 names /ornames are (?) 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/15 

f 144* (15 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Leyland deanery at Preston parish church, 
before David Yale, LID 

Contra Inhabitan/w de ffarington 10 

Refuse to bringe Rushes to srrowe the Church flore w/thall, will not 

paie theire sessnvt due to the Church xvj to die decembr/V 1 608 

Coi3.m\enerabi[\ viro David Yale legum Dortore &c Comp^ruit 

RichuWus ffarington et fecit fidem se esse nuwtiuw speciality missuw 

ad Constituendww procurtftorem pro \paroc\\io\ Inhabitan//.f de 15 

farington et Constituit magw/rum Humphreys procuratorem pro eisdem 

qui sic Constitute exhibuit pr0cu7vztoreum verbis &c petijt be^e^iciuw 

absoluc/ on/Vinhd^itantibus predictis impendi vnde Dominus eosdem 

Inhd^itan/ (prtito prifmitus pe r eund^w Humphreys Iuramft0 A Hn 

ace/one duorww suorww 1 ad stfwcta dei Evangel ia de prfrendo luri &c) in 2 o 

persona diet; magistri Humphreys in xxv to die Martij proximo absolvendo/ 

fore decrevit et absolvebat Et quia non Constat domino ludican// de 

nowi; bus pr<sentatorww dominus deliberavit donee constiterit specifice 

de pmonis Inh^^itanr/ ww predictorumet de corum nowi/z/bus et 

cognowi/z/ bus p^rticular/Vfr in hac p<zrte delinquenf/ww 25 


1611 30 

Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 
f 134* (17 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery 


Conmz Petru/w Hull Robmum Ramell Cassee a pyper 
for keepinge pypers or fidlers on the Sabboath daie & drawinge the people 
from the Church 

12/ paie: 2 minims in MS 

76 POULTON LE FYLDE 1617-22/3 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/21 
f25v* (13 November) 

Proceeding of the court held for Amounderness deanery at Preston parish 
church, before William Forster, STD, clerk, William Leigh, STB, clerk, and John 
Paler, clerk, commissaries of Thomas Morton, bishop of Chester, in the presence 
of John Morgell, his principal registrar 

contra Richtfn/um ffisher de Thornton Rich^Wum Dauie Willimw Hule 
de Thornton 

had ales, pyping, and dancinge and prophane pastimes and assemblies on the 
saboath daie "quo die comp^ruit dictus hull and hee is inioyned to confes 
his fake publiquelie in the Churche in suche manrwas mr whyte the vicar 
shall informe hym &: to certefye in festo purification!* proximo "Postea [x] 
Nono Mtfrtij 1617 Comparuii Richardus ffisher per \ohannem Whiteside et 
imunctus est vt supra cmificandw proximo die luridico post festum Paschal^ 
proximum et dominus vices suas Comisit ad absolvendww eum 

contra \o\\annem fforshell et Edwardum Watson 
pypers at the forsaid ales &c Postea vero (vizt) xx mo die lulij 1618 
Comparuit personality lohannes fforshall et beneficiawabsoluc/ow 
obtinuit quo sic/ facto dominus ei iniuwxit r ad abstinendww semper 
imposteruw et [ad] 1 ad Confitendz/w \\u.iusmod\ suuw delictww Coraw 
magistro white vicar/o de Poulton et Gardianis \\yuiem et ad cmificandww 
Citra fccum sancti michaelis proximumsub pena Excommunicacionis. 
Postea r vero viz vj to die mens/s Octobris 168 1 introductuw ruit hu//mo<^i 
ordinwCopiawdebite implet/ac Certificatz vnde dominus dictw forshall 
final/Vifr quoad pr^miss^ dimisit 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/25 

f 30v (23 January) 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery at Garstang parish church 

Con/ra Richd/Wum Dagger \o\\anncm Gregson Ricrwrc/um Lithome filiuw 
Will/mi Lithom 

17/ ad omitttd before Cfrt\f\c3i\Aum (?) 27-81 introductum ... Copiaw/orimroducta ... Cop u 

271 1 68: for 1 6 1 8; date underlined 


Dagger a pyp<rr playech vpon Sundaies att service time and Gregson and 

Lithom hyre him and daunce 

Contra lohannem Hobson alias lack Annaw Walton viduaw Iana>w Hull 

viduam RichtfrdVim Bamber miln<fr Robmum Hall 

for haueinge Ales vpon the Saboth daie and keepinge pypeinge and 

daunceing vpon the Saboth att divine service 


1510 10 

Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) pre-1558 
sheet [2] (4 April) 

Frankpledge court before Sir Richard Bold and Receiver General William 

Leyland, commissioners of Thomas Stanley, earl of Derby 15 

Ordinatw est ad hanc Curiam qwod nullus homo morcns infra villam de 

Prescote custod;>Jnec recepit ludentwad illicit^ fJocos 1 [ludent] w/ad 

talos & czrdas deinceps sub pea xij d. tociens quociens post horam 

nouemam in nocte 20 


Manor Survey Book KCA: PRE/24/1 / 1 0/ 1 4 

f 1 1 * (May) (Tenants of customary lands) 25 

lohn Ogle gent/fwan tenet vt supra duo burgagia cuw duobus croftis 
adjacent/^5 vocattf Cock pitt howse, in tenura \ohannis Dichfeild, et 
Roberti Howhton continentiaperestimacionem\ rood akunantia Orient ali 
super Simons &C Rob^rf Plurmons yeard, Occidentd/i sup? r venellarw 30 

ducewu-w ad templuw, AustwA sup^r the schoole howse, Aquilowrf// sup^r 
viaw ducentd-w a Lirpoole ad molendinuw Dowmi. . . 

c 1603 

Memorandum of Thomas Meade, Vicar to Edward Orme KCL: DDPs 2/6 35 

single sheet* (Rents owed to Prescot Grammar School) 

The play house bwilded vppon the wast by Mr Richard 

Harrington now Master Stuardes rent by yeare v s. 

18/ rccepityorrecipiet (?) 

78 PRESCOT 1608 


Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Coun Rolls (paper) 1 608 

sheet [7-7d]* (15 November) 

Session held at Prescot before the Four Men 5 

MemorandwThat whereas Dyvers messuages land tcnementes & 
hereditamentes lying w/thin the Manor ofPrescotr in the County of 
Lancaster houlden by Copye of courte roule according to the Costome of 
the sayd manor: viz: One Messuage and tenem^wt w/th thappurtenanc in 10 
the occupac/on of lohn Davye showmaker One other messuage or Cottage 
in the occupac/on of Richard Whittling and Alyce Pryce his mother in law. 
One Closse or ffeeld of Land meadow & pasture in prescott affbresayd 
lykewyse in the occupacon of the sayd lohn Davye: One Barne &c one lyttle 
Croft adioyning lykewyse in the occupac/on of the sayd Richard Whirling 15 

& Alyce pryce: Three Bayes of Buylding in Prescott afforesayd scytuate over 
agayst the Cocpytt howse in the ioynt or seucrall occupac/ons of the sayd 
John Davye & one Richard Shawe of prcott afforesayd One other 
Messuage & tenement w/th thappurtenancw in pr^cott afforesayd (scytuate 
ouer agaynst the Markett Crosse) now in the occupac/on of John Dychfeeld 20 
One Barne & one Shippon or kylne scytuat on the north syde of the Mylne 
hill in pnrscott afforesayd lykewyse in the occupacon of the sayd John 
Dychfeelde Tow Croftes or Closes of Land meadow & pasture in prcott 
afforesayd the one Called ffells Acre &: the other called the Acre in the ffall 
Lane both which are lykewyse in the occupacon of the sayd lohn Dychfeeld 25 
And one shopp scytuate betweene the mdrketsteed &: the churchyord in 
prscott afforesayd & now in the occupac/on of Petor Wycke Butcher or his 
assigndes: And All descended & Conwzen vnto Margarett Rigbye wyefof 
Alexander Rigbye gentleman &C vnto Dorothie Thomasonne wydow: as 
Doughters & Coheires of Thomas Layton late of the hall of Prescott in the 30 
County of Lancaster gentleman deceassed: So as the sayd Alexander Rigbye 
&: Margarett his wyef as in right of the sayd Margaret are now Lawfully 
seyzed accordinge to the Costome of the sayd Manor of & in the Moytye 
or one half of all &: singler the Messuages Cottages buyldingwLandes 
tenememes hcreditam<rt & prmiysses before menconed w/th all & singler 35 
there appurtenance: & do hould the same to them & to the heirs & 

14/ occupacon yroccupacion; abbreviation mark mining 
\7l agayst for agaynst 

221 occupaconyoroccupaciorr, abbreviation nuirk mining 
25/ occupacon yoroccupacion; abbreviation mark mining 
35/ menconed for mcnckjned; abbreviation mark musing 

PRESCOT 1608 79 

assignes of the sayd Margarect by Copyc of Courte Roule according to the 

Costome of the sayd Manor: Now be yt remembrcd That the ffifteenth 

Daye of November in the yeare of the Raigne of our soiwaign(e) Lord 

kinge lames by the grace of god ou^r England ffrance &: Ireland the sixt & 

oner Scottland the xlij th : The sayd Alexander Rigbye & Margarett his sayd 5 

wyef Came before Henry Stanley esquyer deputy steeward of the sayd 

Manor &: before Edward Stockley Peter kenwrycke and Willwm Alcock 

three Costomtfrye tenants of Prescott afforesayd. And the sayd Alexander 

Rigbye &C Margarett: (She the sayd Margaret beinge soly exam/wed by the 

sayde Steward accordinge to the Costome of the sayd Manor:) Did 10 

Sttrrender into the Lord hande accordinge to the sayd Costome All there 

Moytye Purpmye or one half of all &: singler the before remembred 

Messuages Cottages buyldinges Land tencmentes & hereditam<"t & of 

all yordes orcharch gardens backsyde Curtelages edifyces buyldinges lande 

tenements hereditam^wte easmemes profyites & Comwodytyes whatsoeuifr 15 

to the sayd Messuages lande ienememes &t premisses or any of them in any 

wyse lyinge belonginge or app^rteynige together w/th there moyty or 

purptrtye of all messuages Land tenemft & hereditaments in prescot(t) 

afforesayd wA/ch are descended or come vnto the sayd Margarett as one of 

the doughter(s) & coheires of the sayd Thomas Layton deceasscd w/th all & 20 

singler there appurtenance To the intent that the Lord being thereof seyzed 

by his steeward for the tyme beinge according to the sayd Costome would 

geve & regrante the sayd Moytye purprrty or one halffe of all & singler the 

before menc/oned messuages Land tenementes I hereditaments &c 

premisses w/th thappurtenancw to the vse of lohn Orme of Bould in the 25 

sayd County of Lanozj^ryeomaw & of his heires & assignes for eufrTo be 

houlden of the Lord of the sayd Manor accordinge to the Costome of the 

sayd Manor for the rente &c servyces for the moytye or one half of the 

premisses due &t accostomed: And in Considerac/on of the grante & 

Swrrender afforesayd the sayd lohn Orme did before the acknowledginge of 30 

these presents geve satisfye & paye vnto the sayde Alexander Rigbye & 

Margarett his sayd wyef the some of Ixxxiij li. vj s. viij d. 

(signed) Meander Rigby 

Will/dm Alcock sola extratd per me Signum + Margrete 
Edward Stock! ey Henrie Stanley Rigbye/ 35 

Peter Kenwricke 

Rec<?/rWviij d. 

14/ orcharch/rorchard<?,> 34/ + : Margaret Rigbye has signed with her personal mark 

\ll appfrteynige/orapperteyninge 
34/ extratajSrextracta 

80 PRESCOT 1609-10 


Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1609 

sheet Id* (16 June) 

Court leet before Henry Stanley, understeward, deputy of William, earl of 5 

Derby, chief steward 

I&rm we present That Mr Thomas Malbon hath Converted the 

play howse into a howse for habitac/on And receyved a tenant 

into yt called whytsyde w/thout Consent of the foure men [And !0 

ffor] ideo ipe in mvericordia. xij d. And ffor that the ffoure men 

and the whole lury [the] hould that whytsyde to be an vnfitt 

tenante to haue beene receyved or to Contynew in the towne: 

we do therefore order that Mr Malbon shall remove &C avoyde 

him before St lames day next: vppon payne of vj s. viij d: And 15 

wee do ffurther order That neither Mr malbon nor any other shall 

Contynew or entertayne him in any place for habitac/on w/ thin 

prfscott after St lames daye next vppon payne to forfeyt to the 

Lord for eu<rrye moneth he shall so Contynew vj s. viij d. 



Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1610 

mb 2 (8 June) 


Court leet before Henry Stanley, understeward, deputy of William, earl of 
Derby, chief steward 

...Et qod Magwter Malbone non removuit quendam Whitsyde ex Lusorio 
secundum ordinem factum ad vltimam Curiam Ideo ip/e in misericordia. 30 

vj s. viij d.... 

mb 2d (Orders of the court) 

Inprimis it is Ordered by the luriers afforesaide ^hat 1 Thomas Malbon 35 

gentleman shall avoyde & remove one Whitsyde which hee hath receyved to 

1 ]/ Ipe: for ipjc; abbreviation mark missing 

18/ St lames daye next: 25 July 1609 

29/ icmovuilfor removit 

29/ Lusorio written in later in a blank spate, in smaller letters, but possibly in same hand 

PRESCOT 1610-14/15 81 

dwell in the playhouse before the ffeaste dale of St lames the Apostle nexte 
vppon payne to fforfayte xiij s. iiij d. And it is further Ordered That neither 
the said Mr Malbone nor anie other Tenant of this Mannor shall entertayne 
or admitt the said Whitsyde or his ffamilie to Inhabite in the said Playhouse 
nor in anie other house or habitac/on w/thin this Mannor w/thout lycence 5 

and Consent of the ffoure men vppon payne to fforfeyte for eume nighte 


Abstract of Prescot Grammar School Accounts KCL: DDPs 1/37 10 

pi* (Contributions to school stocks) 

Widow Dichfield at the Cockpitt House 1 


p 2* (Christmas quarter rents) 

New Rents 

Philip Hare for the play House ij s. vj d. 

]ohn Houghton for a House built upon the west hard by the 20 

play House ij s . 


Will of Edward Stockley LRO : WC W 1 6 1 4 25 

single mb* (6 December) 

...I giue vnto Edward Stockley my sonne one lowe bedstidd in his Chamber 
with a Conuenient bed & furniture theirevnto belonginge an old paire of 
virginalls & Lute to teach the Children on vntill they be readie to goe to be jo 


Inventory of Edward Stockley LRO: WCW 1614 35 

single mb (30 January) 

one paire of virginals one Lute &c a frame for the 
vir inals xiij s. iiij d. 

I/ fTeaste ... nexte: 25 July 1610 

82 PRESCOT 1615 


Court Lett Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1615 

single mb* (9 June) 

Court leet before Henry Stanley, undenteward, deputy of William, earl of 5 

Derby, chief steward 

Qui dicunt et prfsentant super Sacramentum suuw qwod ad hanc Curiam 

lohannes Mercer de Eccleston iuxta Knowesley in Comitatu \ancastrie 

ffreemason venit in prapria persona A^ua 1 Coram pre fate Senescallo et 10 

petit licentiam ad intrandw in vnam parcellam terre in Prescott predicta 

\acentem in superiore fine alte platee ducento u^rsus Eccleston prape ad 

Churchley feelde yate continenArw in latitudinc Apud orientaLfw finem 

inde novem virgattfj et duas pedes et Apud occidentals finem inde 

quinqwf virgauw et Continent in longitudine novemdecim virgat<w, 15 

de et sup<r predicta parcella terre edificiuw erectww est antehac vsuw pro 

quadam domu vocaw a playehouse et pro quibus solute est ad scholam 

de Prescott Annuatem redditz^ duorww solidorww et sex denar/0rw Et 

qod predictus \o\\anncs Mercer potest tenere et hdfere predictam 

p^rcellam terre et edificiuwsibi et hered/^jsuis Impo^^rwm SifCKwdwm 20 

Consuetudinem Manerij predictiEl in considerac/one duodecim librarww 

legalis Monete Anglic per predictum loh^wwem Mercer pre manibus 

so\utarum Henrico Stanley Armigero licentia Concessa est prrfato \o\\ann\ 

Mercer per Senescalluw predictum ad intrandww in predictam p^zrcellam 

terre et edificiuw et eosdem tenere sibi et heredibus suis Impoj^rwm 25 

secundum Consuetudinem Manerij de Prescott predicta Reddendw et 

soluendww proinde Annuatim Schole de Prescott predicta Redditw 

duorwsolidorMw et sex denariorum Ac etiam Reddendw Annuatim 

domino Manerij predicti Redditww (blank) in ffestibus Vsualibus per 

equales porctones Et Superhoc predictus lohdnnes Mercer venit in propria 30 

persona sua ista ead*w Curw Coram prrfato Senescallo et petit se admitti 

inde tenens secundum Consuetudinem Manerij predicti et proclamac/b 

facw fuit &c Et quia &c Ideo prefatus \ohannes Mercer admissus est inde 

tenens per Senescalluw predictum secundum eawdem Consuetudinem 

h^^endwm et tenendww pr^missa predicta cum pen mentibus suis prrfato 35 

loh^wwi Mercer hered/^et assignd/wsuis \mposterum secundum 

Consuetudinew eiusdem Manerij pro Rcdditu et s^ruicw inde debitwet de 

iure Consuet/V. . 

271 Annuatim: 5 minims for nnu in MS 

3 1/ ista eadirm Curia for ad istam eandcm Curiam 

PRESCOT 1617-18 


Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1617 

sheet [20]* (20 June) 

Court left before Henry Stanley, understeward, deputy of William, earl of 
Derby, chief steward 

llrrotuletur/ ... 

The day & yeare affburesaid Will/dm AJcocke one of the Customarie 10 

Tennantw of Prescott in the Countie of Lancaster Came [before Henry 

Stanley] vnto the Courte houlden for the manner of Prescott affouresaid 

And in opon Court before the Steward & homage theire did in 

Considerac/on of the somwe of vj li. Lawfull English money in hand paid 

by lohn ffletcher alias Garnett of Prescot [hu] laborer grant & surrender in 15 

to the \ordes handwaccordinge to the Custom of the said manner all that 

one Barne w/ th it appurtenauncw lyinge neire vnto the play howse in 

Prescott together w/th a p^rcell of Land lyinge at the south side theireof & 

vnto the same Barne belonging(e) & all his estate right tytle & demand of 

in & vnto the same w/th all & singuler theire appurtenanaw To the entent 20 

that the lord hauinge theirof seyson by his Steward for the tyme beinge 

would regrant the same & eu<?ry pane theirof vnto the said lohn ffletcher 

alias Garnett To haue & to hold the same & euery pane theireof vnto the 

said lohn ffletcher [his] als Garnett his heires & Assignes for euer &C for the 

rentes & seruiorj theirefore due & of right accustomed. 25 


1618 30 

Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1618 

sheet [25]* (5 June) (Presentments by William Molyneux and John Sutton, 


Itrm wee doe present lames dyt^c 1 heffyeld for makinge a Tusle vpon one 35 

of the queenes servants a Player & the said player w/th others of his 
ffelowes for the lyke vpon the said lames dyrcheffyelld./ Pledge for them all 
Henrye Stanleye Esq/>r./ - - quilibet eorum in Muericordia. xij d. 

19/ belonging(e): 2 minims for \n in us 
247 als: for aj UK, abbreviation mark mining 

84 PRESCOT 1622 


Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1 623 

sheec [18] (6 September) 

Session held at Prescot before the Four Men 5 

Sexto die Septembris Anno Rfgni domini nostrl lacobi Regis Anglic &cc. 
xx. et scotie lvj Annoqw? domim 1622 

Memorandum That this daye lames dychfeeld sonne and heire of Richard 10 

dychfeeld Late of prescott deceassed and Katheryn Late wyef of the sayd 
\nomlftur Richard &: mother of the sayd lames dychfeeld. costomtfrye tenants of 

the manor of prcott out of Courte before Willwrn AJcock [lames] 
/Henry Blundell 1 George Lyon and Peter kenwryck ffowre costomtfrye 
tenants of the sayd manor accordinge to the costome of the sayd manor 15 

did in Consideracion of a valewable some of Lawful! money of England to 
them in hand payd by lames dychfeeld of Cockpytt howse in pre-scott 
Surrender into the handof the Lord of the manor afforesayd according 
to the costome of the sayd manor: All those three bayes of buylding called 
the workehowse scytuate neare. the towne mosse in prescott and now in 20 

the occupacon of the sayd Katheryn or her assignes And all yord 
orchards buyldingbacksyd gardens. easnruft& heredittam^wtw 
therevnto belonginge. and all other the Costom^rye Land tenementes 
&C heredittamftof the sayd lames dychfeld. sonne of Richard dychfeeld 
A r & Katheryn his sayd mother or either of them 1 in prescott afforesayd 25 

and the reum:/bn &: reuercions thereof w/th all & singler those 
appurtenance: To the vse of the sayd lames dychfeeld of Cockpytt howse. 
his heires &: assignes for eu^r. to bee holdcn by Copye of Courte rowle 
accordinge to the costome of the sayd manor. Yeldinge & payinge to the 
Lord of the manor the rentes &c Servyces due fid accostomed./ 30 

signuw? -t- lacobi 

signuw + katherine 

dychfeld 35 

Cogniw Coram nobis: w/ th these word^ (henry Blundell) in one place & 

8/ 1 622: underlined in MS 

1\l occupacon: /oroccupacwn; abbreviation mark mining 

32/ + : James DychfeeU has signed with his personal mark 

34/ + : Katherine DythfeeU has signed with her personal nutrk 

PRESCOT 1622-32 

these word (and Katheryn his sayd mother or either, of them.) in an oyer 

(signed) Willwm Alcock "proclamac/o 

(signed) henrie blundell admissio" 

(signed) George Lyon 5 

(signed) Peter kenwricke 


Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1 624 

sheet [24d] (28 May) (Constables presentments) 10 

wee do present 

Georg r 5 sJ Wright & John r 5 s. 1 orrell for Cutting downe the may powles 

&c Carrying them away 15 


Autobiography of Adam Martindale BL: Add. MS 4239 

ff7v-8* 20 

That which I shall begin with as /first in time and 1 one of the least yet not 
altogether inconsiderable was a great disappointment that my father met 
with in the matching of [mihe] mine eldest brother. My father was not so 
severe as to expect he should bring him a fortune sutable to what himselfe 25 

had got, yet (in the order that things were then brought into), an[d] 
hundred and six score pounds would easily be answered with advantage 
enough, and therefore not difficult to be obtained: Nor was it, for besides 
others that it was then thought woud bid him welcome, there was one that 
actually did soe, that had sevenscore pounds to her portion (as I have often 30 
hear) of very sutable yeares and otherwise likely to make an excellent wife. 
(1) But when things were neare accomplishing, he on a sudden sleights her; 
and sets his affections upon a young wild airy girle between 1 5 and 1 6 
yeares of age, an huge lover and frequenter of wakes, greenes and merrie 
nights where musick and dancing abounded: And as for her portion it was 35 

onely 40 pounds. This was a great surprize upon us, and we were all full 
bent against it. I was then under 10 yeares old but was either of my selfe or 
by impressions from others apprehensive of the difference of these two 

1 4/ Georg . . . orrell : both names underlined in MS 33/ young corrected from yound 

31/ hear for heard 357 And corrected from As 

86 PRESCOT 1632 / PRESTON 1596 

matches. But say and doe what we could he was uncouncellable, have her he 
would, and at last with much adoe he procured my fathers unwilling 
(m) consent, and married her about Shrovetide 1632 as I take it. Tis true indeed 
she proved above all just expectation, not onely civill but religious and a 
[most excellent] Exceeding good 1 A wife; whereas the other he should have 
had proved (as I have heard) as much below it. 




Information from a Lancashire Official concerning John Wilson, Priest 

Hatfield House: Cecil Papers 205/83 
single sheet* 


lohn Wilson vpon the certayne knowledge of one by whom I haue receivede 

advertismentconcerninge him hathe been in [Lonch] Lancashire by the 

space of one yeare & mor./ 

the sayd Wilsone hathe resortede to the house of Mr Andrewe Hudstone art 

ffarington to the house of Williame Gradele dwellinge in Owswaltone, att 20 

the house of [O] Oliver Gerrarde of Denhame. att the house of one Henrie 

Walmsley of Brindle who hathe bene his conductor from place to place, att 

the house one Mrs Browne near Houghtone. 

The sayd [WjWilson [he] sayd Masse att ffarington hall vpon Candlmasse 

day Last past. 25 

he hath lykwyse sayd Masse an the house of Henrie Walmsley. 

The sayd Wilson hathe resortede verie moche to the house of Mr Massie of 

Rishton whear other Seminaries verie often do converse att [th] that house he 

was about a monthe befor Christenmasse last, the sayd Wilson sayd Mass by 

the space of three days togeather Mr Masse himselfe being not thear but his 30 

wife [his { }] & divers [to O] others knowne to the p<mie. 

The sayd Wilson hathe a brother that is a lesuite who continuethe for 

the most pane in [Lincl] Lincolnshire. Mr S Hawxworthe who was 

ap/>rehendede att Leverpole. in the companie of Wilson the lesuite & 

this Wilsone the Seminarie within 4 days befor the apprfhensione of the sayd 35 

Hawxworthe att the house of one Mrs Tilsey widowe of Morlays 

near Leighe. all three one after another sayd Masse. 

Att two severall tymes the weer att the aforsayd place first all three togeather 

secondlie this Wilson & Hawxworthe./. 

M first I fl/uncouncellable corrected from { 2 1/ Denhame: Denham Hall near Brindle 

20/ OwswaJtone: Uinei Walton 23/ house for house of 


Mr Hawxworthe was att Preston art Corpus, christi play. 

The sayd Hawxworthe mayd Massinge stuflfe att the house of one lames Parker 

within the parishe of Preston berwen Michaelmass{e> &t Christenmasse Last. 

c 1603 

John Weever, Ancient Funerall Monuments STC: 25223 

See Lancaster c 1603 


Will of William Sandes LRO: WCW 1638 
single sheet* (11 September) 

In the name of God Amen I Willwm Sand of Preston in Amoundernes in 
the County of Lancaster loyn^r being sicke in body but of good memory doe 15 
make my last will &: testam^wt in forme following ... It^m I giue & bequeath 
my Shewe called the Chaos, the Wagon, the Stage, &c all the loyners tooles fit 
other ympleme-Ktw & [p]apprtenancto the said Shewe belonging to my 
sonne John Sundes. .. 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 

f 1 1 5v (15 October) 

Proceedings of the court held at Manchester before David Ellis, sro, deputy of 
David Yale, LLD, official principal 

Contra lacobu/w horrox 30 

for haueinge an Ale on the Sabboath daie Quo die comparuh muiler vxor 
horrox et dominus iniwrcxit viro to confes his fake in the Churche before the 
m/wrster &C churchewardens &: to certefie in festo nztalidomim proximo 

contra lacobuw ffowler 35 

for pypinge att the saide Ale Quo die comptfruit fowler and ytt appeareth that 
hee is nowe a weaver and hee inioyned to doe pennance two Daies in prestw/ch 
churche tempore 6\vinorum oportune et ad certificandww in festo nat^/; 
do mini proximo 

31/ muiler /or mulicr 37/ inioyned forts inioyned (?) 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/14 

f 179v (21 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery at Preston parish 
church, before David Yale, LLD 

Houghton Robmum Harrison Thomam Seede filiiuw 10 

lohanms Seede Adamwm Norres HenricumCalverte ffranciscum Clarke 

for pyping on the Sabboath dale an<d) followinge the saide Thomas 
Houghton be(inge> a Lord of Misrule 




Letter of Nathan Walworth to Peter Seddon Fletcher: Correspondence 20 

pp 11-12* 

Honest Neighbour, your last \ettre was so welcome to me, that I am 
trobled that I had not then, nether have now tyme to Answere it so fully as 
I would for by it I know that to be brought to passe which I have so long 25 

Desyred and now I am at peace with my self and with all the world and 
care for no more, onelye whyle I live I desyre to heare that as there hath 
beene so good a beginninge so I may heare no other but that you all agree, 
and Draw one way, least by faction and Scisme all be mard agayne, 

Your day of meetinge was fittlye Chosen, and so great a number putts me 30 
in mynde of what the poet said Spectatum veniunt, venuint spectentur vt 
ipsi, for I make no question but some came to see, and to be scene and to 
leayrne newes rather then to heare and to be edifyed .... bids me hope the 
best, therefore I say no more, 

All the recompence I can make those maydes that brought rushes, is, to 35 

wish them good husbands, and if I knew when, I I would Dance at their 
weddings, and the lesse doe I pittie those that stayd at home, and could not 
keepe their meate from burninge, by the longe stay of their wished for 

31/ venuint/orveniunt 

31-2/ Spectatum... ipsi: They come to see a sight, they come to bt seen themselves ; adaptedfrom Ovid, Ars 

Amatoria, 1 99 

R1NGLEY 1626 / ROCHDALE 1588 89 

guestes. in the number of your ministers, I nether fynd Mr. Murrey, Mr. 
Horrax, nor Mr. Rawbone whereof I writt in my Cosins \ettte the last 
weeke, therefore I shall not neede to treble you, to give a reason of their 
Absence for he will Doe it, but one thinge I shall for my Satisfaction, desyre 
to know of you, and that is why Robm Seddon is placed above your father 5 

in law, and not onelye so, but also above ]ohn Horrax and Willwme Hulme, 
for so I fynd him by this note, I envye no man for their place, but onelye 
Desyre to know a reason now for Mr. Richard Crompton, 1 ... a \ettre to 
him with myne own hands, which was sent from his sister in law, it was a 
good \ettrc and well written, she read it in my hearinge, wherin she moved 10 

him for some Contribution, and he promissed to give x 1., but it is out of a 
Debt which he hath in that Cuntry, I told him if the debt were it was well, 
but if it be Desperate, then no thankes to him to give that which he cannot 
gett himself, but I thinke he will be as good as his worde, as for Raph 
Robinson I have not scene him yett but I am sure you are not so good as 15 

your word for you promissed I should have the notes of ye Sermons this 
weeke, and you have fayled, and I am lyke a great bellyed woman yat long 
and am lyke to miscarye for want of my longinge, and thus with my 
commendations to your father in law and mother, to Robert Seddon and his 
wyfe, and all in Ringley and the Owtwood, I comwitt you all to gods 20 

protection? and rest, 

Your lovinge frend 
Baynards Castle NATHAN 

November 23, 1626 25 



Churchwardens Presentments to the Quarter Sessions 30 

Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book 
t\Qv* (15 April) 

more presentment eswithm Ratchdall panshe. 

Adam Holte gentleman vppon the Saobothe daye in the Eveninge beinge 35 

eyther the Laste Sundaye in december or the fyrste in lanuarie had a 
minstrell which plaied vpon a Gythorne a hys howse with a greate number 
of men and women dauncinge 

Item vxor Lawraunce Collendge had A minstrell playinge vppon a Gythornc 40 

37/ a kys for at hys 

90 ROCHDALE 1588 / SALFORD 1600 

atr hys howse vppon a festiuaJl daye in Christenmas Laste in the Eveninge 
& many yonge folkes dauncinge. 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/22 


Proceedings of the court held for Manchester deanery 

{Contra) losephuw Duerden (Theop)hilum Wythington 

for playeinge in the towne and aboute the towne att divine service time 





Presentment of Ralph Shelmerden, Ape-baiter LRO: QSR 4 

mb38* (29 April) 


Sessions hefore Sir Nicholas Mosley, Richard Assheton, Richard Holland, Ralph 
Assheton, James Assheton, Edmund Hopwood, Edmund Fleetwood, John 
Bradshaw, and Robert Pilkington 

...Et quod Radulpkus ShelmmJen nup^rde Withington in Comitatu 25 

\-ancastrie xix die April is Anno Regni d/c/e domine Regine xliij existen// 
die domimco apud Risholme in Comitatu hncastrie vapulavit A r anglice 
bayted 1 simiam... 



Portmote Records Salford Archives Centre 

f 1 2v* (14 October) (Portmote before Sir Richard Molyneux, steward) 35 

The lurye dothe order that noe Inhabitante of this towne doe pdrmite or 
suffer any wettes mvsitions or minstrilles to playe in ther howses at any 
weddinge dyner saueinge the wettes of Manchester & Salford sub pena of 
everye househoulder so offendinge iij s. iiij d. 40 

SAMLESBURY 1619 / STANDISH 1618/19 91 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/22 

f 1 OOv (before 18 December) 

Proceedings of the court held for Blackburn deanery 

Contra ChnV/oferum WoodrufFc lohannem Hayhurste lacobum Turner 
lohannem Smyth et Annaw Owdam 10 

for haueinge pypeinge musicke and dauncinge in there houses att divine 
service time vpon the Saboth daie to confes there falte in the Churche &: to 
certefye in festo nattf// Domini proximo xviij die Decem^w i6i9 introducta 
fuit Copia ordinif debite execu(ti) 




A Sequestration Accounts for Royalists BL: Harley MS 2130 20 

f 292* (30 October) (Churchwardens presentments) 

4 To this 4 th Ar//cle wee pnrsent Thomas Blackey of Speake for having An ale, 
and Typling levelling 1 [gaming] & dancing at his house upon the sonday. 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1 12 1 30 

(57\* (26 February) 

Proceedings of the court held before David Yale, LLD, official principal 

Idem Contra Willimuw Heskine 35 

(blank) Starkie 

for proclayminge beare baytinge &c other vnlawfull games vpon the saboth daie 

13/ i6i9: apparently corrected from 1617 36/ (^"^ Slarkie: Richard Starkit. a froctor for the accused. Htskine 
35/ Willimum: 5 minimi in MS 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 

f98v* (15 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Manchester deanery at Manchester parish 
church before David Ellis, STD, deputy of David Yale, LLD, official principal 


contra lohannem Hughson de Stretford 

for makeinge an Ale on the Sabboth dale &: had pypinge & such like lewdc 

exercyses art tyme of dyvine service 

contra Rich^r^um Hampson 

for keepeinge an Ale on the sonday wruVA had a drunwzer and a taber that 

played that dale 15 


1626 20 

Bishop Bridgemans Act Book CRO: EDA 3/2 
f I* (12 July) 

Proceedings of the court of audience before Bishop John Bridgeman at Wigan in 

the presence of(. . . .) Russell, notary public 25 

Simiiitei contra Edmundum Balshaw Economww de Low Church ffor 
that he caused a Rushbearing to be made in that Chappell upon Sond(..> 
xviij lunij 1626 being formerly ordered not to suffer yt by meanes whereof 
there were many dronke and m(uch) prophanaczon of divine service &Cc 30 

Quo comptfr{ ) et fatentehtf^et ad agnoscendw in dicta, capella et ad 
cert///randwm infra mensem &:c Quibus penitencns deb{...) p^ract/jet 
certificatis postmodum dimittitur 

28/ Sond(..>: ie, Sonday, Itaf torn at lower right comer 

3U compar<....): ie, comparentc; Itaf torn at tower right corner 

32/ deb(. . .}: it, debite; leaf torn at louier right comer 




Detecta for Archbishop Piers Visitation BP. V. 1 590- 1 /CB.2 


Proceedings of the court held for Harrington deanery 

Henry Hallwood for piping before a wedding in the church at the time of 
the offering at the wedding 




Grammar School Foundation Deed 

CRO: Birch Cullimore Collection DBC/2391/2 
single mb* (16 April) 


ffirst it is ordeyned that the saide scolemaist^r shall teche euery scoler 
Cowmynge to the saide scole after Whyttyngtons gramer and makynge or 
aftre suche forme and suche granwwhiche shalbe moste vsed to be taught 
hereaftre in free gramfrscholes And the same to be taught freely and quytly 
withoute takinge eny rewarde stipende of scolehire or eny other thinge by 25 

premyse graunt or Couenaunt before made euery feriall day Excepte thre 
feriall dayes next before the festwof the Natiuite of owr lorde god Ester 
and A rpenticostel and other thre feriall days next after the saides festes: 
Excepte the saide scolemaister shall happen to haue a reasonable lette or 
Impedyment prouydet all wayes that it shalbe le(..)l to the scholemaister 30 

and euery other A fscolemaisterl for the tyme beinge to take of euery scholar 
of the saied scole lernynge grarrw foure penyes by yere That is to say in 
the quarter next after Christynmas a Cok peny and in every of the other 
quarters in the yere on potac/on peny And for the same potac/on penyes 
that the saide scolemaister for the tyme beinge shall make a drinkinge for 35 

all the saiedes s(col)ers in euery of the saide iij quartm in the yere 

30/ le(..)l: if, leful (!) 



Bond for Randal Rylance, Joiner LRO". QSB 1/106/26 

single sheet* (8 May) (Lancashire sessions) 

Memorandum quod octauo dei may Anwoqwi? domini 1632 Randle Rylance 5 
de warrington in Comltatu predicto loyner; venit Coram me Thomaw 
Ireland zrmigero vno Iustic/tfr;<?rww diao domin\ regi ad pacem in 
Comitatu predicto Concaruandtfm assignauit et Cognouit se debere domino 
regi vigint/ libras bone et legalis monete angli de bonis et cattallis terris et 
tenemd wtwsuis fieri en Leuari ad opus dicto domm; regis heredwm et 10 

successorm suorwm si defecerit in Cond;c; 0/zir sequent^ 
William Wildigge et Robert wicke de warrington in Comitatu 
predicto Laborers Silicet venit et manucep;t pro predicto Randle 
sub Condicione sequent/ xx li. 

The Condicon of this Recognezant is such that if the aboue bounden 15 

Randle Rylence bee and personally appeare before his majesties Justices 
of peace att the next quarter sessions to bee houlden at Ormechurch; 
then and there to answer such matters as shall bee obiected against [them] 
him; and that hee departe not the Courte without Lycence that then 
this Recognezant to bee voyde or elsse to Remayne in full forse and 20 

Non Sollw/V 

ad Respondendum (signed) Thomas: Ireland 

Comptfruit cxaminaturperdominum 

2/4 25 


Bond for Robert Wicke, Smith LRO: QSB 1/106/24 
single sheet (8 May) 


Capttf apud Bewsay in Comitatu predicto. Coram Thomaw 
Ireland vno \ust\ciariorum domini Regis ad pacem in Comitatu 
predicto conseruanduw assignatorww &c octauo dei may AJVZO 

5/ dei miyfordie maij 13/ manucept: 3 minims for nu in MS 

6/ Thomam/orThoma 15/ Condkon for Condition; abbreviation mark missing 

71 dicto domini regi fordkti domini regis 17/ Ormechurch: Ormskirk 

8/ assignauit ^rassignatoaim 31/ Thomam^rThoma 

9/ angli /aranglie 33/ conseruandumyorconscruandam 

10/ dicto^rdicti 33/ dei mayy&rdie maij 


Rfgni Regis Carol! Angli &c octauo 1632 

Roberto wicke de warrington in Comitatu predicto smyth Recognou/t se 

debere domino regi xx li. 

lohannis Choner ett willielmo wildigge in Comitatu predicto 

Laborers Recognouit se se debere domino regi pro predicto 

Robertas xx li. 

The condicon of this Recognezant is such that if the aboue bounden 

Robert wicke; bee and personally appeare before his majesties Justices of 

peace and quorum at the next quarter sessions to to bee houlden at 

ormechurch; then and there to answer such matters as shall bee objected 10 

against him; and that hee dep<me not the Courte w/rh out Lycence that 

then this Recognezant to be voyde and of noe effecte or elsse to remayne 

in full forse in the Law:/ 

Non Sollw/f 

(signed) Thomas: Ireland 15 
ad Respondendum 

Comptfruit examinatus per dominum 



Examinations of Gregory Harison, Alehousekeeper, and Others 

LRO:QSB 1/106/72 
single sheet* (11 May) 

Depositions taken before Thomas Ireland, justice of the peace 25 

Gregory harison of warrington wrchin the Countie of Lancaster Alehouse 
keeper beinge [(...)] Examined the day and yeare a boue written Before 
Thomas Ireland Esqui fr one of his maj wties lustices of peace and quorum 
w/thin the Countie afforesaid sayth that vppon Sunday Last beinge the 6 th 30 

day of this Instante may; aboute 12 or one of the Clocke; there came into 
his house in warrington afforesaid; some younge men; and desyred him this 
Examinate; that thay meight goe; into a Loft which was in his house; the 
which this Examinate not thinkeinge that thay would haue stayed any Longer 
then ffor the drinkinge of a Cann: or tow of alle; ssuffered them to goe vp, 35 

I/ Angli/tfr Anglic 6/ Robertus for Roberto 

21 Roberto for Robertus y/ condicon for condicion: abbreviation mark musing 

4/ willielmo /orwillielmos 9/ to to: dittography 

5/ sc sc: tttttography 1Q/ ormechurch: Ormskirk 

5/ Recognouityir Recognouerunt 

96 WARR1NGTON 1632 

and there this Examinate Confesseth; that thav were for an oure or tow; 
and there were taken bv the Cunstables and Churchwardens of the toune of 
warrington; but this Examinate sayth hee knoweth not what thay were 
doinge in the Chamber soe Longc; but as hee hath hard since thay were 
actinge of a play; and further sayth not; 5 

Gregori harison: 

(signed) Thomas: his marke 


lohn ssmyth Thomas Houlbrocke, lohn willie of ouerford w/thin the 10 

Countie of Lancaster william Hardman lohn Cadewell William wildigge 
Robert wicke John Choner And Randle Rylence of warrington in the 
Countie afforestf/d beinge Examined the day and yeare aforesaid; sayth; that 
thay all Concented to gether; to meete at the house of one Gregorie 
Harison in warrington afforesaid; vppon Sunday beinge the 6 th day of may 15 
Last past; there to acte a play Called Henery the Eaight; wA/ch thay 
accordingly did; and as thay were in actinge of it; were in tyme of deuine 
Seruise apr^hended by the Churchwardens and Cunstable of warrington; 
and soe brought before a Justice of peace./ and ffurther say not 

(signed) Thomas: Ireland 20 

Quarter Session Orders LRO: QSR29 1632 
mb 33* (16 July) 

Sessions held at Ormskirk before Sir Charles Gerard, John Ireland, Gregory 25 

Turner, rector of Sefton, Thomas Ireland, John Atherton, Edward Moore, 
Henry Ogle, and William Johnson, justices of the peace 

whereas lohn willie John Smyth Thomas Holbroke WilLzWrn Hardman 
Rob^rte wicke willwm wildigge Randle Rylance John Cadwell & lohn 30 

Choner all of warrington in respect they &C eufry of them w/th others were 
taken by the Constables & Churchwardens of warrington vpon a Saboth 
day in tyme of divine sermon & service in the afternoone acting a play of 
henry the eight 6d for staying in an alehouse contrary to lawe for which 
misdemenors the panes aboue named were bound to answer there 35 

contempt & did appeare att this Sessions and here receaved condigne 
punishmifwt In respect Whereof this Cort doth order that they & euirry of 
them shall bee ffreed &: discharged of & from any further treble in the 
Dcane or ordinaryes Cort for the same offence in respect by lawe they are 
not to bee punished twice for one offence And if the deane doe not vpon 40 

7/ + : Harison has tinned with his personal mark, an X with its arms linking the four words describing it 


notice hereof desist from any further proceeding against them then vpon 
complaint made to any Justice of peace an attachrrurwt shalbee awarded 
against him to answer his contempt att the next Sessions to bee holden at 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/10 

f 1 1 5v (9 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery before David Yale, LLD, 
official principal 


contra lacobuw Claighton 
<Mommunicatio for pipinge appon the saboath daie in Waretree./ 




Petition of Richard Laythwait LRO: QSB 1/130/54 

single sheet (20 January) 

To the Righte worship/wll the kingw ma/mies Justice 25 

of peace and quorwwatt the geni?rall Sessions of peace 
houlden att wigan the xxth daie of lanuarie 1633: 

The humble peticran of Richarde Laythwait 

ofwesthaughton Sheweth: 30 

That there is a faire highe Rodde waye for Carte-hose, and beasse Leadinge 
betweene wigan and manchester and other markets townes as alsoe a foote 
waie for men and weemen oner the feildw the one waye as neighe as the 
other: And yowr peticjonwhowse standinge in the feildes in the foot waye 
and maney and dyu?rs tymes bellwardwwjth there beares Refuse the broade 35 
waye and Cometh with theire beares the said foote way w^jch lyeth by the 
Cheeke of the howse dower of yowr petic/on^r, and hath some tymes broken 
in and frighted yowr petic/bnm wiffe & famelie 

And whereas one Alexander Ascrofte alias Ormishawe of wigan Comynge 
dyum tymes the same waye wAh his beares, yor petitioner Requested him 

Ml Waretree: Wavenree 

98 WESTHOUGHTON 1633/4 / WHALLEY 1604 

to Come that waie noe more seeinge the Roode waie was as neighe as that 
waye your petic/bnrrhearinge his beares were [ve(...)j verie Curste beares, 
for feare of his wiffe Childeren and famelie in puttinge yem in a frighte as 
they haue beene heretofore. And the said Alexander lytle Regardinge, in a 
moste vile and malice saieth he will Com that waie still. 5 

whereffore may it please yor worshipps to sett downe order at this sessions 
that bellwardw, w/th beares shall goe the highe Rodewaye & not the foote, 
for the Cause aforesaid &C in soe doinge yor petic/on^rwill dailie pray for 
yowr worships/ 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/13 

ff!75_5v* (1 December) 15 

Proceedings of the court held for Blackburn deanery at Preston parish 
church before Hugh Burches, MA, cleric, deputy of David Yale, LLD, official 


contra (blank) G led ell a pyp<?r 

for pypinge in the Churchyard at a Rushbearinge.l 

contra Richardum Dewhurst 

for danceing in the churchyard at a Rushbearinge 25 

conmz Edmundw Hodgson lacobuw Hodgson Georg/wThroppe 

for stryvinge about Rushes in the churchyard Quo die comptfruit Throppe 

Cui dominus iniunxit to confesse his fait before the minister & 

Churchwardens & to Certifie before Candlemas nexte 30 

25/ danceing: corrected from dancers 

29/ iniunxit: 7 minims in MS 

30/ Candlemas nexte: 2 February 160-1/5 




HaUmote of Ightenhill Manor LRO: DDHC 1/3/41 

mb7d* (19 April) 

HaUmote held before Thomas Talbot, knight, and John Townley, esquire, chief 

^Aisericordia iiij d. 10 

luratores super Szcramentum suum qwod Willimttf bulcock de whitlaboith 
tenet et receptor in domo sua vnuw mimuw et vxorem suaw contra . . . 



Bill of Complaint of Roger Charnock to Chancellor of Duchy 

of Lancaster PRO: DL 1/37 

f 65 item 2* (c 26 February -1 March) 20 

To the Right Honorable Sir Robert Rochester Knyght 
Comptroller of the king and Quene Maj wties most 
honorable householde and Chanceller of the duchie of 
Lancastre is 

Shewith and enformeth yor honorable mrr<?rship aswell on the behalff of 
yoMr said enfonwr as on the behalffo of the King and Quene ^majVities" 1 
Roger Charnock of greys Inne within the contie of Middelsex gentleman 
That whereas or said soiwraigne Lorde and Ladie the King and Quenes 
majesties being seased in theire denwnes as of ffee as in the Right of theire 30 

duchie of Lancaster of &C in certene Land^in widnes in the Countie of 
Lancaster called widnes more being p^rcell of the waste grounde of or said 
soufraigne Lorde and Ladie in widnes aforesaid and so being seased at the 
thride halmote holden at ffarneworthe before Sir lohn Saveage [age] Knight 
theire Highnes stuarde there the vij rh day of September last paste yowr said 35 

enform^r dyd take of owr said soufraigne Lorde and Ladie by the dymission 
of the said Stuarde halff of one acre of Lande of the said waste called wydnes 
more aforesaid To haue and to holde the same vnto your said enformfr his 
heires and assigneis for euer according to the custome of the said manor & 

1 1/ Willimu/: 3 minims in MS 

100 WIDNES 1556/7 

lordship of widnes yelding &: paing therefore yerelie to OUT soueraigne 
Lorde and Ladie and to the heires of our soueragne Ladie a certen rent as by 
a Copie thereof vnder the seaJl of the Courte at halton readie to be showed 
dothe and may apere Apon wiche said haJffacre yowr said enformer did 
latclie erecte and bilde one house w/ th syx chambers thereunto belonging 5 

w/ ch coste yowr said enformer one hundereth pounds and aboue And 
wherealso yowr said enformer was possessed of diiurs chestes bedstockw 
ladders strawe haye bordes Carte Ropes dores wyndowes and peces of 
framed tymbre made mete for buylding and dyuers other goodwand 
Cattells liing in the same house to the valewe of xl li. and aboue Soe hit is if 10 
hit pleace yowr good Mastership that lohn Wodfall a verey subtyll and evell 
disposed person and lyke a vauntpdrler and Ringleadear of misordered 
persons contrarye to the Lawes and statute together w/th henry Johnson 
being baliff at widnes aforesaid Baldewen Mason lohn dychefclde Willwm 
Thomason henry davison Thomas Lynacre Thomas Apleton Robm 15 

Rathebon humfrey Lynacre accompaned w/ th Toucher Bolde Richard 
Thomason henry davison and loane his wiffe Willwm plumpton Rauffe 
Crofte Thomas davison Ric/wrt/ Astbroke Richard denton lohn Woodes 
Ric/wr^ davison henry Apleton Robert Astbroke Thomas Lee RicAdr^/deane 
Ric/wr^wodfall Margaret Astbroke widowe Thomas Rowson John harne 20 

William lenkynson Isabel! Thomason henry Walker [Margaret harden] lohn 
henryson Margaret harden Richard Slake Elyzabeth delye Thomas Norland 
Robert wright Richard lohnson Richard Apleton Thomas harden gilbert 
Leadebeater Edward Bower Robm Almonde Will/dm Skathe lohn harden 
lohn henrison lohn denton lohn rTerneham r & 1 Isabel! Thomason to the 25 

number [(.)] of one hundereth persons and aboue vnknowen to yowr said 
enformeT by the synistre councell comwandmew and procurement of 
Richard Carter and Edmude Ley the xxvjth d av of ffebrw^ry Last paste wrth 
great force Armes And strong hand and in verey ryotius manner in Rout# 
did assemble theym selffes together at the said house of yowr said enformer 30 
and then and there did violentlie take lohn Marcer and henry Syngleton 
seruante j vnto yowr said enformer being in godes peace the King and 
Quenes thinking no evell attending and aplyeng the affaires and busynes of 
yowr said enformernere adionywg to the said house and cruelly in like 
riotius and disordered mannev conw/ytted theym without eny manner of 35 

Lawe or aucthorite vnto the custodie of the Cuwstable there w/thin the said 
Libmie of widnes to be lede into the stocks there to be enprisoned, And 
not thus contented of theire furth(..) evill disposed myndes meanyng 

10/ liing: 5 minims in MS 38/ furtK(..y. text lex from right margin; 

28/ Edtnudefi>rEdmundc; abbreviation mark misting probably further 

32/ & omitted after peace (?) 

WIDNES 1556/7 101 

vttcrlie to vndo your said enformer for ever did in like rioryus and warlike 
mann<rrw/th stronee hande and mulrvtude of Men breake open the dores of 
the said house being locked and barred and entered into the same house and 
then and there did burst open all the chestes being w/thin the same house 
And the same house w/th dyuerse bordes tymbre Ladders dores wyndowes 
and diufrs other thingwof yor said enformirrin like cruell manner did 
cutte into diuers and manye peces And not being thus contented w/th 
mattocks axes billes staves spades and dyum engyncs did vndermyne the 
same house and oumhrowe the same to the grounde and then and there cut 
all the Crokes and great tymbre into many smale Peces and the premisses so 10 
mangeled and cut into litill peces dyd beare to the seuerall houses of the said 
misordered persons Saving the said misdemeaned persons did reserue one 
greate pece of tymbre being a Roffe tree of the same house w/ch the said 
misdemened persons synce the said xxvj th day of ffebruary yat is to saie 
aboute the first daye of Marche Last past earlie before daie in the mornyng 15 

and the same did beare into a Corner of [one] /the sad 1 waste ground or the 
More of or soueraigne Lorde and Ladie the King and Quenes comwonlie 
called Wydnes More /aforesad 1 before the viewe and face of the dore of the 
house of the said lohn Wodfall whereas the same tre is set vp as a Maypole 
w/ th hollyns and flowres apon the same apon w/ch ground before was neuer 20 
none set vp/ and dium benches and seatw of suche cheastes and bordes 
taken oute of the said house by the said misdemeaned persons apon the said 
waste be made and many of the sade misdemeaned persons euery sonday do 
commonlie mete and assemble at the said may pole and gather together 
certen persons to the number of C persons and aboue and for that the same 25 
shulde be manyfeste vnto all the hole Contrey (but what the meane therebie 
is vnknowen to yowr said enformer, the childeren and seruanteyof the said 
misdemeaned persons haue hired one mynstrell whoe playeth apon a loude 
pype at the same poale euery sondaie and holidaie synce by reason whereof a 
great nmber of peple be drawen contynually together there euery sondaie 30 

and holidaie to the terrible ensample of the hole contrey And after the said 
misdemened persons had distroed the said house and spoyled the goodev 
being w/thin the same in manerand forme as is beforesaid, the said ryotius 
persons did geue thre great and terrible shoutes w/ch was herde fowre myles 
from the said place where the Riot was comwytted to the p^rlius ensample 35 
of suche like offenders if condigne punysshement be not in this behalff 
spedelie had And forasmuche as the said misdemeanors be verey heynius 
riotus and after a Rebellius manner comytted againste the peace crowne and 

16/ sad/orsaid 32/ distroed/ordistroyed 

25/ number: 6 minims and abbreviation mark for num in MS 32/ ov ofspovled written over other letters 

271 comma after enformer error for closing parenthesis (?) 

102 WIDNES 1556/7 

dignities of OUT said sou<raigne Lorde and Ladie the King and Quenes 
ma/ties the like whereof hath not bene in those parties comwyted synce 
the tyme of the remembrance of eny person nowe lyving And also 
forasmuche as the said lohn Wodfall is a man of an evell disposic/oen and 
hath bene so reputed and taken to be of suche misordered and dissolute 5 

wilfull behavior & lyving that (...) the King and Quenes Ma/mies lustices 
for the peace that p<rrceaving did cause the saide lohn Wodfall to be bounde 
to be of good bearing and behavior to all the King and Quenes Majesties 
Liege peple for that hit was enformed theym that the said lohn wodfall for 
money dyd hire one to haue murdered and kylled one Rauffe Richardson 10 

preste and had caused the same executed and comwytted indede if by the 
goodnes of god the same naughtie and secret enterprise r had not 1 bene 
reueled and opened for w/ch mysdemeaner the said wodfall flede into the 
tope of his house and there dyd hyde hym selffe A r in the thatche 1 at what 
tyme one of the lustece of peace sought for hym In consideracon whereof 15 

the premisses considered hit may pleace yor honorable mastership to graunt 
furthe the King and Quenes most dreid \ettres of previe scale to be directed 
to the said John wodfall and the reste of the misdemeaned persons 
commanding theym thereby pdrsonallie to apere before yor honorable 
Mastership in the duchie chamber at Westminster at a certene daye and 20 

vnder a Cerdigne payn by yor good mastership to be lymyted than and 
there to answer vnto the prfmiss And thereapon to take suche order as to 
yor honor shalbe thought beste And yor said enform<r shall daile pray 
vnto almightie god for the prosperius pr<rruac/bn of yor honorable 
Mastership in honor long to endure/ 25 

Barton R 

Answer of Baldwin Mason, Thomas Apleton, and Robert Rathbone to 

Roger Charnock s Complaint PRO: DL 1/37 

f 66 * (c 26 February - 1 March) 30 

... for the said dtfendantes further sayne ... or that the said dekndames dyd 
take the said lohn mercer & Henrie Syngleton named in the said bill of 
compl<z/ror dyd committe theim to the cunstable of the said libmie of 
wydnes to be had to the Stocks or that the said deffendantw or anye of 35 

thcim dyd breake opon the dores of the said house named in the said bill 
bcinge locked & barred & brake opon the chists w/thin the same for the 

6/ {....): 14 mm erasure covered by line fillers 15/ one of the: written in cramped script over erasure 

9/ enformed: written over erasure 15/ consideracon for consideracibn; abbreviation mark missing 

ll/ to be omitted after same (?) 2\l Cerdigne for Certene condigne (?) 

WIDNES 1566/7-1625 103 

said defendants sayne that there were noe chists but one beinge of verey 
small valewe set w/thin the said house but in dede the said house was afote 
dcpe of water and soe was noe place for anye chistw to stande vpon or that 
the dyd in Cruell manner cut in peeces anye bourder in wydnes of the same 
house in such manner and forme as alsoe most vntruelie ys alledged in the 5 

said bill of complaint or that the said defendantfs or anye of theim toke awaye 
the said rurste daye of mdrche laste paste or dyd bayre awaye the said greit tree 
named in the said bill by the name of a RoofTe tree & made or sett vppe the 
same as a maypole or were assentinge to the caryinge awaie of the said pece of 
timber or makinge of the said maypole or that the said defendants dyd v(...} 10 
vndermyne or oumhrowe the said house in suche manner & forme as is alsoe 
alledged in the said bill of comp\aint or that their be anye toyes or featts made 
aboute the said maypole or anye chistes or hordes taken furthe of the said 
house And w/thout that that the said defendants or any of theym be any 
suche mysdemeyned or disordered persons as they are named in the said bill 15 
of com pi a int. .. 

Answer of John Woodfatl to Roger Charnock s Complaint 

PRO: DL1/37 

f 67* (c 26 February - 1 March) 20 

...withut the said defendrf/zror any othere person or persons aforsaid Aboute 
the first daye of maye Laste paste dide bere unto A corner of the sede waste as 
A maye pole as likewise is most untrulie allegged or that any mysdemeaned 
persons do corrwzonlie mette and assemble at any maye Pole r wz thin the said 25 
lordship! to ye nomber of one hunderethe persons and above as by the said 
bill of compleyante ys Likewise moste slanderuslie allegged or that the said 
defendant is of any suche naughtie conversacon mysdemeanor & unrulye 
governance as in the said bill of compleyant ys Likewise most slanderuslie 
allegged... 30 


Court Leet Presentment of John Wilkinson, Piper PRO: DL 30/148 

single sheet (2 May) (Edward Webster and Thomas Wollfall, presenting constables) 


Wee present Will/dm Hichen Richard Morris & John Wilkinson 

the piper for feghtinge quiliber eorum xij d. 

107 v(...>: holt in parchment preceded by false itart o/vndcrminc 

22/ withut/orwithout that that 

28/ conversacon for convcrsacion; abbreviation mark missing 


WIGAN 1624-34 



A Bishop Bridgemans Wigan Ledger Wigan Archive Service: D/DZ A 13/1 
p 173* (29 October) 

Toll at Wakes The Serjeant of Wigan Joseph Pennington, desired m/ leave that he might 
receave the Toll of such Butchers. &Cc: as came to sell flesh. &c: against the 
wakes: but because the Town hath no Toll but only on the fryday market 
and St: Lukes ffayr therefore I denyed him and bid my Baylife gather it to 
morrow being Saturday: as they did on Christmas Eve formerly./ Also 

Bearbayts because at the Wakes, or the day after, it has been a use emong ye 

Townsmen to have that barbarous and beastly game of Bearbayting and the 
Bear Wards were come to me to ask the Mayor (lames Pilkintons) leave that 
he might bayt his beares on the Market hill the next Monday: The Mayor 
sent Mr: Robert Maudesly to me at Wigan hall to ask my leave thereto, and 
at length I assented on condition that they forbore till my monday Market 
were ended and the people had packed up their wares. which I note the 
rather that my Successors may know their power, and use their libenye, to 
licence or not such rude Pastimes: 




Castle, the 
Earle of 
Mr. Tillsleys. 
S/r Gilbert 
his house by 
ye RJuer. 

Mr. Rigbies. 


A Relation of a Short Survey of 26 Counties BL: Lansdowne MS 21 3 

ff325v-6* (11 August -29 September) 

The next morning we made as much haste as wee could away for all their 
mighty Bagpipes, & pretty Lasses, for another County Palatine, leauing a 
most Stately House, &: Parke situated vpon the Sea, and many other braue 
Castles, Parkes, & Situations, vpon the Riuers Dee, and Ribble, which last 
wee past ouer by a fayre arch d Bridge, within 5. or 6. Miles of the Sea, 
which cutts this Shire in sunder iust in her narrow middle: The wayes being 
so pleasant, the Situations so sweet, the soyle so good, & fertile, as made vs 
truant, & beguile our Selfes in the Time, &: to vndergoe such ffortune as is 
incident to Trauellers, for being benighted, wee mistooke our way, & were 
in great danger amongst those deep, Hell Coal-pitts; for which way soeuer 
wee tooke, we were still led to those Tartarean Cells, which our Horses 
discoucrcd sooner then wee could, and by their snuffing made vs take heed 
of them; surely some of the Infernal! Spiritts haue their residence in them. 

It was now time or neuer to consult, what was fittest, and speediest to 
be done, to free vs out of this blacke, &: dismall danger, and whilst wee 





W1GAN 1634 


Mr. Standish, 
of Standish. 


Bishop of 

were at a stand, & in consultation, the melodious sound of a sweet Cornet 
arrested or Eares, (may those sweet blasts euer giue content to all, as to vs) 
for we were guided, & conducted through woods, from rhis darkesome 
haunted place, by the sounding thereof, to a stately fayre house of a 
Gentlemans, that was the High SherifFe of that good rich Shire this yeere, 
into whose custody we had committed or Selues but that wee vnderstood, 
that his house was that night full of Strangers. 

Although we suffer d a disappointment heere, yet were wee happie in 
that we heere got a guide to direct vs, ouer a smaJl Riuer right to Wiggan, 
where we rested that night: wee came thither late & weary, & had fayre 
quarter affoorded vs, by a fat honest Host, An Alderman, &: a iouiall blade, 
his owne Castle was full, yet did he billet vs at his ouerthwart Neighbours, 
in two summptuous Chambers, where we all soundly slept after our (that 
dayes) enchantmft. 

The next Morning we repayr d to the Church, to heare morning prayers, 
heard their fayre Organs, view d their new Church, built by the Pontificall 
Prelate of that See, who is Parson thereof, and a good Parsonage it is, for 
it is worth 600 li. per Annum: heere we saw some ancient Monuments of 
the ffamilie of the Bradshaws, after which done, we hastned to or Iouiall 
AJderman, but he with a noble, boone Parson, another honest Gentleman, 
& Mr. Organist, I did arrest vs, in their fayre Market Place, &: kindly 
inuited vs to their mornings draught, A whiskin of Wiggin Ale, which they 
as heartily, as merrily whiskt off, as freely, & liberally they call d for 
it: It was as good, as they that gaue it, for better Ale, & better Company no 
Trauellers whatsoeuer would euer desire. I dare say he was no ordinary 
Parson, neither in his Condition, nor Calling; for his Scale stil d him an 
Arch-Deacon, that s his Condition; and what he call d for, hee freely pay d 
for, that s his Calling: There were other men of his Coat generous like 
himselfe, sure some of his neere Neighbours, into whom he had infus d soe 
curteous a garbe; 

This generous Company were so well pleas d w/th vs, and or lourney, 
&c wee wz th them, &: their curteous entertainm^wt, that part we could not 
till togeather wee had parted a Breakfast, & in the interim we all marcht to 
Mr Organists Pallace, & their heard his domesticke Organs, Vyalls, w/th 
the voyces of this ciuill merry Company sweetly consorted 

After all this, to giue more ample content, they were importunate w/th vs 

17/ the Church: All Satnts Church 2 5/ as merrily /Wand as merrily (?) 







106 WIGAN 1634 / WINWICK 1515 

Mr Bradshaw s. to goe see a Gentlemans Place sweetly situated neere there on the top of a 
Hill, worth the viewing, for the Gardens, waJkes, and other strange rare 
contentings that neat place affoorded; wee heartily wish d our time would 
haue permitted vs to haue stay d there longer, as we were willing to doe, but 
for want of that, wee could not fullfill their gentile requests; Haste away we 
must if this night wee would attaine Chester, w/>ch was the place of or 
morrowes rest; & therefor after breakfast, w/th reall thankes, bad this good 
Company Adieu. 



Bill of Complaint of Thomas Butler to Chancellor of Duchy of 

Lancaster PRO: DL 3/7 

f50* (14 April) 

To the right honorable Sir Henry Marney knyght 

Chauncellor of the Duchie of Lancastre 

In most humble wise compleyning shewith vnto your gode maistersh(.)p 
yowr Orator Thomas Boteler Esquier that where as he was in goddys and 
or souirrain lord the Icings peace (...) Wynwhik w/t^in the Countie of 
Lancastr? the setterday in the Estur wek last past in the sixte yere of our 
souerain lord the king reigne that nowe is accumpanyed wrtA dyufrs 
oth(. . .) gentilmen and others at A cokfeght therf afore that tyme appoynted 
betwene theym after the maner of the Cuntrey therf vsed/ So it is that oone 
Thoma(s) Gerrard Knyght of his cruell malice and intent afore that [that] 
tyme prrpensed accompanyed wj tA oon Robert worseley the yonger 
gentilman Hugh Hyndley (...) gentilman Robert Gerrard gentil man 
Edmu/zd Gerrard gentilman Thomas Stanley gentilman Willyam Leche 
y(om)an Humfrey Birchall yoman and many oder riottuo(...) and mysruled 
persons whos namys to your saide Orator byn not p^rfitely knowen to the 
noumbrf of Ixxx pfrsounes and aboue arayed in maner of warre w/tA force 
and (...) that is to sey w/tA bowes arrowes swordes buklers billys and staves 
w/t/ute any cause or color riottuously assembled theym self at wynwhik 
beforsaid w(...> querter of a myle of the same place when- the said Cokfeght 
was in the high wey betwix the same Cockfeght place and the dwelling 
place ofyowr said Orat(...) lay inwayte ofyowr said Orator intending to 
haue murdred and slayn hym The said Thomas Boteler yowr Orator 
nothing knowing thereof At the which tyme and place oon s/rlohn 
Southworth knyght seyng the cruelnes of the said s;r Thomas Gerrard and 
his said riottuous adherents. And that grete myschefand murdur? therof 

WINWICK 1515 107 

shuld haue ensued/ exorted and advised the said sir Thomas not to take 

those wayes for he Icnewe well their was no such cause giffen to hym by 

yor said Orator but the said sir Thomas nothing regarding the said aduyse 

nor exortac/on in moost cruell maner intending to execute his cruell mynd 

cast of his showes/ And bad his said riottuous cumpany and adherents 5 

quyte theym like men that day And he shuld faill theym And also 

comaunded his said ,/riottose 1 Adherents that whatsoeu<fr became of hym 

that they shuld make sure yor said Orator And then the same s/ r Thomas 

desired the said sir John Southworth to take his p^rte in accomplisshement 

of his said riottuous intent/ which he then vtterly refused/ And theruppon 10 

Immediatly the said s; r Thomas and the oder riottuous persons not dreding 

god nor punysshement of the kingw Lawes than and there riottuously and 

ayenst the kingw peace assaute(..> yor said Orator/ And forther in fulfilling 

of his malicious intent the said sir Thomas and oder of the saide Riottowrs 

then and there vnlaufully A r and riottusly 1 ayenst the ki(...) peace toke oon 15 

Nicholas Stokton and Thomas Dichefeld then being in the cumpany of the 

saide Thomas Boteler And theym inprisoned by a certeyn spa{. . .) And 

theym bete and evill intreated So that they were in grete lopmlie of thair^ 

lyves/ And also oon of the said Riottours shot an arrowe at oon of the 

cumpany of yowr said Orator and put hym in lopmiie of his lyff/ And then 20 

and there stroke and sore hurte oone Thurstan Clare then in the cumpany 

of y(...) said Orator and put hym in grete lop^rdie of his lyff contrary to the 

kingiw Lawes and his peace/ And so of a likelyhode hade slayn yor said 

Orator and oder hi{...} smiantw if he hade /not 1 byn letted by the said sz r 

lohn Southworth and oder well disposed persons then resorting theder for 25 

appeasing of the same riott and sauf(...> of the lyff of yor said Orator and 

his cumpany/ And thereuppon dyu^rs of the said riottuous persons 

p<rrceyuyng that they were letted of thare maliciose purpos and <. . .) opynly 

saide and rehersed in the presence of dyum persons that they were accursed 

that they hade not sette vppon your saide Orator according to their saide 30 

malicious and cruell inten(...) at the first begynnyng when they were byg 

enogh to haue doon theirewillys which Riottours and mysdemainor if it 

shuld not be punysshed shuld be to the most parlous example of oder like 

riottuous and mysruled persons so offending to the grevous damage of the 

king Subgiettw in those parties/ Wherfore the premissez tenderly 35 

considred it may pleace yowr goode maistership to graunt the kingw Ifttres 

of pryuey Seall to be directed to the said sir Thomas Gerrard Robert 

worseley hugh Hyndeley and Robert Gerrard at A certeyn day and vppon a 

certeyn payn to appere afore yowr goode maistmhip to answer to the 

premissex And forther to abide suche rule and direccion as by yowr 40 

1 3/ assautc*..) probably assautedc 32/ Rj ottours/or Riottis ( , } 

108 W1NWICK1515 

maisorrship ihalbc considered in that behalf And your said Orator shall 
eufrmore pray for yowr goode maistmhip long to endure/ 

Answer of Thomas Butler to Sir Thomas Gerard s Bill of Complaint 

PRO: DL 3/7 5 

f 52* (22 April) 

The answere of Thomas Boteler Esquier to the surmysed 
bill of complaynt of Sir Thomas Gerrard knyght 


...And for forther Answer and declaracwn of the troutheThe saide 
Thomas Boteler saith that t{. . .) past the saide Thomas Boteler sir Richard 
Bold knyght specified in the saide bill and dyu^rs oder gentilmen being in 
cumpany at Manchestri? in the said Countie (...) Bisshop of Elye appoynted 
to mete at wynwhik the settwrday then next folowing to see thair cokkes 15 

feight aftrd- accustumable maner of the Cuntrey euery settwrday for (...) 
vsed And according therunto they not knowing of any metyng or comyng 
to the saide Town of the same sir Thomas Gerrard mette at the Cokfeyght 
(. . .) aboute x of the Clok of the same Setturday The same Thomas Boteler 
hauyng with hym abowte xij persons and other Children that bare Cokkes 20 
the s(. . .) Richard Bold hade like asmony w/t h hym/ And dyu^rs other 
gentilmen hade with theym in their Cumpany oders to the noumbnfin the 
holl men and children aboutw fyfty p<rrso(. . .) Boteler sir Richard Bold and 
the others sittyng aboutw thaire gamyn in the said Cokfeight place by the 
space of ij howmys/ The said sir Thomas Gerrard of A malicious mynd 25 

(...) accompanyed w/tAoder mysdemeaned persons to the noumbnr of Ixxx 
persons and aboue in moost cruell and rittous man^r intending to haue 
slayne the said Thomas Boteler came t(...) place And theruppon oon sir 
lohn Southworth knyght then present in the same Town in his best maner 
aduysed the said sir Thomas to kepe the king peace/ And (...) that the 30 

said sir Thomas hade no suche cause giffyn on the behalf of the same 
Thomas Boteler/ But that notwithstanding the said sir Thomas Gerrard 
wold in nowise be ruled (...) same s;r lohn Southworth for the passion of 
godde and for goddw blode take no hede on hym that day for he said his 
wittwwere not his awen and desired the same sir Io(...) he than like a wise 
man refused And theruppon the said sir Thomas in most furious maner 
cast of his shoes and bad his smiantwacquite theym well that day r (...) 1 
And (...) And w/tA this the said sir Thomas and the oder riottuous persons 
to accomplisshe theirs furyous mynd riottuosly came within an arrowe 
shote toward the said Cokfeight p(...) said Thomas having verey shorte 40 

271 rittous yirriottous 

W1NW1CK 1515 


(Tor Assemblie 
of peple 

The nombrc 
assembled & 

"not sworn 

wcrnyng and seyng theym so nere hym by the aduysc of the said Richard 
Bold send to the said sz r Thomas ij honeste pnrstwto vnderstand t(...) of 
his so vniaufull comyng To whom the said s; r Thomas wold /make 1 noon 


Deposition of Witnesses Examined on behalf of Thomas Butler 

PRO: DL3/7 
ff54-5 (22 April) 

Articles r of the deposic/ ons of Witnesses exawiwed & sworn 
Sic 1 provyng the Riot agaynst Sir Thomas Gerrard Knyght 
Rog^r Herdman deposith that Thomas Torbok Shewyd hym at Assheton 
that All the seid towne was warned to be with sir Thomas Gerrard at 
Wynweke the Seturday in Estwr weke in theirs Clene geen- at a Cokfeght 
William Southewonh deposith that he hard the Son of Thomas Seddon say 
that he hadde ben in Assheton Egge to warne the tenants of sir Thomas 
Gerrard to be at Wynweke w/ tA theirs Cokkrj the same day 
Will/tfm Cartwright deposith that I aurewi? Cartwright tenant [of] to Hugh 
Hyndley seryant to Sir Thomas Gerrard shewed hym that his Master 
intended to be at Wynweke at the Cokfeght the said Seturday 




Si rlohn Southeworth ( xvij r offhis 

Peiris Kyghtley 

j howsehold 
smiantt 1 
at the first 
comyng with 
stavys & ij 
bowes L& swords 

Rogfr Herdman 
lames Carre 
John Neuport 
Thomas Haghton 

[x] Ix & above 


pr/mo sir lohn Southeworth deposith he knowyth not for what cause sir Thomas 
Gerrard came to Wynwek 

lames Gerrard deposith ther? was no mat?r appoynted for his cause that day 


The cause of Roger Herdman 

the assemble Willwm SoutheWOIth 

Willfczm Cartwright 
Warmyngof lohn Southeworth deposith that sz r Thomas Gerrard said in Hacches howse 

rj 11 

that he wold warme his buttokkw in the Cokfeght 

prove that the 
Warnyng was gyffen for 
a Cokfeght vt supra 

10/ examined: extra minim, perhaps a false start for expressed m inMSafter* 



The deamcanor 
ot sirT homai 
Gerrard & the 
cause of his 
commyng out 
of Hacches 

penure proved 
by sir lohn 
& others 

sir lohn Southeworth deposith that the said s/> Thomas said in Hacches 
Howse like word that he wold warme his buttokkw in the Cokfeght 

sir Thomas Gerrard deposith vj to articulo that by cause he saw at an hoole C 
p^rsonnes of Thomas Botelers company in [harn] harnes in the strete he wold 5 
not tarye in Hacches Howse/ And so went into the strete & taried theire ij 
owres with his companye 

vj to ArfrVlo s/rlohn Southeworth deposith that ther^ was non of Thomas 
Botelers cowpany in the strete to his knowlege but the seid Thomas Boteler & 10 
his company were still at the Cokfeght 

All the Whylis the seid sir lohn Southworth & sir Thomas Gerrard were in 
Hacches Howse & in the strete 
John Southworth gent//w^ I Afferme the same/ 

Peiris Kyghley geniilman \ Which provith also per mrein the seid ]5 

sir Thomas Gerrard 

Demeanor of 
on theym on 

Shotyng an 
arrow at 
Thomas battlers 

The assaulte 
made by sir 

Peesyng to the 

lames towres deposith he sawe iiij xx proonnes in the strete & hard a voyce 
[on] fernong^ 1 theym sayng on theym on theym/ And that sir lohn 
Southeworth seid to s;> Thomas Gerrard he was sory that [his] he wold not be 20 
ruled by hym And bade hym take his pleasure And s/rlohn Southivorth 
departed towards the Churche yarde/ And sir Thomas Gerrard & 1 p^rsonnes 
w/t/> hym went toward the seid Thomas Boteler to the lane ende withm an 
arroweshotte of the [of] Cokfeght 

Thomas Haghton sayth that on in s/VThomas Gerrard cowpanye seid he wold 25 
not be taken vp that day and knowith not Whedfr it was sir Thomas Gerrard 

Also the seid Thomas seith that on of the companye of sirThomas Gerrard 
shotte an arrowe at hym & bade hym bryng his Master tithyng 


lames Carre sayth that s/>Thomas Gerrard wold haue gone downe the lane 
which was toward the Cokfeght but that he was stoppet by sir John 

lohn Southeworth sayth that sir Thomas Gerrard & his Company were goyng 35 
w/t/> theirs stavis & wepynns in theirs hand?/ towards Thomas Boteler syttyng 
in the Cokfeght 

sir lohn Southeworth deposith yat ye smiam of sir Thomas Gerrard preysed 
towards the Cokfeght I 

39m/ Peesyngyor Preesyng 

WINW1CK 1515 


halts bounde 
to their heed 

Peiris Kyghley affermeth the [same] same 

Roger Herdman seyth in the vj th article that s/r Thomas Gerrard 

& his company came xij rodis from Hacches howse toward to Cokfeght 

lohn Southeworth gentilman deposith that sir Thomas Gerrard &C his 

cumpany went towards the Cokfeght w/tAstavys in their hand & their 

hatt bound to their heeds 

Thomas Haghton sayth they bounde their hattto their heds with garters 
Peiris Kyghley sayth that those pmonnes as hadde hatt bounde theym to 
their heed 


prepay ring to 

sir Thornas 
Gerrard bade 
\\issfr\t antes 
Whyte thcym 
like men 

S ir Thomas 
s/r lohn 
Southworth to 
take his part 

Tredyng of his 

Crying to 
Thomas Butler 
to Ryse & save 
hym self 

Thurstan Clare 

Sir Thomas Gerrard cowfesseth the same xxv to aiticu\o and ferther sayth yat 
they prrpayred theym self as if they wold haue foughten 

Rauff Kyghley gent/ /wtfwsay that sir Gerrard said in the Church yarde sirs 
if we fortune to goo to gedirrs Whyte you like men this day & I shall neuifr 
fayle you 

Sir lohn Southeworth seith sir Thomas Gerrard ^desired 1 hym to take his 
pan for savyng of his honeste/ And he answared that he so wold if he wold 
be [answared] ruled 

lohn Southworth affermeth the same/ And sayth also in the last article that 
sir Thomas Gerrard bade sir lohn Southworth take no hede what he said for 
he was sore vexed & trowbled 

Gilbert Gresse sayth sir Thomas Gerrard hade no Shoes on his fete 

s/r Thomas Gerrard [h] seid his Shoes were troden of his fete 

s/r John Southworth in the xij th Article seyth that the cumpany of s/r 

Thomas Gerrard preesyd toward the Cokfeght in which preese the shoes 

of the seid s/r Thomas were Troden of his fete 

Peiris Kyghley affermyth the same 

Rog?r Herdmon seyth that men & Wemen of Wynwek cryed to Thomas 
Boteler beying in the Cokfeght to Rise & save hym self 

sir Thomas Gerrard confessith that Will/dm of the stable on of his 

smiantw stroke Thurstan Clare with a staff/ Wherby the peace was then 


The same Thurstan saith he was strekyn as he was goyng to Rescow Thomas 






3/ to for the (?) 

13/ foughten: 3 minims for u in MS 

15/ sir Gerrard forsirThomas Gerrard (?) 


WINWICK 1515-96/7 

Word came to 
Weryngton by 
travelyng men 
yat sirThomai 
murdre T homos 
Boceler orTred 
srT homos 
Gfrrart/halte of 
t.He Cokfeght 
place & the best 
game he coude 
make hym 

vj to Articu\o 

Border And that the s<rruant of sirThomasGerrzTd violently &: evyll 
entreated Nicholas Stokton & Thomas Dichefeld 
Gilbm Gresse sayth that it was iiij of the Clok at after none or sir lohn 
Southeworth hadd<r concluded any appontment 

The same Gilbm sayth yai he hard it said in Weryngton yai they of the 
towne hade word by travelyng men that sirThomas Gerrard intendet to 
murdre Thomas Botcler at Wynweke w/t/? a greete cuwpany of men & they 
were goyng thyder to Rescow hym 

sir lohn Southworth seyth that Thomas Boteler send ij prestes to sir 
Thomas Gerrard to knowe the entent of his comyng & offred hym half 
the Cokfeght place 

s/rThomas Gerrard confessith the same & sayth forther that the seid 
prestwsaid he shuld haue the best game that the seid Thomas Boteler 
cowde make hym 

s/r Thomas Gerrard confessith that he & sir lohn Southeworth were ij houris 
toged<?r in the strete affore that the seid sir lohn went /to 1 cowmyn wzt/> the 
seid Thomas Boteler. 





Articles Ex Offtcio Charged against William Tailor 

CRO-.EDC 5/1 596/64 
f[lv]* (25 February) 

Proceedings of the metropolitan consistory sessions held in the consistory of Chester 
Cathedral before David Yale, LLD, official principal for Chester and commissary 
of Matthew Mutton, archbishop of York 

7 hem that thou the said Will am Tailor diuers & sundry sundayes and holly 
dayes hast neglected thy duety in the Churche especially in or aboutw the 
xix th of dccember last which day thou Camest into the Churche aboutwthe 
readinge of the seconde Lesson w/ th one [si] Spode a piper A r pipinge or 
goinge 1 before thee very Contemptuosly /& disorderlye 1 into the said 
Churche flyringe &: laughinge so that therby the [peo] Congragac/0 [g{..->] 
there hcringe devine service were greatly trobled &t anoyed &C the service 
therby letted & trobled Et obijcimus vt supra. 




19/ er 0/toged/r corrected from e (?) 

W1THINGTON 1601 / WOOD PLUM PTON 1 578 113 



Presentments of Ralph Marler, Alehousekeeper, and John Tompson, 

Piper LRO:QSR4 


Manchester sessions before Sir Nicholas Mosley, Richard Assheton, Richard 
Holland, James Assheton, Edmund Hopwood, and Alexander Reddish 


...Et qwod Rad//?/ms marler nup<rr de Withington in Comitatu lancastrif 
quinto die lulij Anno Regni domine Elizabeth dei gracia. Anglic ffrancie & 
hib^rnie Regine fidei defens0m&c quadragesimo tercio Apud Withington 
predictam in Comitatu predicto obstinate atqwf ex aucthoritate propria 
\ps\us Radw//>/M Marler absqw? aliquo \\ist\ciarij pacis in Comitatu predicto 15 

admissione vel allocac/one sup^rse assumpser/Vcustodire & Custodivit 
Communem domuw tipulac/onis & ad tune & ibidem Commumter 
vendidit Cerviciam Contra formam statuti in huiosmodi casu edit/et 
prffvisiet quod p red ictus Radw//>/>us marler adtunc & \bidem in domo sua 
predicta custodivit fistulatorem contra pacem dicte domine Regine . . . 20 

Et qod lohtfttwes Tompson nup^rde Withington in Comitatu Izncastrie 

pyper quinto die lulij anno Regni domine Elizabeth dei gracia. Anglic 

fFrancie & hibmiie Regine fidei defensom &c quadragesimo tercio 

A r existente die dowmico 01 apud Withington predictam in Comitatu predicto 25 

Tistulavit anglice pyped contra pacem dicte domine Regine/ 




Archbishop Sandys Visitation Book Bl: V.I 578-9/CB.3 

f 60v (26 July) 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery 35 

And the same day the churchw^Tv^w of Woodplumpton were monyshed to 
Repayre the chauncell before Saynt Lukes day and to certefye/ And not 
hereafter to suffer any Ryshebearynges in ther chappell in tyme of servyse 
sub entf luris &c. 


15/ aliquo/oraliqua 38/ Saynt Lukes day: 18 October 




Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1352-3 

single mb (21 May 1352-6 May 1353) (Expenses) 5 

hem in Curialitadr facte scncscalb ducis. balliuis. swbbaJliuis. 

hustrionibwj. & aliis supmienientibwj per vices. xlvj .s. viij .d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1353-4 
single mb (6 May 1353-26 May 1354) (Expenses) 

hem Senescallo ducis balliuis subbdliuis hiscr/onibwj & aJiis 15 

sup^rueniewtibz^ xliiij .s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1354-5 20 

single mb (26 May 13 54- 18 May 1355) (Expenses) 

\iern in Curialitate facts, baliuuis swbballiuis ducis histr;onibj 

& aliis xx. s. 


71 ducis: ilfnryofGroimom.fiuktofljincaster 

LYTHAM PRIORY 1393-8 115 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1393-4(A) 

single mb (25 May 1393-7 June 1394) (Expenses) 

hem in donis datir d mers is Officiary* &t Ministrall/V per vicem xxvj s. viij d. 5 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1394-5(A) 

single mb* (7 June 1394-24 May 1395) (Expenses) 10 

hem in donis datw diners is Officiary* & Mynstrellif xxvj s. viij d. 

1395-6 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1395-6 

single mb (24 May 1395- 15 May 1396) (Expenses) 

hem in donis datw diu^rsis officiary* &c Ministrallw xx. s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1396-7(A) 

single mb (15 May 1396-4 June 1397) (Expenses) 


C In donis datwdiufrs/V ministris domini ducis &C 

Ministrallw xxj s. iiij d. 

1397-8 30 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1397-8(A) 
single mb* (4 June 1397- 20 May 1398) (Expenses) 

In donis datis dmersis Officiary* domini Ducis & Ministrallw 

dominorum xxiii s. iiij d. 35 

26/ domini ducir. John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1398-9 

single mb (20 May 1398-12 May 1399) (Expenses) 

In donis dmersis officiary* &: Ministrallw xiij s. iiij d. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1399-1400 

single mb (12 May 1399-31 May 1400) (Expenses) 10 

In donis dat/V diuersis officiary* & Ministrallis x s. vj d. 

1400-1 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1400-1 

single mb (31 May 1400-16 May 1401) (Expenses) 

\\ern in donis datwMinistris domim Regis &: Ministrall xx s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1401-2 

single mb (16 May 1401-8 May 1402) (Expenses) 


Item in donis diumw offician/V domim Regw&C Ministrallw 
pertempuscompoti xiij s. iiij d. 

1415-16 30 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1415-16 
single mb (13 May 1415-1 June 1416) (Expenses) 

Item in donis datw ministrallw &: alijs per temp^compoti xxiiij s. x d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1416-17(B) 

single mb (1 June 1416-24 May 1417) (Expenses) 


Item in donis dat/V ministrallw & alijs xl s. xj d. 

LYTHAM PRIORY 1418-25 117 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1418-19 

single mb (9 May 1418-29 May 1419) (Expenses) 

Itrm in donis dat/V miniscrallir &: aJijs xxxij s. j d. 5 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1419-20(A) 

single mb (29 May 1419-20 May 1420) (Expenses) 10 

Item in donis darw ministrallif & alijs xv s. iij d. 

1420-1 is 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1 420-1(8) 
single mb (20 May 1420-5 May 1421) (Expenses) 

Item in donis datis Ministrall/5 6c alijs xv s. i] d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1421-2(A) 

single mb (5 May 142 1-25 May 1422) (Expenses) 


Item in donis datw ministrallis & alijs xvij s. x d. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1422 -3 (C) 30 

single mb (25 May 1422- 17 May 1423) (Expenses) 

Itmi in donis dat/V ministrallis &: alijs xviij s. iij d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham l424-5(A) 

single mb (5 June 1424-21 May 1425) (Expenses) 

Item in donis datw ministrallis & alijs 

x jj s . x ; j 

118 LYTHAM PRIORY 1425-31 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1425-6 

single mb* (21 May 1425-13 May 1426) (Expenses) 

Item in donis datw mi/zstrallis & alijs x(v) s. vj d. 5 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1426-7 

single mb (13 May 1426-2 June 1427) (Expenses) 10 

Itmi in donis daw miwstrall/V & alijs xj s. x d. 

1427-8 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1427-8 
single mb (2 June 1427-17 May 1428) (Expenses) 

in donis datw mistrallif &: alijs xliiij s. x d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1428-9 

single mb* (17 May 1428-9 May 1429) (Expenses) 


I&m in donis datis ministrall/f & alijs x{....)j d. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1429-30(3) 

single mb (9 May 1429-29 May 1430) (Expenses) 

Itrm in donis datis ministrallis & alijs xj s. vij d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1430-1(8) 

single mb (29 May 1430-14 May 1431) (Expenses) 

in donis datis ministrallis & alijs xij s. 40 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1447-8(B) 

single mb (22 May 1447-6 May 1448) (Expenses) 

lorn in donis datis Ministrallis & alijs viij s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1448-9(B) 33 

single mb (6 May 1448-26 May 1449) (Expenses) 10 

Itjfm in diufrsis donis datw Ministrallis & alijs vj s. viij d. 

1449-50 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1449-50(3) 
single mb (26 May 1449-1 8 May 1450) (Expenses) 

Item, in diuersis donis datwMinstralibztf & alijs hoc anno xx s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1450-1 (A) 

single mb (18 May 1450-7 June 1-451) (Expenses) 


Itrm in diufrsis donis datw minstralib/ fit Alijs eodem Anno xx s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1 451 -2(A) 30 

single mb (7 June 1451-22 May 1452) (Expenses) 

Itjfm in diu^rsis donis datw miwstralibw* & alijs eodem anno xx s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham l452-3(B) 

single mb (22 May 1452-14 May 1453) (Expenses) 

Item in Diumis Donis Datis Ministrallis & alijs xiij s. iiij d. 40 

19/ hoc ano: omitted in other copy of account roll for 1449-50 

120 LYTHAM PRIORY 1453-8 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1453-4 

single mb (14 May 1453-3 June 1454) (Expenses) 

in diuersis donis daw (..}nstralis & alijs x s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1454-5(D) 

single mb (3 June 1454-19 May 1455) (Expenses) 

Et in diiursis donis datw ministrall/f x s. 

1455-6 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham l455-6(A) 
single mb (19 May 1455-10 May 1456) (Expenses) 

Et in d\utrsis donis datif Ministrall/y vj s. viij d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1456-7 

single mb* (10 August 1456-30 May 1457) (Expenses) 


Et in donis datw miwstralbV dominorum &c magnatw patrie 

ac alijs diufrsis xj s. iiij d. 

1457-8 30 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1457-8 
single mb (30 May 1457-15 May 1458) (Expenses) 

Et in donis dat/rmi/zstrallwd0w/norOT & magnatwm infra 

patriam & alijs diumw ex curialitate viij s. ij d. 35 

LYTHAM PRIORY 1458-65 121 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1458-9 

single mb (15 May 1458-7 May 1459) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datiy MinistralLV dominorum &c magnatwra infra 5 

patriaw & alijs diu^rsis ex curiaJitate ij s. ij d. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1459-60(A) 10 

single mb (7 May 1459-26 May 1460) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datif Ministrallir & alijs viij s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1 460-1 (A) 
single mb (26 May 1460- 18 May 1461) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datw ministrallw &c AJijs v. s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 146 1-2 (A) 

single mb (18 May 1461-31 May 1462) (Expenses) 25 

Et in donis datw ministrallw & Alijs iij s. 

1462-3 30 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1462 -3 (A) 
single mb (31 May 1462-23 May 1463) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datw ministrallif &: Alijs. ij. s . viij. d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1464 -5 (A) 

single mb (14 May 1464-27 May 1465) (Expenses) 


Et in donis datw ministraJlw & Alijs diumis per Idem tempus. ij. s . 

122 LYTHAM PRJORY 1465-72 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1465-6 

single mb (27 May 1465-19 May 1466) (Expenses) 

Et \n donis datif miwstrall/V & AJijs mendicantib^ 

x. s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1467-8 

single mb (11 May 1467- 30 May 1468) (Expenses) 10 

EC in donis datw minstrallis &c Alijs diuersw mendicantibw* 

per idem temp; x. s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1468-9 

single mb (30 May 1468-1 5 May 1469) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datw ministrallw & Alijs diufrsw mendicantibus 20 

per Idem tempus ix. s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1469-70 25 

single mb (15 May 1469-4 June 1470) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datis ministral(l/5> &C Al(ijs) mendican(tibttf} viij. s.{. . .) 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1470-1 

single mb (4 June 1470-27 May 1471) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datw ministrallw & AJijs mendicantibwj xj. s. 35 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1471-2 

single mb (27 May 1471-1 1 May 1472) (Expenses) 40 

Et in donis datw ministrallif & alijs mendicantib^ ix. s. 

LYTHAM PRIORY 1474-80 123 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1474-5 

single mb (23 May 1474-8 May 1475) (Expenses) 

Et in donis dat/Vmuzstrallw & alij(s) mendicantib.f x s. vj. d. 5 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1475-6 

single mb (8 May 1475-27 May 1476) (Expenses) 10 

Et in donis datis (M)inistrallis & alijs pauperibus mendicantibwj xj s. iij d. 

1476-7 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1476-7 

single mb (27 May 1476- 19 May 1477) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datw Minist(rallis) & alijs mendicantib^ x s. vij d. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham l477-8(A) 

single mb (19 May 1477-4 May 1478) (Expenses) 


Et in donis datis Ministrallis & alijs mendicantib/ x s. viij d. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1478-9 30 

single mb (4 May 1478-24 May 1479) (Expenses) 

Et in donis (...) alijs (..)ndicantibw xix d. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1479-80 

single mb (24 May 1479-1 5 May 1480) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datw Ministrallis & alijs p&uperibus medicamibw viij s. 40 

33/ (...): gap of 40mm 4 / mcdicantibw/or mcmlicantibuj, abbrtviation mark mining 

124 LYTHAM PRIORY 1481-9 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1481-2 

single mb (4 June 1481-20 May 1482) (Expenses) 

El in donis datw Ministrallw & alijs medican( ) ix s. viij d. 5 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1482-3 

single mb* (20 May 1482-12 May 1483) (Expenses) 10 

Et in donis datis Ministrallw & alijs mendicantibj viij s. viij (d.) 

1483-4 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1483-4 

single mb (12 May 1483-31 May 1484) (Expenses) 

Et in donis daa/MinistralLu & alijs mendicantibitf vj s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1484-5 

single mb* (31 May 1484-16 May 1485) (Expenses) 

Et in donis dauVMinistrallif &: alijs mendicantibw/ 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1486-7 30 

single mb (8 May 1486-28 May 1487) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis dauV minstrallis & alijs mendicantibw^ v s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham l488-9(A) 

single mb (19 May 1488-1 June 1489) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis datwministrallis & alijs mendicantib^ 

v s. 4o 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1490-1 

single mb (24 May 1490-16 May 1491) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis datir ministrallw & alij(s) mendicantibttj iij s. iiij d. 5 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1491-2 

single mb (16 May 1491-4 June 1492) (Necessary expenses) 10 

Et in donis darif ministrallis & alijs mendicajitibu* iiij s. 

1492-3 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1492-3 

single mb 4 June 1492-20 May 1493) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis datir ministrallis & aJijs mendicantibw vj s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1494-5 

single mb (12 May 1494-1 June 1495) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis datw ministrallis &C alijs mendicantibw vj s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1495-6 30 

single mb (1 June 1495-16 May 1496) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis DatzV ministraJlis et alijs mendicantibw iiij s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1496-7 

single mb (16 May 1496-8 May 1497) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis datwministrallif& alijs mendicantibus 

126 LYTHAM PRJORY 1497-1503 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1497-8 

single mb (8 May 1497-28 May 1498) (Necessary expenses) 

El in donis datw ministrallis & alijs mendicantibw; 

x s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1498-9 

single mb* (28 May 1498-13 May 1499) (Necessary expenses) ]0 

Et in donis datw ministrallis & alijs mendicantibtt^ xi(j) s. 

1499-1500 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1499-1500 

single mb 13 May 1499-1 June 1500) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis dauV ministrallis &: alijs mendicantibw* xij s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1500-1 

single mb (1 June 1500-24 May 1501) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis dauV ministrall/V &: alijs medicamibj xiij s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1501 -2 30 

single mb (24 May 1501-9 May 1502) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis daw ministrallis et alijs mewdicamib* xj s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1502-3 

single mb (9 May 1502-29 May 1503) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in Donis dauV ministrallw &: alijs mendicant/j xij s. 

LYTHAM PRIORY 1503-26 127 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1503-4 

single mb (29 May 1503-20 May 1504) (Necessary expenses) 

Et in donis datif Ministrallw & alijs mendicanti.f x s. 5 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1504-5 

single mb (20 May 1504-5 May 1505) (Expenses) 10 

Et in Donis datif Ministrallif & alijs mendicantittf xij s. 

1506-7 15 

Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1 506-7 

single mb (25 May 1506-1 7 May 1507) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datif ministrall/Vet alijs mewdi carat ibj- x s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1509-10 

single mb (21 May 1509-13 May 1510) (Expenses) 


Et in donis datif ministrallis ac alijs mercdicamibw.f x s. 


Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1514-1 5 30 

single mb (29 May 1514-21 May 1515) (Expenses) 

Et in donis datw Ministralis & alijs x s. 



Prior s Accounts DDCM: Lytham 1525-6 

single mb (29 May 1525-14 May 1526)- (Expenses) 

Et in donis datw ministrallir &: alijs 

x s. 40 

128 WHALLEY ABBEY 1485-7 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 1 col 2 (1 January ~3 1 December) (Gifts) 5 

Ministrallu x d. ij d. ij d. iiij d. x d. xix d. ij d. xij d. xij d. (xij d.) vj d. xij d. 
viij d. xxij d. x d. ij d. iiij d. xx d. iiij d. ij d. (...) viij d. ij s. vj d. viij d. vj d. 
iij d. 

ductori vrsorum vii(j d.) 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 15 

f 7 col 1* (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

(x)xijs. xj d. Ministrallw ij s. iij d. ij d. iiij d. iij s. ix d. vj d. .xj d. iij d. ij d. .vj d. ij s. 
xj [s]d. viij d. vj d. iiij d. .iiij d. .viij d. x d. .viij d. x d. viij d. iij d. ij s. 
v d. 20 

col 2 

Ductori vrsorum v. d. 25 

Ductori vrsorum viij d. 

1487 30 

Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 12 col 1* (I January-} 1 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallif xij d. xj d. iiij d. iiij d. v d. viij d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. xij d. xv d. 

[xx] xiiij d. viij d. x d. ij s. v d. vj d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. iij d. iijj d. viij d. 35 

vj d. xij d. iiij d. v d. iiij d. viij d. j d. iij d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. xij d. iij d. ij s. 

v d. vj d. viij 

Q Summaxx.\\] s. ij d. 

18m/ (xlxii foryiiK f?) yjl d. omitted after vi\\ f?) 

171 D o/Ductori written oiyrR 38/ xxiij /or xiiij (?) 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 18 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 


MinistraJl/r ij s. x d. iiij d. ij d. j d. iij d. iiij d. .iiij d. .viij d. xvj d. xiiij d. 
xxij d. vj d. vj d. .viij d. ij d. [viijd.] xij d. xiij s. iiij d, xij d. .ij d. ij d. xij d. 
ij d. iij d. iiij d. ij d. viij d. xij d. viij d. viij d. ij d. xij d. iiij d. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA:Ll/47/5 

f 24 col 1 (I January -3 1 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrall/jxix d. xx d. .vj d. xj d. xix d. ij d. viij d. xiij d. .v d. [v] ij s. x d. 

iiij d. viij d. x d. [I] .viij d. xiiij d. iij d. xij d. iij s. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. x d. ij d. 15 

viij d. ij d. xviij d. hem xiiij d. iiij d. ij d. 

col 2 


[v] Custodi vrsoTum viij d. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 25 

f 30 col 1 (1 January -3 1 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallir iiij d. vj d. ij d. ij d. vj d. xij d. xj d. xxij d. xij d. ij s. iiij d. xvj d. 
xviij d. ij d. viij d. xiiij d. xvj d. viij d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. ij d. ij d. iiij d. xij d. 

xviij u. ij u. viij u. xmj u. xvj u. viij u. mj u. 
xx d. vij d. xij d. ij d. vj d. vj d. xiiij d. vj d. 

Swnvna xxiiij s. ij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 35 

f36 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJLw viij d. iiij d. xij d. ij d. xviij d. xxj d. xx d. vj d. iiij d. ij s. ij d. 
x d. ij d. xij d. xvj d. ij d. ij d. iiij d. ij d. xij d. xij d. iiij d. ij s. ij s. xxij d. 
vj d. x d. vj d. iij d. xviij d. [(xj d.)] 40 

Summa. xxvj s. 

1 30 WHALLEY ABBEY 1492-5 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 42 col 1 (I January-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallw xiiij d. ij d. xiiij d. viij (d.) iiij d. vj d. .iiij d. ij d. iiij d. iiij d. 
[xxij d.] xxij d. ij s. ij s. xij d. xvj d. xij d. viij d. xvj d. xij d. ij d. ij d. xiiij d. 
x d. vj d. xij d. iiij d. ij d. xij d. iiij d. x d. iiij d. ij d. x d. xiij d. ij s. iiij d. 
v (.} ij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 
f 48 col 1* (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallif ij d. ij d. ij s. iiij d. ij d. xviij d. iiij d. xxj d. ij s. vij d. xviij d. 15 

xij d. x d. xij d. xij d. viij d. vj d. xij d.vj d. vj d. iiij d. vj d. vj d. ij d. viij d. 
x d. xij d. iiij d. iiij d. vij d. iij d. xj d. iiij d. iij d. iiij d. xx d. [<.)] xxij d. ij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 54 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 


Ministrallif xij d. viij d. iiij d. xij d. viij d. vj d. vj d. vj d. xviij d. ij s. x d. 
xviij d. xiijj d. ij s. vj d. xvj d. ij d. xviij d. ij s. vj d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. 
vij d. xij d. viij d. vj d. vj d. xvj d. xiiij d. iiij d. xij d. ij d. iij d. v d. iiij d. 
vj d. ij d. iiij d. vj d. viij d. xij d. iiij d. viij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 60 col 1* (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 


Ministrallw xvj d. xxij d. xiiij d. xij d. iiij d. viij d. ij d. ij d. ij d. xij d. ij d. 
xxij d. ij s. vj d. iiij d. xiiij d. ij d. iiij d. iiij d. viij d. xij d. iiij d. iiij d. v d. 
iiij d. iiij d. xij d. viij d. ij d. iiij d. iiij d. viij d. iiij d. xij d. vj d. xiiij d. iiij d. 
iiij d. ij d. vj d. xx d. vj d. 




Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 66 col 1 (ljanuary-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJUf xj d. xij d. iiij d. viij d. iiij d. x d. vj d. xxij d. iiij s. ij d. xvj d. 5 

xvj d. xj d. xx d. xij d. xiiij d. ij d. xiiij d. xiiij d. ij d. vj d. iiij d. <v)iij d. xvj d. 
vj d. ij d. iiij d. iiij d. x d. iiij d. ij d. ij d. vj d. xiij d. iiij d. viij d. iiij d. iiij d. 
viij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 
f 72 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistralLw xij d. xvj d. x d. xij d. xvj d. x d. xj d. iiij d. iiij d. ij s. vj d. ij s. 15 

iij d. xij d. xx d. ij d. vj d. xxiij d. xij d. xiij d. xiij d. xij d. iiij d. iiij d. viij d. 
iiij d. iiij d. vj d. ij d. ij d. iiij d. vj d. j d. iiij d. ij s. iiij d. iiij d. iiij d. viij d. iiij 
d. ij d. viij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 
f78 col 1 (ljanuary-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJUr ij s. ij d. x d. iij s. j d. vj d. xij d. vj d. iiij d.ij s. xxij d. xij d. 25 

iiij d. xiiij d. xiiij d. xx d. viij d. viij d. iiij d. viij d. vj d. iiij d. xj d. xiiij d. 
iij d. xij d. ij d. ij d.ij d. xvj d. xiiij d. iiij d. x d. iiij d. iiij d. iiij d. xij d. 
x d. ij d. ij d. vj d. ij d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. x d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 84 col 1 (I January -3 1 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJbV xviij d. xvj d. xvj d. iiij d. iiij d. xvj d. vj d. iiij d. ij d. ij d. ij d. 
iiij d. xx d. xviij d. x d. vj d. iiij d. xviij d. xiiij d. vj d. xiiij d. iiij d. xij d. 
vj d. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. ij d. ij d. iiij d. vj d. vj d. x d. xx d. xij d. 
vj d. xiiij d. vj d. iiij d. xviij d. x d. vj d. xij d. viij d. iiij d. 


271 d. 0/"xvj d. written oirrs. 

132 W11ALLEY ABBEY 1500-2 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 90 col 1 (ljanuary-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallir xiiij d. ij s. xviij d. xiijj d. vj d. vij d. vj d. viij d. viij d. vj d. vj d. 
iiij d. iiij d. viij d. ij s. viij d. vj d. ij s. viij d. xvj d. vj d. vj d. viij d. iiij d. ij d. 
xij d. xviij d. viij d. ij d. iiij d. xij d. iiij d. v d. ij d. iiij d. vj d. ij s. iiij d. iiij d. 
viij d. iiij d. xij d. iiij d. xij d. iiij d. viij d. ij d. ij d. ij d. x d. viij d. ij d. viij d. 
ij s. vij d. xvij d. 

col 2 

Ductori vrsoTum vj s. viij d. 




Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f96 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 


Ministrallif vj d. ij s. vj d. xij d. viij d. vj d. iiij d. xviij d. iiij d. ij d. vj d. 
iiij d. ij s. vj d. ij s. j d. viij d. xiiij d. xij d. iiij d. x d. iiij d. ij d. iiij d. vj d. 
ij d. ij d. ij d. ij d. iiij d. vj d. vj d. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. ij d. 
vj d. vj d. iiij d. ij s. iij s. 


col 2 

Vrsario iij s. iiij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 102 col 1 (1 January -3 1 December) (Gifts) 


Ministrallir ij s. iiij d. xv d. xvj d. xviij d. iiij d. iiij d. iiij d. xij d. ij s. xiiij d. 
ij s. iiij d. xvj d. vj d. iiij d. xijd. x d. vj d. iiij d, ij d. viij d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. 
ij d. iiij d. xij d. viij d. j d. xij d. viij d. x d. xij d. vj d. viij d. ij d. ij d. iiij d. 
ni) d. ij d. x d. i) a. xvij a. 


col 2 

Vrsario ij s. hemxx. d. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 108 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJlis ij s. viij d. xij d. iiij d. iiij d. viij d. vj d. vj d. vj d. viij d. iiij d. 10 

xiijj d. iiij d. ij s. iiij d. xij d. iiij d. viij d. x d. xij d. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. ij d. 
iiij d. vj d. ij d. ij d. ij d. vj d. x d. xx d. xxij d. vj d. xij d. xij d. viij d. iiij d. 
ij d. xiij d. 


col 2 

Vrsario iij s. iiij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 1 1 5 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJlis xvj d. xiiij d. xij d. xij d. iiij d. ij d. vj d. ij s. vj d. ij s. vj d. xij d. 25 
iiij d. iiij d. iiij d. xiiij d. ij d. iiij d. ix d. xvj d. iiij d. xviij d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. 
iiij d. vj d. ij d. viij d. ij d. viij d. viij d. iiij d. xviij d. ij d. vj d. viij d. vj d. 
ij d. ij s. ij d. vj d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 121 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 


Ministrallis xviij d. vj d. xx d. viij d. iiij d. vj d. xvj d. vj d. x d. xij d. viij d. 
iiij d. iiij d. vj d. vj d. iiij d. ij d. ij d. vj d. xiiij d. iiij d. ij d. xvj d. ij d. ij d. 
xij d. ij d. iiij d. viij d. vj d. ij s. ij d. 

col 2 40 

Vrsario iij s. iiij d. 

134 WHALLEY ABBEY 1509-11 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 132 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallis ij s. itij d. ij s. vj d./ xij d. vj d. iiij d. vj d. ij d. xx d. ij d. ij d. 
ij d. ij d. ij s. iiij d. ij d. iiij d. x d. x d. xvj d. xj d. vj d. vj d. viij d. iiij d. 
xvj d. vj d. xiiij d. [v] viij d. ij d. iiij d. ij d. ij d. iij s. x d. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 138 col 1 (lJanuary-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallif iij s. vij d. xij d. xx d. vjij d. xij d. viij d. [v] iiij d. iiij d. xiiij d. 

viij d. xvj d. xij d. iiij d. xij d. x{.) d. ij d. xx d. ij s. x. d. viij d. viij d. xij d. 15 

j d. ij d./ viij d. iij d. xvj d. 

col 2 


vrsario v s. 

vrsario iij s. iiij d. 

1511 25 

Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 144 col 1 (ljanuary-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallis iiij s. viij d. [{xij d.)] x d. vj s. viij d. iiij d. ijd. iiij d. xvj d. 

iiij d. xij d. viij d. viij d. vj d. viij d. x d. vj d. iij d. xx d. xvj d. ij s. iij s. 30 

viij d. iij s. iiij d. iij s. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. iij d. xiij d. iij s. 

xJ s. vij d. 

col 2 35 

vrsario iij s. iiij d. 

Vrsarijs v s. viij d. 


WHALLEY ABBEY 1512-14 135 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 1 50 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJlis iij s. v d. xij d. xvj d. xvj d. iiij d. ij d. ij d. ij d. iiij d. xvj d. 5 

viij d. iiij d. viij d. vj d. vj d. ij d. vj d. vj d. x d. xij d. xvj d. ij s. vj d. vj d. 
xij d. vj d. vj d. x d. iiij d. ij d. iiij s. iiij d. v s. 

1513 10 

Bursars Accounts MCLA:Ll/47/5 

f 155 col 1* (I January-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJlis ij s. viij d. viij d. iij d. ij d. xij d. x d. xij d. xvj d. xvj d. xj d, 
vj d. vj d. vij d. xvj d. iiij d. iij d. vj d. xij d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. xvj d. 
xvj d. iiij s. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. viij s. 



i d. iiij d. iiij d. vj 


col 2 

Vrsario v s. 

1514 25 

Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 161 col 1* (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJlis ij s. vj d. iiij d. xviij d. viij d. vj d. viij d. xij d. xij d. vj d. xij d. 

iiij d. viij d. viij d. vj d. viij d. iiij d. iiij d. xvj d. viij d. viij ij d. iij s. (iiij} d. 30 

iiij s. viij d. xij d. iiij d. xvj d. iiij d. ij d. xiij d. iiij d. (x)iiij d. viij d. vj d. 

ij d. vj d. ij d. ij d. v s. iiij d. 


col 2 

vrsario v s 

30/ s. omitted after viij (?) 

136 W1IALLEY ABBEY 1515-17 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 167 col 1 (I January -31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallwxij d. viij d. iiij d. iiij d. iiij d. xij d. x d. viij d. xij d. xiiij d. x d. 
vj d. iiij d. vj d. xvj d. iij d. ij d. xij d. iiij d. viij d. viij d. vj d. xvj d. viij d. 
xj d. mi d. vj d. mi d. vj d. iiij d. vj d. xv d. 

col 2 10 

vrsario v s. Item iij s. iiij d. 

vrsario viij s. 


f 1 67v col 1 

vrsario v s. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 173 col 1 (I January -31 December) (Gifts) 


Ministrallw xx d. viij d. vij d. ij d. iij d. ij d. ij s. ij d. xiiij d. xiiij d. v d. iiij d. 
xiij d. vj d. xij d. xxij d. iiij d. iij s. iiij d. iiij d. xiiij d. iiij d. xij d. xij d. xij d. 
vj d. xvj d. xij d. viij d. xij d. iij d. vj d. xij d. xj d. ij s. x d. 


col 2 

vrsario vj s. viij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 179 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrall/> iij s. iiij d. iiij s. iiij d. iiij d. viij d. viij d. ij s. ij s. vj d. vj d. xvj d. 40 

271 x o/xiiij corrected from v 


vij d. xiiij d. vj d. viij d. ix d. iij d. iij d. xij d. viij d. xij d. iij s. vj d. xij d. 
xij d. xij d. ij d. xij d. iiij d. ij s. vj d. 

col 2 

Vrsario v s - 

Vrsario ij s. vj d. 

Vrsarijs xiij s. iiij d. hem iij s. iiij d. Item iij s. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 15 

f 1 86 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistralLtfxij d. ij s. vj d. xiiij d. ij d. xij d. iiij d. xiiij d. iij s. iiij d. viij d. 

x d. xij d. iiij d. vj d. vj d. viij d. xij d. viij d. iiij d. vj d. xx d./ xij d. xijij d. 

ij d. vj d. iiij d. viij d. vij s. xij d. 20 

col 2 

vrsario iij s. iiij d. Item vij s. 25 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 193 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 30 

Ministrallwv s. ij d. xiiij d. xij d. vj d. iiij d. viij d. vj d. vj d. iiij d. ij d. ij d. 

xij d. viij d. xvj d. viij d. viij d. vj d. iiij d. ij s. iiij d. xvj d. xvj d. xx d. xx d. 

viij d. iiij d. iiij d. iiij d. viij d. iiij d. iiij d. viij d. iij s. iiij d. x d. iiij d. viij d. 

vj d. xij d. xx d. iiij s. vj d. 35 

col 2 

Vrsario ij s. viij d. vj d. 40 

iij s. viij d. xij d. v s. iij s. iiij d. xx d. 

40/ vj d. added in different ink 

1 38 WUALLEY ABBEY 1 520-1 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 199, col 1 (I January -31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallw iij s. iiij d. ij s. iiij d. viij d. xij d. iiij d. iiij d. xx d. vj s. viij d. 
xvj d. iij s. ij d. xij d. viij d. viij d. xij d. vj d. iiij d. viij d. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. 
x d. viij d. viij d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. iiij d. ij d. iij s. xxiij d. xij d. xvj d. viij d. 
ix d. x s. 

col 2 

Vrsar ij s. viij d. hem iiij s. 


Bursars Accounts LRO: DDTo/B 21/1-6 
single mb col 2* (Gifts) 

Ministrallys xliiij s. 


Vrsar x s. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 25 

f 205 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallw iij s. iiij d. x d. xij d. xvj d. xviij d. ij d. iij d. ij s. ij d. iij s. iiij d. 

xx d. iij s. iiij d. xvj d. ij s. viij d. xij d. ij s. viij d. xij d. xiiij d. iij s. iiij d. 

xij d. xij d. viij d. xij d. xij d. xvj d. vj d. vj d. vj d. iiij d. iiij d. vj d. iiij d. 30 

v s. iiij d. 

col 2 


Vrsario xij d. hem iij s. iiij d. hem ij s. iiij d. hem xij d. 

A Bursars Accounts BL: Harley MS 2064 

(95 coll* (Gifts) 40 

Ministralis 240 


Vrsarijs 10 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 21 1 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallwiij s. viij d. vj s. vj d. iiij d. .iiij d. xvj. d. xij. d. xiiij d. iiij. d. 

iij s. .v s. .xx. d. vj. d. viij d. iiij s. ij. d./ iiij. d. iiij. d./ xvj d. .x. d. iiij d. 

.viij. d. xij d. .vj d. viij. d./ iiij d. .iiij d. .iiij d. .ij d. iiij d. .vj s. viij. d. v s. 10 

col 2 

Vrsarijs xx d. 15 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 2 1 7 col 1 (1 January-3 1 December) (Gifts) 20 

Ministrallw. iij s. iiij. d. iiij d. xx d. xix d. .ij d. .ij. d. iiij. d. xij d. xij d. 
xx. d./ xij. d. x d. .xvj d. .xvj. d. xij d. .vj d. .vj. d./ iiij. d. vj. d. iiij. s. x 
xx. d. ij s. iiij. d. iiij. d. xij d. iiij d. vj d. .vj s. viij d. .iij s. ij d. 


col 2 

Vrsario cum a\ijs iij s. hem xij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 224 col 1 (ljanuary-31 December) (Gifts) 


Ministrallwiij s. iiij. d. viij d. xvj d. .xvj d. .iiij d./ ij. s. iij. s. xij d. ij s. vj. d. 
vj d. .x d. .ij. s. x d. .iiij d. xij d. .xx d. .ij. s./ iiij. d./ vj. d. iiij d. iiij. d./ 
xvj d./ iiij. d. vj d. .iiij d. vj d. .viij d. iiij s. vj d. .iij s. iiij d. 

140 WIIALLEY ABBEY 1525-7 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 230 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallu. v. s. ij s. vj d. iiij. d.l viij. d. vj d. xx. d./ iiij. d. xvj d. iiij d. iiij d. 
.ij. d. iiij. d. iiij d. .ij d. xiiij d. .iij s. xiiij d. .iij s. viij d./ xvj d. xiiij. d. xij d. 
.vj d. .xij. d. mi d. vj d. .xx. d. iiij. d. iiij. d. iiij. d. xx d. .iiij d. .xx d. .viij d. 
.xij d. xij d. ij s. viij d. v s. iiij d. 

col 2 

Vrsar vj s. viij d. hemxx d. 



Bursars Accounts MClA: Ll/47/5 

f 236 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrall/j. iiij s. iiij. d. xvj. d. iiij d. hem ij s. viij d. hemxx. d. iiij s. viij. 
xx d. hem xx d. hem xiiij d. xvj. d. viij d. Itiwzxiij d. Itfmxd . It^wviij d. 
Itifw.viij d. Itirwiiij d. hemxij d. hemxix. d. hem ij. s. Itfwviij d. .ij. s. 
hem x. d. hem iiij d. hem ij. s. hem vj. d. hem vj. d. x. d. iiij. d. ij. d. viij c 
\\ern iiii d. \\ern .iii s. viii. d. It^m vii s. viii d. 

. d. 20 



col 2 

Vrsario iij. s. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 242 col 1 (I January-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallif vj. s. hemxv}. d. hem vij d. viij. d. ij s. ij.d. viij. d. ij. d. ij. d. 
ij s. iiij. s. xx. d. iij s. viij d. xvj. d. ij s. ij d. hem vj. d. hem vj. d. hem ij. 
hem xij. d. hem iij d. hem x d. hem xij. d. hem ij. d. hem ij. d. v. d. xij d. 
iij. d. iij d. .xxij d . xiiij. d. xiiij d. Itirwvj d. viij d. hemvj. d. iiij s. viij d. 





col 2 

Vrsario xx d. hfm xvj d. hem ij s. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA:Ll/47/5 

f 248 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrall/f v s. vj. d. ix d. xiiij d. viij. d. ij s. x d. .ij s. iiij. d. v s. vj. d. 10 

xiiij d. vj. d. ij s. ij. d. vj. d. iiij. d. iiij. d. iiij d. viij. d. xij. d. vj. d. xvj. d./ 
xiiij d. xij d. viij. d. xviij d. .vj. d. xvj. d. xij. d. viij. d. ij d. x. d. x d. .vj d. 
.v. s. vj s. viij. d. xij d. x d. 


col 2 

Vrsar xvj d. hem xij d. hem xij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA:Ll/47/5 

f 254 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJl/Vxx d. vj. d. xvj d. viij. d. ij. s. ij s. . ij. d. x. d. iij. s. v. s. ij s. iiij d. 25 
xij. d. xiij d. v. d. vj. d. xij. d. vj. d. xvj d. iiij. d. xvj d. hem xij d. .xij. d. x d. 
.vj d. vj d. .iiij. d. xij. d. xvj d. xij. d. iiij. d. iij d. iiij. d. v d. .x d. .x d. x d. 
.vj d. viij s. 


col 2 

Vrsar xij d. hem ij s. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 260 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallw iij s. viij d. x. d. xiiij d. .xvj. d. x. d. viij. d. xx. d. vj. s. x. d. 40 

xij. d. xij. d./ iiij d. .iij s. .iiij. d. .ij s. vj. d. vj. d./ vj. d./ x d. .iiij. s. viij d. 
.iiij d. vj d. xx d. .x s. 

142 WHALLEY ABBEY 1 530-3 

col 2 

Ministrallw. viij s. .iiij s. ij s. x. d./ ij s./ xvj. d.l vj. d./ viij d. .ij d. iiij d./ 
.xvj. d./ xiiij. d./ ij. s. iiij. d./ xviij d. xij. d./ xij. d./ iiij. s./ iiij d. .vij d. 
iiij d./ xvj d./ xvj d./ .xx d. v s./ xij d. iiij d./ viij d. .viij d. .v s. .v s. 


Vrsar xij d. hem xij d. .It<rm iij s. iiij d. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 26 5 v col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallif vj. s. iiij d. ij s. viij d. .ij s. iiij d. .iij s. viij d .viij d. ij d. .xx. d. 
xiij d. .xij d. .xij. d. viij. d. viij. d./ xvj d. r princess(e)z 1 .x s. viij d. vj s. viij. d. 
ij d. .x d. .xxij. d. xij d. xij. d. viij. d. iiij. d. iij d. .vj. d. viij. d. iiij d. ij d. 
ij d. iiij s. vj. d. 


col 2 

Vrsar xx d. hem xvj d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 271 col 1* (I January -3 1 December) (Gifts) 

I 25 

Ministrallw iiij s. viij d. ij s. .xx d. .xvj d. vj d. .xij d. vj.d. iiij. d. viij d. ij. s 
xij. d./ xvj d. x d. x d. .iiij. d. xvj.d./ vij s. x d. vj. d. ij s. xiiij. d. ij. s. v s./ 
xviij. d./ ij s. .xiiij d. viij. d./ xij. d./ iiij d. .vj d./ viij. d./ xx d. iij s. vj d. 


col 2 

Vrsar xx d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 277 col 1 (1 January -31 December) (Gifts) 


WHALLEY ABBEY 1533-6 143 

col 2 

Vrsar xij d. hem xx d. 


Bursars Accounts MCLA: L 1/47/5 

f 283 col 1* (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistraJLw iiij s. x. d. xvj d. .iij s. vj d./ xvj d./ ij. s./ xvj. d. /iiij d./ xvj d. 10 

.xx. d. iiij s./ v s. xx d./ viij d. xij. d. viij d./ ij. s. xij d./. xx d./ x d. vj d./ ij s. 
.viij d./ iiij d./ ij d./ xvj. d. viij. d. iiij. d./ vj s. x d./ vij s. viij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f289 col 1 (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

Ministrallif .iiij s. iiij d. .iij s. iiij. d. ij s. viij d./ ij s. x d. viij d./ iiij d./ ij. d. 20 

xij d. .xxij d. .xij d./ ij d./ vj. d./ xij. d./ viij d. ij s. viij d./ iij s. viij d. .ij. s./ 
ij s. vj d./ xx s. vj s./ xx d./ xx d./ vj s./ xx. d. vj d. x s. x. d./ viij. d. viij. d./ 
xvj d. .ix s. viij d. v s. ij. d. 


col 2 

Vrsario viij d. hem viij d. 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 295 col 1* (1 January-31 December) (Gifts) 

MinistralbV iij. s./ iij s. iiij d./. .iij s./ xx. d./ vj d. viij d. xx d. xij d. .xiiij 
iiij s. iiij d. x d./ iiij. s. .xij d./ vj d./ xij d./ xx d./ xvj. d. .x. d. iiij d./ ij c 
ij s.l x d./ xviij. d. <v)iij. d. xij d./ vj d./ iiij d./ xx d./ xxij d. .viij s. 

iiij d. 35 


144 WHALLEY ABBEY 1536-7 

col 2 



Bursars Accounts MCLA: Ll/47/5 

f 301 col 1* (1 January-March) (Gifts) 

Ministrallif ij s. vj. d. x d./ xxij d. .ij s. ij d. .iij s. vj d./ 10 

Vrsarijs iiij s. iiij d. 

Inventory of Abbey Goods PRO: E 36/1 54 15 

p 1 83* (24 March) (Plate remaining in the bursars house) 

The Invemorye of all the good belonging, vnto the monastfrie ofWhalley. 
taken by the Erie of Sussex and. other of the kinges Counseill the xxiiijth 
day of marche in the xxviij yere of the reigne of our souereigne lorde kyng 20 

henry the eighte/ 

\\m a Minstrellw Skochyn and a litle Scochen wrth a black lyon 




AC 1617 

Journal of Nicholas Assheton of Doumham Whitaker: History ofWhaliey 5 

p300* (ljune) 

Mr Christopher Parkinson moved my brother Sherborne from Sir Richard 

Houghton, to do him such favor, countenance, grace, curtesie, as to weare 

his clothe, and attend him at Houghton, at ye kings comming in August, 10 

as divers other gentlemen were moved and would. He likewise moved mee. 

I answered I would bee willing and redie to doe S/ r Ric/wr^anie service. 

p 303* (15 July) 15 

To Dunkenhalgh. Dyned. Preston; musick; dancing. 

(18 July) 


Sir Ric/?<Wand Mr. Assheton made a match, dunn gelding agd/wst a dunn 

nagg of Sir Richards at Lirpoole, for 20 pieces a side; Sir Ric/>Wand my 

Coozen to ride light as they can, so as Sir Ricbardbe ten stone. 25 

p 304* (25 July) 

St. James Day. At Whalley: ther a rushbearing, but much less solemnitie 30 

than formerlie. Spent xij d 

146 ASSHETON OF DOWNHAM 1617-17/18 

(13 August) 

To Mirescough; the court. Coovn Assheton came w/ th his gentlemanlie 
servants as aniewas ther, and himself excellently well appointed. The King 
killed five bucks. The Kinges speeche abot libmie to pipeing and honest 
recreation. We that were in Sir Richards livery had nothing to do but riding 
upp and downe. 

(1 5 August) 10 

The King came to Preston: ther, at the crosse, Mr. Breares, the lawyer, made 

a speche, and the corpora/on presented him with a bowle; and then the 

King went to a banquet in the town-hall, and soe away to Houghton: ther 

a speche made. Hunted, and killed a stagg. Wee attend on the Lord s table. 15 

p 305* (17 August) 

Houghton. Wee served the lords with biskett, wyne, and jellie. The 20 

Bushopp of Chester, Dr. Morton, prrched before the King. To dinner. 
About 4 o clock, ther was a rushbearing and pipeing afore them, affore the 
King in the middle court; then to supper. Then, about ten or eleven 
o clock, a maske of noblemen, knights, gentlemen, and courtiers, afore the 
King, in the middle round, in the garden. Some speeches: of the rest, 25 

dancing the Huclder, Tom Bedlo, and the Cowp Justice of Peace. 

p 309 (30 December) 


...To Whalley ward. Had young Mr. Holdens company to Haslingden. 
Staid all night at Abbey: verie merrie all wz th dancing.... 

1617/18 35 

AC Journal of Nicholas Assheton of Doumham Whitaker: History of Whalley 
p 309 (6 January) 

...Twelfth-day. At night some companie from Reead came a Mumming; 

was kindly taken: but they were but Mummers.... -*o 


AC Journal of Nicholas Assheton ofDownham Whitaker: History of Whalley 

p 312* (2 June) 

...Wee all to Prescod to a cocking. Sir Richard Coozen Assheton to Leaver. Sir 5 
Jo6Talbot, of Bashall, CooKn Braddyll, &c very pleasant. Tabled all night... 


...Sherborne, Starkee, &Cc. to Clitheroe: staid drinking some wyne: soe to a 10 
summer game: Sherburne s mare run, and lost the bell: made merrie: staid 
until, &cc. 2 o clock at Downham 


AC Journal of Nicholas Assheton of Doumham Whitaker: History of Whalley 15 
p 3 1 2 (7 January) 

...W/th COOZ^TZ Assheton home. Maskeing, gameing, other friendlie sports.... 



Inventory of Goods of Ralph Assheton the Elder 

JRUL: Suffield deposit, no 19 


The newe purler 

Item one pare of virginales vj s. viij d. 



Inventory of Goods of Ralph Assheton the Younger GMRO: E7/27/2/5 

p [2]* (25 June) 

In the Buttery Chamb<?r 

Item a chest & vj violins C s. 

5/ to LcaveryJirof Leaver (?) 

61 Tabled: in italic type in Wkitakfr s edition, probably representing italic serif t or underlining in original 



In the dyneinge parlour 
Item a paire of double virginalls xx li. ? 


In the Chamber next to the Nurcery 10 

Item two Trunckw &: one hot boye x s. 

P [6] 

In the Midle Chamber 
Item two old paire of virginalls xiij s. iiij d. 



Bond for Robert Deane, Servant LRO: QSB 1/49/10 

single sheet* 


Recognic/b capttf coraw lusticwn o predicto die et anno predictis &Cc: 
Robertas Deane de Boulton \\usbandman tentr domino Regi proseipso 
in x 1. 

lorwwwes Deane de Whalley in comitatu \zncastrie yeoman tentwr Domino 
Regi in x 1. 30 

Sub Condicione that the said Robm Deane shalbe and pfrsonallie appeare 
before his Majesties lustier of peace at the next gen^raJl quarter Sessions 
holden at Preston in Amoundernes in the countie of\3.ncaster then and there 
to answcre vnto such Matters of Misdemanor as at his comeinge shalbe laied 
vpon him conorninge the takeinge a Trible viall out of a Chist of Sir Raphe 35 
Asshton house of leaver. And doe not from thence depart w/ thout due Order 
of ye Court that then this Recognizance to bee voyd or otherwise in force to 
remaine &c. 
ad Rfsfondcndum 

"Comprfruit exon^ratur perdominum (signed) John Braddyll 40 




Examination of Robert Deane, Servant LRO: QSB 1/49/38 
single sheet* (15 December) 

Thexaminacj on of Robert Deane of Boulton in ye countie of lancastfr 
\\usbandman taken at Whalley in the said countie before lohn Braddyll 
Esquier one of his Majesties Justice of peace w/ thin this countie the XV th daye 
of decembfrr 1628 

Beinge exawiwed Confesseth & saith that hee beinge a hired servant to S/r 
Raphe Asshton of greate leaver, had free accesse to goe into any place of his 
said house at leaver where this examiem dwelled, and that hee tooke an 10 

Instrument called a trible viall forth of a Chist w^/ch was open in the said 
house of leaver and lent yt to a neighbor for three weelwand afterwards 
beinge att want of money, panded the said instrumwt to another man 

(signed) lohn Braddyll 



Presentment of Robert Deane, Servant LRO: QSR 25 1628 

mb 46d* (14 January) 

Sessions held at Preston before Sir Ralph Assheton, Sir Gilbert Hoghton, 20 

Robert Blundell, Alexander Rigby of Burgh, Radctiff Assheton, protonotary 
of the county palatine, Edward Veale, John Starkey, and Richard Burgh, 
justices of the peace 

Et quod Robmus Deane nurvrde magna leaver in comitatu Izncastrie 25 

husbandman vicesimo die Octobris Anno Regni Regis domini Caroli Anglic 
&c quarto apud leaver predictam in comitatu predicto vj et armis vnuw 
Instrumentttw anglice vocatw a trible vyall ad valencww octo denarwrww de 
bonis et cattallis ^{dominty R.a.dulph\ Ashton baronet adtunc et ib^m 
Inven/w et existertf/^WJ [fecit] cepit et asportabit contra pacem d/ cri domini 30 

regis coronam et dignitatem Suas 




Inventory of Goods of Richard Assheton LRO: WCW 1618 

mb 2 (24 November) 

In the parlor 40 

Item j paire of virginalles xx s 




Inventory of James Bankes LRO: WCW 1617 

mb 1 (12 August) 

Item a pare of virginaJls xxx s. 




Indenture between Roger Bruche and Sir Peter Legh 

JRUL: Legh of Lyme Deeds Box R, B No 20 

single mb (1 7 February) 15 

This Indenture, made the seavent(e)enth day of ffebruary(e} in the twoo 
and Thirtieth yere of the Raigne of our soveraigne ladye Elizabeth by the 
grace of god of England ffraunce and Ireland Queene defender of the faith, 
Betwene Peter Leigh of the lyme in the Countie of Chester esquier vpon 20 

thone partie, and Roger Bruche of Bruche in the Countie of lancaster 
gentleman vpon thother partie, witneseth That, wheras the said Roger 
Bruche by one Recognisance or writing obligatorye of the nature of a statute 
Staple bearing date w/th these presences, taken and knowleged before S; r 
"Edmond Anderson knight lord chief Justice of the comen plees standeth 25 
bounden to the said Peter leigh in the sumwe of one hundreth pounds as 
by the said Recognisance or writing obligatorye doth & may appere, Now 
the said Peter leigh doth covenant and graunt for himself his executors and 
administrators, to and w/th the said Roger Bruche his heyres executors 
administrators and assignes by these presences, That if the said Roger Bruche 30 
do not at any tyme during his life play at dice or Gardes except in the 
presence of the said Peter leigh and by his consent, And also if the said Roger 
Bruche do not at any tyme during his life play at Tables or Bowles or at any 
other play or game, above xij d. a game, nor do not vye or bett at Tables or 
bowles above xij d. a game, nor do not shoote bett or lay vpon any one 35 

matche shooting, or bett at any one matche shootinge above Twentie 
shillings, nor do not make or fight any battell at any Cockfight above twoo 
shillings a battell, nor lay nor hold any bett or wager at Cockfight above 
twoo shillings at any one battell, nor do not become bounden iointlye or 

17/ This Indenture: written in display script 221 witncscth: written in display script 

20/ Betwenr. written in display script 


severallye w/ th or for any person or persons, or as suertie w/th or for 

any person in any bond or sorrwze whatsoever w/thout the consent of 

the said Peter leigh first had and obteyned in writinge, That then the said 

Recognisance or writing obligatorye shall be of no force, or els shall stand 

in full strengthe and effect, In witnes wherof the parties abovenamed to 5 

these presents interchangeablye haue putt their hand and Scales the day 

and yere above written./../ 

(signed) Roger bruche 


"Sealed &: deliuirred by the said Roger Bruch 
in the presence of vs (signed) peter warburton 

Roger downes 15 

Thomas Allott 


1579 20 

Household Accounts and Inventory of Sir Thomas Butter 

BL: Add. MS 36926 

f lllv* (18-21 October) 

Item delyiwed my master that he paide for horsemeate in 25 

manc/wterat my Ladies firste beinge therewith xij d. to 

Sir EdmundTraffer mynstrells xx s. 




Inventory of Sir Cuthbert Clifton LRO: WCW 1 634 

mb4 (25 April) 

In Mr: waltons chamber 

I urn one Chist with Instruments of Musique 6 13 4 

5/ In witnes: written in display script 1 3- 1 4/ Sealed . . . vs: probably in Warburton s hand 

251 my master. Edward Butler, son of Sir Thomas 261 my Lzdier. Margaret Butler. Edward s wife 


I fern one Lute j 100 



Letter of William Farinrton the Younger to his Father 

LRO: DDF 2438/103 
single sheet* (7 February) 


My hvmble Dvty remembered &c./. I will not trooble yow at this tyme (good 
ffather) wrth many Circvmstances, only thussmvche I thowght good to 
certiffy fyow^ that when I am in London I am for the most part with 
Alderman ffarington whoe doth vse mee very kyndly when I Comm vnto 
hym. But as ffor any other hope to receave any proffitt by hym but his 15 

Cowntinance & good Cheare, which I doe cheeffly respect ffor my Credit, 
I ame altogether owte of hope. And althoe I doe exspect but smale kindnes to 
comm as yt were owte of his pvrsse, yet will I handle the matter soe wi(ss)el(y) 
god wiJlinge), as that his Cowntinance will dowe mee greate(r) good then an 
hundreth Pownd in gowlde./. If yt will please god to blesse mee w/th grace, 20 
lyffe, & health, & that yow will stand my kynde ffather, I make noe dowbt 
but I shall worcke my selffe fforth very shortly of all my troobles./ I have none 
soe great enymees as my owne kynssmen & Covntrymen,: But let them doe 
theire worst, & combyne them [them] selffes togeather to dowe mee all the 
villany they can: Yet I trust in god to lyve in despyte of them all, & to bringe 25 
my bussiness to a good end w/th Comfforth./ 

ffor Newes I thowght good to let yow vnderstande that vpon Candlemas 
night last there was a most statly Maske at the Cowrt, perfformed by 
the Queene, and the Ladyes, which as yt is thowght by them that had a 
hand in that bussines, Cost at the least (towe) thowsande Pownd./. The 30 

Commonalty doe somwhat (murmur) at suche vaine exspences, and thinckes 
that that mony wich (was) bestowed thes waies, might have bene conferred 
vpon better vses. But Quod supra nos, nihill ad nos./. 

Vpon the Sonday last at the Cowrt there grewe some vnkindnes betwene the 
Dvke. of lynax, and the Lord Haddington, commonly called Lord Ramsey./. 35 
they are both Skottssmen, and had yt not beene that the kynge hadd present 
notyce thereof, there had groen great Inconvenience therevpon. 
S/r I was soe bowlde as by my last letter to entreate yow and my mother ffor a 
Coople of the best Cheeses, which yf yt shall please yow to satisfy, I shall (god 
willinge) err longe salvte yowe w/th a more kynde & dvtiffull rememberance./ <to 
If yt shall pleas(e) yow to send them, I wowlde very willingly have them left 

19/ opening bracket omitted before god 33/ Quod ... nos: "What is above us is no concern of ours 


w/th Master Ellys Sompner, at the signe of the Bell, in ffryday street. And thus 
cravinge Pardon ffor my Bowldnes moste hvmbly desiringe your Blessinge w/th 
my mothers I most dvtiffully take my leave. Beseechinge the Almighty to blesse 
yow & your, and to send yow as mvche ComrTorth as yor hart desires./ 
ffrom Alderman ffarington(s) howsse, this seaventh day of ffebruarij: 1608 5 

yor dvtiffull Sonne till death 
(signed) W Fanngton 




Will of Richard FUetwood PRO: PROB 10 Box 439 

f y (Probated 8 July 1626) 

Item I give and bequeath unto my daughter Katherine both my lutes and 15 

the playeinge instruments which standeth in the Parler and the Royalls. 




Inventory of Robert Hesketh LRO: WCW 1 620 

mb 7* (16 November) 

Instrurruf7zt of Musicque praised 25 

Imprimis Vyolls & vyol(..)t w/ th Chist for them vij li. 

(...) paire ofVirginalls Is. 

(...) Chist of Wynd Instruments Sagbutts, Howboies & Cornens ij li. 

\\ern more Vyols violen, Cithron flute in veluet Case, taber pypes iij li. 

\\ern a Chist wrth Musicque bookes in vj s. viij d. 30 

Item one Coach & all ffurniture thereto belonginge vj li. i3 s. 8 d. 




Letter of Thomas Hoghton to his Brother Richard 

JRUL: English MS 213, letter 8 
single sheet* (6 April) 

Trusty & welbeloved these may be to Singnifye vnto you I have Receaved your 

28/ Cornetts: 3 minims in MS 



letter of the xiiijth of marche wherin I doe vnderstand tyoul [(.)] wold be 
glad to have me at home, I wold be as glade to be at home as you wold have 
me/ but not as you wryt vnto me w/thout lysence/ also you wryt vnto me 
that antony Stamper & Mr ottwey should geve coppes out of my letters yf yt 
be trew I have kepte them to longe wherfore I wold desyre you to send me 5 

word by your letter what profe you have of yt/ for tyll I heare from you by 
your letter I can hardly beleve yt/ I have spoken w/th them & they doe deny 
yt/ & desyre me to try yt to the vttermost/ wherfore I wold have you to send 
me all the profe you can therof/ I have Receaved o(ne> other letter from you 
of the xx th of marche/ wherin yo<u) doe wryte my lord keper & the queens 10 
Attorney genar(al) hathe comanded you that you shal not meynteyne neth(er) 
bryan nor any that comes frow me/ yet my trust is you will not see them 
want yf nede shall Requyre & (I) am glad they gave you no comandement 
cowserninge my selfe/ I have wryten you a letter hertofore in the faufore of 
my yonge men desyringe you to be good to them & see they shall not want/ 15 
I trust you will doe accordinge to my Request ether prevely or othe(r) wyse 
althoghe you have suche streyt comandement I am sore that all these trebles 
comes of my brether the wA/ch I never dezerved vnto them/ & that you and 
all the coumery dothe know welinoghe, 1 myst be cowtewt &c have pasyence 
&: Refarre all to god & let him doe his will, for I see yt is my fortune to be 20 
playdd in this world/ but yt is as welcow to me as all the pleysure I have had 
afortyme in this misarable worl(d) the world laghes at my brether at this 
prffient [A] and yt looksowrely on me/ I geve god thankwas well for my 
pane as they for thers/ I wuld have you to send for my virgenals which is at 
the lea to yor howse/ &: then you may let 1 Little antony have them to exersys 25 
his hanoW you may lett my brether vnderstand/ that I am sore they take 
suche weyes/ I never geving them cause, I wold be glad to here of ther 
amendment/ Thus Restinge to treble you any further from aquisgreyn this 
vj [ h of apreyll (blank) by yor lovinge brother 

(signed) Thomas Hoghton. 30 


Welcoming Speech to James I LRO: DDHo 474 

ff[l-lv]* (15 August) 


A Speech made to Kinge lames at his comeinge 
to Hoghton Tower; by two conceaved to be 

the Household Gods. luly i6i7. 

The first attyr d in a purple Taffata 

21/ playdd/orplaygd (?) 38/ \(>\7 underlined MS 

281 aquisgreyn: Aachen, now in Germany 


Mantle in one hand a Palme Tree 
branch, on his head a Garland of the 
same, & in the other hand a Dogge; begins 

This day (Great Kinge for Governvwt admir d) 

which these thy Subjects have soe much desir d 

Shall be kept holy, in theire Hearts best Treasure 

and vow d to lames, as is this month to Czsar. 

And now the Landlord of this Antient Tower 

Thrice fortunate to see this happy hower 

Whose trembleinge heart thy presence setts on fire, 10 

vnto this House (the heart of all the Shire) 

does bid thee hearty welcome, and would speake it 

In higher Notes, but extreame loy doth breake it 

Hee makes his Guest most welcome, in whose eyes 

Love tears doe sitt, not he that shouts & cryes. 15 

And we the Gods and Guardians of this place, 

I, of this House, he of the fruitful! Chase, 

since first the Hoghtons from this Hill tooke name, 

who with the Stiffe vnbridled Saxons came 

And soe have flourisht in this fairer Clyme 20 

successively from that, to this our Tyme. 

Still offeringe vpp to our Imortall powers 

sweet Incense, wyne, & odoriferous flowers 

while sacred Vesta (in her virgin tyre) 

w/ th vowes & wishes tend the hallowed fire, 25 

Now seeinge that thy Majestye we see 
(Greater then Countrey Gods more good then wee) 

wee render vpp to thy more powerful 1 Guard 

this House, this Knight t is thyne he is thy ward: 

for by thy helpeinge & auspicious hand 30 

he 6c his house shall ever, ever stand: 

and flourish in despight of envious fate 

and thou Live (like Augustus) fortunate 

And longe, longe, mayst thou live to wA;ch both men 

Gods, Saints, & Angells, say Amen, Amen. 35 

verte I 

The seacond Tutelar God begins: 

Thou greatest of Mortalls! [he s non-plust. 

241 n a/virgin corrected from another letter 39/ [he s non-plust: [scribal, to ut off stage direction 

30/ seconds o/auspicious corrected from another letter 


The 1 God begins againe: 

Dread Lord! the Splendor and the glorious Raye, 

of thy high Majestye hath strucken dumbe 

his weaker God-head; if t himselfe he come 

vnto thy service straight he will comend 5 

These fforresters, and charge them to attend 

Thy pleasure in this parke, &t shew such sport 

To the Chiefe Huntsman, and thy Princely Court, 

As the small Circuit of this Round affords, 

And be more ready, than he was ins words./ 10 



Will of Alexander Hoghton LRO: WCW 1581 15 

single mb* (3 August) 

. . . Item yt ys my mynd & wyll that the said Thomas houghton of 

brynescoules my brother shall haue all my Instruments belonginge to 

mewsyckw, & all marurrof playe Clothes yf he be mynded to keppe & 20 

doe keppe playeres./ And yf he wyll not keppe & manteyne playeiw. Then 

yt ys my mynde & wyll that S/r Thomas Heskethe knyghte shall haue the 

same Instruments & playe clothes. And I most hertelye Requyre the said 

S;r Thomas to be ffrendlye vnto ffoke gyllome & Will/am Shakshafte 

nowe dwellynge w/th me & ether to take theym vnto his Servyce or, els to 25 

helpe theym to some good master as my tryste ys he wyll . . . And whereas 

I the said Alexander &: the said Thomas houghton my yonger brother in 

consyderac/on of an Agrement betwene the said Thomas & me for the 

Establysshinge of all my manors Lands & Ten<?mants after dyum 

Remanded vppon the said Thomas & the heires malle of his bodye 30 

Lawfullye begotten. By or Dede berringe datte the Twentythe daye of 

lulye in the yeare of our lord god one Thowsande ffyve hundreth & 

ffourescore, and in the towe and Twentythe yeare of the Reigne of owr 

said Sou^raigne Ladye the quenes ma/stie that nowe ys/ haue graunted 

vnto Thomas ffletwoode sonne & heire apparente of lohn ffletwoode of 35 

penworthame in the said counrye of Lancaster Esquyre &: vnto Robert 

Talbote bastarde sonne of the said lohn TaJbote the AnewaJl Rente of 

Sextyne pounds Thryttie shillings ffoure pence Issuynge & goinge oute 

of certeyne my Lands & Tcnemzntes in wythnell in the said Countye of 

Lancaster. To haue omrevve & Take the said vearlve rente to the said 40 

18/ hem: written in display script 261 And: written in display script 


Thomas 6c Robert 6c theire heir ffrome the daye of the desease of me the 
said Alexander for & duringe the terme of the NaturaJl Lyves & of suche 
persons & persons &c of the longest lyver of theym As I the said Alexander 
shall declayre & appoynte in & by my Laste wyll & Testament in wrytinge./ 
yearlye payeable at the ffeaste of pentycoste & sanct martyne the byshoppe 
in wynter by even porcns, And ffurther as by the said dede more at lardge 
yt dothe & maye appeare. and for soe muche as the said Rente was graunted 
in suche sorte as ys aforesaid vnto the said Thomas & Robert onelye vpon 
truste &: confidence Reposede by me in theym that theye & theyre heir 
sholde suffer suche persons as should be nomynated & appoyrctede by me 10 

to haue & enioye the same in suche order & mantras should be by me 
derected. And not Intended nor mente that anye profyte or comodytie 
should growe thereby vnto the said Thomas & Rohme or theire heyres The 
which my Intenaon & meanynge, I truste that whosoeu<rr shall fortune to 
be the ludge for matters in the Chancerye ffrom tyme to tyme wyll see 15 

dulye executed accordinge to Equytye & good Consyence, Therefore for the 
playne declarac/on howe & in what sorte the said rente shalbe dysposede &: 
howe longe the same shall contynewe It ys my wyll ffyrste that the said 
Rente shall haue Contynewance vnto the said Thomas & Robert & theire 
heires for & duringe the natural! lyve & lyves &: of the longest lyver of these 20 
my servant^ that ys to weete, Thomas barton, will/am Rigbie, Roger 
lyffseye, lohn houghton, henrye bounde, wilbam Cloughe, Thomas Coston, 
lohn kychen, lames pembfrton, Robm Tomlywson, Rycharde ffysheweke, 
lohn Gotham, Thomas barker, henrye browne, myles Turner, Rycharde 
Snape, lames greaves, Thomas sharpe, George banester, lohn beseley, 25 

Thomas warde, Robme bolton, lohn Snape, Roger dyconson, ffoke gyllom, 
shakeshafte, Thomas [ormesheye al/ds] gyllom, wilbam r Ormishae 
Ascrofte, Roger dugdayle & margerye gerrarde./ And yt ys my wyll 
that the said rente shalbe devydette amongeste my said servants in maivr & 
forme folowynge, soe that there shalbe yerely due & payeable, vnto the said 30 
Thomas sharpe the some (of) three pounds syxe shillingeighte pence, 
vnto the said Thomas Coston Twentye shyllingw, vnto the said Thomas 
barker Twenty shyllyngw, vnto the said Roger dyconson Thryttyne shillinge 
foure pence, vnto the said will/am ormesheye aluK Ascrofte Thryttyne 
shyllingw foure pence, vnto the said Robm boulton Twentye shyllingw, 35 

vnto the said Thomas warde Twentye shyllingw, vnto the said ffowke 
Gyllom ffortye shillings, vnto the said willwm shakeshafte ffortye shyllingw, 

21 Lyves &>rLyve & Lyves (?) 271 [ormesheye ilias]: apparently crossed out 
5-6/ sanct ... wynter feast of St Martin, II November in the same hand which added the same 

18/ It ys my will: written in display script name below 

201 8i after lyves redundant 


vnto the said Thomas Gyllome fortye shyllingw & vnto the said Roger 
dugdayle fforty shyllingw. To eucrye of theym accordinge to seuifrall 
porczons, To haue & p<rrceyve vnto everye one of theym the said seuerall 
somes for & duringe theyre natural! lyves, And yf yt fortune anye of theym 
to dye Lyvinge the Reste. Then yt ys my wyll that the pora on of that partye 5 
that shall soe dye shalbe equallye devyded amongeste theym that shall 
survyve & soe frome one to one as longe as anye of theym shalbe lyvin(ge) 
soe that the survyvor of theym all shall haue for & duringe his natural! lyffe, 
the said whole & entyre Rente of Syxtyne poundw thryttyne shillyngw foure 
pence./ And yt ys my especyall desyre & I stratlye chardge the said Thomas 10 
ffletwood & Robm Talbote &: theire heires as theye wyll answere me before 
god that theye see my wyll in this poynte dulye & Trulye executed 




Inventory of Edward Ireland LRO: DDIn 60/26 

single mb (7 April) 

\\ern One ould vyall a pare of broken virginalls and broken 20 

woode in the loft for Cowp^r timber xv s. 




Household Accounts of Roger Kenyan LRO: DDKe 

f [2v]* (after 3 June) (London) 

given in A Morninge to Mustek xij d. 30 


1622/3 35 

Inventory of Sir Richard Molyneux LRO: WCW 1 623 
single mb (14 March) 

Item virgcnalls paires ij ii j 

5/ y of wyll written over another letter 10/ And yt ys: written in display script 

71 $ of as longe written over another letter 


Itmi Organes paires j v li. 




Inventory of Edward Moore LRO: WCW 1632 INV 

f [5v] (10 December) (In the closet) 

I urn aTrumpert xiij s. iiij d. 10 


1603 15 

Expense Receipt for Knighting of Sir William Norris LIRO: 920 Nor 2/620 
single sheet, recto* (after 24 July) 

\um to the master kooke vj s. viij d. 

\\ern [R] for the spores ([.]) iij s. iiij d. 20 
\\trn the Truwpeters xxxx s. 

\\ern to the Preacher iij s. iiij d. 

\\ern to the howse keeper vj s. iiij d. 

verso 25 

(s). by me Willm Cordel Master Cooke 
Receaued of Sir willunn Noris for the kinges Trompets fees xl s. 

(signed) N: Ward 



Inventory of Sir William Norris LIRO: 920 Nor 1/395 

f [5]* (30 September) (In the kitchen chamber) 

one drumwe xx s. 35 

20/ t of \\ern written over another Utter or mark 
20/ iij s. iiij d. corrected from another sum 
23/ vj s. c orrerted from another sum. possibly xj s. 
lit x (s). corrected from xl (?) 




Accounts of Executors of Robert Nowell CL: Mun. A.6.50 

f 11 4v* (27 July -29 August) 5 

To lames sir Thomas heskethe Minstrell xij d. 




Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 

p 20* (Payments) 15 

paid to huert the musycsun 13 September 1583 iij s. iiij d. 

1583/4 20 

Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 
p 27 (Payments) 

Inpr/m is paid to the players of Clytherowe 2 January 020 25 


Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 

p 37* (31 August- 16 September) (Payments) 

I^wMimo 003 



Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 
p 38 (18 January 1 March) (Payments) 


\\ern to cmen players 1 



Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 
p 39 (1-21 July) (Payments) 


Item mimis 4 d. &: paup<rrib.f 4 d. 


Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 
p 42 (Payments) 

Item to Charles leigh for repayringe virgynals 10. lulij 034 



Item /27 & 1 28 decewbi?r to 3. mynstrdls 009 



Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 
p 43 (14 January -25 March) (Payments) 

Item spent at Manchester in commissiorce urs5 lancasfri am 

& 5 d. paupmbus & 3 d. mimis (blank) 



Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 
p 44 (15-20 October) (Payments) 


\\ern at wigan per mr holcroft 2 s. paupmbus apwd Eccles 6 d. 
&C 2 fyferes 2 s. A f in worseley 1 046 

Item to Mr Carterston for tunyng the vyrgynals r 26 octobirr 1 12 




Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 
p 48 (1-31 December) (Payments) 




Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 10 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 
p 53 (5 March-2 April) (Payments) 

\tsmM\mo 002 


p 54 (1 July-25 September) (Payments) 

\\ern to my broth ei tirancis boy 4 d. & paupmbus 6 d. 

& mimo. 2 d. 1 20 


Household Accounts of Gilbert and Francis Sherrington 

Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 25 

p 57 (7-14 June) (Payments) 

\\ern paup^ri &c mimo 003 



Rental Book of Sir Richard Shireburn LRO: DDSt 

p 235 (25 July) 

tolls of bolton Item the same day Receued of edmund shyrburn the tolls of bolton in the 
mores that ys to saye on the fare even called scant margret even for tolls of 
besw iiij li. xvij s. iiij d. on the fare day beyng scant margret day viij s. viij d. 
for stallege wolls & horsses where of to the erle of Derbye for hys fourt p^rte 40 

38/ scant margret even: St Margaret s Ev(, 19 July 39/ seint margret day: Sr Margaret s Day, 20 July 



xxvj s. vj d. to the lorde movntegylle for the haJffe of ye same tolle 
liij s. & to me Ryc/xWshyrburn for my ffourtte p^rte xxvj s. vj d. whereof 
the holle Desseburssed for the stueres dcner & Ixxix persones w/th hym 
xxviij s. iiij d. to xvj tolleres on ye fare even v s. iiij d. to menstrelkf ij s. vj d. 
for or s^rvantw charges ye tyme of the fare x s. to some tolleres on ye fare 
day xvj d. & in Reward in thare afte housse xvj d. for [drynke iij s.] ye folye 

[xiij s. v d. clere] 

bolton in the 


Rental and Account Book of Sir Richard Shirebum 

Stonyhurst College: D.3.5.1 
f 61* (29 July) 

Ifcm the sayd xxix day of lulye 1572 Receyued of edmuwd Shyrburn 
Ivij s. ix d. ob. my Rent dwe at Scant margret day laste and for the wyketolle 
of bolton for my Rent thereof as I hawe granted the same to mr barton of 
smythes dewrynge my plesuer xij d. and for the tolle vpon the fare daye 
& the fare even at fyrste syght vj li. ij s. vj d. whereof the charges of or 
servantes ix s. xj d. to xiij tolleres vpon the fare even v s. x d. and to vj 
tolleres vpon the fare daye xviij d. for the charges of the stweerde xxiiij s. 
ij d. to menstrellvj d. to the balyffe for makynge the proclemaa on iiij d. 
whereof for my pane xx s. to my some iij li. xviij s. ix d. ob. 





Rental and Account Book of Sir Richard Shireburn 

Stonyhurst College: D.3-5.1 
f325* (2 April) 

lankester siyes Itnri the ij h day of Aprelle in the xvj yere of our quene elezabethe &c 

payed for my charges &: my ma w/th x horsses alle the syes wycke fyrste 
for my s^rvant mette \\delicet Ryc/wrd Shirburn of baley lohn holdon 
hugh lohnes george Rosse edward Shirburn Charles shirburn thomas 
panter Ryc/wr<^walton thomas wamsseley lohn yngham Alexsander 
Rychardson lohn porker lohn wendor & hugh lohnes mane beynge in 
nomber xiiij persones w/t/j my sone hugh bcvij s. x d. and for foure wynle 
of ottw vij s. haye to the same horsses v s. and horsse brede vj s. iiij d. and 
for somtor horsses thare mette xviij d. hugh lohnes Rychard Shirburn 
/ptfrkers 1 horsses ij s. vij d. and for shouynge xij d. of wyche /some for 1 
manes mette aforesayd the Crier hayed xij d. the poure xij d. the watto of 




16-17/ mr barton of smythes: Robert Barton (1524-80) ofSmtthiUs near Bolton 



ij d. & for wesshynge vj d. [fo the] a quare of paper [vj] iiij d. 

iiij li. xj s. iij d. 



Rental and Account Book of Sir Richard Shireburn 

Stonyhurst College: D.3.5.1 
f386* (23 July) 

The pamentw of the landwof walton & nevton as folowes &c 
ffyrste the xxiijth day of lulye 1 575 gyffyn thomas langton the quenes 
warde xx s. to hawe in hys pursse at the playe of lalande &c xx s. 


toll of bolton 

f351v (2 September) 

Iwn the same day of edmvnd shyrburne iiij li. xiiij s. vij d. dwe vpon 

scant margretweven & daye &c whereof the erle of derbye hathe [the 

one halffe elesse an] the fourt pme elesse anesse worthe the halffe and 

I a fourtte p*me whereof for the stuerdes dener for Ixxix* pfrsones 

xxxij s. ix d. to menstrelkv xij d. to the balyffe vj d. for tokynes iiij d. 

for wyne iiij d. to xv 1 * 1 toleres v s.-so Remanes to my parte liiij s. 

viij d. whereof my iiijth pane xiij s. viij d. 

f 466 (26 December) 

playeres Item the xxvj day of december 1575 gyffyne to the playeres ofwalton 

iij s. iiij d. iij s. iiij d. 





Rental and Account Book of Sir Richard Shireburn 

Stonyhurst College: D.3-5-1 
f387 (24 April) 

Item the xxiiij lk day of Aprylle 1 576 delyuered to my sone langton 
vj s. iiij d. to put in his pursse when he went to Rybchester to a coke 
fyght there vj s. iiij d. 



1 9/ elesse ajiesse worthe: Ellis Ainsworth 37/ my sone langton: Thomas Lanfton, the royal ward in Shireburn s custody 



f470* (c9May) 

Item at lankester payed to the cryator xij d. to menstrelles vj d. to the 
pore iij d. for drynge at chabelle of long Ryche vj d. for horssemete there 
xiiij d. shoynge ye horsse vj d. & for the [followej charges of edward 
shirburn vj d. for hys charges to [the{.. ye northe ij s. vj s. xj d. 


toll of the 
fare evene and 
daye &c 

f 42 Iv (2 August) (Toll at Bolton fair) 

Item the same second day of avgust Receyued of edmund Shyrburn 
vj li. xvj s. iij d. ower the day & yere tolls where of the Ryght 
honorabyll henrye erle of derbye hathe the iiij^ pane & gyll 
anseworthe the halffe of ye holle tolle & I but a fourue pwrfe where 
for steuerdw dener for Ixxvij p<rsones vpon ye fare day xxv s. viij d. 
for suger & wyne to ye stuerd xvj d. to menstrellw xvj d. for drynke at 
after dener ix d. vpon ye fare even for brecke faste dener &: soper of 
xviij c h p^rsones vj s. to xv** 1 tolleres v s. j d. & to ye sayd tolles xvj d. to 
balyffe for makyng the [pro clamac] proclamaaon vj d. for tokynes xij d. 
for paper ij d. [clere ower ye charges] 

xxij s. d. q. 






Item the xxviij k day of Avgust 1 576 payed for iiij shepeskynes & one 
pound glowe xxij d. 


f 47 1 v (c 7 September) 
the portytyfes Item to the organe maker thomas tovtelle mendynge the portatyffes x s. 



Inventory of Sir Richard Shireburn LRO: DDSt 

f [Iv] (26 August) 

Item one paire of Virginalls xx s; 





Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 1 LRO: DDKs 18/1 5 

p 26 (20-4 January) (Smithills) 

Item payed vnto the musicions of sir piter lyghe xij d. 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 

p 17 (I -7 July) (Smithills) 

Item geven vnto my lorde morlesse pleyeres ij s. vj d. 15 

p 18 (16- 26 July) 

Item geven vnto the wyethes of ponmfrete xij d. 20 

p 26* (15-24 October) 

Item payed to the mvsic/ones of mr trafforthe xij d. 25 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 

p4l (16-18 April) (Smithills) 30 

Item payed vnto mvsiciones of [S{.)r] Sur edmvnde trafforthes xij d. 

p 50 (23 July) 

Item payed vnto the mvsicions of mr tuttones xij d. 

8/ sir piter lyghe: Sir Peter Legh ofLyrne, ShuttUwonh s father-in-law 
20/ ponmfrete: Ponlefract, Yorki VK 



Item payed vnto a mvsicione of mr athertones vj d. 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 

p 88* (7-13 October) (Smi thills) 

Item geven to plaeres of Sur peter lyghe knyghte beinge his mene vs. 10 

Item geven to onne of the said mene to gete a letter conveied frome 
hornbie to barbone vj d. 

1588-9 15 

Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 
p 96 (27 December -5 January) (Smit hills) 

Item geven to the plaeres of prestone v s. 

Item geven to towe pieperes viij d. 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 18/2 25 

p 96 (6- 8 January) (Smithills) 

Item [payed] r geven 1 A to the plaeres of nante wyche ij s. 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO . DDKs 1 8/2 

p 171 (21 -8 December) (Smithills) 

Item payed vnto a mynestrall of lyghe vj d. 35 

12/ barbone: Barbon, Westmorland 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 

p 171 ( 1-3 January) (Smithills) 

Item payed vnto a piper vj d. 

p 172 (6 January) 

Item geven to the plaeres of downam ij s. vj d. 10 
hem geven to the wyethes of elande iiij d. 

Item payed to an other piper iiij d. 

1591 15 

Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 
p 180* (5- 8 April) (Smithills) 

Item payed to huete the wyethe of yorke ij s. 


p 2 1 4 (28 December) 

Item geven ye same daye vnto plaeres which came frome 

rachdall ij s. vj d. 25 

p215 (31 December) 

Item [payd] r geven vnto the 1 wyathes of hallyfaxe viij d. 30 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 

p 21 6* (5 January) (Smithills) 35 

In pr/ mys payed by the apponuwfwfe of my brother vnto playeres 

wA/eh came frome garstyngg ij s - 

Item geven vnto a piper iiij 


1 1/ elande: EUand, between Halifax and Huddersfield. Yorki 


p217* (6- 7 January) 

Item geven vnto playeres which came frome blacburne by the 
appontemente of my brother the same daye iij s. iiij d. 


(17-23 January) 

Item geven by the appontemente of my ladie vnto playeres wA/ch 

came furthe of cheshiere xij d. 10 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 

p 271 (26 December- 1 January) (Smi thills) 15 

Item geven vnto a pyper vj d. 

p 272 (2 6 January) 20 

Item geven vnto the wyathes of hallyfaxe vj d. 

1593/4 25 

Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO. DDKs 1 8/2 
p 312 (11 January) (Smit hills) 

[tern paid ye same daye to vij players w^ich came from 

Downeham ij s . vj d. 30 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 2 LRO: DDKs 1 8/2 

p 327 (31 August) (Smithills) 35 

Itim ye same daye to my Lord off Essex players w/?/ ch came 

hither to Smythills ye Sumwze off j: s 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleivorth 3 LRO: DDKs 1 8/3 
p 9 (29 December) (Smithills) 

hem payed the same Daye vnto a minstrell and one w/ th an eppe viij d. 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 3 LRO. DDKs 1 8/3 

p 9 (2 January) (Smithills) 

hew payed the same daye vnto fower minstrells viij d. 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 3 LRO: DDKs 18/3 15 

p 29 (5 January) (Smithills) 

\iern giuen the same daye vnto the p/aiers of dowzham v s. 

Ife-m giuen the same daye vnto the musisioners of Chester xij d. 20 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 5 LRO: DDKs 1 8/5 

p 74* (19-23 June) (Gawthorpe) 25 

A Reward Itfm gyven to A pypper vppon the Rearinge day by abreham vj d. 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 10 LRO. DDKs 1 8/8 

p 76 (25 November) (Gawthorpe) 

Item giuen to a piper by my masters appointment iiij d./ 


p 76 (2 December) 

Imn giuen to the Lorde of darbies plaiers by my masters 

appointnvwt v ) s - vii ) d - 1 40 

p 80 (30 December) 

to the piper of Padiham by my mitfris appointment vj d./ 

Item to foure musitians wA/ch came to gawthrope by my mistris 
appointment X1 J 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shutdeworth 10 LRO: DDKs 18/8 10 

p 81 (2 January) (Gawthorpe) 

Item to three musitians by my mistris appointment xij d./ 

p 88* (13 March) 

Item giuen to Distle and his companie the plaiers xx s./ 


(15 March) 

giuen to the Hallifax fidlers by my masters appointment xij d./ 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 10 LRO. DDKs 18/8 

p 92* (18 April) (Gawthorpe) 

Item giuen to the musitians at the manage vj s. viij d./ 30 

p 105 (25 July) 

Item giuen to my Lord Monteagles plaiers vj s. viij d./ 35 

p 113 (28 September) 

Item giuen to a pip^r by my masters appointment vj d./ 40 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 10 LRO: DDKs 18/8 
p 1 4 1 (5 October) (Gawthorpe) 

I urn giuen to the waites of Carlill xij d./ 5 

p 147 (25 December) 

Item giuen to a piper by my master his appointment vj d./ 


(27 December) 

Item giuen to the musitians, master Warren his men xij d./ 15 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 10 LRO: DDKs 18/8 
p 155 (9 May) (Gawthorpe) 20 

Item paid for a sacke butt att Clitherowe viij s. vj d. 

p 1 56 (12 May) 25 

Item giuen to a minstrell iiij d./ 

p \59(J4 June) 30 

Itmi giuen to a pipe-rat my master commzndement vj d./ 

(17 June) 35 

Itmi giuen to Wade the pip<rr ij s./ 

p 161 

Ife-m giuen to a piper at my master his Command iiij d./ 

p 163 (3 August) 

Item giuen to a beareward by my mw/ris xij d. 


p 164 (11 August) 

Item giuen to my Lor^ monteagles his plaiers at my masters 

commandment 1 s - 


(12 August) 

Item giuen to my r Lord ] darbie his plaires xxvj s. viij d.l 


p 165 (27 August) 

Item giuen to three fidlers X1 j <*./ 

(28 August) 

to Bell the pip^r iiij d./ 



p 167 (16 September) 

giuen to my Lor^/staffords plaiers xl s./ 

giuen to Arthure Gurney pip^r xij d./ 30 

(18 September) 

Item giuen to three fidlers xij d./ 35 

p 169 (7 October) 

Item giuen to distley and his companie my Lor^dudley his plaeres xxx s./ 40 

3/ my nurtris: Margery, Lady Shuttleworth 


IUMTI giuen by Thoraw Yate ro rwoe fidlers vj d./ 

p 171 (29 October) 

Itmi giuen to a piper iiij d./ 

p 172 (/November) 

Item giuen to the wates of manchestirr ij s. vj d./ 


p 1 73 (15 November) 

Item giuen to the pip^rof Clitherowe iiij d./ 


p 174 (31 November) 

Item giuen to a piper iiij d./ 


p 175 (10 December) 

Itrni giuen to a poore pip^r iij d./ 30 

(72 December) 

I&w giuen to my Lorde of darbie his plaiers vij s. iiij d./ 

p 176* (21 December) 

giuen to dynnley pip^r vj d./ 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 10 LRO: DDKs 1 8/8 

p 180 (20 January) (Gawthorpe) 

Item giuen to a pyper j " 

pi 82 (23 February) 

Item giuen to the fidleres of Heptonstaule by my masters 10 

A I 


p 183 (4 March) 

Item giuen to Distle and his companie vj s. viij d./ 


(6 March) 


Item giuen to Alexander Grunney pip*rat my masters commandment 

in steede of oates xviij d./ 

p 184 (11 March) 

Item giuen to the waites of weakfeld xviij d./ 

1613 30 

Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 10 LRO: DDKs 1 8/8 
p 187 (4 May) (Gawthorpe) 

Item giuen to three fidlers vj d./ 


p 195* (4-21 September) 
( )y Lord of Darbie his { ) xx s./ 




Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 12 LRO: DDKs 1 8/9 
p 3 (7 November) (Gawthorpe) 

Gifte./ Imprimis giuen by my masters appointmm, to distle 5 

&: his companie vj s. viij d./ 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 12 LRO: DDKs 18/9 10 

p 1 1 (13 January) (Gawthorpe) 

Gifte./ Itmi giuen to the tumblers boye vj d./ 


p 13 (25 January) 
Gift./ Ittm giuen to my lord Stafford his plaiers iij s. iiij d./ 


p 16 (11 March) 
Gifte./ Itmri giuen to three plaiers by my nutfris her appointment xij d./ 


p 17 (18 March) 
Gifte./ Item giuen to my lor^darbie his plaiers iij s. iiij d./ 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 12 LRO. DDKs 1 8/9 

p 1 8 (9 April) (Gawthorpe) 

Gifte./ lorn giuen to a pip^rat my imtfris her Comandment iiij d./ 35 

p37 (10 September) 


Item giuen to the waites v j <*/ 40 

p 47 (1 December) 
Gifte./ Item giuen to rwoe ftdlers by my masters appoyntment xij d./ 


p 49 (9 December) 
plaiers./ Icmi giuen to my Lorde Stafford his plaiers iij s. iiij d./ 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 12 LRO: DDKs 1 8/9 
p 52 (9 January) (Gawthorpe) 

Gifte./ hem giuen to Dynley pyper xij d./ 15 

Gifte./ Item giuen to Grurvzey for a newe yeares gifte for 

my rruV/ris ij s. vj d./ 

Gifte./ Item giuen to Alexander Grurwey for his Christmas 

playinge by my master appoyntment x s./ 20 

p 54 (26 January) 
Gifte./ Item giuen to fyve plaiers by my masters appointm<?t ij s. vj d./ 25 

(28 January) 
Gifte./ Item giuen to Parker trumpeter by my masters appoyntment v s./ 30 

p 58 (10 March) 
Gifte./ Item giuen to the queens plaiers by my masters appoyntment x s./ 35 

17/ G of Grunney written ovfrd 

(11 March) 

Itfm giuen to the wai res of Durrahaw by my masters 

appoyntment jjj s . 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 12 LRO: DDKs 1 8/9 

p 59 (25 March) (Gawthorpe) 

Gifte./ I&m giuen to the wait/fj of Liddes by my masters 

appoyntment xii d./ 

p65 (1 June) 15 

fidlers./ Item giuen to master Ratcliffes fidlers by by my masters 

appoyntrruw xij d./ 



Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 12 LRO: DDKs 18/9 

p 85 (27 January) (Gawthorpe) 

Gifte./ Ittm giuen to three fidlers xij d./ 25 


Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 12 LRO: DDKs 1 8/9 

p 127 (8 January) (Gawthorpe) 30 

ffiddles. Item paid for twoe fiddles vj s. viij d./ 

1621 35 

Household Accounts of Sir Richard Shuttleworth 12 LRo: DDKs 1 8/9 
p 136 (6 July) (Gawthorpe) 

Vyall. Itrni paid for a little viall iiij s. vj d./ 


17/ by by: dittografhy 


p 141 (30 September) 
ffidle Itmi paid by \ohn marshe for mendinge of a fiddle i] s./ 



p 142 (1-31 October) 
lutcbooke Item for a Lute booke xij d./ 

Lute case Item pd for a Lute and case xxv s./ 10 

Bandore Item for a bandore and case xxxiij s./ 



Household Account Roll of Thomas, Lord Stanley LRO: DDHi, Box 23 

sheet 2* 


...And ofxiij s. iiij d. payed Thomas pip<rrfor his wagis/... 
...And of xiiij s. payet mordoc trumpet be my lord biddyng... 


Inventory of Edward Stanley, Lord Monteagle PRO: SP 1/27 25 

f237v* (20 April) 

In my lord/?* Chambre. 
In custody Item iij Recorder pipes in A Case of Master Edwards 30 



Derby Household Book LRO: DDF 2429 

p 9 col 1* (18 July 1586-19 July 1587) 35 

(13 May) (Check-roll of household servants) 

Trompeters viz 

Ihon King 

Geordge Campe 40 

407 Campe: otiose suspension mark ovtr m 


p 13 col 1* (week of 2-8 July) (Latham House) 

On sonday S/r Ryc/wd shirbor/ze came & also mr comptrowler & mr 
Receyver from London, S/r RycAWmollynewx &t yonge mr Leigh mr 
Danyell, mr skillycorwe, mr braddill &c many others & the same daye mr 5 

stewarde wente awaye, on mondaye mr houghton mr comptrowller & mr 
receyver wente awaie, on tvsedaye mr standeley of alderley & S/r Ryckard 
shirborne went, on wendesdaye, mr clerke mychell was sent to London on 
thorsday mr Stanley departed, & the same daye my Lord of Leysesters plaiers 
plaied on fryday they plaied againe which day mr salesbury cawe & also mr 10 
receyver, & on satterday they departed awaye &C mr Sorrocolde a pretcher 

1587-8 ls 

Derby Household Book LRO: DDF 2429 
p 19 col 1* (19 July- 12 February) 
(27-30 December) (Knowsley) 

On Wednesday mr baron of walton &: mr Thomas gerrard came & on 10 

thurseday the sayd mr baron went awaie On ffryday my Lord the earle came 
home from the cowrte & the same night cawe my L<Wbushoppe, mr 
stewarde mr receyver mr foxe, on saturedaye S/r Thomas hesketh plaiers 
wente awaie, & the same daye mr Edwarde halsoll, mr Houghton of 
houghton & many strandgers came to knowsley./ 25 


Derby Household Book LRO: DDF 2429 

p 22 col 3* (26 September- 18 July) 

(6-12 October) (New Park) 30 

On sondaye mr Talbot the shirffe the person of wigan pretched mr baron 
of walton yong mr osbeston & on mondaye they all departed, & then mr 
warren cawe, tvseday mr more, mr henry Stanley ivnior came & wente, on 
Wednesday S;r Ryc^^r^mollynewx & S/r Ihon Ratcliffe, mr trafforth mr 35 

Fetter Leigh, mr bradshaw ofhagh mr Atherton mr winstanley came &: 
wente awaye, thurssday mr Ihon bradley &C the Qwenes players on frydaye 
mr dvtton mr brokes came &: on satterday they wewt. 


p 24 col 2* (29 December^ January) (Latham House) 

Sondaye mr Carter pretched at w^/ch was dyvers strandgers, on mondaye 


came mr Stewarde, on Tvsedaye the reste of my Lords cownsell & also S/r 

Ihon Savadgc, at nyght a playe was had in the halle & the same nyght my 

LWsrrandge came home, on wednesdaye mr fletewod pretched, & the 

same daye yonge mr halsoll &: his wiffe came on thursedaye mr Irelande of 

the hutte, on frydaye S/r Ihon savadge departed &: the same daie mr hesketh 5 

mr Anderton & mr Asheton came & also my Lord bushoppe & S/r Ihon 


col 3* (5-10 January) (Latham House) 


Sondaye mr Caldewell pretched, & that nyght plaiers plaied, mondaye my 
\jord bushop pretched, & the same daye mr trafforth mr Edward Stanley, mr 
mydleton of Leighton came on Tvsedaye S/r Ric/><m/shirborn mr stewarde 
my Lord bushoppe S/r Ihon byron & many others departed, wednesdaye 
my Lord removed to new pdrke, on frydaye mr norres & mr Tarbocke &: mr 15 
Tildesley came & wewte 

p 27 col 1* (6-10 July) (Latham House) 

Sonday mr Stanley of yollow &c his doughter &c his sone in law mr Leigh, 20 

mr Henry Stanley senior & mr henry Stanley Ivnior & many other 

gent/<?w<w & the vicker of Ratchedalle pretched the same daie the Qwenes 

plaiers plaied ij severall nyghtes, monday mr stewarde departed Tvseday 

S/r Ryc/w<^shirbore, mr recrytwgenerall & mr foxe departed, Wednesday, 

mr Edwarde halsoll o mr Cvtebert halsoll came, & so dydde my Lord 25 

strandge & his doghters also from S/r Ihon birons, & so dydde mr holcrofte 

mr lawes Anderton mr poole mr secratoryes mane & the next daye 


1589-90 30 

Derby Household Book LRO: DDF 2429 

p 28 col 2* (18 July- 18 July) 

(31 August 6 September) (Knowsley) 

Sondaie person of (blank) preached great companie mondaie mr Bold at 35 

dinwer tuesdaie mr Egerton, mr sheringtow the lawier & his brother came 

mr Bouthe wente my L/Wmy LWdudley S/r Ed*m/stanley mr \villiam 

etc. went to Lathome to hunt my LWdudley his mew stayed, saturdaie my 

IWmy LWdudley & all the rest came home my LWdudley brother in 

law came, the quenes players came & played at nyght my LW of Essix 40 

players came./ 


p 29 col 1* (7-13 September) (Knowdey) 

Sondaie mr Leigh preached the quenes playm played in the after none & 
my Lord off Essix at nyght, mondaie my IWand all went away Tuesdaie 
mr towneJay came in the evening to haue sene my Lon^wedensdaie he 
wewt home againe, thursdaie ij staggwere baked Saturdaie my LW& 
S/r Eduw^came home my Lor^dudley & mrwilliam Stanley went from 
my LWin Chester towards London:/ 

p 34 col 2* (15-21 February) (Latham House) 

Sondaie mr heatow preached mondaie my Lord&t lady strange dyned at 
marshal! frydaie S/ r Ric/>WShearburne came &t mr halsall Junior, this 
saturdaie my l^Wcame home, mr ffoxe came & a s<?rvant of the bishop of 15 

Canterbury players played at nyght, mr haJsall & mr osbaldeston Junior 

p 38 col 2* (21-7 June) (Knowdey) 20 

On sonday mr heaton pretched, on mondaye my Lor^rydde to Lathom, 

& the same daye mr william my Lords sone rydde towards London, on 

Wednesday my Lor^retorned, on Thurseday S; r Ihon Savadge mr dutton 

& the Qwiens playes came, on frydaye the departed & S/r JUndle brereton 25 

ca/we on satureday mr skaresbryk mr morte &t mr Jidwarde halsoll came./ 

Letter of Henry, Lord Scrape, to William Asheby BL: Egerton MS 2598 
f82* (20 September) 


After my verie hartie comendac/ons: vpon a lettre receyved from Mr Roger 
Asheton, Signifying vnto me that yt was the kinges earnest desire for to 
have hir Maiestts players for to repayer into Scotlande to his grace: I dyd 
furthwith dispatche a servant of my owen vnto them wheir they were in the 
furthest parte of I^angkeshier, whervpon they made their returne heather to 35 
Carliell, wher they are, and have stayed for the space often dayes; wherof, I 
thought good to gyve yow notice in respect of the great desyre that the king 
had to have the same, to come vnto his grace: And withall to praye yow to 
gyve knowledg therof to his Ma/>Jtie. So for the present, I bydd yow right 

25/ playes yo 

STANLEY OF KNOWSLEY 1590-1617 183 

hartelie farewell Carlislie thexxth of Septembre/ 1589./ 

yor verie assurdd loving frend 
(signed) H Scrope 


Funeral Book of Henry, Earl of Derby 

Knowsley House Library: NH 6 Cpd B H 84 

f [49] (12 July) (Inventory of the earl s goods at Latham House) 

In the Storehouse. 

iDrmjChist of violins 04 00 00 



Letter of William, Earl of Derby, to the Mayor of Chester 

CCRO: Great Letter Book ML/2/184 
p 1 1 5 (2 December) 


This Companey beinge my Lor^of Harforth his men and haveinge beine 

w; th mee, whose retorne and abode for this Christmas tyme I expecte, I 

ame to desire that if theire occatione bee to Come to the Cittie that youe 

will permit them to vse theire quallatie Lathome my howse this ij* of 

decembdr 1606 25 

(signed) your Loving frend 
wilUawi Derby 

post Cript I would Request you 30 

to lett them haue the towne hall 
to playe in He vale 


Book of Presents to William, Earl of Derby 35 

Knowsley House Library: NH 6B H 83 

f [108]* (18 August) (King James visit to Latham House) 

Itfm for the trumpeters and litter men beinge twenty and ffoure in number 
allowed for them three messes of meate 



Blundell Family Hodgepodge Book LRO: D DB I Ace 6 1 2 1 

f 259* (7 February) (Latham Home) 

A Prologue to a Swoord 5 

dance spoaken at Latham 
Vpon Ash Wednesday by William Blundel 


The common prouerb teacheth us to say 

tis hasardus with sharp edg tooles to play 10 

Yet we t increase your honors pleasuer shall 
adding more triumpths to this carnauall 
forgett ye muses hid those nimpths those dames 
and practyse with oure swords the olimpicke games 
be but auspitious to our platt while wee 15 

this night shall marse preferr to mercury 


A Masque at Knowsley House National Library of Wales: MS 5390D 20 

p 35* (6 January) (Knowsley) 

A Masque as it was printed at ye right honourable 
ye Lord Strange his at Knowsley on Twelfth night [640] 1640 

Christmas day ytft year lighting on Friday. 25 


1613-14 30 

Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 1 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [7v]* (7 February 7 February) 

(Payments for provisions for 3 1 December 1612 7 January 1612/13) 

Gyven to 7 Pyp^rs ij s. iiij d. 35 

Gyven to Mr Warrens men ij s. 

f [ 1 3] (before 3 April) (Disbursements) 

I fern gyven to the Waytw of WakefTeild xij d. 40 


f [24] (before 14 January) (Gifts) 

Gyven to the Pyper x s. 

Gyven vnto the waites of wakefeild xij d. 

Gyven vnto xj pypers iij s. viij d. 5 
Gyven vnto my Lord of Darby plaiers xx s. 


Household Accounts of Thomas WalmesUy 1 LRO: DDPt 1 10 

f [28] (7 February-? February) 
(before 24 February) (Disbursements) 

lorn Gyven vnto my Lord Mounteagles players xiij s. iiij d./ 

\\ern. Gyven vnto the waites of wakefeild xij d./ 15 

f [35] (after 26 September) 

Inpnmis gyven vnto my Lord Mountegles men the xiij 1 ^ of 20 

October 1614 x s./ 

Itmi gyven vnto my Lord Stafford^ men the xj th of 

November xiij s. iiij d./ 

\\ern gyven vnto S/r Edward warrans men the \\i\)^ of 

November v s./ 25 

Item gyven vnto the Waitw of wakefeild xij d. 

f [36v] (after 21 December) 


Itmi gyven key pyper x s. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 1 LRO: DDPt 1 35 

f [43v] (7 February - 7 February) 
(before 8 November) (Disbursements) 

Item gyven vnto my Lord of Darbyes plaiers the xxj ch of 

Xiij S. iiij d./ 40 


f[44v] (before 8 November) 

l&rm gyven vnto the Queenes players for 2 playes xxiij c ^ of 
October xxx s./ 

Item gyven vnto my Lord Stafford^ men for a playe xxviijth 5 

of October x s./ 

f [48] (after 8 November) 


Itmi gyven vnto my Lord Mountagles players 16 th of 

November vj s. viij d./ 

Itmi gyven vnto the Ladye Elizabeths men xx s. 

Itmi gyven vnto mr warrans men ij s. 

Itmi gyven the waytes of Halliffax ij s. 15 

Itmi gyven the pypers iiij s. 

Itmi gyven to Key pyper xiij s. iiij d. 

1616-17 20 

Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 1 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [ 52 v] (7 February - 7 February) 
(before 22 October) (Disbursements) 

Gyven vnto the Queenes players XX th of Aprill 1616 xxx s. 25 

f [56]* (17-23 August) (Kitchen provisions) 

Gyven vnto S/r Cutbard Halshay men x s./ 30 

f [60] (after 22 October) (Disbursements) 

Itmi gyven vnto mr. Warren men xij d. 35 

Item Gyven vnto my Lord of Shrowsburye men 6: th of 

November vj s. viij d. 

f[6l] o 

Ifc-m Gyven vnto the Ladye EY\zabeths men xxx s. 


f [62]* (Christmas) (Kitchen provisions) 

Gyven the pyper ij s. vj d. 

Gyven other pypers iij s. viij d. 

Gyven the wait xviij d. 5 

f[62v]* (23-9 January) 

Gyven vnto my Lord Stafford^ men xiij s. iiij d. 10 


Household Accounts of Thomas WalmesUy 2 LRO. DDPt 1 

f [4] (7 February 7 February) 15 

(March) (Disbursements) 

Item Gyven vnto my Lord Evers men xiijth of March 1616 vs. 

Itrm Gyven to my Lord of darbyes men xxij th of March 1616 xiij s. iiij d. 


f [ 1 3 v] * (12- 1 8 July) (Kitchen provisions) 

lulie 12 c h 1617 

Sir Richard paid for 6: veaJes iij 1 iij s vj d 25 

5S P^forjLambe iiij s. viij d. 

Companie&c paid for Suet jij s. 

paid for 4 piges viij s. x d. 

paid for 3 Beasse Tongw ij s. vj d. 

paid for bease ffeet iiij d. 30 

paid for xiiij Cople of Rabbetw xj s. viij d. 

paid for fowle xviij d. 

paid for 6 I. of Cherryes ij s. iiij d. 

paid for Garden peyes v d. 

paid for Eg v s. 35 

paid for Ayle v s. 

paid for Bread jjj s 

paid for Butter xxii s. 

paid for ffishe xxjjj s . x j. 

paid for the Charge of j man & j horse xviij d. 40 

paid for ffreshe water ffyshe iiij S- jj d. 

1 8, 1 9/ 16 1 6: underlined in MS 


Gyven vmo Sir Richard Houghtons man, for venison sent from 
Sir Richard vj s. 

Gyven vnto the wayw of Preston v s. 

Gyven vnto Two Cookes for helpe in the Keechinge xxvj s. viij d. 

Suwma x 1. xj d. 5 

f [7v] (2 August) (Disbursements) 

It/rm Gyven vnto my Lord of darbyes men 2 d of August 1617 xx s. 10 

f [ 1 6 ] (310 January) (Kitchen provisions) 

Gyven Key Pypifr v s. 15 

Gyven other Pypers iij s. viij d./ 

Gyven Sir Edi^*Wwarrans men ij s. vj d. 

{ (\Q\ (January) (Disbursements) 20 

Gyven my Ladye EYndbethsmen lanuarye 19: c ^ i6l7 x s. 

Gyven my Lord Stafford men lanuarye 24 th i617 vs. 



Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 2 LRO. DDPt 1 

f [20v] (7 February -21 January) 

(after 14 February) (Disbursements) 


Item Gyven vnto the wayt of dorham ij s. 

I&rm Gyven vnto the waitw of wakefeild xviij d. 

f [31v] (5-8 January) (Kitchen provisions) 

Gyven vnto Key the pyper vj s. viij d. 

10/ 1617: underlined in HS 23/ i617: underlined in MS 

221 \6\7: underlined in MS 



Household Accounts of Thomas WalmesUy 2 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [36] (21 January- 21 January) 

(27 February -2 March) (Disbursements) 

Item Gyven vnto the Waytw at wakefeild xviij d. 

f[38v] (9 July- 1 September) 

Item Gyven vnto the wayte* of wakefeild xij d. 

f [40v] (on or after 7 November) 


Item Gyven vnto the younge Prince men 7 th of November xx s. 

Item Gyven vnto my Lord Dudleyes men xiij s. iiij d. 

f [47]* (after 8 January) (Kitchen provisions) 20 

Item Gyven vnto Browne the Pypar x s. 

1620-1 25 

Household Accounts of Thomas WalmesUy 2 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [49v] (21 January 1619/20-24 January 1620/1) 
(before 22 September) (Disbursements) 

Item Gyven vnto my Lord of darbyes men i2 th of ffebruary J619 x s. 30 

f [5 1 v] * (25July-22 September) 

Item Gyven vnto the king players 25: th of luly xx s. 35 

Item Gyven vnto disley and his Companye v s. 

16/ the younge Prince: Charles, Prince of Walts, later Charles i 
30/ 16 1 9: underlined in us 


f [63] (25 November- 1 December) (Kitchen provisions) 

TKc Earlt of November xxv: th paid for a veale & a half viij s. viij d. 

Darbie plaim J^ m hau |f a mutton $ j 
one night. . . c 

Itnn 2 Lople or rabetw ij s . 5 
Item j murton of yowr owne 

Itmi 6 plou^rs xviij d. 

Item 4 Cocker xij d. 

Iti?m 6: Suyt^^ vj d. 

lorm ffishe & porrage iij s. vj d. 10 

I fern Ayle viij d. 

Itmi Eges viij d. 

Sumwa xxij s. 


f [61 ] (2 December) (Disbursements) 

\\ern Gyven vnto the Prince players december 2 d 1620 xxx s. 

ff [63 -3 v] (2-8 December) (Kitchen provisions) 
The Prince December 2^ prf/d for 2 veaJes xv s. viij d. 


Item 2 muttons of yor owne 

Ifern 2 Cople of rabet ij s. 25 

Itmi 2 dussen of Larkes iiij d. 

Itmt 4 ploum xij d. 

Itmi 2 Cockes vj d.l 

Ittm 24 fflookes xviij d. 

It/?m j Stabbine viij d. 30 

Itmi j mylwen xij d. 

Itmi portage x d. 

Itmi Eges viij d. 

Sumwa xxiiij s. ij d. 


(16- 22 December) 

The Kings December i6: th j veale and a haulf ix s. vj d. 

P lajers , Item j mutton of yowr owne 40 

one night./ 

1 3/ Sunvna. / minims m s 


Item 2 Cople of rabetw ij 

I^m 2 Cockes v j d. 

Item 2 ploum vj d. 

Item 4 Suyte/ iiij d. 

Sumwa xij s. x d. 5 

f 61 v (18 December) (Disbursements) 

Item Gyven vnto the kingw Players the xviij th of december 1620 xx s./ 10 

f [64v] (January) 

Gyven vnto Browne the Pypcr xiij s. iiij d. 15 

Item Gyven vnto the Lady Elizabeths Players 2 d of January 1620 xi s./ 

Item Gyven the pypers iij s. viij d. 



Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 2 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [67v] (24 January- 19 January) 

(12-13 February) (Disbursements) 


lum Gyven to the players of douneham 12 th of ffebruary 1620 X s. 

Gyven vnto the wait/?/ of Leedes 13* of ffebruary 1620 xviij d. 

f[80v] (after 5 January) (Kitchen provisions) 30 

Gyven lohn Browne the pip^r xiij s. iiij d. 

Gyven to other pypers iij s. 

Gyven to downeham players v s. 



Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 3 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [llv]* (19 January 1621/2-22 January 1622/3) 

(26 January- 1 February) (Kitchen provisions) 40 

Btadshaw 2 Inprimis paid for 3 veales xxiij s. 



the prince 
2 nights. 

Sir Richar 
one night. 

Item paid for a mutton 
Item 3 mutton of your owne 
Item [3] r 2i Cople of Rabbetw 
Item ptf/d for fowle 
Item ptf/d for a pige 
Item paid for Eg 
Item ffishe and portage 


vnj s. 

xx d. 

iij s. vj d. 


xij d. 

iiij s. vj d. 

xliij s. viij d. 

f [16v] (after 5 January) 

Gyven to the Piper 
Gyven to other pipers 

Gyven to the wat of Preston 


xiij s. iiij d. 
iiij s. 



My Lord 
so/me & 
Mr Marsh 
2 night Sf 
the King 
2 night/ 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 5 LRO: DDPt 1 

f[6]* (15-21 October) (Kitchen provisions) 20 

October the xv c h fish & portage from prestone iij s. iiij d. 

Item for Ale iiij s. & Eggs iij s. vij s. 

Item 4 quire of Browne paper Cost xij d. 

Itew paid for Earthen pott iiij d. 25 

Itew two muttons from the hacking nil 

Item paid for ffowle this weeke in all ix s. 

\\ern one veale x s. vj d. 

Itew paid for Capons & Chickins & duckw this weeke in all xiiij s. vj d. 

Summa xlv s. viij d. 30 


f [5] (14 December -17 January) (Disbursements) 
Itew giuen the kingw plaiers the 1 6^. of decembfr 
Itew paid the plaiers of Ribchester 
\\ern paid pipers in all during Cristmas 

xx s. 35 


ij s. viij d. 




My lord of 
a, nine his 



f [I4v] (4- 10 February) (Kitchen provisions) 

Item paid Ned Singleton the 4 th of February for fish 

&C portage 

Ittm paid for 3 Cuple of Rabbettw 

Item 3 Cock/-* & one patridge Cost 

Item ffranckw Chardgw 

Item paid for 2 veales bought in Clitherowe 21 s. & his 

Chardgw 3d. 

Item paid for 3 henns 

Item paid to whipp for trout 

\vrn3 muttons of our owne 


f [10]* (11 February) (Disbursements) 
It^wgiuen Bradshewe the plaier & his Companie 

iiij s. iiij d. 

iij s. vj d. 


viij d. 

xxj s. iij d. 


xij d. 


xxxiiij s. ix d. 

xx s. 

f [lOv] (2 March) 

disley the player & his Company the 2^ of March xiij s. iiij d. 

f [22vj* (3 -9 June) (Kitchen provisions) 
Mr Parkinsons Inprimis lune the 3<* fishe bought by Ned Singleton & portage 

4 night 

Plaiers one 

v s. 

Item paid for Ale xij d. & for Cack iij d. [xv d.j xv d. 
Item one veale bought in skipton Cost xj s. a quarter of lambe 

ij s. spent vij d. xiij s. vij d. 

\\ern paid for 2 lobsters the 4 th of lune ij s. 

Item ffresh water ffishe this weeke xiiij d. 

Item one veale of our owne Nil. 

Item one mutton of our owne Nil. 

Item one lambe of our owne Nil. 








f [18]* (11 June) (Disbursements) 

Item giuen plaiers being pirrie & his companie r the xi th of lune 1 

xx s. 






Item giuen disley the plaier for his reward the same day 

vj s. viij d. 

my \^dy 
Gerrard and 
mrs. Standley 
3. Nightcj 

mr Pirrie the 
player & his 
Compny 3 

mr Ashton of 
Whaley one 

mr. george 
Midleton & 
& mrs. Anne 
all weeke. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 6 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [9]* (11-17 November) (Kitchen provisions) 

November the xj c ^. fish & portage from proton by Nedd 


\\ern paid in clitherowe for 2 vealls xx s. 3 quarters of Mutton 

6s. 2 neat tongwx d. chardgw ij d. 

Item paid for an other veale this weeke 

Item paid by ffrancke for fowle in pn?ston this weeke in all 

Item for 3 cuple of Rabettw 

Item for 9 Neater tongw 

Item paid for aples 

Item paid for capons & Chickins this weeke 

Item paid for 12 Cockes more this weeke & bringinge them 

Item paid for a More hean this weeke 

Item 2 Muttons of our owne this weeke 


iiij s. x d. 


xj s. vj d. 
x s. ij d. 
ij s. vj d. 
iiij s. iiij d. 
xij d. 
xij s. v d. 
iij s. iiij d. 
ix d. 
iij li. xvij s. x d. 




f [4] (12 November) (Disbursements) 

Item paid to Pirrie the plaier & his Companie the 12 1 * 1 of 




Mr. thom<u 
his Wyffe 2 
& sonne in 
I a we. 

f [ 1 OJ * (29 December 4 January) (Kitchen provisions) 

December the 29 th paid by ffrancke for ffish in prrston 

Item paid whipp for fflsh the same day 

Item ffowle bought by ffranck the same day cost 

Item paid baron the same day for 5 cockes 

Item bought by francke the last of decembvr 20 cuple of Rabettw 

Item paid by him for ffowle the same day 

xx s. 

ij s. vj d. 

vj s. ij d. 

xv d. 

xx s. 

xv s. x d. 


3/ the same day: 27 July 

\6l cuple: corrected from cubic 

21 -2m/ & &: dittography 
23/ Summa: 6 minims in MS 



Mr. W7/iam 
Mr. Preston 
of holker 
4 nightw. 
Mr. Bradill 
mr Rishton 
his wyffe 
& mother 
ill weeke. 
& mr Huigh 

Bradshay the 
plaier one 

\\ern 2 neattong 12 d. chardg2 men & horses 14 d. 

Item paid \awrence yate of huncote for a veale 

Item to lohn hetoughe of Acrington for a veaJe 

Item to Henry Aspeden of baxenden for a veale 

Item to Robme Haworths wyffe of acrington for a veale 

Item paid ogdens wyfTc of highshutleworth for a veale 

Item paid ffeilden of whaley Banckes for a veale 

Item paid Thomas Hindle of Roagreave for a veale 

Item to Robert holden of Acrington a veale 

Item to lackson of totleworth Tor 2 piggs 1 [a veal] 

Item given one that brought Rabetttt from prton the 5 C 

of January 

Seaven Muttons this weeke 

Item paid Tom. wilson for a veale 


ij s. ij d. 

X S. 

xij s. 

x s. vj d. 

xij s. vj d. 

xiij s. 

x s. ij d. 

xij s. 

iiij s. 

xij d. 

xiij s. 
viij li. xvij s. j d./ 




f [6] (January) (Disbursements) 

Item paid to Bradshay the lA. oflanuary 

Item paid to the piper for plaieinge in ChrisDrwmas 

xx s. 
xiij s. iiij d. 



Item paid to pipers that came in christmas by Sutliffe 

ij s. iiij d. 



f[13] (21 March) 

Item given disley the Plaier the 2 1 ch of March 



mr. thomas 
his wyffe, 
& doughtir 
one night 

f [ 1 9] * (21 -7 April) (Kitchen provisions) 

April 1 the 21 h ffish & portage from Preston 

\tern paid the same day for a ffresh salmon 

Item bought in Clitherowe the 22th O f aprill one veale cost 

xj s. 3 d. halfe a mutton v s. ij d. a quarter of Mutton ij s. 

ij d. spent ij d. 

Item paid whipp for ffish this weeke 

Item paid for Chickins this weeke 


iiij s. viij d. 
iij s. 

xviij s. be d. 40 

xij d. 


mrsudall all 


& plaiers one 


Item one veale of our owne this weeke 


f [23v] (26 August) (Disbursements) 

\\ern paid bradshay &c his Company the 26 th day of August 

xxxix s. iij d./ 

xx s. 

Mrs. Hoghton 
of Pendlcton 
2 mght. 

Pirrie the 
plaier & his 
Companie one 


f [24] (September) 
\\frn given 2 Trumpiters 
Item given a lugler 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 7 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [ 1 Ov] * (1-7 December) (Kitchen provisions) 

December the first, ffish and portage from preston 

Item paid whipp for ffish this weeke 

Item 2 veal Is this weeke 

\\ern paid for xj neatw Tonges this weeke 

Item paid by ffrancke for Rabettw & ffoule this weeke 

Item his chardg at prton 

Item paid for 4 capons 

Item paid for a pound of packe threed 

\\ern one Muttne of our owne 



xij d. 
xij d. 

iiij s. vj d. 

viij d. 

xviij s. x d. 

v s. viij d. 

v s. ix d. 

viij d. 

iij s. iiij d. 

ix d. 


ij li. ij d. 






f [5v] (Disbursements) 

Item paid Pirrie the plaier & his Companie the same Daye 

xx s. 35 

f[6] (January) 

\\ern given the Musick of prton the 4 th of January 

x s. 40 

35/ the same Daye: 5 December 


Item given Thomas Lathom the p\per for pipeinge all 

christmas xiij s. iiij d. 

\\ern given other pipers that came in christmas ij s. iiij d. 

f[13] (February) 

Item given the wates of Ripon the same daie xij d. 

disley the plaier \\em given Disley the plaier the same daie iij s. iiij d. 10 

f [1 3v] (February - March) 

Item given the wates of Leedes the last of ffebruary xij d. 15 

Item given to fidlers the same daie vj d. 

Item given the fidlers of Peteley Brigg [xij] vj d. 

f [14] (4 April) 
Plaiers Ivm given Bradshay the plaier the 4 th of aprill x s. 




Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 9 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [4v] (Disbursements) 

plaiers Item given the kinges plaiers the same day xx s. 

f [5] (December -January) 


\\ern given Clitherowe Plaiers x s 

\\frn given mr sherburnes Plaiers the 3.d of January x s. 

\\ern paid Talier the Piper for all Christmas xiij s. iiij d. 


8/ the same daie: 17 February \jl t h e same d a j e: 25 March 

10/ the same daie: 23 February 31; t h e samc day: // December 


\\frn given vij pipers that Came in Christmas ij s. iiij d. 

f [ 1 3v] (February - March) 


\vm given the wates of Ripon the same day xij d. 

\\ern given the wates of wackfeild the same day xij d. 

Item paid the wates of leeds the 14th of march xij d. 10 

\\ern given the fidlers of wiglesworth xij d. 

f [14] (11 April) 15 

\\ern given the wates of hallifax the xj th of ApriJl xij d. 

f [15v] (7 May) 

Item given musitians that came from bradforth 7 C ^ of May vj d. 


\\ern given the musitians the same day vj d. 

f [26v] (20 August) 30 

Itsm given the wates of lancastfr the 20 th of august xij d. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 10 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [3v] (Disbursements) 

paid Bradshay &C his Company the same day xx s. 

6/ the same day: 22 February 27/ the same day: 27 July 

8/ the same day: 7 March 39/ the same day. 22 Octobtr 


f [5v] (10 December) 

g\uen disley the player & his Company December x th 


vj s. viij d. 

Mr Banister of. 
Ahham one 
this weeke. 

MufrLs Anne 
all this weeke. 


giuif musizians the same day 

f [6v] (January) 

paid the pyp<?r for playinge in Christenmas 

giusn henry the porter for viij p\peres in Christenmas 
giu/? to fidlers 

giu<r Will/rfm Bradshay for makinge songhes 


paid to my lorde of huntingtons pyper 

f [27 v]* (15 February) (Kitchen provisions) 

ffysh bought in prton by Ned Myller the xiijth of ffebruarie 

ffresh Eeles. vj s. x d. sixe Skeytes. vj s. vj d. a Conger, and one 

Myllwonn iij s. ij d. sixe Tenches, ij s. vj d. fflookes vj s. vj d. 

.3. salt Eeles. ij s. vj d. halfe a. iOO. of Red heareing. ij s. a iOO. 

of Sprotts. viij d. more in Red heareing. vj d. a Mett and halfe 

a pecke of Cockles cost iiij s. vj d. halfe a pecke of Muskles. v d. 

Leekes. iiij d. in Mustard seed, iij s. all ys. 

Charges for one man & .2. horses ye same one night 

payd to Whippe for ffyshe the xiiijth of ffebruarie 

payd to Roger Abbott the same day for ffower Teales. 

giuen to the Waytes of Rypponn the xvth. of ffebruarie by my 

Maysters appoyntment 

/i d. 

vj d. 

xxxix s. v d. 


xv j d. 

xvj d. 

xij d. 


xiij s. iiij d. 

ij s. viij d. 15 
vj d. 

vj d. 






8/ the same day. 24 December 


Sir Charles 


fTiue Nyghls. 

this weeke. 

Mr. Houghton 

of Parkhall and 

Mr. Hughe. 

Anderton ffiue 


one Mr. 


tTiue nights. 

Mr Daulton of. 




Mr. Thomas 


of Brynscoes .3. 


Mr. Pyrrie the 

Player and his. 

Companie .2. 



(20-5 February) 

ffyshe bought of Whippe the xxth of ffebruarie xiiij d. 

ffyshe bought in proton by Ned Miller the xxth of ffebruarie. 
ffresh Eeles. x s. iiij d. fflooks. x s. iiij d. one Brett, xj d. ffiue. 
Skeytes. viij s. ffower. Myllwons. v s. Nyne Tenches, iiij s. Twoo. 
Salt Samons. vj s. Smelts, iij s. iiij d. Halfe a .C. of Redheareinge. 
ij s. a C. of. Sprotts. viij d. 3. Pecks and an Aghendawle of 
Cockles, vj s. vj d. halfe a Pecke. of MuskJes. v d. Leekes. vj d. 
all which ys ij 1. xviij s. 

payd ffor a Dosenn of Wheate Caykes the same daye xij d. 

payd ffor Mustardseed the same daye xij d. 

Charges for himselfe & .2. horses one night ij s. 

ffowle bought in prton by Roger Abbott the xxth of ffebruarie. 
one Ducke. viij d. ffower snipes, and .3. halfe snipes, vij d. 2. 
grayplouers. x d. ij s. j d. 

giuen to a man that brought a Dosen Tenches, ffrom Mr. Standysh 
of Standysh ye xxijth of ffcbruary ij s. 

paid to John Myller this weeke for halfe a veale iij s. 

Sum ys iij I. x s. iij d. 




f[7v] (10 March) (Disbursements) 
gmert the waites of leedes march 10 th 




f [8] (March or April) 

g men Disley the player for one play 

x s. 


f[l4]* (19 July) 

g\\ien a sorte of Players which tearmet them selfes the lady 
Elizabethes players for playinge one night 

xx s. 




Mr. Houghton. 
of ParkehaJI. 
2. nights this, 

Mr. Guest they. 
Player and. 
his Compajiie. 
one night. 

Mirtris Ann. 
Houghton. all 
this weeke. 

Mr. Houghton. 
twoo nights, 
this, weeke. 

Mfris. Ann: 
all this weeke. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 11 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [8]* (2-8 October) (Kitchen provisions) 

Inprimis ffyshe bought of Whippe the seacond of October. xij d. 
payd to William Wyllcocke the same day ffbr Nyne and Thirtie 

Chickins xiij s. 
ffowle Bought in Preston by Roger Abbott the seacond of 
October. Eight grayplouers sixe Teales. 2. quylks. 2. 

greeneplouers ffiue Dosen of Pyrrs and Larkes. all cost vij s. iij d. 

paid for sixe Couple of Rabbets the same daye iiij s. 

giuen they man that brought they Rabbetoto p/wton. vj d. 
bought in Clythcrowe by Ned Myller the seacond of October 
.2. veales cost xiij s. vj d. one Mutton cost, vij s. vj d. seauen 
Neat^j Tongs, iij s. spent, ij d. xxiiij s. ij d. 

paid to Robert Lawe ye. 3th. of October, for xvij. Chickins iiij s. 

paid to Robert Lawe the same daie ffor .2. Pyggs. iij s. iiij d. 

paid to Robert Lawe the iiijth of October for ffme Capons. v s. 
payd to Thomas Aspdenn of Altham the vth of October ffor 

a veale. vj s. viij d. 

paid Rotvrt Lawe the vjth of October, for .3. Capons. iij s. 

paid Robert Lawe the same daye for Nyne Chickins. ij s. iij d. 

one Mutton of our owne this weeke. Nyll. 

Sum iij 1. xiiij s. ij d. 

ff [8-8v]* (16-22 October) 

ffowle bought in Preston by Roger Abbott the xvjth. of 

October, seauen Dosen of Larkes. j s. ix d. sixe. snipes, vj d. 

.3. grayplouers. x d. sixe Cockes. j s. ix d. Thirteene Teales 

and a Shellducke. iiij s. vj d. 

giuen to a Soulgeer by my Master, appoyntment the same daye 

giuen to 2. Players by my. Master appoyntment the same daye 

Bought in Clytherowe by Ned Myller the xvjth. of October. 

Twoo veales cost xv s. vj d. one Mutton, cost, viij s. viij d. six 

Neats Tongs, ij s. vj d. spent, ij d. 

giuen to a man of Mr Shirburnes of Wygelsworth. for brynginge 

ffyshe ffrom thence by my Master appointment 

payd to Robm Lawe the xvijth of October, fifor ffyfteene 

Chickins. iij d. a peece ys. 

ix s 

iiij d. 
vj d. 
vj d. 



xij d. 






11) S. 




Morris Ann: 
all, this weeke. 
Mr. Bradgcshey. 
the Player, 
and his. Com- 
panye one. 
Nyght this, 

payd to Willww Nellsons wyffe the same, daye ffor Ayle 

fFor Kitchinn. 

payd to losua Crossley wyffe the xixth. of October ffor Ayle 

and Caykes for. purler. 

payd to Robert Whalley of ffen yeate the. xixth of October 

ffor a veale. 

payd to Robm Lawe the xxjth of. October ffor three Caponns 

one Muttonn of our store this, weeke. 

Sum ys. 

iiij d. 
viij d: 

vij s. vj d. 
ij s. be d. 
ij 1. xiij s. ij d. 


f[9v]* (3-9 December) 

fflookes bought at Gaytes the third of December. iij s. iiij d. 

ffowle bought in Preston by Roger Abbott the iiijth of 
December .4. Cockes. xvj d. Eleauen. Snypes. xvj d. 

.8. Pyrrs & .3. ffeyldfayres. v d. iij s. j d. 

payd to William Nellsonns wyffe the same day for (A)yle 
for Parler and for other vses. xx d. 

Bought in Clytherowe by Ned Myller the iiijth of December. 
a veaJe and a hallfe. vij s. viij d. a Muttonn. v s. viij d. .2. 
Neats Tongs, x d. a pound of Packthreed. viij d. a pound of 
Rawzinn ffor they Cookes. iij d. spent, ij d. xvj s. iij d. 

paid to Will/a m Nellsons wyffe the vijth of december ffor 
Ayle for Parler viij d. 

payd to Alice Alston ye same day for a pecke of Aples bought 
of Robert Chewe of Potterfforthe iij s. iiij d. 

payd to Ewrom Ryley of Accryngton the vijth of December 
ffor a veale. viij s. 

paid to Robm Lawe ye ixth of December for 2. Capons j s. xj d. 

one Mutton of our owne this weeke Nyll. 

Sum ys j 1. xviij s. iij d. 

f [4] (9 December) (Disbursements) 

Bradshaw and his Company of players xiij s. iiij d. 







15m/ Hough- for Houghton; name started at the en J of a line with hyphen, but not concluded on line 
241 vijth corrected from vth (?) 



f [4v] (27 December) 

a Merye man that belonged to my lorde Strange 
the Pyper this Christenmas for playinge 


xiij s. iiij d. 

(7 January) 

iij. minstrellw this Christenmas iiij d. each 

ij s. viij d. 


Mr. Pyrrye. 
and his. 
twoo. Nights 
this weeke. 
and her Syster, 
one night, 
this weeke. 

f [ 1 9] * (21 - 7 January) (Kitchen provisions) 

ffyshe bought ofWhippe the xxjth of lanuarie cost vj d. 
Bought in Clytherowe by Ned Myller the xxijth of lanuarie. 
a veale. and a hallfe. xiij s. iiij d. spent ij d. xiij s. vj d. 
payd to Henerie Taylyer of Carterplace neare Haslingden 

the xxiiijth of lanuarie for a veale ix s. 

paid to Robert Lawe ye xxvth of lanuarie for 2. Caponns. ij s. 

paid to Robert Lawe ye xxvjth of lanuarie for .2. henns. xij d. 

paid to Robert Lawe ye xxvijth of lanuarie for other 2. henns xij d. 

Twoo Muttonns of our owne this, weeke. Nyll. 

Sum ys xxvij s. 



f [13v] (24-8 February) (Disbursements) 
the wayites of Nottingham 

xij d. 


(4 March) 

giutn the wayetwof Hallifax 

xij d. 


f [14] (22- 6 March) 


the waites of leedes 

xij d. 


f[18] (18-21 May) 

g\uen ij. players helpinge when the house was on fyre ij s. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 12 LRO: DDPt 1 

f[5] (4-30 January) (Disbursements) 

g\uen fyue pypers that Came to the gait this Christemas xx d. 

f[13v]* (6 March) 


f [13] (16 February) 

gmen the players Gest and his Company nott playinge 15 

febrwdry 16 C ^ x s. 


the waites of leedes xij d. 

(10 March) 


fidlers giu<77 the tomlinge fidlers when S/r Gilbart \\oughtonn was heare v s. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 13 LRO: DDPt 1 30 

f [5] (24-30 December) (Disbursements) 

players. giufTz players that Came frowwhaley xiij s. iiij d. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [4v] (1-3 January) (New Year s gifts) 

the pip^r ij s. vj d. will/am Eastham, ij s. Lawrence ij s. 00 06 06 



Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 13 LRO: DDPt 1 

f[5v] (January) (Disbursements) 


giue" to iiij. pipe-ra iiij d. a peece is xvj d. 

gmen the pyper for plainge this Christenmas xiij s. iiij d. 

fidiers. gmen the fidlers when bornley players was here v s. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 

f (5} (3-19 February) (Expenses) 10 

Itew giiuvz mrs. Elenor which she gaue the fidlers at 

Christenmas 00 02 00 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 13 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [1 5] (8-28 February) (Disbursements) 


f [22v]* (14-20 February) (Kitchen provisions) 

Mr. Ratclyffe ffyshe bought of Whippe the xiiijth of ffebrurfry ij s. x d. 

Houghton and. flookes bought ; n p rest on by Willwm WhaJley the xiiijth 25 

Mjims rarL -J 

Gyrlington or rtebruane. cost iiij s. vj d. 

ffowerNyghts p^id ffoT Twoo Muttons bought in prton by 

Mr. Hothecsall. Whalley the same day xix s. the one Cost, xij s. the other, vij s. xix s. 

and his wiffe 4. hj s Charges for himselfe & his horse. xij d. 

we ^ c fowle bought in Preston by Roger Abbott the. xvth of ffebruarie, 30 

Bumeley Pla- and sent hither .2. Dosen of Pyrrs &t 22. Dunns. iij s. iiij d. 

Mr $ ParkerV P a ^ to ^ r: ^yndle of Cowell the xvth ffebruarie ffor a veale. x s. 

Extwysle. Mr. ffyshe bought of Richard Phillypsonne the xviijth of ffebruarie 

, fflookes. iij s. Thomebackes and Blowes. iij s. vj d. in Sparlyngs. 

LordofHoume iij s. one Coddffyshe vj d. x s. 35 

S Giuen nim f r bringinge this fyshe. xij d. 

Twoo veales of our owne this weeke. Nyll. 

12/ mrs. Elenor: Eleanor. Thomas Walmesley s granddaughter 



f [ 1 5v] (29 February) (Disbursements) 

giitfTZ the waitw of leedes 

g\uen the fidlers of knasborough 

xij d. 
xij d. 

Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 
f[7]* (8 July) (Expenses) 

hew for supper & dinner at Shrawsburie w/th necesaries 00 10 08 

g\utn the prisoners xij d. for watinge xij d. giu/? a piper vj d. 00 02 06 


(9 July) 

Item at witchurch for supper and dinner w/th necesaries 
for watinge xviij d. giura the pore vj d. r musicke xij d. 1 


Itew att Chester for our suppers w/th necesaries 

for watinge xij d. iij. musickes iij s. g\uen the pore vj d. 

00 12 06 
00 03 00 

00 08 08 
00 04 06 

My Lord: 
one Nyght 
this weeke. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 14 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [9vj* (10- 16 October) (Kitchen provisions) 

ffyshe bought of Whippe the xth of October 

payd to Thurston the same day for a Dosen of Larkes bought 

in the house heare. 

payd for ij 1. of Rawzinn the same daye 

Bought in pnston by Wyllww Whalley the xjth of October. 

a veale. ix s. halfe a veale. iiij s. vj d. vij. Neats. Tonges. cost. 

ij s. xj d. his Charges, vj d. all is. 

payd to Robert Lawe the xvth of October for ffyue young 

Turkey es 

prfyd for sixe Chickins the same daye 


viij d. 




xvj s. xj d. 35 

iij s. iiij d. 
xviij d. 

4/ xij corrected from xx. 
1 71 03 corrected from 02 


Twoo Muttons of our owne this weeke 


Sum ys 

xxiij s. vij d. 


f[3v] (14-31 October) (Disbursements) 
my lorde strange players 

xx s. 



f [6] (December - 20 January) 
the players of whaley 

xx s. 

giutn the players for iij. playes 

giiwz the pip<!T his wagis xiij s. iiij d. &: ij s. over 

giiwzvj. pipers and fidlers this Christenmas 

xxvj s. viij d. 

xv s. iiij d. 




Mr. Shirburne. 
of Stonihurst. 
and his wyffe. 
and his sonne. 
all this weeke. 

Mr. Ryshton of. 
and his wyffe. 
and his Mother 
his Syster and 
his Brother 
all this, weeke. 

Stajidyshe all. 
this weeke. 

Mr. Wallmisley. 
of Showley. 
all this weeke. 

Players .3. 
Nyghts this, 

fT [ 1 2 - 1 2v] * (26 December - 1 January) (Kitchen provisions) 

Payd to Richard Osboldeston of byllington the xxvjth of 

december ffor a veale. 

paid to Nicholas Houlker of billington. the same daye ffor 

a veale. 

paid to William Woodd wyffe of billington. the same daye for 

a veale. 

paid to Lancelett Boultons wyffe of. Copthurst the same daie 

for a veale. 

paid to Richard Craven of Ashis. the same day ffor a veale. 

paid to lohn RawclyfTe of Padyham. the same day ffor a veale. 

paid to Emer Rishton the same day for a veale. 

ffowle bought in Preston by Thurston. thexxvijth of December 

.6. Cocks, ij s. iij d. 9- Grayplouers. iij s. iiij d. .8. Teales. iij s. 

4. Doson of Larkes. xvj d. .3. Morepoots. ij s. iij d. one Seapye. 

vj d. .4. Dosenn: and .7. Snypes. v s. viij d. .6. Duns, xij d. 

Tenn Thrushes and Redshanks, xij d. 

paid for Twelue Couple of Rabbetrc the same day 

paid for bringing theis Rabbets to prfstonn. 

Charges for himselfe & his horse the same day. 

payd to Edmund Cockshutt of Harwoodd. the xxixth of 

December ffor a veale. 


X S 

xiij s. 

XI] S. 

x s. 
ix s. 


xj s. 
vj d. 
iiij d. 

xx s 

iiij d. 
xij s. 
xij d. 
xviij d. 

xj s. 





ffowle brought by lohn Collye the. xxixth of December?. 

Teales and one Cocke. iiij s. .2. Duns & 4. snypes. xij d. v s. 

paid ffor .8. Couple of Rabbets the same daye. viij s. 

paid for bringing theis Rabbets hyther. xij d. 
payd to Edward Duckworthe of Dyncldey. the last of December 

ffor a veale. viij s. 
paid to Richard Houghton of Ewewoodd. the same daie ffor 
a veale. ix s. viij d.l 
Payd to John Rawthwell of Grayne the. Last of December ffor 

a veale. x s. vj d. 

One veale of our owne this weeke. Nyll. 

Eight Muttons of our owne this weeke. Nyll. 

Sum ys viij I. iiij s. x d. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [9] (1-7 January) (New Year s gifts) 

cchristofer woode, Thurston, and the pip^r each ij s. vj d. 

07 06 

Mr. Shirburne 
of Stonihurst 
his wyffe and. 
his Sonne all 
this weeke 

Mr. Ryshtonn of. 
his. wyffe his. 
Syster and. 
his Brother 
all this. weeke 

Mr. Hothersall. 
all this weeke 
Standysh all. 
this wcekc 

Mr. Haworthe 
one Night this 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 14 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [12vj* (2-8 January) (Kitchen provisions) 

Payd to Bryan Shutleworth of hapton. the seacond of lanuarie 25 

ffor a veale. vij s. x d. 

paid to George Hargreaues of ffearnehurst the same day ffor 

a veale. ix s. vj d. 

ffyshe bought in proton by Thurston the iijth of lanuarie. 

ffowerteene. Myllanns. xvij s. vj d. a hundrethe of fflookes. 30 

xiiij s. Twoo skeyts v s. ffower Stockes. ij s. viij d. all ys. j 1. xix s. ij d. 

paid ffor bringinge this ffyshe hyther ij s. 

ffowle bought in p/rston by Thurston the same daye .4. 

Wiggeons. ij s. viij d. seauen Dosen and a halffe of Pyrres 

iij s. ix d. a Mallard, x d. twoo Grayplouers. xij d. ffower 

Teales. ij s. x s. iij d. 

paid for Twelue Couple of Rabbets the same day xij s. 

paid for bringinge theis Rabbets to presionn xij d. 

paid to Robynn Coates ffor goeing twyse. to prton and rwyse 

to Stonyhurst. viij d. 



19/ echrwrophcr/or Christofer 


My Lord. Charges ffor Thurston and an other to. proton the iijth of 

St N?hts layers Ianu *"7 for ff y $he & ffowle xvi J d - 

this wecke. paid to Richard Phillipsonn by Roger. Abbott for ffowle sent 

the vth of lamwry ffower and ffowertie Dunns, and one 

Wyggeon and Carryage hither viij s. vj d. 5 

paid to Thurston the same day for a Curlewe xvj d. 

paid to Raphe Shutleworthe of Whalley the. vth of laniwry 
for sixe Pyggs this Christmas. xv s. 

paid to lohn Prockter of Darwynn the vth of lanuarie ffor 

a veale. x s. 10 

paid to Christopher Hyndle of Harwoodd. the vth of lanuarie 
ffor a veale. viij s. vj d. 

paid to Thomas Clayton of harwoodd. the same daye ffor 
a veale. viij s. 

paid to Richard Houlden of Ravenshore. the vth of lanuarie 15 

ffor a veale. viij s. vj d. 

paid to Richard Asheworth of Newellheye. the vth of lanurfry 
ffor a veale. xj s. 

payd to lames Ellis of Hygham the vjth of January ffor a veale ix s. 

paid to lohn Edleston of Whalleybanks the vjth of lanuarie ffor 20 

a veale viij s. vj d. 

One veale of our owne this weeke. Nyll. 

Nyne Muttonns of our owne this weeke. Nyll. 

Sum ys viij 1. xij s. iij d. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [ 1 1 ] (12 August- 4 September) (Expenses) 

for musicke at Selbie 00 01 00 



Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 15 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [4] (16-30 November) (Disbursements) 

players. giu^ Bradshaw and his Company xx s. 

f [5v] (24 December - 10 January) 

players. giiwz the players of whaley 


X S. 


giu/r pif>m and fidlers this Christenmas iiij d. a peece xvj d. 

f[ll] (5 April) 
players. g\uen the players not stayinge Aprill the v r h- 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 16 LRO: DDPt 1 10 

f [3v] (November- December) (Disbursements) 

players. giutn my lorde Strange players xiij s. iiij d. 


f [9v] (March) (Disbursements) 

g\uen the waites of Leedes xij d. 


f [19] (September) 

giutrt the waytes of Ripon xij d. 



Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 17 LRO: DDPt 1 

f[5v] (January) (Disbursements) 

January 1637. Imprimis giu/w the players the iijth day x s. 30 

piper giuen the pip<?r for playinge this Christenmas xiij s. iiij d. 

giiw ix. p\peres and fidleres iiij d. each after ould Costome iij s. 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [19]* (January) (New Year s gifts) 

g\utn the pir*rand will/am whaley, ij s. each 00 04 00 40 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [20] (31 May-4July) (Expenses) 

giutn a man wz th a hobble horse by Mrs. lulian 00 00 02 

giuen Raphe Crosse and the pip*r ij s. each 00 04 00 

4/ Mrs. lulian: Juliana, wife ofThomai Walmtsley t son Thomas; or elst her daughter of the same name 


(4 July -4 August) 

g\uen the musicke at knowsley ij s. vj d. giusn the woman 

brought breackfastw vs. 00 07. 06 10 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 18 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [3] (December January) (Disbursements) 15 

players. giiw the players this Christenmas frow Whaley xiij s. iiij d. 

players. giu/? the players this xij th - day xiij s. iiij d. 

pyprr giu/? the pip^r for playinge this Christenmas xiij s. iiij d. 20 

pepera. giuert fidlers and pypers this Christenmas euery one iiij d. ij s. iiij d. 

Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 25 

f [21v] (1 January -12 February) (New Year s gifts) 

piper ij s. ned mitton xij d. mr. Richarde for the bruster 

bowle vj d. 00 03 06. 


mrs. Sherborne of Twisleton v s. the fidler ij s. ij. nurses 

ij s. Chewe ij s. all 00 11. 00 

1639-40 35 

Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 
f [24v] (January) (New Year s gifts) 




Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [27] (7-9 January) (Expenses) 

Itew giujf mrs. Elenor to giue dicke the fidler 00 02 06 

f [29] (25 June -!? July) 

giu<r lames Lightoullers wch was giuen the fidlers 00 02 00 


Household Accounts of Thomas Walmesley 23 LRO: DDPt 1 

f [31] (January) (New Year s gifts) 

Thurston, and the piper ij s. vj d. each 00 05. 00 

Province of York and 
Diocese of Chester 


Bishop Scott s Visitation Articles GMRO: E7/ 1 21 1 12 


Concernyng the dewe maner of lyving of the laitie/ 

Also whether you here tell of any assembles or cowventicles wherein is redd 
previe lecturs sermons /or 1 playes to thindrance or derysion of the Catholike 


Archbishop Grindal s Injunctions and Visitation Articles STC: 10375 

sig C.iij. 

19 Item, that the Minister & churchwardens shall not suffer any Lordes 
of misrule, or Sommer Lordes, or Ladies, or any disguised persons, or others 
in Christmasse, or at May games, or any Minstrels, Morice dauncers, or 
others, at Rishbearings or at any other times, to come vnreuerently into 
any Church, or Chappell, or Churchyarde, and there daunce, or play anye 
vnseemely partes, with scoffes, ieastes, wanton iestures, or rybaulde talke, 
namely, in the time of diuine seruice, or of anye sermon. 



61 Whether the Minister and Churchwardens haue suffered any Lordes 
of Misrule or Sommer Lordes or Ladies, or any disguised persons, or others 
in Christmasse, or at May games, or any Morice dauncers, or others at rishe 
bearings, or at anye other times, to come vnreuerently into the church, or 
churchyard, and there to daunce, or playe any vnseemely partes with scoffes, 
iestes, wanton gestures, or ribalde talke, namely in the time of common 

^HH 30 



praier. And what they be that commit such disorder, or accompanie or 
maintaine them? 

CKurch and 


Archbishop Sandys Visitation Articles src: 10376 

sig B.iii.v* 

40 Whether any morice dauncers, rishe bearers, or any others haue come 
vnreuerntly into the churh or churchyard, and there daunced, or played any 


Bishop Chaderton s Visitation Articles STC: 10174.5 


First, whether ... yoursayde Church, Chappell or Churchyarde be abused 
or prophaned by any vnlawfull, or unseemely acre, game, or exercise, 
as by Lordes of misrule, Summer lordes, or ladies, Pipers, Rushebearers, 
Moricedancers, Pedlers, Bearewardes, and such like. Then through whose 
default, and what be the names of the offenders in that behalfe. 





Bishop Vaughan f Visitation Articles STC: 10175 25 


First, whether ... the sayd Church, Chappell, or Churchyard be abused or 
prophaned by any vnlawfull or vnseemely act, game, or exercise, as by Lords 
of misrule, Summer lords or ladies, Pipers, Rushbearers, Morris-dancers, 30 

Pedlers, Bearewards, and such like: Then through whose default, and what 
be the names of the offendours in that behalfe? 

* Prophaning 
the Sabboth 


Bishop Lloyd s Visitation Articles STC: 10176 


44 First, whether do any prophane the Sabboth day by vnlawfull games, 


10/ vnreuerntlyyrvnrcuerently 

10/ churh for church 

17. 28, 38/ First: ornamental initial^, followed by black-lmcr capital I 


by piping, dauncing, Stage playes, meeting at Aleberryes, drinking and 
tippling in time of common praier, or by working vpon the Sabboth dayes 
and holy dayes, since the xx. day of March, 1601, and what be their names 
that do so prophane the same? 


Archbishop Mathew s Visitation Articles sir: 10377.5 



38. Item Whether are there within your saide parish or Chappellry any 
Rush bearings, Bull-baytings, Beare-baitings, May-games, Morice-dances, 
Ailes, or any such like prophane pastimes or Assemblies on the Sabboth to 
the I hinderance of Prayers, Sermons, or other godly exercises. 



Bishop Morton s Visitation Articles STC: 1 1 76. 5 

sig B2v 


Ruihbearings. 39 Item, Whether are there within your said Parish or chappelry any 
Rushbearings, Bui-baitings, Beare-baitings, Maygames, Morrice-dances, 
Ales, or any such like prophane Passetimes, or Assemblies on the Sabbath, 
to the hinderance of Praiers, Sermons, or other godly exercises? 



Archbishop Harsnett s Visitation Articles STC: 10379.7 

P 9 


39 Item, Whether are there within your sayd Parish or Chappelry, any 
Rush-bearing, Bull-baitings, May-games, Morice-dances, Ales, or any such 
like prophane pastimes or assemblies on the Sabbath, to the hinderance of 
Prayers, Sermons, or other godly exercises? 


2 1/ Item: roman; rest of text black-letter 
3 1/ Item: roman; rest of text black-letter 



Archbishop Neiles Visitation Articles STC: 10380 


2 Whether hath your Church or Church-yard beene abused and 5 

prophaned by any fighting, chiding, brawling or quarrelling, any playes, 
Lords of misrule, summer Lords, morris-dancers, pedJers, bowlers, 
bearewards, butchers, feasts, schooles, temporall courts, or Leets, Lay Juries, 
musters, or other prophane vsage in your Church or Church-yard, any bells 
superstitiously rung on holidayes or their eeues, or at any other time 10 

without good cause allowed by the Minister and Church-wardens: haue any 
trees been felled in your Church-yard, and by whom? 

1634 15 

Bishop Bridgeman s Visitation Articles STC: 10177 


45 Item, whether hath your Church or Chappel, Church-yard, or 
Chappel-yard beene abused or profaned by any fighting, quarelling, 20 

chiding, brawling, or by any Plaies, Lords of Mis-rule, Summer Lords, 
Morris-dancers, Pedlers, Bowlers, Beare-wards, Feasts, Schooles, 
Temporall Courts, or Leets, Laie Juries, Musters, or other profane usage 



Archbishop Neiles Visitation Articles STC. 10380.5 



2 Whether hath your Church or Church yard beene abused, and 
prophaned by any fighting, chiding, brawling or quarrelling, any playes, 
Lords of misrule, summer Lords, morris-dancers, pedlers, bowlers, 
bearewards, butchers, feasts, schooles, temporall courts, or Leets, Lay Juries, 
musters, or other prophane usage in your Church or Church-yard, any bells 35 
superstitiously rung on Holidayes or their eeves, or at any other time 
without good cause allowed by the Minister, and Church-wardens: have 
any Trees beene felled in your Church yard, and by whom? 



Bishop Bridgeman s Visitation Articles src. 10178 


53 hem, Whether hath your Church or Chappell, Churchyard or 
Chappelyard beene abused or prophaned by fighting, quarrelling, chiding, 
brawling, Bearebaiting, or by any playes, Lords of misrule, Morrice-dancers, 
Pedlers, Bowlers, or of any feasts Schooles, Temporall Courts, Mustars, 
Faires, or Markets been kept therin, or hath any excommunicate person 
beene suffered to come into your I Church or Chappell, or beene buried 10 

therein in time of divine service, and when? 



71 Item, Whether are there any within your Parish or Chappelry who have 
used any sports or recreations upon the Lords day commonly called Sunday, 
which have not beene at Morning and Evening Prayer, or otherwaies then 
is permitted and allowed by his Majesties late Declaration published in that 
behalfe? 20 

5, 16/ Item: roman; rest of text black-letter 

County of Lancaster 


JPs Orders for Salford Hundred 

Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book 
f46v (21 April) 


Orders Taken at mannchester The xxj daye of Aprill In the xvjth yeare of 
the Queenes majesties Raigne ElizabffA That nowe ys &c By vs Edmund 
Trafforde lohn RadclifFe Rycharde Hollaunde ffrauncis Holte Rob*rte 
Bartonn Edmunde Ashetonne Randolphe Hurlestonn and Robme Worsley 
esquiers eighte of the Queenes majesties lustier of peace w/thin the Countye 10 
of Lancaster viz. 

That noe lustier of peace w/thin this hundred shall giue any Lycence 
to any minsuell or minstrel^ & those allreadie giuen be repelled and 
revoked. 15 


AC Ric ha rd Hollingworth, Ma ncuniensis CL: Mun. A.6.51 

f20* 20 

Anno 1579. In their times Henry E of Derby Henry E of Huntington William Lord 
Bishop of Chester r the fourth was thorns [Wilkinnson] Williamson 
afterwards D D. 1 & other her Ma/mies high comissioners being assembled 
at Manchester gaue forth good orders & Injunctions against pipers & 25 

Minstrells playing, making &c frequenting ales bearebayting or bull-baling 
on the Sabbath dayes or vppon /any 1 other dayes in time of devine service 
or sermons allso against superfluous & superstitious ringing, wakes & 
common feasts continuing in Alehouses drunkennesses... 




Report of Edward Fleetwood PRO: SP 12/240 

f292* (before 7 September) 

Lankisshire & Chesshire. 

By the Ecclesiasticall Com/Mission smale reformac/on hath bene had in 
those Counties as maie appere by the emptynes of Churches on Sondaies 
and hollidayes in the tyme of devine Smiice, multytude of Bastard, and 
abundance of dronckardw/. 



28. In Churche townes and in divers other places of those Counties, 

Cockfights and other exceedinge vnlawefull games are tollerated vpon 15 

Sondaies & holidaies at the tyme of devyne Smiice, And oftentymes thereat 
are present divers of the lustiowof the peace of the same Counties, And also 
some of the eccliasticaJl Commission^/ 


Report of Seventeen Lancashire Preachers Bodl.: Tanner MS 144 
f 28* (before 7 September) 

6. Wack, Ales, Greenes, Maigames, Rushbearingw, Bearbait /Doveales, 

Bonfiers 1 , all maner vnlawfull Gamin(ge) Pipinge & Daunsinge, and suche 25 
like, ar in all places frely exercised vppon ye Sabboth./ 



16. The Action of manage disturbed wrth many popishe Rit as By sundrie 
Crosses vsed of the parties them selves: by transposinge the Ring(e from) 
finger to finger at the severall names of the father the sonne fit the holy 
gh(ost: By) layinge downe and gevinge a large portion of money, as an 
Indowment of (the) woman: by bringinge the parties to and from the 35 

18/ eccliasticall for ecclesiastical I 

25/ Gamin(ge): right margin tightly bound; Raines, p 7, reads Gaming, but the other gerunds in this list 

end in e 

327 Ring(e from): right margin tightly bound; reading from Raines, f 7 
34/ ghfost: By): right margin tightly bound; reading from Raines, p 7 
35/ of (the): right margin tightly bound: reading from Raines, p 7 


Churche w/th Pipinge, (and) spendinge the whole Sabbothe in Daunsinge. 



The names of the Preachers in the Cowntie of Lancaster that geve Testimony 


(signed) Peter Shawe Edwarde ffletewoodde 

Oliuer Carter John Caldwall 

Willwm langley Edwarde Assheton: 10 

lohn Embleye Robert osbaldeston 

Leonard Shaw lames Smyth 
Miles Aspinall 

lames Gosnell Richard meidgley 

Peter White John ashworth 15 

Edwarde welshe Henry Sumner 

Proposals of Sixteen Lancashire Justices Concerning Sabbath Observance 

BL: Harley MS 1926 

ff 80 - 80v* (before 7 September) 20 

The Enormities of the Sabbothe are theis./ 

Wakes, ffayres, rrurkettw, bayrebayw, bullbaitw, Ales, Maygames, Resortinge 
to AJehowses in tyme of devyne service, pypinge and dauncinge, huntinge & 
all maner of vnlaw/ll gamynge./ 25 

The meanes howe to Refourme the same./ 

To geve in chardge at the publicke quarter Sessions to all mayors, bayliffes 
and Cunstables &t other civill officers, churche wardens &: other officers of 
the Churche to suppresse by all meanes Lawful! the saidde dysorders of the 30 
Sabbothe as also to presente the said offenders I at the quarter Sessions that 
they may be dealt w/th for the same soe farre as Lawe will beare, and for the 
preseme tyme to Apprehend the minstrelles beareward and other suche 
Lyke cheeffe aucthors of the saide disorders And them to bringe ymwediatly 
before sowm Justice of peace to be pvnished at theire discrec/bns./ 35 

That the Churchewardens & other Churche officers be Enioyned to Appeare 
at the quarter Sessions And theire to make presentment of all that neglecte 
divyne service vpon the Sabothe daye by absence or other wyse that they may 

I/ Pipinge, (and): nght margin tightly bound; reading from Raines, f 7 
8/ Shawe corrected from Shawper 


be Indicted vpon the Statute which Imposethe a penaJtie of xij d. for eume 
suche offence. 

ff81-2v 5 

lohn Byron, Ric/wr^Shirborn, Edmund Trafforde, Nicholas Banester, 
lames Asshton, Ric/wWBrereton, Ric/wr^Asshton, Bryan porker, Thomas 
Talbotte, John Bradshawe, ^Amund Hopwood Robme worsley, Thomas 
Talbot, Alexrf/zdlrrRigbie, lohn wrightington, EdmwWffleetwoodde./l 10 

The Condic/on of a Recognisance sen downe &: agreed vpon by the right 
honorable tterdinando L<WStrange, & the reste of her majesties lustices 
of peace w/ thin the Countie of Lanotsterto be taken of all that nowe or 
hereafter shalbe [A] Allowed to keepe Alehowse w/ thin the saide Countie./ 


...And also if the saidde (blank) do not hereafter Recepte or [keepe] receyve I 
into his saide howse, or sell or vtter anie Ale beare or victualles vnto anie 
mainteyner or vphoulder of anie disorders vpon the Sabothe daye, as of 
wakes, ffayres, markettes, Bayre beates, greenes, Ales, maygames, huntinge, 
bowlinge, Cockfightinge or suche Lyke. ... And alsoe if the saide . doe [fr] 20 

from hencefourth observe and keepe good order in his said howse & other 
places belonginge to him And also all &: eume suche orders & rules as are & 
shalbe sett fourthe & made by the I Justices of peace w/ thin the said couwtie 
of Lancaster for and Towchinge the goode gourrnemente & orders to be 
kepte by Ale howse keepers. That then this pr<?nte Recognisance to be voide 25 
and of none effecte, Or els to stande in full power strengthe & vertue./ 

Letter from Edward Fleetwood to Lord Burghley BL: Cotton Titus B.ii 
ff 239-40* (7 September) 


Right honorable) beinge, by yor especiall good favor, made acquainted 

wnh yowr honorable Action, concerninge the placing and displacinge of the 

Justices of peace in the Countie of Lancaster, I have thought it my parte 

to advertise yowr Honor of the Sequel! thereof. WAzch that I might the 

more fully be able to do, I bestowed my attendance at the Assises. where I 35 

perceived in them yai stand displaced no smale Indignation towardse those, 

whome they cowlde any way suspecte to have bien furtherors, or suppose 

to be favowrors of that honorable Action. Wherew/th also they presumed to 

possesse the right honorable the Earle of Derbie, as wzth a matter of no 

smale dishonor vnto him and depe discontentment. Wherevppon, for the 40 

20/ saide . : . apparently for .. standing for the name of the accused in an actual bond 


present time and place, I thowghte good (my selfe remayninge in som part 

of lelowsie w/th them) in generalise to lay fborthe (as occasion served) 

in the Pulpet to theire faces that, which before I had more particularly 

delivered to your }-\onor concern inge the corrupte state of the whole 

Cuntrie; that every guilty Conscience of them might gather vp that which 5 

was due vnto it. Whereof it pleased my Lords the Judges to take so good 

notice, that they delivered the chefe pointw thereof after to the lurors in 

charge, and the same also more specially recommended to the Justices of 

peace to be in theire continuall Service regarded. All which so nerely 

towched the guiltie Conscience of the discontented sorte, that they began, 10 

for the residue of the Assises, to plucke downe theire highe \ookfs, and 

somwhat better to pacify theire discontented mindrt, and to brooke theire 

emulated frend then befor they semed to do. After which imwediatly, 

when matters wer at the hottest, I also thowght good to attende the right 

honorable my verie good Lor^/the Earle ^of 1 Derby by way of accustomed 15 

duetie, which I accordingly did, thereby to geve opportunitie to his 

Lordship of speache in the premised matters, and my self also to win 

occasion to lay foorthe yai to his Honor concerninge the vnsowndnesse of 

divers of his Councell, as might either fully satisfy his Lordship, or at the 

lest clerely iustify yowr honors most considerat action. But I obteyned not 20 

one werde of the premised matter, thowghe I endevowred to sturre him 

vp thereto by many wordes of my parte vttered concerninge yowr honors 

direction of the Ecclesiasticall Commission. Whereof he semed to have 

great good likinge, and professed his best furtherance thereto, wherefore 

howsoever the discontented sorte (the rather to countenaunce theire 25 

discontented state) will seme to cast vppon his Lordship a prefixed purpose 

of discontented Expostulation, yet I am persuaded, when he shall come in 

presence w/th yor Honor it will be wholly turned into an honorable 

request of a most dishonorable matter. Wherein yat your Howorshowlde 

not be narowly overtaken, as vnfurnished of sufficient intelligence, I have jo 

w/th all speede addressed these my letters to yowr honor, as soone as I 

vnderstode of the Earle his suddaine departure towardse the Courte, by 

which to geve yowr Honor to vnderstande, yat, as our state standeth, the 

satisfaction of his Lordships request, or rather of the suggestion of som 

evell Instruments abowte him, shall breede not a litle Inconvenience to 35 

yor honor, his honor, theire reformation ya\. ar displaced, to the publiq<r 

service, and to the good estate of the syncere professors bothe of the 

Commission and of the whole Cuntrie. ffor, ffirst, it shall argue yowr 

honors former action of Insufficiencie, beinge in dede, in all Judgment 

of those yat feare god amongest vs, most discreetly syncerely and fully 40 

to all Tgood 1 purposes accomplished, bothe for the singuler comfort 

of the faithful! professors of the truthe, and the rare disparigement of the 


adversaries thereof in our Cuntri(e) Then it shall not a litle nourishe in the 

Earle that humor of carelesse securitie in tolleratinge and no way sowndly 

reforminge the notoriows backwardnesse of his whole Company in religion, 

and chefely of the chefest abowte him. In Sorrvne, it shall harden the 

discontented in theire former state of vnsowndnesse; it shall drive the 5 

zelowse gentlemen from the publiqi* service; and settle in the mmdes of 

all ye true professors an vtter dispaire of any good Course of Reformation 

hereafter to be taken in these partw, when they shall see yowr honors first 

action, and the same of so greate importance to theire well doinge, to 

receive so spedie and vntimely an overthrow, and thereby a marine wale (as 10 

it were) of currupte Magistracie sett vp here at home amongest vs against 

all good directions of yowr honors hereafter to be made from above. These 

Considerations (right honorable) have caused me to wishe the Earle to want 

in this matter som pane of his desire (whome yet I honor many wayes not 

unworthily) and so likwise any other, if such therebe, that seke to have 15 

theire privat humors of singuler Soveraintie still nourished with publiqwir 

discommoditie. Neither may yor Honor thinke that two or but one more 

of his Lordshipse Councell added (as, if it wer but Mr Halsall or Mr 

ffarington to the Commission, or Mr Rigby to the Quorum) shall worke 

no great prasiudice. ffor one bad man, amongest many, not all good, shalbe 20 

able to do no smale hurte. Halsall is a Lawier, praesented this laste Assises as 

a Recusant in som degree, ffarrington is as cunninge as he, not any thinge 

sowneder in religion thowghe muche more subtile to avoide the publique 

note then he. Rigby is as cunninge and vnsownde as either, and as grosly to 

be detected therein as Halsall. All three of them as busie Contrivers of 25 

daungerowse devises against the peace of the Ministerie, and free course of 

the Gospell, & directe procedinge of Justice, in all comwmon opinion, as 

any that ever bore auctoritie amongest vs. If there wer yet roome for any 

more of his Lordshipse Councell, it might rather be wished to mr Tildesley 

or Mr Scarsbricke, gentlemen of best note amongest the rest for honest and 30 

vpright dealinge in civill matters. But muche rather to be wished that his 

howorwowld be persuaded to howlde him selfe sufficiently contented with 

those three of his Councell and chefe abowt him, which your Honor hath 

allredie (vnrequested) freely geven to his Lordship: Namely, S/r Peter Lee, 

Sir RichWSherborne &: Mr Rigbey, all three of the same affection with 35 

the rest; and yet Rigbey as discontented &: as presumptuously I Vsinge 

his speche against your honors former preceding^ as any that remaine 

wholly expulsed. (But it may be that his honor or som other, the rather 

to gaine theire purpose, shall bringe in Question the state of the pnrsent 

Commission, in respecte, either, of the whole body of the Commissioners, 40 

or, of the particuler members thereof. Wherefore I thowght it also most 

expedient to lay foorth vnto yowr honor the sundrie observations which \ 


have made in this behaJfe. ffirst, for the whole body of the Commissioners, 
they ar so proportionably allotted to the several! part^of the Shire, as 
our store of sownde men wowld any way afforde: ffive or fowre or Three 
Justices at the lest vnto every hundrethe. By meanes whereof every 
hundreth hathe his sufficient Magistracie w/thin it selfe; and every Quarter 5 

Sessions (intertayninge (the most of them) two hundrethes) a compitent 
number of lustices; and the generall Assises, a full furnished Benshe of 
worshipfull gentlemen to countenaunce and attende that greate and 
honorable service WA/ch appered most evidently in the eie of all men this 
last Assises, by the most plentifull concourse of all the gentlemen lustices 10 

well affected from all partwof the Shire, providinge thereby, that, neither 
the common service specially layed vppon them showld be disfurnished 
of due attendance, nor the discontented sorte showld obteine any iust 
occasion to argue yowr honors direction of Insufficiencie, or them of any 
neglect of duetie. Where they imployed them selves so throwghly in the 15 

Cause of Religion, that there insued a most plentifull detection of 600 
Recusants by Othe presented, as also the Indictment of 87 of them 
(as many as for the time cowld be preferred to the lurie) and further a 
notification (by Othe) of 21 vagrant Priest vsually receipted in Lancashire 
and 25 notoriowse houses of Receipt for them. Suche ar the manyfolde 20 

Commodities, which we fele allredy by yor honors most sownde direction, 
in respecte whereof it is of all that desire reformation amongest us (as 
iustice of her children) most confidently iustifyed. The onely wante in 
generall is the want of sownde gentlemen in most partw of the Cuntrie 
(whereof, I assure my selfe, they that promote the Office agains(t) yor 25 

honors former direction will say litle). Herevnto yor honor conceived a 
most apte and necessarie supplie, namely, the attendance of the lustices of 
Salford Salford hundrethe at the Quarterly Sessions of other partof the Cuntry 

worst affected. To which effecte, it is geven owte, that yowr honor hathe 
allredy sent downe letters to the Earle. But I feare me his Lordships 30 

absence, and the synister Emulation of som of his Councell, as namely 
of mr ffarington (as I certainely here ()) will disapoint them of theire due 
successe. Wherefore it wer good yowr honors more special! letters were 
written to the gentlemen them selves, of whome I dowbte not but they shall 
inioy a most duetifull acceptance and a most effectual! regarde, to the greate 35 
cowmoditie of my self and others that dwell in the most desolate part 
of the Cuntrie from all goodnesse & good men. Then, for the particuler 
gentlemen by yor honors more special! direction assigned to this Service, 
(as namely; Mr Warren and Mr Talbot, most comwodiowsly borowed of 
the two Cuntries next adioyninge; Mr Banister and Mr Hopwood, for 40 

27-81 attendance ... Quarterly: underlined by iamt handas wrote marginale 


theire former most approved service pur forwarde to the (Quorum); Mr 

Wrightington and Mr Brodshaw, for the special! benifite of the Ministerie 

most happily planted in the parm where they bothe dwell, necessarily 

added; Mr Lancton and Mr Eccleston still retayned in places most 

disfurnished of able men for the Service) there is no exception to be 

taken, either, for their Gentrie, livings, affections in religion [and] good 

discreations and well furnished Experience for all partwof the Service, and 

so I beseche yowr honor to rest most resolute vppon my poore credit wz th 

yor honor which I shall be esely able to vphold in this matter w/th yowr 

honor by the most plentiful! testimony and Censure of my bretheren 10 

the preachers of the Cuntrie, and of the Gentlemen best affected in the 

Commission, if yowr ho0r require it of me. In the mene time I shall 

crave yowr honor to vowchsafe vnto me yowr special! letters vnto them of 

Incouragement and direction, hy which they shall not a litle be strengthened 

in the busy charge they have in hande, for the suppressinge of many 15 

vngodly Enormities of the Sabbothe, imposed vppon them by my Lords the 

Justices of Assise at the speciall instance of my selfe and som other of my 

bretheren. where I must not omit to signify vnto yowr honor the speciall 

good Countenaunce I inioyed at theire Llordshirv* handw, beinge in dede 

the more favorably bestowed vppon A r me\ as, vppon speciall notice, they 20 

had som way taken, and there openly professed, of yowr honors good favor 

towardse me. Where vppon I suppose your honor shall gather convenient 

occasion to make yowr honorable good likinge of theire effectual! preceding^ 

this last Assises in the cause of Religion to appere vnto them, whereby no 

dowbte they shall receive no smale incoragemewt to continue the same 25 

hereafter, to the greate comfort of the true professors and faithful! preachers. 

ffor the which I shall not cesse to be thankful! to the Lorde w/ th all my 

bretheren of the ministerie, by whych we shall inioye a most sownde meanes 

of thankfullnesse to your honor. / Concerninge my procedingw/th the 

Commission Ecclesiasticall, I have accordinge to your honors direction 30 

wholly possessed Mr Sollicitor therewith, and he farther required of me 

and Mr Goodman a full advertismewt of our manifolde Enormities, which 

A^y 1 mutual! Conference w/th all my bretheren I have redie furnished, 

and am therew/th the nexte weke to attende the Bishop and Mr Sollicitor 

by theire appointment. I feare no thinge therein but my Lord of Derby 35 

his discontinuance, lest it brede som inconvenient delay, but yowr honors 

continuall presence and redie minde shall werke us (I trust in the Lorde) a 

more spedie dispache. Thus, comwendinge my humble duetie to yowr 

honor, and yowr Sole and spirit and body to the most comfortable prence 

13-15/ your speciall ... in the: underlined in MS 


or Christholy spirit in you now and forever; I humbly take my leave from 

Wigan ye 7" 1 day of Septembe(r) 1 587 

Yor honors most bownden \n the Lord 
Edwarde ffletewoodde pastor of Wig(an) 


Letter of Edward Fleetwood 

Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book 
f 1 1 2* (7 September- 10 December) 

The enormities of the Sabothe in \zncashire are these./ 10 

ffayr, marketer, wakes AJes, mayegames, pypinge and dauncing bearebeato, 
bullbeatw, resorting to alehowses in tyme of dyvine service hvntynge 
hawkinge and all manwrof vnlawfull gamninge. The meanes to redresse 
these, as I am persuaded ys, by l^-m^es from the z.rc\\bishop of yorke; the 
righte honorable thearle of darby, a bushopp the lor^/Straunge; and yf yowr 15 

horcorthinke good to move the Chaunceler of the duchie, and the master 
of the rowles beinge vicechaunceler in \ancashire A r to loyne w/th" 1 These [to 
loine] & wryte ther \ettres to the lusticw of Assizes, the shereif & iusticw of 
peace in \ancashire that they g[y]iue chardge att euery ther assizes & quarter 
sessions to all maior, shereifa, bayliffecunstables & other ciuill officers, 20 

churchwardens &C other officers of the churche, to suppresse by all meanes 
lawfull, the said disorders of the Saobothe, as allso to pr^sente the saide 
offendounr/ an the assizes, that they maye be dealte w/th for the same so farr 
as lawe will beare. And for the prente tyme, to apprfhende the minstrell 
bearewardw and other suchelike chiefe authors of the said disorders, and 25 

them to bringe, imediatlie before some iustice of peace, and the said Justice 
to take them bounde, to appeare att the Assizes, there to answeare ther 
Contempte, before the Judges./ 


Letter from Derby, Walsingham, and Gerard on Sabbatarian Campaign 

LRO: DDKs 30/2 
p 17* (10 December) 

After our hartie Comwendac/ ons. Whereas by yor W/res sent vnto mee the 35 
Chancellor of the Dutchie of Lancaster there appeareth a genrall defaulte 
in the ffreehoulders and Constables at ye Quarter Sessions of that Countie. 
Wee haue thought good for ye more effectuall Reformac/on thereof as alsoe 
for ye better direction of that whole service, to Recomwend vnto you theis 
Articles herein enclosed Requiringe you, and yf vppon Consdtac/on 40 

amongest yorselves any inconveniences shall appeare in ye same, yow 
fourthwrth Certifie vs thereof, That wee maie vppon further Consideration 


giue you such direction as in that behalf shalbee expedient, but yf none 

such appeare (as wee trust there shall not) then wee nothinge double, but 

yow will from tyme to tyme imploy your best endeauor for ye effectuaJl 

execua on hereof, w^/ch wee take to bee noe lesse needefull in respect of 

those Articles you wrytt of, which ye Preachers of yo#r Countie haue 5 

exhibited, and yorselves haue signed, which alsoe now wee haue well 

approved as expedient for yor present estate, wherevnto yt were needfull 

that you annex some good direction to the Churchwardens for ye due 

levyinge & discreete bestowinge of ye penallties of those that are or shall at 

any tyme bee Indicted for absences from the Church accordinge to the 10 

Statute. Wherein yt were good that the saide Churchwardens beinge in 

many places (as wee here) men of the meanest qualitie should vse the advyce 

of their Ministers & preachers by you to bee assigned, in whome yt maie 

rest to Carrie some Convenient Consideraaon in this acc/on, both of 

the disabilitie of some and readie Conformitie of other some, that shaJl 15 

fbe^ome subiect to the saide penallties, which Course wee coulde wish 

might specially take place in the parish of Wigan in respect of ye greate 

nomber of ye persons that allreadie stande indicted therein. And soe wee 

Comitt you to the lorde. ffrom the Courte the X th of December. 1 587. / 

Vow assured ffrendes 20 

Henry darbie. 

fftancis Walsingham. 

Gill<rf Gerrard 

To the right Honnorable the \\j>rd 

Straunge & the Busshopp of 25 

Chester, And to the Sherif & other 
the lustier of peace within the 
Countie of Lancaster. 



Memorandum from Bishop of Chester to Privy Council PRO: SP 12/235 

f 146* (Summary of Report of Lancashire Preachers) 


The lords daie is general! ie prophaned, w/ th vnlawefull trades & Markettw, 
with heathenish and popishe pastymes, some tendinge to the Norrishinge 
of Idolatrous Sup^rsticran, other som to the encreas of horedome & 
dronkennes, All purposelie maynteynid & countenanced by ye Gentrye 
and better sorte, for the hinderance & defacynge of the Religious & holie 
excercyses of the Sabaoth/ 



Letter of the Privy Council to Henry, earl of Derby PRO: PC 21 1 9 

p 41 4 (23 June) (Greenwich) 

A Le rtre to the Earle of Darbye. whereas wee are informed that there are 5 

Certaine May gaimes Morryce daunces, Plaies Bearebaytinges, Ales and other 
like pastimes vsed ordinarilye in those Counties vnder yor Lordships 
lieutenancye on the Sondaies and hollydaies at the tyme of divine service and 
other godlie exercyses to the disturbance of the service and bad example that 
those kinds of pastimes should be vsed in such sorte and at suche tyme when 10 
men do assemble togeather for the hearinge of gods worde and to ioyne in 
Common Praiers, v/hic\\ sportes are moste ordinarilye vsed at those vndue 
seasons by suche as are evill affected in Religion purposlie by those meanes to 
drawe the People from the Service of God and to disturbe the same. Theis 
shalbe therefore to praie your Lordship by vertue hereof to give knowledge 15 

not onlie to the Byshop of that dioces of this Common and vnsufferable 
disorder but to give speciall direction to all the lustices in theire severall 
divisions by all meanes to forbid and not to suffer theis or the like Pastimes 
to be in anye place whatsoever on the Sondaie or holydaie at the tyme of 
divine service. And yf notwithstandinge this straite prohibic/on and speciall jo 
order taken any shall presume to vse the saide sportes or pastimes in the 
tyme service, sermons or other Godlye exercyses, yow shall cause the favorers 
mayntainers or Cheife offenders to be sent vp hether to answere this theire 
Contentious and lewde behaviour before vs. 



Orders for Sabbath Observance Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, No 28 

single sheet* (8 August) 


Orders to be observed w/thin the cou(n)tie of Lancaster sea downe by the 
lustices of peace w/thin the said countie by the appointment of the Judges 
of assise./ 

7 That theire be no Pippinge, dauncinge, Bowlinge, Beare, or Bull baitinge 35 

or any oth/rr prophanation vpon anie sa(b)oth daie in any pane of the daie 
or vpo anie festiuall daie in time of diuine seruice That the p^rs{on)s so 
offendinge be bound to the good behavior, and to appere as aforesaid./ 

(signed) Edward Bromley 40 

221 tymc/ortyme of 31/ cou(n)tie: tear at top of sheet 



The King s Declaration Concerning Lawful Sports 

MCLA: MS f 347.96 M2 
pp 14-15* (27 August) 


Whereas wee did lustlie in our progress throughe Lancashire rebuke some 
puritanes & pnrcise people and tooke order that the like vnlawfull cariage 
should not bee vsed by anie of them hearafter in the prohibitinge & 
vnlawfull punishinge of or good people for vsinge theire lawful! recreations 
&: honest excercises vpon sondaies &: other holidaies after ye afternoon 10 

sermond or service. Wee now fyndinge that two sortes of people whearw/th 
that cuntrie is too much infected (wee meane Papist & Puritanes, have 
maliciouslie traduced & calumniated theise or iust & humble proceedings 
& thearefore least or reputac/on might vpon the one syde (thoughe 
innocentlie) have some aspertion left vpon it & that vp<on) the other pane 15 
or good people in that Cuntrie bee not misled by the mistakinge or 
misin(ter)prftacjon of owr meaninge wee have thearefore thought good 
heareby to cleare & make or pleasure to bee manifested to all our good 
people in those partes. It is true y<zt at OUT first entringe to this Crowne 
& kingdome wee weare informed & that too trulie that our Cuntrie of 20 

Lancaster abounded more in papishe recusants then anie Cuntrie of 
England and this hath continued synce to or great regrm wz th little 
amendment save that now of late in our last comminge throughe the said 
Countie wee fynd both by the reporte of the Judges and of the Byshopp of 
that diocess that theare is some amendment) now daylie begininge which 25 

is no smale contentment vnto vs this reporte of this groinge amendment 
made vs the more sorie when wee heard with owr owne eares the generall 
complainte of the people that they weare barred from all lawfull recreac/on 
and excercise vpon the sondaies afternoone after the endinge of all devine 
service which cannot but produce twoe evills The one a hindringe of the 30 

Converc/on of manie whom theire preistwwill take ocasion heareby to vex 
perswadinge them that no honest myrth or recreac/on is lawfull or tollerable 
in or religion which cannot but breede a great discontentment in peoples 
harts especially of such as are peradventure one the point of turninge. The 
other inconvenience is that this prohibition barreth the comwon & meane 35 

sorte of people from vsinge such excersises as may make theire bodies more 
able for warrs when wee or or successors shall have occasion to vse them 
& in place therof setts vpp filthie Typlinge &: drunkennes &: breedes a 
number of ydle &c discontented speeches in theire Alehowses: ffor when 

U/ Puritanes: closing bracket omitted 23/ comminge: 8 minim in MS 

18/ heareby altered from hearebie 


shall the Comwon sorte of people have le(ave) to excercise if not vpon 
sondaies or holidaies seeinge they must plie theire labor & wi(nne) theire 
livings in all workinge daies. Owr expresse pleasure is thearefore y<n the 
lawes of owr kingdome & Cannons of owr Church bee aswed observed in 
that Countie as i(n) all other places of this owr kingdome & vpon the other 
part that no lawful! recreation bee barred to our good people which shall 
not tend to ye breach of owr aforesaid Lawes & cannons of our Church 
w/jsch to express more particulerlie Our pleasure is that the Bishops & all 
other inferior Churchmen & churchwardens shall for their partw bee 
carefull & dilligent both to instruct the ignorant & convince & r reYorme 
them yai are mislead in religion presentinge them that will not conforme 
theimselves but obstinatelie stand out to owr Judges & Justices whome wee 
likewise comand in yon case to put the Lawe in due execution against theim 
-Owr pleasure likewise is that the Byshopp of the diocess shall through 
all his said diocess take the like straight order w/th all I The [recusantw] 
puritanes & prrcesians w/thin the same either constraininge theim to 
conforme th(eim) selues or to leave the Cuntrie accordinge to ye lawes of 
owr kingdome & Canons of our Church & so to strike equallie one both 
hanoVj against the Contemners of owr authoritie & adversaries of o(wr) 
Church And as for owr good peoples recreation owr good pleasure likewise 
is that after the e(nd) of all devyne service our good people bee not letted or 
discoraged from anie vnlawfull recreac/on such as Pypinge dansinge either 
men or women archerie for men leapinge valtinge or any such harmeles 
recreation &c the women to have leave to Carrie rushes to ye Church for 
the decoringe of it accordinge to theire ould Custome but w; thall wee 
doe heare accounte still as prohibited as vnlawfull games to be vsed vpon 
sondaies onelie as beare &: Bull beatinge enterludes & bowlinge & likewise 
wee barr from this benifitt & lib(ertie) all such knowne recusants either 
men or women as will abstaine from Comminge to ye Ch(urch) or devyne 
service beinge thearfore vnworthie of anie lawful! recreation after ye sa(id) 
service that will not first come to ye Church &: serve god prohibitinge in 
like sorte the said recreations to anie that though conforme in religion are 
not present in the church at the service of god before theire goinge to the 
said recreation. Owr plesur(e) likewise is yat they whome it belongeth to 
in office shall present & sharplie puwiishe all such as in abuse of this our 
libmie will vse theise excercises before the endinge of all devine service for 
yat day. And wee likewise straightlie comand that ev^rie person shall resorte 
to their owne parishe Church to heare devine service & eich parish by it 

4/ aswed yoraiwel 27/ 35 beare: as redundant 

10/ re formc corrected from conforme 29/ Comminge: 8 minims in MS 

221 vnlawfull /orlawfull 


selfe to vse the said recreation after the service straightlie prohibitinge anie 

offensive weapons to bee caricd or vsed one the same tyme of recreation 

And our pleasure is that this OUT declarac/on shalbee published by order 

from the bushoppe of the diocess throughout all the parish Churches 

and that both our Judges of our sircuite & or Justices of the peace bee 5 

informed. Given at Gerrard Bromley the xxvijth day of August in the 

xvth yeare of or Reigne of England ffrance & Ireland & of Scot^zWthe 

Lj ch ./ Thomas Lake:// 

A further Comand from his ma/tie to bee observed 10 

&: published by the ministers & Curates in All Churches 
After that his ma/ tie was pleased to express his religious meaninge of 
grantinge recreation vnto his people vpon Sondaies & holidaies after tyme 
of eveninge service his highnes ha(th) furthermore Comanded mee to 
provide first A r yrft the 1 [that the] principal! ministers that bee preacherr 15 

w/ thin anie diocess doe instruct the people concerninge the lawfulnes of 
recreac/on vpon Sondaies accordinge to the limittw &C restraints set downe 
in his ma/Vrfies declarac/on secondlie to observe all such kind of people as 
are said to encline to a kind of ludaisme by neither eatinge meate themselves 
nor sufferinge others to dress it vpon vpon the Lords day concerninge 20 

whome yee ought to informe mee that the may bee reduced from yat error 
3lie yar. everie one of you doe reade the publicke service in the Church 
accordinge to ye forme of lethargic set downe in the booke of comwon 
praier lastlie yat in ye sermonds in the afternoone you exceede not the 
compass of an howre least that his ma/>/ties former favowrable Intendement 25 
& Indulgencie to his people may seeme to bee deluded thearby./ 
Thomas Cestreruw 

John Harwich, kpoviK^s Wing: B1008 

W 79 -%2* (August) 30 

45. And having committed this charitable and learned work to the blessing 
of God upon the hearts of the Readers, he betook himself to endeavour the 

6/ Bromley corrected from Bromleies 

8/ Thomas Lake: written in italic script, probably by same hand as text 

15/ preacherr yr preachers 

20/ vpon vpon: dittography 

2 1/ yee corrected from hee 

271 Thomas Cestren> Thomas Morton, bishop of Chester; written in italic script, probably by same hand 

as text 
33/ he: Thomas Morton 



reducing of the other adverse party, the Popish Recusants, wherein God 
blessed him exceedingly considering how great the work was, and how little 
time he had to bring it towards any perfection, being Bishop there not full 
three years. And of this we have a very authentick and ample testimony 
from royal! authority in the declaration of King James, concerning lawfull 
sports to be used, in these words: We were informed, and that too truly, 
that our County of Lancashire, abounded more in Popish Recusants then 
any County in England, and thus hath still continued to our great regret, 
with little amendment, save that now of late, in our last riding though our 
said I county, we find both by the report of the Judges, and of the Bishop of 
that diocess, (viz. this reverend Bishop,) that there is some amendment now 
daily beginning, which is no small content to us. 

46. Having thus fallen casually upon this declaration, it will be requisite to 
speak more fully of it, seeing this reverend Bishop was in a peculiar manner 15 
concerned in it. And the case was thus: It was no small policie in the leaders 

of the Popish party to keep the people from Church by danceing and other 
recreations, even in the time of divine service, especially on holy dayes, and 
the Lords day in the after noon: By which meanes they kept the people in 
ignorance and luke warmnesse, and so made them the more capable to be 20 

wrought upon by their emissaries: Which gross abuse this Bishop 
endeavered to redress in his primarie visitation. 

47. But it was represented to King James as a very great greivance, at 

his return out of Scotland through Lancashire, Anno. 1617. by some in 25 

Court who were too favourable to that partie. And his readiness to hear 

any complaint against a thing that carried but the name of a publick 

greivance, incourraged some to so much boldness the next Lords day 

after, as even to disturb the publick worship and service of God, by their 

piping and dancing within the hearing of all those that were at Church, 30 

whereof the King being fully informed by this Bishop, utterly disavoued 

any thoughts or intention of encourraging such prophaneness: and 

therefore left them that were guilty of it to the Bishops censure; which 

he inflicted only upon one, that was the head and causer of it, by way 

of publick acknowledge I ment of the fault, and penance for it; having 35 

formerly caused the Piper to be laid by the heeles. 

48. There wanted not some still to complain to the King of the Bishops 
proceedings herein as rigourous and tyranicall; considering that the chief 

thing they desired was only some Innocent Recreation for servants and 40 

9/ ihough/r through 


other inferiour people on the Lords day and Holy dayes, whose laborious 
callings deprived them of it at all other times: and thereupon to sollicit his 
Majesty for some favour therein, and the rather because it was the generall 
desire of most of that Country. Which the King finding to be true upon 
enquirie, and willing to give them satisfaction therein, consulted with this 5 

reverend person being the Bishop of that Diocess, how he might satisfy their 
desires without endangering this liberty to be turned into Licentiousness. 

49. The Bishop hereupon retiring from the Court at Houghton Tower, 

to his own lodging at Preston, considered of six Limitations or Restrictions, 10 

byway of Condition, to be imposed upon every man that should enjoy the 

benefit of that liberty; which he presented to the King in writing the next 

day; and which the King did very well approve of, and added a seventh; 

saying only, he would alter them from the words of a Bishop, to the words 

of a King. It is not to be omitted that Bishop Andrewes attended the King 15 

at the same time, and therefore in all probability was consulted in the same 

business; but all I can positively say in it, is what I have here said, and 

this I can positively say because I have often heard it from this reverend 

Bishops own mouth. And upon this it was that King James published his I 

Declaration of May the twenty-fourth in the 16. and 51. year of his Reigne, 20 

intituled [concerning lawful! sports to be used,] under these following 

Conditions and Limitations, which I think not amisse to insert, seeing 

all of them but one, (which I think is the first,) had their original! and 

first being from this reverend Bishop, viz. 


50. 1. That all unlawful! games should be prohibited on Sundayes, as 
Beare & Bull-bayting, interludes, and bowling at all times by law prohibited 
to the meaner sort of people. 2. That all such known Recusants, either men 
or women, as abstained from coming to Church, or divine service, shall be 
barred from this benefit and liberty; they being therefore unworthy of any 30 
lawful! recreation after the said service, that will not first come to Church 

and serve God. 3. All that, though conforme in religion, are not present at 
Church at the service of God before their going to the said recreations, were 
also debarred this liberty. 4. All such as, in abuse of this liberty, should use 
these exercises before the end of all divine services for that day, were to be 35 

Presented and sharply punished. 5. That every person should resort to his 
own parish Church, to heare divine service. And 6. that each parish by it 
self should use the said recreation after divine service. 7. And last of all. 
That no offensive weapons should be carried, or used, in the said times of 

21/ [concerning ... used.]: square brackets in original 


recreation. I have kept myself to the very words of the Declaration as much 
as I could. 

1626 5 

Suppression of Recusant Alehousekeepers and Musicians 

LRO:QSB 1/4/13 
f[l]* (27 March) 

Sessions held at Lancaster before Francis Harvey, judge of the common pleas 10 

Yt is ordered by the lor^/Haruey in open CourteThat the lustiou of peace 

in euerie their division W/ thin this Countie shall take a spetiall Care to 

suppresse all such alehouses, where the goodman of the house, or his wiffe, 

be recusanur. And alsoe to be carefull, no piper, ffidler, or other Minstrell 15 

in their diuisions being recusants shall passe, To sing, or make Rimes vpon 

paine of x li. vpon euerie Justice being herein delinquente. And the Clarke 

of the Crowne to giue Notice, of this order before the next Sessions, To 

thend he may publish the same, through the whole Countie//. 

Rigby 20 

Exemplificatum per me Mar. Baynnester 


Quarter Session Orders in Time of Plague LRO: QSR 28 

mb 12* (7 7 /(y; 25 

Sessions of the peace held at Ormskirk before Sir Charles Gerard, Gregory 
Turner, rector of Sefton, Thomas Ireland, John Atherton, Edward More, Henry 
Ogle, Henry Ashurst, and Edward Bridgman, justices of the peace 


Yt is ordered by the Cort that the Constables of eiurye Towneshipp w/thin 
the hundreds of derbye and leyland doe see and take Care that noe general! 
meetinges bee hadd or suffred to bee w/thin theire Townes eyther by maye 
games publicke shotingw Riminges pyppinges fidlinges danceinges fayers 
and markett<r.r other then for corne cattell victuall & other necessaryes for 35 

the sustenance of man and those w/th good care &: prudent lookeing vnto 
beeing a tyme much fitter for fastingw and humble prayer then for sport 
& lollytes And yf the said Constables of any Constabularyes shall offend 
or if any aJehousekee(p^r) or any other shall manteyne or keepe any such 
assemblyes or that any other person after notice given doe the second tyme 40 

34/ Riming/>0//yRuninges 


offend then vpon complc thereof made to any Justice of peace warrants to 
bee awarded against the offenders to take them bound to appeare and 
answer theire contempts before the Judges of Assyse 

Quarter Session Orders in Time of Plague LRO: QSO 2/6 

p 64* (14 July) 

Sessions of the peace held at Manchester before Sir Alexander Radclyffe, KB, 
Sir Cecil Trajford, Ralph Assheton ofMiddleton, Edmund Assheton, Edward 10 

Rastorn, Leonard Asshawe, John Greenehalgh, Robert Holt of Stubley, John 
Bradshawe, and Richard Worsley, mayor of Wigan, justices of the peace 

Yt is ordered by this Cort in respect of the pr<?sent & apparent danger the 

Cuntry is now exposed vnto by reason of the dispirrcon of the sicknes into 15 

sundry parts of this County &i other panes not farr remote of that aswell 

the seuifraJI persons w/thin the hundred of SaJford beeing of the trayned 

band as all others beeing vnder the degree of esq*>rs wA/ch the Constable 

of the Towneshipp or hamell wherein they shalbe resient & inhabiting shall 

appoint to watch or ward <[..]) shall watch & ward in theire owne persons 20 

according to the same direccon &c appointment duly &: carefully & if eyther 

the Constables bee deficient and carelesse in appointing watch & ward or 

bee negligent in keeping & Contynuing theire watch & ward during the 

same tyme [then vpon Complaint made to any Justice r of peace 1 warrants 

shalbee awarded agd/wt them to answer theire Conte(.) take them bound to 25 

the good behauiour & to appeare before the Judges of Assyse and] r or ] if any 

alehouskepdr shall manteyne keepe or pmnitt any publicke assemblyes to 

consort together to r vse & exercise 1 drinke^ng 1 dance^ng 1 pype^ing 1 fidleing 

bowling diceing Carding shooting or any [such] other such 1 exercise in 

theire houses or any other places w/thin theire goverment [That then] or 30 

if any person beeing warned to forbeare [any] to resort to such publicke 

assemblyes or vse any the games or exercyces afforesaid shall the second 

tyme frequent the same r during the tyme ([..]) of visitacon 1 That vpon 

Complaint made to any Justice of peace warrants shall be awarded against 

the delinquents to take them bound to answer theire contempts before 35 

the Judges of Assyses/ 

I/ complt j&rcompla/nt; abbreviation mark missing 
1 5/ disp<rcon for disprrt/on; abbreviation mark missing 
2\l direcconyordirecobn; abbreviation mark missing 
33/ visitacon for visitaa on; abbreviation mark missing 



Post- 1642 Records 

Information of William Newsham against Actors 

This record can probably be dated 6 January 1648/9, a few months after the Scots had invaded 
Lancashire on the king s behalf and been defeated by Cromwell at the battle of Preston, 
17 August 1648. The Lawe that Newsham refers to (1.1 1) is presumably the ordinance of 
31 August 1642, sent to the Lords on 2 September, forbidding stage-plays (Journals of the 
House of Commons, vol 2 (London, 1 803), 747a and 749a). There was, however, a renewed 
ordinance against staging plays in or near London passed on 22 October 1647 (Journals, vol 5, 
p 339b); that was passed, according to Leslie Hotson, because in that year the actors began 
their trade at the Salisbury Court, the Cockpit, and the Fortune, in quite an open and public 
manner - treating the ordinance of 1642 as a thoroughly dead letter ( The Commonwealth and 
Restoration Stage (Cambridge, 1928), 24). On 9 February 1647/8 parliament passed yet 
another measure for suppressing plays (Journals, vol 5, p 46 la). The fare offered by these local 
men at Christmas-tide was most likely a mumming. 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, QSP 10/22; 1648/9; English; paper; single sheet; c 155mm x 202mm; 
endorsed in a second hand. 



Information of William Newsham against Actors LRO: QSP 10/22 

single sheet* (6 January) 


To the Right wouhipfol the Justices of the Peace att the General! Quarter 

Sessions holden att Preston 

Willwm Newsham ofWoodplimton informeth that Certaine persons within 

Woodplimton and Places adioyning have this present Winter assosiated 

themselues &t loyned in Acting Playes &: Interludes in seuerall howses & 10 

places in this hundred of Amoundernes wA/ch Acting as it is against Lawe 

so this Informer supposeth the same to bee farr vnsutable for these sadd & 

10/ c of loyned written over A 


Distracted times & therfore desireth your Worses Order for the 
suppression of the said Playes. The Names of the Actors are. 

John Whalley 

Georg Taylor 

Edward Billington 5 

Christopher Hodgkinson 

Edward Charneley 

& (2) of lohn Halls sonnes w/ th 


William Newsham./ 10 

not to play or act hereafter but vpon Cumpld/ wt fiat wzrrantum presensl 

Prescot Court Leet Record 

The following excerpt from the Prescot Court Leet Roll of 1 668 fills a gap in our knowledge 
of the playhouse after it was converted into a dwelling (see p 80 above). Although the first 
section of this document refers to events of 161 5 also recorded on p 82 (from a contemporary 
roll), the account of the 1634 entrance of Edward Stockley into the tenancy is not elsewhere 
recorded. (There is an excerpt from the will of his father, another Edward Stockley, on p 81.) 
From the English draft version of the court records (LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1668, 
f 1 1), it appears that the descendants of John Mercer were contesting the rights of Stocldey s 
heirs by claiming that Stockley had entered the premises by abatement, ie, tortiously rather 
than legally. Richard Harrington, whose estate is mentioned on p 241, 1.23 below, originally 
built the playhouse; the younger Edward Stockley married his eldest daughter Jane in 1615 
(Bailey, The Elizabethan Playhouse at Prescot, pp 71, 76). 

Preston, Lancashire Record Office, DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1668; 1668; Latin and English; 
parchment; 3 membranes, attached at head; mb 1: 698mm x 325mm, mbs 2 and 3: 735mm x 332mm; 
text on dorses written tail to top; a part of an English deed, cut down, has been sewn to the tail of mb 3, 
and a further tag cut from the same deed has been attached to the end of that, to serve as a wrapper, 
endorsed, on the outside (which is the back of the original deed): 1668 in a contemporary hand, and in 
a modern hand DDKc in pencil and PC 4/78 in ink (former Record Office classmark and shelfmark 



Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1668 

mb2d (22 May) 

Court leet before John Entwistle, steward 

Et quod lohannes Mercer antehac de Eccleston iuxta Knowsley et nuper de 


Prescott prfdicta Freemason qui (pro et in consideracone duodecim librarww 

legalwmoneor Angl/ir r*r ip.rm in manu Solutarum Henrico Stanley Arm igero 

nu,ptr Scenescatto Manery de Prescott prfdicta) per Copiaw Curie Rotub dat/ 

nono die lunij Anwo regni pr^clari Domim lacobi nup^r Regis Angb> ffrancie 

et Hibernie &c decimo tertio Tenuit Sibi et heredibus Suis de Dominis 5 

Maner// prfdicti Secundum consuetudinem \\xdem vnam parce\\dm terre in 

Prescott prfdicta iacentem in Sup^riore fine de le Highstreet ducente erga 

Eccleston predictam props ad le Churchley field gate ContinerWw in 

\zW\idinem ad orientals* p^rtem inde nouam virgas et dimidiu/w pedis Et 

ad occidcntalifw pwrtem inde quinque virgas Ac contmentem in \ong\tudinem 10 

novendecim virgas Supfr quam parcelLzm terr<r structure fuit et est erects et 

modo stat antehac vsita&z pro domo voca&z a playhowse Et pro qua soluta 

est Schole de Prescott predicta annalw rcdditus duoruw solidoraw et sex 

denar/orw Ipse predictus lorwwwes Mercer moriebatur inde seizituy vel 

gressess^ secundum consuetudinem Manen} prfdicti Sup^r vel circiter 15 

Tricessimuw diem Maij aruzo Domini Dei Millessimo Sexcentessimo 

tricessimo quarto Et luratores predict! Super Sacramenta Sua predicta vlterius 

dicunt et prfsentant Quod cito post mortem \ohann\s Mercer vnus 

Edtvardus Stocley nupvr de Prescott ptedicta generosus modo defunctw^ 

intra.vit in prfmissa predicta et vertute Sepdrabww Sursumrcdditionum et 20 

admissionuw Sup^rinde habita et faaa ante et post mortem predict! \ohann\s 

Mercer ipse predictus Edivaidus Stockley et ipsi qui clamant subter illu/w et 

stat#w Riozr^i Harrington generosi defunct/ pro Spatio Triginw et \r\ius 

znnorum vel eo circiter quiete gavis/ premiss^ prfdicta et acceperunt 

redditum exitum et prof\cuum inde 25 

I/ consideracone /arconsiderac/one; abbreviation mark mining 

91 nouam /ornouem 

12/ soluta yorsolutus 

21/ habita et facta/orhabitarumct factarum (?) 

24/ gavis/y&rgavisi sunt 


Lancashire Entertainers 

The following entries extracted from Lancashire parish registers give names and dates for a 
variety of local entertainers - fiddlers, a fool, harpers, a jester, musicians, players, pipers, and 
waits. Some of these entertainers are found being paid for a performance in accounts in the 
main body of records. The dates range from the date of the earliest parish register extant for a 
given church to 1642. Some Lancashire parish registers survive from about the middle of the 
sixteenth century, but others begin only in the earlier pan of the seventeenth century. Episcopal 
transcripts made for the bishop of Chester have also been used. 


St Mary the Virgin Parish Register LRO: PR 3073/1 /I 




8 November 

26 April 
23 October 
26 March 

1 1 April 

1 8 March 
23 January 

12 September 

17 September 

Bishop s Transcripts LRO: DRB 2/4 
1641 13june 

Thomas, base son of 

Thomas MeatcaJf, piper 
John Fishe, piper 
Thomas Smyth, fiddler 
Elizabeth, daughter of 

Richard Holte, fiddler 
James Browne, piper 
Hamlet Hope, piper 
a pipers child 
Richard, son of Robert 

Browne, player, stranger 
Elizabeth, daughter of 

George Hall, player, 


Thomas, son of Thomas 
Bragger, fiddler 

buried (f65v) 

buried (f 68) 
buried (f 73v) 
christened (f 39v) 

buried (f81v) 
buried (f 85) 
buried (f86v) 
christened (f 54v) 

christened (f 54v) 

christened (f 1) 



St Peter Parish Register LRO: PR 3027/ 1 / 1 

1627 10 July Edmund Jacksonn, piper 



St Mary and St Michael Parish Register KCRO: WPR 89/ 1 

1610/11 17 March 

1615/16 19 February 

Miles, son of Richard 

Dixon, piper 
James, son of Richard 

Dixon of Lindal, piper 

StMary and St Michael Parish Register KCRO: WPR 89/2 
1614 1 November 

1620/1 3 March 


John, son of Richard 

Dixon of Lindal, piper 
William Walker, fiddler 

St Michael Parish Register LRO: PR 1368 




23 June 
21 March 
c 4 October 
16 December 
23 November 

wife of Robert Hodgson 

of Ellel, piper 
Elizabeth, widow of 

Michael Jackson, piper 
Janet, daughter of 

John Jackeson, piper 
Henry, son of Harry, 

the piper of Pilling 
Elizabeth, daughter of 

John Haworth, fiddler 

St Mary Parish Register BCRO: BPRI 1/1 

!592 20 September John Richardson, piper 

buried (f 202) 

christened (p 65) 
christened (p 71) 

buried (p 18) 
buried (p 42) 

buried (p 200) 
buried (p 204) 
christened (p 63) 
christened (p 82) 
christened (p 101) 

buried (p 43) 




22 June 

son of John Jackson, 

St Mary Parish Register MCLA: L49/1/1/1 
1616 27 October 

Ellen Thropp, called 
Mr Atherton s fool 


StMary the Virgin Parish Register LRO: PR 2695/1 
1604 6 April 

blind harper of 


Bishop s Transcripts LRO: DRL 2/428 






1 1 March 
8 November 
25 December 

Elizabeth, daughter of 

Roger Aynsdell, piper 
Janet, daughter of 

James Rymer, piper 
Thomas, son of James 

Rymer, piper 
Anne, daughter of 

Edmund Rymer, harper 
Thomas, son of James 

Rymer, piper 


St Helen Parish Register LRO: PR 2399 




25 February 

5 May 

9 September 

Anne, daughter of John 

Croskell, piper 
John, son of Thomas 

Dawson, piper 
Mary, daughter of John 

Parkinson, piper 

christened (p 56) 

buried (p 106) 

buried (p 7) 

christened (p 3) 
christened (np) 
buried (p 100) 
christened (p 5) 
christened (p 7) 

christened (p 80) 
christened (p 81) 
christened (p 138) 



St Michael Parish Register KCRO:WPR83/1 
1631 I9june 


1639/40 17 January 


Barbara Braythwait, 
daughter of William 
de Sawrey, whistler 

William Rigg, piper 

St Michael Parish Register LRO: PR 2052 


2 August 
8 June 

William Gradel, piper 
John Kason of Kirkham, 


Collegiate Church Parish Register 1569-1653 MCA 



5 May 
2 May 

19 June 

23 July 


9 June 


20 January 


26 November 


17 May 


18 May 


1 December 

Richard Kay, jester 
(blank) of Francis 

Kircke, harper 
Mary, daughter 

of Huon Holcard, 

John, son of John 

Greene, piper 
Ewan Howker of 

Manchester, wait 
John Smedley of 

Manchester, musician 
Francis Kirke of 

Manchester, harper 
{Catherine, wife of John 

Greene of Manchester, 

William Baxter of 

Manchester, fiddler 
Bartholomew Whiterowe 

of Manchester, musician 

christened (nf) 
buried (nf) 

buried (p 323) 
buried (p 377) 

buried (p 387) 
buried (p 419) 

christened (p 127) 

christened (p 127) 
buried (p 440) 
buried (p 474) 
buried (p 478) 
buried (p 485) 

buried (p 490) 
buried (p 499) 



Collegiate Church Parish Register 1616-53 MCA 




14 July 

27 December 

14 June 
7 March 

14 January 
9 May 

John Greene of 

Manchester, piper 
Frances, daughter of 

Robert Fletcher, Jr, 

of Manchester, wait 
Anne, daughter of 

Thomas Hall of 

Manchester, musician 
Margaret, daughter 

of Henry Renall 

of Manchester, 

Thomas Hall of 

Manchester, wait 
Katherine, daughter 

of Roger Makand 

of Manchester, 



St Chad Parish Register LRO: PR 283 1 / 1 
1608/9 26 February 


23 June 

Margaret, daughter of 
John Casson of Marton, 

Richard Cowarte of 
Fornan, piper 


Stjohn Parish Register LRO: PR 1432 

1614 1 June Thomas Chanlett, 



1 1 February 
16 January 

Anne, daughter 

of (blank) Bragger, 

infant of a piper 

buried (p 402) 
christened (p 31) 

buried (p 428) 
christened (p 57) 

buried (p 542) 
christened (p 203) 

buried (p 228) 
buried (p 231) 

buried (p 25) 
christened (p 61) 

buried (p 115) 



St Wilfred Parish Register LRO: PR 2905 1/1 



27 December 

9 April 

19 December 

Hugh Brighte, piper 
Arthur Gurnar, piper 
Seth Spawdd, piper 


St Wilfrid Parish Register LRO: PR 176 



12 April 
31 January 

blind harpers man 
Bartholomew Wickham 
of Langtree, musician 

St Luke Parish Register KCRO: WPR/52/I1 

1639/40 15 March 


Thomas, son of Thomas 
Dixon, piper 

St Mary Parish Register BCRO: BPR/2 I 1/2 



16 October 

13 June 
6 October 

Margaret, daughter 
of James Towers of 
Soutergate, piper 

Isabel, daughter of 
John Fisher, piper 

Elizabeth, daughter of 
James Towers, piper 


St Elphin Parish Register St Elphin s Church 


1 1 March 

Annice, daughter of 
Henry Clarke, piper 

buried (p 74) 
buried (p 90) 
buried (p 93) 

buried (p 3 14) 
buried (p 353) 

christened (p 50) 

christened (p 28) 

christened (p 39) 
christened (p 54) 

buried (p 127) 



St Michael the Archangel Parish Register LRO: PR 2927 7 1 



22 January 

Ann, daughter of 
Richard Sharpe, piper 

All Saints Parish Register Wigan Archive Service: D/P 24/1/1 

Nutter, piper, 

none of this pdrishe 
(blank) of Robert 

Lowe, piper 
Ellen, daughter of 

James Browne, piper 
Christopher, son of 

Jeffrey Shepes, piper 
John, son of James 

Browne, piper 
John, son of James 

Browne, piper 
Gilbert Gorse 

of Wigan, piper 
John, son of John 

Teller of Wigan, piper 


23 October 


before 6 May 


4 January 


15 June 

23 August 

16 December 


1 1 March 


22 July 

christened (p 243) 

buried (f 111 v) 
christened (fllSv) 
christened (f 120v) 
christened (f 124) 
christened (f 124) 
buried (f 125) 
buried (f 130) 
buried (f 140) 


A Lancashire Minstrel 
at Windermere 

Although the incident recorded in the following state papers took place at Windermere 
in Westmorland, it has seemed appropriate to include it here, since the minstrel involved 
was based at Cartmel in Lancashire. Sir James Leyburn of Cunswick Hall, Westmorland, 
was deputy steward of the barony of Kendal and a prominent and active royal official. The 
letter printed here, with which he transmitted the deposition following, is only one of many 
that he wrote to Thomas, Lord Cromwell and later earl of Essex, Henry VIM S lord privy seal. 
Cromwell was the king s chief agent in the suppression of the monasteries and in that business 
Leyburn served under him as a commissioner for the survey of the Augustinian priories at 
Cartmel and Conishead and was commended for his diligence by Sir Thomas Wharton. Yet 
in December 1536 he joined in the northern rebellion called the Pilgrimage of Grace, although 
like the men examined about the incident at Chorley printed above (see pp 1 1-13), he afterwards 
pleaded duress. The excuse seems ultimately to have been accepted, since Leyburn was still 
prominent in local affairs in the 1540s, but in 1537, when Thomas Lee, the monastic visitor, 
wrote to Cromwell in his favour, he still seems to have lain under some suspicion (S.T. Bindoff, 
The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1509-1558, vol 2 (London, 1982), 531-2). 
The song cru/wmok or crumwelP (p 250, 11.16, 19) was presumably a lampoon of Cromwell 
composed during the rebellion; the duke of Norfolk had got hold of a copy of that or another 
similar piece, which he passed on (2 February 1 536/7) to the victim (Letters and Papers, Foreign 
and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry vin, James Gairdner (ed), vol 12, pt 1 (London, 1890), item 
318, p 146). Leyburn may, then, have regarded Stetson s deposition as an opportunity to curry 
favour with Cromwell by demonstrating continued zeal for his interests. 

The scribe s spellings of place-names are not the most transparent. In the deposition 
wyndandermer (p 250, 1.10) is Windermere, wynst/fr (p 250, 1.12) is Winster, and crostwat 
(p 250, 1.15) is Crosthwaite, all in Westmorland. In the letter conyswik (p 251, 1.32) is 
Cunswick Hall, three miles northwest of Kendal. 

London, Public Record Office, SP1/134; 9 July 1538; English; paper; single sheet; 300mm x 2 10mm; 
mounted on a paper guardstrip. 

London, Public Record Office, SP1/134; 13 July 1538; English; paper; single sheet; 298mm x 210mm; 
mounted on a paper guardstrip, the inner edge showing signs of repair. 


These documents, which are in the same hand, have been bound, with others, as ff 131 and 
157 in a volume titled on the spine: PRO: SP 1/134, SP1 LETTERS AND PAPERS HENRY 
VIII 134 XIII T.I 1307-1518. 



Deposition of Alexander Stotson to Sir James Leyburn PRO: SP 1/134 

single sheet (9 July) 3 

Memorandum ix th Day oflulye in The xxx ch yere of The Reigne of our 

Soueraigne lorde Kyng henry the viij th Alexandre stotson lat of cartmell in 

the countye of Lancastre mynstrall Saieth the last day of lune Last past on 

ysaac dikson of wyndandermer in the countie of Westmorland A bout Sexe of 10 

the clock at afternone of the same day come in to the howsse of on will/ tfm 

willan in wynster in wyndandermer aforsaid where the said Alexandre was 

playing on a fedill & makyng mery w/tA certayn honest persones 

Item the said ysaac comwandit the said minstrall to Syng on Song he had 

song At on ffayrbank howsse in crostwat in the said countye of westmor\and 15 

in the tyme of the Rebellion which songe was called cruwmok, which was 

not cowuenyent which the said mynstrall vtterly Denyede 

Item the said ysaac comwandit the said mynstrall agayn in violente manerto 

synge on song called crumwell & the said Mynstrall said he wold syng none 

such & then the said ysaac pulled the mynstrall by the armes & smot hym 20 

about the hed wz t/> a pomell of a dager & hurt the mynstrall in the hande 

&c the said songe the mynstrall wold not syng to Dye fore 

Item the Thrid tyme the said ysaac cowmaundit the said mynstrall to syng 

the same songe/ which then the mynstrall saide it wold turn them both to 

Angre & wold syng no such/ And then the said ysaac called for A cuppe of 25 

aill &c bad the mynstrall syng agayn which he always denyed/ & then the said 

ysaac tuk the said mynstrall by the Birde & dasshit the cupe of aill in his 


Item the said ysaac further more drewe his dager and hurt the said will/^m 

willan beyng the host of the said howsse sore & grevuslye in the thight in 30 

rescuyng of the said mynstrall only for that matter 

Item the said ysaac after the day goying in violent maner followede & sought 

further for the said mynstrall to on Nicollus brokbank howsse in the said 

Wyndandermer which was iij quarttet? of a myll fro the said will/<zm willan 

howsse 35 

Thes witnesse of the premyssef Robert phelipson of wyndandermer aforsaid 

\vi\\iam bolman of the same & \vy\tiam dromylanyer ofwynster 

(signed) lames Layburn Knight 




Letter of Sir James Leyburn to Thomas, Lord Cromwell PRO: SP 1/134 

single sheet (13 July) 

Ryght Honorable my Dewtie vnto youre Lordshippe remembride/ Pleassith 
yow to be adumeshede I haue Sente yow herin clossede certayn artikill 
which is of truthe both worde &C dede to knowe yor lordshipe pleassure ther 
in And I haue the vngracius &C myscheuus fellow ysaac dikson in the tooll 10 

buthe in Kendall and hath chargid the bailly deputes of the same with the 
savre custody & kepyng of hym afor Richard Ducket Justice of peace w/ t/>in 
the countie of westmorlande/ vnto Such tyme I knowe ffurthere of yowr 
lordshipe pleasswnf I be such yor lordshipe haue me excuside that ye haue 
no sonere worde ye Icnowe my mynde is to say thewrth & so I besuche yow 15 
to trust me both withe Bodye and goodfs Redye to s<rrue the kynges highnesse 
to the vttermost of my powre and yowr lordshippe/ and some of thos persones 
which gaue me informacion of the pr<rmyssdide stayger & deny theyr 
wordes which maid me tary the longer and further I assure yor lordshipe 
her is mych importunat besynes in this cuwtry as I haue shewede my lord 20 

president & othre the kynges honorable counsaill established in the north 
parties/ And where your lordshipe of yowr goodnes dide gyue me lycensse 
to com to London for restawryng of my health levyng sufficient depute or 
deputies to stonde chargid w/ t/; myn office accordyng as the kynges highnesse 
did pute me in trist/ for the which I hartely thank yow & when the cuntry 25 
is at any better staye I shall come and gyue attendance vpon yowr lordshipe 
And as conorrnyng the mynstrall which is a rywner abrod from place to place 
I haue hym at my howsse & shall be aboutward to keipe hym to I know mor 
of your lordshipe pleassure. And also 1 haue sent a copy of the artikillw herin 
clossed to the kyngw honorable consaill establishede in the north parties 30 

accordyng to my dewtye And thus I be such lesu send yow much honor 
& loye to yottr most comffurth ffrom conyswik the xiij th day of lulye 

(signed) Your? ain to hys lytyll 
Prendship lames Laybur(n) 

15/ thewrth for therwith (?) 
23/ deput/i>r depute (?) 


A Masque at Knowsley House 

The masque printed here is the only extant specimen of the Twelfth Night masques known to 
have been performed for the Stanley household. They may have been an annual event in the 
late 1630s and early 1640s; at least, such masques are known to have been performed in both 
1644 and 1645 for James Stanley, sixteenth earl of Derby from 1642, at Castle Rushen in the 
Isle of Man, to which he had removed his seat after the collapse of royalist power in Lancashire 
in 1643 (see Appendix 5, pp 269-70 and 281). 

This masque was written by Sir Thomas Salusbury (d. 1643), a kinsman of the Stanleys, 
who may himself have played the part of Christmas (see below). It runs to some 350 lines, 
which makes it much shorter than Comus or the royal masques of the same era; even allowing 
for three antimasques, two discoveries, and interludes of music and dance, the whole show need 
not have lasted more than an hour. 

There are seventeen speaking parts. The prologue was spoken by Abraham L Anglois, the 
resident apothecary at Knowsley. His name suggests that he may have been a Huguenot who 
came to England in the train of Lord Strange s wife, Charlotte de la Tremoille (1599-1664); 
her father, the due de Thouars, was a Huguenot leader. The chief evidence that Salusbury 
himself played Christmas is the line I haue a ... A r burgesse of Parliamen 1 in my tyme S/r 
(p 258, 11.23-4); Salusbury was MP for Denbighshire in the Long Parliament. Dr Almanac 
may have been played by Lord Strange himself, who had performed in Ben Jonson s Love s 
Triumph through Callipolis at court in 1631. 

The New Year was played by Charles Stanley (1628-72), Lord Strange s son; January by Mr 
Tilsbey, (p 263, 1.1) possibly Edward, younger son of Edward Tyldesley (died c 1618), steward 
to the fourteenth earl of Derby (ER. Raines (ed), The Stanley Papers, pt 3, vol 2, cs, vol 67 
(Manchester, 1867), cccxxxi-cccxxxii). February was played by Richard, Lord Molyneux 
(1623-54), whose bethrothed child-wife, Henrietta Maria Stanley (1630-85), played April. 
March was played by Richard, son of William Fox, a senior household servant to Henry, 
thirteenth earl of Derby; Richard was a royalist captain at the siege of Lathom House in 
1643-4 (Raines (ed), The Derby Household Books, pp 109-10). 

May was played by Mrs Phill: (p 264, 1.1), possibly an abbreviation for Phillips , the name 
of the Knowsley chaplain in 1585 (Coward, The Stanleys, p 150). Though John Philips 
had died 7 August 1633 as bishop of Sodor and Man, his family s connections with the Stanleys 
must have remained close. June and July were acted by two Duckerfeild ladies (p 264, 11.10, 15); 


Duckenfield is the usual spelling of this family s name. Robert Duckenfield was a member of 
the Cheshire gentry who fought on the parliamentarian side in the Civil War, but showed 
friendship to the Stanleys when Lathom House was forced to capitulate at the end of the siege 
in 1644; Mrs Duckerfeild (1.10) and Mrs E: Duckerfeild (1.15) may have been his wife 
Martha and one of his sisters, or else two sisters. 

August was acted by Mrs Mesieur, (p 264, 1.20) either a visitor from France or a 
companion of Lady Strange. September was acted by Mrs Farrington, (p 264, 1.35) probably 
the wife, or else a daughter, of Stanley s officer William Farington (Coward, The Stanleys, p 69), a 
grandson of Earl Henry s steward William Farington. Thomas Stanley, who represented October, 
is obscure; he may have been one of the Stanleys of Weaver, perhaps a son of Sir Thomas (born 
1576; Raines (ed), The Derby Household Books, p 142). Andrew Broome, who played November, 
was Clarke of the Kitchin (p 259, 1.20, 22) at Knowsley, and Hugh Haughton, Christmas 
priuie servant (p 259, 1.27, 29) December, must have been one of the Hoghtons of Hoghton 
Tower, quite possibly the Hugh Hoghton who leased Childwall House and was charged during 
the Civil War with evading service in the parliamentarian army (R.G. Dottie, Childwall: a 
Lancashire Township in the Seventeenth Century, THSLC 135 (1986 for 1985), 17). 

Of the guests and members of the Stanley household referred to in the text of the masque, 
The Chaplaine who was a new thinge here about Knowseley (p 258, 11.12-13) was probably 
either Humphrey Baguley, John Lake, or Samuel Rutter, all three household chaplains by 1644 
(Raines (ed), The Stanley Papers, pt 3, vol 1, cs, vol 66 (Manchester, 1867), xcv). Baguley is 
not recorded as having taken a degree, but Lake had a BA from St John s College, Cambridge, 
by 1641/2 and later obtained the bishopric of Sodor and Man, a Stanley perquisite (John Venn 
and J.A. Venn (comps), Alumni Cantabrigienses: A Biographical List of all Known Students, 
Graduates and Holders of Office at the University of Cambridge from the Earliest Times to 1900; Pt 
1, From the Earliest Times to 1751, vol 3 (Cambridge, 1922-7), 34). Samuel Rutter, an Oxford 
graduate, served as the Stanleys domestic chaplain during their stay on the Isle of Man and 
composed the songs that are printed in Appendix 5 below for their entertainment there. In 
1640 he was apparently archdeacon of Sodor and Man, but he never seems to have taken up his 
duties until Lathom House capitulated in 1644 (Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses: the Members 
of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714, vol 3 (Oxford, 1891-2; rpt New York, 1968), 1293; 
see also Appendix 5, p 268-9). 

Mr Holt (p 259, 1.1) may have been the Mr Holte invited to dine with Lord Strange on 
30 October 1636 (Raines (ed), The Stanley Papers, pt 3, vol 1, cs, vol 66 (Manchester, 1867), 
Ivi), or the Alexander Holt who co-operated with Earl Charles in 1653 in the purchase of 
Burscough manor (Coward, The Stanleys, p 78), if indeed the two were not the same man. S/ r 
lohn Wickliffe (p 260, 1.19) might be the John Wickliffe who intruded on Earl James privacy 
with some of his petty transactions connected with the sequestration of his lordship s estates on 
27 September 1651, shortly before the earl was tried and beheaded (Raines (ed), The Stanley 
Papers, pt 3, vol 1, p cciv). Tom Stanley (p 260, 11.27 and 29) was not of the main branch of 
the family, but there were others, some stemming from the twelfth and thirteenth earls extra 
marital liaisons (The Stanleys in Bury, The Bury and Rossendale Historical Review, vol 2, no 5 
(1910), 12-13). The bantering and perhaps patronizing tone might suggest that Tom was 
some such poor relation of Derby s. 

Master Doctor Pasley (p 261, 1.6) was probably Christopher Pasley of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, (BA 1615/16, MA 1619, DD 1638 (see Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, 


p 513). The steward, controller, cook, and marshal (p 258, 11.26, 33, 34; p 259, 1.1 1) do not 
seem to be identifiable. Mr Heinhofer (p 259, 11.34, 36) must have been another household 
servant, perhaps one who came with Lady Charlotte, whose mother was the daughter of 
William the Silent, prince of Orange and steadholder of the United Netherlands; although it 
looks German, Heinhofer could be a corruption of (Van) Eindhoven or some similar Dutch 
name. Dick Fox (p 260, 1.1 1) was probably the Richard Fox referred to above (p 252) as 
playing March. 

The masque reflects contemporary controversy about the proper keeping of Christmas-tide, 
particularly in the passage (p 256, 11.27-39) where the thin gun frydayes (p 256, 1.35) are 
represented as full of wrath (1.37) because Christmas and his followers have Vsurpt theyre 
houres (1.38). In Christmas-tide 1640-1, both Christmas Day and New Year s Day fell on 
Friday. The Church of England normally kept Fridays as fasting days, but Christmas, as a 
major feast, clearly pre-empted the Friday fast, and 1 January as the Feast of the Circumcision 
of Christ might also be held to do so. In any case by ancient custom (to which the Stanleys 
evidently adhered) no fast was observed at any time during the Twelve Days of Christmas. 
The Book of Common Prayer, however, provided no clear directions on this latter conflict 
until the revision of 1662. The fasting days of the masque represent the contemporary 
puritans, who disliked traditional holy-days as relics of popery (Christopher Hill, Society and 
Puritanism in Pre- Revolutionary England (London, 1964), 146-53) and agitated to have the 
number of compulsory fasting days increased. Christmas speech after the antimasque in 
which the Fridays beat the holidays and carry them off(p 257, 11.12-35) alludes to the 
strength of the puritan party in the Long Parliament and the threat, as perceived by the 
opposing royalist and high church party to which Derby and his friends adhered, that once 
they got the upper hand the puritans would outlaw Christmas along with the other customary 
holy-days - as indeed they did during Cromwell s usurpation. Extreme puritans so loathed the 
word mass that they avoided using it even in its weakened form as a suffix in Christmas, 
Michaelmas, and other such traditional feast names, and insisted on finding other terms for 
those feasts if they had to talk of them at all; Christmas reference to nickenames (1.24) is 
intended to satirize their practice. 

The manuscript appeared as lot 421 in the sale at Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge, 
14-16 March 1921, of Printed Books and a few Manuscripts comprising The Property 
of J Baskerville-Clegg, esq., of Withington Hall, Chelford, and appears to have been 
presented to the National Library shortly afterwards in 1921 by two anonymous donors. 
Sir Israel Gollancz contributed an article on it in The Times Literary Supplement, 26 January 
1922, and a letter to The Times, Tuesday, 6 July 1926. It is a miscellany chiefly containing Sir 
Thomas Salusbury s own dramatic and poetic pieces and verse translations, but also others 
ascribed to H.S. and J.S. , probably other members of the family: Sir Thomas father was Sir 
Henry, and two John Salusburys, senior and junior, wrote commendatory verses prefixed to Sir 
Thomas published poem The History of Joseph (src: 21620). There are also verses by Sir John 
Harrington, Sidney, and Vaughan, and prose excerpts of literary and antiquarian interest. 

Aberysrwych, National Library of Wales, MS 5390D; 1641; English; paper; 271 leaves; modern 
pagination, 1-538; 283mm x 190mm; full brown leather binding with blind-tooling and remains of 
brass clasps, the spine recently repaired. The text of the masque is written in secretary, the tide and the 
speech prefixes mostly in italic by the same hand. 




A Masque at Knowsley House National Library of Wales: MS 539OD 

pp 35-45* (6 January) 

A Masque as it was presented at ye right honourable 

ye Lord Strange his at Knowsley on Twelfth night [640] 1640 

Christmas day yat year lighting on Friday. 

Designed & written in six howres space 10 

by Sz r Thomas Salusbury 

The Prologue made to bee spoken by Mr 

Abraham L Anglois 
who speaks very broken English 15 

Long Prologues please not, th Author therefore sent 

a short one, in greate hope to giue content 

and find such Candor [t] in you, as t approue it 

or vnderstand A mee at least, ere censure of it 20 

Enter Dr Almanacke, leadinge in Christmas an old gentleman, now in his 
night capp, ye Doctor w; th an Alminack vnder his girdle an Vrinall in his 
hand: Christmas attended by his plump festivall days & gambolls 


Christmas: Why trust mee Doctor I feele not such faintnes 
noe Symptomes of ye danger yat you speake of 
but haue as good a stomacke to disgest 

plum porridge, or mince pye [as if I were] boyld beefe & brewes 
or any manlie meate, as if I were 30 

to last out all the year. 

Doctor. A lightninge before death: Let mee asure you 
you cannot last rwelue houres, in any state 

to make a will that may not bee excepted 35 

agd/wt, as done when you were not Compos mentis 
the honest butler may perchance bestow 
a sicklie Taper on you, now & then by whose dimme light 
a few poore gleeke and one & Thirtymen 

8/ night written overdiy and\ of 1640 33/ A lightninge ... death: r/Romeo and Juliet v. in. 90 

221 Almanacke altered from fdmmackc 39/ Thirtymen: y written overt 



may watch your herse, this fortnight, but beleeue t 

that in the Kitchin you are dead already 

noe more till Candlemas to bee remembred 

then Coffin d in [could] cold crust, some small solemnity 

may bringe you to yor grave 

Christmas: It cannot bee Doctor, I haue not felt 

soe great a lightsome nes about my heart 
since I beganne to reignel 

Doctor: Make good vse of yor tyme then, tis but short 

For by ye morrowes Sunne, the whininge schoole boy 

shall w/th his satchell on his backe lament 

ye losse of Christmas, ye dull clowne oth Country 

shall whistle to his teame most dolefullie 

& vnder euerie hedge in euery Corner 

shall grunt & groane till teares stande in his eyes 

for loathnes to depart w/th Christmas pyes 

Christmas: Well if I must dy, i le dy merrilie 

I feele my selfe dispos d, wheres my retinue 
Come Gambolls let mee see some feats of yours 
and your plump fellowes, they are growne soe fatt 
i first Antemasque they cannot shake theire heeles, liuelie my boyes. 

of Chrtrftnas 

Musick strikes they beginne some figures of the A 2d 

Antemasque: Then enter an equall number of leane ghost like apparisions 

of fasting dayes 

Christmas starts vpp 

Hah: what are theise. theise Ghostly things yat looke like 
soe many shapes of death, come to arrest mee 

Doctor: These bee the pale fore runners of thy end 

lictors to hungry lentt: they r thin gutt frydayes 
sent to distroy thee, and thy followers, 
beinge full of wrath, at thy and New yeares day 
that haue vsurpt theyre houres, soe that devotion 
it selfe would scarce allow them observer 




* [Enter Gambolls 

2d. of ye fat 



3/ Candlemas: 2 February 

12-14/ ihe whininge ... Christmas: cf As You Like It u. vii. 145 


Christmas: Avant hence w/th theise haggs 

theire sight is horrid, foch, theire breath is noysome 

it brings infection with t, and is as badd 

as theyres, that onelie Hue, by drink, and smoake 

are in a morninge fastinge 5 

All [gether] A r together dance, an Antemasque in way of a Matichine, w/th 
postures of strugling and wrestlinge, the fastinge dayes carrying att last ye 
hollidayes out vpon theire backs: 
Christmas starts vpp, and giues a great groane 10 

Ah Doctor I beginne to feele to late 

the truith of what you told mee, theise feinds that tookel 

my hollidayes away, haue /"left 01 behind 

a poyson here, and now my harts opprest 

w/th dismall thoughts: mee thinks I see the tyme 

a Covenanter of the plott against mee 

strange feares distract mee, least I proue ye last 

of all my race here, least my poore successors 

w/th all theyre troopes of holliday^s bee bannasht 

for ever hence to Roome: & heere esteem d 

as superstitious raggs of Popery. 

but let them throw [dust] dirt 1 in my face &c spend 

all theire whole stock of scorne, & nickenames on mee 

Christide instead of Christmas, or what else 

theire brainesicke fancies, please, one wretched name 

I le certenlie avoyde, and thats ingratefull. 

Reach hither penn, and inke: i&j Doctor Alminack 

I must intreate yowr paines to make my will 

that to this honnonzble familie 

where I and all my predecessors haue 

receau d such bounteous entertainement and 

w/th soe magnifecent solemnities 

being still observ d, I somewhat may bequeath 

to bee remembred w/th when 1 am dead 

Docwr: It is a wholesome care, and I shall serue you 

Christmas his Will: 


Will you remember ye poore sir 



Christmas: Oh oh oh this Cough 1 

I Could laugh at you mr doctor but for this cough: sure you 
haue practised noe where, but among Peasants and Country 
Landlords: Lett this poynt passe good doctor : it is out of fashion 


Almanack: Why then Sir: for yor freinds in the house here 

Christmas: I now you say somewhat, Name em in theire order 

Almanack: The Chaplaine Sir 10 

Christmas: oh oh oh: I haue scene that man Sir hee is a new thinge here 
about Knowseley is hee not 

Almanack: Hee is S/r : 15 

Christmas: I doe giue, and bequeath vnto him, one Cuppfull of my last 

breath to coole him in his expectations Let him feede vpon Aire, 
awhile, twill gett him the better I stomack: Provided allwayes, 
that if once hee beginne to bee a foole in good earnest, this 20 

legacy shalbee voyd. hee may bee well enough to Hue wrthout it: 
A smile or soe from his good Mistresses, A prettie Competency 
I haue a [Knight of sh(eere)] A r burgesse of Parliament my tyme 
Sir: I would not haue ye Clergie suffer 


Almanack: Will you think vpon ye steward Sir: 

Christmas: hee is a minister of Justice is hee not. Doctor, hee is soe. 

Christmas: I giue &C bequeath vnto him full to talk what he 

pleas, & it is my will hee be obeyd, by ye whole family as they 30 

shall see cause 

Christmas: To him [yes Sir]: and [vpo] to ye Controuler his Leiuetenant, 
and master Cooke his Serjant minor 1 [Maior] : I doe giue, 
and bequeath evne vnto them altogether, one new books of 35 

Tacktick, to learne a new march vp w/th my Lords mace, it is a 
verie weightie office: And I would haue them carry themselues 
iustlie, and in an equippage 

23/ haue for haue beene (?) 33/ To him: added in space to left of main text 

29/ full: word omitted: possibly or authority 35/ books /orbooke 

29 -3 \l Cniistmof ... cause: added in space to right of main text 


Almanack: O Sir, you forgett Mr Holt. 

Christmas: Where is hee? 

Almanack: Att his prayers I think, shall I call him? 5 

Christmas: Noe it needs not. Let him eene alone, I am resolued to giue him 
nothinge: Noe tyme to pray but in Christmas I heare hee kept his 
fast [too] vpon my day /too As I said hee shall haue nothinge. 
I must forgiue myne enemyes but it is certaine I will giue them 
nothinge: Is there not one Master Marshall about the house:? 

Almanack: There is Sir, a verie officious gentleman; will you giue him any 

Christmas: Oh by all meanes Doctor: hee shall haue my blessinge: hee will 
haue neede on t Master Doctor: for I feare hee hath not many 
more: People are full of cursinge: you see I dye in Charity 

Christmas: O my priuie servant: I haue a purpose to settle an annuity vpon 
him, Prouided allwayes, That if hee act I not once at the least, 
euery Christmas, or talke of any thing else, till Shrouetyde 
followinge, this legacie shalbee voyde, and of none effect: 

Almanack: Haue you nothinge left for yor sage freind Mr Heinhofer 
Christmas: Hyeronimo Heinhofer my freind: Master Doctor you are 



Almanack: you le doe the better Sir,: There is a Clarke of the Kitchin too 20 

Christmas: verie right Sir: Mr Andrew Broome: I doe giue and bequeath vnto 
him; one new booke of Arethmaticke and one other new booke of 
the Poetrie of theise tymes: hee may censure, and damwe all as hee 
pleaseth: The verie Pope of the Muses Sir, hee is infallible 25 

Almanack: Honest Hugh Haughton Sir 



mistaken, hee is of plott against mee w/th the [gravest] greatest 1 
Enemy that I haue A He hath a very Ashwensday in his face and 
hee lookwas leane, and as longe, as all the foriie dayes ensuinge: It 
is my will that when his black velvett jerkin is worne out, hee may 4o 

40/ \ of jerkin altered from i (?) 



gett him another, ene where hee pleaseth: hee hath scene the 
world abroade: Oh: oh: 

Almanack: There are other officers, remember Paul Sir 

Christmas: oh oh: I am drawing towards it, my fin is comming on 

1 am noe laster Hee shall haue ene what hee will: And that s too 
much for one man: I would advise him leaue his purse behind, 
when hee goeth to the next Scottish sermon Hee may carry his 
conscience along w/th him, I know none will meddle w/th it 
To Dick Fox 1 giue [and] and 1 bequeath my Manner house 
of Owhr hall together w/th the best moveable therein for his 
private solace. To Peter ye Cooke 1 doe giue and bequeath 
three whole pounds of Fullers earth together w/th a pattern 
of reformac/on to mend ill faces: 1 would haue him to try the 
receipt vpon his owne first, and soe goe on w/th his commission 
as hee shall see cause 

A\manack Alas S/r lohn Wickliffe: haue you nothing for him? 

Christmas: Faith noe but my best Councell, 1 would haue him take lesse 
paine, and doe more buisness sweating to small purpose, 
you know Doctor [ye] it is a verie great dryer, and hinders 
propogation: I am a spent man, I feare I shall neuer Hue to see 
his yssue: Haue 1 done yet 

Almanack: Not yet S/r. will you not think vpon Tom Stanley 

Christmas: O my virtuous Tom Stanley hee hath a charge of children, hath 
hee not?l 

Almanack: Some few S/r of one side, 
Christmas: Doth hee not study Art Magick 
Almanack: A little S/r, the white witch or soe. 

Christmas: I doe giue and bequeath vnto his yssue, begotten, or to bee 

begotten vpon the witch aforesaid one new book of Palmestry, 

1 ]/ Manner: 3 minims in MS 

221 sweating corrected from swearing 










that when they come to yeares of discretion they may turne 
Gipsies and reade theire Fathers fortunes In the meane tyme it is 
my will, they bee nurtured and brought vp wrthout any religion 
at the charge of the Parrish Oh, oh, To the rest of the officers, for 
I cannot hold out to name them all 1 doe giue and bequeath as 
little as my Executor Master Doctor Pasley shall think fitt, 
I would haue em all stand to his curtesie, hee is a wise man and 
a great sauer 

Almanack: Of his flock you meane Sir 10 

Christmas: No No No No I meane noe such thinge I can assure you Master 
Doctor, nor hee neither but oh oh oh I am troubled w/th such 
a stoppinge: Oh ah. Ouerseer of this my will I doe make, and 
ordaine, Mr Abraham L Anglois, Apothecary, to whome I giue, 15 
and bequeath one fox tayle, to fright away his brethren the flyes, 
from his potts and glasses, One paire of stilts that hee may bee 
scene, w/th some quantity of English hony, to annoynt his 
tongue, that hee may bee vnderstanded This is all Master Doctor 
you will see me fairelie buryed and let the Poet that writes my 
Epitaph, bee remembred like the rest of [my] his 1 trybe: I would 
not hurt his witt Sir; you vnderstand mee: Oh oh 

Almanack: Thats his last fetch, hee is gone, and now you sonnes of hunger 
beare him forth: [hee being borne out by ye fridays 

The Scene changeth ye Temple of ye New year being discouered full 
of lights out of wA/ch issues a Priest &: Priestesse w/th siluer censers 
in theyr hands scattering incense a Chorus of Priests follow them 

The first Priests song 
ye Chorus bear ye last staffe as aburthen I 

Song by ye Preist of the New Yeare. 

Hence all prophane, the blest new yeare 
though little yet, will strait appeare 
Then which you haue not scene a Power deviner 

Hence all prophane, bee none soe bold 40 

25/ [hee ... fridays: [scribal, to set off stage direction 





to bring or cloth, or faces old 
Beleeu t the God would haue you gone or finer 

Noe Mistris bearing date last May 

noe solemne thoughts of yesterday 5 

Or whatsoers soe piteous, old or mustie 

Bee sufferd here to harme OUT Mirth 
but let them all bee damn d to earth 
whilst wee grow plump, and young againe, and lustie J0 

Wee will haue all new blood new fires 
new beauties all, and new desires 
To welcome in the newnes of the Season 


Haue you not scene the beauteous morne 
this day by th Sunns wild horses torne 
Because t was thought too old, and that was treaso(n) 

After this Song ye Temple opens r ye New year is discouere(d) w/th 20 

his 12 month about him. ye winter month repnesented by me(n) by 
ye Summer month by Ladyes ye parsonages of ye Grand Mas(q) 1 

New yeare: 
Presented by Mr Stanley: my Lordds sonne 25 

All you, who nouelties expect, I here 

yowr risinge Sunne, and hopes of yor new yeare 

shall onelie this, nor neede I promise more 

then my great Ancestors perform d before 30 

Let States, and Kingdomes change theire fates & face 

new Lawes, new Councellers, yet this old place 

shall take it as my blessinge, and possesse 

theire Auncient plentie, Mirth and happines I 

This for the generall, I but vnto you 35 

whose cares makes my tymes good, shall pay as due 

All that my Seasons can, each Month shall giue 

Theyre proper blessings, &C your name shall Hue 

In the new yeare: as in the age of gold 

Nor like the world grow worse, as it growes old. 40 

21-2/ by ye/orandye (?) 

29/ shall: understand promise by anticipation (?) 


lanuarie. Mr Tilsbey 

I twofac d January [summoned here] first apear 

that am the lock, and key to either yeare 

in whome the sage Astronimer surveyes 5 

ye face of Heauen, of fate, and following dayes 

In homage thus to both, yowr honors bow 

which all as well as I for tymes past know 

But of theire length of date, and light of glory 

You shall obtaine, requires an endles story 10 

This onelie they shall last, let mee ensure 
whilst revolutions of new yeares endure. 

ffebruary: Lorc/Molineux 15 

Let still my cold 

hoarfrosts, and snowes keepe Course, yet you shall grow 
In honors old 

and in a happie age as white as snow/ I 20 

March: Mr Fox. 

Let winds, and Tempests vex Heaven, earth & Seas 

noe stormy fates, shall interrupt yor ease. 25 

Aprill Lady Molineux 

The dawne of the encreasinge daie by mee 

presents her Tribute of felicitie, 30 

and euergrowing blisse, perpetuall springe 

of honor, loue, and euerie precious thinge 

crowne all yowr dayes, and as the teeminge earth 

now glads the halfe starv d world, w/th a new birth 

of long lost sweets, soe may you euer blesse 35 

this place wnh your continued fruitfullnes 

I/ M r Tilsbey forMrTi\s\cy (?) 

7/ both, your honors: it. Lord and Laity Strange 

33/ teeminge: second t blotted; perhaps wriftrn overs 



May Mrs Phill: 

My Maiden Sister past, I next appeare 
shee was the budd, I blossome of the yeare 
blowne neerer ripenes, and shall I bee lesse 
in wishinge or in giving happines 
Noe wee both darlings of the Springe agree 
All Seasons bee to you, as faire as wee 

lune Mrs Duckerfeild 

The fairest longest dayes, are lunes, whoe praies 
for calmnes to you both, and length of dayes. 

July Mrs E: Duckerfeild 15 

[luly as much as shee can giue, bestowes 

her best, and earliest fruits: you are sure of those:] 

August Mrs Mesieur 20 

The Seasons all by mee are fedd 

I gather in, and giue out bread 

for ye whole yeare of this as due 

My Lord, I Tribute pay to you I 25 

plentie, that may [keepe vp] support 1 yowr free 

and bounteous hospitality, 

And if occasion bee againe 

to feed, an Army, shall mayntaine 

a guard for ye whole Real me, that they 30 

as a debt in Justice may 

to you acknowledge and confesse 

they safety owe, and happiness 

September Mrs Farrington 35 

I Ladie of the Vintage, must bestowe 

my blessings too, and may they ouerflow 

as doe my Cupps, bee fresh as they, and fall 

thick as my Clusters on you: and may all 4" 

13/ you both: it. Lord and Lady Strange 


that doe not say Amen, by mee bee curst 
to want of liquor & eternaJl thirst: 

October Mr Thomas Stanley 


My barren Season I deplore 

but what I haue, and had I more 

of blessings onelie, yors they were 

Let Cold rage ore the earth, yet heere 

bee it my chardge such care to take 10 

Noe hands grow numme nor teeth shall ake! 

Nouember Mr Andrew Broome: 

The dayes are shortest now, the tedious night 15 

blinds all the earth, whilst I for your delight 

light out of darknes bringe, and offer more 

then all the pleasant Months haue done before 

The stall fedd Ox, that on his back doth beare 

spoyles, of the fruitful! Seasons of theyeare 20 

I sacrifize, and that from s entrayles take 

shall restore day, and keepe the world awake I 

Hu/> Haughton: December: Epilogus 


I am the last, nor [will] can I offer more 

then what my predecessors gaue before 

the selfe same plenty to you, onelie this 

if you but deigne to pardon whats amisse 

in this nights worke, I le promise to prepaire 30 

(a peice to entertaine you) w/ th more care 

in the Composure, that shaJl surelie please 

if you can smile now, or but suffer these: 

lulyes pan chang d at the 35 

request of the faire representer 
of that Month: 

Bright Summers glory, July comes to pay 

her full ripe Cherryes, those of June and May 40 

1 1/ numme: 9 minimi MS 19/ b o/bearc written over* 


thar did prevent her gift, and came before 
were taken pale, halfe colour d from her store 
But theise are red, sweete, swelling in theire pride 
as tempting lipps of the expectinge Bride, 
Or those that open to pronounce yowr blisse 
Then scale it wrth a chast, and mutuall Kisse 


Musical and Dramatic 
Entertainment in the Isle 
of Man 


Historical Background 

Conquered by the Norsemen about the beginning of the ninth century, the Isle of Man was 
the seat of the kingdom of Man and the Isles from 1079 until 1266, when it passed into the 
possession of the Scottish crown. Finally coming under the suzerainty of the English king in 
the fourteenth century, the island was granted to a succession of English nobles until Henry IV 
bestowed it upon Sir John Stanley in 1405 (see R.H. Kinvig, The hie of Man (Liverpool, 1975), 

9, 54-9). 

Under the Stanleys Man retained its royal rights, although the title of king was 
diplomatically dropped outside the island and it only rarely received direct personal attention 
from its lord (Kinvig, The Isle of Man, p 97). After a visit from Sir John Stanley n in 1422 
to deal with an insurrection, more than a hundred and fifty years went by during which the 
Stanleys had more pressing matters to attend to, until in 1577 and again in 1583 Henry, 
thirteenth earl of Derby, crossed the Irish Sea to preside at sessions of the Manx courts 
(Coward, The Stanleys, pp 36, 101). 

The death of Henry s elder son and successor, Ferdinando, fourteenth earl of Derby, in 1594 
marked the beginning of a dispute over the descent of the Stanley estates between earl Henry s 
younger son, William, the fifteenth earl, and Ferdinando s widow, and with England facing the 
threat of invasion from Spain, Elizabeth I promptly seized the opportunity to take the island 
into the custody of the English crown (Coward, The Stanleys, pp 41-52). It was returned to the 
Stanleys by private act of parliament in 1610. 

During the three hundred and thirty years of Stanley rule there was only one relatively short 
period when the lord was actually resident in the island. His presence then was owing not to 
any special concern for the inhabitants but to the pressure of outside events. James Stanley, 
sixteenth earl of Derby, was a firm supporter of Charles I in his struggle with Parliament. In 
1643 the threat of a rising in Man, reportedly encouraged by parliamentarian agents, compelled 
him to leave England to secure the island for the king. Apart from a brief spell in the summer 
of 1644, when he went to enlist support for the relief of his wife, besieged in Lathom House, 


Earl James spent the whole period from June 1643 to August 1651 on the island (Coward, The 

Stanleys, pp 173-4). 

Entertainment at Castle Rushen, 1603 

It seems quite clear that this entertainment at Castle Rushen must have been arranged to 
celebrate the peaceful accession of James Vl of Scotland as James I of England on 24 March 
1602/3. The play was performed in the fiscal year ending at Michaelmas 1603; the payments 
for the charges of the deputy, Robert Molyneux, and the rest of the officers at the kinges 
proclamaaon throughout the Island appear in the same accounts; money was disbursed for 
wyne and ayle spent on the kinges Coronaa on day ; Edward Moore, the controller, went to 
the Court with a certificate of the Icing s proclamation in the island (f 13v). Lord Vauxs men 
were a provincial company who had appeared at Leicester in October and December 1601 
(Leicester Chamberlains Accounts, Leicestershire Record Office: BR 111/2/74, f 40). After their 
engagement in the Isle of Man, they returned to England, performing in Coventry some time in 
1604 and again on 30 August 1608 (R.W. Ingram (ed), Coventry, Records of Early English 
Drama (Toronto, 1981), 364, 373) and stopping at Skipton Castle in Craven in March 1609 
(Earl of Cumberland s Household Accounts, Chatsworth House: Bolton Abbey MS 228, f 267v). 

San Marino, California, Hunrington Library, EL 981; 1603; English; paper; i + 14 + ii; 360mm x 
200mm; contemporary foliation, flfl-6, completed by modern foliation, rT7-l4; paper booklet 
stitched together, now bound with others into 19th c. (?) blue cloth binding on boards, Bridgewater 
arms stamped in gold on the front, title on spine: MSS. stamped in gold. 

Archdeacon Rutter s Songbook 

Samuel Rutter was reputed to be the grandson of John Rutter, the miller on the Stanley estate 
at Burscough in Lancashire. He was educated at Westminster School and entered Christ 
Church College, Oxford, in 1623 (Raines (ed), The Derby Household Books, pp 200-1). He 
was instituted as rector of Waberthwaite in Cumberland in 1630 (A.G. Matthews (ed), Walker 
Revised: being a Revision of John Walker s Sufferings of the Clergy during the Grand Rebellion 
1 642 -60 (Oxford, 1948), 104). He later became chaplain to James, Lord Strange, 
subsequently sixteenth earl of Derby, and served as tutor to Strange s son and heir, Charles 
(Raines (ed), The Stanley Papers, pt 3, vol 3, cs, vol 70 (Manchester, 1867), 42). 

In 1640 or soon after, Strange nominated Rutter as archdeacon of Sodor and Man, a post 
that carried with it the rectorship of the parish of Andreas in the island (]o\\n Le Neve, Fasti 
Ecclesiae Anglicanae: or a Calendar of the Principal Ecclesiastical Dignitaries of England and 
Wales to 1715, T. Duffus Hardy (ed), vol 3 (Oxford, 1854), 329). When James Stanley, now 
earl of Derby, departed for the Isle of Man in June 1643, Rutter seems to have remained with 
Countess Charlotte, the earls wife, at Lathom House, one of the chief Stanley residences and 
a royalist stronghold, which withstood a parliamentarian siege throughout the rest of that year 
and into the spring of 1 644 (Raines (cd), The Stanley Papers, pt 3, vol 1 , cs, vol 66 


(Manchester, 1867), cxxx, n 57). Rutter seems to have gone to Man for the first time with the 
countess after the siege of Lathom House was temporarily lifted on 27 May. He administered 
an oath of loyalty to the clergy of the island in July 1644 (Manx Museum Library: Liber 
Scaccarii 1644, inter 16-17 (1,2)). After the death of Richard Parr, bishop of Sodor and Man, 
on 23 March 1644 the earl, who possessed the patronage of the see under the original grant of 
the island from Henry IV, had left it vacant in order to use the revenues for defending the 
island; Rutter consequently became the chief ecclesiastical officer there (AW. Moore, Sodor 
and Man (London, 1893), 143). He was one of the commissioners nominated by Countess 
Charlotte, after her husband s execution, to meet the leaders of the parliamentarian force sent 
to take control of the island at the end of the third phase of the Civil War in October 1651. 
Following the surrender of Castle Rushen, the Stanleys chief seat there, he seems to have 
left the island (Moore, Sodor and Man, p 180). Rutter was a fairly prolific author, producing 
among other pieces Attorney Bated (printed in W. Harrison (ed), Mona Miscellany, Manx 
Society, vol 16 (Douglas, 1869), 227-30) and an ode To the Glorious Memory of the 
Blessed Martyr, James, Earle of Derby" (Raines (ed), The Stanley Papers, pt 3, vol 2, cs, vol 67 
(Manchester, 1867), appendix 1 5, pp ccclxxxvi-cccxc). The pieces contained in the songbook 
must, from their subject matter and the existence of Manx versions alongside the English, have 
been written during his years in the Isle of Man. 

Soon after the Restoration, in November 1660, Rutter was made prebendary of Longdon 
in Lichfield Cathedral ( The Forty-Sixth Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records 
(London, 1886), appendix 1, p 102). In October 1661, after nomination by his old pupil 
Charles Stanley, now seventeenth earl of Derby, he was confirmed as bishop of Sodor and Man 
(Le Neve, Fasti, vol 3, p 327). He did not, however, enjoy his bishopric long for he died 30 
May 1662 and was buried in St Germans Cathedral within Peel Castle (Harrison, An Account 
of the Diocese, p 65). 

Douglas, Isle of Man, Manx Museum Library, Moore MS 154 A; late 18th or early 19th c.; English and 
Manx; paper; 19 + xi; unfoliated; 100mm x 155mm; paper booklet, originally unbound, now bound 
with other material in a Victorian library binding. 

The title of the whole collection appears, in English only, on p [1]. Eubonia s Praise and the 
Threnodia are arranged with the English text on the left (pp [2], [4], [14], [16], and [18]) and 
the Manx on the corresponding right pages (pp [3], [5], [15], [17], and [19]) but the English 
text of The Little Quiet Nation is written on consecutive pages (pp [6] -[9]) with the Manx 
following, laid out the same way (pp [10]-[13]). 

Masques Performed at Castle Rushen 

During Earl James residence in the island, masques were staged on Twelfth Night in at least 
two years, 1643/4 and 1644/5. A notice of these was made by Thomas Parr, vicar of Malew 
1641-91 (d. 1695), who was the episcopal registrar. Parr s own text appears to be no longer 
extant but it was copied into a volume of extracts made, or at least owned, by Paul Bridson, 


honorary secretary of the Manx Society. From that copy it was twice printed in the society s 
publications, once by the Reverend J.G. Gumming in his edition of A Short Treatise of the Isle 
of Man by James Chaloner (Manx Society, vol 10 (Douglas, 1864), appendix G, p 123) and 
once by William Harrison in Mona Miscellany (Manx Society, 2nd ser, vol 21 (Douglas, 
1 873), 258). Bridson s transcript cannot now be traced and Cumming s version has been 
chosen as the basis for the text offered here because it appears to represent the more diplomatic 
rendering of the two. 



Castle Rushen Book of Allowance Huntington Library: Ellesmere MS 981 

f!3 5 

Paid to my Lord vause s players in Reward for a plaie acted by them xx s. 

1643-51 10 

Archdeacon Rutter s Song Book Manx Museum Library: Moore MS 1 54A 

A Choice 

Collection 15 

of Songs 

Composed by 

Arch Deacon Ryter 

For the Amusement &C Diversion 

of the Right Honourable 20 

lames Earl of Derby 

During his Retreat [injto his 

Island of Man, in the 

Time of the Oliverian 

Usurpationl 25 

Eubonias Praise 
A Song 

1 30 

See See 1 the Sun yat Rules the Night, 

Not made to Hurt, but help ye Sight, 

The Envy of the proudest Vine, 

Fix d in an Orb Pure Crystalline: 35 



Sing we aloud Eubonia s Praise, 
Eubonia Bright whose sparkling Rays, 1 />, 
Break through ye Clouds of troubled Souls, 
A nd 1 Leaves no Care but in the Bowls. 

Had the Unruly Boy Desired, 10 

This Sun wArn He his Chariot Fired: 
The Parched Earth & all the Sky, 
Had Been as Safe as You & I. 
Sing we Aloud &c. 



Let me this Heav enly Creature View, 20 

See How our Noses through its Hue, 
Like Colours in the Rainbows Stream, 
From the Reflection of a Beam. 
Sing we Aloud &c 


But as the Sun do s never Rise, 
To ye Blind or those that Shut their Eyes, 
So He yat will not Drink & May, 30 

Makes a Sad Gloomy Night of Day. 
Sing we Aloud &c. 


Live, Mortals, Live, No time Delay, 
Your Hopes in Beauty will Decay; 
The Gods none other Beauty Send, 
But this wArch Age it self Do s Mend. 

Sing we Aloud &c. 40 

20/ Heav enly: apostrophe possibly a later addition 



Eubonia in Manks 
Arraan er Soo ny Horn 


leagh, leagh y Ghrean to reil ny Hoiee, 

Niartagh yn Soilshey & y Chree; 

Ta n Billey-Feeney Semoinee troo, 10 

Mish shoh tah jeh yn Coonteh Smoo. 


Mollee-jee Maryms, Vanninee, ]5 

Bean yn Luin Lajir as y Vree: 

Dagh Seaghyn as Dagh Karrail tayn, 

Fa ghol er Ghool Lesh Soo ny Hoarn. 

2 20 

Dy beagh y Staghyl nagh ghow Coyrle, 

Er niu jeh s h oh meh Losht eh n Seoyh 

Yn Air, &: Oor, myrgearrey mish, 

Beagh ahd cha Saucheys "as uss as Mish tah-shin nish. 25 

Mollee-jee Maryms &c 


[4] 3^ 

Oh Hesshey Gou s yn Ghless shoh hood, 

Oh Cre naght heeims dy Stroinn ny hrooid; 

Myr tah n Gholcwooi jeh Cullee n Aile, 35 

M shen tah Shoh, Lesh Soilshey n Khaile. 

Mullee-jee Marym s &Cc 

25/ tah-shin nish not cancelled, but as uss as Mish inserted as correction 

p 272, 1.33-p 273. 1. 8/ Oh Hesshey ... Marym s (tic: stanzas 3 and 4 are written in reverse order in the MS 

but marked for transposition 


[3] 4 

Agh Myr ran Ghrean foh Boitjal bodjal still, 

Dahsyn tah Doal, ny Dooin y Hooil, 

Eshyn nagh lough f Lune tra teh paa, 5 

Sheh shoh, tah lannoo n Oie jeh n Laa. 

Mulleejee Marym s &c 

5 10 

Oh Boyaghyn ny Curjee Geil, 

Dah Eddyn Aalin nee falleil; 

Dooghyss, cha dug doin ny share voie, 

M shinneh teh, teh gase ny spwoie 1 15 

Ny Shoh, Lesh Eash tah gase ny Spooie. 

Mulleejee Maryms etc. 
pp [6-13] 20 

Prologue to a Play Acted in Castle Rushin, before the Right Honourable 
lames Earl of Derby, to Divert his Pensive Spirit and Deep Concern for the 
Calamity of his Country - Occasiond by the Grand Rebellion begun Anno 
1641 25 

Let the World run round, 

Let the World run round, 

And know neither End nor Station; 

Our Glory is the Rest [of], 30 

Of a Merry, Merry Breast, 

In this Little Quiet Nation. 


We Eat, we Drink, we Dance, we Sing, 
To morrow freely Comes & Goes; 
We Strike up Musick s gentle Strings, 
And Understand no other Blows. 
^H [Chorus] Let the World run Round &c I 40 

3/ Ko H tal underlined for deletion 4Q/ [Chorus]: squart brackets m MS 


If any Sour, Unhallow d Breath, 
Our Harmless Sports, should Dare Defile; 
Let y/ Man Fall in Love w/ th Death, 
Whilst we the Griefs of Life beguile. 
Let the World Run Round &c. 


What though our Race much Envyd be, 
Our Fears, they need not to encrease: 
For Every where abroad we see, 
That Men do Ever fight for Peace. 

Let the World Run Round &c. 15 


Thus from all Enemies Secure, 

Our Heads fid Hearts as light as Air: 20 

Not made the Heavy Yoke [to Bear] t Endure 1 , 
Of too mwch Wealth, or too mwch Care. 
Let the World run round &c I 


Gold, and the Troubles of pale Gold, 
Are Crosses unto us unknown: 
Our Cloathing s neither Gay nor Cold, 
It Covers, - & it is, - Our Own. 30 

Let the World run round &c. 

We do not Liberty Contrive, 35 

Ourselves in Bondage for to bring; 
As Birds to Snare do haste Alive, 
By the Loose Freedom of their Wing 
Let the World run Round &. 

28/ Crosses uruierdotted 



Our Shepherds on their Reeds do play, 
Charming their Sweet-hearts & their Sheep: 
Neither of which do go astray, 
By Nature taught, their Bounds to keep. 
Let the World run round &c I 


Our Mistrisses are still the Same, 
No Rivels Blowing at our Fire; 
We Live and Frolick in Loves Flame, 
Without the Pain of fond Desire. 

Let the World run round &c 15 


If any Fool to change is bent, 

And Thinks to thrive ye Lord knows when, 20 

Let Him first go and Learn \vhats meant, 
By Excise & Committee Men. 
Let the World run round &c. 

11 25 

The Master of these Sports & Us, 
Commander of ye Truest Hearts, 
Takes to himself the Serious 

And Leaves to us the Merry Parts. 30 

Let the World run round . &c. I 

The Little Quiet Nation 
A Manks Translation 



Lhig da n Seighl tchindah my-geart, 

Lhigh da n Seighl tchindah my geart, 

Nagh nione dah Feah, ny Aash orbee, 40 

29/ Serious underdotted 


Hond as tah Shee doin or ny reagl, 
Fud Ashoon beg ny Manninee. 

Eee mad, & eiu mads, gou mad Arraan, 
As Lhig da n [Seol] SeighPghol bun-ry-skin, 
Yn Vial s y Feddan, Khiall smoo tain, 
Gyn, Geil, da Clioo, ny Slei, ny Gun. 
Lig da n Seol tchinda 


As nish me nee drough Hongey r bee, 
Er y Chlee dyn-loaght ain, drogh-Imra 
Lhig Da n Baase y Veayl y Ghoinneh Chooi 
Choud as vis shin Dy Gernal Soiee. 
Lhig Da n Seol tchinda &c I 


Geh dy veil yn Shee ain Moarit Doin, 
Cha Liass doin veh ayns Doot erbee, 
Hee mad Dagh Tcheer my-geartey moinn, 
Caggey & Strin dy Chossney Shee. 
Lhig Da n Seyl tchinda &c 

Myr shoh, woish [Noijin] Noaddyn 1 Dowiley Seir, 

Edrim as Air nyn Khion & Cree, 30 

Gyn Lhaadyt lesh y Verchyss Vroor 

Agh, whoish shon Shichyr ta nyn Shee. 

Lhigh da n Seyl tchindaa - &c 


[Ayre] Airh 1 , & ny Scaghyn geirt or [Ayre] Airh 1 
Cha dug rean Chrossh ny trimshey Doin: 
Cha vel nyn Coamreh Leir - ny Loam - 
Teh Coodagh Shin &: teh Leinn hene. 

I/ reagl correc it dfrom real 



Cha vel shin Shirrey Reamyss smoo 
Deh Farn foh Bondia ght smoo shin hene 
Myr leanlee feaslyt ayns yn Air 
Der , tah nyn Skeanyn Gou it sy Lecn 
Lig Da n Seyl tchinda &c I 



Tah nyn [Boigh lyn] Boch lyn , er y Feddan Cloice, 
Cleonagh nyn Ghrai &c nyn ShaJlvaan: 
Veg lin cha jeid or Shaghryn Choice, 
Unn Uwoillee & Unn Voghill tain. 

Lhig Da n Seyl tchinda &c 15 

Ta ech dagh Cree y Hesshey [Coien] hene 1 , 
Nagh(.) vod ve or ny Violagh Veih; 20 

Tah shin Annoil still, Doinney s Ben, 
Agh Glen veih n Earroe, tah noi n Leih. 
Lhig Dan Seyl tchindah &c. 

10 25 

Eh tah bwooiaght nyn Shesshaght Choal, 

Dy veh Bertchagh nagh vel fyss Coinn: 

Lhig Dah Smoinaght or Tcheer ny Ghaul, 

Cre n Leih &c Keeshyn douil tah s Shen. 30 

Lhig Dahn Seyl tchinda &c. 

Nagh neon dah Feah, ny Aash orbee, 

Hond as tah Shee doin er ny Reayl 

Fud Asshoon beg-ny Vanninee. 1 



Mainster, nyn Myrkt, tah Harryn Reil, 
E Chree rean firrinagh dah n Roice; 

Teh Ghoa i 1 ! er Hene, ooilley n Charrail 40 

As Lhiggey doinn ve Gennal Choice. 
Lhih Dah n Seyl tchindaa 



Shoh Hood esht, Slaint nyn Mainstyr Mie, 
As Eh, nagh leeg y Chabban ass 

Lhig da veh Eebyrtit magh as Thie 5 

Dy Casteh Phaa s sy n [N]ouin Ghoo-Ghlys. 
Lhig Dah n Seyl Tchinda &:c 

P [14] 


A Threnodia - Or Elegiac Song on the Direfull Effects of the Grand 
Rebellion, w/th a Prophetick View of the Downfall & Catastrophe 
thereof- Composed the Reverend Ruther on Scarlett Rocks near 


My Mind w/th troubles Vexed, 

My Heart w/th Grief Annoyd, 

My Head w/th Cares perplexed, 20 

And all of Comfort Void; 

Upon this Stony Pillow, 

I Seek for Rest in Vain, 

And Just Like yonder Billow 

My Thoughts Do swell amain. 25 

These Rocks below are Shaken, 

And torn as well as I; 30 

Our strength is all Mistaken, 

And we are found a Lie. 

P [16] 


The Weaves w/th often Beating, 
Have eaten into Stone, 
Mine ills w/th oft Repeating, 
Have made my Heart to Moan. 

13/ Composed for Composed by 



W[he]n by a Storm are Clusterd, 

The Waters &C the Side, 

And all to ruin Musterd, 

But this poor Rock &C I: 

You Wanton Shells are Sinking, 

For all your Oaken Sides, 

Oh then, shall I be thinking 

Of all Deceitfull Tides. 10 

You Lofty Sails yat Pride you, 

Wrth Empty Blasts of Air, 15 

WA<rn Angry Seas bestride you, 

Then tell me what you are; 

The Treacherous Winds ytft flatterd, 

May Louder winds beget, 

And send you hither tatterd, 20 

Then you and I are Met. 


5 25 

And thus my Harms recounting 

Upon this Cliff I rest, 

My Ship no Longer Mounting, 

My Anchor in my Breast; 30 

WAm First 1 came in hither, 

Methought I heard one Say, 

We shall have Change of Weather 

And see a fairer Day. 



Arraan-Dobbaryn ny Caggaghyn Douil &: yn Anvea v ayns Soxyn - 

trah lirree n Parliament &c y Thea noin Roiee 

Lesh Phaderyss jeh Toartmou-yss ocksyn by-kindagh-rish & myrgeddyn 40 

leh n Shee & ny Earishin Bannee vah Gerryt ry heit 



Meh Chree Lesh Seaghyn tooillyt, 
M Aigney Lesh trimshey Lane, 
Meh Choin jeh Cadley Spooillyt, 
Gyn Seveen tcheit or M Arn: 
My Lie or Being, ny Heinyn, 
Tehee Aaish, agh ayns fardail 
Son Naght myr tah ny loanyn 
Ta M Aigney Still Ranail: 

Yn Vwoir lesh Goanee Caggey, 

Ta kean ny threggyn Loam, 15 

As Sneiee, lurg Sniee er m Aigney 

Choart er me Chree veh rrome 



Ny Brooinyn Sirjey Liagytt, 
Lesh loanyn sheer Ahei foue; 
Ta n Kheayl ain Mennick Mollyt, 
As Moads nyn Nerhal Moue 



Meh tah yn Sterrym Troggal, s 

ny Bo{a)tallyn dyn Sei, 

Fa n Air gaase Doo, & gobbal, 30 

Yn Soilshey heit neose veih: 

Myr Bleayst sinkeal tah Lhongyn, 

Ga taad jeh Darragh Ihent, 

Ta n Seighl & Moads y Chronnyn, 

Cur er meh Chree ve faint. 35 


Shinish Khroinn, Ard, Coamrit, Mornagh, 

Shoalch Lesh foar ny Goaih, 40 

22/ A o/AJiei written over another Utter 


Tra ta n Toan ghat & Angragh, 
Spog sheagh diu strieu Ne oih: 
Yn Geoah nish kiune &: Brynnagh, 
Nee Sterrym gaase nish-hene, 
Shinish brisht er Greg ny Gennagh 
Esht bee shin ghollrum-pene. 


5 10 

Myr-shoh, er Khroshyn Smoiniaght Cunniaght , 

leh n Chreg [Ch r oiee] ChJoo-iee ta mee Shee, 

Foast er my Lhong vog Smoiniaght, 

[Ta] E Akyr ayns my Chree; 15 

Son tynsit doos myr Hannish, 

Dy bee ayn Leaa KaghJaa, 

Beg n Sterrym dowil shoh horrish, 

S Dy vou mad foast lei hraa. 


AC Masques performed at Castle Rushen Gumming: Short Treatise 

p 123 

The right honourable James Earle of Derbie and his right honourable 25 

Countesse invited all the Officers Temparall and Spiritual! The Cleargie 
the 24 Keyes of the Isle the Crowners with all theire wives &c likewise the 
best sort of the rest of the Inhabitance of the Isle to a great maske; where 
the right honourable Charles \ord Strange with his traine the right 
honourable Ladies w/th theire attendance were most gloriously decked with 30 
silver and gould broidered workes &t most Costly ornaments bracelletts on 
there hands chaines on there neckes Jewels on there foreheads, earrings in 
there eares & Crownes on there heads and after the maske to a feast which 
was most royall & plentiful! w/th shuttinge of ornans &Cc And this was on 
the twelfth day (or last day) in christmas in the yeare 1644. All the men 35 

just w/th the earle and the wives with the Countesse likewise there was such 
another feast that day was twelve moneth at night beinge 1643. 

per me 

of Malew. 40 

12/ Smoiniaght not cancelled, but Cunniaght inserted as correction 


The Stonyhurst Pageants 

At Stonyhurst College near Clitheroe is a manuscript of the early seventeenth century (MS 
A.V1.33), now mutilated, containing a cycle of Old Testament plays. The surviving portion 
runs from f 56 to f 190, lacking ffl21 -5; thus 55 leaves have been lost at the beginning, 
five part way through, and an unknown number at the end. The extant pageants are those 
of Jacob (of which the beginning is lost), Joseph, Moses, Joshua, Gideon, Jephthah, Samson, 
Saul (of which a few lines are lost), David, Solomon, Elijah, and Naaman (of which the very 
end is lost). Carleton Brown, who produced the only modern edition, The Stonyhurst Pageants 
(Baltimore, 1920), believed that it originally comprised eighteen pageants totalling some 
13,000 lines; of these 8,740 lines remain. Brown noted that the pageants must date from 1609 
or later, since they are based on the Douay version of the Old Testament, first published in that 
year. The handwriting, which is italic with lapses into secretary, suggests the manuscript was 
written in the first quarter of the seventeenth century or very soon after. Marginal names 
suggest it belonged to a succession of families in the north of England (see Hardin Craig, 
English Religious Drama of the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1955), 371) before coming to rest at 
Stonyhurst, which since 1795 has housed the Jesuit school for English Roman Catholic 
boys formerly at St Omer in the Hapsburg Netherlands (see Hubert Chadwick, St Omen to 
Stonyhurst (London, 1962), 1 1 and 393). Northern rhymes ( law with bestow , cry with 
bee ), inflexions ( thou goes ), and spellings ( neene for nine ; compare neeneteene in the 
Prescot coun-Ieet roll for 9 June 161 5, p xlv above) are consistent with a Lancashire author. 
While such an ambitious work was presumably written to be performed, no evidence of 
performance has come down to us. Brown was probably right in thinking the cycle to be 
the work of an educated Lancashire Roman Catholic of the reign of James I who hoped 
that his form of Christianity would be restored to official favour in England, and with it the 
opportunity to stage cycles of biblical plays such as had apparently survived at Preston until 
only a few years before the Douay version appeared (see p 29, 11.33-6 above). Since Roman 
Catholic hopes of such a restoration tended to recede as James reign went on, 1609 or very 
soon after seems the likeliest time of composition. 


Robin Hood Plays in Lancashire 

Lancashire receives a passing mention in the Lytell Geste ofRobyn Hodf published by Wynkyn 
de Worde some time between 1492 and 1 534 (src: 13689; for dating see R.B. Dobson and 
J. Taylor, Rymes ofRobyn Hood (London , 1976), 71). There King Edward hunts Robin and Sir 
Richard at the Lee through AJ1 the passe (ie, extent) of lancasshyre (sig E.i.) but fails to find 
them. The earliest known mention of a Robin Hood play in Lancashire, however, is Edmund 
Assheton s laconic reference in 1 580 to sturres att Brunley, aboute Robyn hoode and the May 
games (p 6, 1.30-1). The only other reference to a Robin Hood play before 1642 yet discovered 
is the following passage from Richard Hollingworth s Mancuniensis (MCL: Mun. A.6.51, f 18): 

It is reported & belieued that lohn >iadford preaching in Manchester in 
Edwards dayes tould the people as it were by a Prophetical sp/rrt that because 
they did not readily embrace the word of God the Masse should bee sayd againe 
in that church & the play of Robin Hood acted there w/?*ch accordingly came to 
passe in Queen Maries reigne. 

John Bradford (c 1510-55) was a leading figure in the protestant Reformation in the time of 
Edward vi and died for his beliefs under Edward s Catholic successor Mary I. He was born in 
Manchester and his ministry there is vouched for by the materials collected by John Foxe the 
martyrologist, including Bradford s own letters. There is no reason to doubt that Hollingworth 
reported a genuine local tradition about Bradford, current in his time, but the value of that 
tradition, surfacing as it does nearly a hundred years after the date of the incidents it purports 
to record, is uncertain. It has no corroboration in Bradford s own surviving correspondence 
and this negative evidence carries unusual weight considering that Foxe does preserve an epistle 
of Bradford to the people of Manchester, cast self-consciously in the mould of St Paul s epistles 
to his mission churches. There, if anywhere, one would have expected to find some echo of the 
tradition Hollingworth recorded, if it had a foundation in fact. 

Certainly that tradition provides no foundation for the elaborate superstructure that later 
antiquaries confidently erected on it. G.E Eastwood, for instance, identified the Blackburn 
grammar school play as a Robin Hood play on no evidence whatsoever (see p 31 1 , endnote to 
LRO: DDBk 3/9 single sheet dorse). The construct appears at its fullest, however, in Samuel 
Hibbert-Ware s History of the Foundations in Manchester, vol 1 (Manchester, 1830): 


Previous to the time of the Reformation, the pageant of Robin Hood was 
actually exhibited within the sacred walls of the collegiate church of Manchester. 
It was a favourite interlude, which had been generally got up by the priests. A 
pageant was prepared; the bold outlaw presided as lord of the May, attended by 
Maid Marian as queen or lady of the May, and by archers in green, denominated 
Robin Hood s men. The expences of the splendid dresses, minstrels, morris- 
dancers, and the subsequent feast of bowers, which was held in the church-yard, 
were usually defrayed by the church-wardens. Their indemnification and profit 
were derived from a collection made from house to house in the parish. This 
was named the gathering for Robin Hood. The ancient play of Robin Hood had 
probably its origin in the fondness for the sports of archery .... (pp 63-4) 

Henry the Eighth found that the games, which had been prepared for the 
populace by priests and monks, retained such possession over the public mind, 
that he readily yielded to the exhortations of the reformers to enact a law against 
their continuance. But this edict was of no farther effect in the play of Robin 
Hood, which was the favourite pageant of Manchester, than in preserving the 
interior of the church from being profaned by its mockeries. The scene of the 
exhibition was changed and nothing more. In the place of being held within 
the walls of the church it was removed to the church-yard, (p 65) 

In the year 1 553 Edward the Sixth died, and Mary ascended the throne. 
Bradford s prediction, as Hollingworth has remarked, was soon confirmed. 
Mass was sung within the walls of the collegiate church, and its doors were again 
thrown open to receive the imposing pageantry of Robin Hood, Maid Marian, 
and Friar Tuck. Its aisles were again crowded with archers in green, and a motly 
assemblage of morris-dancers, fools and their hobby-horses, while its solemn 
roofs were condemned once more to re-echo the profane sounds of taborers and 
minstrels. (p71) 

Very little of this actually derives from Hollingworth. He gave none of Hibbert- Ware s 
details of the actual performance; nor did he assert that the pageant of Robin Hood was 
actually exhibited within the sacred walls of the collegiate church of Manchester or that it had 
been generally got up by the priests, for acted there in Hollingworth s account need mean no 
more than acted in the town. Nor is there anything of this kind about Robin Hood in John 
Greswell s Collections relating to the towns of Manchester and Salford (now CL: Mun. 
A.6.54), which was Hibbert- Ware s other chief MS source for Manchester history. Hibbert- 
Ware evidently had no scruples about fleshing out Hollingworth s bare bones with evidence of 
usages elsewhere in England and the common body of antiquarian opinion about Tudor Robin 
Hood plays as received in his time. Documentary evidence indeed exists for Robin Hoods 
men, sometimes at least clad in green, gathering money to defray the cost of their performance 
and turning any profits over to churchwardens to be applied to pious uses. We can also 


document the association with morris dancing, the identification of Robin Hood and Maid 
Marian with the lord and lady of May, and the consequent fusion of the play with the May folk 
rites (see Dobson and Taylor, Rymts, pp 38-42, and David Wiles, The Early Plays of Robin 
Hood (Cam bridge, 1981), 7-19). None of those features, however, is universal and none is 
attested anywhere in Lancashire before 1642. 

Worse yet for Hibbert -Wares construct, no corroborative evidence has yet appeared that 
Robin Hood plays were got up by clergy and actually performed in church buildings. The 
canons and statutes of the unreformed English church condemned such profane use of 
churches just as unequivocally as any protestant preacher (see, for example, Bishop Peter 
Quinel s statutes for Exeter diocese, 1287, printed in John M. Wasson (ed), Devon, Records 
of Early English Drama (Toronto, 1986), 4-6). As products and proponents of the counter- 
reformation, the church authorities under Mary I would have been no more sympathetic to 
such goings-on. 

Thus Hibbert- Ware painted his elaborate picture of Robin Hood observances in Lancashire 
over a very sketchy outline of known fact. Nevertheless, it would be injudicious to infer from 
the paucity of surviving evidence that Robin Hood plays in Lancashire before 1642 were 
confined to Burnley. Elsewhere the best evidence for such plays comes from parochial records 
and it must be borne in mind that from the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries comparatively 
few Lancashire records of that kind have come down to us. 


The Black Knight of Ashton 

The Riding of the Black Lad or Black Knight was an Easter Monday custom at Ashton under 
Lyne, first recorded in the Ashton manorial accounts in 1758-9: For the Black Lad as usual 
5/- and again in 1759-60: AJlow d towards making the Black Lad 5/- (Winifred M. Bowman, 
England in Ashton-under-Lyne (Altrincham, Cheshire, I960), 287). Thomas Barritt (1743- 
1820) set down the first extended account of the ceremony in his "Antiquarian Miscellany, a 
manuscript compilation made between 1761 and 1780. The page in question is now mutilated 
and the following extract (Barritt MSS, Antiquarian Miscellany, CL: Mun. A-4.72, f 56) is filled 
out from the transcription made by the Lancashire historian William Farrer in the late 
nineteenth or early twentieth century (MCLA: MS. Ll/49/15/1, f 26.): 

The townsmen of Ashton under line have a custom upon every Easter monday 
of making the effigie of a man & placing him on the back of lean horse & 
shooting at him with Guns & Pistols as the horse runs loose through the streets 
this effigie is stiled the Black Knight fit one of the Ashtons whose residence was 
at this hall Easter monday some report to be the day of his death & whether the 
firing at him be a mark of (rejoicing, or contempt for his c)ruelties & black deeds 
time hath to the public lost its (original institution. Yet there is a trifling 
allowance aris/g from the tolls of Ashton towards the support of this custom.) 

Elsewhere Barritt wrote that the effigy was finally shot at and pulled to pieces ... by the 
populace (Barritt MS. on Ashton under Lyne, CL: Mun. A.4.76, f 38). 

In 1795 John Aikin set down another account of the custom in A Description of the Country 
from Thirty to Forty Miles Round Manchester (London, 1795). Aikin agreed that it involved 
parading a straw-filled effigy on horseback through Ashton, after which it is hung up at 
a cross in the market-place, and there shot away in the presence of a large concourse of the 
neighbouring people (p 224). Two later antiquaries continued to attest to these details, namely 
Samuel Hibbert-Ware in Illustrations of the Customs of a Manor in the North of England, During 
the Fifteenth Century (Edinburgh, 1822), appendices, pp 21-2, and W.E.A. Axon. According 
to Axon, who witnessed the ceremony about 1870, it then lasted from 2 pm until dark (The 
Black Knight of Ashton (Manchester, [1870]), 25) but in 1883 he reported that the shooting was 
a thing of the past (The Black Knight of Ashton, Lancashire Gleanings (Manchester, 1883), 


187). The ceremony was last reported in 1953 (Bowman, England in Ashton-undtr-Lync, 
p 282, inserted footnote). 

Who was the originaJ Black Lad? Barritt proposed two candidates who both lived in late 
medieval times and since some have thought the ceremony goes back at least that far, a brief 
examination seems in order. 

Barritt s earlier candidate was Thomas Ashton, lord of the manor of Ashton under Lyne, 
who in 1346 captured the Scots standard at Neville s Cross. As Barritt would have it, the 
grateful Edward III gave him the honour of knighthood, and the title of Sir Thomas Assheton 
of Assheton-under-lyne, and to commemorate this singular display of his valour he instituted 
the custom of the riding of the Black Lad upon Easter monday at Ashton and left the sum of 
ten shillings yearly to support it with his own suit of black velvet and a coat of Mail the 
helmet of which was very lately remaining (CL: Mun. A.4.76, f 40; Aikin has the same 
passage in A Description, p 225, and Barritt might be thought to depend on him, except that 
Aikin adds that the ten shillings was within these few years reduced to five; this suggests that 
he followed Barritt but updated his information). Thomas Ashton, however, is not a 
convincing originaJ for the Black Knight; it is improbable that a ceremony commemorating 
his valiant deed should have turned into the one Barritt described, in which the effigy was 
clearly an object of hatred like that of Guy Fawkes. Moreover, Edward ill does not seem to 
have knighted Thomas; in 1385, when he went to Spain with John of Gaunt, he was still 
styled esquire (DNB). 

Barritt s second candidate, and a more promising one at first sight, was Sir Ralph Ashton 
(before 1422-83), a powerful magnate under Edward IV and Richard III, who shortly before 
his death was appointed vice-constable of England and lieutenant of the Tower. Barritt cited 

an order which I have been shewn, from Richard 3 d . I think I think it is in 
Rymers Federa, that if in case this Ralph, in cases of emergency, cannot procure 
suitable persons for the trials of delinquents, that his own authority shoud be a 
sufficient warrant, so that from the nature of his Office, and the powers that 
were allow d him by Richard, and perhaps from his natural disposition to serve 
a tyrant, was a dreaded and despised character and from him arose the adage and 

From the *O Jesu for thy mercies sake 

MrwTins And f r ^ bitter P^ 10 " 

M.S Save us from the Ax of the Tower 

And Sir Ralph Asheton. 

one woud almost suppose this RaJf to have been the Black Knight so called, 

from the yearly insults which are bestowed upon the [( ) (of)] [or] effigy, 

it is said he died upon an Easier monday (CL: Mun. A.4.76, ff 38v-9). 

This theory might appear to receive some corroboration from a local tradition, first recorded 


by Samuel Hibbert-Ware in 1822, that Sir Ralph oppressed the people of Ashton and was 
eventually shot to death by a woman on the very spot where he had earlier outraged her and 
that the riding of the Black Lad re-enacted her revenge. Hibbert-Ware expressed skepticism 
about the origin of a public ceremony in a private act of vengeance but he tried to substantiate 
Sir Ralph s oppression from a custom roll and rental of Ashton manor dated 1422 (Illustrations, 
p 21), citing the following entries: 

Rauf of Assheton, and Robyn of Ashton, have the Sour Carr-guld Rode and 
stane rynges, for terme of their lives. Rauf of the gifte of John Assheton, 
Knyghte, the elder, and Robyn of the gifte of John Asshton, Knyghte, the 
younger, the farm. The same Rauf and Robyn have a place in the town of 
Ashton, and the garden thereto longing, for terme of their lifes, the farm. 
(John Harland (ed), Three Lancashire Documents of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
Centuries, cs, vol 74 (Manchester, 1868), 102-3; in 1868 the custumal was still 
owned by the Ashtons of Middleton.) 

Hibbert-Ware took the Sour Carr-Guld Rode to mean the privilege of Guld-riding, a 
custom that, in Scotland at least, is of great antiquity, having been intended to prevent lands 
from being over-run with the weeds, which, from their yellow colour, were named gools or 
gulds (p 21). This weed, said Hibbert-Ware, was the corn-marigold, and it overran the 
Ashton fields; to compel the tenant farmers to destroy it, Sir Ralph held an annual inspection, 
riding round the Sour Carr in black armour and fining those tenants who let the gulds go 
unchecked. But Sir Ralph exacted his fines so ruthlessly that the tenants rebelled and killed 
him. So the ceremony commemorates the tyrants death; according to Hibbert-Ware, Upon 
the death of the Guld Rider of Assheton, Sir John s heir and successor abolished the usage 
forever; and reserved from the estate a small sum of money for the purpose of perpetuating, 
in an annual ceremony, the dreaded annual visits of the Black Boy (pp 23-4). 

This theory can be attacked on several grounds. Winifred M. Bowman has pointed out that 
in 1422 Sir Ralph was a mere infant. The Rauf who received the grant had it from John 
Assheton, Knyghte, the elder , who was not Sir Ralph s father but his grandfather, and had 
likely died at least a decade before Sir Ralph was born. Hence the RauP of the grant was 
probably not the notorious Sir Ralph but an obscure uncle. Moreover, she believes Hibbert- 
Ware misunderstood the entry in the custom roll and mispunctuated it; she would read have 
the Sour Carr, Guld Rode and Stane Rynges , meaning three tracts of land out of the Ashton 
family estates, whose farm or revenue two cadets of the family named Rauf and Robyn were 
to enjoy for life (England in Ashton-under-Lyne, pp 285-6). Leaving the custom roll entry 
aside, while popular tradition as embodied in the rhyme Barritt quoted does seem to have 
represented Sir Ralph as a grasping and exacting minister of the kings he served, it is doubtful 
whether he was ever in a position to oppress the people of Ashton in particular. He was never 
the lord of the manor; that passed from his father, Sir John the Younger, to his elder half- 
brother, Sir Thomas, and then to Sir Thomas son, another Sir John (DNB). Furthermore, 
Winifred Bowman points out that, as an adult at least, Sir Ralph appears to have spent little 


time at Ashton, if any: At no period is there any reason to think Sir Ralph of Middleton resided 
in Ashton-under-Lyne subsequent to his marriage with the Middleton heiress in 1439" (p 284). 
And while a cadet of the Ashton family could conceivably have outraged a local girl in his youth 
and been killed by her many years later on a return visit to his place of birth, and the people of 
the manor could have decided to perpetuate the incident in an annual ceremony, it seems most 
unlikely that the victim s half-brother would endow this yearly reminder of a family disgrace 
(Christina Hole, A Dictionary of British Folk Customs (London, 1976), 249). 

In fact this suspiciously romantic story of a tyrant lord and a woman s vengeance is more 
likely to have been invented, well after Sir Ralph s time, to account for a rite that already 
existed. If an origin is to be sought for the Black Knight or Lad, Christina Hole was probably 
nearer the mark in alleging that Sir Ralph s name became attached to an already existing 
custom, and that the original effigy was not his, but that of some more ancient and universal 
figure associated with Winter and its evils. Riding the Black Lad may perhaps be a late form of 
the ritual "driving out hunger", in which a real historical personage has taken the place of the 
older symbolic figure (Dictionary, p 249). A parallel custom is known to have existed until 
about the middle of the nineteenth century at Neston in Cheshire, in which a living man was 
engaged to ride on a donkey on Easter Monday from one end of the long village street to the 
other, while the assembled villagers jeered him and pelted him with mud, rotten eggs, and other 
rubbish; this was called Riding the Lord. Christina Hole notes that this figure, too, was some 
sort of scapegoat originally and may have represented the dying Winter, or the long Lenten 
fast that had just ended (Dictionary, p 250). Certainly in the weather cycle of Lancashire, 
Easter Monday usually falls at a particularly apt time for the symbolic destruction of a figure 
of cold and darkness. 

If this is its true origin, the Ashton custom ought to go back considerably further than the 
fifteenth or even the fourteenth century; it seems possible at least that the Thomas Ashton who 
distinguished himself at Neville s Cross, or some later member of the family, should have begun 
a family tradition of giving money to help sustain an already existing ceremony and so provided 
some basis for Barritt s first account of its origin. Christina Hole suggests Sir Thomas, Sir 
Ralph s half-brother, as the originator of the payments (Dictionary, p 249). Barritt himself 
admitted I cannot find the town of Ashton has any authentic record to produce upon the 
subject (CL: Mun. A.4.76, f 40). Unless some earlier documentation comes to light, the 
existence of the Black Knight s riding before the eighteenth century cannot be regarded as 


The Ghost Maypole of 
Cockersand Abbey 

Cockersand Abbey, now represented only by a ruined chapter-house, with a modern roof 
(Bagley, A History of Lancashire, p 29), overlooks the estuary of the river Lune in north 
Lancashire. It was founded shortly before 1 190 by the Premonstratensian canons (Knowles and 
Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, pp 1 84, 1 87). At some time before Michaelmas 1 268, 
they received a grant of land from Geoffrey, son of Sir John de Hackensall (William Farrer (ed), 
The Chartulary of Cockersand Abbey, vol 1, pt 1 (CS, ns, vol 38 (Manchester, 1898), 74-5) and 
according to A.FL Wright in British Calendar Customs (T.E. Lones (ed), vol 2 (London, 
1936-40, rpt 1968), 218), a maypole served as a boundary marker for this: 

A very early maypole reference is given in a long account of a charter of the time 
of King John granting land to Cockersand Abbey. One section of this account 
relates to a free transfer (donatio) of land delimited by a line starting from the 
Lostock maypole, about three miles west from Bolton, that is to say, from the 
Lostock maypole, where a cross was situated, along a straight line extending in 
a southerly direction all the way to the cross beyond le Tunge. 

Lostock is a place in Lancashire not far from Bolton. At a first reading, then, this seems 
remarkably positive evidence but an examination of Wright s sources shows things are not 
quite so clear as he made them out to be. Wright, as he acknowledged, followed Dugdale s 
Monasticon\ but that reads Lostock-mepul (William Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, vol 2 
(London, 1661), 633 col 2) and Lostock-mepul is hardly likely to be Middle English for 
Lostock maypole. Dugdale s source in turn was a royal confirmation, dated 8 April 1385, 
of the original Cockersand grant (Monasticon, vol 2, pp 632-4). This, now in the Public 
Record Office (PRO: C. 53/1 60, mb 1), reads either lestockmepuT or lestockinepul ; as often 
in condensed legal hands of the fourteenth century, the minim sequence admits of more than 
one interpretation. The scribe s intention, however, can be established from his source, the 
original grant by Geoffrey de Hackensall. This clearly defines the boundaries of the grant as 
starting from le Stockenepul, ubi crux sita est (Farrer (ed), ChartuLary, p 74). Here le is 
clearly the French definite article, used as it commonly is in Anglo-Latin documents of the 
period to introduce a vernacular word into a Latin context. Evidently the royal scribe copying 
this in 1385 chose to write le Stockenepul as one word and changed the first e to i ; this 


produced lestockJnepul. Dugdale in turn misread this as lostockmepul and interpreted it as a 
compound of the known place-name Lostock with another element, which he may have 
understood as meaning maple (tree). Wright, however, took it as meaning Lostock maypole 
and apparently did not trouble to pursue the point further by looking up the original grant, 
which by the time he wrote was available in Farrer s Chartulary. 

The original grant settles the reading, however, and it only remains to decide what it means. 
Farrer treats it as a proper name and half modernizes it, translating the Stockenpool, where 
the cross is set up (p 75). On its own this might suggest some sort of hard ground that could 
hold the post of a wooden cross or support the base of a stone one. When the word reappears 
further down, however, the context implies a visible feature of some size, since the boundary 
is there said to run ex parte aquilonis de le Stokenepul, recta linea usque in sablones : ie, from 
the north side of the Stokenpool in a straight line to the sands (p 74). This is compatible 
with what philology would suggest, for Stockenepul can be interpreted as ME stoken , past 
participle of sicken (modern dialect steek ), meaning shut up or enclose and pul(l) , which 
is modern pool (OED Steek v^ and Tool sb^\ MED steken v 7). A stocken pool is thus an 
enclosed pool, that is, either one produced by artificially damming a stream or (more likely) 
one fenced in to prevent outsiders from poaching the owner s fish. The Stocken pool was 
most likely a fishpond, a common feature of monastic properties. In any case, it was not a 
maypole; that was a ghost, created by a series of miscopyings and misunderstandings. 


The Latin documents have been translated as literally as possible. The order of records in the 
translations parallels that of records in the original. Place-names and given names have been 
modernized. Surnames have been normalized on a document by document basis. If the same 
person or family is referred to by different spellings of the same surname in a document, the 
most common spelling is adopted throughout the translation. If no one spelling predominates, 
the spelling closest to modern spelling has been chosen. Judges and other court officials, whose 
names also appear in the modernized court headings, form a special category. The spelling of 
their names is based on all the spellings which appear in the manuscript court headings as well 
as that of individual documents. Capitalization and punctuation are in accordance with mod 
ern practice. 

As in the Records text, diamond brackets indicate obliterations and square brackets cancel 
lations. Round brackets enclose words not in the Latin text but needed for grammatical sense in 

In accounts of cases heard before ecclesiastical courts, phrases in round brackets have been 
used to complete formulae suspended with etc, when the remainder of a formula can be de 
duced with certainty (see the section on ecclesiastical court procedure pp cii-civ for a full 
discussion of such cases). The dates in ecclesiastical court cases, which are normally given 
according to the English church practice of beginning the year on 25 March, have not been ad 
justed to agree with the modern historical year. 

Not all the Latin in the text has been translated here. Latin tags, formulae, headings, or other 
short sections in largely English documents are either translated in footnotes or not at all. 
Individual documents which consist of a single line, or other very short entries, especially those 
that are part of repetitive annual series, are not translated, unless they present some unusual 
syntactic or semantic problem. All Latin vocabulary not found in the standard Latin dictionary, 
the Oxford Latin Dictionary, is found in the glossary. 




Bond for John Plombe, Fiddler LRO: QSB 1/78/18 

single sheet* (7 September) 

Lancaster Be it known that Anthony Martin of Melling, husbandman, and Thomas 

Robinson of Litherland, husbandman, came before me, Edward Moore, 
esquire, one of the justices of the peace, and posted sureties for John Plombe 
of West Derby, fiddler, that he himself will appear personally before a justice 
of the peace of the lord king at the next sessions of the peace to be held at 
Wigan and that in the meantime he will keep the peace towards all the lord 
king s people and especially towards Miles Waddington of Bootle. That is, 
each of the aforesaid guarantors gave his undertaking under penalty of 10 
and the aforesaid John gave his undertaking on his own behalf under penalty 
of 20. The aforesaid John Plombe and each of the guarantors acknow 
ledged that that amount of 20 and the said amount of 10 (each) be levied 
from their lands and tenements, goods and chattels, if he (ie, Plombe) fail in 
the following condition: 
(English follows) 
"He is bound 

(signed) Edward Moore 
for the peace 
and to answer for 

other misdeeds." He appeared (and) was released (from this 

bond) by the lord (judge). 
2(s) 4(d) 
Let it be enrolled. 



Presentment of William Craven, Piper LRO: QSR 1 

mb 9d* (12 July) 

Sessions held at Preston before John Fleetwood, Sir Richard Shireburn, Thomas 
Talbot, Thomas Southworth, James Anderton, Thomas Eccleston, Nicholas 
Banester, Edmund Fleetwood, and John Wrightington, justices of the peace 

...And (the jurors present) that William Craven, recently of Clitheroe in the 
county of Lancaster, piper, piped at Clitheroe aforesaid in the aforesaid 



county on 12 July, being a Sunday, in the thirty-second year of the reign of 
Lady Elizabeth, now queen, etc.... 



Bond for John Coward, Piper LRO: QSB 1/138/24 

single sheet* (6 July) 

Sessions held, at Warden before William Farington, justice of the peace 

John Coward of Penwortham in the aforesaid county (;>, of Lancaster), piper, 
acknowledged that he is bound to the said lord king for 20. 

Thomas Hodson of Croston and Thomas Worsleye of the same, 
husbandmen, posted sureties for the aforesaid John, namely, each of them 
(gave his undertaking) under penalty of 5 to be got and levied from his 
lands and tenements, goods and chattels for the use of the said lord king, his 
heirs, and his successors, if they fail in the following condition: 
He is bound 
to reply. 

"He appeared (and) was examined by the lord (judge). 
Let it be enrolled. 



Bond for Ralph Pyke, Piper LRO: QSR 1 

mb 7d* (9 July) 

Sessions held at Ormskirk before John Fleetwood, Sir Edward Fitton, Edward 
Scarisbrick, James Anderson, Richard Molyneux, and John Wrightington, justices 
of the peace 

Be it known that at these aforementioned sessions held at Ormskirk aforesaid 
in the aforesaid county on the said 9 June in the abovesaid thirty-second year 
(of the queens reign), Ralph Pyke of Bccleston in the aforesaid county, piper, 
came in his own person before the aforementioned justices and gave his 
undertaking on his own behalf under penalty of 10 that for the duration of 
one year now next following he himself will not pipe on any Sunday. The 


aforesaid Ralph granted that he was bound to the lady queen and that this 
sum would be got and levied from his goods and chattels, lands and 
tenements if it should happen that he fail in the foregoing and be lawfully 
convicted thereof. 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/10 

f \66v (14 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Manchester deanery before David Yale, LLD, 
official principal 

Against William Heywood 

A piper, (he) played in James Riles house at evensong time (on) a holi 
day and gave the swornman bad words. A warning was given to William 
Heywood to confess his fault publicly in the parish church in that place and 
to promise that hereafter he will never commit the like to the offence of any 
person on the twenty-ninth instant, etc, and to certify (his compliance) 
before the next feast of (St) Martin. 
Against James Rile 

The said piper played in his house. A warning was given (...) by Mr 
Richardson, the dean, that he suffer not the like hereafter. (No further 
warning was given) because he was not then at home in person. 



Presentment of Roger Coettes, Pedlar LRO: QSR 4 

mb 28* (28 April) 

Sessions held at Preston before William Farington, Richard Fleetwood, Edward 
Walmesley, Geoffrey Osbaldeston, James Anderton, Edward Rigby, Nicholas 
Banester, Edmund Fleetwood, Roger Nowell, Receiver General John Braddill, 
John Calvert, and Robert Pilkington, justices of the peace 

...And (the jurors present) that Roger Coettes, recently of Garstang in the 
county of Lancaster, pedlar, on 29 January in the forty-third year of the reign 
of Lady Elizabeth, by the grace of God queen of England, France, and 


Ireland, defender of the faith, etc, and on various other days and at various 
other times both before and after, at Garstang aforesaid in the county of 
Lancaster unlawfully maintained, kept, and entertained in his dwelling 
rogues, vagabonds, and suspect persons and even various unlawful and 
disorderly persons, namely, pedlars, tinkers, jugglers, pipers, glass carriers 
and feather carriers both in order for them to play at unlawful pastimes in 
his aforesaid house and in order for them to disturb the peace of the said lady 
queen by making assaults and shedding blood, and (they present that he 
maintained) various others, wrongdoers and sowers of quarrels among their 
neighbours, in Garstang aforesaid in the aforesaid county to the great hurt of 
his neighbours, in contempt of the laws of this realm of England, and 
contrary to the peace of the said lady queen 


Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/25 

f 26 (23 January) 

Proceedings of the court held for Amounderness deanery at Garstang parish 

Against Henry Skelton (and) Thomas Rigmayden 

For giving the townsfolk warning to bear rushes on a Sunday contrary to the 
notice in the church by the minister. 

"extracted" Skelton and Rigmayden appeared and acknowledged by virtue of their oath 

that they asked some persons whether they would carry rushes and because 
they are being presented (for this) the lord (judge) enjoined them to confess 
this fault in time of divine service as above. 



Presentment of Margaret Yat and Constance Eccles LRO: QSR 1 

mb 9d* (12 July) 

Sessions held at Preston before John Fleetwood, Sir Richard Shire burn, Thomas 
Talbot, Thomas Southworth, James Anderton, Thomas Eccleston, Nicholas 
Banester, Edmund Fleetwood, and John Wrightington, justices of the peace 

..And (the jurors present) that Margaret Yat of Goosnargh in the aforesaid 
county, spinster, the daughter of Christopher Yat, and Constance Eccles, alias 
Higham, recently of the same (parish) in the aforesaid county, spinster, on the 



twelfth of July in the thirty-second year of the reign of Lady Elizabeth, now 
queen, etc, being the Lord s Day, in English, the Sunday, at Goosnargh 
aforesaid in the aforesaid county carried reeds, called rushes, to the 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/17 

f 180 (19 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for Warrington deanery at Wigan parish church 
before David Ellise, STD, deputy of David Yale, LLD, official principal 

Against Ralph Poole (and) Silvester Rymer 

For keeping may games and ales on the sabbath day. On 1 1 October 1613 
the said Poole appeared before Mr Hugh Burches, deputy, etc. The lord 
(deputy) enjoined him always to refrain (from doing so) hereafter under 
penalty of law and because it is his first offence and was committed out of 
sheer ignorance, (the deputy) dismissed him on this condition of always 
refraining hereafter and absolved him, since he had been excommunicated 
elsewhere, and restored him to the church. 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/25 

f 51v* (24 March) 

Proceedings of the court held for Furness deanery at Cartmel parish church, 
before Thomas Stafford, LIB, commissary of John Bridgeman, bishop of Chester, 
and in the presence of Edward Morgell, notary public 

"Excommuni- Against Christopher Sandes, John Banke, John Wilson, Francis Strickland, 
cation" ( an j) j h n Robinson. 

Disguised themselves in women s habit for the keeping of a summering. 
Sandes and Banke appeared and are enjoined to make acknowledgment of 
this their offence before the minister and churchwardens and always to 
refrain from such (behaviour) hereafter, certifying (their compliance) as 
above. Robinson (also) appeared and is enjoined as above. 




Bond for William Fox, Bearward LRO: DDKs 30/30 

single sheet* (29 November) (Lancaster assizes) 

Be ir known that on 29 November in the fourteenth year of the reign of our 
Lord Charles, by the grace of God king of England, Scotland, France, and 
Ireland, defender of the faith, etc, William Fox of Garstang in the county of 
Lancaster, bearward, came in his own person before Dutton, Lord Gerard, 
and Richard Shuttleworth, esquire, two of the lord king s justices assigned to 
keep the peace in the county of Lancaster. And he acknowledged that (he was 
bound to the lord) king for 20 and Francis Clark (...), bearward, and 
Thomas Rigmayden (...) likewise acknowledged on behalf of the aforesaid 
William Fox that (they were bound) to the lord king for 5 each, to be got 
and levied from their goods and lands, chattels and tenements to the use of 
the said lord king (on condition that) William Fox appear personally at the 
next general sessions of the peace at Preston in Amounderness, to be held 
after the feast of Epiphany and that he not go away from there without the 
permission of the justices then and (there) present. And in the meantime that 
he keep the peace towards the said lord king and all his people, especially 
towards John Curwenn, such that he does not do or cause to be done any loss 
or harm through his own agency or that of others in any way whatsoever. In 
witness of this matter, the aforesaid justices affix their seals. Given on the day 
and in the year abovesaid. 
(signed) D. Gerard 



Presentment of Richard Whytstones and James Harrison, Bearwards 

LRO: DDF 192 

single mb* (16 April) 

Court leet before Richard Fleetwood, esquire, steward of the manor 

Likewise (the jurors) present that Richard Whytstones of Ormskirk in the 
aforesaid county, bearward, on 30 November last past at Leyland, within the 
jurisdiction of this court, made an affray upon James Harrison of Croston in 
the aforesaid county, bearward, and drew blood from him with his stick. 
Therefore he himself is to be fined 6s 8d. 


They aJso present that the aforementioned James Harrison on the aforesaid 
day at Leyland aforesaid likewise made an affray upon the aforementioned 
Richard Whytstones (but) was provoked (into doing so) in self-defence. 
Therefore (his) fines should be forgiven. 



Town Book 1 LIRO: 352/MIN/COU I 1/1 

f [16] (18 October - 17 October) 

(30 January) (Assembly of burgesses) 

Be it known that on the same Sunday George Asheton and Peter Rymour, 
Thomas bailiffs for this year, Ralph Barley, and Thomas Secum came and 

acknowledged that they were guarantors for Thomas Wawen, a servant 
(hired) on the town s behalf to play with his instrument every morning and 
every night for a year, Sundays excepted. (They pledge) that the town s 
with is pipe insigne or badge of silver shall be produced before the mayor on any occasion 
(when it is demanded) and that it will be kept in good condition under 
penalty of four marks of English money. The said Thomas Wawen died and 
his guarantors have presented the town s badge to Robert Corbet, mayor, in 
the first year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, etc, and the said guarantors 
shall go quit of the aforementioned (fine), etc. 


Town Book 1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 

f [104] col 2* (18 October- 17 October) (Burgess roll) 

James Corlis, Richard Marser, shoemaker, and Henry Halewood, wait, were 
admitted by law (and) sworn free burgesses on 18 October 1572, etc. 


Town Book 2 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 

f 44v (18 October- 17 October) 

(25 October) (Great Portmoot before John Mainwaring, mayor; 

election of officers) 

James Atherton (was chosen) wait conditionally upon examination of a letter 



from the right honourable earl of Derby to master mayor and the aldermen 
together with all the burgesses. 



Presentment of Christopher Poulton, Alehousekeeper LRO: QSR 1 

mb 9d* (12 July) 

Sessions of the court held at Preston before John Flcetwood, Sir Richard 
Shireburn, Thomas Talbot, Thomas Southworth, James Anderton, Thomas 
Eccleston, Nicholas Banester, Edmund Fleetwood, and John Wrightington, 
justices of the peace 

...And (the jurors present) that Christopher Poulton, recently of Myerscough 
in the county of Lancaster, alehousekeeper, permitted a bear-baiting near his 
house on a Sunday and maintained and kept the supporters of the same bear- 
baiting in his house 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1 /9 

f79v (16 September) 

Proceedings of the court held for Blackburn deanery 

Ex orricio proceedings of the lord (judge) against Nicholas Hargreaves for 
playing upon organs in the house and drawing people from evening prayer 
upon the sabbath. On this day the man appeared and thoroughly denied the 
presentment. (But) the lord (judge), who is the presenter (in cases of this 
kind), ordered him not (to play so) hereafter upon the sabbath day on pain of 
excommunication and to certify (his compliance). 


Archbishop Neile s Visitation Book BI: V.1633/CB.2A 
f 279v* (21 November) 

Proceedings of the court held for Blackburn deanery 

Office of the lord (archbishop) against Henry Parker for suffering piping and 


dancing to be in his house and grounds on the Sunday. 

The said Parker appeared on this day and denied the charges. He is therefore 




Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/15 

f\W (15 October) 

Proceedings of the court held for LeyLznd deanery at Preston parish church, 
before David Yale, LLD 

Against the residents of Farington 

(They) refuse to bring rushes to strew the church floor withal (and) will not 
pay their assessments due to the church. On 16 December 1608 Richard 
Farington appeared before the honourable man, David Yale, LLD, etc, and 
took an oath that he was a messenger specially sent to appoint a proctor for 
the residents of Farington and appointed Mr Humphreys as a proctor for the 
same. He, having been thus appointed, exhibited his proxy in words, etc, 
(and) sought the benefit of absolution to be bestowed for the aforesaid 
residents. Therefore the lord (official) decreed that since the same 
Humphreys had already taken an oath on the holy gospels of God to obey 
the law, etc, during an action involving two of his (other clients) (or, two of 
them, ie, of the residents), the same residents should be absolved in the 
person of the said Mr Humphreys on the following 25 March and he issued 
an absolution. And because the lord judge was not certain of the names of 
those presented, the lord (judge) continued his deliberations until he was 
certain of the identities of the aforesaid residents and of the names and 
surnames of those persons particularly delinquent in this matter. 



Chester Diocesan Visitation Proceedings CRO: EDV 1/21 

f25v* (1 3 November) 

Proceedings of the court held, for Amounderness deanery at Preston parish church, 



before William Forster, STD, clerk, William Leigh, STB, clerk, and John Paler, 
clerk, commissaries of Thomas Morton, bishop of Chester, in the presence of John 
Morgell, his principal registrar 

Against Richard Fisher of Thornton, Richard Davie, (and) William Hull of 

(They) had ales, piping, and dancing and profane pastimes and assemblies on 
the sabbath day. The said Hull appeared on this day and he is enjoined to 
confess his fault publicly in the church in such manner as Mr White, the 
vicar, shall inform him and to certify (his compliance) on the next feast of the 
Purification. "Afterwards on 9 March 1617 Richard Fisher appeared by (his 
proctor), John Whiteside, and he is enjoined as above to certify (his 
compliance) by the next court day after the next feast of Easter and the lord 
commissioned his deputy (or, deputies) to absolve him. 
Against John Forshall and Edward Watson. 

Pipers at the aforesaid ales, etc. "But afterwards, that is, on 20 July 1618, 
John Forshall appeared personally and received the benefit of absolution. 
When indeed that had taken place, the lord enjoined him always to refrain 
hereafter and to confess this his fault before Mr White, vicar of Poulton, and 
the churchwardens in the same place and to certify (his compliance) before 
the next feast of St Michael on pain of excommunication. But afterwards, 
that is, on 6 October 16(1)8, a copy of this order, duly fulfilled and certified, 
was introduced. Therefore the lord gave the said Forshall a final dismissal as 
far as the aforementioned (charges) are concerned. 



Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) pre-1558 

sheet [2] (4 April) 

Frankpledge court before Sir Richard Bold and Receiver General William Ley land, 
commissioners of Thomas Stanley, earl of Derby 

It was ordered at this court that no person remaining within the town of 
Prescot shall keep or receive those playing at unlawful sports or at dice and 
cards hereafter under penalty of 12d (to be paid) as often as (any person shall 
do so) after the ninth hour at night. 



Manor Survey Book KCA: PRE/24/ 1/10/14 

f 1 1 * (May) (Tenants of customary lands) 

John Ogle, gentleman, holds as above two burgages, together with two 
adjacent crofts, called Cockpit House, in the tenure of John Dichfeild and 
Robert Howhton, containing, by reckoning, a rood (and) abutting on the 
east side on the yard of Simons and of Robert Plumton, on the west side on 
the lane leading to the church, on the south side upon the school house, and 
on the north side upon the road from Liverpool to the lord s mill.... 


Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1610 

mb 2 (8 June) 

Court leet before Henry Stanley, understeward, deputy of William, earl of Derby, 
chief steward 

...And (the jurors present) that Mr Malbon has not removed one Whitsyde 
from the playhouse according to the order made at the last court; therefore 
he is to be fined 6s 8d 


Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1615 

single mb* (9 June) 

Court leet before Henry Stanley, understeward, deputy of William, earl of Derby, 
chief steward 

They (the jurors) say and present upon their oath that John Mercer of 
Eccleston near Knowsley in the county of Lancaster, freemason, came to this 
court in his own proper person before the aforesaid steward and sought 
permission to enter into one parcel of land in Prescot aforesaid, lying at the 
uppet end of the High Street leading to Eccleston, near to Churchley Field 
gate, comprising in width nine yards and two feet on its eastern end and five 
feet on its western end and comprising in length nineteen yards - of and 
upon the aforesaid parcel of land a building has been put up, earlier used as a 
certain house called a playhouse, and for these (/>, the building and the 
land) a rent of 2s 6d has been paid annually to the school of Prescot. And 
(the jurors say and present) that the aforesaid John Mercer is able to hold and 
have the aforesaid parcel of land and the building for himself and his heirs 
hereafter according to the custom of the aforesaid manor and (that) in 
consideration of 12 of lawful English money paid beforehand by the 



aforesaid John Mercer to Henry Stanley, esquire, permission has been granted 
to the aforementioned John Mercer by the aforesaid steward to enter into the 
aforesaid parcel of land and the building and to hold the same for himself and 
his heirs hereafter according to the custom of the manor of Prescot aforesaid, 
rendering and paying for it annually to the aforesaid school of Prescot a rent 
of 2s 6d and also rendering annually to the lord of the aforesaid manor a rent 
of (blank) on the usual festivals in equal portions. And because the aforesaid 
John Mercer did come in his own proper person to this same court before the 
aforementioned steward and seek to be admitted as a tenant thereof according 
to the custom of the aforesaid manor and (because) an announcement was 
made, etc, and because, etc, therefore the aforementioned John Mercer has 
been admitted as a tenant thereof by the aforesaid steward according to the 
same custom, to have and to hold the aforesaid premises together with their 
appurtenances for the aforementioned John Mercer, his heirs, and his assigns 
hereafter according to the custom of the same manor for the rent and service 
owed for it and customary by law 



Presentment of Ralph Shelmerden, Ape-baiter LRO: QSR 4 

mb38* (29 April) 

Sessions before Sir Nicholas Mosley, Richard Assheton, Richard Holland, Ralph 
Assheton, James Assheton, Edmund Hopwood, Edmund Reetwood, John 
Bradshaw, and Robert Pilkington 

...And (the jurors present) that on 19 April in the forty-third year of the 
reign of the said lady queen, being a Sunday, Ralph Shelmerden, recently of 
Withington in the county of Lancaster, thrashed, in English baited, an ape.... 



Bishop Bridgeman s Act Book CRO: EDA 3/2 

fl* (12 July) 

Proceedings of the court of audience before Bishop John Bridgeman at Wigan in 
the presence of (....) Russell, notary public 

Likewise against Edmund Balshaw, chapelwarden of Low Church, for that he 


caused a rushbearing to be made in that chapel upon Sunday, 18 June 1626, 
being formerly ordered not to suffer it, by means whereof there were many 
drunk and much profanation of divine service, etc. After he has appeared and 
confessed, he has to acknowledge (his fault) in the said chapel and to certify 
(his compliance) within a month, etc. After this penance has been duly 
performed and certified, he is afterward dismissed. 



Bond for Randle Rylance, Joiner LRO: QSB 1 / 1 06/26 

single sheet* (8 May) (Lancashire sessions) 

Be it known that on 8 May AD 1632 Randle Rylance of Warrington in the 
aforesaid county, joiner, came before me, Thomas Ireland, esquire, one of the 
justices of the said lord king appointed to keep the peace in the county of 
Lancaster, and acknowledged that he is bound to the lord king for 20 of 
good and lawful English money, to be got and levied from his goods and 
chattels, lands and tenements for the use of the said lord king, his heirs, 
and his successors, if he fail in the following condition. 
William Wildigge and Robert Wicke of Warrington in the county 
of Lancaster, labourers, came and posted sureties for the aforesaid 
Randle under the following condition 20. 

(English follows) 
He has not paid. 

To answer. (signed) Thomas Ireland 

He appeared (and) was examined by the lord (justice). 

2(s) 4(d) 
Let it be enrolled. 

Bond for Robert Wicke, Smith LRO. QSB 1/106/24 
single sheet (8 May) 

(Recognizance) taken at Bewsey in the aforesaid county before 
In the county Thomas Ireland, one of the justices of the lord king assigned to 
of Lancaster keep the peace in the aforesaid county, etc. On 8 May 1632, in 
the eighth year of the reign of Charles, king of England, etc, 
Robert Wicke of Warrington in the aforesaid county, smith, 
acknowledged that he was bound to the lord king for 20. 

John Choner and William Wildigge in the aforesaid county, 
labourers, acknowledged themselves bound to the lord king on 


behalf of the aforesaid Robert for 20 

(English follows) 
He has not paid. 

To answer. ("gned) Thomas Ireland 

He appeared (and) was examined by the lord (justice). 

2(s) 4(d) 
Let it be enrolled. 



HaUmote of IghtenhiU Manor LRO: DDHC 1/3/41 

mb7d* (19 April) 

HaUmote held before Thomas Talbot, knight, and John Townley, esquire, chief 

Fine: 4d 

The jurors (present) on their oath that William Bulcock of Wheatley Booth 
keeps and receives in his home one performer and his wife contrary to (the 
customs of the manor) 



Presentments of Ralph Marler, Alehousekeeper, and John Tompson, Piper 


mb 5 Id* (15 July) 

Manchester sessions before Sir Nicholas Mosley, Richard Assheton, Richard 
Holland, James Assheton, Edmund Hopwood, and Alexander Reddish 

...And (the jurors present) that Ralph Marler, recently of Withington in the 
county of Lancaster, on 5 July in the forty-third year of the reign of Lady 
Elizabeth, by the grace of God, queen of England, France, and Ireland, 
defender of the faith, etc, at Withington aforesaid in the aforesaid county 
"took it upon himself to keep and did keep a common alehouse obstinately 
and upon the sole authority of Ralph Marler himself without any permission 
or licence from a justice of the peace in the aforesaid county and at that time 



and place he commonly sold ale contrary to the form of the statute 
promulgated and provided in a case of this kind and (they further present) 
that the aforesaid Ralph Marler then and there in his aforesaid house kept a 
piper contrary to the peace of the said lady queen".... 
And (they also present) that John Tompson, recently of Withington in the 
county of Lancaster, piper, on 5 July in the forty-third year of the reign of 
Lady Elizabeth, by the grace of God queen of England, France, and Ireland, 
defender of the faith, etc, "which was a Sunday", at Withington aforesaid in 
the aforesaid county "piped, in English piped, contrary to the peace of the 
said lady queen." 



Bond for Robert Deane, Servant LRO: QSB 1/49/10 

single sheet* 

Recognizance taken before the aforesaid justice on the 

aforesaid day and in the aforesaid year, etc. 

Robert Deane of Bolton, husbandman, shall be bound to the lord king on 
his own behalf for 10. 

John Deane of Whalley in the county of Lancaster, yeoman, shall be bound 
to the lord king for 10. 
On condition (English follows) 
To answer. 
He has appeared (and) is discharged by the lord (justice)." 

(signed) John Braddyll 
"Let it be enrolled." 2(s) 4(d) 


Presentment of Robert Deane, Servant LRO: QSR25 1628 

mb 46d* (14 January) 

Sessions held at Preston before Sir Ralph Assheton, Sir Gilbert Hoghton, Robert 
Blundell, Alexander Rigby of Burgh, Radcliff Assheton, protonotary of the county 
palatine, Edward Veale, John Starkey, and Richard Burgh, justices of the peace 

And (the jurors present) that Robert Deane, recently of Great Lever in the 
county of Lancaster, husbandman, on 20 October in the fourth year of the 


reign of Lord Charles, king of England, etc, at Lever aforesaid in the aforesaid 
county took and carried away by force and arms one musical instrument 
called in English a treble viol, (worth) up to the value of 8d, from the goods 
and chattels of Sir Ralph Assheton, baronet, found and being at that place 
and at that time contrary to the peace of the said lord king, his crown, and 



Court Leet Records LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1668 

mb 2d (22 May) 

Court leet before John Entwhistle, steward 

And (the jurors present) that John Mercer, previously of Eccleston near 
Knowsley and recently of Prescot aforesaid, freemason, who - for and in 
consideration of 12 of lawful English money paid in hand by him to Henry 
Stanley, esquire, lately steward of the manor of Prescot aforesaid - held, by 
copy of the court roll given 9 June in the thirteenth year of the reign of the 
illustrious lord, James, late king of England, France, and Ireland, etc, for 
himself and his heirs from the lords of the aforesaid manor according to the 
custom there one parcel of land lying in Prescot aforesaid at the upper end of 
the High Street leading towards Eccleston aforesaid near to the Churchley 
Field gate, comprising in width at its eastern side nine yards and half a foot 
and at its western side five yards and comprising in length nineteen yards. A 
structure had been and was put up and is now standing on this parcel of land, 
formerly used as a house called a playhouse and for this (structure) an 
annual rent of 2s 6d is paid to the school of Prescot aforesaid. He, the 
aforesaid John Mercer, died seised or admitted into possession thereof 
according to the custom of the aforesaid manor on or about 30 May AD 
1634. And the aforesaid jurors further say and present upon their oaths that 
shortly after the death of the aforementioned John Mercer, one Edward 
Stockley, recently of Prescot aforesaid, gentleman, now dead, entered into the 
aforesaid premises and by virtue of separate surrenders and admissions had 
and done on that account before and after the death of the aforesaid John 
Mercer, he, the aforesaid Edward Stockley, and those who claim under him 
and under the estate of the late Richard Harrington, gentleman, have quietly 
enjoyed the aforesaid premises for the space of thirty-one years or thereabout 
and have received its rent, revenue, and profit. 


4 Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book f 12v 

This presentment is in answer to one of a list of seven topics about which information has been sought. 
The list of topics is not headed with the name of any parish but Ashton is named in die headings for 
replies to the last two items. The whole document is therefore probably a series of presentments for that 
parish made by one of the churchwardens. The similarity in language to that of the sabbath reform pro 
posals issued by the Lancashire assize bench in 1587 (see pp 220-1 and endnote, pp 364-5) suggests 
that these churchwardens presentments to die quarter sessions were made in accordance with diose or 
ders as part of a programme to curb sabbath breaking. 

4-5 LRO: DDBk3/9 single sheet dorse 

Blackburn Grammar School was founded in 1 509 as a chantry school, dissolved in the time of Edward 
vi, and refounded in 1567 under royal patronage as a grammar school with a board of governors (George 
Alfred Stocks (ed), The Records of Blackburn Grammar School, cs, ns, vol 66, pt 1 (Manchester, 1909), 
ix-x). The original school building must have been a poor structure, standing on the south-east side of 
the old Church, and north of die present one (Stocks (ed), Records, p xvii). This fragment of a single leaf 
must have belonged to die earliest minute book after the re-foundation. The ten governors who signed 
the 1591 minutes included Sir Thomas Walmesley. 

The school historian, G.F. Eastwood, believed the prohibition of English plays was aimed at a local 
Robin Hood play ( Queen Elizabeth s : A New History of the Ancient Grammar School of Blackburn (Black 
burn, 1967), 27), but no evidence exists to prove that Robin Hood plays were ever staged in Tudor 
grammar schools. More likely the intention was to prohibit English plays while allowing Greek or Latin 
drama, which the humanists preferred because it gave the pupils practice in speaking the classical lan 
guages. The playe dayes" (p 5, 1.1), however, as Eastwood recognized, were probably not days for putting 
on such plays but simply holidays. 

Blackburn may nevertheless have had a Robin Hood play, for the local antiquary William Durham 
alluded to one in his Chronological Notes on the History of the Town and Parish of Blackburn, 2nd ed 
(Blackburn, 1866), under 1536 (p 13). Durham s chief source of information on Robin Hood plays ap 
pears to have been Samuel Hibbert- Ware s account of the supposed plays in Manchester, the value of 
which is discussed in Appendix 7 (pp 283-5), but Durham adds that such plays became totally disused 
in 1690, so far as Blackburn was concerned, citing Ainsworth s Mss. Without further particulars it has 
not proved possible to trace his source. 

5 LRO: DDBk2/l p 16 

Like the 1591 prohibition against extraordinary play days, this minute may deal with holidays. The 


obvious interpretation is that only masters and ushers could get the afternoon off before a vacation 
began but just possibly the minute means that only a governor or schoolmaster could obtain permission 
for a play, that it was to be acted in the afternoon, and at most once in a quarter. Eastwood fills in die 
missing word as fortnight ( Queen Elizabeth s, p 29), but a Rivington Grammar School order of c 1 570 
states that die maximum number of play occasions was to be not above twies in the quarter of the 
yeare (LRO: DDX 94/100 f I4v). 

5 LRO: WCW 1630 single sheet 

Collinson was schoolmaster at Blackburn Grammar School from 1613 to 1623, when he died (Stocks 

(ed), Records, pt 2, cs, ns, vol 67 (Manchester, 1909), 130, 146). 

5-6 LRO: QSB/1/78/18 single sheet 

Edward Moore (c 1575-1632) (p 5, 1-33) was a severe puritan JP of the Liverpool area, sheriff of Lan 
cashire in 1621, and MP for Liverpool in 1625 (Thomas William King and F.R- Raines (eds), Lancashire 
Funeral Certificates, cs, vol 75 (Manchester, 1869), 57-8). For his inventory see p 159. 

6-8 LRO: DDF 2438/12 single sheet 

This letter was edited originally by Susan Maria Ffarington ( The Farington Papers, pp 128-9). She notes 
that the writer, Edmund Assheton, was fourdi in descent from Edmund Assheton, the first of that 
name, of Chadderton (who was younger son of Sir T. Ashton of Ashton-under-Lyne Knight), [and] suc 
ceeded his father James Assheton 3 Edward vi., being at that rime aged 27. He died 1584, aged 79 
He was in the commission of the peace for Lancashire (p 129 n 3). Assheton s correspondent, William 
Farington, was much younger. He was born in 1537, inherited his father s estates in Leyland, and about 
1558 was appointed a JP and a deputy lieutenant for the county. He was controller of the household to 
Edward, the twelfth earl of Derby, steward of the household to Henry, the thirteenth earl, and receiver 
general to Ferdinando, the fourteenth earl. He died in 1610. 

The tone of die letter is guarded. Assheton wishes to win over Farington to his view of the sabbath, 
but he wold not deale for any reformac/on within the Lymittwof yowr walke (p 7, 11.12 13). Farington s 
walke was Amounderness hundred, where he was a JP on die bench at Preston. In Salford hundred and 
Blackburn hundred (where Burnley was) there were puritan justices prepared to proceed harshly against 
May game revels, but in Amounderness the authorities were evidently more lenient. Moreover, Farington 
had attended a consultation at Pilkington Park, a Derby house, Tor the ovmhrowe of our Comyssion in 
Eccleziasticall causes (11.16 17). The Queen s ecclesiastical commission for the diocese of Chester had 
been appointed in 1 562 to enforce the Acts for the Uniformity of Common Prayer, and for restoring 
to the Crown die ancient jurisdiction over the estate ecclesiastical and spiritual (Calendar of State Papers 
Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edward vt, Mary, Elizabeth, 1547-1580, Robert Lemon (ed) (London, 
1856), 20 July 1 562, p 203). The commission expired c 1 586 or 1 587 but was renewed soon after 
(PRO: SP 228/19 f 76, dated 16 November 1589). We may surmise that Assheton was on the ecclesias 
tical commission and felt diat its influence was waning. Hence he took a careful tone with Farington 
but tried to pressure him into forestalling the May game revellers and the sabbath breakers by playing 
on his religious scruples and by suggesting that if he did not act, higher authorities would. 

There had evidendy been sturres (p 6, 1.30) at Burnley the previous year (1579) and in that year the 
ecclesiastical commission, sitting at Manchester, had given forth good orders & Injunctions against 
Sunday pastimes (see p 218, 1.25). Whitsunday, which in many places marked the start of may games, 


fell in 1580 on 22 May, ten days after the date of this letter. Assheton may have anticipated a major out 
break of sabbath breaking then and written his letter as a timely attempt to forestall it. 

8-10 Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book ff lv-2 

This confusing document has at least three elements. There is a list, with commentary, of the names of 
the offenders involved in an incident of sabbath breaking in Bury. Then there is a letter or report which 
appears to contain parts of two different letters or reports prompted by this incident. One is from John 
How to an unknown person, possibly in parish ministry, whom he addresses as good coosine (p 9, 1.38) 
and the other is from Edmund Hopwood to another unknown person addressed as Ryghte worshypfulT 
(p 9, 1.13). Edmund Hopwood (d. 1612) was a JP, deputy lieutenant for the county, and an ecclesiastical 
commissioner (F.R. Raines (ed), A Visitation of the Diocese of Chester, by John, Archbishop of York, 
Held in the Chapter House of the Collegiate and Parish Church of Manchester, 1590, with the Arch 
bishops Correspondence with the Clergy, Chetham Miscellanies, vol 5, cs, vol 96 (Manchester, 1875), 
19-20 n 20). The rector of Bury at this time was Peter Shaw, also an ecclesiastical commissioner and one 
of the signatories of the 1 587 Report of Seventeen Lancashire Preachers (F.R. Raines (ed), A Description 
of the State, p 15; see pp 219-20). John How has not been identified. 

It seems that at least one of the letter writers saw in this offence an opportunity to test the commit 
ment of the Lancashire bench to undertake prosecutions under the Sabbatarian reform proposals of 1587 
(see pp 2201 and endnote, pp 3645). The purpose of both the letters and the list appears to be to 
marshal evidence and gain support for such a test case. It is not possible now, without the originals, to 
untangle the letters or to be sure whether the list of names is separate or a part of one of the letters. Possi 
bly Alexander Rigby, who kept this book and whose interest in the Sabbatarian campaign is shown in its 
contents, copied from an original in which Hopwood had written a list of names with his comments and 
a draft of a letter to some influential official, such as Lord Burghley, on the same page as and around a 
letter from John How on the same subject. 

10 CRO: EDV 1/10 f 115v 

Henry Hale of Liverpool, piper (1.17), could well be the same as Henry Halewood, a Liverpool wait (see 
pp 39-40, 47 and endnote, pp 322-3). Hale was excommunicated, as the marginal note reveals, but 
this entry provides no details of any court appearance. Probably Hale simply never appeared to answer 
the charge and so was excommunicated for contumacy. Ralph Whitfeild (1.17) was apparently still active 
in the district in 1619. Some time before 22 December of that year, a Ralph Whitefeilde was one of four 
persons in Childwall parish accused of being involved in an ale on Sunday. Unfortunately, the account of 
that incident does not mention piping or other entertainment at the ale (CRO: EDV 1/22 f 83). 

11-13 LRO: DDF1 ff [39-9v] 

This incident probably took place at Chorley since John Yate was of that parish. The principals were 
John Pyper (p 12, 1.8), John Yate, and Hugh Parker, who represented the commons (p 1 1 , 1.25) or 
labouring classes. They were no doubt recruiting for the rebellion of Lord Darcy and Robert Aske of 
October 1536. On 24 October Lord Darcy had a force of about 35,000 men just north of Doncaster 
but the campaign stalled for the Doncaster Bridge conference of 26 October, the York conference of 21 
November, and the Pontefract discussion of 2 December. Lord Derby thus had ample time to deal with 
the rebels in Lancashire. On 5 December, after Aske had petitioned for the king s free pardon before any 
further discussion of the Pontefract articles, the rebel forces dispersed. The last flicker of the rebellion 
had died by 10 February 1536/7 and the leaders were executed by the summer. (See H.A.L. Fisher, The 


History of England from the Accession of Henry vji to the Death of Henry via. 1485-1547 (London, 1906), 
407-17; see also Christopher Haigh, The Defence of the Lancashire Monasteries: The Pilgrimage of 
Grace," The Last Days of the Lancashire Monasteries and the Pilgrimage of Grace, cs, 3rd ser, vol 17 
(Manchester, 1969), 61-85.) 

Whalley was one of several abbeys dissolved by the attainder of their abbots that year (David Knowles 
and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, 2nd ed (London, 1971), 128). Derby s examination 
of the Chorley rebels probably took place in early December. 

The examination reveals that the recruiters had blackened and coloured their faces at the alehouse, 
ostensibly for a game or pastime. Their behaviour may have fitted in with some customary game of dis 
guising, perhaps associated with minstrelsy. Lancashire men were still using blackface disguise in 1967; 
Jessica Lofdiouse records dancers at Bacup who blackened their faces and performed ritualistic leaping 
and whippings (Portrait of Lancashire (London, 1967), 204). 

14 LRO: QSR1 mb9d 

As the date of the court session is unavailable, the date assigned is that of the offence. 12 July was a Sun 
day in 1 590. 

14 PRO: C 93/8/2, item b single mb 

This paragraph comes from the records of A Commission to inquire in the Countie of Yorke, of lands 
and goods given to charitable uses (PRO: C93/8/2, item a, verso). Clitheroe is actually in Lancashire and 
presumably the grammar school came within the commission s scope because of the schools endowment 
lands in Yorkshire. The commission chiefly investigated allegations about mismanagement of the school 
and its funds and in this connection Abraham Grene, the schoolmaster, complained that he was owed 
two years stipend. The commission took occasion from this to investigate his conduct and found that 
Abraham Grene now schoolmaisw of the said schoole of Clitherowe is a sufficient schoolemaister, And 
that he the said Grene hath taught att the said schoole by the space of Twoe yeares and duringe the said 
tyme hath behaved himself industriouslie & honestlye in the said place (PRO: C 93/8/2, item e). 

When William Self Weeks first published this extract in Notes and Queries 161 (1931), 135, he gave 
the place of the inquisition as Milton but there is no Milton in the West Riding and the MS clearly reads 

From the wording of the text, Grene seems to have beaten the boy only once for bodi dancing and 
playing coverpin, which suggests that he did both on the same day. The phrase in the churche (1.23) is 
probably to be construed only with devyne Service (1.23) and need not imply that the boy actually 
danced and played in the church while the service was going on. 

14-15 LRO: MBC680 f [1] 

These extracts come from accounts of money received and disbursed by the town steward, Richard Dug- 
dall, on behalf of the bailiffs. The expenses occupy f [1] and the top off [lv]. The rest off [Iv] is 
blank and the receipts appear on the top half of f [2], headed quinto die lanuarij 1638. At the foot off 
[2] is a note to the effect that as of 1 1 February 1641/2 rents due at Christmas 1637 and tolls at the 
feasts of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary (8 December) 1637 and the Annunciation (25 
March) 1638 had not been recorded. 

All this suggests that these are accounts for a single civic year 1637-8, more likely than not running 
from Michaelmas 1637 to Michaelmas 1638, possibly rendered on 5 January 1638/9. The available 


internal evidence is consistent with this since the earliest payments or receipts are recorded for 24 Octo 
ber 1637 and the latest sum is a receipt for 24 July 1638. 

15-16 LRO: QSB 1/138/51 single sheet 

This complaint by Hyet is not dated. Any suggested date would depend on the relationship of this com 
plaint to the following document, a warrant requiring the constable of Court s parish (or any constable) 
to apprehend him and have him bound over before a justice of the peace to answer charges about his 
activities. If the clause in Hyet s complaint which mentions the warning from the constable (p 15, 
11.34-8) contains an oblique reference to die warrant, then the complaint was possibly intended to 
support the prosecution. If, however, the clause does not refer to die warrant, then the complaint was 
probably intended to encourage the justices to lay a charge. In any case, the text makes it clear that 
Court s offence was long-standing and had been complained of before. 

16 LRO: QSB 1/138/56 f [1] 

This warrant appears to have been drawn up with blanks left for the name of the place and for the date. 
Most likely the clerk who wrote it out was not sure where and when two JPS would be available to sign it. 
Even if the complaint by Hyet above followed this warrant rather than instigating it, he was probably the 
source of the credible information referred to (cf 1.18). 

It is difficult to identify Newton (1.29) because mere are many Newtons and Newtowns in Lan 
cashire. The two most probable candidates are Newtown, two miles east of Croston, and Newton in 
Makerfield, about fifteen miles southwest of Croston. Both are in the same court district as Croston and 
Penworcham, that made up of Leyland and West Derby hundreds, and the one where the two JPS were 
on the bench. Newtown is closer to the site of the offence but it is small, off the main road, and has no 
connection with either justice nor with the regular quarter sessions sites. Newton is on a major road and 
near the seats of both Ireland (at Bewsey, near Warrington) and Ashurst (at Ashurst s Hall in Dalton 
township southeast of Wigan). 

Ashurst is described as a wise and pious gentleman, zealous for the reformed religion in a part 
of the country where Roman Catholics abounded ; such a person would certainly take seriously any 
such offences as Court was accused of and might have been particularly glad to oblige Hyet, who 
had lent Ashurst s son 300 about 1630 to set him up in trade in London (DNB under Ashurst, Henry 
(1614P-1680), where the family is discussed). He was also a zealous Sabbatarian who boldly, but peace 
ably, denied the legality of the reissue of the Book of Sports in October 1633, shortly before this case 
arose (see Halley, Lancashire, vol 1, p 263). The other JP who signed the warrant, Thomas Ireland 
(1602-38/9), was on the Commission of the Peace from 1626 at the latest in West Derby hundred. 
B.W. Quintrell says of him that he was barrister, king s counsel for the duchy and MP Liverpool 1614 
... the author of the Abridgement of Dyer s Reports which appeared in 1651, twelve years after his death 
(Lancashire Justices of the Peace, p 185 n 78). 

17 LRO: QSB 1/138/24 single sheet 

Worden, where this recognizance was taken, was the home of the Faringtons, near Leyland. This William 
Farington (c 1585-1658) was the grandson of the William Farington noticed above (p 312, endnote to 
LRO: DDF 2438/12 single sheet). He was a JP, deputy lieutenant of die county, and high sheriff of Lan 
cashire in 1636. 

This may be die bond referred to in the previous document, the arrest warrant for John Court. Court 
and Coward are both pipers and from die same parish, Penwortham. Coward seems to have been appre- 


bended at Croston. Farington required this bond from Coward on the basis of a warrant from Ashurst 
and Ireland, the same justices as had signed the warrant for Court. So one man may be the subject of 
Hyet s complaint, the warrant, and the bond. 

However, if the contemporary dating of both warrant and bond on 6 July is correct, this identifica 
tion is less easy to maintain. As stated above, the warrant was signed at Newton. If this refers to 
Newtown, the constable had one day to travel over back roads the two miles to Croston, find and arrest 
Court, take him and his guarantors to Worden (another five miles), and find Farington before the bond 
was taken. If Newton is Newton in Makerfield, the initial stage was fifteen miles, though largely on a 
major road. In eidier case this is quicker work than was usual in such cases. (In 1632 the craftsmen ar 
rested for putting on a play on Sunday in Warrington on 6 May did not appear before Ireland at Bewsey 
to be bound over until 8 May.) Perhaps the ties between Hyet, the vicar of Croston, and Ashurst explain 
the speed with which Court was handled. If Coward and Court are not the same, however, we have no 
way of knowing what Coward s offence may have been. 

There appear to have been three different hands at work in this bond in addition to mat of Faringron 
(who signed it). The main hand is seen in the body of the text, the English note (U.22-3), and the first 
Latin note (11.245). The second and third Latin notes (11.26 and 27) appear to have been written in 
two other and distinct hands. 

18 BI: V.1629-30/CB f 94v 

This manuscript contains marginal cross-references between the parish of the offence (in diis case Hal- 
sail, where Downholland is located) and the parish in which the accused person(s) dwelt (in this case 
Ormskirk), when the parishes differ. Under Ormskirk, no information is given about the offence but 
two names are listed, Thomas Barton and Francis Wright (f 1 12v). Perhaps Wright was also involved 
in the playing & pyping (1.26). Francis Wright s name also occurs at a later date, on f 337v of 
Bi: V. 1633/CB.2B, associated with that of Richard Maghull, whose name is also elsewhere linked 
with Sunday piping (see p 318, endnote to BI: V.1629-30/CB f 95). 

A Thomas Barton (1.26) also occurs as a piper from Ormskirk in cases found under Ormskirk in 
1605 (pp 723) and Halsall in 1633 (p 25). These three occurrences probably refer to the same person 
or to two generations of the same family. 

18-19 BI: V.1578-9/CB.2 f 60v 

Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York 1577-88, issued visitation articles in 1577-8 which asked church 
wardens whether any rushbearers had come unreverently into the church or churchyard (see above, 
p 214). This record is undated but precedes one dated 23 September 1578 on f 62. 

19 src-. 25394 p 210 

White (1570-1615) was vicar of Eccles, near Manchester, from 1606 to 1609. His chief work was The 
Way to the True Church (1608), which was attacked three times at least by other writers as new impres 
sions appeared in 1610, 1612, and 1616. His general bent was towards the reformed faith, ie, the 
puritan wing of the Church of England. 

There were prosecutions in the church courts for ales in Eccles on Sunday, 1 1 October 1608 and 
15 October 1611 but no music or playing is mentioned (CRO: EDV 1/15 f 138 and EDV 1/17 f 102). 

19 LRO: QSR1 mb 7d 

Although it is clear from the language that this is the report of a sort of bond, it is a most unusual one. 


The characteristic formula recognovit se debere (acknowledged him/herself to be bound ) does not 
occur in the report and there are no guarantors. The closest analogy (by no means a perfect one) seems to 
be a modern bail bond: as someone posting a bail bond posts a sum with the court which is forfeit if he 
or she fails to appear on an assigned court date, so Pyke had to post 10 which would be forfeit if he 
piped on a Sunday during the following year. No evidence has been found showing whether Pyke kept 
the bond. Even if he did, the court had the power, at the end of the term, to bind him over for another 
year (an option which, for obvious reasons, has no analogue in the case of a bail bond). 

The action of the quarter sessions court in 1590 in using such a bond to control a Sabbatarian of 
fender seems to be related to the campaign of 1 587-8, which made churchwardens and other church 
officers responsible for reporting sabbath breaking to the quarter sessions (see p 363, endnote to PRO: 
SP 12/240 ff 292, 293). Aldiough that campaign was not successful in moving such prosecutions to the 
courts of common law in any large numbers, the precedent had been established that the Lancashire 
bench had jurisdiction over sabbath breaking. During the ensuing decades, there were five other cases in 
which some kind of performance on Sunday was prosecuted in the courts of common law as a secular 
offence either prior to, or without reference to, the king s Declaration of 1618. 

There are two Ecclestons, either of which would have fallen under the jurisdiction of the quarter ses 
sions court meeting at Ormskirk. It is likely that Pyke was from the larger of the two, a parish in its own 
right, near Chorley. 

20 Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book f 10 

These presentments for Bury parish, which include one for Edenfield chapelry, were made by the church 
wardens of Bury to the quarter sessions under proposals made by the Lancashire assize bench in 1587 to 
curb sabbath breaking (see pp 220-1 and endnote, pp 364-5). They are undated on f 10 but were 
copied in among other similar presentments dated in March or April 1 588, which suggests that they too 
belong to that period. 

Etenfielde (1.1 1) is nearer than the modern form to OE Egtunfeld, which Ekwall believed to be the 
original name of the place. On Speed s map and later Lancashire maps it appears as Aytenf(i)eld and the 
oldest form known to Ekwall was Aytounfeld in an inquisition post mortem ot 1324. These represent a 
parallel development from the OE form. 

21 LRO: QSR4 mb 28 

The language of this presentment is taken from an act of 39 Elizabeth I (1596/7) for the punishment of 
rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars. Condemned as such by the act are all Juglers Tynkers Pedlers and 
Petty Chapmen wandring abroade ( The Statutes of the Realm, A. Luders et al (eds), vol 4, pt 2 (London, 
1819), 899). It is interesting that pipers are caught up at Preston in this group. 

ludos illicitos (1.30) included bowlinge Coytinge Cloyshe Cayles halfe bowle Tennys Dysyng Table or 
Cardinge in any house kept for those purposes unless a special placard was obtained announcing the games 
permitted to be played lawfully (act of 33 Henry viii, The Statutes of the Realm, vol 3, (London, 1817), 841). 

23 CRO: EDV 1/23 f 144 

The passage as alsoe in not ... there Censure (U.20-3) is written in the left margin below the case head 
ing because the space the scribe had originally allotted for the case was too small. 

23-4 LRO: QSR 1 mb 9d 

As the date of the court session is unavailable, the date assigned is that of the offence. There does not 


seem to have been a civil injunction against Sunday rushbearing but it was opposed in York metropoliti- 
cal visitation articles of 1571, 1577-8, 1607, and 1628-9, and also in Chester diocesan articles of 1581, 
1604, and 1617 (see pp 213-15). Alfred Burton (Rush-Bearing (Manchester, 1891; rpt 1974), 27) 
quotes a letter by Samuel Rush Meyrick dated 1842 on the reason for general opposition: The Puritan 
Magistrates and Ministers were opposed to the ancient custom of bearing the Rushes to the Churches, 
probably from the intemperance and indecorum which generally attended the ceremony. The Declara 
tion of Sports of 1617 made Sunday rushbearing entirely acceptable. 

The piper s presence establishes the ceremonial character of the rushbearing. 

24 CRO: EDV 1/17 f 136v 

The name of the curate is not given, although his parish is identified as Goosnargh in previous prosecu 
tions on f 136. The date of the court session for this deanery is not given in the acta heading but a 
comparison with the dates and locations given for other deaneries suggests that the sitting for 
Amounderness occurred on 17 October 161 1 at Preston, the same time and place as the sitting for 
Blackburn deanery. 

25 HI: V.1629-30/CB f 95 

This manuscript contains marginal cross-references between the parish of the offence (in this case Hal- 
sail) and those parishes in which the accused persons dwelt (in this case North Meols and Sefton), when 
the parishes differ. James Arnett s name and occupation are listed under North Meols but no informa 
tion about the offence is given. Under Sefton, too, no information is given about the offence but three 
names are listed, Henry Arnett, Richard Maghull, and William Ramett (f 116). Perhaps Maghull and 
Ramett were involved in Arnett s piping. Richard Maghull s name also occurs at a later date, on f 337v 
of BI: V. 1633/CB.2B, associated with that of Francis Wright, whose name is also elsewhere linked with 
Sunday piping (see p 316, endnote to BI: V.1629-30/CB f 94v). 

25 BI: V.1633/CB.2B f 337 

Although this court book is marked with marginal cross-references between the parish in which an 
offence was committed and the parish of the accused, when the parishes differ, there are in fact no 
entries for Arnett and Barton under Much Crosby or Ormskirk. However, Thomas Barton was also 
cited for Sunday piping at Downholland in BI: V.1629-30/CB, f 94v (see p 18 and endnote, 

26 CRO: EDV 1/25 f 51v 

Although the marginale e\communicacio is next to Strickland s name, it seems likely that it applies to 
Wilson as well. The other three defendants appeared in court to answer the article and receive correction 
but there is no indication that Strickland and Wilson did so. Such a refusal would involve both in ex 
communication for contumacy. The phrase Vt supra (1.17) refers to an otherwise unrelated case on f 
51 v in which the accused is ordered to confess his fault at time of divine service on any Sunday before 1 
May and certify that he has done so. 

26-7 CRO: EDC 5/1626/56 ff [1-lv] 

Full information on the court session at which these articles were charged against Romsbodiam is pro 
vided by a comparison between this cause paper, which names the judge and gives the date, and the 
court books for that period. From CRO: EDV 1/47, f [1], we learn that Stofford s court met that day in 



the cathedral consistory, and the name of the notary. Holcombe chapelry, in which the alleged offence 
occurred, is in the parish of Bury. 

A number of charges were brought against Romsbotham in this set of articles. He is alleged in articles 
1 and 2 to have carried out the actions described here in article 3, despite knowing that the profaning of 
a consecrated church or chapel brought automatic excommunication to the perpetrator and that the 
chapel of Holcombe was, in fact, such a consecrated space. It is also alleged that his involvement in this 
prophaned sermon (p 27, 1.4) was well known in the district (article 4) and that he was an excessive 
drinker and a swearer (article 5). The remaining articles, 6, 7, and 8, are primarily procedural, establish 
ing the court s jurisdiction over Romsbotham as a resident of Bury parish and over his activities. 

This case was not brought against Romsbotham in the usual way, that is, ex officio mero, by 
the court on its own authority on information received through the normal channels. Rather it was 
promoted, that is, instigated, by Giles Rothwell, also of Bury parish. He would have provided the 
information on Romsbotham s alleged activities that was used in drawing up the articles. 

27-8 src. 12870 sigs [A5v-A6] 

Harrison has been identified with a person of his name who was M.A. of Cambridge, 1595, and he 

was a queens preacher at Huyton, near Liverpool, following the inception of the preacherships in 

1599. He probably gave the post up in 1619 when he became rector of Eccleston, Cheshire. He died 

in 1625 (see Ernest Axon, The King s Preachers in Lancashire, 1599-1845, THSLC% (1941-2), 


28 BI: V.1629-30/CB f 32v 

A William Gradel, piper, was buried at Kirkham St Michael church on 2 August 1589, perhaps the 
father of the William Graddell mentioned in this record; see Appendix 2, p 245- 

29 LRO: MBLa Ace 4797, Box 82 mb [1] 

The first two membranes of this roll are so badly faded that the heading cannot now be made out. The 
text given here is taken from the transcript accompanying the roll in the record office. 

These constitucions and orders (1.7) seem first to have been drawn to modern public notice by a 
local antiquary, Robert Simpson, who printed excerpts in The History and Antiquities of the Town of 
Lancaster (Lancaster, 1852), 276-86. His text differed from the one printed here but whether he saw a 
different MS that cannot now be traced or read the one excerpted here when it was more legible is uncer 
tain because his text is largely modernized and may in places be paraphrased. 

The original date for the constitutions of 35 Edward II, as given in the record office transcript 
(11.89), is impossible because Edward II reigned for only nineteen years and a half. Simpson read the 
xxxvjth. year of the reign of king Edward second (p 276) and deduced that Edward n was an error for 
Edward ill, thereby deriving a date of 1362. If these by-laws really do go back to the fourteenth century, 
then the likeliest explanation is that the Elizabethan recorder got the reign wrong and the true date is ei 
ther 35 or 36 Edward in (1361-2). The heading may, however, be a garbled reference to die charter of 
1363 as confirming the then established customs of the town and its implication that all the ordinances 
recorded in 1572 are that old should be treated with caution. 

Simpson reported the by-law excerpted from mb 2 as follows: 16. Neither the mayor nor any of the 
bailiffs to give any reward for the town to any bear-wardens or minstrels, without the consent of four of 
the head burgesses and four of the commons ... forfeit 6s. 8d. (p 278). In the roll the word or words 
preceding or mynstrell (1.20) come at the end of a line and are now completely illegible. There does 


not seem to be enough room for any bear-wardens but the lost text may well have been bearwards or 
some variant. 

29 src. 25223 p 405 

John Weever (1576-1632), minor poet and antiquary, was born near Preston (W.A. Abram, John Wee- 
ver s Notice of Corpus Christi Play at Preston and Lancaster, temp. James I, Lancashire and Cheshire 
Antiquarian Notes 2 (1886), 27). Sir Sidney Lee in the DNB states that Weever had retired to Lancashire 
by about 1 598 after studying at Cambridge; thus he was in a position to know when the Corpus Christi 
plays had ended in Lancashire and Westmorland. He was led on to the subject here by his discussion 
of the monument of Richard Marlow, Lord Mayor of London in 1409, in St Michaels Queenhithe 
in London; this evidently reminded him that in his 1603 edition of A Survey of London, John Stow 
(r 15251605), the London antiquary, had recorded the eight-day London plays at Skinners Well as 
occurring during Marlow s mayoralty (src: 23343, pp!5-16). 

The Townesmen were sore troubled (1.36) probably means they were troubled by the government. 
There was strong resistance to the plays by puritan preachers and even more moderate Anglican clergy. 
These Corpus Christi plays seem to have been the latest performed in the kingdom, the other towns 
having suppressed them before the turn of the century. 

30 LRO: DDF 2437 item 16a 

For William Farington see p 315, endnote to LRO: QSB 1/138/24 single sheet. 

The date of the assize week can be determined by internal evidence. The account contains payments 
for 31 March and 12 April as well as others for the entire week. These dates, taken in conjunction with 
the contemporary date of 21 James I, establish that these assizes were held during the week immediately 
prior to Holy Week 1623, ie, 31 March to 5 April. The assizes held during the Hilary law vacation nor 
mally took place in March or April and are usually referred to as Hilary assizes. However, they often 
therefore come in Lent, as here, and could be referred to as Lent assizes (see Quintrell, Lancashire Justices 
of the Peace, p [ix]). 

30 LRO: DDF 2437 item 16 

John Rowe was evidently Farington s steward. The occasion of the expenses was the Hilary assizes at 
Lancaster, held in April that year. The trumpeters, whose apparel and accoutrements were such costly 
items, were probably the assize trumpeters, part of the justices retinue, who played at the formal open 
ings of the sessions. 

30-1 LRO: DDKs 30/30 single sheet 

This recognizance is included to show how, in keeping with their harsh trade, bearwards were often 
involved in physical violence. Although Fox s recognizance was taken before both Dutton, Lord 
Gerard, and Richard Shuttleworth, justices of the peace, only Lord Gerard signed it. John Harland 
notes that Dutton, Lord Gerard, was the third Baron Gerard of Bromley, having succeeded his 
father Gilbert in 1622. He died in 1640. Richard Shuttleworth was the master of Gawthorpe Hall 
from 1608 until his death in 1669 and his account books are quoted at length in this collection 
(pp 166-79). He was a JP from 1615 onward (Harland (ed), The Lancashire Lieutenancy, pp 266 
n 10 and 272 n 15). 


31 LRO:DDF192 single mb 

Richard Whetstones (1578-1638) was the eldest son of Ralph Whytstones. For other notices of this 
family of bearwards, see pp 32, 734. 

32 LRO: QSR 14 mb 10 

Hugh and Thomas Whytstones of Ormskirk (1J. 16-18) were two of Ralph Whytstones sons; all were 
Ormskirk bearwards. See Ormskirk records for 1631 and 1637-8, with their endnotes, for further 
examples of the Whytstones capacity for trouble. Richard Pooley (1.19) was in trouble in 1611 with 
the ecclesiastical courts for playing his fiddle at sermon time on a Sunday (see p 20). 

32-5 LRO: DDBlAcc6121 ff 182-2v 

William Blundell (1620-98) was the owner of Crosby Hall at Litde Crosby near Sefton. The song he 
gives is related to the first of May and the decking of the maypole. Maypoles flourished in this period, 
having been particularly endorsed by King Charles reissue of the Book of Sports in 1633. The Com 
monwealth ordered their destruction in 1644. 

Thomas Ellison Gibson, who edited the song in A Cavalier s Note Book, pp 2336, comments that 
Mr. Blundell seems to have had some misgivings in leaving on record this lively sketch of the frolic and 
pastimes of his earlier days (p 236). This comment refers to die marginale, which means Remember 
not, O Lord, the sins of my youth. There is evidently a pun at p 33, 1.28 on Meols Cop, a small hill just 
inside modem Southport. 

36 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 f [24] 

There is a wedge-shaped gap in the bottom of each leaf of Town Book 1, which in some places affects 
the text. J.A. Twemlow deduced that these gaps were caused by damp, and possibly rodents, some 
time before the book was rebound towards the end of the eighteenth century. He concluded that the 
additional readings found in a transcript made about 1750 were mostly intelligent restorations but 
he attempted to distinguish from these certain readings visible to the transcriber but lost after his time, 
mainly in rebinding (Liverpool Town Books, vol 1, xlii-xliii and xlviii-xlix). The book seems to have 
suffered some slight additional wear and tear since Twemlow saw it. The footnotes and endnotes here 
follow Twemlow s practice in trying to distinguish readings once visible but now lost from the restora 
tions made by the eighteenth-century transcriber or suggested by Twemlow. 

The readings in the footnotes to this extract are inferable from the context and from die usage of die 
recorder, Adam Pendleton, throughout the book and were largely supplied by the eighteenth-century 
transcriber. Twemlow, however, suggested vpon theyr lawfull where the older transcriber had upon 
lawful!, noting that the size of the gap here implied another missing word (1.20). 

36 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 f [40v] 

Five successive leaves relating to 1559-60 were torn out of Town Book 1 at some time before the 
eighteenth-century transcript was made. Only the lower inner corners survive. The extract printed 
here comes from one of those fragments, measuring 100mm x 200mm at its widest point. Twemlow 
wrote, This fragment probably represents a presentment about the mayors authority over the town s 
wait, and cited the entry printed under 1560-1 below (Liverpool Town Books, vol 1, p 136 n 6). 


37-8 LIRO: 352MIN/COUI 1/1 f [93v] 

A triangular piece has been lose from the bottom of this leaf, 8mm wide at the top widening to 95mm at 

the base. 

The mayor referred to in this entry was Alexander Garnet, whom Pendleton consistently depicts as 
irascible, peremptory, and high-handed (see Twemlow, Liverpool Town Books, vol 1, pp xvi-lxvii). Since 
7 January 1564/5 was a Sunday, the twenty youngkard (p 37, 1.38) were guilty of playing games on 
the sabbath. The game, called a Christmas towes , (p 38, 1.3m) was evidently played by setting sticks in 
the street and throwing other sticks at them. This word may be touse or horseplay, but that does not ex 
plain the game, which probably involved shooting the sticks toward a point or marker. Within this 
century, north-country dialect has used the word taws to mean the game of marbles (see Wright, 
English Dialect Dictionary , Taw sb\ and t/.l, 2). W.H. Thomson mentions the Manchester game of 
giddy-gaddy or cat s pallet, which involved striking one end of a sharpened piece of wood causing it to 
rise and then driving it some distance with a stick (History of Manchester to 1852 (Altrincham, Cheshire, 
1967), 87). 

Twemlow fills out the passage as follows, putting damaged text in parentheses and using italics for 
wholly conjectural restorations: mayst[er] mayre wold not suffer George Ksheton to be balyd or mayn- 
praysed, neyther by mayster Sekerston, mayster Corbet, Ric/md Andleser, William Secum etc. And than 
mayster John Crosse movyd mayster maior to set fre on ale the sayd George, but it cold not be, wheareat 
it waj seen that mayster Crosse chaffed and fumed inwardlie. Soe G(eorge) and divers younckardw were 
imprisoned all nyght, and mayster maior reylid styll, and seyd he wold bryng theym before the quynes 
councell, but he was after pacified otherwayes etc (vol 1, pp 2523). Of this on bale derives from the 
eighteenth-century transcriber, who may have been able to read it in the original in his rime or may have 
conjectured it. The words were imprisoned and bryng theym before are the least certain restorations, 
but probably represent well enough the general sense of what Pendleton wrote. 

The Qttncoucell (p 38, 1.6) must mean the privy council in London, which was charged with 
maintaining public order and took particular interest in cases of riot. Elizabethan petty officials were 
prone to represent relatively trivial incidents such as this as serious breaches of the peace in order to get 
their private enemies into trouble with the central government. Shakespeare represents Shallow, a local 
JP, as threatening Falstaff in like terms for stealing his deer in The Merry Wives of Windsor: The Coun 
cil shall hear it, it is a riot (l.i.35). Garnet had displayed a similar lack of perspective in 1546 when, as 
alderman, he got the town into trouble by detaining a messenger bringing letters from Ireland to the 
king (Acts of the Privy Council, ns, vol 1 (1542-7), John Roche Dasent (ed) (London, 1890), 500-1 [30 
July 1546]). 

39 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 f 4v 

pleyes of dawnsyng (1.9) are defined by RJ. Broadbent as primitive masques given in connection with 

the marriages of the better classes (Annals of the Liverpool Stage (Liverpool, 1908), 6). As an example he 

cites the memorial portrait of Sir Henry Unton (c 1596) in the National Portrait Gallery, London, which 

shows masquers and torchbearers in procession round a consort of music (see Roy C. Strong, Sir Henry 

Unton and his Portrait: An Elizabethan Memorial Picture and its History, Archaeologia 99 (1965) 


39-40 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 f 7v 

For further notices of Henry Halewood, see pp 40, 47. He was apparently dismissed as wait by 1574, 

since in that year James Atherton, who had held the office from 1562 to 1565, was reinstated. In 1577 


Nicholas Forber was appointed wait and Halewood s name was dropped from the roll of burgesses 
(Burgess Roll 1572-7, Town Book 2, f I3v). There is evidence suggesting that Halewood was inclined 
to violence. At the portmoot of 22 October 1576 he was presented as follows: Item we fynde Henrye 
Halewood fyneable for disobeying maysta maiors Dcputie and other officers and also for breaking the 
plumwes & syling in the comwyn haule (Town Book 2, f 63). The plumwies were probably leads, ie, 
strips of lead used to cover a roof, and die syling was die ceiling or perhaps the panelling; Halewood 
may have tried to break in through the roof. A year later, at the portmoot of 21 October 1577, he was 
presented again: Inprimis we present as fynable Henry Halewood for bloud shedd vpon lohn Wakefield 
... vj s. viij d. (Town Book 2, f 75v). Nevertheless, Halewood was restored to the freedom of the bor 
ough on 16 March 1579, when the note of 1576/7 recording his disfranchisement was struck from the 
roll of burgesses and in the margin was substituted Henry Halwodd was restored to his former fredome 
[by] at the assemblie (Burgess Roll 1572-7, Town Book 2, f 13v). Then at the portmoot of 26 October 
he appears as town wait again. 

He did not, however, manage to keep the post long since Henry Clennes got it in 1581 and held it 
until 1 584. Halewood was reappointed again in 1 587 and 1 588, and appears on die burgess roll of 1 589 
(Town Book 2, f 190v) but from the portmoot of 26 October 1590 we learn It<m they prente 
Robert Mooney finable for drawinge bloude vpon Henry halewood (Town Book 2, f 194v). At that 
same portmoot Henry Clennes got the waitship again and Halewood was excluded once and for all. 
He was probably, however, die Henry Hallwood presented at Walton on die Hill in 1590-1 for piping 
before a wedding (p 93) and may have been the piper who was presented by die churchwardens of 
Childwall in 1592 under the name henricuw hale de \euerpoo\e (see p 10). 

40 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/1 f [104], col 2 

This folio, although part of the section of Town Book \ covering 1568-9, has been used to record die 
admissions of various persons as burgesses in subsequent years. The entry included here has been fitted 
into an originally blank space in the upper right corner of die page. 

40 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 f 19v 

Halewood was imprisoned in Me Edibur tenebros/V (1.20) or the dark house, Liverpool s prison (cf Twem- 

low, Liverpool Town Books, vol 1 , p 32 n 5)- 

40 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU 11/2 f 19 

Liverpool Grammar School is first mentioned in the will of John Crosse, rector of St Nicholas by the 
Shambles, London, in 1515, where its founding is made a condition of die gift of lands to support a 
priest at Liverpool chapel. The grammar school was evidently in operation by 15267 when the revenues 
were alleged to have been misappropriated. In 1611 its location is given as on the west of die cemetery 
of the chapel (VCH: Lane, vol 2, pp 593, 595)- 

Coops (1.27) are copes, church vestments worn until 1552 for processions. Their use was continued 
under Elizabeth s injunctions of 1559 by celebrants at holy communion but only in cathedral and colle 
giate churches, the Chapel Royal, and similar foundations. The Liverpool church copes, like many 
others, had evidently been given to the schoolmaster to cut up and make into costumes for die school 
paiaunces (1.29) or plays. 

40-1 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 f 24v 

In this memorandum two otherwise unconnected events seem to have been telescoped together because 


they were dealt with on the same day. The first involves the difficulties caused in the district by the 
events of 6-7 April. At that rime the undersheriffof the county, Thomas Gidlow, had empanelled a 
jury under an extent (that is, a writ of execution upon debt issued by the exchequer, normally in cases 
in which the creditor was the Crown). Such a writ directed the sheriff to appraise a debtor s property to 
the full extent of its value (hence the name) before seizing it and turning it over to the creditor to rent 
out at the appraised value until such time as the rental obtained was equal to the amount owed (see 
Black s Law Dictionary, 5th ed (St Paul, Minnesota, 1979), under Extent ). It is difficult to see from 
the sketchy account given here why any jury was empanelled: one would expect that, if the writ had 
already been issued, the names of the offenders would not need to be provided by a jury. Perhaps the 
jurors assisted the sheriff in his appraisal by providing information about local property values. In any 
case the activities of Gidlow were a source of concern to the powerful of the district and the mayor of 
Liverpool was moved to call die session of 19 April. The second event is die punishment of the two 
entertainers, which was apparently ordered by that special session. Although the memorandum connects 
the punishment with the mayor s concern about the application of the writ, it is very difficult to see 
how there could have been any legal or procedural connection. The pair were punished under the port- 
moot by-law of 25 October 1571, printed in the records text above (p 39). 

41-3 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 ff 69-9v 

The clothe of estate (p 42, 1.2) and the place of estate (p 42, 1.25) were both representative of the 
queen s majesty. The cloth was a canopy and the place a chair, equivalent to the throne (Twemlow, Liver 
pool Town Books, vol 2, pp 242 n 7 and 243 n 4). 

John Caldwall ( Mr Cadwall, p 43, 1.6), besides being chaplain to the earl of Derby (see p 181, 1.11), 
was rector of Mobberley in Cheshire and Winwick in Lancashire. He preached on Psalm 81:8 (80:9 Vul 
gate) which in the Douay/Rheims version is Hear, O my people, and I will testify to thee: O Israel, if 
thou wilt hearken to me ..." He also signed the Report of Seventeen Lancashire Preachers (see p 220, 

John Nuttall ( Mr Nutter, p 43, 1.18) was a prebendary of Chester Cathedral and rector of Sefton, 
Aughton, and Bebington. He preached on Revelation 22:12, which in the Douay/Rheims version is Be 
hold, I come quickly, and my reward is with me ... 

The Michael And the Bee(p 43, 1.33) are clearly described as of Liverpool and ships are usually desig 
nated in sixteenth-century texts by their home ports. Hence Twemlow (Liverpool Town Books, vol 2, 
p 246 n 3) was right in taking the Good Luck to come from Douglas in the Isle of Man radier than the 
river Douglas in Lancashire. By Aulte (p 43, 1.34), where the Elizabeth was based, the writer presumably 
meant modern Hightown at the mouth of the Alt, downstream from Formby; this is called Altmouth on 
Speed s Lancashire map of 1610 and the neighbouring district is still called Altcar. 

44-5 LIRO: 352 MIN/ COU I 1/2 ff 69v-70 

The horse-race was run south from a point near Great Crosby, four and a half miles, to a point near to 
Bank Hall, die seat of die Moores ( ye banckhowse, 11.16-17). An extract from the inventory of Edward 
Moore, who lived there, is printed in the Records (p 159). 

50 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 f 260 

This act of the Liverpool council is rather surprising in view of the orders and injunctions of die ecclesi 
astical commission in 1579, which banned all piping on Sundays. But it anticipates what the 
Declaration of Sports was to permit in 1617, though not in 1618. 


51 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 f 365 

Michael Harper was appointed town wait at some time before 1610 and in that year became a leave- 
looker or market superintendent as well, keeping both posts until 1627. As a leave-looker he was often 
delinquent: at this same portmoot, for instance, he was presented along with James Woodward, the 
water bailiff, for neglect of office (Town Book 2, f 380) and he was fined for similar faults in 1612, 
1621, 1624, 1626, and 1627 (Town Book 2, ff 396 and 472; Town Book 3, pp 1,36, and 51). Harper 
was also presented in 1623 for drawinge blood vpon Henry Bell (Town Book 2, f 472). Harpers 
double employment with Liverpool probably meant that he was financially rather more stable than 
most Liverpool waits and perhaps helps to explain why he lasted so long. 

51 LIRO: 352 MIN/COU I 1/2 f 368 

The Liverpool fairs were held on St James day (25 July) and St Martin s day (11 November) (see 

Tupling, Markets and Fairs of Lancashire, p 101). 

54-5 LIRO: 3 52 MIN/COU I 1/3 p 86 

The bellman, who was to go about the town at 10 pm and 4 am, was no doubt intended to combine the 
tasks of the sexton and die wait as mentioned in 1618. The curfew hours in 1618 had been 8 pm and 4 
am (Town Book 2, f 443). The decision to give the wait s wages to the bellman seems not to have been 
implemented and a new wait was appointed in 1630. 

55-6 MCLA: Ll/44 single mb 

Manchester Grammar School was founded by Hugh Oldham, bishop of Exeter, in 1515. The original 
schedule or statutes from which the present extracts are taken is dated 1524 and is written on two parch 
ment membranes and contains detailed rules for masters, ushers, scholars, and feoffees. Twelve governors 
signed the document, including Edmund "Irafford. 

The second item printed here prohibits schoolmasters and ushers from supplementing their incomes 
with the boys money. Cockpenny was paid by the Scholars to the Master, for his permission to fight or 
throw at cocks at Shrove-tide ; victor penny was paid by the Scholar who had won the greatest number 
of battles, or whose cock, after having been thrown at, had escaped unhurt; and received by the Master, 
for leave to ride as Victor ; potation penny was paid by the Scholars, or their friends, to die Master, to 
enable him to give an entertainment at some season of the year, (usually in Lent,) to the Scholars on 
quitting school (Whatton, The History of Manchester School, p 25). Strutt reproduced an illumination 
from a 1343 Bodleian manuscript which he took to be a Ryddynge aboute for victorys and described 
it as follows: The hero supposed to have won the cock, or whose cock escaped unhurt from the danger 
to which he had been exposed, is carried upon a long pole by two of his companions; he holds die bird 
in his hands, and is followed by a third comrade, who bears a flag emblazoned with a cudgel, the dread 
ful instrument used upon these occasions (Joseph Strutt, The Sports and Pastimes of the People of England, 
}. Charles Fox (ed) (London, 1903; rpt Detroit, 1968), 309 and plate facing p 310). When Christopher 
Walton of Little Hoole founded what is now Hutton School for poor children of Penwortham in 
1552, he provided that the schoolmaster was to receive no school-hire except cockpence twice a year 
(VCH: Lane, vol 2, p 605). 

56-7 MTH: Ml/57 f 58 

The steward of the court leet was its judge and therefore had to be learned in the law and local custom 


(Harland (ed), Court Leet Records of Manchester, pp 17n-18n). The other five men named were jurors of 
the court leet. 

57 MTH: Ml/57 f 62 

we wolde desyre maister steward to doe the same w/th the reste of the towne (p 57, 11.15-16) puzzled 

Earwaker, who suggested that wrth in this passage means agree with (Court Leet Records, vol 1, 

p 126). But if a comma is supplied after doe the same, the meaning becomes clear: with has the sense 

together with and the reste of the towne means the whole body of burgesses. 

57 MCLA: f 333 M45 ff 9v-lO 

William Ravalde was buried at Manchester Collegiate Church on 13 October 1623 (Manchester Cathe 
dral Archives: Parish Register 1, p 453). He drew rents from burgages (freehold or life-tenure properties 
in a borough) in Millgate and from die cockpit. A plan of Manchester in 1650, first known in a 1746 
engraving but believed to derive from a contemporary original, appears in VCH: Lane, vol 4, opposite 
p 174. There the cockpit is placed just north of Marketstead Lane. 

58 Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book f llv 

This document, which is a copy of churchwardens presentments to die Manchester quarter sessions, and 
the next document, which is the presentment made by the inquest jury at the same quarter sessions, 
demonstrate the working of the new assize proposals for curbing sabbath breaking in the county (see 
pp 2201 and endnote, pp 3645). These proposals required churchwardens and members of quarter 
sessions juries to report Sabbatarian offences to the quarter sessions courts. In this case it appears that the 
churchwardens eidier were also jurors or had conferred with the jurors since the order of die ten names is 
identical in both presentments. 

The bear-baiting was an offence under the 1579 ruling by the ecclesiastical commission forbidding 
bearebayting or bull-bayting on die Sabbath dayes (p 218, 11.26-7). In the 1650 plan of Manchester 
the Conduit Head appears in an open field just south of Market Street Lane, within sight of Radcliffe 
Hall and other houses. If the bullring was near this, as the presentment says (1.13), then the bear-baiters 
could be said to be openly defying the law. 

The case was probably difficult to prosecute locally since die Manchester court leet had, on 11 April 
1588, a Thomas Radcliffe (1.30) and a Richard Moreton (11.31-2) seated on die jury. The blatant nature 
of the offence makes it seem that a contest was going on between certain citizens of Manchester and the 
JPS for Salford hundred. 

58-9 MTH: Ml/57 f 8v 

James Burton became by this action of the jury wayte Capitaigne , to use a phrase from the Liverpool 
Town Book, 7 January 1 564/5 (p 37, 11.38-9). The entry seems to indicate that higher wages are being 
recommended, as previously on 1 1 April 1 577 (p 57, 1.28). 

The waits troubles with interlopers continued and were finally dealt with on 1 October 1606; see 
P 63. 

59 MCA: Parish Register 1 p 358 

Since Asmall was buried in Manchester, he most likely died diere, which makes the entry evidence for 
bull-baiting in Manchester rather than Gorton. 



60 BI: V.1595-6/CB.3 f 24v 

This lohn Grene may be the same as the lohn Greene of Manchester pyper who was buried 14 July 
1617 in the collegiate church at Manchester. Also on 23 July 1602, John Greene Piper had his son John 
baptized there; see Appendix 2, pp 245-6. All three John Grenes are probably the same man. 

This case appears in two different court books and is recorded under the same date on f 80 of 
Bi: V.1595-6/CB.2, another book for the same archiepiscopal visitation. It appears that the entry on 
f 24v of Court Book 3 included here is the first instance, that is, that it records the substance of the 
original detection of wrongdoing reported for the visitation. The entry in Court Book 2 seems to have 
been intended to record Grene s court appearance at the visitation session in Manchester on 17 
September, but there is no new information added about the offence and no evidence that he actually 

As usual with court cases, the date given in the subheading is that of the court session to which the 
accused was first summoned. The dates of his two offences are given in the text: 25 May, which was 
Rogation Sunday, and 1 June, which was die Sunday after the Ascension. 

60 MCLA: f 333 M45 f [25] 

Manchester s fair days were 20-2 September in 1227 (Tupling, Markets and Fairs of Lancashire, 
p 101). The cancelled entry on f 25 would seem to imply that the date of Michaelmas given for the 
autumn leet on f 25v was only approximate. 

62 MTH: Ml/57 f 47 

This order was almost precisely duplicated by that of the Salford portmote on 14 October 1600 (printed 

under Salford, p 90), which suggests collusion. 

62 CRO: EDV l/12b f Il4v 

Although there is no evidence of the kind of activity which took place at this ale, the document is worth 
including in light of the prosecutions recorded in 1594-5 (p 60). Furthermore, this Marler maybe the 
same as die man from Withington prosecuted during this year for keeping an illicit alehouse and main 
taining a piper (p 113). 

63 MTH: Ml/57 f 67v 

The statute made Anno primo Regwj lacobi and intytuled an acte for the punishem<wt of Rogues 
vagaboundwand sturdye beggers (U.26-8) was an extension of 39 Elizabeth (1 596/7); see The Statutes 
of the Realm, A. Luders et al (eds), vol 4, pt 2 (London, 1819), 899-90). ThJs act provided for whipping 
vagrants and returning them to their home parishes, or if that was not possible, to a house of correction 
or jail. The act of 1 James i (1603) provided for the letter R to be branded with a red-hot iron on the 
shoulder of an incorrigible or dangerous vagrant ( The Statutes of the Realm, vol 4, pt 2, pp 1024-5). 

65 CRO: EDV 1/17 f 100 

Shooter s Brook (1.37) was originally a stream flowing southwest through die parish of Manchester to 
join the River Medlock. It formed one boundary of the township of Newton. The district lying in the 
wedge formed by Shooter s Brook and the river was known as Ancoats (VCH: Lane, vol 4, pp 222-3). 
The name Shooter s Brook was also applied to an estate or neighbourhood, at least from the sixteenth 
century, but the exact location of the site referred to is unclear (VCH: Lane, vol 4, pp 240-1). 


66-7 MTH: Ml/57 f 115 

The dismissal of the Manchester waits for not doing their night-watch duty is based on orders of 

1 October 1567 and 2 October 1600, both of which required them to play both evening and morning. 

Sail, the reason given for die dismissal has seemed to Walter L. Woodfill disingenuous, a mere excuse 

to be rid of the waits (Musicians in English Society (Princeton, 1953), 76). There were waits again in 

Manchester in 1635-6, for Thomas Hall one of the waytw of Manchester was buried on 14 January 

1635/6 (see Appendix 2, p 246). 

67 JRUL: Clowes Deeds CL.471 f [2] 

These accounts were kept by James Chetham on behalf of the warden of the College of Christ in 
Manchester, the collegiate church. The waits in question must have been Manchester s, even diough 
the court leet had apparently dismissed diem from die town s service on 5 October 1620. These pay 
ments by the church may have been for liturgical music. 

67 JRUL: Clowes Deeds CL. 1560(1) f [1] 

Rohan fietcher was one of three Manchester waits allowed at the Manchester court leet on 2 October 
1604. The payment by Chetham to die waits is a quarterly one, suggesting that they had regular em 
ployment at the church, probably for liturgical music. 

68 MCLA: M91/M1/31 p 97 

Cholertonne Rowe (p 68, 1.1 1) and chowerton Rowe" (1.26) are variants of Chorlton Row, an old 
name for Chorlton upon Medlock (VCH: Lane, vol 4, p 251)- It is now a district of Manchester southeast 
of the city centre but was then a separate adjoining township. 

68 CL: Mun. E.2.6 Allen Deeds, Parcel P f [14] 

The frame for the virginals may have been made for the College of Christ (the collegiate church), for 
George Chetham or his father James, or for his uncle Humphrey. The Chechams, father and son, do not 
seem to have been living in Manchester in 1641-2 when the Protestation Oadi was administered ( The 
Protestation of 1641-2 in Manchester, The Palatine Note-Book, vol 1 (1881), 80-4, 102-8, 122-4, 
136-40, 167-72, 210-15). They may have lived at Clayton Hall, the home of Humphrey Chetham, 
four and a half miles east of Manchester. George Chetham frequently wrote down expenses incurred by 
his uncle, die antiquary and refounder of die College of Christ. 

69 MCLA: M91/M1/31 p 222 

these dangerose tymes (1.13) may refer to the plague (Earwaker, Constables Accounts, vol 2, 1633-1647, 
p36n 1). 

70 CRO-. EDV 1/19 f 127v 

Idem (1.8) here stands for die phrase Officium domini merum. Often the first case brought during a 
session for a given deanery would begin Officium domini merum contra A. B., that is, Purely "ex ofH- 
cio" proceedings of the lord judge against A. B. This formula indicates diat the proceedings have been 
brought by die court on its own authority on information received and not at the prompting of any in 
dividual. In subsequent cases, the registrar would replace the full formula with Idem contra A. B. to 
save time and space. 


70 Melling: St Thomas Church Safe, Register No 1 p 6 

The key to this entry is the word Si<..)els (1.19), which has four minims in the middle that could yield 
Sinnels, Simiels, or (if a minim was omitted) Simnels. Sinnels and Simiels are not recognizable 
words, but the possibility remains that the parish clerk here records a simnel play. Simnel cakes were 
generally associated with the fourth Sunday in Lent, known as Mid-Lent Sunday or Mothering Sunday, 
or widi the fifth Sunday, known as Passion Sunday or Care Sunday. 

In parts of Germany on Passion Sunday there was a mock combat between Winter and Summer. 
Thomas Kirchmeyer, an opponent of Roman Catholicism, wrote a book translated into English by Barn- 
abe Googe as The Popish Kingdome, or Reigne of Antichrist (London, 1570; src. 1501 1). He lists Romish 
practices and under Care Sunday (f 50v) offers this passage: 

Thus children also beare with speares, their Cracknelles round about, 
And two they haue, whereof the one is called Sommer stout: 
Apparalde all in greene, and drest in youthfull fine araye, 
The other Winter, clad in mosse with heare all hoare and graye: 
These two togither fight, of which the Palme doth Sommer get, 
From hence to meate diey go, and all with wine their whistles wet. 

Similar ritual combats on Mid-Lent Sunday are well attested for later times in upper and central 
Germany by Jacob Grimm (1785-1863) (Teutonic Mythology, 4th ed, J.S. Stallybrass (trans), vol 2 
(London, 1883; rpt New York, 1966), 764-74). These are Catholic areas and the custom could conceiv 
ably have existed also in Catholic England and persisted among the Catholics of west Lancashire, 
particularly in the thick cluster of Catholic population surrounding seventeenth-century Liverpool. 

Since cracknels and simnels meant the same thing (bread twice baked), we can perhaps conjecture that 
Melling had a Lenten simnel game like the German one but if so, this is the only known example from 

Evidently the Melling simnel play did not, in fact, take place on the second and third Sundays in 
Lent, for die writer of the entry has made some mistake about the dating. In 1616/17, 9 and 16 March 
were the first two Sundays in Lent but they must be the days intended, because the corresponding dates 
in 1617/18 were not Sundays at all. The order of entries in the register confirms this conclusion, since 
the entries immediately preceding the simnel entry deal with events in 1616 while those immediately fol 
lowing belong to 1617. That the simnel play and the brawling occurred on consecutive Sundays implies 
a two-part ritual or else a repetition. 

On the 9th the simnel play was at the full" (1.19) and on die 16th it was probably out of hand. This 
play with brawling was perhaps noted down because on 8 August 1616, at Lancaster assizes, die JPs had 
forbidden sports or games at any time on Sunday (see p 228). Edward E. Newton notes that of the three 
women whose names follow this entry, two were churchwardens wives, Margaret Martin and Elizabeth 
Martin, and the third, Margaret Molyneux, was the wife of Robert Molyneux of Wood Hall, kin to the 
powerful Molyneuxs of Sefton. Newton believes that the three young men might have been disturbers of 
divine service (Mellingwith Cunscough (Melling, (1977]), 15), which is probably correct. 

70 LRO: QSR1 mb 9d 

As the date of the court session is unavailable, the date assigned is the probable date of the offence: the 

other sabbath breaking charges in this section of mb 9d are concerned with Sunday, 12 July. 


71 CRO: EDV 1/19 f 92v 

For an explanation of the use of Idem in 1.23, see above p 328, endnote to CRO: EDV 1/19 f 127v. 

71 BI: V.1633/CB.2A f 279v 

In the visitation book, this chapelry is simply referred to as Pendle. Pendle itself is the name of a local 
hill; its villages include Chatburn, Downham, Worston, Sabden, Newchurch, and Barley. Parker s home 
had grounds (1.37) and therefore he might have been one of the Parkers of Browsholme, an estate within 
seven miles of Pendle Hill. 

72 CRO: EDV l/12a f 128 

Ridyat lived in, and presumably held his ale in, the chapelry of Newton in Makerfield. However, he is 
ordered to do his penance in the parish church of Winwick, since that chapelry fell within the Winwick 
parish boundaries. In the acta heading giving the date and place of this court session, the name of the 
judge was left blank. 

72-3 CRO: EDV 1/14 f 99v 

A Thomas Barton (p 73, 11.23) also occurs as a piper from Ormskirk in cases found under Downhol- 
land, 1629-30 (p 18) and Halsall, 1633 (p 25). These three occurrences likely refer to the same person 
or to two generations of the same family. In this particular case, Barton was apparently acting as a proc 
tor or guaranteeing Bushell s behaviour in some way and may therefore have been the latter s master. The 
other accused, Ormeshawe, seems neither to have appeared in person nor to have sent a proctor. 

73 LRO: WCW1622 sheet [1] 

Ralph Whytstones was very likely Ormskirk s official bearward. He had three sons, Richard, Hugh, and 
Thomas, all bearwards, and a grandson, Griffith Whytstones, was another bearward. For other notices of 
this family, which was often in court, see the entry immediately following and also Leyland (p 31) and 
Litherland (p 32). 

73-4 LRO: QSB 1/90/40 sheet 2 

Thomas Whytstones (1587-1639) was Ralph s youngest son. He is described as a bearward in this 
examination but as a butcher in a peace bond of 9 November 1635 (LRO: QSB 1/162/16). This is not 
surprising because the two trades were frequently combined. Thomas fell afoul of the law more than 
once: on 1 July 1631 he was cited for a drunken brawl (LRO: QSB 1/90/39) in which his nephew 
Roger Barton was fatally wounded. In the autumn of 1635 he was evidently carrying on a feud with 
his nephew, Griffith, for on 23 October that year Griffith was bound for 10 to keep the peace toward 
Thomas and appear at the next quarter sessions to answer his complaints (LRO: QSB 1/162/19)- On 
9 November Thomas in turn was similarly bound over for 20 to appear at the sessions and answer 
for misdemeanours and to keep the peace towards Mildred Whytstones, Griffith s wife (LRO: QSB 
1/162/16). This quarrel was very much a family affair: not only did it involve the nephews wife, but 
two of the bondsmen were either relatives or people previously involved with family disputes. One of 
Thomas bondsmen was his brother Hugh (1583-1641), Ralph Whytstones second son. One of Grif 
fith s sureties was Hugh Page, a man who had previously complained that Thomas was abetting Anne 
Barton, Thomas and Hugh s married sister and the mother of the slain Roger Barton, in immoral 
behaviour (LRO: QSB 1/90/40). (See further The Whitestones Family of Ormskirk: Bearwards in the 
Early Seventeenth Century, Lancashire Record Office: Annual Report 1978, 45-8; the discussion of the 


property divisions in RaJph and Richard Whytstones wills contained therein must, however, be used 
with caution.) 

75 CRO: EDV1/15 f 144 

The phrase specifice ... delinquenrtW (11.23-5) has been written in the left margin near the beginning 
of this entry because too little space was left for the completion of this entry before the beginning of the 
next. Two matching sigla, pointing hands, are used to link this continuation with the text it is intended 
to follow. Farington is a small village two miles north of Leyland; it was within Penwortham parish at 
this time. 

75 CRO: EDV 1/17 f 134 

The date of the court session for this deanery is not given in the acta heading but a comparison with the 
dates and locations given for other deaneries suggests that the sitting for Amounderness occurred on 17 
October 1611 at Preston, the same time and place as the sitting for Blackburn deanery. 

76 CRO: EDV 1/21 f 25v 

Three hands are represented in these entries. The text enclosed by bubbles in 11.13-15 ( quo die ... prox 
imo ) is in hand 2. The remainder of the first case is in the third hand ( Postea ... eum ; 11. 1 5-18), as is 
most of the second case ( Postea vero ... dimisit ; 11.21-9). 

77 KCA: PRE/24/1/10/14 f 11 

This excerpt in the manor survey book fixing the size and location of the Cockpit House holding is the 
first mention of it found in Prescot records. The phrase Vt supra (1.27) refers to an otherwise unrelated 
entry above in which another tenant is described as holding his tenement per copiam, that is, by copy 
hold (see LG, copia ). 

77 KCL: DDPs2/6 single sheet 

For the origin and textual history of this copy of Meade s undated memorandum see the document 
description, p boci. Bailey seems to have used the original in his paper, The Elizabethan Playhouse at 
Prescot, p 77. There he gave the rent as [ijs. vjd.] (p 71), implying that he could not read the original 
figure. His conjecture was probably influenced by the fact that all other mentions of the rent for the 
property give the sum as 2s 6d. That evidence suggests that the 5s amount is a transcriber s or typist s 
error or that Meade was genuinely mistaken about the sum. 

Bailey (pp 70-1) dated the memorandum a few years later than 1609 when Thomas Malbon, who 
converted the playhouse into a dwelling, was tenant. A typed note on the copy states diat a pencilled 
1609 was on the original in a later but not a modern hand. But the key to die date seems to be the 
phrase now Master Stuardes (1.39). The property is likely to have been in the hands of the steward of the 
manor only between tenants, most commonly between die death of one tenant and the entry of the next 
one. We do not have full information about the changing tenancies, but the available information sug 
gests 1603 or 1615 as the most likely possibilities. 

In 1603 Richard Harrington (11.38-9) died and there was a delay of several months before his wife 
entered formally into the property (Bailey, pp 73-4), a period during which the steward would have 
been in formal possession. If the memorandum was written during that period, the most natural way of 
referring to it would have been that used by Meade, since Harrington was not only the builder but the 
only tenant and it had not yet been converted to a dwelling. In the first half of 1615 the property must 


have changed hands, since a Philip Hare paid the rent for Christmas 1614 (see p 81) but a John Mercer 
entered the property in June 1615. The eighteendi-century copy of a 1615 list of rents due the school, 
from which we know of Hare s tenancy, contains a group of six entries of which five are the same as 
rents described in Meades list. One entry above that group is a marginale, New Rents. If the copyist 
transcribed the marginale and placed it correctly and if it refers to all the entries below it, then the list 
in Meades memorandum must refer to the 1615 vacancy. On balance, however, the 1603 date appears 
more probable. 

78-9 LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1608 sheet [7-7d] 

This extract comes from the roll for the court leet of 27 May 1608. However, as was noted in the docu 
ment description (p Ixx), records of what might be called business arising out of an annual leet are often 
found in this series rolled up widi the draft version of the proceedings of die leet proper. Sheet 7 actually 
records an appearance of Alexander and Margaret Rigby on 15 November 1608 before the 
Four Men of Prescot, town officials who seem to have acted in many capacities on behalf of the steward 
of the manor of Prescot (see Bailey, The Elizabethan Playhouse at Prescot, p 71 n 4 and p 75). 
The Three Bayes of Buylding in Prescott ... scytuate over agayst the Cocpytt howse (p 78, 
U. 16-17) suggests directly opposite, facing. Jack Knowles writes that the cockpit house was at the comer 
of Church and High Streets in old Prescot but gives no source for diis information (Prescot Records: The 
Court Rolls 1602 -1648 (Knowsley, 1980), 53 n 17). In 1618 Nicholas Assheton and his friends rode 
over to a cocking at Prescot; see p 147. 

80 LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1609 sheet Id 

According to Bailey ( The Elizabethan Playhouse at Prescot, p 75), Thomas Malbon (1.8) probably 
belonged to the family of this name then established in Eccleston, a township adjoining Prescot and 
Knowsley. Prescot Parish Register, in recording the baptism of five children of his in die years 1606-12, 
describes him as "of the hall of Prescot, gentleman." 

Though the term playhouse occurs often in Bailey s account, he makes it clear that the building was 
operated as a playhouse only some time after 1592 and before 1609. Indeed the present record begins by 
reciting that Malbon has converted the playhouse into a house for habitation. 

The fine recorded in the paper version for taking a tenant without permission ( ideo ipe in misericor- 
dtz xij d. (1.1 1)) was not entered in the parchment version (LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1609 
mb [3]), which otherwise is substantially the same. 

81 KCL: DDPs 1/37 pp 1,2 

These excerpts come from an abstract of the Prescot school accounts beginning in 1610, which was pre 
sented to the manor court by John Chorley, overseer of charities, on 30 May 1755. The first comes from 
a list of householders who increased the school stocks ; each is credited with one or more stocks but 
Thomas Meade the vicar, who compiled the list, has not specified how much money each stock repre 
sented. Clear dating limits for the entry are established by the title on the cover page, An abstract of 
Prescott School accowwttComenceing Anno 1610, and the heading on p 1, according to which 
Thomas Mead then Vicar of Prescott & overseer of the school of Prescott made out the Account for 
the School rents & School Stocks to Christmas 1614 as follows. The list begins with New Year s gifts 
for 1610, 1611, and 1612 and is immediately followed on p 2 by entries of sums of money beginning 
with a New Year s gift for 1614. This suggests that the widow Dichfield made her contribution between 


New Year s 1612 and New Year s 1614. The second excerpt comes from the cash account beginning with 
the New Years gift for 1 614 and therefore probably belongs to that year. 

81 LRO:WCW1614 single mb 

On 9 October 1615 Stockleys son and heir, aJso Edward Stockley of Prescot, yeoman, married Jane Har 
rington, eldest daughter of Richard Harrington, the man who built the Prescot playhouse (F.V. Driffield 
(ed), The Parish Register of Prescot 1573-1631, Lancashire Parish Register Society, vol 76 (Preston, 1 938), 

82 LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parchment) 1615 single mb 

John Mercer took possession of the Prescot playhouse site in 1615, as the present record shows, and kept 
it until his death in 1634. in ffesribus Vsualibus p<requales porcibnes (11.29-30) means quarterly pay 
ments. The English version of this roll (DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1615 sheet [5]) is substantially the 
same, except that it lacks the final section recording that Mercer sought successfully for admittance into 
his property. 

83 LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1617 sheet [20] 

The Prescot playhouse had been converted into a howse for habitacn by 1609 (see above, p 80, 
1.9) and so the phrase neire vnto die play howse (1.17) can only mean near the tenement which 
was formerly a playhouse. The Latin version of the roll for this year (LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (parch 
ment) 1617 single mb) has substantially the same entry. 

83 LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) 1618 sheet [25] 

lames dyt/v/c 1 heffyeld (p 83, 1-35) was one of die Four Men, die leading officers of Prescot township. 
The queen s company mentioned here was probably a provincial branch of the queen s players led by 
Thomas Swinnerton. They appeared at Gawthorpe Hall on 10 March 1617/18 (see p 177). 

85-6 BL: Add. MS 4239 ff 7v-8 

Martindale (1623-86) wrote his autobiography in the last year of his life. The incidents described here 
can be dated about 1632, when Martindale (born mid-September 1623) was under 10 yeares old (ie, 
nine?). If 1632 is meant, dien his brother s wedding took place in February or March 1632/3. The wakes, 
greens, and merry nights frequented by die young wild airy girle (p 85, 1.33) would then belong to 
1632. Martindale became a Presbyterian divine. His autobiography was edited by Richard Parkinson for 
the Chetham Society in 1845. 

86-7 Hatfield House: Cecil Papers 205/83 single sheet 

This information by a Lancashire priest-catcher against John Wilson led to his arrest at Preston and his 
incarceration on 16 June 1596. The letter can be dated between Candlemas (2 February) and 16 June 
1596. John Wilson, alias Richard Railton, was born about 1568 and was at Douai on 3 December 1594. 
He was probably ordained diere. He was arrested by Mr Sorums, minister of Preston, and committed to 
the Gatehouse in London by the lord chief justice, the solicitor general, and Richard Topcliffe, priest- 
hunter (Godfrey Anstruther, The Seminary Priests: A Dictionary of the Secular Clergy of England and 
Wales, 1558-1850, vol 1 (1558-1603) (Ware, Herts and Durham, 1968), 383). 

Wilson s companion, Mr S Hawxworthe (p 86, 1.33), was probably Robert Hawkesworth, born 
25 December 1567 in Yorkshire, educated at Blackburn Grammar School, and ordained priest at the 


Lateran on 10 August 1593. Since he was arrested at Liverpool on 6 December 1595, the Corpus Christi 
play he saw was probably that of May or June 1595. Although Hawkesworth was committed to Lon 
don s Gatehouse prison on 13 December 1595, he escaped on 29 May 1597 and later lapsed and 
married (Anstruther, The Seminary Priests, vol 1, p 157). 

Wilson s brother, the Lincolnshire Jesuit, was no doubt a fictitious alias used by Wilson to keep the 
authorities guessing. Anstruther comments, He is said to have a brother a Jesuit in Lines, but no such 
Jesuit is known ( The Seminary Priests, vol 1, p 383). 

Farington, Ulnes Walton, Brindle, Hoghton, and Rishton are all near Preston. Denham Hall, no 
longer standing, was near Brindle. 

87 LRO:WCW1638 single sheet 

A show called the Chaos (1. 17) presumably dealt with Genesis 1: 1-2, and if so it must have been very 
dramatic indeed, presenting the earth ... without form, and void; and darkness ... upon the face of the 
deep, as the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters. George Speaight refers to two Sandes 
shows of 1623 called The Chaos of the World and The Creation of the World, but does not give his 
source ( The History of the English Puppet Theatre (London, 1955), 325). If Speaight is right, this too was 
probably a marionette show. Jonson and Shakespeare call this kind of show a motion. Jonson speaks of 
a Motion of the city of Niniueh, with IONAS, and the whale in Every Man Out of His Humour (n. iii. 
146-7 in Ben Jonson, C.H. Herford and Percy Simpson (eds), vol 3 (Oxford, 1927; rpt 1954)) and 
Shakespeare refers to a motion of the Prodigal Son in The Winter s Tale(\\. iii. 96). A show about the 
Chaos dealing with the Creation story would have been very entertaining indeed if it presented the mak 
ing of all the kinds of creatures that swim, fly, and walk. The tools imply that Sandes, who gives his 
trade as loynfr (1.1 5), made his own marionettes. 

Since these marionette shows commonly dealt with biblical diemes, I once speculated that they prob 
ably filled the gap left by the suppression of mystery plays in the late sixteenth century (REEDN 1979:2, 4) 
and E.K. Chambers was inclined to the same view. He explains that marionettes were used to show the 
nativity long before actors were and also that representations of miracle plays by means of moving pup 
pets ... make their appearance in all parts of Europe at a period when the regular dramatic performances 
of similar subjects were already becoming antiquated (E.K. Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage (Oxford, 
1903), vol 2, pp 157-8). 

88-9 Fletcher: Correspondence pp 11-12 

For the history of the manuscript containing this letter see the document description, p Ixxm. 

This letter alludes to the opening of Ringley Chapel, which Walworth had had built and endowed at 
his own expense. J.S. Fletcher, the Chetham Society editor, identified some of the ministers (p 89, 
11.1-6). Mr. Murrey (1. 1) was George Murray, BD, of King s College, Cambridge, who had been tutor 
to Lord Strange and was made rector of Bury by the earl of Derby in 1622, holding the cure until his 
death in 1633. Mr. Horrax (11.1-2) was Alexander Horrocks, vicar of Deane, whose puritan leanings 
earned him the enmity of Archbishop Laud and later of Prince Rupert s troopers. Mr. Rawbone (1.2) 
was probably William Rathband, minister of Ainsworth chapelry and later (1632) of Blackley chapel 
(Halley, Lancashire, vol 1, pp 242-3). John Horrax, mentioned below (1.6), was perhaps the minister of 
Colnc of that name, but more likely John Horrocks of Pilkington, who was married to a kinswoman of 
Walworth s and to whose son of the same name Walworth left 10 in his will (Fletcher, p 12). Robert 
Seddon was apparently Peter s youngest son, later to be a noted Presbyterian preacher (Fletcher, p xiii). 
William Hulme of Hulme in Reddish had a house in Outwood and in his will left 20s to the incumbent 



of the chapel and 5 as endowment for the chapel itself (Fletcher, p 12 n 39). Fletcher identified Richard 
Crompton (1.8), who was evidently an acquaintance of both the correspondents, as Probably one of 
the Cromptons of Breightmet (Fletcher, p 12 n 40) and Raph Robinson (11.14-1 5) as a Robinson of 
Kearsley, whose daughter Elizabeth married William Hulme s son of the same name (Fletcher, p 13 n 41). 
Baynard s Castle, from which Walworth addressed this and his other letters, was the London residence of 
WaJworths employer, the earl of Pembroke. 

89-90 Cumbers House: Kenyon MSS, Memorandum Book f lOv 

These presentments were made by churchwardens to the quarter sessions in accordance with the assize 
proposals of 1 587 as part of a programme to curb sabbath breaking in the county: sec pp 220-1 and 
endnote, pp 364-5- 

90 CRO: EDV 1/22 f 133 

This book is very tightly bound so that parts of some words are obscured in the gutter. Duerden and 
Wythington (1.1 1) may have been musicians and therefore playing musical instruments, although it is 
also possible that they were engaged in playing some sport or game. 

90 LRO: QSR4 mb 38 

Ape-baiting may have involved setting dogs on a large ape or, just possibly, setting dogs on an ape riding 
a horse cantering round a bullring. A London showbill of about 1 590-1600, preserved in the Dulwich 
College MSS, vol 2, f 86, reads Tomorrowe being Thursd^aie 1 shalbe seen at the Beargarden 1 on the 
banckside . . . plasant spoKf 1 with the horse and ape an(d) whipping of the blind beare. 

90 Salford Archives Centre f 12v 

This is an almost exact duplicate of the order passed in Manchester on 2 October 1 600 and printed 
above (see p 62) with this difference: Salford protected the Manchester waits but Manchester did not 
protect the Salford waits. The Cinderella status of Salford beside Manchester is well known even today. 

91 BL: HarleyMs2130 f 292 

The fourth article for Bishop Bridgeman s visitation of 1634 reads Item whether hath any person or per 
sons within your parish or chappelry spent the said Lords day and other holidajes or any part thereof in 
loytering, tipling dicing, carding I or any other vnlawfull and profane exercise, or prohibited by the lawes 
of this kingdome (STC: 10177, sigs A2-2v). Blackey was evidently presented for retailing ale. Ales on 
the sabbath were also forbidden by the York provincial articles of 1628-9 (see p 215). 

91 CRO: EDV 1/21 f 57v 

For an explanation of the use of Idem (1.35) see above p 328, endnote to CRO: EDV 1/19 f 127v. 

92 CRO: EDV 1/17 f 98v 

Stretford was a township and chapelry within the parish of Manchester. In this court book cases are orga 
nized by parish, with the names of subdivisions, such as chapelries, specified when necessary within the 
general section for each parish. It is not clear whether the lack of such specification in the second case 
given here means that it is to be taken as another Stretford case or as a resumption of cases for Manch 
ester proper. The former seems more probable and so it has been given here. 


92 CRO: EDA 3/2 f 1 

BaJshaw (1.27) had previously been prosecuted in the church courts for a Sabbatarian offence. On 
25 September 1618 he appeared with two others, one of whom was his brother, Richard, to answer a 
charge of bowling on Sunday at time of divine service (CRO: EDV 1/19 f 212v). The boys father, 
William, appeared on their behalf, saying that his sons were thirteen and eighteen at the time and so 
Edmund BaJshaw, now a chapel warden, was either twenty-one or twenty-six at the time of this second 

The chapelry in which he lived is referred to as Low Church in the court books. Its modem name is 
Walton le Dale and it is within die parish of Blackburn. 

93 BI: V.1590-1/CB.2 f 71v 

This entry from visitation records for 1590-1 bears no specific date. Henry Hallwood (1.9) was very 
likely die Henry Halewood who held die town waitship at Liverpool at intervals between 1571 and 
1589, for whose career see pp 39, 40, 47 and endnote, pp 322-3; he was possibly also the Henry Hale 
prosecuted in Childwall (see above, p 10, and endnote p 313). 

93 CRO: Birch Cullimore Collection DBC/239 1/2 single mb 

Warrington Grammar School was founded by Sir Thomas Butler of Bewsey, who died 27 April 1522 
(John Fitchett Marsh, On the Foundation and History of Boteler s Free Grammar School at Warring- 
ton," THSLC 8 (1856), 53). The deed provides that the schoolmaster shall teach every ferial day, diat is, 
every week day not a holy day, during the year, except the six days defined therein and that he shall 
receive no extra pay or inducement except the four customary pennies. The customary penny in the 
Christmas quarter is called a cockpenny but the pennies in the other three quarters seem to constitute 
a fund for a school drinking (for a description of a drinking at St John s College, Cambridge, see Alan 
H. Nelson, Cambridge, Records of Early English Drama (Toronto, 1989), 102; see p 325, endnote to 
MCLA: Ll/44 single mb for the cockpenny at Manchester Grammar School). According to the OED, the 
term is used only in the north of England. Shrovetide occurred just before Ash Wednesday, usually in 
February, and was evidently a time for cockfighting or for throwing sticks at cocks tied to posts, in 
order to knock them down or kill them (see John Harland and T.T. Wilkinson (eds), Lancashire Folk- 
Lore (London, 1867; rpt 1972), 218-19). 

Marsh printed the deed, giving a text which appears to be contemporary with the one given here but 
which differs greatly from it in accidentals (pp 57-9). Presumably it represented another copy of the 
original four-part indenture. Marsh consistently gave any wherever the CRO text has euerie, although 
he himself noted that in the phrase any Feriall day the sense required every (p 58). This suggests that 
either the scribe of Marsh s source or Marsh himself had consistently misread his exemplar. 

94 LRO: QSB 1/106/26 single sheet 

This is one of nine bonds or records of bonds which survive for this case; for a complete list, see the 
document descriptions, pp bcxv-lxxvi. Strictly speaking, only the document for Robert Wicke (see 
pp 94-5) is an actual bond and the rest are reports. Of diese, this one for Randal Rylance has been 
chosen as a representative sample because it contains the cleanest text. All the men appeared before 
Thomas Ireland (c 1602-38) on 8 May, two days after the alleged offence, a performance of Henry vm 
(see p 96, 1.16). The site of the session is identified in the bonds for Wicke, John Choner, and William 
Wildigge as Bewsey. This was Ireland s seat, located near Warrington. 

The bonds name die men and give their trades. The identifiable actors in the alleged performance are 


listed in the examinations of Gregory Harison: John Smyth, described as both a husbandman and a webster; 
Thomas Houlbrocke, webster; John Willie, husbandman, all three of Overford, now Orford, near Warring- 
ton; William Hardman, a teldy (possibly a tent-maker); John Cadwell, webster; William Wildigge, described 
as both a labourer and a blacksmidi; Robert Wicke, described as both a labourer and a smith; John Choner, 
labourer; and Randal Rylance, described as both a labourer and a joiner. Choner alone is described just as a 
labourer; perhaps he also had a trade. He is associated most often in the bonds with Wildigge and Wicke, 
who are described variously as labourers and smiths, and so possibly Choner too was a smith. 

It is possible that other persons were involved. The quarter session orders (printed below, pp 96-7) 
discussing this case state that these nine men were taken w/th others (p 96, 1.31) by die constables 
and churchwardens. Unfortunately these others, if they existed, are not named in the examinations, 
although we do lack the actual report of the court appearance by the named defendants which might 
have offered more information. It is not likely that any bonds were taken and dien lost, since the names 
of those who are known to have been bound over correspond to the names of those examined and cried. 

A total of 280 was posted by thirteen persons in order to fulfill the requirements of the bonds. 
Amounts posted for individuals varied between 40, the total posted for Wicke, Wildigge, Rylance, and 
Choner, and 15, the total posted for Houlbrocke. Four of nine defendants also posted bail for one an 
other; the other five guarantors tended to be relatives, members of the same trade, or residents of die 
same town as those for whom they went bail. The result was that several defendants posted quite large 
sums: Wildigge posted a total of 50 for himself and three others; Wicke, 40 for himself and two 
others; and Rylance and Choner each posted 30 for himself and one other. 

These are large sums of money. No defendant posted less than 10 and we have seen that several 
posted considerably more. This shows that the defendants, their families, and their friends had the re 
sources to lay hands on 280 at less than two days notice. It also suggests that the jp took their offence 
very seriously. He may also have thought some or all of them likely to fail to appear in court. 

95-6 LRO: QSB 1/106/72 single sheet 

On 1 1 May 1632, three days after the bonds were posted, the men were examined at Ormskirk quarter 

sessions together with Gregory Harison, in whose alehouse they had acted on Sunday, 6 May. 

The play performed was presumably either Shakespeare s Henry vw (published in the folios of 1623 
and 1632) or, more likely, Samuel Rowleys When You See Me, You Know Me: or, the Famous Chronicle 
Historie of King Henry the Eight. This was more readily available than Shakespeare s play, having been 
first published in quarto in 1605 and reprinted in 1613, 1621, and 1632 (for a modern edition see the 
Malone Society reprint (Oxford, 1952)). 

The performance had been in progress from one to two hours when the churchwardens raided die 
alehouse. The fact that nine men were named in the bond and memorandum is probably misleading; 
if a performance occurred or was intended, there must have been another three or four boys to play the 
women s parts and double as pages, criers, and attendants. That would bring the cast up to thirteen, 
the size of a normal acting troupe of the time. 

Why the men should have decided to break the sabbath by acting is unexplained; so too is the lack of 
an audience. Perhaps it was what we would call a dramatic reading or else a rehearsal. 

96-7 LRO: QSR 29 1632 mb 33 

This order cannot be dated exactly and the actual account of the trial has not been found. This docu 
ment confirms that the nine defendants had already appeared earlier in the session, as could be inferred 
from the discharges noted on the bonds, but states only that they received condigne punishm<7/t (p 96, 


"367). In it, the sitting JPS make a very unusual claim, asserting that proceedings before a Chester 
diocesan court ( the Deane or ordinaryes Cort, p 96, 11.38-9) for sabbath breaking would subject these 
men to double jeopardy now that they had been sentenced by the quarter sessions. Normally such a 
common-law principle would be applied only within die courts of common law. The late sixteenth cen 
tury had seen common-law jurists employ existing common-law writs and principles in ingenious ways 
both to block any growdi in the jurisdictions of chancery and die conciliar courts at the expense of the 
common-law courts and to restrict those jurisdictions. Now diat the secular arm, in Lancashire at least, 
had firmly established a jurisdiction over sabbath breaking, judges trained in this new zeal to secure the 
rights of the common-law may have been ready to employ similar tactics to deny an ecclesiastical juris 
diction (see J.H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History (London, 1971), 38-58). 

In fact, the constables and churchwardens of Warrington seem to have acted as the Lancashire bench 
had recommended as long ago as 1587, when churchwardens and others were required to bring Sab 
batarian offences before the JPS (see pp 220-1 and endnote, pp 3645). A precedent may have been 
established at diat time which lingered in local communities. Perhaps the actions of these craftsmen/ac 
tors, like the Sunday alehouse activities at Wichington prosecuted before the quarter sessions in 1601 
(see p 1 13), were construed as breaches of the peace. 

On the local level, the issue may have been a purely practical one of enforcement. When the offence 
occurred a secular authority was on the spot in the person of Sir Thomas Ireland, one of the JPS for West 
Derby hundred and a local magnate. He acted quickly to prevent any further outbreak by binding every 
one over to the next sessions and conducting a preliminary examination. The fact that the church courts 
appear to have been considering action suggests that die churchwardens also reported the offence to 
their superiors. 

These orders survive in both the enrolled parchment record from which this record is taken and a 
rough paper order book, LRO: QSO 2/7 f [20]. There is only one substantive variant between them: in 
the paper book, instead of in respect by lawe they are not to bee punished twice for one offence (p 96, 
11.39-40), the clerk originally wrote a longer phrase: & as according to the lawes of this Realme that 
noe man shall bee punished twyce for one offence. However, it was deleted and the phrase which ap 
pears in the record copy substituted. 

98 CRO: EDV/1/13 ff 175-5v 

danceing in the churchyard at a Rushbearinge (p 98, 1.25) may refer to morris dancing; compare Arch 
bishop Grindal s article of 1571, mentioning Morice dauncers, or others at rishe bearings (see p 213, 

99 LRO: DDHC 1/3/41 mb 7d 

whitlaboith (1.1 1) is a peculiar and apparently unique spelling of Wheatley Booth, in the chapelry of 
Newchurch in Pendle; for other forms beginning with Whit or Wit see Eilert Ekwall, The Place- 
Names of Lancashire, p 81 . Ightenhill Manor is two miles northwest of Burnley and Wheatley Booth is 
four miles north of Ightenhill. 

Bulcock had contravened a statute, probably 22 Henry vin (1530-1): And furthermore be yt en 
acted, that yf any person or persones at eny tyme herafter gyve any herborowe, monye or lodgyng to any 
beggers beyng stronge &C. able in theyre bodyes to worke whyche order them selfes contrary to the 
fourme of this estatute, that every suche pmon so doyng, beyng suffycyently proved or presented afore 
any Justice of Peace shall make suche fyne to the King, as by the dyscretion of the sayd Justices of Peace 
at theyre gen^rall Sessions shalbe assessed (The Statutes of the Realm, vol 3 (London, 1917), 330). 



Why Bulcock should have answered charges when the offending player did not is unclear but prob 
ably the performer and his wife had fled. 

99-102 PRO: DL 1/37 f 65 item 2 

This bill of complaint served to open proceedings in this case in the Court of the Duchy Chamber, a pre 
rogative court of chancery with jurisdiction over the entire duchy of Lancaster. The case was heard there 
because of the nature of the complaint (ie, the charges of rout and riot) and the alleged status of 
Charnock as tenant by copyhold of the king and queen in right of the duchy of Lancaster. 

It is difficult to fix the date of the events because not all the documents survive. However, Charnock 
stated in the complaint that he had been seised of the land in question at the third hallmote for the 
manor, held on 7 September in the current regnal year (p 99, 11.33-4), and that the alleged events took 
place the following February and March (p 100, 1.28; p 101, 11.14-15) in die same regnal year. From 
another case (PRO: DL 3/74 f 57) it is possible to determine that this hallmote was held on 7 September 
3 and 4 Philip and Mary, ie, 1556. Hence the alleged events took place between 26 February and 
1 March 1 556/7. How soon after that Charnock filed his complaint we do not know, but die wording 
implies it was filed in the same regnal year as die alleged riot and maypole. 

Charnock had claims to several plots of land in Lancashire and at least one other in Widnes. In the 
same case which provided the date for this suit (PRO: DL 3/74 ff 56-61), litigation over two plots of 
land diere which involved rights of common was reviewed demonstrating clearly that die other tenants 
felt they had legitimate grievances against Charnock for interfering with dieir traditional rights. This 
may have fuelled the alleged attack and would explain the apparent presence of the bailiff of the manor 
(p 100,11.13-14). 

Charnock names nearly half the rioters and characterizes the entire group as tenants of Widnes. In 
three instances, there appear to be two defendants of the same name, but diis would not be unheard 
of in an isolated rural district. One of the defendants may be identifiable, namely Toucher Bolde (p 100, 
1.16); his name appears often in the presentments of the Liverpool portmoot of about 20 years later 
and he was always fined ( 1 596, 1 597, 1 598, 1 599, 1602; Twemlow, Liverpool Town Books, vol 2, 
pp 723, 727, 737, 740, 763-4, 773, 804). 

Roger Charnock (p 99, 1.28) of Gray s Inn was probably the third son of Robert Charnock of 
Charnock Richard, near Chorley. Barton R (p 102, 1.26) may be Ralph Barton (1525-92), also of 
Gray s Inn and his contemporary. Ralph Barton was the younger son of Andrew Barton of Smithills and 
also duke s or king s Serjeant and attorney at Lancaster (Somerville, History of the Duchy of Lancaster, 
p 484). 

Sir Robert Rochester (p 99, 1.22, c 1494-1557) was chancellor of the duchy and county palatine of 
Lancaster from 1 553 to late 1 557 (Somerville, History of the Duchy of Lancaster, p 395). 

Sir John Savage (p 99, 11.34) was of the Savage family of Clifton, Cheshire. 

102-3 PRO: DL 1/37 f 66 

Although there is no specific word of denial used, the general tenor of the reply makes it clear that diese 
defendants intend to deny the truth of Charnock s claims. Perhaps some phrase such as it is false that 
has been omitted after further sayne (p 102, 1.32). 

103 PRO: DL 1/37 f 67 

Like the reply above, Woodfall s answer is a denial of Charnock s claims. Some phrase such as he denies 

that should be understood to precede that the said defender in 11.27-8. The error in 11.22-3 Aboute 


the first daye of maye (for Aboute the first daye of march") is doubtless the result of the natural associa 
tion of maypoles with May. In 1 556/7 2 March was Shrove Tuesday and Shrovetide was a traditional 
time to kick over the social traces; this alleged enclosure riot fits well with that custom. But setting up a 
maypole two months early (if Charnock s allegation is correct) is much harder to parallel. The rioters 
may have meant to serve notice that they would continue to make the site their playground into the 
summer but dieir exact motive remains elusive. 

104 Wigan Archive Service: D/DZA13/1 p 173 

John Bridgeman was bishop of Chester 1619-43 and rector of Wigan from 1615- His original Wigan 

ledger is lost but a transcription of 1708 survives. 

The focus of this short narrative is a series of jurisdictional conflicts between the town and the 
bishop. He was apparently lord of the manor of Wigan and as such had the right to collect tolls from 
merchants coming to the Monday market and at most other times, except the Friday market and the 
annual St Luke s fair. This section of his ledger describes events from 29 October, the Friday before the 
town wakes (1.9), that is, the two or three days of festivities celebrating the dedication feast of the local 
church. In this case, that festival, All Saints Day, coincided with the occasion of the next Monday 

The town, through its serjeant, sought permission to gather tolls on Friday from diose butchers and 
others who had arrived early for the wake and fair. But the bishop, apparently arguing diat although they 
had come on a Friday, they had not come for the town s Friday market, insisted that dieir toll be col 
lected by his bailiff on the Saturday. Subsequently, die town authorities sent to double-check with the 
bishop whether a bear-baiting could be licensed to take place on Monday, All Saints Day, on Market 
Hill. He grudgingly conceded on condition that it not take place until the market had finished, that is, 
until his jurisdiction was at an end. Perhaps his only concern here was to preserve the revenues of his 
Monday market, which must have been considerably enhanced on this occasion by the coincidence of 
the market with the parish wake. Certainly his motive in insisting upon collecting tolls on Saturday from 
Friday s early arrivals seems to have been to protect his total profits. But he may also have been con 
cerned for public order, since he specified that the wares offered for sale at the market should be packed 
away before the bear-baiting began. 

104-6 BL: Lansdowne MS 2 1 3 ff 325v-6 

Hammond s narrative of his party s journey is confused, as if he had misordered his notes before writing 
them up. The travellers clearly entered the county from the north, crossing the Lune and spending one 
night at Lancaster (f 325v). By another County Palatine (p 104, !.28) he means Cheshire, the next 
county they meant to visit after Lancashire. They were heading for Preston, passing Ashton Hall near 
Overton or the house of Calvert of Cockerton (both Vpon the Sea (1.29)), Lord Gerard s house at 
Winmarlcigh, Greenhalgh Castle at Garstang ( Casting Castle, die Earle of Darbies (1.30-2m)), and 
the Tyldesley house at Myerscough, but crossing the Ribble west of Preston at Lea Town, near the 
Hoghton house called the Lea. From the Lea they must have been directed to die other Hoghton house 
( Casde (p 104, 1.37m)) at Hoghton, south-east of Preston, from where they turned back soudi-west to 
wards the Farington house at Worden (Leyland), which Hammond noted down or misread later as 
Heyton (p 104, 1.40m). They finally passed the Rigby house at Burgh (Duxbury), and ended up lost 
among the coalpits at Standish, having covered about 33 miles diat day. 

Hammond has made his tracks harder to follow by putting his reference to the Dee, which flows 
through Chester, much too early. On the other hand, Preston is mentioned only in a marginal note in 


the next paragraph after the text excerpted here, as is Houghton Castle for a second time (f 326); these 
marginalia are evidently misplaced. The party must, in fact, have spent the night of either 27 or 28 Au 
gust at Wigan and gone on to Chester the next morning via Winwick and Warrington (f 326). 

106-8 PRO: DL3/7 f 50 

This feud between Thomas Butler and Sir Thomas Gerard is dated 1515-16 by Henry Fishwick (Plead 
ings and Depositions, p 61) but, in fact, the wording setterday in the Estur wek last past in the sixte yere 
(p 106, 1.23) of Henry vill leaves the date doubtful. If we take Saturday in Easter week to mean the Sat 
urday after Easter, which is normal six tee nth -century usage, then 1514 is possible; in 1514 Easter was 16 
April and the Saturday following was 22 April, the very first day of the regnal year 6 Henry vill. How 
ever, in 1515 Easter was 8 April and hence the Saturday following was 14 April, also in 6 Henry vin. 

Two factors suggest that 1515 is the more likely date. The commission to examine witnesses in this 
case was issued on 10 July 7 Henry vill, that is, 10 July 1515. That implies that the complaint itself 
was likely received not long before in the Court of the Duchy Chamber (for which see p 339 above, end- 
note to PRO: DL 1/37 f 65 item 2). If Butler s attorney was drafting the bill in the late spring of 1515, 
the expression the setterday in the Escur wek last past in the sixte yere of or sou<rrain lord die king 
reigne (p 106, 11.23-4) would most naturally refer to the immediately previous Easter season of 1 51 5. 

The reply made later by Butler to the bill of complaint in Gerard s counter-suit (of which an excerpt 
appears on pp 108-9) sheds more light on the situation. In diat document, the following statement is 
made: the saide Thomas Boteler ... and dyum oder gentilmen being in cumpany at Manchestre in the 
said Countie{...) Bisshop of Elye appoynted to mete at wynwhik the settKniay then next folowing ..." 
(p 108, U. 12-1 5; the wear to the right margin caused enough damage to obliterate 15-20 characters and 
spaces represented by {...). 

The mention of the bishop of Ely is intriguing. If Easter 1515 is the more likely of die two possible 
times, then James Stanley, bishop of Ely and brother of the earl of Derby, was recently dead. He died on 
22 March 1514/5 and was buried not at Ely but in the collegiate church of Manchester where he had 
previously been the warden. Given the closeness in time and the apparent position of Buder and his 
friends, it is possible that what is recorded here is a meeting upon the occasion of Stanley s funeral at 
which plans were made for the cockfighting. 

Sir Thomas Butler was born in 1495 and was thus only twenty when this confrontation took place. 
He died in 1550. 

108-9 PRO: DL3/7 f 52 

Butler s Answer gives interesting detail about the cockfight. The fixed time for cockfights seems to have 
been Saturday morning, children carried the cocks to the cockfight, and the cockfight place could hold at 
least fifty persons. 

112 CRO: EDC 5/1 596/64 f [lv] 

This is the seventh in a series of thirteen articles charged against Tailor. The first four (on f [1]) involve 
various charges of immorality. Articles 5-12 document alleged harassment of the curate, as well as usurp 
ing a minister s office and interfering with the operations of the church courts. Article 13 is purely 
procedural and alleges that the conduct described in the first twelve articles is public knowledge in Win- 
wick and the neighbouring parishes. Tailor s harassment of the curate, which includes this incident with 
a piper, is described in some detail and includes accounts of dated incidents which indicate an escalating 
hostility between him and the new curate, John Rider, who was presented in 1595. 


Although no account survives of Tailor s appearance to answer these charges and of his pleading, a 
comparison of the opening of the articles with the court headings in the consistory court records shows 
that they were prepared to be charged against him at a session in the consistory of Chester Cathedral be 
fore David Yale in his capacity as commissary of Matthew Hutton, then archbishop of York and hence 
metropolitan for Chester. This indicates, no doubt, the seriousness with which the authorities took these 
accusations, or at least those claiming that Tailor had also interfered with the lawful operation of the 
Chester diocesan court. 

Curiously article 5 accuses Tailor of claiming to be parish clerk. Certainly, if he had been parish clerk 
at the beginning of Rider s tenure and still considered himself to be such, some of die allegations against 
him make better sense. We learn from a later court battle over the rights to die parish living of Winwick 
that a William Tailor was parish clerk in 1616. This dispute is analysed in detail by Mark H. Curtis in 
Trials of a Puritan in Jacobean Lancashire ( The Dissenting Tradition, C. Robert Cole and Michael E. 
Moody (eds) (Athens, Ohio, 1975) 78-99). Curtis points out that there was a faction in the parish with 
recusant leanings with which Tailor can be associated, if the William Tailor of this set of articles and the 
William Tailor who was parish clerk twenty years later are the same man, although Tailor was apparently 
not a Roman Catholic, since he is accused of officiating at the Anglican liturgy. 

In bringing a piper into the church Tailor may have meant to mimic some traditional folk practices, 
such as those surrounding a parish Christmas lord, which were evidently being suppressed in die church 
at this time (see Archbishop Grindal s visitation articles, pp 21314). There is an undated but probably 
early seventeenth- century document from neighbouring Westmorland describing the alleged activities 
of christemas misrule men at die parish church at Hampton, another parish with known recusant con 
nections (Douglas and Greenfield (eds), Cumbcrland/WtstmorlandJGloucestenhirc, (p 218, 11.10 1 1). It 
is not impossible diat such folk practices, if they were known or had been carried on in Winwick, may 
have suggested to Tailor a particularly appropriate form in which to continue his harassment of a puritan 

113 LRO: QSR4 mb 51d 

The Marler here accused of running an unlicensed alehouse and breaching the peace by selling ale 
illicitly and maintaining a piper (both on a Sunday) may be the same man accused in the church 
courts of holding a Sunday ale in Manchester parish (see p 62 and endnote, p 327). Although it is 
not stated explicitly, Tompson was probably the piper Marler was maintaining in his alehouse. The 
intervening case is against another unlicensed alehouse but there is no mention of piping or pipers 
in that prosecution. 

115 DDCM: Lydiam 1394-5(A) single mb 

At this time, die accounting year of Lytham Priory was changing slightly. In 1393-4 and for several 
years previously it had run from Pentecost to Pentecost; in 1395-6 it ran from the Monday after the 
Ascension 1395 to the following Monday after die Ascension in 1396. The heading of both surviving 
accounts for 1394-5, however, does not specify a feast; it simply states that the year runs until the same 
feast in the following year. The most logical conclusion seems to be that the year ran from Pentecost 
1394, when the previous account ended, until die Monday after the Ascension 1395, when the next 
account begins. This dating has been adopted in the subheading. 

115 DDCM: Lytham 1397-8 (A) single mb 

The festival used for dating the beginning and ending of the accounting year has been left out of the 



heading in both surviving accounts for this year. However, comparison with the previous and subsequent 
years accounts determines that the accounting year here ran from the Monday after the Ascension to the 
next Monday after the Ascension. 

118 DDCM: Lytham 1425-6 single mb 

Although portions of the date heading are damaged, enough survives to determine that this account is 
for 14256 and that the beginning and ending dates are, as usual after 13956, the Monday after the 
Ascension in each year. 

118 DDCM: Lytham 1428-9 single mb 

The sum is pardy illegible because of damage to the right side of the roll. The first and last figures are 

clear under ultraviolet light. 

120 DDCM: Lytham 1456-7 single mb 

The opening of the account is later than usual this year, owing to die appointment of a new prior, 
William Dalton. He was appointed and presented on 14 August according to the monastic register 
(Durham, Dean and Chapter Muniments: Register iv, ff 100-lOOv), but this account is dated from the 
feast of St Lawrence, 10 August. The terminal date is, as usual, the Monday after the Ascension. No ac 
count survives for the three months from the previous Monday after the Ascension, 10 May 1456, when 
the last account closed, to 10 August. 

124 DDCM: Lytham 1482-3 single mb 

The date heading for this roll is missing. Comparison of the opening and closing account balances with 
those of other years determines the year assigned here. The opening and closing dates are assumed to be 
as usual, the Monday after the Ascension in each year. 

124 DDCM: Lytham 1484-5 single mb 

The date heading for this roll is missing. Comparison of the opening and closing account balances with 
those of other years determines the year assigned here. The opening and closing dates are assumed to be, 
as usual, the Monday after the Ascension in each year. 

126 DDCM: Lytham 1498-9 single mb 

The date heading of the roll is damaged in such a way that it is possible to be sure only of the decade in 
which it falls. Comparison with the opening and closing account balances of other surviving records for 
the decade determines the accounting year assigned here. The opening and closing dates are assumed to 
be, as usual, the Monday after the Ascension in each year. 

128 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 7 col 1 

The marginal total is difficult to read because the book is tighdy bound. However, it appears to be either 
xxij s. xj d. or possibly (and less likely) xvij s. xj d. Neither is correct since the total of the individual 
payments is 19s lid. The mistake is more likely to be arithmetical than to result from a mechanical error 
in writing roman numerals. 

128 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 12 col 1 

The last entry in this series of individual payments probably stands for viij d. If so, the total of payments 


would be 290d, or 24s 2d. This would mean that the explicit total (23s 2d) is off by only one shilling, 
involving in this case an easily explicable mechanical error in writing roman numerals. 

130 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 48 col 1 

The series of dots at the end of the account paragraph represents a form of total used in medieval ac 
counting. Both the grouping of the dots and their arrangement within the groups are significant. Up to 
four groups are usual, standing for pounds, shillings, pence, and farthings respectively, moving from left 
to right. (For accounts dealing with large sums, further columns could be added on the left for scores of 
pounds, hundreds of pounds, and so on.) Dots placed on or below the line count as units, but dots 
placed above the line vary in significance according to their position. In the pounds or shillings columns 
dots above the line and on the left count as tens, dots above die line and on the right count as fives. In 
the pence column dots above the line in the centre or on the left count as sixes. Thus this series of dots 
represents a total of 1 8s 6d, which is the correct total for the series of payments. The practice is dis 
cussed and examples given by C. T. Martin in The Record Interpreter, 2nd ed (Dorking, 1976; facsimile 
of London, 1910), xii xiii and A. G. Petti in English Literary Hands from Chaucer to Dryden (Cam 
bridge, Mass, 1977), 28. 

130 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 60 col 1 

The sum expressed in accounting dots is 1 7s 9d, the correct total. The method of reading accounting 

dots is explained in the endnote above. 

135 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 155 col 1 

The accounting dots, representing a sum of 1 8s 4d, were written between this account paragraph and 
the next (see above, endnote to MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 48 col 1, for an explanation of accounting dots). How 
ever, the actual total of the minstrel payments is 1 13s 6d. The error of 5s 2d is presumably one of 

135 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 161 col 1 

The Viij in 1.30 probably represents a payment of 8s. If so, the actual total of the minstrel payments is 
2 4s 7d, only lOd less than the total expressed by the accounting dots, 2 5s 5d. Such a discrepancy is 
more easily accounted for as an error in calculation than the discrepancy of 8s 2d between the account 
ing dots and 1 17s 3d, the total which would result from taking viij as 8d. See above, endnote to 
MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 48 col 1, for an explanation of accounting dots. 

138 LRO: DDTo/B 21/1-6 single mb col 2 

This finished account is dated only by the names of the bursars and the year of John Paslew s abbacy, 
year 14. Comparison with the annual accounts in the abbey s paper account book shows that this is the 
modern historical year 1 520. The account year is not stated. Most of the payments recorded in the gifts 
section of this account exactly match payments in the running account for 1 520 in the paper book. But 
neither of the two entertainer payments matches: where the paper book records a total of 49s 4d given 
to minstrels in 1 520, this account reads 44s; where the paper book records a total of 6s 8d to bearwards, 
this account reads 10s. As a result the relationship between these two accounts for 1520 is not clear. 

138-9 BL: HarleyMs2064 f 95 col 1 

This antiquarian transcription seems to have been made from a finished account for 1521 similar to 


LRO: DDTo/B 21/1-6 (for 1520). No accounting year is given but both the calendar year 1521 and the 
year of the abbots reign were used for dating. There are more discrepancies in general between pay 
ments listed in this transcription and those recorded in the paper book for 1521 than between payments 
in the two accounts for 1 520, and the two entertainer payments also differ. In this case the intervening 
stage of transcription provides a further opportunity for mechanical error to arise, especially in recording 
figures. The relationship between the original of tnis transcription and the running account for 1521 in 
MCLA: Ll/47/5 is unclear. 

142 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 271 col 1 

The accounting dots, representing a sum of 2 13s, were written between this account paragraph and 
the next (see pp 344, endnote to MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 48 col 1 for an explanation of accounting dots). 
However, the actual total of the minstrel payments is 2 11s lOd. The error of Is 2d is presumably 
one of calculation. 

143 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 283 col 1 

The accounting dots, representing a sum of 3 Is 7d, were written between this account paragraph and 
the next (see pp 344, endnote to MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 48 fol 1 for an explanation of accounting dots). 
However, the actual total of the minstrel payments is 2 1 6s 8d. The error of 4s 1 Id is presumably one 
of calculation. 

143-4 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 295 col 1 

The sum expressed in accounting dots, which were written between this account paragraph and the 
next, is 2 10s 4d, which is the correct total. The method of reading accounting dots is explained above, 
pp 344, endnote to MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 48 col 1. 

144 MCLA: Ll/47/5 f 301 col 1 

This account covers only part of die intended year because of die dissolution of the abbey in March 
1537. Early in that year, John Paslew, dien in his diirty-first year as abbot, was convicted of treason for 
alleged involvement in the Pilgrimage of Grace and harbouring of a fugitive. On 10 March 1536/7 he 
was executed and on 24 March the final inventory of the abbey s goods was taken by members of the 
privy council. The remaining monks, about thirteen, were turned out and the abbey s property was for 
feited to die crown. See David Knowles, The Religious Orders in England, vol 3 (Cambridge, 1959), 332 
and David Knowles and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval English Religious Houses, reved (London, 1971), 
115, 128. 

144 PRO: E 36/1 54 p 183 

Mackenzie E.G. Walcott comments that Minstrels went about in some noblemen s trains and often re 
ceived gifts for playing in convents and colleges ( Inventory of Whalley Abbey, THSLC, ns, 7 (1867), 
104), implying that some minstrel had left the scutcheon at the abbey. 

145 Whitaker: History ofWbdley p 300 

my brother Sherborne (1.7) was Richard Shireburn of Dunnow Hall near Slaidburn; he was the second 
son of Sir Richard Shireburn of Stonyhurst and the husband of Nicholas Assheton s sister Dorothy. 
Whitaker comments, The King was now expected at Hoghton Tower; and Sir Richard Hoghton was 
naturally desirous to make a splendid display of his friends and connexions (p 300). In the endnotes to 


Nicholas Assheton s Journal, all references to Whitaker s History of Whalley are to the third edition of 
1818 unless otherwise specified. 

145 Whitaker: History of Whalley p 303 

Under 14 JuJy Nicholas recorded going to Dunkenhalgh and on to Blackburn to meet old Sir Richard 
Molyneaux and his son of the same name, who were coming to stay at Dunkenhalgh. On 16 July he 
dined with them at Whalley Abbey, the house of his cousin Ralph Assheton (1579-1644) of Great 
Lever. The two contestants in the horse-race on 18 July were probably Ralph Assheton and the younger 
Sir Richard Molyneux. Nicholas made another entry under 26 January 1617/18 beginning Self, John 
Braddyll, Coozen Assheton wrth others went to Walton to see Sir Richards horses diat stode ther (pp 
309-10). Whitaker, however, did not print the remainder but merely summarized it saying, Here fol 
lows a long account of an horse-race" (p 1 10). Since Coozen Assheton without further qualification 
usually means Ralph Assheton of Great Lever and Whalley in the Journal (see endnote to Whitaker: 
History of Whalley, p 304 below), it seems Likely that the same persons were involved in this race as in 
the earlier one. On John Braddill see p 347, endnote to Whitaker: History of Whalley, p 312. 

145-6 Whitaker: History of Whalley p 304 

St James" Day had been appointed for the annual rushbearing by Thomas Morton, bishop of Chester; 
when he was translated to Coventry and Lichfield in 1619, his successor at Chester, bishop John Bridge- 
man, appears to have kept this date (see above p 23, 11. 11-16). 

Whitaker identified Cooz<r Assheton here (p 146, 1.3) as Ralph of [Great Lever and] Whalley. He 
was doubtless right because elsewhere coozew Assheton unqualified means Ralph wherever the identity 
can be inferred from the context. Under 24 July, for instance, Nicholas wrote To Whalley, at former 
request of coozw Assheton (p 304). He usually identifies his other Assheton kinsmen more specifically, 
referring for instance to cousin }ohn Assheton, of Middleton under 26 June 1617 (p 302) and My now 
CooTfn Assheton, of Middleton, Ric/wrc/ under 27 December (p 308), where my Coozw Assheton 
unspecified is Ralph of Great Lever. 

146 Whitaker: History of Whalley p 305 

King James progressed into Lancashire in August 1617 on his way back from Scotland. He was at 
Hornby Castle on 1 1 August, at Myerscough Lodge on the 12th, and at Preston on the 15th, whence he 
went to Hoghton Tower nearby. The speech of welcome there was presented as a kind of short play, with 
costumes and a little action. The speakers were probably Sir Richard Hoghton (1570-1630) and his 
huntsman, who is given only four words to speak. 

This speech was given on Friday and James stayed through the weekend until Monday die 18th. Full 
details of the four days are given by George C. Miller in Hoghton Tower in History and Romance (Preston, 
1954), 3447. The most important day was the Sunday, when James received a petition concerning 
sports signed by Lancashire peasants, tradesmen, and servants. He was soon to approve Sunday sports 
after evening prayer, which in most parishes began between 2 and 3 pm. 

The detailed account of the masque given by the Preston antiquary Peter Whittle ( The History of 
the Borough of Preston, vol 2 (Preston, 1837), 358) does not seem to rest on any contemporary testi 

There is some controversy over the dances mentioned - the Huckler, Tom Bedlo, and the Cowp 
Justice of Peace (p 146, 1.26). F.R. Raines dates Tom Bedlo from January 1617/18 (The Journal of 
Nicholas Assheton ofDownham, p 46) but in King Lear (c 1605) Shakespeare makes Edmund remark, as 


if he were an actor, Pat he comes like the catastrophe of the old comedy. My cue is villainous melan 
choly, with a sigh like Tom o Bedlam (i.ii. 134-6). George C. Miller cites the fourth edition of 
Whitaker s An History ofWhalley (revised and enlarged by Nichols and Lyons,) to explain the dances, 
adding some speculation of his own. Miller writes, Concerning the ancient dances, Dr. Whi taker sug 
gests that "Dancing the HuckJer" might resemble the Cutty Hunker, a burlesque dance performed in 
Scotland by two persons in an almost sitting posture, whilst "Tom Bedlo and the Cowp Justice of Peace" 
should perhaps read "Tom o Bedlam the Cowper and the Justice of Peace," this being by way of a rude 
interlude and not a dance. [Miller now speculates himself.] Actually, the phrase should read "Cupar Jus 
tice." According to tradition, in Cupar a magistrate once tried a prisoner after he had been hanged, and 
returned the verdict "not guilty, but no war [ie, worse] for a hanging" (Hoghton Tower, p 40). However, 
it was not Whitaker who made the suggestions that Miller quotes, but his later editors, Nichols and 
Lyons and in any case Miller s own reflections are as speculative as theirs. 

In fact, Tom o Bedlam was a song: according to Albert Deutsch the original Tom o Bedlam song 
... is contained in a manuscript songbook now in the British Museum. It is inscribed simply "Giles 
Earle his booke 1615 " (Tom O Bedlam and His Song, Yale Review, ns, 29:4 (June, 1940), 858). 
This songbook is quite likely BL: Add. MS 24665. Deutsch goes on to say that the music for it may 
be found in ... a London songbook of 1666, but he does not give the title (pp 858-9). Given the 
lateness of the hour, Tom Bedlo, and the Cowp Justice of Peace more likely represent one or two 
brief songs or jigs. 

Further particulars of the king s visit to Hoghton Tower will be found under Hoghton of Hoghton 
Tower, pp 153-6. On Monday, 18 August, the king left for Lathom House, one of the Derby seats, near 

147 Whitaker: History ofWhalley p 312 

For the textual history of the Journal, see the document description, pp Ixxxi Ixxxii. The editors of the 
fourth edition of Whitaker s History ofWhalley made significant changes in this entry, changing Sir 
Ric/wrc/CoozdTz Assheton to Leaver (1.5) to Sir Richard, coozen Assheton [of] Leaver, the comma at 
the end signifying that Nicholas Assheton and the four named men remained together. The square 
brackets enclosing of show that the 1876 editors were proposing it as an emendation of to as reported 
by Whitaker in 1818. The words Tabled all night (1.6) should be compared with Tables slurring almost 
all night in the entry for 22 September 1617, for slurring there means slipping or sliding a die out of 
the box so that it does not roll (OED Slur r 2 1) and implies that Tables means backgammon. It follows 
that Tabled in the present entry must likewise mean played backgammon even though the OED attests 
that sense only for the gerund (Tabling vbl sb^-) and the agent noun (Tablet 2 ). 

If Whitaker s text is right, it means that from the cockfight at Prescot Nicholas went with Sir Richard 
Molyneux and his cousin Ralph - the same companions as he had had the previous summer at Dunken- 
halgh - to Ralph Assheton s house at Great Lever some thirty-five miles away and spent the night playing 
backgammon, probably for money. On the other hand, if the emendation of the 1876 editors is ac 
cepted, the all-night session may have taken place at Molyneux s house at Sefton, a mere nine miles from 
Prescot, or in Prescot itself. This makes the emendation very plausible. 

Sir John Talbot of Bashall and John Braddill were father-in-law and son-in-law, Braddill having mar 
ried Talbot s daughter while they were both minors. Braddill was about nineteen at this time and Sir 
John Talbot about thirty-six. Nicholas Assheton (1590-1625) was about twenty-eight. 

J.J. Bagley interprets the 1818 text as follows: On 2 June "we all" went to Prescot to a cockfight and 
then rode to Lever near Bolton. Sir Richard Assheton, Sir John Talbot of Bashall and John Braddyll of 


Portfield near Whalley were among the company (Lancashire Diarists (London, 1975), 12). Neither of 
the passages in the third or fourth editions says the whole party rode over to Lever; the text as Whitaker 
gave it in 1818 implies that only Molyneux and Ralph Assheton went there, while die emended text of 
1876 implies nothing about anyone s movements. Also, Bagley s identification of Sir fcchard" as Sir 
Richard Assheton is impossible; Sir Richard Assheton had died the previous Christmas and his son, also 
Richard, was apparently not a knight. 

147 JRUL: SufField deposit, no 19 p 111] 

The pair of virginals was at die Whalley house; in 1616 there were two old paire of virginalls in die 
Asshetons house at Lever (p 148, 1.19) and one of them may have come there from Whalley. 

147-8 GMRO: E7/27/2/5 pp [2], [3] 

That the pair of double virginals (p 148, 1.5) was worth 20 seems unlikely; this may be an error for 
20s, which was die value assigned to the virginals of Richard Assheton of Middleton two years later (see 
p 149). 

148 LRO: QSB 1/49/10 single sheet 

This bond cannot be dated exacdy because it is not clear to what previous document die phrase die et 
anno predictis (1.26) refers. If it refers to die day and year of the examination (which was taken before 
the same judge, see p 149), then the bond was also required on 15 December 1628. It is likely, however, 
that in this case, as in the events in Warrington in 1632 (see pp 94-6 and p 337, endnote to LRO: QSB 
1/106/72 single sheet), the bond was taken prior to the examination before the jp. All that can be said 
with assurance is that the bond was taken some time in the autumn of 1628, between 20 October (die 
date of the alleged theft (p 149, 1.26)) and 15 December (the date of die examination). The fact that 
Deane s guarantor, one John Deane, was from Whalley, taken together widi the fact that the same JP 
conducted the examination at Whalley, suggests that the session at which the recognizance was taken 
also took place at Whalley. 

There are three or possibly four hands at work in this bond other than that of the JP who signed it. 
The first hand, that of the body of the text, appears from the heading to the phrase ad Respondend urn 
(1.39). The phrase Comptfruit ... dominum (1.40) is in a second hand. Inotuletur and 2/4/ in 1.41 
may each be in different hands: Inotuletur is certainly in a diird hand but since none of the three 
hands uses arabic numerals, it is not possible to tell if 2/4/ (doubtless a court fee) was written by one 
of those three clerks or by a fourdi. 

Sir Ralph Assheton (11.35-6) (c 1 579-1644) inherited Great Lever and Whalley on his father s death 
in 1616. John Braddill was of Portfield, near Whalley, and about twenty-nine in 1628 (see p 347, end- 
note to Whitaker: History of Whalley, p 312). 

149 LRO: QSB 1/49/38 single sheet 

Deane is described as being of Bolton but his examination (and probably his recognizance also) was 
taken in Whalley. There are several possible reasons for this. Most likely Deane was in Whalley when 
apprehended; perhaps he was there as a servant of Assheton, who had a house in Whalley (as well as one 
in Great Lever), or perhaps he was visiting his guarantor, possibly a relative. 

A photograph of a treble viol (1.1 1) appears in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 
vol 19 (London, 1980), 800. 



149 LRO: QSR25 1628 mb 46d 

The entry for Dearie s actual court appearance and trial has not been found. Only this presentment gives 
the value of the viol. The fact that a presentment was still needed implies that Deane had not yet been 
formally charged, although a warrant should have been issued if he was bound over and examined. 

151 BL: Add. MS 36926 f lllv 

This Sir Thomas Butler was the son of the Thomas Butler who was involved in the fracas with Sir Thomas 
Gerard at Winwick in 1515 (see pp 10612) and grandson of the founder of Warrington Grammar 
School (p 93 and endnote, p 336). S.T. Bindoffin The House of Commons 15091558, vol 1 (London, 
1982), 557) and older writers style these Butlers barons of Warrington but the Complete Peerage notes that 
their remote ancestor, William le Boteler, in the reign of Edward I was die only one of the line ever sum 
moned to parliament as a peer. Sir Thomas sat in the House of Commons as MP for Lancashire in 1553 
and 1571, for which he would have been ineligible if he had been recognized as a peer of the realm. In the 
account extract here, entered after Butlers death, my master (1.25) must mean his son Edward. 

152-3 LRO: DDF 2438/1 03 single sheet 

William Farington the younger became high sheriff of Lancashire in 1636 and died in 1658. The masque 
he refers to was Ben Jonson s Masque of Queens, acted at court on Candlemas night, that is, 2 February 
1608/9 (for a modern edition see Benjonson: Selected Masques, Stephen Orgel (ed) (New Haven and 
London, 1970), 80-99). Farington offers the only testimony to the cost of the masque but unfortunately 
the key word for the amount is almost obliterated; under ultraviolet light it reads towe (1.30), which 
accords with Susan Maria Ffarington s reading in 1856 (The Farington Papers, p 151). 

153 PRO: PROB 10 Box 439 f 3 

WA. Hulton remarks mat Fleetwood s will is dated 26 July 1625, that is, over three months after his 
death. The will was proved at Canterbury on 8 July 1626. Katherine Fleetwood was baptized 12 October 
1603 at Penwortham (Documents Relating to the Priory of Penwortham, and Other Possessions in Lancashire 
of the Abbey ofEvesham, W.A. Hulton (ed), cs, vol 30 (Manchester, 1853), Iv-lxiv). 

153 LRO: WCW1620 mb 7 

The mixed group of instruments described in 1.29, made up of strings and winds, is very similar to one 
of the first known fixed ensemble groupings, the English consort. This normally consisted of six instru 
ments: treble viol or violin, the flute (possibly a recorder), bass viol, lute, cittern, and bandora (see 
David Munrow, Instruments of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Oxford, 1976), 53). Several of them ap 
pear here (cittern, viols, violin, and flute ), but Hesketh does not seem to have had a lute or bandora. So 
large and varied a collection of instruments as appears in this inventory suggests that he may have main 
tained musicians to play them. 

153-4 JRUL: English MS 213, letter 8 single sheet 

Thomas Hoghton (1 518-80) writes to his brother from Aachen ( aquisgreyn (p 154, 1.28); Latin 
Aquisgranum), then a free city of the Holy Roman Empire. He had left England for good in 1569, a 
Roman Catholic exile, and died at Liege. His brother Richard the younger, of Park Hall in Charnock 
Richard, was the only kinsman whom he could trust. The brothers surviving correspondence begins 
on 22 September 1576 (E.A.J. Honigmann, Shakespeare: The Lost Years (Totowa, N.J., 1985), 8-11). 
The virginals were at the lea, (p 154, 1.25) ie, Lea Hall, near Preston, another Hoghton home. 


154-6 LRO: DDHo474 ff [1-lv] 

Further particulars of the visit of James I to Hoghton Tower will be found under Assheton of Downham, 

pp 145-6 and pp 346-7, endnote to Whitaker: History ofWhalley, p 305. 

156-8 LRO: WCW 1581 single mb 

Alexander Hoghton kept players, as his will shows. Hence the name William Shakshafte (p 156, 1.24) has 
attracted much attention. EA.J. Honigmann has made the most detailed recent claim that Shakeshafte was 
William Shakespeare (Shakespeare: The Lost Years (Totowa, N.J., 1985)). At the time of Hoghton s will 
Shakespeare would have been seventeen and still unmarried. Evidence that might clinch the identification 
of the two names is, however, lacking; die name Shakeshaft is common in Lancashire even today. 

Thomas houghton of brynescoules (p 156, 11.18-19) was Alexanders half-brother, living in Brin- 
scall, near Preston. The musical instruments no doubt did go to Sir Thomas Hesketh (c 1518-88) of 
Rufford, as we see from the inventory of the goods belonging to his son, Robert Hesketh, made in 1620 
(see p 153). Hence it is likely that Sir Thomas Hesketh accepted both die musical instruments and die 
players. Fulk Gyllom (p 156, 1.24) seems to have been a Hesketh servant in 1591 (Honigmann, Shake 
speare: The Lost Years , pp 31-2). 

The term playe Clothes (p 156, 1.20) notwithstanding, it is impossible to be certain that these play- 
eres (p 156, 1.21) were really actors and not musicians. The fact that there were only two of them is 
puzzling, because such a small band could not have acted a typical Elizabethan play; if they were actors, 
we must assume that Hoghton did not single out the other members of the troupe. 

158 LRO: DDKe f [2v] 

Kenyon arrived in London on 3 June but the account does not reveal when die trip ended. 

159 LIRO: 920 Nor 2/620 single sheet, recto 

Sir William Norris was made a knight of the Bath by James I at St James Palace on 24 July 1603 (see 
Nichols, Progresses of James r, vol 1, pp 221-6). Norris birth date is not known, but he was called 
young Mr. Norris in 1586. This receipt is a scrap of paper without accompanying documents, written 
on both sides, each side having a different hand. It can be dated 1603 by its listing of spores (spurs) and 
king s trumpeters (11.20-1), both requisites for the ceremony. 

159 LIRO: 920 Nor 1/395 f [5] 

This inventory was not taken at a death. It is headed An Inventorie taken the last daye of September in 
Anno domini 1624 . of all bedding & oth<r howshould stuffe then being att the howse of Speak. The 
occasion seems to have been the disordered affairs of Sir William Norris, who died in 1630; see E.B. 
Saxton, A Speke Inventory of 1624, mac 97 (1946 for 1945), 107-14 for an account of Norris profli 
gate life. 

160 CL: Mun. A.6.50 f Il4v 

When Robert Nowell died in London he left a large sum of money to be distributed. Alexander B. 
Grosart, the editor of the accounts, notes that The MS. shows in detail the manner in which Dean 
Nowell carried out the distribution of his brothers bounty, subsidized by much of his own money, 
during about twelve years from 1569 to 1580 (The Spending of the Money of Robert Nowell, p xl). 
Dean NowelJ was Alexander Nowell (<: 1507-1602), dean of St Paul s in London. 

The minstrel is further evidence of Sir Thomas Hesketh s interest in music, noticed on p 156. 



160 Wigan Archive Service: D/D2.A 13/17 p 20 

huett the musycsun was probably Robert Hewet, chief wait at York in 1 567 and 1 584-5, for whose 
career see Eileen White, Hewet, the wait of York, KEEDN 12.2 (1987), 17-22. He was at Smithills in 
April of 1591 (seep 168). 

160 Wigan Archive Service: D/D2A 13/17 p 37 

Gilbert Sherrington gives money to a mimo or to mimis seven times and the amounts are always small; 

this payment of 3d to a single performer is probably the most generous. 

163 Stonyhurst College: D.3.5.1 f 61 

wyketolle (1.15) means a town toll, wyke being OE Svic", one sense of which was village, hamlet, or 
town, and which appears as the second element in such placenames as Prest-wich and Win-wick. Shire- 
burn had rights of toll in the township of Bolton. 

163-4 Stonyhurst College: D.3.5.1 f 325 

The Lancaster assizes ( lankester siyes," 1.29m) were held in the Hilary and Trinity vacations of the Lon 
don courts, that is, in March or April and in August or September. The date given in this document, 
2 April (l.29)> fixes the present occasion as die Hilary assize. 

164 Stonyhurst College: D.3.5.1 f 386 

thomas langton (\.\\;c 1561-1605) was a crown ward in Sir Richard Shireburn s custody. Walton (1.10) 
is Walton le Dale near Preston and was part of Langton s estate. Langton was MP for Newton (1.10) in 
1601. Leyland or lalande (1.12) lay a few miles to the south. 

165 Stonyhurst College: D.3.5.1 f 470 

chabelle of long Ryche (1.4) for chapel of Longridge" shows a confusion of voiced and voiceless conso 
nants characteristic of Lancashire dialect. The chapel is six miles west of Stonyhurst. 

166 LRO: DDKs 18/2 p 26 

The Traffords of Trafford Park, near Stretford, retained a minstrel as early as 1539 when maister 
Traffbrdwmynstreir was indicted for assaulting dominion Hugonew Parre (Prescot Court Leet Roll, 
LRO: DDCs Court Rolls (paper) pre-1558, mb [18], 6 June 1539). The only other surviving evidence of 
the TrafFords interest in music not included in the records text is an inventory of the goods of Sir Ed 
mund s son and heir, a younger Sir Edmund Trafford (r 1560-1620), taken 12 May 1620, four days after 
his death, which lists among his goods on payre of Organes worth x li. (LRO: WCW 1620, single 
sheet). According to H.T. Crofton, Trafford Park house contained a chapel (History of the Ancient Chapel 
of Stretford, vol 3, cs, ns, vol 51 (Manchester, 1903), 130) and if so, the organs may have been purely for 
liturgical use. 

167 LRO: DDKs 18/2 p 88 

Hornby Castle, near Lancaster, was the seat of Edward Parker, Lord Morley; Barbon is a property of the 
Shuttleworths three miles north of Kirkby Lonsdale in Westmorland. 


168 LRO: DDKs 18/2 p 180 

For huete the wyethe of yorke (1.19) see p 160 and endnote, p 351. 

168-9 LRO: DDKs 18/2 pp 216, 217 

my brother (pp 168, 1.37 and 169, 1.4) refers to Sir Richard Shuttlewordv, the accounts were actually 
drawn up by Thomas Shuttleworth (c 1546-93), his younger brother (Harland (ed), The Shuttleworth 
Accounts, pp 295-7). my ladie (p 169, 1.9) was Sir Richard s wife, Margery Legh, daughter of Sir Peter 
Legh of Lyme Hall, Cheshire. The appearance of Cheshire entertainers (p 169, 11.9-10) at Smithills was 
on her account. 

170 LRO: DDKs 18/5 p 74 

These accounts relate to the building of Gawthorpe Hall, the Shuttleworths new seat. The Rearinge 
day (1.27) was the day when its walls had reached their full height and the roof was raised; a nineteenth- 
century annotator has identified it in the MS as 19 June (see also Harland (ed), The Shuttleworth 
Accounts, cs, vol 46, p 931). 

171 LRO: DDKs 18/8 p 88 

Distle (1.18) was also known as Distley and Dishley. The company is called distley and his companie 
my Lora/dudley his plaeres on 7 October 1612 (p 173, 1.40). Although other references to Distley s 
company occur in the Records (see pp 176, 189, 1935, 197, 199-200), they are not clearly identified 
as Lord Dudley s troupe again; G.E. Bentley notes that the company is never called Dudley s after 1612 
and thinks Distle s troupe was not improbably a local organization (The Jacobean and Caroline Stage, 
vol 2, p 423; see also John Wasson, Theatre Notebook 42: 2 (1988), 51-7). 

171 LRO: DDKs 18/8 p 92 

at the manage (1.30) means at the marriage of Eleanor Shuttleworth, daughter of Thomas and sister 
of Richard, to Sir Ralph Assheton (1579-1644) on 6 March 1609/10. Ralph Assheton was of Great 
Lever and Whalley and was Nicholas Assheton s coozfw Assheton referred to in the entries from 
Nicholas Journal printed in this volume under Assheton of Downham (see pp 145-7 and endnotes, 
pp 346-7). 

174 LRO: DDKs 18/8 p 176 

Weeks (Clitheroe in the Seventeenth Century, p 1 10) gave the date of this entry as 12 December, following 
Harland ( The Shuttleworth Accounts, CS, vol 46, p 893). While the date in the MS might be read as 12, its 
place in the date sequence establishes that it is, in fact, 21, perhaps corrected from 11. 

175 LRO: DDKs 18/8 p 195 

The upper part of this leaf, which orginally measured about 1 50mm x 380mm, is torn away at the outer 
edge. From a width of 25mm at the top, the extant part gradually widens to 100mm about halfway 
down. The entry almost certainly originally read It<m giuen to my Lord of Darbie his plaiers xx s/ . 

179 LRO: DDHi, Box 23 sheet 2 

Since 14s is very close to one mark and others on the roll, such as Thomas Piper, received a mark for 
their year s wages, we can perhaps conclude that Mordoc was also receiving wages as a household trum 


179 PRO: SP 1/27 f 237v 

The goods at Hornby Castle were presumably inventoried at Sir Edward Stanley s death, 6 or 7 April 
1523; his will is dated 5 April. Sir Edward (born c 1460), fifth son of Thomas Stanley, tenth earl of 
Derby, was created first Baron Monteagle in 1514 and buried at Hornby, near Lancaster. PRO: SP 1/27 
contains two copies of die inventory, of which the first is printed here. The second specifies Lord Mont- 
eagle s chamber as the third chamber over the wine cellar. 

The identification of Master Edward Stanley (1.31m), who actually owned the recorders, is fraught 
with difficulties. Lord Monteagle had two known sons, both named Thomas; the elder succeeded him 
and the younger became bishop of Sodor and Man. The twelfth earl of Derby, son and heir of Lord 
Monteagle s elder brother Thomas, was, in fact, named Edward and it is conceivable that he is meant. 
Although his father had died in 1521, this Edward was at the time of his uncle s death only thirteen 
years old and did not receive licence to enter upon his inheritance until 29 January 1530/1. It seems 
likely, though, that he would have been styled at least my Lord Strange, which was the courtesy title 
given to the heir to the earldom of Derby. Master Edward, then, was more likely an otherwise unknown 
third son of Lord Monteagle s other brother, James Stanley, bishop of Ely, who is known to have had at 
least two natural sons. A third possibility, of course, is that Edward was an illegitimate son of Lord Mont 
eagle himself. 

179 LRO: DDF 2429 p 9 col 1 

A second check-roll of sutche of my Lords sfrvames as are to remayne in my Lords householde at 
Knowsley after his Lordships departure towards the Cowrte viz. the iyrste of September 1587 mentions 
John King the trumpeter but not Campe (see Raines (ed), The Derby Household Books, pp 378). This 
may mean that Campe accompanied his master to Whitehall or alternatively that he had left Derby s 

180 LRO: DDF 2429 p 13 col 1 

In the endnotes to the Derby Household Book only persons who appear to have actually witnessed a 
performance at a Stanley house will normally be identified. Particulars about most other persons men 
tioned by Farington can be found in Raines (ed), The Derby Household Books, which is the chief source 
for the identifications given here. Other sources edited by Raines are The Visitation in 1613 by Richard 
St. George and The Visitation in 16645 by Sir William Dugdale. These genealogies have been supple 
mented by those found in Baines, History of the County Palatine and Duchy of Lancaster, James Croston 
(ed) and Whitaker, History ofWhalley, 4th ed. Several identifications also come from Harland, The Shut- 
tleworth Accounts, and the DNB and certain dates of birth and death have been deduced using J. Paul 
Rylands (ed) Lancashire Inquisitions, Stuart Period, Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, vols 3, 
16, 17(1880, 1887, 1888). 

During the Friday performance mr salesbury (1.10) and mr Kteyver (11.10-1 1) were probably 
present. The first was Sir John Salusbury of Lleweni, near Denbigh, who was married to Ursula 
Stanley, an illegitimate daughter of Henry, earl of Derby. His grandson, Sir Thomas Salusbury, wrote 
the masque performed at Knowsley on Twelfth Night 1641/2 (see Appendix 4, pp 255-66). The second 
was the earl s receiver general, who cannot be positively identified. Sir Richard Molyneux of Sefton (1.4) 
(c 1559-1623) was lord of the manor of Liverpool, a JP, and member of parliament for Lancashire in 
1584, 1593, and 1604; his inventory is printed above (pp 158-9). The yonge mr Leigh (1.4) was most 
likely Peter Legh of Lyme, heir to his grandfather of the same name. Two years earlier he had gone to 
France in Derby s train as a gentleman waiter. He was later to conclude the indenture with Roger Bruche 


of Bruche, (pp 150-1) and some further account of him will be found on p 366, endnote to 
BL: Cotton Titus B.ii ff 239-40. For mr Danyell (11. 4-5) Raines suggested one of the Daniels 
of Tabley, Cheshire, or else John, son of John Daniel of Daresbury. William Skillicorne (1.5) of Preese 
was married to Jane, daughter of Thomas Hoghton of Hoghton Tower and connected through the 
Langtons of Newton with the Monteagle Stanleys. Edward Braddill of Portfield was married to Anne 
Assheton of Great Lever, a great-aunt of Nicholas whose Journal is excerpted above (pp 145-7). 

180 LRO: DDF 2429 p 19 col 1 

In the phrase on saturedaye S/r TAo/w/whesketh plaiers wente awaie (11.23-4) it seems most natural 
to take S/r I homos hesketh as possessive or attributive, particularly given that no punctuation follows 
(what might be taken for a comma proves, on close inspection, to be merely a grain of wood in the 
paper). This passage then affords the best evidence so far discovered that Hesketh did indeed keep 
plaiers, though it receives some corroboration from Alexander Hoghton s will of 1581 (pp 156-8). 
The implication there seems to be that Hesketh will certainly retain the players if given the opportu 
nity, and this he apparently did, since Fulk Gyllom, who had been one of Hoghton s players, was in 
Hesketh s employ in 1591 (Honigmann, Shakespeare: The Lost Years , pp 31-2). The players who 
were at Knowsley during 27-30 December 1587 could hardly have been Lord Strange s men if, as 
Chambers noted (Elizabethan Stage, vol 2, p 1 19), they were showing feats of activity at court on 28 
December (see also Edwin Nungezer, A Dictionary of Actors (New Haven, 1929) under Symons, John, 
p 346). If they were Hesketh s, they may have been musicians rather than stage players since it appears 
from Robert Hesketh s inventory (see p 153) that the Heskeths still had Hoghton s instruments in 

180 LRO: DDF 2429 p 22 col 3 

mr Ihon bradley (1.37) was a Lancashire magistrate, mr dvtton (1.38) was conceivably John Dutton 
of the queen s men, but more likely John, son and heir of Hugh Dutton, of Great Budworth, Cheshire. 
This latter John Dutton has an interesting connection with the later London stage as his two grand 
daughters, Anne and Rebecca Marshall, were actresses in the Restoration dieatre. 
mr brokes (1.38) was Thomas Brooke of Norton Priory, Cheshire. 

180-1 LRO: DDF 2429 p 24 col 2 

The players were probably Strange s own troupe, in view of the fact that Lord Strange came home that 
night (31 December). Farington himself ( mr Stewarde , 1.1) and the rest of Derby s own privy council 
apparently watched